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BULLETIN 329

Published monthly by the

University of the State of New York

FEBRUARY 1905

New York State Museum

PAGE

0 ios (Chapter Ta oct ecds
ee 126 Bi as a te. ols
mane GH alithorities.............5. 128 1169 Bo a eS a
IEE ge oc sss cc vets we 131 eae Se hee eis ahs
EL Se ee L37 Ree ty. crates cee,
ee ee es 144 Te oe ie eee ae ope
oe a ee 154 Hea pe
© ee er 167 UR, ey eee
J he SE ee Re 176 ee ce weet 3
Be 5th Pace A ee as MES 186 Ba ei ake sss 5
SSE eee ere eer: 198 Biss etre ee sss
oe 2 RS Se OAR a i ra 210 Se a ne
~ L TEe 2 eae a 218 eh
or Wels Maisto eke as 227 | Explanation of plates....
Me rahe Mie onde F aivin cal a.> 0 sinks Peg. i lees yee eS

io Re ee a 249

ALBANY
NEW YORK STATE EDUCATION DE PARTMENT
1905
M131m-N3-2500

Bulletin 78
ARCHEOLOGY 9

A HISTORY OF
THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

NOW COMMONLY CALLED THE SIX NATIONS

BY

WILLIAM M. BEAUCHAMP S.T.D.

Price 75 cents

STATE OF NEW YORK
EDUCATION DEPARTMENT

Regents of the University
With years when terms expire

1913 WuITELAW Rep M.A. LL.D. Chancellor - - - New York
1906 St Crain McKeEtway M.A. L.H.D. LL.D. D.C.L.

Vice Chancellor - - - - - - - - - - Brooklyn
1908 DanieL Beacu Ph.D. LL.D. - - - - - - - Watkins
1914 Prixy T. Sexton LL.D, = 0- =) = =2=.— = Paimnyie
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1907 WILLIAM NoTTINGHAM M.A. Ph.D. LL.D. - - Syracuse
1910 CHARLES A. GARDINER Ph.D, L.H.D. LL.D. D.C.L. New York
1915 CHARLES S. FRANCIS B.S. - - - - - - - - Troy
1911 Epwarp LauTersacH M.A. - - - - - - - New York
1909 Eucene A. Puitpin LL.B. LL.Di -.- - - - New York

Commissioner of Education

ANDREW S. Draper LL.D.

Assistant Commissioners
Howarp J. Rocers M.A. LL.D. First Assistant Commissioner
Epwarp J. Goopwin Lit.D. Second Assistant Commissioner
Aucustus S. Downinc M.A. Third Assistant Commissioner

Secretary to the Commissioner

HARLAN H. Horner B.A.

Director of Libraries and Home Education

Metvit Dewey LL.D.

Director of Science and State Museum

JoHn M. CrarkeE LL.D.

Chiefs of Divisions
Accounts, WILLIAM MASON
Attendance, JAMES D. SULLIVAN
Examinations, CHARLES F. WHEELOCK B.S.
Inspections, FRANK H. Woop M.A.
Law, THoMAS E. FINEGAN M. A.
Records, CHARLES E. Fitcu L.H.D.
Statistics, H1rAM C. CASE

University of the State of New York

New York State Museum

Bulletin 78

ARCHEOLOGY 9

A HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

NOW COMMONLY CALLED THE SIX NATIONS

NOTE

The interest displayed by the citizens of New York in the
bulletins prepared by Dr Beauchamp on the various implements
and ornaments used by the New York Indians and his bulletin
on their tribal distribution, has led me to suggest to him the
preparation of a history of the Six Nations. This has accord-
ingly been written and is now at the service of all those inter-
ested in these early inhabitants of the State, who, while at
times they were much to be dreaded as enemies, have probably
in one way or another, greatly aided the white man in his early
attempts at settlement. Unable to assimilate civilization, they
have gradually passed away and left to their successors, pre-
dominantly Anglo-Saxon, the task of recording for posterity

what is known of their history, distribution and customs.

FREDERICK J. H. MERRILL

126 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PREBACK

The need of a simple, systematic and yet comprehensive history
of the Six Nations, or Konosioni, has long been felt, and one
seems required for the study of New York antiquities. In the
following pages all events have been placed in due order and
taken from original sources. Secondhand errors have been
avoided or corrected when possible, and the general history has
been brought down to the present day. The results of field
exploration have been briefly stated, because treated to some
extent in previous papers. It must also be remembered that
many things are set forth in a sentence or paragraph of which
we have ample details, sufficient to fill many pages with humor-
ous, pathetic or tragic incidents. To give these would require
many volumes, and it seems better to be now content with orderly
arrangement and brief details, referring the deeper student to
original sources. It has not been thought necessary to verify
every statement or quotation from these by direct references.
Charlevoix, Champlain, the Jesuit Relations, Colden, Zeisberger
and others are sufficiently indicated, but most statements relating
to New York and Canada are from the various colonial docu-
ments of New York, published by the State; and those on Penn-
sylvania from its archives and colonial records, which are easily
found by their dates. Parkman’s graphic works are referred
to as valuable and of easy access, but his sources of original in-
formation have been used in preference.

While many events have been summarized, others of less
apparent importance have been given more fully, because they
bear on the ordinary life of the people, or the character and
appearance of notable men. How some warriors and orators
looked and acted, how some councils were conducted, may be as
interesting as to tell how many were killed and scalped in in-
glorious forest fights. In national progress the character of one
man may show that of many, and in early Iroquois history there
were men of dignity, virtue and great natural gifts.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 127

It is possible to make a map of all known [Iroquois towns which
would be approximately correct, but the names of many are
unknown and the dates are conjectural. Mr L. H. Morgan issued
one of much interest, but it covers only one period, is largely tra-
ditional and has no reference to early times. On the whole, it
has been thought better to give a series of maps from Champlain
onward, replacing the obscure names of places by numeral refer-
ences to lists admitting of some explanation. The well known
Jesuit map of the Iroquois country in 1665 is omitted from these
because of its lack of details, and others for other reasons. “Those
given are among the best of early maps, and interesting and
peculiar features will be found in all. At the suggestion of
Dr F. J. H. Merrill, however, a map of probable tribal distribu-
tion about 1600, has been prepared by the writer.

W. M. BEAUCHAMP

Syracuse, March 25, 1904

128 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM
LIST OF AUTHORITIES

Bartram, John. Observations on the Inhabitants, Climate, Soil, Rivers,
Productions, Animals...in his Travels from Pensilvania to Onondago,
Oswego and the Lake Ontario. Lond. 1751.

Reprinted at Geneva N. Y. 1893.
Beauchamp, W. M. Hi-a-wat-ha. Jour. Am. Folk-lore. Bost. 18o1.
Permanency of Iroquois Clans and Sachemships.

Read at Ann Arbor meeting of the A. A. A. S. in 1885. Published in American Antiquarian
Chicago 1886, and Proceedings of A. A. A. S., Cambridge 1886.

The Indian Prayer Book. Church Eclectic, p.415-22. Utica, 1881.
Quoted by James C. Pilling in Bibliography of the Iroquoian Languages, Wash. 1888.
The Iroquois Trail; or, Foot-prints of the Six Nations. Fayette-
ville N. Y. 1892.
This includes David Cusick*s history.
The New Religion of the Iroquois... Jour. Am. Folk-lore. Bost. 1897.
Bruyas, Jacques. Radices Verborum Iroquaeorum; ed. by J. G. Shea.
N~Y... £863:

Radical Words of the Mohawk Language. N. Y. State Mus. 16th An. Rep’t, Appendix E.
Alb. 1863.

Cammerhoff, Frederick. Diary of the Journey of Br. Cammerhoff and

David Zeisberger to the 5 Nations from 3/14 May to 6/17 August, 1750.
Manuscript. Al-+o other Moravian journals.

‘Campbell, William W. Annals of Tryon county. N. Y. 1831.

Carrington, Henry B. Condition of the Six Nations of New York, in
Thomas Donaldson’s report in the census of 1890. Wash. 1802.

Champlain, Samuel de. Oeuvres de Champlain, publiées sous le patron-
age de l’Université Laval, par l’Abbé C. H. Laverdiére. Quebec 1870.

Charlevoix, P. F. X. de. History and General Description of New France,
by Charlevoix;. tr. and-ed: by J..xG. Shea. IN--¥Y< a000)

Journal of a Voyage...to North America; tr. from the French.
Lond. 1761.

Clark, John S. Note to Dr Hawley’s Mohawk missions in Auburn paper.

Clark, J. V. H. Onondaga; or, Reminiscences of Earlier and Later Times.
Syracuse 1849.

Colden, Cadwallader. History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada.
Lond. 1755.

Conover, George S. comp. Journals of the Military Expedition of Major
General John Sullivan against the Six Nations of Indians in 1779.
Auburn 1887.

Also several pamphlets on local Indian history.
Coyne, James H. Exploration of the Great Lakes. 1669-70. Toronto 1903.
Galinée’s narrative and map, translated and edited by J. H. Coyne.

Cusick, David. Sketches of Ancient History of the Six Nations. Lewis-
ton 1826.

See also Iroquois Trail by W. M. Beauchamp.

Dawson, Sir J. W. Fossil Men and their Modern Representatives. Lond.
1883.

Quotations from Cartier.
Dean, James. Mythology of the Iroquois; or, Six Nations of Indians.
An Oneida legend in manuscript; copy in the N. Y. State Library.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 129

De la Potherie, Bacqueville. Histoire de l’Amérique Septentrionale.
Paris 1722.

De Peyster, J. Watts. Orderly Book of Sir John Johnson during the
Oriskany Campaign, 1776-1777. Alb. 1882.

De Vries, David Petersen. Third Voyage of David Petersen de Vries
feelrortn America. N. Y. Hist. Soc. Trans. Ser. 2. v.3. N. Y. 1857.

Dunlap, William. History of the New Netherlands, Province of New
York and State of New York. N. Y. 18309.

Gallatin, Albert. Synopsis of the Indian Tribes East of the Rocky Moun-
tains. Am. Antiquarian Soc. Trans. Cambridge 1836.

Hale, Horatio. The Iroquois Book of Rites. Phil. 1883.

Halsey, Francis W. The Old New York Frontier. N. Y. 1901.

Hazard, Samuel. Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania,
1682-1790. Phil.

ed. Pennsylvania Archives, 1664-1790. Phil. 1852-56.

Heckewelder, J. G. E. History, Manners and Customs of the Indian
-Nations who once Inhabited Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania Hist. Soc.
Memoirs. v.12. Phil. 1876.

Hennepin, Louis. Description de la Louisiane. Paris 1683.

Quotation made from the Catholic Church in the Niagara Peninsula, by Dean Harris.
Toronto 1895.

Hunter, A. F. Various papers on the Huron country appended to reports

_ of the minister of education, Ontario, Can. Toronto.

Indian Problem. Report of Special Committee to Investigate the Indian
Problem of the State of New York. Alb. 1880.

Jesuit Relations. Relations 1611-1672. Quebec 1858.

Translations with allied documents, 1610-1791 ; afterward published by Burrows, Cleveland O.

Kalm, Peter. Travels into North America (1749); tr. by J. R. Forster.
ond. 1772.

Ketchum, William. Buffalo and the Senecas. Buffalo 1864.

Lafitau, J. F. Moeurs des sauvages amériquains. Paris 1724.

Lahontan, A. L.de D. New Voyages to North America. Lond. 1735.

Loskiel, G. H. History of the Mission of the United Brethren among the
Indians in North America; tr. by C. I. La Trobe. Lond. 1794.

Lothrop, Samuel K. Life of Samuel Kirkland, Missionary to the In-
dians. Bost. 1864.

Marshall, O. H. Narrative of the Expedition of the Marquis de Non-
ville against the Senecas in 1687. N. Y. Hist. Soc: Collections. Ser. 2.
pe. N.Y. 1848.

Marshe, Witham. Journal of the Treaty held with the Six Nations by
the Commissioners of Maryland and Other Provinces in Lancaster in
Pennsylvania, June 1744. Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections. 1801. Ser. 1.
v. 7.

Massachusetts. Hist. Soc. Collections, see Marshe.

Megapolensis, J. Short Sketch of the Mohawk Indians in New Nether-
pe eete. N.Y -brst..56c.- Ser.2. v.3.. N. Y. 1857.

Morgan, L. H. League of the Ho-de-no-sau-nee, or Iroquois. Rochester
1851.

Morse, Jedidiah. Report to the Secretary of War of the United States
on Indian Affairs. New Haven 1822.

130 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

O’Callaghan, E. B. ed. Documentary History of the State of New York.
Alb. 1849-51.

ed. Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of
New York. Alb. 1853-87. ;

Parish, Jasper, see Ketchum; Hazard, Pennsylvania Archives.

Parkman, Francis. Works. Bost. 18—.

Perrot, Nicholas, see Charlevoix.

Pouchot, M. Memoir upon the Late War in North America between the
French and English, 1755-60; tr. and ed. by Franklin B. Hough. Rox-
bury Mass. 1866.

Proctor, Col. Thomas. Journal of 1791. Pennsylvania Archives. New
ser. v. 4. Phil. 1852-56. See Ketchum; Hazard.

Ruttenber, E. M. History of the Indian Tribes of Hudson’s River. Alb.
1872.

Sagard, Gabriel. Le grand voyage du pays des Hurons, etc. Paris 1865.

Schoolcraft, Henry R. Notes on the Iroquois. N. Y. 1846.

Senate document 24, N. Y. 1846.

Seaver, James E. Deh-he-wa-mis; or, A Narrative of the Life of Mary
Jemison. Batavia N. Y. 1842.

Severance, Frank H. Old Trails of the Niagara Frontier. Buffalo 1899.

Shea, John Gilmary. History of the Catholic Missions among the In-
dian Tribes of the United States. N. Y. 1881.

Smith, William. History of New York from the First Discovery to the
yearyMDCECXAXT© Alb rsre

Stone, William L. Life and Times of Red Jacket, or Sa-go-ye-wat-ha.
Ne Ye 2841.

Life of Joseph Brant—Thayendanegea. -N. Y. 1838.

Van der Donck, Adriaen. Description of the New Netherlands. N. Y.
Hist: Soc: Collections. (:Serc2.y7 1 oN ero

Williams, Roger. A Key into the Language of America; ed. by J. H.
Trumbull. Narragansett Club Publications. 1866-74.

Wilson, James Grant. Arent Van Curler and his Journey of 1634-35, from
Annual Report of Am. Hist. Soc. Wash. 1806.

Winsor, Justin. Cartier to Frontenac. Geographical Discovery in the
Interior of North America, etc. Bost. 1894.

Narrative and Critical History of America; ed. by Justin Winsor.
Bost. 1888.

Zeisberger, David. Diary of David Zeisberger, a Moravian Missionary
among the Indians of Ohio. Cin. 1885.

Manuscript journals of travels in New York 1752-66.

A HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IRO-
QUOIS, NOW COMMONLY CALLED
THE SIX NATIONS

Chapter I
Iroquois and Algonquins. Distribution. Iroquois legends. Religious
belief. Creative myths. Stories of origin and migration. Real migra-
tions. Huron-Iroquois family. Language: Opinions on this.

When Europeans first reached the interior of New York, it
was occupied by two Indian families, known as Iroquois and
Algonquin. The latter held all the Hudson river valley, the high-
lands below the Catskill mountains, and all of Long Island, being
closely related to the New England Indians. The former occu-
pied the valley of Schoharie creek, and westward to the Genesee
river, with vacant territory beyond. On their southwestern line
were the Susquehannas, or Andastes, and farther west were the
Eries and the Neutral nation, all three kindred to them. For
200 years the Iroquois were a great factor in the safety and
progress of the European settlements, and another century found
them but little diminished in numbers, while many still clung
to their early homes. A people so important, so powerful, so
permanent, deserves more than mere recognition.

The Iroquois had a strong, but in some ways very vague reli-
gious belief. Unseen deities ruled their lives through mystic
dreams, and these dreams must always be observed, however
unpleasant this might be. All things to them had a tinge of the
supernatural. Trees, rocks and animals had an inner soul. There
were viewless spirits, fairies and flying heads. Stone giants and
monstrous beasts were frequent. The great Holder of the
Heavens was a dwarf in size; for what need had omnipotent
power of physical strength? The beasts of the forest were their
ancient kindred, necessary for food but reverently treated.
Sacrifices were few and simple. In a certain way captives might
have been offered to Aireskoi at an early day, or a white dog to

132 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

the Great Spirit at a later time, but offerings were usually sim-
pler; some tobacco burned, a pipe or beads dropped at some
sacred place, were the common gifts. Worship was by singing
or dancing; seldom with prayer.

Though the myths in which the origin of many nations is in-
volved are to be taken with reservations, they may have interest
and value. Those of the Iroquois are many and conflicting. The
creative myth, in which the woman falls from the sky, alighting
on the turtle’s back, which thenceforth supports the world, was
not peculiar to the Iroquois, being told by others with varying
details. The creature which at last brings up earth from the
bottom of the sea, using it for the germ of the great island of
America, is not always the same, nor do all relate the later events
alike. When the woman’s descendants appear, there is a greater
variation still. David Cusick’s story of the two children, the
Good and Bad Mind, is well known. Mr James Dean, the inter-
preter, gave the Oneida story with other particulars. The father
of the children lived at the bottom of the sea, and lured the
Good Mind to his home, to save him from the malice of his
mother and brother, and tell him what to do. The great contest
began after this, with its peculiar weapons. When slain, the
flinty body of the Evil Mind became the great range of the Rocky
Mountains.

The Seneca chief Canassatego—not the earlier Onondaga of
that name—had another tale of man’s creation. One of their
deities raised the land of Konosioni above the waters, and sowed
five handfuls of red seed in it. From these came the Five
Nations; prosperous when following his advice, unfortunate
when disregarding it.

The story of national origin and migration is not always the
same. The Delaware tradition is that the Delawares and the
Five Nations came eastward together, side by side and harmoni-
ously, dispossessing those who were in the way and amicably
dividing the land. There is some ground for part of this.

David Cusick, the Tuscarora historian, had a different tale to
tell. The people were hid in a great mountain at Oswego Falls,

HISTORY OF THE NEW. YORK IROQUOIS 133

and, on their release by Tarenyawagon, went down the Mohawk
-and Hudson to the sea. Six families returned, five settling suc-
cessively as Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas and
Senecas, varying their language and becoming distinct nations.
The sixth passed Lake Erie, part crossing the Mississippi and
‘part remaining behind. The latter turned eastward, entered
North Carolina and became the Tuscaroras. In later days a
league was formed. Though some have accepted this order of
settlement, an examination of sites discredits this westward
march, the Mohawks entering New York last of all.

_ Nicholas Perrot, the French interpreter, an early and good
authority, said: “The country of the Iroquois was formerly
Montreal and Three Rivers. . .Their removal was in con-
sequence of a quarrel unexpectedly occurring between them and
the Algonquins. . .This explains why these also claim. the
island of Montreal as the land of their ancestors.”

- This alludes to a well known tale, and Champlain said, still

‘

earlier, that the Iroquois left there “ more than 60 acres of de-
Serted land which are like prairies.” The Iroquois whom he knew
were Mohawks, though ‘he encountered the Oneidas.

Lafitau quoted an early tradition, mentioned by him alone:
“The Mohawk Iroquois, it is said, assert that they wandered a
long time under the conduct of a woman named Gaihonariosk ;
this woman led them about through all the north of America,
‘and made them pass to a place where the town of Quebec is now
situated. . . This is what the Agniers tell of their origin.”

In M: Pouchot’s Memoirs, he speaks of Sandy creek in Jeffer-

son county, N. Y.:

The River Au Sables, in Indian Etcataragarenré, is remarkable
in this, that at the head of the south branch, called Tecanonoua-
ronesi, is the place where the traditions of the Iroquois fix the
spot where they issued from the ground, or rather, according to
their ideas, where they were born.

Indian forts are frequent there, and it seems an early home of
the Onondagas. On their migration farther south that people
had a similar tale of their first fort at Oswego Falls. There they

134 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

seem to have first settled in that region, as it were coming out of
the ground, for others of their people followed. This tradition
is probable and well sustained. They say they came from the
north, along the St Lawrence, whence straggling bands followed
their pioneers. In process of time, urged by the war, others came,
all then seeking the highlands, and were called Onondagas from
their home on the hills where they found a safe refuge. Their
further tradition is of the same gradual occupation, the Bear
and Wolf tribes originating near Oswego Falls, the Beaver and
Heron or Snipe on the shore of Lake Ontario, the Eel and Turtle
on Seneca river, and the Deer and Hawk on the Onondaga hills.
An Onondaga chief once testified that they came to Onondaga
by way of Oriskany, and some may have done so.

Both Clark and Schoolcraft mention a tradition that the
Oneidas originated with some Onondagas, who left their homes
and settled at the mouth of Oneida creek, removing thence to the
vicinity of Munnsville, and thence to Oneida Castle. The objec-
tions are that they are closely allied to the Mohawks in every
way, and that their homes at the lake and Oneida Castle were
settled in the middle of the 18th century, and not before the
league was formed.

Except the simple one of David Cusick there is no tradition of
Cayuga origin, but they probably entered New York from the
west, with or preceding the Senecas.

The general Seneca tradition is well known, relating that that
nation had its first seat on a large hill at the head of Canandaigua
lake. No remains of importance are known there, and the serpent
story is supposed to belong to Bare hill on the eastern shore,
where was an early fort. Briefly the tale is of a curious snake,
caught and brought home by a boy, which developed an enormous
appetite and grew to a great size. Lying outside the gate, he
devoured the inmates as they came forth, till only a boy and
girl were left. The boy destroyed the monster with a charmed
arrow and recovered many of his friends, but all sought a new
home. One explanation of this favorite Iroquois tale is that

the fort was besieged by a powerful foe, or that something near

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 135

by produced a pestilence. The story seems to belong to but
one of the two great bands of the Senecas. The spot had its
common name from being bare of trees when first known to the
whites.

Aside from Cusick’s legend all that we know of the Tuscaroras
falls within historic times.

Of the Iroquois nations mentioned, five were already in New
York when Champlain and Hudson entered it in 1609. The
Mohawks had come by way of Lake Champlain from the north ;
the Oneidas from the same direction, apparently leaving the St
Lawrence at Oswegatchie river and tarrying in that region for a
time; the Onondagas had gradually migrated from Jefferson
county to the Oswego and Seneca rivers, hastening their move-
ments and seeking the hills farther south when the great war
broke out late in the 16th century; the Cayugas and Senecas
had come by way of Niagara river much earlier than this, moving
eastward unmolested. Thus are differences of dialects recon-
ciled with other facts.

Something may be said of the family elsewhere as well as here.
The Five Nations were known to Champlain as the Iroquois
and Entouhonorons, and to the Dutch as Maquas and Senecas;
both indicating the Mohawks by the first name and classing four
others under the second. Their territory included Schoharie val-
ley on the east, not reaching the Hudson. Westward their villages
then almost reached Genesee river, and they probably had towns
farther west before the Huron war. West of them was the
Neutral nation, occupying both sides of Niagara river and the
north side of Lake Erie, permitting the passage of Huron and
Iroquois warriors, but forbidding violence in this. North of these
were the Hurons or Wyandots, the good Iroquois of Champlain,
and sometimes the Ochateguins, from one of their chiefs. They
termed the Neutrals Attiwandaronks, Those of a Language a
little different, and had the same name in turn. North of these
were the Tionontaties, People beyond the Mountains, so called
from the hills between them and the Hurons, but better known
as the Petun or Tobacco nation, from raising and trading with

136 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

that herb. More rarely they were at one time called the Nez
Perces, or Indians with Little Holes through their Noses; a
name better applied to Indians west of them.

South of Lake Erie were the Eries, another large branch of the
family, and all along the Susquehanna, from the New York line
to the sea, including part of Delaware, was still another branch,
the Minquas of the Dutch, the Andastes of the French. All these
spoke dialects of the Iroquois tongue, and may have radiated in
their later migrations from some spot near the east end of Lake
Erie. As yet separated by hostile tribes from the New York Iro-
quois were two southern branches, the Tuscaroras and Cherokees,
the former one day to become the sixth nation, and the latter to
be a stubborn foe of the confederacy.

In Canada, New England and southern New York were the
Algonquin tribes, and others of these were encountered when the
Hurons, Eries and Neutrals were out of the way.

From the Algonquins all were distinguished by language and
partially by habits of life. The Algonquins used labials freely ;
the Huron-Iroquois not at all, and their language has been much
discussed. Father Brébeuf said, in 1636: “ The variety of com-
pounds is very great; it is the key to the secret of their language.
They have as many genders as ourselves; as many numbers as
the Greeks.” Prof. Max Muller wrote: “To my mind the struc-
ture of such a language as the Mohawk is quite sufficient evidence
that those who worked out such a work of art were powerful
reasoners and accurate classifiers.”

Mr Horatio Hale, the eminent Canadian philologist, said:

A complete grammar of this speech, as full and minute as the
best Sanscrit or Greek grammars, would probably equal and. per-
haps surpass those grammars in extent. The unconscious forces
of memory and of discrimination required to maintain this com-
plicated machine, and to preserve it constantly exact and in
good: working order, must be prodigious.

Mr Hale also said:

Philologists are well aware that there is nothing in the lan-
guage of the American Indians to favor the conjecture (for it is
nothing else) which derives the race from eastern Asia. But in

aS ee

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS se #

western Europe one community is known to exist, speaking a
language which in its general structure manifests a near likeness
to the Indian tongue. Alone of all the races of the old continent
the Basques or Euskarians of northern Spain and southwestern
France have a speech of that highly complex and polysynthetic
character which distinguishes the American languages:

This was but a likeness, but it led Mr Hale to say of western
Europe: “ The derivation of the American population from this
source presents no serious improbability whatever.” He after-
ward showed how the many Indian dialects might have origi-
nated about the Columbia river.

According to one writer 12 letters will answer for all Iroquois
sounds, though this requires the hardening of some. In this
Seneme we have a, e, f, h, i, k, n, 0, r,s, t, w. The English mis-
sionaries used 16 for the Mohawk tongue: a, d, e, g, h, i, j, k, n, 0,
r, Ss, t, u, w, y. L is much used by the Oneidas, and R by the
Mohawks, D and T, G and K, are interchangeable. Dual and
plural numbers have proper prefixes in most cases. Local rela-
tions are shown by affixed particles. Adjectives may follow sub-
stantives, but more commonly coalesce. Pronouns exceed those
in European languages, and verbs have three modes. The fre-
quent differences in personal nouns are often due to the dropping
of a pronoun or particle, or its addition.

Chapter 2

Surrounding nations. Food, houses, forts and weapons. Weaving and
dress. Sepulture. Wampum. Stories andsongs. Etiquette. Adoption.
Orators and diplomats. Intoning and pantomime.

Brief notices may here be given of some other nations with
whom the Iroquois came in contact at various times, but some
are sufficiently noticed elsewhere. Thus it may be enough to say
of the Hurons, called Quatoghies and Agaritkas by the Iroquois,
that they and the Petuns were the Wyandots of later days,
Wendat being the collective name given in 1639.

Algonquin was contracted from Algomequin, a people living
on the Ottawa river and noted in their day. In 1736 but 20 of
their men lived at Montreal, and a French writer said: “ This

138 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

is all that remains of a nation the most warlike, most polished
and the most attached to the French.” Their name has become
the generic title of a great linguistic family. They were the
Adirondacks of Colden.

The Montagnais, or Montagnards, have simply a French name,
referring to their homes in the mountains below Quebec.

The Abénaquiois, or Abenaki, were the Kennebecs or Eastern
Indians of the English, called Owenagungas by the Iroquois.
The Sokoquois, or Sokokis, were the Saco Indians belonging to
the Abenakis. They and the Mahicans are now the St Francis
Indians of Canada.

The Loups, or Wolves, comprised the Schaghticoke Indians,
who came from New England in 1672, the Mahicans, who for-
merly owned Albany, and those sometimes called Mahikanders
or River Indians. The Iroquois called these Agotsagenens. The
Mohicans of New England were their kindred. The Wappingers
were Algonquins of the lower Hudson, and the Montauks were
Algonquins of Long Island. The Delawares, or Lenni-lenape,
were also their kindred and divided into three families, of which
the Munseys are best known. Their early homes were on the
Delaware. There were many minor divisions, but the Minquas
or Mengwe must not be classed with these as Ruttenber has done.

The Ottawas were the Utawawas and Dowaganhaes, or Far
Indians, embracing several nations. Among these were the
Necariages or Ennikaragi. The Kiskakons made another, north
of Lake Huron.

The Illinois were on the Illinois river, and were known as
Chictaghicks or Kichtages; also Geghtigeghroones. Several dis-
tinct tribes were included under this name. East of them the
Miamis, Oumiamis or Weas, were called Twightwees by the
Iroquois. The migratory Shawnees, or Shaounons, were also
Satanas. The first name relates to their southern origin.

The Ojibwas, or Chippewas, were called Ostiagaghroones by
the Iroquois. The Saulteurs of the Sault Ste Marie were part
of these, known as Estiaghicks. The Mississagas belonged to
them, but came east from Lake Huron.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 139

The Maskoutins, or Assistaeronons, were the lire Nation,
more properly that of the prairies, and were also called Odislas-
tagheks. They lived in Michigan, and 1000 Maskoutins and
Outagamis were reported as massacred near Detroit in 1712.
They were foes of the Neutral nation, suffering much from them.
The Nipissings, or Nipissiriniens, had this Algonquin name from
nippi, water, and were called Squekaneronons by the Iroquois,
from Lake Skekouen. The Sacs and Foxes, of the Algonquin
family, at first lived north of Lake Ontario, but went west. The
Iroquois called the latter Quaksies.

The Catawbas were termed Flatheads, and some give the same
name to the Choctaws, Cherokees and others. The Saponies
and Toteros or Tuteloes were branches of the Catawbas, who
removed to New York.

The Nanticokes may have been the Tockwoghs of Virginia.
They were called Unechtgo, Tawachguano, and by the Iroquois
Skaniadarighroonas, afterward going west. Some consider the
Conoys a part of these. After a brief residence in Pennsylvania
‘both lived for many years in New York, on the Chenango river.

The Cherokees were the Oyadagaono, called also T’kwentah-
euhnane, People of a Beautiful Red Color.

The early writers classified our northern aborigines as nomadic
and sedentary, the latter having towns continuously inhabited
and fields steadily cultivated. These remained for several years
in a place, removing when fuel and fields were exhausted.
Agriculture was rude, and the staples were the three supporters
of life, corn, beans and squashes, with tobacco, added as a solace
in rest or an aid in council. Squashes were dried for winter use,
and corn and beans were kept in chests in houses, or in deep pits
in the ground. The Iroquois found fish abundant in the waters
and game in the forest, but could only dry or smoke these for
preservation, not knowing the use of salt. Fruits were dried and
nuts gathered, the latter furnishing an agreeable oil.

When known to the whites, the Iroquois had almost abandoned
the use of earthworks, preferring instead their strong palisades.
Their houses were long, narrow, and of bark, nor did they adopt

I40 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

the log house for more than a century. The fires were placed
at intervals in the long aisle, with couches or floors on either side,
these huts often being of great length and holding many families.

Their weapons were simple at first. An ungrooved stone ax,
a long bow and arrows, defensive armor including a shield at
times, a club with bone or stone inserted at the head, a knife of
stone or bone and afterward of steel, furnished all that was
needed in war. Nets and bone harpoons were used in fishing,
and more rarely lines with bone hooks. Weirs and hurdles were
also employed, but in shallow waters spearing was the favorite
mode. Arrows were tipped with bone, horn, or stone, and the
use of metal changed the material but not the form. Blowguns
were largely used.

Baskets and mats were woven in an artistic manner, and weay-
ing embraced other simple articles. Thread and cords were made
of Indian hemp and the inner bark of the elm, sinews also being
used for many things. Baskets, bark vessels and carved wooden
bowls were found in every house, and every Iroquois had his
capacious and often handsome wooden spoon. At the period of
European contact pottery had gone beyond simple lining, pinch-
ing and dotting, and many clay vessels were ornamented with
the human face or figure. According to the maker’s taste or skill,
such vessels were rude or elegant. ‘This is true of the early pipes,
in which the Iroquois chiefly used fine clay. They were often
simple and of a curved trumpet form, but as frequently the bowl
had some tasteful figure, facing the smoker. Sometimes the pipe
was ornamented throughout.

The true Iroquois canoe was of elm bark, quite clumsy in com-
parison with the graceful birch bark of the northern Algonquins
and Hurons. On the Mohawk river dugouts were sometimes
used. Snowshoes aided winter travel, and the back frame was in
favor for carrying some burdens. ‘The sled was rarely used.

Dress was.scanty in summer, but ample in winter, and had the
usual ornaments of feathers, beads or embroidery. Perforated
or grooved teeth were much used, and the introduction of bronze
and silver, with the white man’s blanket, greatly changed primi-

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS I4!I

tive apparel. The neat and handsome moccasin long survived
and beaded work is still used. At one time elaborate bone combs
were much employed, and early writers mention stockings and
mittens.

In the household the large wooden pestle and mortar are still
found, being preferred in mealing corn, for very good reasons.
Basket sieves, stirring sticks and other things are still used, but
the wooden spoon has had its day.

Two early games were those of lacrosse and the dish or bowl,
the latter now called the peach-stone game. Both these are wide-
spread and of high antiquity. The latter is for great occasions,
but has a modification for domestic use, which may be quite as
old. The snow snake is of uncertain age, having no mention in
early writings, as several minor games have not. The musical
instruments were and are the flute, kettledrum and various kinds
of rattles.

Sepulture was rarely on the surface, the body being usually
bound in a crouching posture and placed upright in a pit, but
ways of burial varied greatly and sometimes curiously. Some
memorial often marked the spot. Pits were also dug to hold
grain, and many open ones may yet be seen. They are some-
times mistaken for graves. Bone pits were rare, though much
used by the Neutrals and Hurons.

During the historic period wampum came into use in many
ways, but was hardly known in the interior before. Wooden
masks have an age of over two centuries and are still made.
Worship has varied greatly, and consists mainly of singing and
dancing. ‘The great Iroquois feast was that once termed a turn-
ing of the head, when dreams were related and the wildest follies
committed. This at last became the white dog feast, now almost
obsolete. There are many minor feasts, mostly of thanksgiving.
Belonging to these are many dances, original and adopted, of
which Morgan has given a long list, enumerating 32, with
descriptions of many.

As with all unlettered nations, the story-teller was a man of
importanee, giving pleasure in many an idle hour. His tales of

142 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

—

travel were not always believed, but were heard with wonder.
Any one could relate his own deeds; he kept in memory those of
the past. Count Zinzendorf said: “ These Indians perpetuate the
memory of their heroes in heroic poems, which are so accurately
handed down orally that it is impossible for any one to boast
of feats which he has not performed.” Above all, the marvelous
story-teller dwelt on the relations of man to the lower creation,
originating or keeping in mind those pathetic or comic tales
wherein men, birds and beasts meet as friends or foes; often as
kindred. David Cusick recorded briefly some of the more gro-
tesque of these, telling of flying heads, stone giants, vampires,
monstrous beasts, serpents and witches, but gave only a hint of
the Indian tales told by the winter’s fire. Welcome was the
story-teller everywhere, nor was his fee of tobacco ever grudged.

There was a higher purpose when the wampum was produced
and its meaning revealed. That told of history, established cere-
monies, moral laws. Songs were to be learned that religious
rites might be duly observed; other songs preserving the names,
deeds and virtues of their ancestors, exactly learned for condoling
the dead or raising new chiefs; points of etiquette to be observed,
for they were a punctilious people, having precise rules for every
public act; how to speak and how to dance, with many a regu-
lation for private life. They often looked on their white friends
as unpolished people, pitying them for their lack of good man-
ners. Sometimes they even showed them the better way.

The Algonquins were less sedentary than the Iroquois, and
cultivated the soil much less. Some have made the Iroquois
long house and the Algonquin circular hut marks of distinction,
but these are far from invariable. The Iroquois have been con-
sidered the higher intellectually and the more eloquent, but this
was partly the result of their frequent regular or special councils
as a great power. Indeed they adopted captives or allies so
largely that but few of pure Iroquois blood may have lived in
historic times. ‘The training alone continued, and this developed
a high type of aboriginal life. They were accustomed to plan,
fight and rule. In later days their vantage ground between the

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 143

French and English made them able diplomats, and they used
their power well.

Their eloquence has been celebrated and has not lost its power
yet. Competent persons have testified that it lost rather than
gained by interpretation. Colden says, in his History of the
Five Nations:

The speakers whom I have heard had all a great fluency of
words and much more grace in their manner than any man could
expect among a people entirely ignorant of the liberal arts and
sciences. . . I have heard an old Indian sachem speak with
much vivacity and elocution, so that the speaker pleased and
moved his audience with the manner of delivering his discourse,
which, however, as it afterwards came from the interpreter, dis-
appointed us in our expectations. After the speaker had em-
ployed a considerable time in haranguing with much elocution,
the interpreter often explained the whole by one single sentence.
I believe the speaker, in that time, embellished and advanced his
figures, that they might have their full force on their imagination,
while the interpreter contented himself with the sense, in as few
words as it could be expressed.

Of this Mr Parish, the interpreter, once said it was altogether
impossible for him to impart to the translations anything like the
force and beauty of the originals. He also stated that on great
occasions, the Indian orators, Red Jacket and Farmer’s Brother
in particular, not only studied their speeches, and conned them
well, but would send to him for rehearsals, in order that they
might be assured that he understood them fully, and could trans-
late them with accuracy.

Examples will appear incidentally, but a quotation may be
added from a French writer, who heard Dekanissora in 1694:

These are the words of Teganissorens, which he enunciated
with as perfect a grace as is vouchsafed to an unpolished and
uncivilized people. He went through his speech with freedom
and collectedness, and concluded with a certain modesty and so
great a show of respect and submission to the Count as to be
remarked.

Originally Iroquois speeches combined plain speech, intoning
and pantomime. An account of Kiotsaeton’s address and pres-
ents appears in the Relation of 16045. “After a few words he began

144 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

to sing, and his comrades responded. He promenaded in that
great place as in a theater. He made a thousand gestures, he
looked at the sky, he faced the sun, he rubbed his hands.” The
presents were made and explained in a soberer tone, and a few
concluding words followed. ‘‘ His manner and words were much
praised. Heintoned some songs between his presents, he danced
for rejoicing; in short he showed himself a very good actor.”

Intoning was often used to show that a message or meaning
was quoted.. When Cammerhoff and Zeisberger were at the
Onondaga council in 1750, a chief had a message to deliver from
the Nanticokes: “To our astonishment an old Oneida began to
sing the message which he had for the council in a very high
tenor voice. He continued for more than half an hour.’ ‘The
Moravians explained their belt and string to Canassatego, and
he spoke for them in the council. ‘ He at once showed them the
Fathom of Wampum and belt, and intoned in the usual Indian
fashion the significance of each.”

Besides pantomime and songs there were early customs in
speaking which have ceased. When Le Moyne was at Onondaga
in 1654, he said: “I was the full space of two hours making all
my harangue in the tone of a captain, promenading after their

custom, like an actor on a stage.”

Chapter 3

Clans and their divisions. Totemic bond. Line of descent. Migrations.
Date of League. Cartier’s visit. Mohawks leave Canada. Traces of
them there. Iroquois war. Algonquins at Montreal. First Mohawk
towns in New York. Age of Huron nations.

The three great and probably original clans found in each
Iroquois nation are the Bear, Wolf and Turtle, and without these
no council was valid. The Mohawks and Oneidas had only
these, but the others had supplementary clans, varying in names
and number. L. H. Morgan gave five of these to the Senecas:
the Beaver, Deer, Snipe, Heron and Hawk. To the Cayugas he
assigned the Snipe, Eel, Beaver, Deer and Hawk, but the Onon-

dagas say that all Eels belong to them. To the Onondagas he

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 145

gave the Snipe, Beaver, Ball, Deer and Eel, leaving out the Hawk
clan. Both he and Horatio Hale mention the Ball clan, which is
really a subdivision of the Turtle, commonly known as the Small
Turtle. To the Tuscaroras he gave in full the Bear, Great and
Little Turtle; Gray and Yellow Wolf, Eel, Beaver and Snipe.
There are Onondaga Eels on that reservation, which may account
for a supposed Tuscarora clan. He allowed them no Hawk clan,
and assigned the Heron only to the Senecas. J. V. H. Clark's
Onondaga enumeration is the Bear, Wolf, Turtle, Eel, Deer,
Beaver, Eagle and Heron, substituting the latter for the Snipe,
which is an Onondaga clan, and the Eagle for the Hawk, which
seems proper. The writer belongs to the Eel clan.

In 1666 there was a different enumeration and naming by a
French writer. Nine Iroquois clans were named in two divisions,
the first being called Guey-niotiteshesgué, meaning four tribes.
These were the Turtle, or Atiniathin; the Wolf, called Enan-
thayonni or Cahenhisenhonon; the Bear, or Atinionguin; and the
Beaver. The second division was Ouiche-niotiteshesgueé, or five
tribes. Of these the Deer was Canendeshé; the Potato, Schones-
emioronon; the: Great Plover, Otinanchahé; the Little Plover,
Asco or Nicohes; and the Eagle, Canonchahonronon. A French-
man, adopted as a Seneca, gave another account in 1736, naming
10 clans, but omitting the Wolf and Heron. They were the
mear, luttle, Plover, Eel, Deer, Beaver, Potato, Falcon, Lark
and Partridge. Variations are frequent.

The Onondaga clans are now the Turtle, or Ho-te-neah-te ;
Wolf, or Ho-te-kwa-ho; Bear, or Ho-te-ska-wak; Beaver, or Ho-
te-hu-ne-wha-keh-ha-no, People of the Creek; Snipe, or Ho-te-ne-
see-yuh, People of the Sand; Eel, or Ho-te-teu-ha-kah, People
of the Rushes; Deer, or Da-hah-de-ge-nine, People of Hoofs;
and Hawk, or Ho-te-swe-gi-yu. They are the Boards, alluding
to the large sticks in hawks’ or eagles’ nests.

No one marries in his own clan, and not long since there were
clan burials. When traveling, they are supposed to be enter-
tained by those of their own clan. How five of the clans fared
in visiting the Oneidas and Mohawks has not been explained.

146 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

In old times the totems appeared on every house, but the
Mohawks at first had a village for each clan. This soon ceased.
When a clan seemed dying out, it might be replenished from
others. At one time the Mohawks preserved the Oneida nation
in this way, supplying husbands for the women.

The principal chiefs were unequally distributed among the
clans, and some had none at all. This has been thought proof
that these originated after the formation of the league. In later
days there have been changes, and offices are not now always in
the clans to which they first belonged.

David Cusick, a native Tuscarora, said that ~ cach nation: cen
tains sets of generations or tribes, viz: Otter, Bear, Wolf, Beaver,
Turtle. Each tribe has two chiefs to settle disputes.” School-
craft found Eels resident among the Tuscaroras, but, in the face
of all history, said it was not an Iroquois clan totem. Charlevoix
spoke of the division of the Iroquois Turtle clan nearly two cen-
turies ago: “The family of the Tortoise is split into two branches,
called the Great and Little Tortoise. The chief of each family
bears its name, and in all public deeds he is called by no other.”
The latter branch is the Ball clan of some writers, a name derived
from a Hiawatha legend.

Those who have treated of the Iroquois system as a carefully
arranged and artificial plan, rather than a natural growth, have
had much to say on the wisdom of the totemic bond, supposing
that its great advantages had been foreseen. All members of a
clan were considered near relatives; the three principal clans
belonged to all the nations, and their supposed family relationship
and actual friendship seemed to bind all together. The rule
against marrying in the same clan made another link. ‘There
was no household which did not belong to two or more clans.
If a man might not have a place in the Grand Council by reason
of his clan, his son possibly might, for father and child were
never of the same. The children followed the mother’s side in
nation and tribe, thus enhancing her dignity. In many such
ways the clan strengthened the league. A wise plan would have

required each one of these everywhere, but they came in a simple

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 147

and natural way. Mr Hale took the same view, considering that
the three western nations adopted more captives or allies than
the Oneidas and Mohawks, and thus had more clans.

The examination of early New York sites has thrown much
light on the time and manner of the Iroquois advent in New
York, heretofore based on doubtful grounds, though historic proof
seemed ample. No precise date can be given to the coming of
the Cayugas and Senecas, but no great age can be allowed either
of these. The case of the Onondagas is much clearer. The
former seem to have come directly from the west, and the latter
from the north, tarrying for awhile at the east end of Lake
Ontario. Early in the 16th century they had some settlements
in the north part of Onondaga county and south part of Oswego,
but did not reach the hills whence they had their name till late
in that century. Before its close they may have had one or two
towns there. One occupied about 1600, or a little later, is closely
connected by its relics with those having European articles.

Possibly one early Oneida fort may be dated before 1580, but
the one which had the earliest of those Oneida stones which
gave name to the nation must have been later, and to this suc-
ceeded the fort attacked by Champlain in 1615, also having its
great boulder. The Oneidas remained among the higher hills
till some time in the 18th century, when they sought the lower
land. Their earlier homes seem to have been on either side of
the St Lawrence, in the vicinity of the Oswegatchie river. From
these two nations we might find an approximate date for the
league, but Mohawk history, traditions and remains furnish much
plainer evidence.

Indian tradition is no sure guide, for, even when striking events
are kept in mind, dates are almost certain to be confused. So
those who depend on popular tales vary over a century in the
date of the league. Mr Hale disregarded David Cusick’s esti-
mates of time, but followed his scheme of settlement and division
of dialects, concluding that Mr Morgan was right in dating the
league about 1459. These eminent writers knew little prac-
tically of early Iroquois towns, and these silent witnesses did not

148 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

affect their conclusions. Nor did plain history. Little was said
of what Champlain, Charlevoix, Perrot, the Jesuits and others
wrote, nor were Albert Gallatin’s sober conclusions mentioned.
Tradition and the varying accounts of Indian chiefs were trusted
by both. Some Indians mentioned by Hale now deduct a cen-
tury and a half, carrying the date of the league to near 1600.
From similar Oneida statements, the Rev. Samuel Kirkland made
this 1608. Heckewelder quoted from a manuscript volume of
Pyrlaeus, the Moravian missionary, an account of the formation
of the league which he had from a Mohawk chief: “ The alliance
or confederacy of the Five Nations was established, as near as
can be conjectured, one age (or the length of a man’s life) before
the. white. people (the. Dutch) came into-the country. uae
words in parentheses are Heckewelder’s, and the question may
well be raised whether he was right. Shakspere gives seven ages
to one man’s life. Did the age of Pyrlaeus mean one man’s life,
or the generation of about 30 years? What coming of the whites
was meant? Was it that of Hudson, whom they may not have
seen? or that of Champlain, whom they had reason to remember?
or that of the Dutch, to. trade or settle? The initial
slightly confused. Some have assumed this as 1609, deducted
70 years for a man’s life, and dated the confederacy in 1539, which
is much too early. If a generation of 30 years be allowed, we
would have 1579, which approximates the true date of the
Mohawk exodus.

But if we are to quote Pyrlaeus at all, let us hear more, a thing
seldom done. After noting the rank of the Mohawks and Onei-
das, he proceeds to say: “ The Senecas, who were the last who
at that time had consented to the alliance, were called the young-
est son; but the Tuscaroras, who joined the confederacy prob-
ably a hundred years afterwards, assumed that name, and the
Senecas ranked before them, as being the next youngest son, or
as we would say, the youngest son but one.” Now the Tusca-
roras were admitted about 1714, making the Seneca alliance about
1614 and harmonizing with Champlain’s distinction of the Sen-
ecas from the Iroquois. Their union seems earlier than the date
which Pyrlaeus here gives.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS I49

All traditions of the original league say that the Senecas were
the last to join, and their own date may be cited from Schoolcraft :
“There is a tradition among portions of the Senecas, that the
present confederation took place four years before Hudson sailed
up the river bearing his name. This gives A. D. 1605.” Then
Schoolcraft learned that Ephraim Webster was told by the Onon-
dagas that the true date was “ about the length of one man’s life
before the white men appeared.” What white men this inland
nation meant may be a question. On the date J. V. H. Clark
cited the same person: “ Webster, the Onondaga interpreter, and
good authority, states it at about two generations before the
white people came to trade with the Indians.”

In 1875 some Onondaga chiefs told Mr Hale that “it was their
belief that the confederacy was formed about six generations
before the white people came to these parts.” He allowed 25
years to a generation or 150 years for all. Deduct these from
1609 and there remains Morgan’s date of 1459. “The same Onon-
dagas afterward testified in court that the date was about 1600.
It is evident that such statements are not reliable. What does
history, what does the Iroquois country itself say? |

In 1535 Jacques Cartier ascended the St Lawrence to Quebec
and Montreal, finding Iroquois spoken more or less all the way,
and preserving many words and names. At Montreal he visited
and described the Iroquois town of Hochelaga. They long
remembered that visit and seem to have mentioned it in a council
at Albany, June 2, 1691, though they may have referred to
Captain Jacobs, who reached Albany in 1623, or perhaps con-
fused both with Hudson’s coming.

We have been informed by our Forefathers that in former
times a Ship arrived here in this Country which was matter of
great admiration to us, especially our desire was to know what
was within her Belly. In that Ship were Christians, amongst
the rest one Jaques with whom we made a Covenant of friend-
ship, which covenant hath since been tied together with a chaine
and always ever since kept inviolable by the Brethren and us.

_A probable reference to Cartier’s visit by the Mohawks is found
on the map of 1616, and is thus translated: “ But as far as one can

I50 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

understand from what the Maquas say and show, the Irench
came with sloops as high up as to their country to trade with
them.” As this note is placed near the site of Albany on the
map, it has been understood to refer to the Hudson river instead
of the St Lawrence, though the latter was Iroquois territory
and the former was not. Though there were Iroquois all along
the St Lawrence when Cartier ascended it, Champlain found
only Algonquins when he went up that great stream in 1603.
Where had the ancient inhabitants gone?

The story has been told by De la Potherie, Charlevoix, Colden
and others, and has much to confirm it incidentally. Charlevoix
said it was the most credible story of the origin of the Iroquois
war that he could find, and thought this was of somewhat recent
date when Champlain came. ‘The Iroquois and Adirondacks
lived peaceably together on the river; the former cultivating —
their fields as Cartier describes, and the latter employing their
time in hunting, each supplying the needs of the other. On one
occasion, when the Iroquois wished to try hunting, the Algon-
quins consented, willing to show their superior skill. Six of
each went along, but the Algonquins left the Iroquois in the
camp, taking the hunt to themselves but taking nothing else.
Three days passed and they killed nothing. Then the Iroquois
went out secretly with great success. Night came on, and their
jealous companions killed them all while asleep. When this was
at last discovered, they scornfully refused redress to their injured
friends. Powerless to do anything then, the Iroquois “ bound
themselves by oath to perish to a man, or to have their revenge.”
They left their country, learned war prudently and successfully,
and in due time, said Charlevoix, “they poured all at once upon
the Algonquins, and commenced that war of which we saw only
the conclusion, and which set all Canada on fire. . : Those
who suffered most were the Hurons, who engaged in this war as
allies, auxiliaries, or neighbors to the Algonquins, or because they
lay in the way of both.”

Colden said they went to New York, easily drove off the
Satanas, or Shawnees, practised stratagems because of their

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS I5I

weakness, and then turned their arms against the Adirondacks
or Algonquins with success. Charlevoix adds that, while the
Algonquins took no precautions against surprise, “the Iroquois
alone use more circumspection in war, and there is no doubt that
it is one of the principal causes of the superiority which they have
acquired over the enemies who have never yielded to them in
valor, and might easily have crushed them by numbers.” ‘That
this war was recent when Champlain came is evident. “Though
this had caused them to abandon the islands of Lake Champlain,
the Indians with the great explorer in 1609 told him that the Ver-
mont shore belonged to the Iroquois, and that there were beau-
tiful valleys and fertile cornfields there. Even in 1636 a mission-
ary on the St Lawrence said: “ The savages have shown me some
places where the Iroquois formerly cultivated the land.” He
advised them to use these, so that they could not have greatly
changed.

There is a reference to the beginning of this war in Champlain’s
account of the proposed peace between the Iroquois and Algon-
quins in 1622. The Indians said “they were tired and weary of
wars which they had had for more than fifty years; and that
their fathers had never wished to enter into treaty, on account of
the desire for vengeance which they wished to obtain for the
murder of their friends, who had been killed; but, having con-
sidered the good which might result, they resolved, as has been
said to make peace.”

This would place the beginning of the Iroquois war about 1570.
In the Relation of 1660 there is a sketch of the varying fortunes
of the Mohawks since 1600 and before. ‘ Toward the end of the
last century the Agnieronnons had been brought so low by the
Algonquins that there appeared almost no more of them upon
the earth. Ina few years they overcame their foes and reduced
them to the same state. Then the Andastes harassed them, and
they were in great fear. The Dutch came and gave them guns;
they were again victors and never lost their advantage. All that
the French could learn of their military history went not far
back in the 16th century.”

152 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

The early writers treat their recent residence on the St Law-
rence as a well known fact, but some mention Algonquins who
were present at the founding of Montreal in 1642. One said his
grandfather lived there, and added: ‘“ The Hurons, who were then
our enemies, chased our ancestors from this country; some
retired toward the land of the Abnaquiois, the others to the land
of the Iroquois, and one part turned to the Hurons themselves,
uniting with them, and behold the land was made almost a
desert.” This either combines the expulsion of the Iroquois
with that of the Algonquins, or makes it precede this, and agrees
with the Huron account that they received another nation about
1590, making due allowance for Indian dates. Indeed those
Algonquins who went to the Iroquois may have inflamed them
against the great body of the Hurons, and thus led to war.

These early references to the exodus of the Mohawks from
Canada have recently had the aid of archeology, and one ques-
tion now is, what evidences of early Iroquois occupation does
the lower Mohawk valley present? ‘There are camps and graves,
and some insignificant hamlets belonging to prehistoric times
and of brief occupancy. But three prehistoric forts are known, in
two of which one or two ornaments of European make have been
found. Both of these forts.are north of the river, and both are
distinctly related to the succeeding historic towns. The third is
a few miles south of the Mohawk, and was at first said to yield
European articles, but later explorers have found none. Its
relics have not such distinct relations to succeeding town sites,
but its Iroquois character is clear. These are all the town sites
known to belong to the New York Mohawks of precolonial times.
It is possible one or two more may be found.

It is well known that the Mohawks once had three tribal
towns, one for each of their three clans, differing in this from
the other Iroquois, but this feature did not last long. It is also
well known that early Iroquois towns changed their sites every
10 or 15 years on an average. Making the removal of these three
occur in 1600, and allowing them a period of 20 years, their set-
tlement would have been about 1580. Another 20 years or less

nae

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 153

would have brought succeeding towns well into the Dutch period,
and would account for the abundant European ornaments. ‘The
earlier ones may have come from the French in Canada. Their
vessels haunted the lower St Lawrence, trading with the natives,
who carried their wares far inland. There is full proof of this.

Some time should be allowed for the Mohawks’ exodus; but
from Champlain’s account their war with the remaining Canadian
Indians should be dated about 1570, and the Algonquin expulsion
from Montreal varied little. The grandsire of one of the Algon-
quins of 1642 had lived there, and 70 years is ample time to allow
for this. The dates may then be 1560 for the withdrawal of the
Mohawks, a little later for the occupancy of their valley, and
some interval may have elapsed before forming the league. It is
customary to date the statement of Pyrlaeus from Hudson’s
voyage, but that explorer probably saw no Mohawks and it
seems more reasonable to count from active trade with the
Dutch, or the founding of Fort Orange. The true date of the
confederacy seems to lie between the years 1570 and 1600.

One more statement may help us. Bearing in mind the num-
bers of the Iroquois and their frequent removals, any experienced
person can see that their coming into New York can not be placed
very far back, for the number and character of the sites will not
allow this. A brief period covers the longest occupation of any
early site, but some forts were inhabited but a few weeks. A
good observer can sometimes closely determine the time. His-
tory aids us a little here. The Iroquois and Hurons were closely
related, the Mohawks being a recent offshoot of the latter. In
the Relation of 1639 it is said of the Hurons:

The general or common name of these nations, according to

the language of the country, is Ouendat; the individual names

are Attignaouantan, Attigneenongnahac, Arendahronons, and
Tohontaenrat. The first two are the two most considerable, as
having received and adopted the others into their country. The
one within fifty years in this, and the other within thirty. The
first two speak with assurance of the dwelling of their ancestors,
and of the different situations of their villages.for more than two
hundred years, for, as it may be observed in preceding Relations,
they are obliged to change their place at least every ten years.

154 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Here it appears that two of the Huron nations came into their
land rather early in the 15th century, according to themselves,
but probably later; that they received another nation about 1590,
or after the Mohawk exodus; and that the fourth nation joined
them about 1610.

Chapter 4

Origin of league. Probable date. Allotment of sachems. Hiawatha.
Names of sachems and their meaning. Other chiefs. Name and terri-
tory of each nation. Council names. Brotherhoods. Name of league.
Iroquois and Algonquin name. Place of formative council. Influence
of women.

Of the formation of the Iroquois league Pyrlaeus received an
account 1n 1743, which differs only in brevity from all later ones.
It was proposed by Thannawage, an aged Mohawk, and Togana-
wita appeared for the Mohawks, Otatschechta for the Oneidas,
Tatoyarho for the Onondagas, Togarhayon for the Cayugas, and
Ganiatario and Satagarnyes for the Senecas. These names are
in the Mohawk dialect and were to be preserved by successive
chiefs. ‘This has been done with the exception of the first, who
has no nominal successor. He considered himself the founder
of the league, and no one could follow him in this. In the con-
doling song his name appears with the five other founders, but
is not in the list of the 50 principal chiefs.

Mr Hale said, adhering to an early date, “If the League was
formed, as seems probable, about the year 1450, the speeches and
hymn, in their present form, may reasonably be referred to the

b]

early part of the next century.”’ The song treats all the 50 orig-
inal chiefs as dead, and laments the good old times.

There is no real discrepancy in referring the suggestion of the
league to a Mohawk chief. Hi-a-wat-ha was an Onondaga,
afterward adopted by the Mohawks, and his name, variously
translated, is second in the list of their 9 principal chiefs, entitled
to sit in the Grand Council. The Oneidas had 9 of these, the
Onondagas 14, the Cayugas 10, and the Senecas 8, or 50 in all.
When one of these dies, another is raised in his place and takes
his name. The Senecas may always have formed two bands,
accounting for two leading chiefs. In the Grand Council they

~

é HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 155

have the fewest of all, the attendance at first being determined by
distance and interest, and the Senecas being the last to favor the
league. In representation this made no difference, each nation
having but one vote, and its chiefs agreeing what that should be.

Though there were these principal chiefs succeeding to the old
titles, it is historically true that there were often more, increasing
ot diminishing as might be expedient. ‘There are many cases
where more than the regular number are mentioned, and prin-
cipal chiefs were deposed or restored when desired. War chiefs
were often leaders in war and assistants to the principal chiefs
in peace, as they are now. ‘There are impressive ceremonies for
the raising of each, and they are usually nominated by the women,
who have great power, but do not speak in council. Another
class is of the pinetree chiefs, having their roots in the sky and
their power from their goodness, but rules varied much.

The Hi-a-wat-ha legends are many and different. He was the

reputed founder of the league in the way of suggestion and work,

and the inventor of wampum with some, this being new to the
Iroquois at the beginning of the 17th century. In most tales he
travels through the nations, explaining his views and giving the
national and council names by which they have since been known.
Though slightly known before, Mr J. V. H. Clark first gave wide
circulation to the story in its most fanciful and popular form, too

well known to require repetition in detail. He had this from

Onondaga chiefs. Ta-oun-ya-wat-ha comes to earth and delivers
it from many evils, becomes a man indeed as Hiawatha, con-
venes a council, forms the league, and ascends to heaven again
in his white canoe. Mr Clark said that Hiawatha’s often quoted
speech was a pure invention of his own. In all these tales the
council ground is at Onondaga lake, though the Onondagas then
lived a score of miles away. Schoolcraft had the story from

Clark, and at last it took a western form.

The earliest of these tales was published by William Dunlap
in 1839, in his History of the New Netherlands. He had it from
the Onondaga interpreter, Ephraim Webster, and, not remem-
bering the chief’s name, he called him Oweneko,. He was an

150 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

unselfish man, while the principal Onondaga chief was ambitious.
By proposing to make him head of all, he at last secured his aid
and the league was formed. It is curious that David Cusick
said nothing of Hiawatha, while he described fully the appearance
of Atotarho, nor does the latter come into Clark’s tale of
Hiawatha.

Of the plainer and more reasonable accounts the best is that
of Horatio Hale, who grew eloquent over the story of this Indian
sage. That his enthusiasm carried him too far, few will ques-
tion, but no one will deny that he had a good subject for this.
Hiawatha came of a race which was a match for European diplo-
macy and which produced many high-minded, heroic and chival-
rous men.

Briefly the story runs like this. Hiawatha, He who seeks his
Lost Mind which he knows where to find, (the Onondaga inter-
pretation) was an Onondaga who wished the kindred nations of
New York to abolish war among themselves. The Onondaga
chief, Tadodaho, opposed this, being a grim and ferocious war-
rior, jealous of his own power. Ata national council he defeated
the project. A second followed with the same result, and at the
third one Hiawatha was alone. Then he went to the Mohawks
with many adventures on the way. In his camp, near the
Mohawk town, some young men found him stringing a kind of
Wampum, made of quills, the use of which he explained. ‘Then
he and the great chief Dekanawidah met. The Mohawk chief
approved the plan of union, and the Mohawks ratified it in coun-
cil. The Oneida chief, Otatshehteh, was consulted, but deferred:
the question for a time. On his approval another council was
held at Onondaga with the old result. Then the Cayugas were
approached and gave a quick consent. Another council met at
Onondaga and a new proposal was made. Tadodaho was to be
the head of the confederacy, and the Onondagas were to keep
the great council fire. This made both desirous to extend the
league. The Senecas were consulted, and the office of military
commanders was offered to two of their great chiefs, Ganyadariyo
and Shadekaronyes. On their acceptance the final steps were
taken at Onondaga lake.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 157

David Cusick, however, said: “ The Bear tribes nominate the
Chief Warrior of the nation. The laws of the confederation pro-
vides the Onondagas to furnish a King, and the Mouhawks a
great war chief of the Five Nations.” In his own pecvliar way he

described the first ruler:

_ About this time the Five Families become independent nations,
and they formed a council fire in each nation, etc. Unfortunately
a war broke out among the Five Nations: during the unhappy
differences the Atotarho was the most hostile chief, resided at the
fort Onondaga; his head and body was ornamented with black
snakes; his dishes and spoons were made of skulls of the enemy ;
after a while he requested the people to change his dress, the
people immediately drove away the snakes.

His name of Tatotarho or Vadodaho, The Entangled, alludes to
this mythic teature. he principal Onondaga chief, however,
was often called by the council name of the nation, and sometimes
by what may be another official title. Cusick enumerated 13
successive Atotarhos down to the time of the discovery, and
there have been several since. An attempt has been made to fix
the date of the league from this, but the results are not reliable.
The names of the 50 principal chiefs follow, as given in the
- Onondaga dialect. They vary in the Seneca and Mohawk, in the
latter of which they are commonly sung at condolences. The
Mohawk chiefs are nine: Te-kie-ho-ke”, Two Voices; Hi-e-
wat-ha, One who seeks his Lost Mind which he knows where
to find; Shat-e-kie-wat-he, Two Stories in One, i. e. the same
story from two persons; Sah-e-ho’-na, He is a Tree with Large
Branches; Te-yon-ha’-kwen, That which we live on; O-weh-
_he-go-na, Large Flower; Te-hah-nah-gai-eh-ne, Two Horns
lying down; Has-tah-wen-sent-hah, Holding the Rattles; Sau-
_ te-gai-e-wat-ha, Plenty of Large Limbs on a Tree.
The Oneida chiefs are also nine, as follows: O-tat-sheh-te or
_Tat-sheh-te, Bearing a Quiver; Ga-no-gwen-u-ton, Setting up
Ears of Corn in a Row; Ty-o-ha-gwen-te, Open Voice; Sho-
non-ses, His Long House; To-na-oh-ge-na, Two Branches of
~ Water; Hat-ya-ton-nent-ha, He swallows his Own Body from

158 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

the Foot; Te-ha-tah-on-ten-yonk, Two Hanging Ears; Ha-nea-
tok-hae-yea, Throat lying down; Ho-was-ha-tah-koo, They dis-
inter Him.

The Onondagas have 14 chiefs in the grand council: Tah-too-
ta-hoo, Entangled; Ho-ne-sa-ha’, perhaps The Best Soil upper-
most; Te-hat-kah-tous, Looking all over; O-ya-ta-je-wak, Bit-
ter in the Throat; Ah-we-ke-yat, End of the Water; Te-hah-
yut-kwa-ye, Red on the Wing; Ho-no-we-eh-to, He has disap-
peared; Ga-wen-ne-sen-ton, Her Voice scattered; Ha-he-ho,
Spilling now and then; Ho-neo-nea-ne’, Something was made
for Him, or was Laid down before Him; Sha-de-gwa-se, He is
bruised; Sah-ko-ke-he, He may see Them; Hoo-sah-ha-hon,
Wearing a Weapon in his Belt; Ska-nah-wah-ti, Over the Water.

The Cayugas had to chiefs: Te-ka-ha-hoonk, He looks both
Ways; ‘Ta-ge-non-tah-we-yu, Coming on its Knees; Ka-ta-—
kwa-je, It was bruised; So-yone-wes, He has a Long Wampum
Belt; Ha-ta-as-yon-e, He puts One on Another; To-wen-yon-go,
It touches the Sky; Jote-to-wa-ko, Cold on Both Sides; Ta-hah-
wet-ho, Mossy Place; Too-tah-he-ho, Crowding Himself; Des-
kah-he, Resting on It.

There are eight Seneca chiefs: Kan-ya-tai-yo, Beautiful Lake;
Sat-ta-kaa-yes, Skies of Equal Length; Sa-tea’-na-wat, He holds
on to It; Sa-ken-jo-nah, Large Forehead;-. Ga-noon-gay-e,
Threatened; Nis-hi-nea-nent-hah, The Day fell down; Kah-
none-ge-eh-tah-we, They burned their Hair; Ta-ho-ne-ho-gah-
wen, Open Door.

The Tuscaroras have nine principal chiefs, who are: Ta-ha-
en-te-yah-wak-hon, Encircling and holding up a Tree, which
is also the council name; Sa-kwi-sa or Se-qua-ri-se-ra; Tah-ka-
yen-ten-ah ; Ta-wah-a-kate; Kah-en-yah-che-go-nah ; Ta-ka-hen-
was-hen; Ho-tach-ha-ta; Na-wah-tah-toke, —Two Moccasins
Standing together; Sah-go-hone-date-hah, The One that spares
Another. One or two of these may be doubtful, but none rank in
the council as high as the others:

sesides the chiefs there was the distinguished rank of Agoian-

ders, a kind of nobility made up of men and women, often referred

a HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 159

to in early writings. These persons had special duties and privi-
leges, and one dance was called after them. ‘The false faces and
‘medicine societies do not correspond to them, though these have
peculiar functions and honors.

Two of their national names were foreign to their language
and came from their enemies. Mohawk is not an Iroquois word,
nor could a Mohawk once pronounce it. For some time the
Algonquin family lay between the Dutch and that nation, and
both they and the English accepted the names known to those
living near them. The Dutch called them Maquas or Bears,
that clan being prominent. Hence Father Bruyas wrote: “ Gan-
niagwari, A she bear; This is the name of the Mohawks.” Their
accepted name, however, was Canienga, At the Flint, or People
of the Flint; commonly given as Annies or Agniers by the
French. This was connected with the idea of striking fire with
a steel, and the steel became their national symbol. As this was
an early name they may have learned to use the steel from
Cartier or others in Canada, long before the rest had any contact
with Europeans, and Sir William Johnson derived their name
from the steel itself. Bruyas gave kannia for gunflint, which is
near the Irench form of the national name. As for our horn-
stone, usually termed flint, it was as abundant in all the other
Iroquois territory as among the Mohawks. The use of this with
the steel made a distinction.

The Dutch divided the Iroquois into Maquas and Senecas,
Champlain into Iroquois and Entouhonorons, and later French
writers into lower and upper Iroquois. They had everywhere a
terrible reputation, which others should have shared. Roger
Williams said: “ The Maguauogs, or Men-eaters, that live three
or four hundred miles west from us, make a delicious monstrous
dish of the heads and brains of their enemies.”” Their common
name of Mohawk came from another given by their enemies,
Mohowaug, They eat Living Creatures.

- Besides the national title each nation had a council name by
which it was addressed in public conferences. David Cusick
gave this for the Mohawks as Te-haw-re-ho-geh, A Speech

160 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Divided. . There are other interpretations, all referring to a
division, mostly of words. Albert Cusick thought the best ren-
dering, A Heart divided into Two Hearts, equivalent to our
EK pluribus unum, and perhaps referring to their peculiar union.
The national boundary east was the top of the hills east of Scho-
harie creek; on the west it is said.to have been at Little Falls.
Northward they claimed to the rock Rogeo on Lake Champlain.
Thence to the St Lawrence they asserted a joint ownership with
their near relatives, the Oneidas. Their villages continually
varied in number, changing from one side of the river to the other.

The Oneidas were closely akin to the Mohawks, and their
language is much the same. Both used the letter L freely, that
being of rare occurrence in the other nations, and their use as
interpreters, with the Mohawks, has left a distinct impress on the
Indian terminology of New York. Their early seat was prob-
ably in the St Lawrence valley, with forts north and south of
Ogdensburg. ‘They seem to have shared in the Mohawk exodus,
and to have sought secluded and strong situations, as both Mo-
hawks and Onondagas did. All three were for a time more
exposed to hostile incursions than the Cayugas and Senecas, for
the Neutral nation lay between the latter and the Hurons, and the
Algonquins were far away. For this reason the early Oneidas
never dwelt in the lowlands about Oneida lake and farther east,
and no traces of them are found there. They sought the hills.

One early village east of Chittenango creek and Cazenovia lake
seems theirs, but the earliest identified with their name was a
mile southeast of Perryville, at a remarkable stone now destroyed,
but long venerated by the Indians. It was a dark crystalline
rock, quite erect and reaching about 7 feet above ground. ‘Their
name refers to this, being People of the Stone, or more exactly
the Upright Stone. In 1615 they were at Nichols’ pond in Fenner,
a few miles away. That village also included a large boulder,
and similar representative stones were selected as their villages
moved northward. The Rev. Samuel Kirkland, an excellent
authority, mentioned one in Westmoreland. The Oneida stone

of 1796 was a somewhat cylindric boulder, weighing over 100

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 161

pounds. Another is in Forest Hill cemetery, Utica N. Y. Aug
was often added to Oneida to signify locality, or ronon for people.
Their council name is Ne-haw-re-tah-go-wah, or Big Tree, refer-
ring to Hiawatha’s finding them by a large tree which they had
just cut down.

The French usually termed their town Onneiout, and their
name was first mentioned and castle described from within by
Arent Van Curler in 1634. He thought them a part of the Sen-
ecas. The next year they appeared in the list of [roquois nations
in the Jesuit Relation. The Delawares termed the Mohawks
Sankhicani, or Fire-striking People, a translation of their own
name. The Oneidas were W’Tassone, Stone Pipe-makers, from
their excellence in this art.

Ononta, said an early French writer, means a hill or moun-
tain. The present terminal in Onondaga is locative, and the
word ronon was for a time added to signify people. Their Dela-
ware name also referred to their situation. For a century they
were on the hills near Limestone creek, in various places, leaving
that valley in 1681, and making their home on Butternut creek
for about 40 years more. Their removal to Onondaga creek is
not so exactly known, but was not far from 1720. In that valley
they have moved several times. The French found them on
Indian hill, Pompey, in 1654, and first mentioned them in 1635.
Van Curler came in contact with them early that year. The
league was formed by Onondaga lake, and the Grand Council
met in their town. Their council name is Seuh-no-keh-te, Bear-
ing the Names, and sometimes the principal chief and town were
called by this. As with all Indian names it is variously spelled.

The gradual increase in power or security is well illustrated by
the nation’s progressive removals from secluded to exposed
situations. Champlain noticed this practice in speaking of the
Hurons and Senecas in 1616: “Sometimes they change their
Village of ten, of twenty, or thirty years, and transport it from
one, two, or three leagues from the preceding place, unless they
are constrained by their enemies to dislodge and to go far away,
as the Antouhonorons had done from some 40 to 50 leagues.”

162 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

The Seneca territory had included both sides of the Genesee
valley, but, when the Huron war broke out, they withdrew their
towns to the east side. Most writers make the duration of a
town from 10 to 15 years. With the use of steel axes in getting
fuel the time increased greatly.

The French at first called the Cayugas Onioenronons, and their
principal town and country Onioen. Afterward they termed
them Goyoguins, sometimes omitting the first letter. The
Moravians called them Gajukas, equivalent to our Cayugas.
Though the whole of Cayuga lake belonged to them, they lived
mostly at the lower end and on the river below. In early days
they were east of the lake, but afterward had several villages on
the western shore, and others later on the Susquehanna and its
branches. |

David Cusick’s name is much like the later French form, and
he defines Go-yo-goh as Mountain rising from the Water. L. H.
Morgan gave it as Gwe-u-gweh, At the Mucky Land; and
Albert Cusick, in accord with interpretations elsewhere, as
Kwe-u-kwe, Where they drew their Boats ashore. In every
case there may be a reference to the high and firm land above
the marshes. Their council name is Soh-ne-na-we-too-na, Great
Pipe, and this is their symbol. The Delawares called them after
the lake. :

That Champlain, when he came from the Huron country in
1615, meant the lake of the Senecas by that of the Entouhonorons,
or Lake Ontario, seems very plain. Between Entouhonorons
and Sonnontouehronons there is less difference than often occurs
in early writers. Champlain had noted that this people had
drawn in their frontier towns, something needful to the Senecas
alone. The question is rather whether he included some other
Iroquois nations with them, as the Dutch did. This seems the
case, and his words imply a loose confederation, such as might
be expected at first. In describing his map he tells of the fort
of 1615, where he “ went to war against the Antouhonorons,”
elsewhere mentioned as an Iroquois fort. In another place he
said this:

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 163

The Antouhonorons are 15 villages, built in strong positions;
enemies of all others except the Neutral nation; their country
is fine and in a good climate near the River St Lawrence, the
passage of which they block to all other nations. . . The
Yroquois and the Antouhonorons make war together against all
the other nations except the Neutral nation. Carantouanis is a
nation to the south of the Antouhonorons . . . from whom
they are only three days distant.

Here are several particulars. The Antouhonorons were dis-
tinct from but allied with the Iroquois. They were south of
Lake Ontario, but commanded the St Lawrence. They were at
peace with the Neutrals. The Carantouanis lay three days south
of them, and these have been placed near Waverly N. Y., and
were also but three days from the fort in Madison county. The
inference is that Champlain meant the Mohawks when he com-
monly spoke of the Iroquois, and sometimes included the other
four nations as the Antouhonorons.

The French called the Seneca country Sonnontouan, and the
Seneca people Sonnontouehronons or Tsonnontouans, which is
very near the name of the Onondagas in meaning, implying
dwellers on or among the great hills. Their common name is
Algonquin, received by the Dutch from the Indians near the
coast. Hon. George S. Conover derived it from the common
word sinni, to eat, in allusion to cannibal tastes, or their being
_devourers of men in a more warlike sense. Horatio Hale, on
the authority of Mr E. G. Squier, gave Sinako as the Delaware
name for stone snakes, or as applied to the Senecas for mountain
snakes. This word does not appear in Zeisberger’s Delaware
vocabulary; and Mr Hale spoke doubtfully of it. In fact,
Heckewelder gave the Delaware name of the Senecas as
Maechachtinni, Mountaineers, and he is good authority. Their
council name is Ho-neen-ho-hone-tah in Onondaga, Possessing
a Door. David Cusick gave it as Te-how-nea-nyo-hent, with
the same meaning.

The Tuscaroras were added in 1714, their name signifying the
Shirt-wearing People, and the confederacy has since commonly
been termed the Six Nations. Their position is not equal to the

164 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

others, but more like that of our territories. Except by courtesy
they have no votes, nor had they any title to the lands on which
they lived till they secured their present reservation. Their
council name is Tu-hah-te-ehn-yah-wah-kou, Those who em-
brace the Great Tree; perhaps because the Oneidas received
them. The Indian idea is that the Five Nations are the house,
the Tuscaroras like a woodhouse, built outside but attached.

In describing their symbols in 1736, the Onondaga device was
a cabin on top of a hill, the Mohawk a flint and steel, the Oneida
a stone in the fork of a tree, the Cayuga a great pipe, and the
Seneca a mountain. Charlevoix made a curious but not surpris-
ing mistake in these signatures as made in 1700. Indian draw-
ing is not yet artistic, and he said, “ The savages signed, each
one putting the mark of his nation at the foot of the treaty. The
Onondagas and Tsonnontouans traced a spider, the Goyogouins
a calumet, etc.” The former were hills.

The relationship of the nations has sometimes changed, but at
present the Mohawks, Onondagas and Senecas are the elder
brothers; the Oneidas, Cayugas and Tuscaroras the younger.
Pyrlaeus said that at first the Mohawks were the elder brother,
the Oneidas eldest son, and the Senecas youngest son. Then the
‘Tuscaroras became youngest son. The Mohawks were always
considered the oldest brother, and the present arrangement is at
least 150 years old. When chiefs die or are to be raised in either
of these, the opposite brotherhood takes charge of all the cere-
monies and installs the new chiefs. In Canada now, where every
nation and chief corresponds to those in New York, there is a
difference in voting. The older and younger brothers separately
determine what their vote shall be, and, if they disagree, the
Onondagas, as fire-keepers, have the casting vote. In this case
the Onondagas sit in the center of the council house, and the
representatives of the two brotherhoods are on opposite sides.
Each announces its vote, and the fire-keepers do the same. The
latter are supposed to kindle and cover the fire. .There is a
similar division of clans for games and feasts.

The names by which the league was called are less than some

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS © 8765

have thought. The Algonquins of New Jersey and Pennsyl-
vania termed the Andastes, or Susquehannas, Minquas. ‘These
were both the kindred and enemies of the Five Nations; and,
after the Iroquois had subjugated them, the whole family was
termed Mingo in Pennsylvania, as speaking the same language.
Thus Logan the Cayuga is often called a Mingo. There were
other foreign names of less note.

Their own name came from comparing their league to one of
their long houses, having a door at each end and separate fires
for each family through the length of the house. This title has
been variously spelled and translated. The Moravians called
them Aquanoschioni, prefixing a syllable, and rendering it
Covenant or United People. Hale gave the Mohawk name as
Rotinonsionni, They of the Extended House. Morgan gave the
Seneca as Ho-de-no-sau-nee, People of the Long House. Bruyas
interpreted Hotinnonsionni as Cabin-makers. The Onondaga
name is Kan-no-se-o’-ne, A Long House made of Several Houses
put together. David Cusick simply made the name Goo-nea-
seah-ne mean Long House. The Rev. Mr Dellius, in 1694,
thought Honontonchionni equivalent to “ Konossioni, which is
the whole howse, or all the Indians together.” The Relation of
1654 said that the Iroquois call themselves “ Hotinnonchiendi,
that is to say, the finished cabin, as if they were only one family.”

Charlevoix’s fanciful account of the origin of the word, I[ro-
quois, has been generally accepted till quite recently. He said,
“The name of Iroquois is purely French, and has been formed
from the term hiro, ‘I have spoken,’ a word by which these
Indians close all their speeches, and kowe’, which when long
drawn out, is a cry of sorrow, and when briefly uttered, is an
exclamation of joy.”

The truth is that this was an early Algonquin name for this
people, which Champlain had from the Indians on the lower St
‘Lawrence in 1603, six years before he met the Iroquois on Lake
Champlain, and when he could have known nothing of their
speech. He seems to have found this in constant use east of
that place, and before he encountered any people speaking the

166 ~ NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Huron tongue. This fact invalidates Mr Hale’s idea that it was
of Huron origin, deriving it primarily from garokwa, a pipe, and
thence from the indeterminate verb icrokwa, they who smoke.
As all Indians smoked, this has no force. He hazarded another
supposition, that, as Maquas were sometimes termed Bears, for
which the Mohawk name was Ohkwari, and the Cayuga Jakwai
(Yekwai in Schoolcraft), the term Iroquois might have come from
this. Mr Brant-sero would derive it from the Mohawk /-1h rongwe,
I am the Real Man; Mr David Boyle from karakwa, the sun.
All these conjectures are plausible, but we must remember that
the name was Algonquin, and that the termination was in com-
mon use by that family at that time, as applied to nations and
tribes, having the force of the Iroquois ronon or people. One has
but to remember the Abenaquois, Soriquois, Almouchiquois,
Charioquois or Hurons, and many others, to see what the ter-
minal means.

Recognizing its Algonquin origin, Mr J. N. B. Hewitt says it
“suggests the Algonquin words irin, true or real; ako, snake;
with the French termination ozs, the word becomes J/rinakois.”
This is much better, if not quite satisfactory, but quozs is still
the terminal of many tribal names. It may have come from ahkz,
a place. Iroquet, a chief whose people were called after him,
was also an Algonquin. The latest Algonquin dictionaries of
the eastern nations do not contain Mr Hewitt’s words. The
nearest approach to ako is achgook.

Generally the site of the formative council has been placed on
the northeastern shore of Onondaga lake, a very suitable spot,
but some later Onondagas have assigned it to the center of Syra-
cuse, equally unsuitable in early days. Some wampum belts
have been made coeval with the league, a date much too early.
Hiawatha’s white canoe is prominent in the story, bringing him
to his first labors and bearing him aloft when all was done. The
latter suggests Christian teaching but was not foreign to abo-
riginal thought. Historically, as he left the lake for the Mohawk
country, his white birch canoe may have been a strong contrast

to the dark elm bark canoes of the rest.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 167

One or two things more may be added about the league. At
first it seems a loose alliance, holding periodical councils to pre-
vent internal hostilities, but gradually becoming stronger and
with more definite laws. In 1655 the Mohawks and Senecas were
almost at war, and the former took defensive measures. Each
nation made war or peace for itself, but, while this continued
through all their history, they were most of the time a united
people. Aggressive wars were popular, and all might heartily
engage in these. When they were invaded, each nation took care
of itself, sometimes proposing aid but giving none.

One feature should not be overlooked, the rank and great influ-
ence of women, of which many examples could be given. Some
New York treaties bear their names. The children followed the
mother’s clan and nation, and the chief women had the power of
naming principal chiefs for their clan or family. Speeches are
made in the council for them but not by them, and Red Jacket
was long their speaker. Peace or war, matters of general wel-
fare, have often rested on their decision. ‘Tilling the soil, they
sometimes claimed its ownership. The most curious testimony
to the estimation of women is the old Huron and Iroquois rule,
that for a woman’s life the atonement should be double that of

a man.
Chapter 5

Weakness of early Iroquois. Good Iroquois or Hurons. First battle with
Champlain. Preparations for this and location. Battle of 1610. Invasion
of Iroquois in 1615. Route of Champlain. Siege of Oneida fort. Brulé’s
adventures. Coming of the Dutch and their maps. Supposed treaty at
Tawasentha. Insufficient evidence. Efforts for peace between Algon-
quins and Iroquois. Dutch attack Mohawks. Fort Orange built. Re-
newed war between Iroquois and Canadian Indians. Mahicans sell
their lands.

With all their bravery and wisdom, the Iroquois seem to have
been barely holding their own when first known as residents in
New York. Champlain came to Tadoussac in 1603, before he
had seen them, and found the Indians, “ rejoicing for the victory
obtained by them over the Irocois, of whom they had killed some
hundred, whose heads (scalps) they had cut off, which they had

168 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

with them for their ceremony.” <A thousand Etchemins, Algou-
mequins and Montagnez had defeated 100 Iroquois at the mouth
of the river called from them, and flowing from Lake Cham-
plain. They had to do this by surprise, for the Iroquois were
more numerous than all three nations, controlling all the St
Lawrence above Three Rivers. He got an account of the
Mohawk country at this time, two rivers leading to it. The same
year the Iroquois were again beaten in a small fight, though the
odds were in their favor. While on the New England coast in

‘

1605, Champlain saw a river which he thought went “toward
the Hiroquois, a nation who have open war with the Montagnars,
who are in the great river St Lawrence.” ‘They were not men-
tioned again till 1609.

It does not appear that Hudson encountered any Iroquois in
his voyage of that year. Assertions of this have no sound basis,
the Mohawks living many miles from the river and their ene-
mies everywhere holding its banks. Champlain had a different
fortune while exploring the land. In doing this, he met with the
Hurons, whom he at first called Ochateguins from one of their

‘

chiefs, but learned that these were “ good Yroquois. The other
Yroquois, their enemies, are more to the south.” These he soon
sought.

He left the Chambly rapids on the River of the Iroquois, July
2, 1609, with 20 canoes and 60 Indians, called Montagnars from
the mountains near Quebec. Two Frenchmen were with him.
In Lake Champlain he came to four large islands, inhabited
before the war. The eastern shore had then belonged to the
Iroquois, but they now lived farther south, beyond Lake George,
and the route was clearly described to him. July 29 they encoun-
tered 200 Iroquois, but the brief battle took place next day. It
differed much from our ideas of Indian warfare. Some days
before the chiefs of his party assigned each man his place and
part by carefully arranging as many sticks, and there was a drill
on this. The Iroquois had stone axes and some of iron, obtained
in war or trade. Amicable arrangements were made for the

morrow’s combat by the opposing chiefs. Next day the Mo-

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 169

hawks advanced in good order, led by three chiefs, distinguished
by their larger plumes. On landing, the Montagnars ran toward
the enemy, but opened their ranks to let Champlain take the lead.
The Mohawks halted at this new sight, and his first shot killed
two chiefs and wounded a third, though clad in arrow-proof
armor. This decided the contest, but many others were killed
and some taken prisoners.

This meeting has been assigned to both Ticonderoga and
Crown Point. For the former it may be said that they returned
three hours after the fight, and yet Champlain saw Ticonderoga
falls. For the latter, that the Iroquois came down the lake to
the large point where they stopped, whence we might at first,
but not conclusively, infer they were north of the portage. He
added, “ The place where this battle was fought is in 43 degrees
some minutes latitude, and I named it Lake Champlain.” Crown
Point is very near the 44th parallel. In this case it is probable
the Mohawks embarked at the head of Lake Champlain.

In 1610 he had another encounter with the Iroquois. Some
Algoumequins and Montagnais had attacked a temporary fort
in which 100 of their enemies had taken refuge, and were repulsed
with the loss of some of their best men. Even the French were
not at first successful, terrible as firearms were then to the Iro-
quois. Reinforcements came; Champlain had a tree felled across
the barricade, and the place was carried by assault, few of the
defenders escaping.

For some time there were but brief references to the Iroquois,
and then Champlain took part in what was intended for a crush-
ing, but was an unsuccessful blow. In 1615 he visited the
Hurons, sometimes called the good Iroquois from their friend-
ship for the Algonquins and the French, the latter known to them
as the Agnonha or iron men. He commenced his journey July 9,
with Etienne Brulé, the interpreter, a French servant and some
Indians, ascending the Ottawa, part of which he had already
traversed. Reaching the Georgian bay, he followed its shores
tothe Huron towns toward Lake Simcoe. The Recollect Father,
Le Caron already had a mission there, and eight of his French-

170 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

men joined Champlain. Brulé was sent with some Hurons to
notify a tribe of the Andastes, living on the Chemung river
where it crosses the New York line, who wished to join in the
attack with 500 men. To do this, he had to take a long and cir-
cuitous route, and did not arrive in time.

The Hurons, with Champlain and his nine men, crossed the
country to the River Trent, where they found fields abandoned
because of the war. Near the eastern end of Lake Ontario they
crossed by one of two possible routes. The place where they
left the lake is affected by this, but will not be discussed now.
That the route crossed the outlet of Oneida lake is certain, and
repeated examinations strengthen the claim that it then turned
southeast, terminating at Nichols’ pond in the town of Fenner.
This is in the Oneida territory, and the local and archeologic
features are satisfactory. On the site is a boulder 15 feet long,
which may have been the Oneida stone of that day, giving it the
name of the village of the stone, or rather continuing it from the
town last occupied.

The stockade was made of four rows of palisades, crossing at
the top and affording broad though rude battlements, reached
by simple ladders. It extended some distance into the very shal-
low pond, thus securing a supply of water which could not be
cut off and which readily extinguished every fire. The bark
gutters for domestic use became a means of saving the town
from the enemy. Here Champlain encamped Oct. 10, remaining
till the 16th. The Iroquois still feared firearms, but less than
at first, and, as they retreated, told the French “ not to meddle in
their fights.” Champlain made a movable tower, and 200 men
placed it near the wall. The Arquebuses drove the Iroquois
from the gallery, but the untrained Indians took no advantage
of this, and all efforts to burn the town failed. Champlain was
wounded and the Hurons discouraged. Nothing was accom-
plished, but they agreed to wait four days for their allies. Some
skirmishes followed, the French saving the Hurons in each. The
500 men not coming at the time agreed, they made litters for the
wounded and decamped. Champlain was carried on one of these

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS I7I

for several days in great discomfort, but the boats were reached
in safety.

Two days later Brulé and his Indians came and did nothing.
The Iroquois were encouraged, having beaten the white men; the
Oneidas were not destroyed, nor the confederacy severed in
twain. The forest fight had far-reaching consequences, though
it may be doubted whether the Iroquois had a lasting resentment
against the French because of this. Champlain went back to
the Huron country, where he spent the winter. The next spring
he could get no guides, as the Hurons wished to retain him for
another expedition, but at last he got away. bBrulé spent the
winter at Carantouan or Big Tree, and explored the Susque-
hanna to the sea. He did not return to the French till 1618, and
then had a curious tale to tell. Trying to cross the country of
the Iroquois, he fell into their hands, and escaped death by his
boldness, tact and good luck. He visited Lake Superior and the
copper mines during this period, and at a later day was killed in
a Huron town.

Meanwhile the Dutch were trading on the Hudson, as far as
the head of navigation, and two maps have been published
assigned to 1614 and 1616, containing a good deal relating to
the interior west of that river. One of these is partly repro-
duced, and is on a smaller scale than the older one. The latter
has the Maquaas on the north side of the Mohawk river, and on
the south side the Canoomakers, probably an Indian and not
European word. South of a large lake are the Senecas, and on
what may be the Chemung at Carantouan are the Gachoos. The
Capitanasses and Minquaas are farther down the Susquehanna,
the latter people extending far eastward. Between these, but
farther west, are the Iottecas. This is the map of 1614, and the
maker of it said:

Of what Kleynties and his Comrade have Communicated to me
respecting the locality of the Rivers, and the position of the
Tribes which they found in their Expedition from the Maquaas
into the interior and along the New River downwards to the

Ogehage, (that is to say, the Enemies of the aforesaid northern
tribes,) I can not at present find any thing at hand, except two

172 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

rough drafts of Maps relating thereto, partly drawn with accur-
acy. And in deliberately considering how I can best reconcile
this one with the rough drafts Communicated, I find that the
places of the tribes of the Sennecas, Gachoos, Capitanasses, and
Jottecas, ought to be marked down considerably further west
into the Country.

The map of 1616 is on a smaller scale and embraces part of
Canada. While retaining the main features of the other, the
lettering is by a different hand and there are slight changes in
the spelling. Lake Champlain is far to the east and is labeled
“ Hef Meer Vand Irocoisen.” Its eastern shore is called Irocoisia,
a sufficient refutation of the story of Charlevoix. East of this is
the country of the Almouchicoisen in New England, showing
again an early use of this terminal by the Algonquins. ‘The note
on French sloops and the Mohawks is on this map.

A petition, to which this chart was annexed, was read to the
officials of the States General Aug. 18, 1616, asking that they
would “be pleased to hear the aforesaid Cornelis Hendrickxzen’s
Report, and to examine the aforesaid Map and Discovery.” The
discovery was of a bay and three rivers southwest of the mouth
of the Hudson. One item is of interest: ‘“ He also traded for,
and bought from the inhabitants, the Minquaees, three persons,
being people belonging to this Company; which three persons
were employed in the service of the Mohawks and Machicans;
giving for them kettles, beads and merchandize.”

Champlain said the people of Carantouan took these three men
in war in 1614. They could safely trade on the Hudson with the
Mahicans, but, to trade with the Mohawks, an inland journey
must be made. On one of these trading trips they were made
prisoners. Champlain said their captors returned them without
harm, thinking they were French. “ Otherwise these three pris-
oners would not have been suffered to get off so cheaply.”
Through the Hurons the Susquehanna Indians had a good
opinion of the French. All were foes of the Iroquois.

Connected with this early trade is the story of a Dutch and
Iroquois treaty at Tawasentha, or Normans kill, below Albany,
credited by many on very small proof. This was in the Mahican

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS i773

territory, two days’ journey from the Mohawk frontier. Between
these there was almost constant warfare. When Van Curler
visited the Mohawks in 1642, there was no formal treaty with
them, and the first one was made in 1645. This was often
referred to in later days. As the fort was an early trading post,
there may have been a council with the Mahicans, the owners
of the land.

In connection with French and English claims this story had
importance, and evidence was framed to fit the case. Of this
kind was that of Catelyn Trico, a Frenchwoman who testified in
1688 to this effect, that she went to Albany, then called Fort
Orange, in 1623, and stayed there three years, living in New York
and on Long Island always afterward. That she was 83 years
old, and that during her stay at Albany “ye Mahikanders or
River Indians; ye Maquase: Oneydes: Onnondagages, Cay-
ouges. & Sinnekes, wt" ye Mahawawa or Ottawawaes Indians
came & made Covenants of friendship wt" ye s¢ Arien Jorise there

bd

Commander,” with other remarkable incidents distinctly remem-
bered 62 years later. At that time there was no way for the
Ottawas to reach Albany; and, when they came in the 18th cen-
tury, they said they had never been there before. Most of the
Five Nations were not recognized by the Dutch by these names
till 1662, nor were they in common use till the second English
occupation, but the venerable Mrs Trico remembered just what
Governor Dongan wished.

Pyrlaeus made a note more to the point regarding the place,

when he wrote in 1743:

According to my informant, Sganarady, a creditable aged
Indian, his grandfather had been one of the deputies sent for the
purpose of entering into a covenant with the whole Europeans;
they met at a place called Nordman’s Kill, about four miles below
where Albany was built, where the covenant of friendship was
first established, and the Mohawks were the active body in
effecting this work.

If this Indian were then 7o years old and his father 30 at his

birth—certainly a fair allowance—his grandfather might have

174 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

attended the first historic council with the Mohawks in 1645, and
have been then 40 years old. It seems needless to take 30 years
from this date and make the grandsire a boy.

The Algonquins and Iroquois had been at war over 50 years
when they began to talk of peace in 1622. June 2 two Iroquois
came to Three Rivers to confer about this and were well received,.
after which they returned home with four deputies and many
presents. Six weeks later the deputies came back, having been
heartily welcomed by the Mohawks. Unfortunately a trouble-
some fellow, who went with them, treacherously killed an Iro-
quois on the way, and it was feared the war would be renewed.
The Iroquois were considerate, thinking it a piece of personal
malice, sent six more deputies and concluded peace in the spring
of 1624.

Le Clercq said that early in 1622, 30 Iroquois canoes passed
Three Rivers and attacked the Recollect convent near Quebec,
but he often erred, though positive in this statement. Neither
Champlain nor Sagard mentions it, nor does it harmonize with
other events.

Meanwhile the Dutch were busy. In the spring of 1623 a
“ship sailed up to the Maykans,’—not to the Mohawks. The
distance was estimated at about 132 English miles, and the
colony built Fort Orange on Castle island. “ Right opposite is
the fort of the Maykans, which they built against their enemies,
the Maquaees, a powerful people.” These were then at war, and
in 1626 the former asked help of the Dutch, who were willing.
Commander Krieckebeck and six others marched with them
toward the Mohawk country. A league from the fort they met
the Mohawks, armed with bows and arrows, and were defeated,
the Dutch commander and three of his men being killed. The
Mohawks cooked and ate one and burned the rest, reserving an
arm and leg as trophies for those at home. Peter Barentsen,
their favorite trader, visited them a few days later, for they could
not come to the river to-trade. They said~* they had neves
injured the whites, and asked the reason why the latter had med-

dled with them. Had it been otherwise, they would not have

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 175

acted as they had.” It is evident there was then no treaty of
friendship.

De Laet makes the statement that a fort was built at Albany
in 1614 and constantly occupied till 1617. Also that Henry
Christians first commanded, and in his absence James Elkens,
who received authority from the States General in 1614. ‘This
seems well attested. Elkens traded near Fort Orange in 1633,
and testified that he had lived four years with the Indians. He
was then 42 years old, which would have made him 23 in 1614.
Another witness said that, if they could have stayed there another
month, the Mohawks would have brought them 4000 beaver skins,

and the Mahicans 300 more. Only through such trade could
they get wampum and other supplies.

The report of the fight between the Mohawks and Dutch
reached Canada in a few days, and some Canadian visitors, the
next winter, were solicited by the Mahicans to break the peace
already made and take sides with them. ‘Ssome favored and some
opposed this, but the war feeling was so strong that some Iro-
quois deputies were badly treated. Another violent act occurred.
In 1627 a Frenchman went on a peace embassy to the Mohawks,
with some Canadian Indians. Some Senecas came who had
recently suffered from the Algonquins, and in their rage they at
once killed all the ambassadors before the Mohawks could pre-
vent it. The Algonquins retaliated by torturing an I[roquois
hostage, and war followed. It is probable these Senecas were of
nations east of those to whom the name was afterward restricted.

The temporary subjection of Canada to the English came in
1629, but in the privations which preceded this Champlain seri-
ously thought of seizing one of the Iroquois towns, with 50 or 60
Frenchmen, “ passing there the rest of the summer, autumn and
winter, rather than to die of hunger one after another in the
plantation.” |

Soon after most of the Mahicans left the Hudson because of
the war, but still retained their territorial rights, as was then the
custom. It was a favorable time to buy Indian lands, and Kiliaen
Van Rensselaer embraced the opportunity in 1630, acquiring most

176 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

of the Mahican lands near Rensselaerwyck and west of the river
to the Mohawk border, and on the east side to the same extent.
No Mohawk names are on his deeds. Some land was added on
the east in 1637, and his tract was 24 miles long and 48 wide.
With no Mahicans now intervening, the Dutch had closer rela-
tions with the Mohawks. A few Mahicans lingered in their old
homes and those who had removed were sometimes hostile, but
at a later day many returned to New York and the old foes

became allies and friends.

Chapter 6

French visit Hurons and Neutrals. Daillon in New York. Increase of
Iroquois trade and strength. War with Canadian Indians. Van Curler’s
journey to Oneida. Each of the Five Nations first mentioned by name.
Fear of Mohawks in New England. Canoe fight. Huron war continues.
A Neutral tribe joins the Hurons. Eries described. Iroquois retaliate
on French. Montreal founded. Onontio. French forts built. Jogues
taken. Mohawk sacrifice.

Meanwhile the French power was developing in Canada,
opposed to the Dutch in religion, nationality and trade, and this
soon greatly affected the Iroquois nations. Of their kindred
north of Lake Erie brief mention has already been made. All
were populous and powerful, but less warlike than others. Their
towns were well defended, but not so well as those of the Iro-
quois. During war they abandoned many of their frontier towns,
and thus the Petuns and Hurons, once having towns farther
east, were now thickly grouped between Lake Simcoe and the
Georgian bay. The researches of Mr A. F. Hunter and others
in locating and describing the ossuaries and town sites of these
nations, have greatly enlarged our knowledge of their strength
and age, and have shown the way in which they drew back into
their historic abodes. The Neutrals seemed to have little to
dread, and yet at last withdrew their outlying villages in New
York, confining themselves to their territory between Niagara
and Detroit.

These populous nations quickly attracted the attention of both
missionaries and traders. Father Joseph le Caron went to the
Hurons in 1615, with 12 French traders. Champlain found him

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS Wy hg

there, and he remained during his Iroquois expedition. The fol-
lowing winter he visited the Petuns, or Tionontaties. He was a
Recollect and returned to Quebec with Champlain in 16106.
Father William Poulain, another Recollect, was a prisoner to
the Iroquois for a short time in 1621, but was exchanged. He
took the opportunity of teaching some Iroquois prisoners, taken
by his friends, hoping some day to visit them, and made a brief
visit to the Hurons in 1622. In 1623 Father Nicholas Viel and
Le Caron, with Brother Gabriel Sagard, were there for a few
months, Viel remaining for nearly two years. De la Roche
Daillon, another Recollect, was there in 1626, going thence to the

Neutral nation, of whom he gave many particulars. He was

the companion of Father Jean de Brébeuf and of Father Anne

de Nouveé, the Jesuits, when they went to the Hurons that year.

In 1628 Brébeuf was there alone, and was ordered to Quebec in
1629. The English occupation hindered missionary work, but
linguistic studies were maintained. Brébeuf, Daniel and Davost
went to the Hurons in 1634. After this we have those graphic
and thrilling relations of missionary experience among savages,
which have stirred the hearts of men ever since and have yielded
such treasures to the student of aboriginal life. Without fol-
lowing this work in detail among a people lying outside our
borders, it seems proper to give this brief introduction to what
at last became an important factor in New York history.

Daillon went to the Neutrals in October 1626, and may have
visited New York. He was at a village called Ounontisaston,
when “ten men of the last village, called Ouaroronon, one day’s
journey from the Iroquois, their relatives and friends,” called
and invited him there. They went off, but returned and plun-
dered him. This seems to refer to the Ouenrohronon, A Separate
People, rather than town, who afterward fled to the Hurons.

With the expulsion of the Mahicans and the sale of their lands
the Iroquois trade had a-new impetus. The Dutch had learned
to make wampum by improved methods, having used it from the
first, and the Iroquois bought large quantities. They sold guns
at a great profit, for the Mohawks were greedy of these and

178 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

soon became excellent marksmen. This became the real foun-
dation of their great power, though they were good warriors
before. ,

A Dutch document of 1646 says of this new feature that “ they
have now achieved many profitable forays where before they had
but little advantage; this caused them also to be respected by
the surrounding Indians even as far as the Sea coast, who must
generally pay them tribute, whereas, on the contrary, they were
formerly obliged to contribute to these.”

The war with the Canadian Indians still continued. When
some missionaries were making their first ascent of the St Law-
rence in 1632, they found as low down as Tadoussac a party
which had returned with nine Iroquois prisoners, and their tor-
tures were graphically described. One strong and courageous
chief sang during his tortures at Quebec. “ When they came to
tell him he must die, he said, as if very glad, ‘ Well, I am satis- ;
fied. I have taken many Montagnards; my friends will take
more of them, and will well avenge my death.’ ”

Though the French had killed many Iroquois, they first retal-
iated in 1633, when they killed two Frenchmen and wounded
four more. In the same year 30 or 40 Iroquois boarded a French
shallop, but withdrew when aid came.

The next year the Senecas defeated the Hurons in the spring,
and the latter promptly made peace with them and hoped to do
so with the other four nations. Negotiations were in progress
the following year, but an account in 1636 shows the independent
character of the several nations. A young Seneca did not favor
this peace, and married among the Onondagas that he might have
liberty to continue in the field. He was taken prisoner with seven
others, while fishing in Lake Ontario, and the story of his death
is of the most tragic character, bringing out some curious fea-
tures of aboriginal life. After his first torture he was treated
most tenderly, was handsomely dressed and presided at his own
farewell feast, before the final and terrible scene. The Iroquois
sometimes treated their own captives much like this, but usually
subjected them to every indignity from the outset.

-_

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 179

It was in December 10634 that Arent Van Curler made a trip
from Fort Orange to Oneida, passing through all the Mohawk
towns, then on the south side of the river. There were four
castles and some villages, the first of which he reached on the
morning of the third day. These were Onekagoncka, Canowa-
rode, Senatsycrosy, Netdashet, Canagere, Sohanidisse, Osguage,
Cawaoge, and Tenotoge. His itinerary is of interest, and it is
the earliest we have of that part of New York. He left the
Mohawk at the last castle, taking the usual direct trail over the
hills to Oneida, then on the upper waters of Oneida creek. It
will be remembered that most trails are not very old, changing
as the towns changed place. At Oneida he considered himself
in the Seneca country, but met a deputation of Onondagas there,
being the first mention of these two nations by name. In an
Oneida speech or song which he recorded, the names of all the

upper Iroquois may be seen. He returned the same way in
| January 1635.

In the Relation of 1635 the sedentary nations are named, and
it is added, “ The Hurons are the friends of all these peoples,
_ except the Sonontoerrhonons, Onontaerrhonons, Ouioenrhonons,
Onoiochrhonons, and Agnierrhonons, all of whom we compre-
hend under the name of Iroquois.” The third of these were the
Cayugas, whose early name is elsewhere properly Oniouenh-
ronons. In a list of 1639 the Konkhandeenhronon erroneously
come between the Onondagas and Cayugas. This list of sed-
entary nations is larger than the first and some are of another
family.

In 1635 the Hurons kept some Iroquois prisoners to treat for
peace, but there came a report that the Little Nation of the Algon-
quins had been defeated by the Iroquois, who took some pris-
‘oners. This destroyed plans for peace. The next year the
J Little Nation burned some Iroquois prisoners, and asked the
Hurons to join them in the war. An Algonquin war party also
returned to Tadoussac, Aug. 10, with 28 prisoners and scalps,
including men, women and children, and efforts for peace were

fruitless.

180 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

At this time Brébeuf estimated the Hurons at 20 villages and
30,000 people. His means of judging were good. Champlain
reported 18 villages and 10,000 adults, about the same population,
though they had suffered greatly by war.

Meanwhile the Iroquois were making their power felt, buying
guns and becoming excellent marksmen. A little later the Mo-
hawks had 4oo men carrying guns, which few of their enemies
could procure. The cry that Mohawks were near always created
a panic among New England Indians, and they were equally
dreaded by others. Colden said, much later:

I have been told by Old Men in New England, who remem-
bred the Time when the Mohawks made War on their Indians,
that as soon as a single Mohawk was discovered in the Country,
their Indians raised a Cry from Hill to Hill, A Mohawk! A
Mohawk! upon which they all fled like Sheep before Wolves
without attempting to make the least Resistance, whatever the
Odds were. on their; Side.

When the Pequot chief Sassacus fled in 1637, he sought refuge
in their country, but was surprised and slain by one of their bands. -
One of the charges against Miantonimo, in 1643, was that he had
hired the Mohawks to fight against the New England colonists,
and that they were within a day’s journey, awaiting his people.
This was unfounded. They often fought against the Indians of
New England, but seldom molested the colonists. They also made
inroads on the wampum-makers, as some Indians of the sea-
shore were often called, and these became tributary. It should
be remembered that all this was after the coming of the whites.
Their great power was within historic times.

The Iroquois canoes were of elm bark, and of clumsier con-
struction than the Canadian birch canoes, being easily known at
a distance. When abandoned they were sometimes useful to
others, and thus a young Indian gave the French a great alarm
in 1637. It is noticeable how generally successful the Canadian
Indians were in canoe fights, perhaps a result of better boats and
greater nautical skill. In this year, in such a contest between
the Iroquois and the nation of Iroquet, 13 of the former were cap-
tured. On the other hand 500 Iroquois held Lake St Peter and

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 181

captured 30 Hurons. A band of 150 lroquois was also near the
French settlements, making their presence known. “ This they

knew from the little sticks attached to a tree, to show who they
were and how many.”

The older Hurons now wished peace, but some young warriors
began war against the Senecas. It meant ruin, but it was resolved
to support them. It was then that the Ouenrohronons, a border
tribe of the Neutrals, sought refuge with the Hurons and were
hospitably received. They seem to have lived in New York and
suffered much in their removal, the French estimating their jour-
ney at 240 miles.

pn 1639, a party led by Oronkouaia, an Oneida chief, was
defeated by the Hurons, who killed nearly a score. The leader
was tortured fearfully, and his hand was thrown into the house
of the Jesuits, with insolent words, they having baptized him.
This war involved the Algonquins, who feared the presence of
the Iroquois everywhere and. gave the [French a_ thousand
alarms.

In 1640 Brébeuf and Chaumonot visited the Neutral country
but not New York, their outposts being mostly withdrawn.

_ Their strength was then estimated at 12,000 people in 40 villages.
Parkman thought that “they, and not the Eries, were the Kah-
kwahs of Seneca tradition.” The Hurons would allow neither
these nor the Petuns to pass their country to trade with the
French, and the Neutrals were too poor boatmen to brave the
waves of Lake Ontario.

Mr O. H. Marshall also thought the Kahkwahs and Neutrals
the same. On Coronelli’s map of 1688 a village was placed near
the site of Buffalo called Kakouagoga, A Nation destroyed, and
Eighteen Mile creek is called by the Senecas Gah-gwah-geh,
Residence of the Kahkwahs. This was probably the southern
boundary of the Neutrals, and Gallatin gives kahquahgoh as the
Seneca word for south, so that the name might refer to the
nation, or position, or both. The Senecas told Schoolcraft that
they destroyed the Kahkwahs at this creek in 1755, and he
thought 100 years should be deducted from this. He also gave

182 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Governor Blacksnake’s well known story. ‘The Kahkwahs chal-
lenged the Senecas to athletic contests, and were beaten with
sanguinary results. Mortified and angry, they went home and
were soon on the warpath. Learning their purpose, the Senecas
went forth to meet them, and after a long and hard battle were
victorious.

David Cusick gave the common Iroquois belief when he said:
‘About this time the Kanneastokaroneah or Erians sprung from
the Senecas, and became numerous and powerful nation, occupy-
ing the country lying between the Genesee and Niagara rivers.”

This name is quite different from Kahkwah; but, while Erie
means a cat, kahkwah is an eye swelled like a cat’s. Another
identification has been suggested by the traditional overthrow of
the Squawkie Indians. David Cusick also gave the primitive
name of Lake Erie as Kau-ha-gwa-rah-ka, correctly interpreted
as a cap, and this by contraction resembles the word in question.
However this may be, it seems reasonable to make Eighteen.
Mile creek the boundary between the Eries and Neutrals. In the
Relation of 1641 we are told that of the Neutral towns “ there are
three or four on the eastern side [of Niagara river], extending
from east to west toward the Eries or Cat Nation.” These may
have remained awhile longer.

In 1640 the Iroquois were enraged by a French collision, and
proclaimed that the Hurons and French should be treated alike.
The Mohawks captured two Frenchmen and took them home in
triumph, as living evidences that they could cope with the
whites. Some of the upper Iroquois delivered them that they
might become messengers of peace, and came to Three Rivers
with the captives, June 15, 1641, with 20 well armed canoes.
They wished peace with the French, but: plundered four Algon-
quin canoes in their sight, having determined to exterminate the
Algonquins and Montagnais. They also proposed a» French
settlement in the Mohawk country, but negotiations failed, and
they at once became hostile, so sudden were their changes. One
party destroyed five Huron canoes a little farther west, killing
or capturing those on board. So great was their rage, SO per-

J

=

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 183

severing their hostility, that they sought out and destroyed an
Algonquin camp in a remote northern wilderness, in the depth
of winter, treating their prisoners with horrible cruelty. A Huron
village was also destroyed that year.

The site of Montreal was selected in 1641, near the spot
where Hochelaga had stood a century before. The Relation of
1646 says: “ This island is in some fashion the frontier of the
Annierronnons Iroquois.” Governor Montmagny and Sieur Mai-
son-neuve went there May 17, 1642, to take possession of the
island and commence the first buildings with solemn religious
services and a feast. Two Indians present stood on the moun-
tain top, as before mentioned, where their ancestors had lived.
The grandsire of one had cultivated the land on which they stood.
They said: “ The Hurons, who were then our neighbors, chased
our ancestors from this country; some retired toward the land
of the Abnaquiois, the others to the land of the Iroquois, and one
part turned to the Hurons themselves, united with them, and
behold the island was rendered almost a desert.” This has been
variously explained. Mr Shea proposed interchanging Hurons
and Iroquois, making the latter the aggressors, but this is no real
improvement. It is rather probable that, after the withdrawal
of the Iroquois to New York, the Hurons did attack the Algon-
quins who had dwelt by them, and who remained behind. ‘Tra-
ditionally the Hurons did receive a.new nation about that time,
and the Iroquois always welcomed accessions to their numbers.
Among these Algonquins who went to their land, may have been
many old friends.

It was in 1641 that Governor Montmagny was called from his
name, Onontio, or Great Mountain, afterward the title of Can-
adian governors. In 1642 he commenced forts on the Sorel, or
River of the Iroquois, to check their war parties, which seemed
everywhere and were well supplied with guns by the Dutch.
Charlevoix said that Montmagny complained of this to the Dutch
governor, who replied in a courteous but vague way. In this
year Father Isaac Jogues was taken by the Mohawks, with two
French companions, while on the St Lawrence with a party of

184 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Hurons, traveling in 12 canoes. The French might have escaped,
but Jogues would not leave his Huron friends, nor would his
I'rench comrades desert him, In hastening to his aid William
Couture killed a great Indian chief. They were carried
to the Mohawk towns, suffering greatly there and on the
way.

The same year 11 Huron canoes were coming down to Three
Rivers with furs, when they were attacked by the Iroquois on
the Ottawa river, 150 miles above Montreal. While building
their new fort on the River of the Iroquois, the French were sud-
denly assailed by 300 of that people, and were in great danger of
being cut to pieces. Recovering from their surprise) tees
repulsed the attack, but the enemy retreated in good order.

While the Mohawks held the St Lawrence and waylaid parties
on the Ottawa, other bands were active in the Huron country
all the time, but with some reverses. The bold Huron chief,
Ahatsisteari, not only overcame a party larger than his own, but
afterward attacked and destroyed a fleet of great Iroquois canoes
by his own skill and daring. Some he overturned, killing or
capturing their crews in the water.

That year Van Curler again visited some of the Mohawk towns,
where he saw Jogues and his two companions. His account of
their fears differs from that of the Relations. He wrote also as
though there were then no treaty between the Iroquois and
Dutch; though good friends. He said, ~1 brought *psesemis
there and asked that we should live as good neighbors, and that
they should do no harm to either the colonists or? them
cattle:

René Goupil was killed soon after among the Mohawks and
the other captives suffered much. Jogues escaped in 1643 by
the aid of the Dutch, and went to Europe for a while. That
spring the Mohawks went to collect tribute toward the seashore
and took him along to show him to some of these people. This
may help to explain a statement in early Dutch writers, regarding
a visit to New Amsterdam or vicinity that year, of 80 Mahicans
from near Fort Orange, armed with guns, who came to levy

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 185

tribute on the Indians along the lower Hudson. ‘The Mahicans
had left Albany before this and all the circumstances show a
mistake in the name. The Indians left their homes for fear of
these Mohawks, for such they clearly were, sought refuge with
the Dutch and were massacred by them. The Mohawks were
not responsible for this. Ruttenber thought these visitors
mere Mahicans, all agreeing in the name, but the Dutch
did not see them, and the mere name was liable to be mis-
taken.

One account by Jogues is of the Mohawk sacrifice to
Aireskoi, where a woman was burned, or rather roasted and
@eaten. In his amiable desire to exalt the Iroquois character,
Mr Hale said that “the Iroquois never burnt women at the
stake,’ but sex made no difference in this, as many incidents
show.

Several early writers describe this particular Mohawk offering,
almost in the words of Jogues, but without reference to him.
Mourning their remissness in not eating some captives in honor
of Aireskoi, they had substituted bears at their feast, promising
to do better in the future, and women were their next prisoners.
One was selected as a victim:

When this woman was tortured, at every burn, which they
caused by applying lighted torches to her body, an old man, in
a loud voice, exclaimed, ‘Demon Aireskoi! we offer thee this
victim, whom we burn for thee, that thou mayest be filled with
her flesh, and render us ever anew victorious over our enemies.”
Her body was cut up, sent to the various villages and de-
voured.

The Relation of 1643 divides the Iroquois into Senecas and
Mohawks, and says they were once inferior to the Hurons, but
now surpassed them in numbers and strength, the Mohawks
alone having 300 guns, well used by them. The Iroquois cap-
tured 23 Hurons and 13 canoes that year near Montreal and
attacked the French. Eight Algonquins were taken near Three
Rivers and a war party was defeated with much loss. In this
party was Pieskaret, a brave and high-minded Algonquin chief,
of whom many stories are told,

186 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Chapter 7

Change in Iroquois warfare. Dread of their coming. Ten parties. Bres-
sani captured. Iroquois tortures. Pieskaret’s success. Prospects of
peace. Kiotsaeton. Oneidas adopt Mohawks. Iroquois sug¢cess. Dutch
treaty of 1645. French and Mohawk treaty of 1646. Embassy and
death of Jogues. Pieskaret killed. His exploits. French ask aid of
Massachusetts. Capture of Annenraes by Hurons and his escape. Peace
negotiations with Onondagas. Skandawati’s death. Eries. Huron
towns destroyed. Death of missionaries. Huron towns abandoned and
one adopted by Senecas. Overthrow of Petuns and death of Garnier.
Neutrals destroyed. Huron treachery. Iroquois extend their conquests.
The Iroquois now changed the conduct of the war. Instead

of sending a few large parties at certain periods, they kept small

parties coming and going all the time, so that there was never any
safety above Three Rivers. One of these bands brought a letter
from Jogues, but it was fired on and they were much enraged at

him. The St Lawrence and Ottawa were both closed by 10

Iroquois bands in the spring of 1644, and one of these captured

Father Bressani, who was afterward ransomed by the Dutch.
The Hurons were faring badly. One of their frontier towns

had been destroyed in the fall of 1642, and a party of 100, return-
ing from Montreal, lost all their goods and 20 men in a fight
on the way. On the other hand, the Hurons took three of their
enemies in 1644, but the Algonquins abandoned both their homes
and hunting grounds. The fear of the Iroquois was everywhere,
so swift were their movements. They came like foxes, attacked
like lions, and fled like birds. About this time Father Vimont
said: “I would as soon be besieged by hobgoblins as by the Iro-
quois. The one is scarcely more visible than the other. When
they are afar off, one believes that they are at our doors; when
they throw themselves upon their prey, one imagines that they
are in their own land.”

Two of the Iroquois parties mentioned went to the Sault Chau-
diére, a place noted for Iroquois ambuscades and Huron defeats.
At this spot the Indians used to collect offerings in a chaudiere,
or kettle, casting it and its contents into the water to procure a
safe journey. The third went to the foot of the Long Sault of
the Ottawa, and the fourth lay in wait above Montreal. The

Bi

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 187

fifth band of 80 warriors lay hidden on the island of Montreal
for three days, and this was attacked by the French. The latter
were repulsed with the loss of five men, two of whom were tor-
tured and burned. The sixth band of 40 men went toward the
River of the Prairies, capturing a party of Algonquins, most of
whom were burned in the Iroquois villages. The seventh took
Father Bressani and some Hurons. In this band were some
naturalized Hurons and Algonquins. The eighth met this one
as itreturned. The ninth party was on the River of the [roquois,
and the tenth went against the Hurons. Other small parties
were out and the ground was well covered.

Bressani’s captors sailed two days homeward, when they met
a party who maltreated the prisoners. They sailed two days
more, traversed the woods for six days, embarked on Lake Cham-

plain and followed it for eight days in a leisurely way. Four

days later they came to a fishery on the Hudson, where 4oo Iro-
quois were encamped. They stopped there nearly a month, and
there Bressani ran the gauntlet and was placed on the usual high
scaffold, where he had to dance and was frequently burned. This

scaffold torture may have been peculiar to the Iroquois, for on

this platform they used a slow fire, torches, hot irons, and various

‘means of torture, prolonging the pain as much as they could.

He afterward suffered much in two Mohawk villages, but his life
was spared and he was given to a woman whose grandfather the
Hurons had killed. She thought him of little use, and sent him
to the Dutch to see what they would give for him. The good
Father did not tell how low was his price, but the Dutch gave
more than had been expected and clothed him well.

‘It has been mentioned that three Iroquois prisoners were taken
in 1644. The Algonquins readily gave tlfeirs to the French, but
the Hurons determined to take their two home, promising not
to burn them, as there were hopes of peace. That summer the
Iroquois destroyed a party of too Algonquins.

‘Pieskaret made one of his successful expeditions in 1645. With
six Algonquins he killed 11 Iroquois, brought in two prisoners
and returned in triumph. At the end of his speech he said: “T

188 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

saw, I killed, I took captive, I brought home; behold them pres-
ent. J enter into your thoughts; they are good.” Such a sen-
tentious speech would have been famous in Greece or Rome.
He gave the prisoners to the governor, and the Iroquois were
surprised at being delivered from death.

These were retained at Three Rivers, and Tokhrahenehiaron,
who had been held as a prisoner through the winter, was sent to
the Mohawks to see if they wished peace. July 5, 1645, three
Mohawk chiefs came to Three Rivers with William Couture,
who had been captured with Jogues and who now served as inter-
preter. The principal chief was Kiotsaeton, who brought 17
wampum belts. A peace council was held July 12, and this has
been minutely described. Peace was agreed on, and the deputies
went home. Other deputies were sent to Canada with 18 belts,
and another council was held, Sep. 17 to 20. Peace was con-
cluded, the Iroquois saying that the dead should not be now
avenged, for “a living man is worth much more than many dead.”

In this lively account one speech in the first council may be’
noted. Jiotsaeton wished the French to eat with the Mohawks
in their own land, telling of its many good things and adding,
“Leave these stinking pigs which run around your habitations,
which eat nothing but what is filthy, and come and eat of good
victuals with us.”

In the second council there was a curious reference to the
Oneidas, who were bitter enemies of the Hurons: .

A village named Ononjote’, incensed to the last degree against
the Hurons, because these people in a combat killed almost all
the men of this village, which was constrained to send to ask
the Iroquois, named Agnerronons, with whom they had made
peace, for some men to_be married to the girls and women who

had remained without husbands, in order that the nation should
not perish. This is why the Iroquois name this village their child.

A striking scene ended this important council:

This discourse finished, the Iroquois set himself to sing and
dance, he took a Frenchman on one side, an Algonquin and
Huron on the other, and holding them embraced with his arms,
they danced in cadence, and sang with a strong voice a song of
peace.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 189

The truce was kept by the Mohawks, who hunted freely with
the Algonquins the following winter, to the astonishment of
many. ‘ Those who know the antipathies of these nations and
their frightful inclinations for revenge, think that they see so
many miracles when they see a friendly feeling between an
Algonquin and an Iroquois.” It did not affect the other four
nations. Two bands of Hurons fell into their hands while going
to trade with the French, and in 1645 they captured three other
fleets. Early in the spring of that year an Iroquois party
approached a Huron village and captured a troop of women
going out to their morning work. So quickly were they placed
in their canoes that 200 armed Hurons were unable to rescue
them.

Toward the end of that summer some Huron and Iroquois
watriors met in the forest, the former at first having the advan-.
tage. A parley followed, and, when the fight was resumed, the
Hurons were beaten. A notable incident happened at a large
Huron town soon after. An attack was feared and the people
were prepared, young men being placed in the sentry boxes on
the wall. They sang war songs loudly most of the night, but at
last fell asleep. Some Iroquois warriors had crept to the base
of the wall, and, when all was still, one climbed to the tower,
split the head of one sentinel and threw the other down, where
his comrades scalped him, making off so quickly that nothing
could be done. Then Hurons went to the largest Seneca town,
pierced one of the great cabins, choosing, killing and scalping
each his man, and escaping from hundreds in swift pursuit.

There were other later encounters; but the Mohawks warned
all that there was peace with them alone, and in presence of
their ambassadors several Algonquin tribes made peace with the
Dutch at New Amsterdam, Aug. 30, 1645. Van der Donck thus
mentioned their first treaty with the Dutch that year:

In the year 1645, we were employed with the officers and rulers
of the colony of Rensselaerwyck in negotiating a treaty of peace
with the Maquas, who then were and still are the strongest and

fiercest Indians of the country; whereat the Director General
William Kieft, on the one part, and the chiefs of the Indian

190 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

nations of the neighboring country, on the other part, attended.
To proceed with the treaty, the citizens of Rensselaerwyck pro-
cured a certain Indian, named Agheroense, to attend and serve
as interpreter, who was well known to the Christians, having
been much among them.

Kiotsaeton and six other Mohawk deputies came to Montreal,
Feb. 22, 1646, and a council followed at Three Rivers May 7.
Bourdon and Jogues went to the Mohawks with presents and
an escort May 16. “They arrived on the eve of S. Sacrement
at the end of a lake which is joined to the great lake of Cham-
plain. The Indian name is Andiatarocte’, which is to say, There
where the lake is shut in. The Father named it the lake of
S. Sacrement.” Six leagues from this lake they crossed the Hud-
son, there called Oiogue’, At the River, and soon came to a fishing
place named Ossarague’, going thence to Fort Orange. The first
Mohawk village was reached June 7, and was then called Oneu-
gioure’, formerly Osserion. Like most Indian towns it had other
names.

There Jogues met some Onondagas, whose towns he never
reached. He made them a present, asking that the French might
visit their land. The Mohawks remonstrated. They were the
door of the confederacy and the council fire should be approached
through them. He held to his point, that the French might go
to Onondaga in any one of three ways, and gained no Mohawk
favor by this.

The French stayed but two days, but Jogues left a small trunk
behind him, hoping to return. This caused new suspicions, as
they feared it might hurt them. The Mohawks hastened their
departure, as the other nations had parties out against the
Hurons and they might be molested.

Sep. 24, 1646, Father Jogues left Three Rivers to go to the
Mohawks for the last time, as he himself thought. A young
Frenchman accompanied him, but they were at once seized,
stripped and threatened when they arrived at the Mohawk town,
Oct. 17, being told they would be killed next day but not burned.
The Wolf and Turtle clans tried to save them, but the Bears
had decreed their death. On the evening of the 18th Jogues was

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 19}

called to supper, and, as he entered the lodge of the Bears, a man
behind the door killed him with an ax. Thus died Ondessonk,
whose virtues and sufferings have called forth the admiration of
all. His head was cut off and placed on the wall, and his com-
panion shared the same fate next morning, their bodies being
cast into the river. A fine shrine, near Auriesville, now marks
the supposed site of the death of the founder of the Mission of
the Martyrs. Following this came a more determined war
against the French. |

Simon Pieskaret was one of the first victims, being treacher-
ously slain in the spring of 1647, before he knew that peace was
at an end. He was the noblest and most renowned Algonquin
warrior of that day. Colden called him an Adirondack, and told
some stories of his deeds. He went with four others, in one
canoe, against the Iroquois. Each man had three muskets, loaded
with two bullets connected by a small chain. In Sorel river they
met five Iroquois canoes, each with 10 men. The Adirondacks
pretended despair till they were quite near, when they all fired
repeatedly on the Iroquois canoes, sinking every one, knocking
the swimming Iroquois on the head or taking them prisoners.
This seems an exaggeration of his exploit of 1645. At another
time he went to an Iroquois village, killing some one three nights
following. When pursued, he kept just ahead of his foes, turning
_and scalping them all while asleep at night.

While returning in 1646 from a foray 17 Oneidas encountered
a canoe with 30 Huron warriors, and all disembarked. ‘The
sticks were placed as usual to mark each man’s post and the war
whoop was given. Both parties thought the other superior in
force and both took flight, the sticks remaining when the war-
riors were gone. An escaping prisoner told the Hurons of their
mistake and some pursued the Oneidas, taking one prisoner.

Fort Richelieu was burned this year, and there were many
hostile acts in 1647. Some French shallops were attacked, and
the Iroquois were everywhere, but the Mohawks again talked of
peace. This hardly interrupted hostilities, and an encounter took
place between the Hurons and Iroquois, near Three Rivers, in

[92 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

which the latter were defeated with much loss. As a result, the
French rejoiced to see 60 Huron canoes in the river, laden with
furs, though the Iroquois were troublesome. About this time the
I*rench asked Massachusetts to aid them against the Mohawks.

Early in 1647 an Onondaga band, on the Huron frontier, was
pursued with serious loss. One of the captives threw himself into
a great kettle of boiling water to escape the tortures reserved for
some. Annenraes, a noted chief, was spared, but toward spring
he was again in danger and was aided to escape by the Huron
chiefs. On the southern shore of Lake Ontario he found 300
Onondagas making canoes, in which to cross to avenge his death.
There were already 800 Cayugas and Senecas on the road to aid
them. The Onondagas gave up their warlike plans and returned
home, sending a peace embassy from their towns to the Hurons.
The Senecas continued their march and destroyed a town of the
Aondironnons, a Neutral village nearest of all to the Hurons.
The Neutrals did not resent this act, for which the Senecas had
some excuse. The independent character of each of the Five
Nations appears again. The Onondagas treated of peace; the
Mohawks and Senecas kept the field.

In the spring of 1647 the Hurons sent deputies to the Andastes
dwelling on the lower Susquehanna and Delaware, in response
to an offer of aid made by them. They were in despair and asked

ve

these kinsmen to hear “the voice of their dying father land.”

They were several weeks on their way, arriving early in June
with their pathetic tale:

The speech that Charles Ondaaiondiont made at his arrival
was not long. He told them that he came from the land of the
Souls, where war and the terrors of the enemy had laid every-
thing waste, where the fields were covered only with blood,
where the cabins were filled only with corpses, and that there
remained to them no life except what was needed to come to tell
their friends that they might have pity on a land that was draw-
ing to its end.

The Onondaga proposals gave the Hurons some hope, but the-
deputies from that nation found a people divided in opinion,
Several councils were held before they agreed to send ambassa--

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 193

dors, the first Hurons to go there in that way. ‘These left home
Aug. I, 1647, and were in Onondaga 20 days later, where they
were warmly received and feasted for a month. A second Onon-
daga embassy returned with them, headed by Skandawati, a
noted chief, 60 years old. Two others were with him and he
brought back 15 Huron captives. They were 30 days on the
way, reaching the Hurons Oct. 23. At this time the Onon-
dagas and Cayugas favored peace; the Senecas and Mohawks
opposed it.

In January 1748 a new Huron embassy was sent with one of
the Onondagas, two remaining as hostages. This was attacked
by the Mohawks and some Hurons were killed. Early in April
Skandawati disappeared and was found dead by his own hand,
lying on the bed of cedar boughs which he had prepared. His

companion said:

I knew that he would do a thing like this; that which hath
cast him into this desperation is the shame which he had in seeing
that the Sonnontoueronnons and Annieronnons come here to
massacre you, even over your frontiers; for though they are your
enemies they are our allies, and they ought to have shown us
this respect, that having come here on an embassy, they should
defer any evil stroke till after our return.

In one of their attacks near St Ignace, the Mohawks killed or
captured 40 Hurons, and the Senecas over 30 in another place.
Some Huron towns were abandoned. In a hunting party
attacked by the Senecas was one of the Onondaga hostages.
They forced him to be present when they took another party,
giving him one of the prisoners. He demanded to be sent back
to the Hurons, being an ambassador, saying that he would “ die
with them sooner than to appear to have acted as their enemy.”
He was allowed to return with his captive.

In the Relation of 1648 is the first circumstantial mention of
the Eries. In the list of sedentary nations in 1635 they appear
as the Rhiierrhonons, and in that of 1639 as the Eriehronon.
From that of 1648 we may infer that they were at a considerable
distance from the Iroquois, and probably in the central and

194 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

southern parts of Cattaraugus and Chautauqua counties. To
their towns we may assign the Massawomekes, so much dreaded
in early days in Virginia. In speaking of Lake Erie the Relation
adds:

This lake, named Erie’, was formerly inhabited on its southern
coasts by certain peoples whom we call the nation of the Cat;
who have been obliged to withdraw inland, in order to get away
from their enemies, who are more toward the west. These

people of the Cat have a number of fixed villages, for they culti-
vate the ground, and are of the same language as our Hurons.

The Andastes went to Onondaga to plead for the Hurons; but
all negotiations failed, and their downfall came rapidly on, all
the Iroquois suddenly turning against them and no one taking
their part. In July 1648, Teanaustaye’, or St Joseph, was attacked
and taken, with another frontier village included in the same
mission. ‘The principal town had 400 families, but the men were
mostly away at the time. There were many Christians there,
and, while these were assembled for worship, there was a sudden
alarm and universal terror. Some ran to fight and others to fly.
Father Antoine Daniel stood where the peril was greatest, encour-
aging the Hurons and baptizing many. ‘The assault became
more furious and resistance was vain. He went to his church
with his flock, going forth alone to meet the enemy when they
came on with savage yells. His boldness checked them but for
a moment. He was quickly slain and the place destroyed, 700
being killed or captured, mostly women and children. A larger
number were saved by flying to the strong house of the Jesuits.

A terrible blow came the following spring. Unknown to the
Hurons, about 1000 Iroquois had left home in the autumn of
1648, leisurely hunting through the winter as they approached
the Huron towns. All the nations were represented in this
army and most had firearms. The night before Mar. 16 they
came quietly to the walls of Taenhatentaron, or St Ignace, where
they found a strong stockade and a deep ditch. A careful recon-
naissance showed one place weaker than the rest, and they broke

through this so secretly and quickly that they were masters of

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 195

the town before the people awoke. There was some resistance,
to of the Iroquois being slain, but out of 400 inhabitants only
three escaped.

This was at daybreak. At sunrise the [Iroquois attacked the
mission of St Louis, a fortified town a league away. Most of
the people had fled, but 80 warriors bravely defended the place,
_ killing 30 of their foes. Axes were plied against the stockade,
a breach was made, the Iroquois rushed in and the defenders
were slain. Having burned the town, the Iroquois returned to
St Ignace and refreshed themselves. Then they reconnoitered
the fortified French mission house, intending an attack with 200
‘men, but were deterred by its strength. A party of 300 Hurons
intercepted them on the morning of the 17th, but the vanguard
_quickly fled. The main body stood firm and captured 30 Iro-
quois, but were beaten in turn. The furious combat lasted into
the night. On the 19th the enemy had disappeared, but terror
and desolation remained.

Brébeuf and Gabriel Lalemant were taken in St Louis, stripped
naked and carried to St Ignace, where they suffered terribly.
Brébeuf had red hot axes hung about him, some telling him that
they did this out of kindness, for the greater his sufferings here
the greater would be his glory hereafter, and indeed his fortitude
made a lasting impression on foes and friends. Hot water was
poured on both in derision of baptism. This torture Brébeuf
endured for three hours and Lalemant for double that time.
Some Hurons were bound and burned in the houses, the whole
town being destroyed.

. Hope was lost and famine followed. The Hurons abandoned
five strong towns. One town, that of Scanonaenrat, surrendered
and removed to the Senecas, where it long had a separate exist-
ence. Many families went to the neighboring nations, as the
Petuns, Neutrals and Eries, only to have the same experience
again. Some sought the islands and woods, multitudes perishing
in the wilderness. Part determined to take refuge with the
French at Quebec. The missionaries burned their house, fol-
lowed those who went to the islands and the Petuns, and the land

196 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

was abandoned. There the Iroquois had full and unresisted
range, and the bravest were unnerved.

The Petun or Tobacco nation, otherwise known as Tionontaties.

or Mountaineers, was the next to suffer. In November 1649 the
Petuns learned with joy that 300 Iroquois were in Canada, wnde-
cided what place to attack. Those of the town called St Jean by
the French, Etharita by the Petuns, waited for them several days
and then, fearing they might escape, sallied forth to find them,
considering them already vanquished. This was Dec. 5.
The enemy took another road, making some prisoners, from
whom they learned that the town was destitute of men. They
hastened their march and were before the place Dec. 7, at 3 p. m.
It was an easy prey, but the Iroquois, fearing the return of the
warriors, with great cruelties killed all who could not march
quickly. Father Charles Garnier was alone in this mission and
went at once to his chapel, where he was killed at his post, but
without torture. The Iroquois had no time for that. Two days
after the Petun warriors returned. Their homes were desolate,
their people dead or in captivity. Their horror was too deep for
cries or words. For half a day they sat silent on the ground,
without raising their eyes, without moving and seeming hardly
to breathe, like statues of stone.

The western war diminished but did not remove hostilities on
the St Lawrence. The Mohawks attacked the French in 1650,
near Three Rivers, fighting in the marsh and flying in their
canoes. When their enemies were scattered, they turned against
them. They were led by a half-breed, well known as the Dutch
Bastard. In the Mohawk country a party of Hurons and Algon-
quins was betrayed to the Mohawks that year and was destroyed.

Still most of the Mohawks were aiding the upper Iroquois that
year, having their promise to fight against the Andastes as soon
as the western warfare was over. This had a new object for a
while. In 1650 war began against the Neutrals, whose frontier
towns were quickly taken, one in the autumn of 1650, the other
the following spring. One was garrisoned by 1600 men. The car-
nage was fearful and the number of prisoners immense, the young

fas

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 197

women being reserved to populate the Iroquois towns. The
Neutral nation was ruined, terror was everywhere, even the dis-
tant towns were abandoned, and multitudes perished in the
woods. In this terrible scene the Iroquois lost all fear, and were
everywhere present to increase its horrors. Hurons, Neutrals
and Tionontaties fell on every hand, the sight of one Iroquois
putting a host to flight. The Montagnards and the Algonquins
of the Ottawa river were swept away, and trade was ruined.

The names of some Neutral towns appear in earlier Relations.
A note in Charlevoix’s New France [1:271] says that in 1650 the
Neutrals, under Tahontaenrat, routed 600 Iroquois, and killed
200. The Relations say nothing of this, and the name is that of a
Huron tribe. The same note says that in 1651 the Iroquois
attacked the Neutrals and took Te Otondiatin. Their success
seems to have been uniform.

The only reverse the Iroquois had at this time in this western
warfare was not in the open field but through Huron treachery.
This was long remembered and fully punished. The Hurons had
a fort on an island, and the Iroquois built one on the mainland
opposite. By deceptive acts and false proposals of peace, 30 of
the bravest Iroquois were decoyed into the Huron fort and slain.
The survivors went away for aid and most of the Hurons fled,
those who did not being soon destroyed. When one reads the
history of those three years, one can appreciate the feelings of
the missionaries when they said they would do all they could,
“in spite of all the rage of hell, and the cruelties of the Iroquois,
who are worse than the demons of hell.”

Three powerful nations being now out of the way, the Iroquois
soon came in contact with others north and west. Idle stories of
earlier treaties with the Ottawas and Ojibwas scarcely deserve
mention, though some have given credence to them. If they
have any foundation, the date must be later than the Huron con-
quest, the immediate effects of which were great. Among others
the Attikamegues, or White Fish nation of the northwest, was
thrice invaded, and the women and children carried off “to the

land of fires and flames.”

198 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Chapter 8
French and Boston people. Mohawk chief burned at Three Rivers. Pon-
cet taken and released. Onondaga negotiations. Garakontie’. Le Moyne
visits Onondaga and the salt springs. Iroquois slaves. Death of An-
nenraes and the Erie war. Le Moyne visits the Mohawks. Chaumonot
and Dablon visit Onondaga and build chapel. Jealousy between Mo-
hawks and Onondagas. Dablon returns. Journey of French colony.

Fort built on Onondaga lake. Land grant. Site of the mission. Gar-

reau killed. Missions in four Iroquois nations. Withdrawal of colony.

The Mohawks did not all go to the western wars. In 1650
they asked leave of the Dutch to cross their lands in going against
the eastern Indians, feeling bound to do this by the treaty made
five years before. This was not yet old enough for full confi-
dence, and, when the Tappan Indians came to Fort Orange that
year, saying that the Mohawks were about to attack the Dutch,
some alarm was felt. Labatie, who commanded there, was asked
to go to them with a new embassy but refused, yet deputies were
sent and distributed presents to the amount of 600 guilders.

In 1651 the Council at Quebec proposed an offensive and
defensive alliance against the Iroquois to the people of Boston,
as they were troublesome to both. In their proposal the French
said they were * barbarous Heathens, who have neither God, nor
Faith, nor Justice in all their proceedings.”

The Hurons, settled near Quebec, became presumptuous at this
time and raised a war party against the Mohawks which they
thought invincible. Some Algonquins and others joined them,
but they. were defeated with much loss. There are several base-
less stories, ascribed to this period, of conflicts and treaties.

Father Jacques Buteux was killed by the Iroquois May 10,
1652, while on his way to the White Fish nation. War continued,
generally with advantage to the Iroquois. When they defeated
the Huron party mentioned, they took Toratati, the chief, and
burned him alive. One doubtful act increased the enmity to the
French. A hostile Mohawk party on the St Lawrence began to
make proposals of peace. These were distrusted, and one of
their canoes was seized, with three men. One was their leader,
Aontarisati, a great favorite in his own land, and the Mohawks

were much enraged when he was burned at Three Rivers after

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 1Q9

being baptized. To avenge his death, a Mohawk party came
near that place the following winter, but the French strength-
ened their works and doubled the guard. The enemy withdrew,
but a small party returned in the spring, making ambushes and
doing much damage. Father Poncet was taken prisoner Aug.
20, 1653, with another Frenchman who was burned. Poncet was
soon released, because of new proposals for peace. While in the
Mohawk country he was adopted by a widow, and said:

So soon as I entered her cabin she began to sing the song of
the dead, in which she was joined by her two daughters. I was
standing near the fire during these mournful dirges; they made
me sit upon a sort of table slightly raised, and then I understood
I was in the place of the dead, for whom these women renewed
the last mourning, to bring the deceased to life again in my per-
son, according to their custom.

Unexpected events had happened and his release came quickly.

He said:

I was only a month in the land of the Iroquois. I came in the
fourth of September; I went out the third of October. And in
this brief time I had intercourse with the Hollanders; I had seen
Fort Orange; I had passed three times through the four villages
of the Iroquois Agniers; the remainder of the time of my cap-
tivity was occupied in my going and my return. I was taken by
the River of the Iroquois and Lake Champlain, and consequently
there were but two days of the journey by land. And I was
brought back by another route, so that I have passed over the
two routes which their armies and their warriors take when they
come in search of us.

Montreal suffered much from the Iroquois, but Maison-neuve
brought too settlers from France, and conditions improved. One
event became historic, the beginning of a new era. In the midst
of alarms, 60 Onondagas came to Montreal June 26, 1653, to
propose peace, saying that the Cayugas and Oneidas favored
their coming. They warned the French also that 600 Mohawks
were in the field, intending to fall on Three Rivers. The Onon-
dagas had a good reception, going also to Quebec, and sent a
second deputation there in September.

One Mohawk party was defeated by the Hurons on the island
of Montreal, the captain and four principal men being made pris-

200 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM —

oners, and there were other fierce encounters. “~The Mohawks at
Three Rivers, finding unexpected resistance, sent in a white flag”
with proposals of peace, a favorite scheme. When told of Father
Poncet’s captivity, they at once sent orders for his release. Mean-
time, the Hurons and their prisoners fell into their hands, but
were well treated, and all went on to Quebec, accompanied by
the Onondaga deputies. Andioura, the Mohawk chief, was
speaker at Quebec, showing the presents and asking that a French
settlement should be made in the Iroquois country. The Iro-
quois went home to ratify the peace in their own land. All this
was done in September, but the Onondagas promised to come
again before spring.

The Mohawks desired by this treaty to secure the Hurons at
Quebec for themselves and the Onondagas did the same. A
council was held with the latter Feb. 5, 1654, affirming the peace,
but the desire of both for the Hurons again clouded the prospect.
The Hurons feared these nations most and their mutual jealousy.
They thought the Onondagas had not forgotten the death of 34
men, treacherously killed in the island fort, and that the Mohawks
hoped to avenge Aontarisati, whom they had burned. This
business was deferred. While this was going on, the Oneidas
seized a Frenchman and took him to their country, but he was
soon released at Garakontie’s desire, who pledged his life for
him. Some Tionontaties and Ottawas had taken 13 Senecas and
others, while on their way to Montreal, but gave their captives
into the hands of Sagochiendaguete’, the principal man of the
Onondagas. This was Garakontie’, often called by the Onon-
daga council name in virtue of his office.

Father Simon Le Moyne went to Onondaga on this important
business, leaving Montreal July 17, 1654, accompanied by a young
Frenchman called Jean Baptiste. Soon after the Mohawks came
down and objected to his mission, there being a strong jealousy
between the two nations. The Mohawks said they were the
eastern door and all outside business should be done through
them. It was dangerous for the French to come through the
central chimney, for they might fall into the great council fire.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 201

On this they were promised a visit from Le Moyne if they could
overtake him, but they failed in this.

The journal is of great interest, describing the upper St Law-
rence for the first time. Like some later writers, he included
the Thousand Islands in Lake Ontario. At the mouth of Sal-
mon river he found a village of captive Hurons, among them many
old friends. They belonged to the Onondagas. Thence he
crossed the country to the foot of Oneida lake, where was an
Onondaga fishing village. Small hamlets lay beyond. From
the lake his course was due south to Onondaga, then a large town
on Indian hill, 2 miles south of Manlius village. There he had a
grand reception and was lodged in Garakontie”’s house. He was
used to Indian ways and was a general favorite. His knowledge
of the Huron tongue was useful here, for it was much like the
Mohawk. At first called OQuane by the Hurons, he had suc-
ceeded to Jogues’s name of Ondessonk.

.He reached Onondaga Aug. 5, entering the town singing the
ambassador’s song and receiving addresses of welcome. He was
delighted to meet old Huron friends and, when the council met,
Aug. 10, he presented his 19 belts, speaking for two hours in a
chief’s tone and manner. In his speech he bewailed the death of
Annenraes, taken and killed by the Eries. This Onondaga chief
was once a prisoner to the Hurons.

On the way and in the town Le Moyne had baptized several
children. His first adult baptism there was of a captive Neutral
girl. Colden said that the Iroquois had no slaves, but they are
often mentioned in the Relations and their treatment described.
They were absolutely at the will of their masters. Just before
Le Moyne left he had a convert of importance, baptizing Ochiona-
gueras by the name of Jean Baptiste. He was the leader of the
army against the Eries and the first Onondaga adult baptized.

Le Moyne began his return Aug. 15, with the usual parting
ceremonies. The village was nearly 15 miles from the salt
springs, which were reached next day. At that time the Indians
did not use salt and they thought the springs were inhabited by
some demon. Le Moyne boiled the water and made salt, carry-

202 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

ing some to Quebec. Through an error in quotation a knowledge
of this by the French has been placed 10 years earlier. The
Kirkpatrick fountain, near the spot, will commemorate this event.

Le Moyne was now on new waters and his passage down the
Oswego river the earliest recorded by a white man, Champlain
not having reached that stream, and Le Moyne not having landed
at Oswego, as many have supposed. Lake Ontario was now
called the Lake of the Iroquois, and the missionary followed its
shore to Salmon river, arriving there Aug. 23. He said: “We
arrive at the place which they destine for our house, and a French
settlement. There are charming prairies, good fishing, an access
for all nations.” |

From his journal the rest of the way seems uneventful, but
Charlevoix said he suppressed one important particular, lest it’
should lead to trouble. He said that Le Moyne had with him two
Onondagas, some Hurons and Algonquins, who were surrounded
by Mohawk canoes, when near Montreal, and fred on. The Hu-
rons, Algonquins and one Onondaga, were killed and Le Moyne
made a prisoner. The surviving Onondaga was told he might
go home, but he refused to abandon his charge and threatened
the Mohawks with the wrath of the upper Iroquois. They
relented, and the Onondaga took Le Moyne to Montreal. Mother
Mary of the Incarnation said the Mohawks threw the blame on
the Dutch Bastard. The story is in every way improbable, the
Onondagas would not have passed over such an affront lightly,
nor would Le Moyne have visited the Mohawks the following
year.

One interesting feature of this visit to Onondaga was the
recovery of Brébeuf’s New Testament and Garnier’s book of
devotions, showing that the Onondagas were active in the Huron
tragedy. They also had Huron, Neutral and Petun captives.

The Erie war increased the demand for arms and ammunition;
and, lest the Iroquois should get these of the English, the Dutch.
ordered Rutger Johnson to furnish them sparingly and secretly.
The Eries were called Rique’ by the Iroquois and FEriee’ by the
Hurons, not as pronounced by us. Their exact location is uncer-
tain; but, as the Onondagas carried their canoes to their towns,

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 203

which were inland, they may have ascended Cattaraugus creek
or gone to the head waters of the Alleghany, perhaps both. The
story of the war and its causes is interesting. The Eries had sent
30 men to the Senecas to treat of peace, and, while they were
there, a Seneca was elsewhere killed by an Erie. The Senecas fell
on the ambassadors, of whom but five escaped. War ensuing, the
Onondaga chief, Annenraes, was taken before he knew of the
outbreak; but he proved as persuasive as of old and was given
to the sister of one of the dead ambassadors, with the hope that
he might preserve peace. She was not then at home, but they
doubted not her acceptance, clothed him handsomely and feasted
him well. When she returned, she refused all offers, though
this might ruin her country. He must die, and they had to yield.
They took him from the feast, stripped him of his robes and
kindled the fire. “He cried out before dying that they were
going to burn a nation in his person, and that they would cruelly
avenge his death.” An Iroquois army quickly took the field and
made his words good.

There is a fanciful Seneca tradition of this war which has been
credited by many, but which has no likeness to the contempo-
raneous account, and the latter has some difficulties. According
to this the Eries abandoned most of their towns, but at last made
a stand in a strong fort and were summoned to surrender. They
refused, and a terrible assault began, which was long unsuccess-
ful. The palisades were high and well defended. The Iroquois
took their canoes and bore them before them, using them first as
shields and then as ladders. The fort was carried with the loss
of many of the assailants, but with terrible carnage to the inmates.
After this, 300 rallied and planned a surprise, which was badly
conducted. At the first Iroquois yell they lost heart and fled.
The invaders suffered much, but except as captives the Eries
appeared no more. One campaign destroyed them.

The Iroquois invaders are said to have been 1800 men, but
it is safe to reduce this estimate, and, as the Eries fought bravely
on the defensive in a strong fort, their numbers could hardly have

been large, and archeologic evidence rather favors this. This

204 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

accords with the fact that before this they left the shore of Lake
Erie to seek homes less exposed to their foes. On the other hand,
their warlike character made them dreaded by the Iroquois, who
were inclined to the French by this fear. Few or many, they
were brave. As the birthplace of a captive to the Oneidas, the
name of Gentaieton, the chief Erie town, alone has come down
to us.

In 1655 Le Moyne went to the Mohawks and was well received.
Both Seneca and Onondaga ambassadors were in Canada that
year, which resulted in the journey of Fathers Joseph Chaumonot
and Claude Dablon to Onondaga, where a firm alliance was made
and a place selected for a colony, this being changed from Salmon
river to Onondaga lake. :

The two missionaries were received with the usual stately
Iroquois ceremonies for ambassadors, and they have left graphic
accounts of these. As in many other cases, Garakontie’, the head
chief and always their host, was called by the Onondaga council
name. Nov. 7, 1655, “It was told the Father in this assembly,
first that [S] Agochiendaguete’, who is as the great king of all
the country, and Onnontio were equally firm and constant in their
decisions.” The French superior of missions was called Achi-
endase’ by the Iroquois, and all the missionaries had Indian
names, which were given to others when they died. Curiously
enough, Mr J. G. Shea thought Garakontie’ was not a principal
chief and that he was a nephew of Sagochiendaguete’. This
came from a confusion of names.

Nov. 18 a chapel was built, of which Dablon said, “ For mar-
bles and precious stones we had but bark; but the way to heaven
is aS open through a roof of bark as through fretted ceilings of
silver and gold.” ‘The mission was named St John Baptist.

The speeches and songs in the council at this time were fully
recorded by Dablon, Garakontie’ intoning most of the latter. It
was a beautiful land which the French were to inhabit. The
news of their coming was good and their speech heavenly. Very
welcome were these brethren of the delightful voice. Farewell
to war and all its horrors. Both parties had been mad, but were
now brothers. The great peace was made, everything was beau-

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 205

tiful, and henceforth there would be mutual support. It was a
time of rejoicing.

About this time the Dutch had Indian troubles, there being an
outbreak near Manhattan, and in October the Dutch at Fort
Orange thought it prudent to renew their Mohawk alliance. In
November 100 Mohawks came there to say that they were about
to attack the Hurons and asked the Dutch to be neutral.

The Mohawks and Onondagas were often in antagonism. In
1656 a Mohawk chief desired the French “to close the door of
his houses and his forts to the Onnontagueronnon, who wishes
to be my foe, and who broods over thoughts of war against me.”
A little earlier the Mohawks had killed a Seneca ambassador
near Montreal, jealous of his mission to the French. This
nearly caused a war between the two nations, going so far that
the Mohawks unsuccessfully applied to the Dutch for mediation
and aid. This matter was afterward settled at Onondaga, though
the two nations “ were at the point of entering into war.” Their
alliance was not old enough to make them thoroughly one. In
1653 an Onondaga chief had told the French “that it was very
necessary to distinguish between nation and nation; that the
Onnontaeronnons were not unfaithful like the Anniehronnon

b

Iroquois,” with like complimentary speeches.

Chaumonot and Dablon have left notes of their winter at
Onondaga, but found the people impatient of French delays.
For three years they had talked of founding a colony, but nothing
had been done. If they did not act at once, the plan would be
abandoned and war might follow. On this Dablon returned to
Montreal early in March 1656, crossing Oneida lake on the ice
and reaching Montreal after a fearful journey. The emergency
was seen, his mission was successful, and the French colony left
Quebec, May 17, 1756, escorted by some Onondagas, Senecas and
Hurons. There were four Jesuit fathers and two brothers in the
party, and between 50 and 60 colonists and soldiers. Soon after
starting, they were assailed by a party of Mohawks, who mal-
treated some of the Onondagas, but made excuses, fearing war
with that people.

200 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

At Montreal they embarked in 20 canoes, leaving there June
8. <A large flag of white taffeta, with the name of Jesus, floated
over one of these. Some Mohawks were encountered, whom the
Onondagas, their kindred, reviled and plundered. Hunger
pressed the party sorely, July 3, but they hoped for relief at
Otiatonnehengue’, the fishing village at the mouth of Salmon
river. No one was there, the fishing season being over, and
from their distress the place was long known as La Famine.
Charlevoix connected this name with De la Barre’s camp there,
but it appeared before that time.

Out of 14 Indians but five remained with them, and the party
struggled on, contending with the waves of the lake and the
rapids of Oswego river, hungry and faint all the way.: At
Oswego Falls there came welcome relief. Salmon filled the
river and the Onondagas sent them food. Brimming kettles were
set over the fires. They reveled in their abundant supplies and

6

rejoiced, for “one fair day effaces the memory of ten which are
bad.” Pleasantly they ascended the broad and beautiful stream,
entering Onondaga lake, July 11, firing their five small cannon and
advancing in ranks of four canoes. They were joyfully received
by the assembled multitudes, and the fortified mission of St Mary
of Gannentaa was soon built on the eastern shore of the lake.

The colonists of New York and Canada differed in the appro-
priation of land. The former purchased land at a nominal price,
the latter took what they wanted. In the allied documents of
Burrows’s edition of the Jesuit Relations is a translation of a
deed given by Governor Lauson to the Jesuits at this time. There
was granted and given to them:

Ten leagues of space in every direction—that is to say, ten
leagues front and ten leagues depth,—and where they shall
choose to establish themselves in the country of the Upper Irocois
called Onondageoronons, be it in or near the village of Onnon-
dagé, or at Gannentaé, or as is said, in that place where they
shall judge most convenient to them, the said space and extent

of ten leagues square is to be possessed by the said reverend
Jesuit fathers, their successors and assigns, in freehold forever.

The Onondaga town lay within this space, and its people

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 207

probably never knew of the existence of a grant so absolute,
and to which their consent had never been asked. The grand
_seneschal of New France was enjoined to put the Jesuits in pos-
‘session. The governor had also “ caused a fort to be erected on
Lake Gonontaa, and granted to sundry private persons some I[ro-
quois lands, for which deeds have been executed.” This was
dated at Quebec, Ap. 12, 1756, five weeks before the colony left.
The French ideas were much like those of Governor Winthrop
| of Massachusetts: “If we leave them sufficient for their use,
“we may lawfully take the rest, there being more than enough
for them and us.”

The mission buildings were erected on the east shore of Onon-
-daga lake, south of the present village of Liverpool, the site
being described as at a distance from any salt springs. A work
_ supposed to mark the spot was probably that made by Frontenac
40 years later, and does not agree in outline with what we know
of the mission which probably stood there. Regarding that, too,
the Relations definitely speak of but one house, possibly a term
for the whole stockade, including several houses, the circum-
stances seeming to require this in order to build and remove
_ several large boats unseen, with their lading. On the other hand,
Charlevoix distinctly speaks of the Jesuits’ own house as the
largest of all. In De Nonville’s memoir of 1688 it is also said
that the colonists cleared and planted fields, and also “built
many large houses.” For lodging over 60 men it could hardly
_have been otherwise.

More specifically, the mission seems to have been on lot 106,
Salina, near the large spring where Frontenac’s fort was in 1696
and which he left to camp for a night at the salt springs, all the
early ones known being south of the marsh. A passage in the
Relation of 1656 has been misapplied. In this we are told:
“The fountain of which one makes very good salt, intersects
a beautiful prairie, surrounded by a grove of high forest trees.
At 80 or 100 paces from this salt spring is seen another of fresh
water, and these two opposites take birth from the bosom of the
same hill.” |

208 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

The last was not the so called Jesuit spring, but one formerly |

in the first ward of Syracuse. The Relation says there was no
salt spring near the mission. When rattlesnakes were described,
the writer said: “1 know not if the serpents are attracted by
the salt; but I well know that the place where we have set up
our dwelling, surrounded by beautiful springs of fresh water, is
not infested by them, though it is on the shores of the same lake.”

A redoubt was soon made for the soldiers, and around it “the
fountains of fresh water were in abundance.” De Nonville said
that the 60 French included 12 soldiers under Dupuis, and that
they left four bronze cannon. There were more of both.

The trouble between the Mohawks and Senecas was settled by
arbitration at Onondaga in 1656, this being an early Iroquois
principle. “This grand council was held on the 24th of July,
when all the nations referred to Achiendase’ (who was our father
superior) the cause of the Mohawks and Senecas, which was very
soon ended.” The former did not even then feel quite safe from
their allies, for next year they asked the Dutch for a refuge for
their families if attacked by the Senecas, and horses to draw pali-
sades to repair their forts.

Father Garreau was killed by the Mohawks in Canada in 1656
and in that year they paraded before Quebec, making some Can-

adian Indian prisoners dance. Meanwhile, the strife for the

Hurons went on. The Mohawks carried off some near Quebec,
killing many but granting peace to the rest on condition that
they would soon go to the Mohawk country. When they came
for them, the Hurons still hesitated. The nation of the Cord
refused to go, but the Bears went. Those of the Rock would go
to Onondaga, but some were massacred on the road.

Meanwhile, Chaumonot had visited the Senecas and Oneidas,
and missions were established among all the nations except the
Mohawks. Father Menard had a mission among the Cayugas,

and on the shore of their lake David Le Moine died. “He was

a donné, or one specially devoted to religious work. At Onon-
daga lake there was much sickness and two deaths occurred.
The Onondagas came to comfort the French, relieving the sick
and covering the graves of the dead with speeches and presents.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 209

The Mohawks now plotted their ruin. The Onondagas, at first
enthusiastic over their new friends, became lukewarm and then
secretly hostile, though the French afterward had no doubt of
their sincerity at first. The destruction of the colony was deter-
mined, but was delayed by two causes. Garakontie’ favored the
French and postponed their surprise under various pretexts,
probably even giving them warning. Besides this, a large num-
ber of Iroquois were under restraint at Montreal, and the blow
could not be struck till these were safe. With hints of the plot,
the French made shrewd preparations. It was winter, and all
the missionaries were called in. Some colonists and soldiers had
returned to Canada. The rest were employed in making boats in
the garret of a large house. Charlevoix varies much from the
Relation in minor details. The colony had four Algonquin and
four Iroquois canoes and built two bateaux, each large enough
for 15 men. In this little fleet 53 persons were to embark.

In due time a feast was proclaimed, which may have been held
outside of the mission, in the cabins east of the house, where
some had been made, the town being nearly 15 miles away. If
held within, great precautions must have been taken. During
the noise of the feast, the boats were carried out of the back door
of the stockade, launched and loaded. The guests were dis-
missed, and, when all were asleep, the fort was evacuated, on the
night of Mar. 20, 1658. A fearful journey it was through the
freezing lake, down the river, over the portage at the falls and
through Lake Ontario. At its foot they cut their way through
the ice. In running the rapids three men were drowned, but the
rest reached Montreal, Ap. 3, where the ice had just gone out.
All through it was a marvelous deliverance, and their disap-
pearance greatly astonished the Onondagas, who waited till the
next night for them to come forth, wondering at their long
silence. At Montreal they were hailed as men from the dead.

In that year the Mohawks sent a large party to join the upper
Iroquois against the Ottawas, who had killed 30 of their men the
year before. Their leader was Tecarihoguen, head chief of the
Mohawks. At this time the upper lakes were lined with Algon-

210 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

quins and other refugees from the Iroquois, some Hurons having

retired beyond Lake Superior.

Chapter 9g

Iroquois war renewed, and their strength. Huron and French defeat on
Ottawa river. Sad condition of Canada. Proposals of peace. Le Moyne
goes to Onondaga. His reception. Rank of Garakontie’. Hotreouate’.
War with Minquas or Andastes. Iroquois and eastern Indians. New
Esopus war. Onondaga embassy to Canada attacked, with consequent
war. First treaty between Five Nations and English. De Tracy builds
forts and invades Mohawks twice.

‘War now raged everywhere, with varying fortunes, but with
much distress to the French, many of whom were made pris-
oners, but were often well cared for by Garakontie. Governor
d’Argenson landed at Quebec July 11, 1658, and the next day
there was a massacre of Algonquins close to that place. The
Iroquois were quickly pursued, but escaped. Some Mohawks
tried to surprise Three Rivers, and afterward 10 of them entered
the town for a peace talk and were seized. heir leader wae
Atogouaekotian, or the Great Spoon, who came to Quebec to
treat of peace in 1645. They were released after scaring them.
The Iroquois now carried their arms far and wide and in 1659
began to approach Hudson bay.

That year the Mohawks put the Esopus people on their guard
and were successful in arranging a truce between the Indians and
the Dutch. They again wanted help in repairing their castles and
held a council with the Dutch, in which reference was made to
the first treaty between them 16 years before, probably meaning
that of 1645. Aid was supplied.

Of the many small encounters in the Canadian war little need
be said, but there is a curious estimate of Iroquois strength in the
Relation of 1660, which is worthy of note as a contrast to the
numbers constantly reported in the field. Of the Mohawks there
were not more than 500 warriors, of Oneidas less than 100, of
Onondagas and Cayugas about 300 each, and of Senecas not
more than 1000. Of these the conquered Hurons, Tionontaties,
Neutrals, Eries, Fire Nation and others made the largest and best

part. Yet they were a terrible scourge to Canada.

i

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 211

Late in the winter of 1660 a band of 4o chosen Hurons left
Quebec on a war party with 18 Frenchmen. Some Algonquins
joined them at Three Rivers and they took post below the Sault
de Chaudiere on the Ottawa, to wait for Iroquois hunters, who
usually passed there in single file. Some of these saw them and
gathered the rest, who were soon arrayed as warriors. Solemnly
and openly 200 Onondagas came down the sault in their canoes,
ready for the fight. Their astonished foes took refuge in an old
fort, making a vigorous defense. Then the Mohawks came and
aided in the siege, which lasted for 1o days. Water could be had
only at the peril of life, and part of the Indians deserted to their
foes. The French fired on a flag of truce, and the Iroquois were
infuriated. Guarded by wooden shields, they rushed at the pali-
sades to cut them down. The French grenades were exhausted,
and they used disabled gun barrels. At last they tried to throw
a barrel of powder over the wall, hoping it might explode in the
midst of their foes. Unfortunately it caught in a bough, fell back,
exploded within, and the fight was soon over. Not so the cruel-
ties of the conquerors. This disaster was deeply felt by both
Hurons and French, who also heard that all the Iroquois would
make war on them the coming year. Quebec was blockaded by
700 Iroquois, victors in this fight. In this gloom the only ray of
light was that a Cayuga party came to Montreal and said they
wished to be neutral.

In 1660 the Mohawks invited the Indians living near New
Amsterdam to live with them and made a southern journey to
reconcile the Minquas and Senecas. They were present at the
treaty with the Esopus Indians and gave bail for their good
behavior. The Senecas also came to Fort Orange, and the Dutch
hoped they would be at peace with the Minquas, here called
Maquas by clerical error. It was at the conference at Esopus
that a Minqua chief sharply reproved the Indians there: “Ye
cause us and the Mohawks great losses. This is not your land.
It is our land. Therefore repeat not this but throw down the
hatchet.”

The next year the Iroquois waged a worse war in Canada,

22 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

extending all the way from Tadoussac to Montreal. At the latter
place 160 Iroquois appeared at the end of winter and continued
their attacks all through the summer of 1661. To the French at
Three Rivers “it was evil upon evil, and sorrow upon sorrow.”
To this were added the terrors of the comet and earthquake.
On the Ottawa river and Lake Huron not an Indian could be
found, so great was the fear of the Iroquois. At Quebec the
brave M. de Lauson was killed, and in words of that date, “ the
Iroquois burned, killed and carried off with impunity.”

It was a gloomy time; but, in the midst of these trials, two
Iroquois canoes came to Montreal in July 1661, bearing a white
flag and peace proposals from the Onondagas and Cayugas.
Saonchiogwa, a Cayuga chief and friend of the French, was the
speaker. He brought back four prisoners from Onondaga, as
pledges of their sincerity and would restore others. ‘The release
of eight Cayugas was desired. The mission house yet stood at
Lake Gannentaa, the fields there were cultivated and ready for
the return of the French. Garakontie’ had cared for the prisoners.
Then he spoke very gravely.

It is necessary, said he, that a Black Robe should come with
me; without this there is no peace, and the lives of twenty French
captives at Onondaga are attached to this voyage. While saying
this he produced the leaf of I know not what Book, on the mar-
gin of which the twenty Frenchmen had written their names.

As a result, Father Le Moyne went on a peace embassy to the
Iroquois for the fifth time, regarding “the day of his departure
as one of the happiest days of his life.” A glorious mission
indeed; for peace and deliverance were to be the results. Hé@
wrote from the chapel at Onondaga, Aug. 25, 1661, rejoicing that
his confidence had not been misplaced. Garakontie’ had met him
two leagues from the town, an unusual honor, and his reception
was like a triumph, the grandest that Iroquois etiquette could
devise. Personally popular with all, he entered fully into the
spirit of the occasion, sustaining his part with great applause.
The enthusiastic Onondagas lined his path for two leagues, ,
running on and taking new stations when he had passed, that |

they might see and greet him again. He said:

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 213

I walked gravely between two rows of people, who give me a
thousand benedictions, and who load me with all kinds of fruits,
with pumpkins, with mulberries, with breads, with strawberries
and others. I kept making my cry of Ambassador while walk-
ing, and seeing myself near the town, which was scarcely visible
to me, the stakes, the cabins and the trees were so covered with
people. I stopped before taking the first step in entering the town.

He found that the captives had been treated with much kind-
ness, and that Garakontie’ had secured them every religious privi-
lege possible. A bell called them to public worship, which was
led by one of their best men. Lay baptism was practised and
much religious instruction given. Le Moyne spent nearly a
year there and elsewhere, returning Aug. 31, 1662, with the
remaining captives, and there was great joy in Montreal.

Mr Shea said that Garakontie’, Sun that Advances, “was
apparently an orator, not a sachem, and not a war chief. He is
not mentioned in connection with the settlement of St Mary of
Ganentaha by any of the writers of that time, and it is abso-
lutely contrary to all authority to make him the projector of
that movement.” One little circumstance should have shown
this eminent writer the error into which he was led by the use of
ieatakontie s Official title for his personal name. When Le
Moyne drew near Onondaga in 1654, he said he dined with “the
nephew of the first captain of the country, who is to lodge me in
his cabin.” In 1661 he said, “ We met a captain named Gara-
contie’, who is the one with whom our fathers and I have taken
lodging every time we have come into this country.” In 1670
he was distinctly called Sagochiendagete’, and in 1654 it was
Sagochiendagehte’, an Onondaga chief, who remained as a hos-
tage at Montreal. In 1657 it was “ Sagochiendagesite’ who has
the power and royal authority over all the nation of Onontaghe,
though he has not the name of it.” In an address toward the
close of his life, the chief spoke of his authority, and of the use
he had always made of it for the public good. A letter from
Onondaga in 1671 speaks of him as “the most considerable, and
the chief of all the Iroquois nations.”

Another possible error of Mr Shea’s may be noted here, as it

214 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

is connected with this time. On his way to Onondaga Father
Le Moyne met a war party going against the French, led by
Hotreouate’, better known as Garangula to the readers of Colden.
He desired revenge for his imprisonment at Montreal. Soon after
a deputation of Onondagas and Senecas, going to Montreal, met
this party returning with scalps. They had killed an ecclesiastic,
named M. le Maitre, and the leader wore his black robe. The
deputiés hesitated about proceeding after. this act, -bibtsieaess
kontie’ went on and was well received. The Relation of 1661 dis-

tinctly says that the priest was killed by this Onondaga chief.

Mr Shea said, giving no reason, “The actual murderer of Le
Maitre, Hoandoran, became a Christian, and died at the Sulpitian
mission at Montreal.”

The ambassadors turned back an Oneida war party, and for
a time the Iroquois turned their arms against the northern, south-
ern and western nations. In this year Schenectady was bought
from the Mohawks.

The English now aided the Minquas, according to report
placing 50 men in their fort, but the Senecas killed many. In the
northwest 80 Iroquois attacked 30 Attikamegues and somie
French, all of whom died fighting. In 1662 the Mohawks and
Oneidas sent a party against the Ottawas, which was defeated by
the Sauteurs, being surprised in the midst of a revel, and this
was long remembered, traditionally giving name to Point Iro-
quois near Sault Ste Marie. On the island of Montreal some Iro-
quois killed two prominent men. A party which went against
the Andastes or Minquas met with disaster, the Black Minquas
having come to aid their friends. They were so named from their
black badges.

The English now complained that the Mohawks attacked the
Penobscot Indians and that 260 had built a strong fort there,
where they stayed for two weeks. Some English cattle were
killed, and the English came to Fort Orange about this. The
Mohawks were willing to give a wampum atonement, but would
not give up their captives and threatened to ravage Connecticut
if the English were not satisfied. Governor Stuyvesant, whom

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK JROQUOIS 215

they called Wooden Leg, went to Fort Orange about this, pro-
cured an accommodation and ransomed some captives. They
were Kennebecs.

Governor d’Avaugour had come to Canada in 1661, and in 1662
he said “it was politic to exaggerate more than ever the cruelties
of the Iroquois, in order the better to conceal the designs that
might be adopted in this country; fearing lest English ignorance
‘and Dutch weakness might be alarmed, and have their jealousy
= excited.”

The governor of French Acadia desired a permanent peace
between the Mohawks and northern Indians. The Mohawks
replied that they had best be left alone. The Mahicans had fled
from Albany and elsewhere, and left their corn lands. As the
Dutch did not like them to pass Fort Orange, the Mohawks now
went to the eastern wars by way of Cohoes as a rule, but a party
of Mohawks, Onondagas and Senecas passed through the Dutch
town in December against the eastern Indians, by whom they
were defeated.

In 1663 the Algonquins killed Garistarsia and 10 of his men.
There was a desperate struggle between Garistarsia, or the
Sword, and Gahronho, a stalwart Algonquin chief. They
grappled, and, just as the Mohawk was about dealing a death
blow, a lucky chance changed the result for the Algonquin, and
the Mohawk was slain.

That year there were new hostilities at Esopus, and the aid of
the Mohawks was sought in recovering prisoners. The Iroquois
sent a large force against the Minquas, which had poor success.
According to one account the army descended a great river and
thought they would find the foe an easy prey; but the fort was
defended on one side by the river and on the others by strong
palisades, with bastions and cannon. The Iroquois then pro-
posed sending 25 men into the fort to treat for peace and buy
provisions for their return. They were admitted, seized and
burned alive on scaffolds in the sight of their helpless friends.
The Andastes told the Iroquois this was but a prelude to what
they would do when they invaded their country. The Iroquois

2160 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM ™

desired vengeance, but the smallpox had weakened their towns
and for a while they could do nothing. This is the French story.
Those near by made light of the affair. About this time there
were prospects of peace between the French and Iroquois, but
the Hurons reported French preparations to destroy them, and
this broke off negotiations.

In the spring of 1664 Garakontie’ prepared another peace:
embassy. Even the Mohawks wished peace, having on hand a
Mahican war; while the Andastes kept the upper Iroquois busy.
Among the Onondagas Garakontie’ was the prime mover, but
the Oneidas took no action at all. The chief set out with 30
ambassadors and 100 great belts. These fell into an Algonquin
ambuscade, and all hopes of peace were destroyed, the Iroquois
resolving on vengeance. Yet a Cayuga embassy came to Quebec
Sep. 18, speaking for all but the Oneidas. War continued.

That year Mohawk ambassadors were killed by the Abena-
quiois, or Kennebecs, and the Mahicans attacked the Mohawks,
killing Dutch cattle at Greenbush and ravaging the east side of
Hudson river. ‘The Senecas threatened to attack the Minisinks,
whom the Minquas would defend.

The first treaty between the Iroquois and English in New York
was made at Albany, Sep. 24, 1664, and was signed by four
Mohawk chiefs and four nominal Senecas, two of whom were
Onondagas and Cayugas. The English were not to aid the New
England Indians, who had murdered a Mohawk chief, but peace
was to be made with the River Indians. Colden said:

In 1664, New York being taken by the English, they immedi-
ately entered into a Friendship with the Five Nations which has
continued without the least Breach to this Day; and History, I
believe, can not give an Instance of the most Christian and most
Catholick Kings observing a Treaty so strictly, and for so long
a Time as these Barbarians, as they are called, have done.

M. de Tracy came to Canada in 1665, and at once built three
forts on the River of the Iroquois. The king of France resolved
“to carry war even to their firesides, in order totally to exter-
minate them,” if they did not submit, though the English occu-
pation of New York had changed the situation. The regiment

HISTORY OF THE: NEW YORK IROQUOIS 217

of Carignan-Salieres came from Hungary, with laurels won from
the Turks, and was now to oppose the Iroquois. Part was to
protect the harvesters and the rest built the forts. The Iroquois
were at first alarmed, but soon recovered and used other roads.
An embassy led by Garakontie’ came to Canada in October and
another in December. At the latter all but the Mohawks made
a treaty of peace, signed by the Bear, Wolf and Turtle clans.
They desired priests and settlers, and mourned Father Le Moyne,
‘who died Nov. 24.

Governor de Courcelle went against the Mohawks Jan. 9, 1666,
with 500 men, arriving in their country, Feb. 9, much exhausted.
He learned that most of the Mohawks and Oneidas had gone to
war with the Wampum-makers, leaving only old people and chil-
dren at home, and even these he was in no condition to attack,
but lost some men in a Mohawk ambuscade. He got provisions of
the Dutch and at once returned, losing more men on the way.
The Iroquois were alarmed, not having thought invasion possible,
and in May the Senecas came and made peace, being soon fol-
lowed by the rest. There were hostilities after this, and Captain
de Sorel went with 300 men against the Mohawks, but met their
ambassadors coming to make amends. The trouble was this.
Some Oneida deputies went to Canada in June 1666, returning
with Father Beschefer and two Frenchmen, to induce the Mo-
hawks and Oneidas to send deputies to a general council. Hardly
had they gone before news came that the Mohawks had killed
some French hunters and made others prisoners, Captain de
Traversy and Sieur de Chasy being killed. The French were at
once recalled and the Oneidas seized.

Charlevoix adds that De Sorel, on his way to the Mohawk
towns, met a party led by the Dutch Bastard, but of inferior
force. The latter pretended he was on a peace embassy and was
taken to De Tracy and well received. Agariata, another Mo-
hawk chief, came afterward and said he was a deputy. At De
Tracy’s table

The conversation turning on the death of M. de Chasy, the

Mohawk chief, raising his arm, exclaimed: “ This is the arm that
tomahawked that young officer,” The indignation of all present

— 218 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

may be imagined. The Viceroy told the insolent savage that he
would never kill another, and had him strangled on the spot by —
the executioner, in the presence of the Flemish- Bastard, whom
he retained as a prisoner.

Colden related this differently, saying that, after peace was
made, some Mohawks killed these Frenchmen; and

The Five Nations, to shew their publick Displeasure at this
Breach of Peace, sent Agariata, the Captain of the Company that
did the Mischief, with forty others, to beg Pardon; but Monsieur
Coursel was resolved to make an example of Agariata, and :
ordered him to be hanged in sight of his Company; and the
French think that this Severity was a great Means of preserving
the Peace. till the Year 163%

Most of the others were sent home. De Tracy made another
expedition that year, with 1300 men, rendezvousing at Fort St
Anne in Lake Champlain, where De Courcelle preceded him with
400 men. They carried two cannon. Mohawk scouts gave the
alarm and every town was abandoned. The last town was well
provisioned and strong enough for defense. This fort was “a
triple palisade, surrounding their stronghold, twenty feet in
height and flanked by four bastions.” Besides food,,it had
“abundant supplies of water in bark tanks.’ Oct. 17, 1666, the
troops “ being drawn up in battle array before the Fort of Anda-
raque,” their commander “ took possession of said Fort and of all
the lands in the neighborhood as far and in as great a quantity
as they may extend, and of the other four forts which have been
conquered from the Iroquois.” On this act was based part of
the French claims to land in New York.:

Chapter 10

Peace made and missions resumed. Van Curler drowned. Mahicans
attack Gandaouagué. Battle at Kinquarioones. Agreskoué renounced.
Iroquois mission towns in Canada. Senecas and Ottawas at war. Bap-
tism of Iroquois chiefs. Courcelle visits Lake Ontario. Peace between
Mohawks and Mahicans. Count Frontenac visits Lake. Ontario and
builds Fort Frontenac. La Salle. King Philip’s war. Death of Gara-
kontie’. Hennepin among the Iroquois. Governor Andros visits the
Mohawks. Kryn removes to Canada. Greenhalgh’s journey. Cayuga
villages in Canada. Dekanissora. War with Illinois. Onondagas
remove town. Iroquois adopt captives. Peace between Five Nations
and Maryland.

These harsh measures produced a general peace, and the
French missions were resumed in 1667. Fathers Jacques Fremin

: HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 219
=
and Jean Pierron went to the Mohawks that year; Father Jacques

Bruyas accompanied them and proceeded to Oneida. Father
Julien Garnier soon joined him, but went on to Onondaga, where
Father Pierre Milet came to him the next year. At the same
time Father Etienne Carheil resumed the work among the Cay-
ugas on Cayuga lake. These had now some villages north of
Lake Ontario, which were safe from the Andastes. The enmity
between them and that people was great, and that year four
Andastes women were burned at Oneida alone.

_ Arent Van Curler (Corlaer) was drowned in 1667, while on
his way to Canada. This occurred in Corlaer’s bay, Lake Cham-
plain, now called the Bay of Perou. There was a great rock
there, beneath which the Indians thought one of their divinities
dwelt, and they made offerings in passing. He ridiculed this,
and the Indians thought his death a retribution for his sarcasm.
He was a great favorite with the Mohawks, and they called the
governors of New York after him.

_ In 1668 the Wappingers joined the Mohawks against the Mahi-
cans, 300 of whom attacked the Mohawk town of Gandaouague’
Aug. 18, 1669, but were repulsed with loss. This was the eastern
castle, on the north side of the river. The invaders were led by
Chickataubutt, who was killed in the attack. They were pur-
sued and another battle took place next day, at a place mentioned
im a grant of July 3, 1672, as “ KINAQUARIONES, Where
‘he Last Battel was between the Mohoakx and the North [river]
Indians.” Mths Gen. J. S. Clark said:

Kinaquariones is the steep rocky hill on the north side of the
Mohawk river just above Hoffman’s Ferry, nine English (equal
0 three Dutch) miles west of Schenectady. It was the western
vounds of the original Schenectady patent, and now forms the
outheast corner of the county of Montgomery. The ancient
boriginal name is still preserved in the contracted form of
“owereoune. The palisaded castle Gandaouague’, at the date of
his assault, was on the north side of the Mohawk, on the west
ank of Cayadutta creek, on a high plateau known locally as the
and Flats. . . This village was for a time the residence of

‘egakwita, the Iroquois saint, and of the great Kryn, one of the
lost valiant among the many famous Mohawk warriors.

220 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

In their turn the Mohawks became the invaders, but were
unsuccessful, though aided by other Iroquois. On account of
their present loss, a condolence was held with them, which has
been confused with the Dead Feast of the Hurons, to which it
bore no likeness. Father Pierron was present and interrupted the
ceremony, which he did not understand. The result was that
he induced the Mohawks to renounce the worship of Agreskoue’.
A similar renunciation of the old worship was soon made at
Onondaga, but was never very thorough. From that time till
the preaching of the new religion about 1800, the religious belief
of the Iroquois was of a very hazy kind. Through all their>
earlier history their faith in dreams was unlimited. |

|

The mission of St Francis Xavier a la Prairie de la Magdeliene:
was founded near Montreal in 1669, as a refuge for the Christian )
Iroquois desirous of escaping the temptations of their old homes. |

This was done by Catharine Gandiaktena, born in the Erie town}
of Gentaieton, but carried to Oneida and married there. Shes
went to La Prairie with 12 others, and this led to the removal]
of many Christian Iroquois to Canada. Other Canadian mission
towns followed, attracting people from their old homes and seri-
ously diminishing their strength. The chiefs were alarmed and:
indignant. The Jesuits boasted that they had thus secured 200:
brave Iroquois soldiers for the French, and still had eight chapels:
in New York in 1674. To conduct these properly, they arranges
a uniform scheme of missions in 1669.

Fremin and Garnier went to Onondaga Aug. 26, baie and that
day La Salle landed at Irondequoit bay, led there by Seneca
reports of a great river flowing southward from them. Dollier
and Gallinée went to the mission with him, remaining quite a
time, and visited and described the burning spring as well as the
town. In September they stopped a while at the Iroquois village
of Tinawatawa, near the extreme western. end of Lake Ontario:
That year Indian murders led to a close union between, all the
River Indians and the Iroquois.

In 1670 the Senecas captured 100 women and. “uildeene near thi
Ottawas, and exposed Iroquois cabins were attacked in turm

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 22!

This roused the Senecas, who resented a proposed French arbi-
tration; but Garakontie’ prevailed and peace was restored. ‘That
eminent chief was baptized and confirmed by Bishop de Petrée
in the cathedral at Quebec that year. Governor de Courcelle was
his godfather, and Mile Boutrouee, daughter of the intendant, his
godmother. After being conducted to the chateau, “at his first
entrance he saw himself saluted by a discharge of all the cannon
of the fort, and of all the musketry of the soldiers who were
ranged to receive him.” <A banquet and speeches followed.

Saonchiogwa was baptized soon after, being a Cayuga chief,
friendly to the French from the first. He restored some of the
Ottawa prisoners. Father Carheil was now in charge of the
Cayuga mission and composed hymns and devotions in that lan-
guage. When the town was in danger of assault by the Andastes,
he won the hearts of all by taking his turn as sentinel. At this
mine there were Huron catechists among the Senecas, and a
Seneca dictionary was in progress.

Governor de Courcelle took prompt action on the murder of
Indians in 1670, calling a council at Montreal and punishing the
offenders before the Indians. This prevented trouble. He for-
bade war between the Ottawas and Iroquois, which the Senecas
mesented. IThat year he ascended the river to Lake Ontario,
alarming the Iroquois much by this simple act. At that time
the Iroquois had to go north of that lake for beaver and carried
it all to the Dutch. |

In 1672 peace was formally made at Albany between the Mo-
hawks and Mahicans. The Onondagas had been quite successful
against the Andastes; but this year some young warriors of that
nation totally defeated Seneca and Cayuga parties on Cayuga
lake. In spite of their bravery, the great contest was now
unequal and the downfall of the Andastes soon followed.

Count Frontenac went up the St Lawrence to Lake Ontario
in July 1673, holding a council with the Iroquois near the site
of Kingston July 13, and founding Fort Frontenac, called Cada-
raqui by the Onondagas and English. Garakontie’ spoke, being
classed among the 60 influential sachems’ present. The next

222 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

year Frontenac informed Colbert “that, if the principal chiefs

had not been gained by his flatteries and presents, not a single

Frenchman would have been left in Canada.” He certainly did

everything possible on this occasion, paying special attention to
the women and children.

In connection with this trip La Salle was several times at
Onondaga that year, and Father Lamberville wrote of meeting
him at the foot of Oneida lake Sep. 9, 1673. He there heard
that the Dutch again held New York. Some Mohawk chiefs
visited Governor Colve at Fort Wilhelm Hendrick May 19, 1674,
who were from Kaghenewage’ and Kanagaro. They had made
a new treaty with the Dutch the year before.

King Philip’s war was now raging; and he is doubtfully said
to have visited the Mohawks in 1675, but without securing their
aid. He is also said to have murdered some of their stragglers,
hoping it would be laid to the English; but the trick was dis-
covered, and the Mohawks became his worst foes. It is only
certain that in February 1676, a party of 300 Mohawks did go
from Albany and defeated Philip not far away. When attacked

by the English near Deerfield Mass., his followers fled, crying,

“ Mohawks! Mohawks!” so great was their fear of them.

Garakontie’ died at Onondaga soon after Christmas 1675, having

been head chief of the Onondagas and Iroquois for many years. |

He left this message: ‘* Write to the Governor that he loses the

best servant he has in the cantons of the Iroquois.” Father

Lamberville wrote a pathetic account of his death and burial,

making his coffin and performing the funeral rites himself. A
large cross marked his grave in the present town of Pompey.
For more than a score of years he had been known as the friend
and father of the French, both in peace and war. His brother
took his name but not his office, serving the French in a quieter
way and dying in 1702. The two have been confused.

Father Hennepin came to Canada in 1675 and at once took up
mission work, being part of the time at the Cayuga villages north
of Lake Ontario. Fond of adventure, after a while he wanted to

know more of the Iroquois, and said:

=.

E

‘

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 223

I accordingly went among them with one of our soldiers from
said fort, [ Frontenac] making a journey of about seventy leagues,
and both having large snowshoes on our feet, on account of the

snow, which is. abundant in that country during winter. I had

some little knowledge of the Iroquois language. We then passed
on to the Honnchiouts Iroquois, and the Honnontagez, who
received us very well. This nation is the most warlike of all
the Iroquois. At last we arrived at the Gannickez Agniez. This
is one of Five Iroquois Nations, situated a good day’s journey

_ from the neighborhood of New Netherland. We remained some

time among this last named nation, and were lodgéd with a Jesuit
Father, born in Lyons, in order to transcribe a little Iroquois

dictionary.

In August 1675, Gov. Edmund Andros went to the warlike

Indians nearly 100 miles beyond Albany and allies of the English.

This trip was really to the farthest Mohawk town. The next
year Andros said that King Philip’s war might have been pre-

vented had not the Boston people scorned his advice. He would

have engaged the Mohawks and others to fall on Philip. As it

was, he kept them from helping him.
In 1675, also, the Senecas wished to exterminate the Susque-

-hannas, or Andastes, but the Mohawks said they were their

brothers and children and might live with them. At this time

powder and lead were sold only to the Iroquois. There was a

Story that they killed Canonicus, the Narragansett chief.

There came a difficulty between the Iroquois and Maryland,
which Andros aided in settling. That province complained of
Seneca depredations; but Andros thought both Mohawks and
Senecas were good friends of the English. At the time the treaty

of 1677 was made, some Oneidas, Onondagas and Senecas had

gone south and killed some Susquehannas, taking prisoners, not

knowing of the peace. Part of these were restored, but there
were many such troubles from time to time. 2Ttwo commission-
ers were sent to Albany about this and reproved the Onondagas

and Oneidas, but thought two nations not to blame. The Cay-

ugas made trouble, and Colden thought the French priests the
cause.
The Mohawks met with a serious loss in the spring of 1676.

q

224 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

The wife of Kryn, often called the Great Mohawk, became a
Christian, and he was indignant. While hunting, he came to
La Prairie, and its peace and order impressed him much. He
became an inquirer and convert, and at last brought a band of
his people there in 1674; reaching there with another party on
Easter Sunday 1676. The next year he was followed by Catha-
rine Tegahkwita, the Iroquois saint, who died there in 1680, and
who is still in high repute for her virtues and austerity of life.
In reporting his action on the treaty of 1677, Andros wrote:

The latter end of August the Governor having sent two Chris-
tians to the farthest nations of Indyans, and Orders to meett Coll.

Coursey, sent as Embassadour from Maryland to treat with said |

Indyans; the Governor went- also to Albany to receive any
addresses, or whatt they might have to say to him. - Coll
Coursey hadd answers to his satisfaction.

This was the famous journey of Wentworth Greenhalgh “ from
Albany to ye Indians, westward; begun May 2oth, 1677, and
ended July ye 14 following.” Its object does not appear in the
journal, nor is the name of his companion mentioned. They
went on horseback. The Mohawks then had four fortified towns
and one small village. The towns were Cahaniaga, Canagora,
Canajorha and Tionondague. In these were about 300 warriors,
occupying 100 houses. |

The Oneidas had a town 20 (2 ?) miles from Oneida creek. In
this fort were 100 houses and 200 warriors. “The Onondagas had
one large unwalled town of 140 houses and a village of 24 cabins

2 miles away. The warriors numbered 350. Three unwalled

Cayuga towns had 100 houses and 300 warriors. The Senecas |

had four unwalled towns, with 324 houses and 1000 warriors. |

The towns were Canagora, Tiotohatton, Canoenada and Keinthe; ;

but other writers give different names.
About this time came changes in the Iroquois missions in
Canada. The Cayuga villages near the Bay of Quinté had most

of their mission work transferred to the island of Montreal in

1676. Some Iroquois came from New York and some from
Caughnawaga, forming the Mission of the Mountain the same

_ a _

year, and some Senecas arrived later. That year La Prairie:

“a

ce

‘

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 225

was abandoned, and a new village grew up, ever since called
Caughnawaga by the Indians and English. The French knew
it as St Francois Xavier du Sault. One of the converts at La
Prairie was an Oneida chief, called Ogeratarihen or Garon-
hiague’, who had witnessed Brébeuf’s death. There were many
Oneidas in the newer mission, which had several chiefs, dividing
the civil and religious affairs.

In 1677 a party of 80 Mohawks robbed some Mahicans in New
England, and others routed some of Uncas’s men. They were
ordered not to send parties against eastern Indians, but. did
not comply.

Dekanissora, the great Onondaga orator, began to be promi-
nent in 1678, at that time taking his grandfather's name of
Niregouentaron, though hardly known by this. He was speaker

-at Montreal in 1682 and spoke last at Albany in 1724. His

appearance and abilities have been often eulogized. Colden
said of him:

He was grown old when I saw him, and heard him speak; he
had a great Fluency in speaking, and a graceful Elocution, that

would have pleased in any part of the World. His Person was

tall and well made, and his Features, to my thinking, resembled
much the Busts of Cicero.

’ Though long faithful to the English, for some reason Governor

Burnet thought him in the French interest later in life. He

ceased to be speaker and died in Canada.
-In 1678 the adventurous La Salle occupied Niagara, and

launched the Griffon in the spring of 1679 for the navigation of

Lake Erie. It was soon wrecked.

Beside complaints about the Senecas in Maryland, the New
Englanders complained of the Mohawks in 1678, and hoped
Andros might persuade them to send back their Indian captives.
About the southern troubles, “ ye oneides deemed ye first nation
of sineques,” were at first insolent, but at last they and the Onon-
dagas promised to send no more parties.

‘The Mohawks were quiet in 1680, but the Onondagas and

Senecas continued to send bands against the Illinois in spite

of French remonstrances. They had burned one of their towns

226 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

and taken over 600 prisoners, mostly women and children. De
Tonty was wounded and a Recollect friar killed. The Miamis
feared the Iroquois so much that they got the Illinois to seek
an accommodation. The Iroquois justified the war against the
latter. It began 20 years before, and the vanquished Illinois left
the country. Then the Iroquois carried on the war against the
Andastes vigorously and subdued them. Meantime the Illinois
returned and killed 40 Iroquois as they went to hunt beaver in the
abandoned country. War followed, and La Salle unwisely
increased the difficulty. The Illinois again fled, and the Iro-
quois pursued them to the Mississippi, killing and capturing
hundreds. They were busy elsewhere. In 1680 the Massa- _
chusetts commissioners said the Mohawks had killed or captured
60 of their friendly Indians in three years.

Till 1681 Onondaga had been at various places near Lime-
stone creek, but in that year it was removed to a new site west
of this, on Butternut creek. Though such removals were fre-
quent, Father Lamberville’s account of this one is unique. He
Said:

On my arrival I found the Iroquois of this village occupied in
transporting their corn, their effects and their cabins to a place
2 leagues distant from their former residence, where they had
dwelt for 19 years. They make this change in order to have there
their firewood in convenient proximity, and to secure fields more
fertile than those that were abandoned. ‘This is not done without —
difficulty; for; inasmuch as carts are not used here, and tie
country is very hilly, the labor of the men and women, who carry
their goods on their backs, is consequently harder and of longer
duration. To supply the lack of horses the inhabitants of these
forests render reciprocal aid to one another, so that a single fam-
ily will hire sometimes 80 or 100 persons; and these are in turn
obliged to render the same service to those who may require it

from them, or they are freed from the obligation by giving food
to those whom they have employed.

In September 1681 some Kiskakons captured a Seneca, who
was killed by Illinois visitors in their village near Michilimacki-
nac. This alarmed the Ottawas, who feared utter destruction
and appealed to the French. The western Indians came to Mon-
treal on this business in 1682, and the Iroquois were invited there.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 227

- Dekanissora said they were going to fight the Illinois but not the
others, and Frontenac asked for a general council the next year.
He did not favor holding this at La Famine. At a conference
between him, the Kiskakons, Hurons and others, the Kiskakons
were not disposed to cover the grave of Annenhac, the Seneca
chief, which was necessary to insure peace.

In September 1682 Dekanissora wished Frontenac to meet the
Iroquois at Ochoueguen (Oswego), the first mention of that
place by name, though the river was thus known earlier. This
was refused. Farther west the Iroquois plundered some French
canoes. Father Lamberville wrote from Onondaga Sep. 22 that
Dekanissora “loves the French; but neither he nor any other of
the Upper Iroquois fears them in the least, and they are all ready
to pounce upon Canada on the first provocation.” ‘They were
gaining men. “They have reinforced themselves during this and
the preceding year by more than Nine hundred warriors.” La
Salle now abandoned Fort Frontenac, but it was soon occupied
again.

That year a peace treaty was made at Albany between the Iro-
quois and Maryland. The commissioner said the leader of the
depredating party was certainly an Onondaga. The Onondagas
replied that both leaders were killed, but made satisfaction.

Chapter 11

De la Barre at La Famine. Onondaga speaker there. Governor Dongan
and Susquehanna lands. Iroquois captives for French galleys. Influ-
ence of Iroquois. Lamberville. English traders go west. De Non-
ville’s treachery. Destruction of Seneca towns. Post at Niagara.
Illinois subdued. Plan for destroying Iroquois. Hotreouate’ and
Adario. Embassy surprised. Bloody war. Capture of Milet. Iroquois
depredations. Return of Frontenac. Schenectady destroyed. English
- at the Onondaga council. Blacksmiths.

Count Frontenac was replaced by Governor de la Barre in
1682, and the latter was instructed to invade the Iroquois country
if advisable, and prevent their attacking the Illinois and others.
Hence came his disastrous attempt two years later. In May |
1683 it was reported that 500 Iroquois had gone west to attack
the Ottawas and seize Michilimackinac. They were to be joined
by 300 others, but found the post too strong. That year the

q

228 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Senecas reinforced themselves with 150 prisoners and hoped for
more by a war in Virginia. Though all looked warlike, an Iro-
quois delegation of 43 chiefs came to Montreal in August, when
the Senecas said the Illinois must die, and De la Barre was silent.
The missionaries began to leave the New York towns. Fremin,
Pierron and Garnier retired in 1683; Carheil was driven from
Cayuga in 1684; Milet left Oneida the same year; and Jean de
Lamberville alone remained at Onondaga, doing good work for
the French, for his influence was great.

War with the Senecas seemed imminent in 1684. De la Barre
seized a Seneca deputy and his attendants, and made great prepa-
rations for subduing that nation, they having captured French
trading boats. Garakontie’ 2 spoke at Onondaga, turning the
musket against the Shawnees, but the French might protect the
Miamis if they would. Hotreouate’, otherwise La Grande Gueule,
or Grangula, favored the French, who made him many presents.
The great Cayuga chief, Oreaouhe’, was going to Montreal to talk
matters over.

De la Barre took nearly 900 men up the river, most of them
going as far as La Famine, and there and at Fort Frontenac
many became sick. A few Onondagas came to meet him; and
there occurred his famous conference with Hotreouate’, called
Grangula by La Hontan and Garangula by Colden, both corrup-
tions of his French name of La Grande Gueule, or Big Mouth.
This may have come from his oratory or his love of good living.
Jean de Lamberville said he had “ the strongest head and loudest
voice among the Iroquois.” M. de Meulles called him a “ syco-
phant who seeks merely a good dinner,” but added that he
“fooled the General in a most shameful manner.’ La Hontan,
who was present and whose account agrees with all the circum-
stances, gives us a favorable impression. De la Barre was at
one end of the hollow square, the chief and his followers at the
other, the French opening the council with a speech. La Hon-
tan said:

While Mr de la Barre’s interpreter pronounced this harangue,
the Grangula did nothing, but looked upon the end of his pipe.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 229

After the speech was finished, he rose, and having took five or
six turns in the ring that the French and the savages made, he
returned to his place, and standing upright, spoke after the fol-
lowing manner to the General, who sat in his chair of state.

Then followed that strain of dignified sarcasm which has never
been surpassed. He knew the condition of the French, and it
was idle to say so many soldiers were on an errand of peace.
Sickness had fortunately saved their lives. The sun had not dried
up the swamps which made the Iroquois towns inaccessible to
the French. “ Our Children and old Men had carried their Bows
and Arrows into the Heart of your Camp, if our Warriors had
not disarmed them and kept them back.” ‘They had plundered
the French who carried warlike munitions to their foes. It was
a proper act of self-defense, but “ Our Warriors have not Beavers
enough to pay for all these Arms that they have taken, and our
old Men are not afraid of the War.” They would trade with
whom they chose. “We are born free, we neither depend on
Onnondio or Corlaer. We may go where we please, and carry
with us whom we please, and buy and sell what we please. If
your Allies be your Slaves, use them as such.”

De la Barre was enraged but powerless; and Colden said that
this great expedition “ended in a Scold between the French
General and an old Indian.” The Illinois were abandoned to
their fate, and the French army ingloriously returned.

Governor Dongan was already in New York and had some-
thing to say on these affairs, though not always wisely; and
Arnold Viele, his deputy at Onondaga, offended the chiefs by his
words. He put the king’s arms on all the Iroquois castles and
the French said he promised them aid. Governor Dongan did
another effective but doubtful thing, persuading the Onondagas
and Cayugas to place their Susquehanna lands under the king’s
protection, lest Penn’s agents should secure them. They said
that by conquest these lands belonged to them alone and they
fastened them to New York. Acting ostensibly for the public
good and against Penn, he yet wrote to him Oct. 22, 1683:

All business here goes on to great Satisfaction; the Sesque-
hannok River is given me by the Indians by a second gift, about

230 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

which you and I shall not fall out; I desire we may Joyne heart-
ily together to advance the Interest of my Master and your good
Friend; I expect to hear from you, how you would have me
proceed.

Jan. 13, 1696, for £100 he granted the Indian lands on the Sus-
quehanna to William Penn, “ which the said Thos. Dongan lately
purchased of, or had given to him by the Sennica Susquehanah
Indians.”

One feature of De la Barre’s mission should not be overlooked,
as it was acted on later. In writing to him about the proposed
war in 1684, Louis 14 said:

As it tends to the good of my servants to diminish, as much as
possible the numbers of the Iroquois, and moreover, as these
savages, who are very strong and robust, will serve usefully in
my galleys, I will that you do everything in your power to make
a great number of them prisoners of war, and have them em-

barked by every opportunity that will offer, in order that they
be conveyed to France.

Throughout this affair the Senecas had been defiant and all
the Iroquois had carried their points. The result was that, after
De la Barre’s return, 40 Onondagas went at once against the
Illinois. They had told him that “the entire Iroquois nation
reserved to itself the power of waging war against the Illinois,
as long as a single one of them should remain on earth.” De la
Barre had already complained of the attack on Fort St Louis in~
Illinois in the spring and of the plundering of French canoes,
but without avail.

King Louis was displeased at De la Barre’s abandonment of
the Illinois and sent De Nonville to take his place in 1685. He
was to aid the Illinois and humble the Iroquois. A new trouble
came. For purposes of trade both the English and Iroquois
were desirous of an alliance with the Ottawas. A French soldier
saw II English trading canoes going west, guided by French
deserters. They reached the Ottawas that year for the first time,
crossing Lake Erie to do so. Desertions of French soldiers were
frequent, and about that time the Onondagas sent back five who

had come there from Fort Frontenac.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 231

At Albany Aug. 2, 1684, the Onondagas and Cayugas made
proposals to Governor Howard of Virginia and Governor Dongan.
They called the former by a name derived from his own, Asha-
regowa, or Big Knife. As provinces, Virginia was Aragiske, and
Maryland, Jaquokranaegare. To the Duke of York they gave
sovereignty over their Susquehanna lands above Washinta or the
falls. They said:

Wee have putt all our land and our selfs under the Protection of
the great Duke of York, the brother of your great Sachim; We
have given the Susquehanne River which we wonn with the
sword to this Government and desire that it may be a branch of
that great tree that grows here.

In 1686 the Iroquois were still seeking the Ottawa alliance as
agents for English traders. Governor Dongan had a sense of
Iroquois importance:

The five Indian Nations are the most warlike people in
America, & a bulwark between us & the French & all other

Indians. .. . All the Indians in these parts of America. are
Tributareys to them.

Colden said of the tribute paid them:

Two old Men commonly go about every Year or two, to receive
this Tribute; and I have often had Opportunity to observe what
Anxiety the poor Indians were under, while these two old Men
remained in’ that Part of the Country where I was. An old
Mohawk Sachem, in a poor Blanket and a dirty Shirt, may be
seen issuing his Orders with as arbitrary an Authority, as a
Roman Dictator.

Regarding the proposed intercourse with the Ottawas, Charle-
voix said: “ Nothing was fraught with greater danger than this
opening of trade between New York and the nations whom we
had till now regarded as our most faithful allies.” Father Lam-
berville had been away from Onondaga for a short time, and De
Nonville sent him back with presents. It was high time, for
Governor Dongan’s men had been busy and the Onondagas were
suspicious and angry. Charlevoix said:

His presence in a moment changed the face of affairs. He
spoke to the chiefs with that frankness and that insinuating man-
ner that had won him the esteem and affection of that nation;
he dispelled almost all the suspicions that had been instilled into
them.

232 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

In that year 20 English trading canoes passed Oswego Falls,
going west, and 200 Senecas went against the Miamis. There
was a good deal of spicy correspondence between Dongan and
De Nonville. In 1686 the latter wrote: “Think you, Sir, that
Religion will make any progress whilst your Merchants will
supply, as they do, Eau de Vie in abundance?” To which Dongan
replied: “ Certainly our Rum doth as little hurt as your Brandy,
and in the opinion of Christians is much more wholesome.” So
both gave the Indians all they wanted.

All this time De Nonville regarded war as certain and prepared
for it more prudently than honorably. The details of his treach-
ery are somewhat confused, but that they were disreputable,
there is no question. He employed Father Jean de Lamberville
to draw the Iroquois chiefs to Fort Frontenac, intending to hold
them prisoners, as he did, but said, “the poor Father, however,
and left him to his fate) Wile
Onondagas were more merciful. Knowing that he was incapable

,

knows nothing of our designs,’

of such treachery, the chiefs and old men came quietly to him,
told him of the situation and their opinion, and sent him away,
safely guarded, to the French, fearing the violence of the young
men. Charlevoix ascribed this considerate act to Garakontie’ 2.
The Iroquois chiefs visited the Cayuga towns west of Fort
Frontenac before coming there, and 60 men were seized and
imprisoned at the fort. According to La Hontan, they were ill-
treated and had much sympathy from the French. De Nonville
sent 13 of them to France as galley slaves, following the advice
given to De la Barre; but King Louis returned them, sending
Count Frontenac as governor, and the latter may have showed
him that the act was impolitic. Oreaoue’ and another Cayuga
chief were captured on the St Lawrence before this, but the
former came back with Frontenac and became so attached to
him that he took the French side in council and field.
~ De Nonville followed the southern shore of Lake Ontario
unopposed, his large army being in boats. Among others, he

had too Iroquois of the Sault and of the Mountain with him.
Garonhiague’ led the former, and Tegaretwan the latter, both

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 233

being killed in this campaign. Kryn, the Great Mohawk, was
with them. Most of these Iroquois would not fight against their
eastern kindred, but had no scruples about the distant Senecas.

De Nonville landed at Irondequoit bay and finished a large
fort there, July 12, 1687, leaving a guard of 440 men. On the
13th the army marched toward the Seneca towns, with an Ottawa
reinforcement. ‘Two defiles were safely passed, but in the third,
near the present village of Victor, part of the army was sur-
prised by 800 Senecas. Both sides had considerable loss, but
the Senecas left the field and abandoned their towns. The Can-
adian Iroquois fought well in this engagement, but the western
Indians not only showed cowardice but feasted on their dead
enemies.

Next day a large village was entered, most of which had been
burned, and others in the same condition were visited afterward.
Formal possession was taken of four towns and one small fort.
These were Totiakton, Gannagaro, Gannondata, and Gannon-
garae, with the small fort. Mr O. H. Marshall published maps
of the march, and the town sites are well identified. De Nonville
took possession of the villages and also

All the lands in their vicinity as many and how far soever
they may extend, conquered in His Majesty’s name, and to that
end has planted in all the said Villages and Forts His said
Majesty’s Arms, and has caused to be proclaimed in loud voice,
Vive le Roi.

A vast quantity of grain was destroyed, with many hogs. On
the return the stockade was burned, and the army went on to
Niagara. There a fort was built, garrisoned by 100 men, which
was abandoned the next year. The army returned by the north
shore of the lake, usually thought safest, but the south shore
had been followed in going, as all the peemess villages were
thus threatened.

These things alarmed the Iroquois, and the Onondagas wanted
cannon for their fort; but the English thought these useless,
and they were not furnished. In November the English king
formally received the Iroquois as his subjects, and _ hostilities
against them were forbidden. They probably thought this a

234 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

mere alliance and treated it as such. At the same time the
return of the Indians in France was demanded.

Hostilities had gone on in the west, where the Iroquois had
subdued the Illinois after a six years war. They now turned
against the Twightwees, or Miamis, who interfered with their
beaver hunting. In 1687 the English gave them a barrel of
powder to aid them in this war.

In 1688 the Iroquois attacked the Mission of the Mountain,
killing Haratsion, its chief. Then the French Iroquois began to
waver and surrendered their prisoners, 50 of their own men also
returning to the New York towns. Kryn stood fast and was able
to turn back a Mohawk war party which he met. At this time
the Mohawks advised Dongan to build two forts, one at Cayon-
hage, at the mouth of Salmon river, and the other at Onjadarakte,
now Ticonderoga, both customary landing places.

A shrewd plan was proposed in Canada for destroying the
Iroquois. A party should go against the Mohawks by way of
Lake Champlain, while another went by way of Cayonhage or
La Famine, thence to-Oneida river, where Tethiroguen would be
destroyed, and Touenho a little farther south. Onondaga was
next to be taken, where the French would winter, and proceed ~
to destroy Cayuga in the spring and return. The party on the |
Mohawk would also destroy the Oneidas. The plan ignored
English interference and was not tried.

In 1688 a convoy of canoes was surprised near Fort Frontenac
by 25 or 30 Iroquois, and 17 canoes were destroyed. In June
of that year the great Onondaga chief Hotreouate’, or La Grande
Gueule, visited Montreal, making several speeches and a decla-
ration of neutrality, but obliged the French to give up their allies
to their fate. At that time Charlevoix called him by another
name. He said:

When they arrived near Cataracouy, Haaskouan, one of the
deputies, called in French la Grande Gueule, advanced from the

party, entered the fort, and asked the commandant for one of
his officers to accompany him to Montreal. ;

The request was granted, but the officer was surprised to find

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 235

himself in the midst of 500 Onondagas. Just afterward he gave
the French another great fright by way of a joke. At Lake St
Francis they met another party, and then the deputies went on
alone. Charlevoix said that Haaskouan was speaker and a
Seneca, but that Hotreouate’, the Onondaga, was meant is very
clear. His address alarmed the French, and he gave them four
days to answer. He was expected again at Montreal, but had
not come Oct. 10, nor did he again appear. He may have been
in the peace embassy attacked by the Huron chief, the Rat, other-
wise known as Adario or Kondiaronk, to whom De Nonville had
promised that the war should go on till the Iroquois were
destroyed. While on the warpath, he heard that Onondaga
deputies were on their way to conclude peace. He at once
waylaid them at La Famine, killed one, seized the rest and then
pretended that he did this by advice of the French. They readily
believed this of De Nonville. All were set free with apologies,
but one whom he reserved for adoption. This one he gave to
the French at Michilimackinac, and they shot him, as he
intended.

The Iroquois were roused to fury, and the bloody war of 1689
followed. There would now be no peace till their friends were
_ sent back from the galleys. Fort Frontenac was invested by goo
Iroquois, but they failed to take it. Father Milet was captured
there and carried to Oneida, where he was afterward adopted and
became a principal chief. He was long a subject of controversy
with the English, who wished to hold him. The simple song
which his captors made him sing on the road has a pathetic tone:
“Ongienda kehasakehoua! J have been taken by my children!”
One of his names at this time was Genherontatie’, The Dying
One who marches.

From Fort Frontenac the Iroquois went to Montreal, killing
or capturing 300 or 4oo there. In one of these raids 200 French
were killed in an hour, and in August 1500 Iroquois came and did
all the damage they pleased, landing at Lachine in a storm, and
burning and killing for two days without opposition. In Novem-
ber 150 returned to the island of Montreal, killing many and

236 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

taking a small fort. A party of 22 Iroquois was destroyed, but
one escaping. It must be remembered that the fears of the
French exaggerated their numbers, but all were in the utmost
terror when Frontenac came back from France in October 1689.
The old man had not lost all his youthful energy, and the French
took courage. He brought back the Indian prisoners, and this
and the smallpox restrained the Iroquois incursions. The cap-
ture of Schenectady followed; and in this expedition the French
lost 21 men. Kryn commanded 80 French Iroquois in this. He
was killed in June 1690, his party being mistaken for enemies
by some of the Abenaquiois. It had been hoped that he would
draw all the Mohawks to Canada.

This year the Albany people sent six men, with three teams of
horses, to aid the Mohawks in rebuilding one of their castles a
mile farther up the river.

Colden said that the Leisler troubles and the change of gov-
ernment caused remarks among the Iroquois. The Mohawks
said:

We hear that a Dutch Prince reigns now in England, why do
you suffer the English Soldiers to remain in the Fort? put all the
English out of the Town. When the Dutch held this Country

long ago, we lay in their Houses; but the English have always
made us lie without Doors.

Colden and Smith both described a council at Onondaga almost
unnoticed in other colonial records. ‘There had been a previous
one at Albany, September 1680, in which the Five Nations con-
ferred with delegates from New England, who wished their aid
against some eastern Indians. They replied, “We can not
declare War against the Eastern Indians, for they have done us
no Harm.” At this time they told the English that 140 Iroquois
were scouting along Canada, and nothing would escape their
notice. Dec. 27, 1689, messengers came to say that three of the
released prisoners were at Onondaga, with proposals from Can-
ada, and they wished the mayor of Albany, Peter Schuyler and
others, to come there to a council. The magistrates sent a Mo- |
hawk chief, the interpreter and another person, but, unwisely,

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 237

“no Person of Note, that had any Influence on the Indians,
went.”

This council met at Onondaga, Jan. 22, 1690, with 80 sachems
present, Sadekanaghtie’ presiding. Frontenac notified them of
his return with 13 Indians who had been carried to France.
Adarahta, chief sachem of the French Iroquois, spoke on three
belts, and others followed. The Seneca chief, Cannehoot, gave
an account of negotiations with western Indians, who gave “a
red Marble Sun as large as a Plate,’ and “a large Pipe of red

Marble.”

After the Seneca Speaker had done, the Wagunha Presents
were hung up in the House, in the Sight of the whole Assembly,
and afterwards distributed among the several Nations, and their
Acceptance was a Ratification of the Treaty. A large Belt was
given also to the Albany Messengers as their Share. The Belt
of Wampum sent from Albany was in like Manner hanged up,
and afterwards divided. New-England, which the Indians call
Kinshon, (that is a Fish) sent likewise the Model of a Fish, as a
token of their adhering to the general Covenant. This Fish
was handed round among the Sachems, and then laid aside to
be put up.

They rejected the French alliance, but would not give up Milet
to the English. “The Indians were resolved to keep all the
Means of making Peace in their own Hands,” and Milet had a
choice of masters.

About this time mention was made of the settlement of some
Mahicans at Schaghticoke, nearly 20 years earlier; according to
Colden in 1672. Now, too, it became customary to send black-
smiths to the Iroquois towns, and references to this are frequent.
This led to amusing disputes, for it was a matter of political
importance whether these smiths were French or English.

Chapter 12

Failure of expedition against Canada. Agents at Onondaga. Proposed

English missionaries. Iroquois losses. Oreaoue’ and Black Kettle.
Mohawk towns captured. Governor Fletcher. Council at Albany.
_ Dekanissora in Canada. Fort Frontenac restored. Colonial congress
at Albany. Delawares and Iroquois. Western Indians hostile. War
with the French. Invasion of Onondaga. Old Indian tortured. Fron-
tenac’s conduct. Some Oneidas remove to Canada.

_ In 16g0 the English made a serious attempt on Canada by way
of the St Lawrence and Lake Champlain, both expeditions failing.

238 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

At Lake George the Iroquois made elm bark canoes, in which the
English were afraid to embark, and, when smallpox broke out, .
the expedition was abandoned. In November a commission was ;
given to “Aernout Cornelisse Viele, resident agent among the:
Indians at their court of Onondaga; Gerrit Luycasse to act as;
agent till Viele arrives.” Chevalier d’Eau had been sent there im@
June with four Frenchmen and four Indians, to draw the Iro--
quois to the French interest, and the English asked to have them)
sent to. Albany: — On this

The 5 Nacons being met by their chieftnes together at Onon--
dague aforesaid, (which is their Court) Seized them and bound |
them instantly, despoyling them of all their Money, Presents, &:
what they had, presenting them to the Sinneks, Coieguesy,
Oneydes, and Macquaes, each one of the French men to be treated |
in their Barbarous manner.

D’Eau was given. to the. English. From New York he wass
taken to Boston and allowed to escape. In Canada fighting went!
on in the island of Montreal, and the French said “ there was;
no security anywhere.” Famine naturally followed.

The New York Indian agents saw advantages gained by the
French missionaries, which were not of a religious nature, and |
wished to send.

Some young divines. to undertake to instruct the Indians»
especially ye Maquase in the true Protestant Religion since divers:
had an inclination to itt One being by the great pains and indus--
try of Our Minister Dom: Dellius brought soe far yt he made¢
his publick confession in the Church at Albany to every body's:
admiration and was baptized accordingly.

Governor Sloughter had a conference with the Five Nations at!
Albany in 1691. They said: “ We did formerly desire, that wet
might have a Smith at Onnondaga, whereupon a young Man that!
was a Smith by Trade, was sent us, and we gave him 20 Beaver!
for his encouragement to stay, but is gone away; again. wei
request that we may have a Smith there.”

The Mohawks resented English inactivity and before the con-
ference sent messengers to Canada. A: Mohawk. brought news
from Canada that there was “a designe to: goe: out and fight

against Onnondage and 30 praying Indians were ready to goe out

5 HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 239

_ the next day to annoy the Onnondages.”” Frontenac had said to
' the Indians that he would gather a large force against the Iro-
| quois, “and fall upon them vizt first on the Sennekaes and then

on the Cayouges, Onnondages, and Oneydoes and passe by the
Maquaes and soe come down and fall on the Christians at
Albany.” Governor Sloughter said, if Albany “be lost our
Indians are lost, and if the French get them they certainly get

all America.”

_. An expedition against Canada, in which the Iroquois were to

aid, was arranged. The third Mohawk castle, mourning the

| death of its chief sachem, Tahaiodoris, forgot its quota of men,

Dut would send 74. The first two castles were ready. Major
Schuyler headed this party of 300 Mohawks and 150 English,
having moderate success. When he attacked a party on his
retreat, the Schaghticoke Indians did not behave well, but “the
Mohawks, upon no Occasion, yielded an Inch of Ground, till
the English first gave Way.”

That year the principal captains of the Mohawks and Oneidas
were all killed. For a winter march the Senecas were making
‘snowshoes between Onondaga and the St Lawrence in Decem-
ber. Others went down the river in November, 800 landing on
the island of Montreal and burning many houses. [ort Fron-
tenac had gone to decay, the villages were defenseless, the French
melted leaden gutters and weights for bullets, and the Iroquois

“made obstinate attacks. Quite a battle occurred with the Onei-

Wdas near Montreal, in. which Oreaoue’, the Cayuga chief, took
; yug ;

part on the French side. The Oneidas were surprised in a house,

_ which was set on fire, and most of them perished. Three prison-

ers were burned by French farmers who had lost relatives. Hos-
tilities were incessant. The Mohawks carried off some Caughna-
wagas and attacked the village of the Mountain, killing Tondi-
haron, the chief, and capturing 35 women and children. That
year the Iroquois cast the French war belt on the ground.
While the Mohawks were successful, the western Indians
harassed the Senecas.

Oreaoue’ was now zealous for the French, making prisoners

240 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

of his own friends, and Frontenac did not hesitate to have these
tortured. All wanted the Cayuga chief as a leader, and he was
constantly on the warpath. On the St Lawrence 38 Frenchmen
surprised an Iroquois party, some of whom escaped, returning
with aid and killing half the French. The following winter 40
Mohawks attacked Fort Vercheres, carrying off 20 people. They
were pursued, and most of the captives were recovered. Mlle
de Vercheres successfully defended the fort, as her mother had
done two years before.

There were Canadian successes. In February 1692, a party
of 120 French and 205 Indians attacked 50 Iroquois at Toniata, —
killing 24 and taking .16. In May a French and Indian party
was defeated at the Long Sault of the Ottawa with much loss,
but the victors were beaten in turn, and the captives recovered.
Two large Iroquois parties in October did nothing. In Novem-
ber 400 Iroquois came down the St Lawrence, appearing in sight
of Montreal, while 400 came by way of Lake Champlain. They
did but little damage. M. Beaucour marched 300 men to attack
the Iroquois near Niagara, 80 of whom fought him, losing most
of their number.

Kanadgegai, or Black Kettle, a noted Onondaga chief, headed
the party at the Long Sault, and made another dash July 15,
taking some prisoners. There was fighting on the Ottawa, and
the Iroquois alone kept Canada in constant alarm. Charlevoix
said that Black Kettle overran the country “as a Torrent does
the Low-lands, when it overflows its banks, and there is no
withstanding it. The Soldiers had Orders to stand upon the
defensive within their Forts.” This year his wife was killed
while trying to escape from a mission town in Canada. In this
warfare the Mohawks had lost 90 men in two years, leaving
them but 130, and the French Iroquois 60 men in 7 years.

In June 1692 the Iroquois renewed the covenant with the Eng-
lish, now under Captain Ingoldsby, desiring that the important
blacksmith’s anvil might be retained at Onondaga and a smith
live there. The Indians did most of the fighting; and, when
Ingoldsby reproved them for their carelessness, they replied:

:

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 241

“Let us not reproach one another, such Words do not savour
well among Friends.” Of one present they said:

We return you Thanks for the Powder and Lead given us;
but what shall we do without Guns, shall we throw them at the
Enemy? We doubt they will not hurt them so. Before this we
always had Guns given us. It is no Wonder the Governor of
Canada gains upon us, for he supplies his Indians with Guns as
well as Powder; he supplies them plentifully with every Thing
that can hurt us.

In January 1693 a party of 625 men left Montreal to attack the
Mohawks, effecting a complete surprise and bringing away 200
prisoners, most of whom escaped on the return march. Nearly

_.a score of Mohawks were killed in this inroad. The French
_ party passed Schenectady Feb. 8, and the alarm was given there,

but no word was sent to the Mohawks. ‘Two of their forts were
quickly taken. In the third and largest a war party prepared to
go out next day, and in the noise of the war dance the French
surprised them and killed many. The invaders became per-
fectly destitute and would have been destroyed had the pursuit
continued. In this retreat there was some fighting, both parties
making rude forts in the woods, and both suffering for lack of
food. Colden said: “ The French designed to have put them all
to the Sword, but their own Indians would not suffer it, and gave
Quarter. They took three hundred Prisoners, of whom one
hundred were fighting Men.” Major Schuyler went to the aid
of the indignant Mohawks, and most of the prisoners were recov-
ered. Colden said:

The Indians eat the Bodies of the French that they found.
Coll. Schuyler (as he told me himself) going among the Indians
at that Time, was invited to eat Broth with them, which some
of them had already boiled, which he did, till they, putting the

Ladle into the Kettle to take out more, brought out a French
Man’s Hand, which put an end to his Appetite.

He elsewhere speaks of the indifference as to food:

A Mohawk Sachem told me with a Kind of Pride, that a Man
eats every Thing without Distinction, Bears, Cats, Dogs, Snakes,
Frogs, &c., intimating, that it is Womanish to have any Delicacy
in the Choice of Food.

242 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

That year the Oneidas sent Tareha to Canada with peace belts,
to arrange an exchange of prisoners. At the end of Lake S%
Louis were 800 Iroquois, but they did no harm. It was about
this time that St Michel escaped from Onondaga, where prepa-
rations to burn him were being made. He said that but few
desired peace, and that the English had built a strong fort there,
which had eight bastions and three rows of pickets.

Though the Oneidas generally favored the French, it was noted
this year that Odongaowa, the long (great) Oneida, the par-
ticular friend of Father Milet, was now on the English side.
That year many were killed near the Onondaga and Mohawk
castles, and the enemy even tied a bunch of reeds to the door of
a Mohawk fort. In May the Virginia and Maryland Indians

ce

asked Governor Fletcher “to persuade the Senecas from doing
them any harm in their hunting,” as they had done.

Governor Fletcher had a conference with the Five Nations at
Albany in July 1693. They called him Cayenquirago, or Great
Swift Arrow, in allusion to his name and the speed with which
he came to their aid. At this time he made them quite a present.

Colden remarked on this:

The King usually sends them a considerable Present with every
new Governor of New York, which is not always applied as it is
designed. If this Present had been made sooner, it had been of
much more Use to the English, as well as to the Five Nations.

Dirck Wessel attended a council at Onondaga in August and
tried to get possession of Father Milet, but failed. Aquadaronde,
chief sachem of Onondaga, was sick, but was brought into the
council by four men. This title seems equivalent to that of Ato-
tarho, his successor having the same, as well as the council name
of the Onondagas.

In February 1694 a council was held in the street and city
hall at Albany. The Onondaga chief could not be present, being
sick, which Colden thought a convenient excuse. He was almost
helpless the preceding summer, and, when this Albany council
was proposed, “the Onnondages replyed, no, let us send for

Quider hither with the Maquaes, since Kagueendaronda is not |

. HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 243

- fit to travail.” There was no important business beyond a rela-
tion of what the Oneidas had done. News came that the Shaw-
nees and others were coming for a treaty, but they did not appear.
Dekanissora was speaker at this time and for many years after.

Two Onondagas went to Montreal to see if Iroquois deputies
would be well received, but these did not follow at once. The
two were Torskin, nephew of Hotreouate’, and a son of Garioye’,

an Iroquois of the Sault. Dekanissora and two chiefs of each

“nation came to Quebec in May and were well received. They
proposed peace. Frontenac had publicly kicked away the Iro-
quois belts before, but was more gracious in private and after-
ward. The Onondaga speaker was a favorite, and his speech
was recorded, with the summing up already given. They

returned home in June but were recalled.

All were every Day, while they staid in the Place, entertained
at the Governor’s Table, or at the Tables of the most consider-
able Officers. Decanesora on his Side made a good Appearance,
being cloathed in Scarlet, trim’d with Gold, and witha laced Bever
Hat on his Head, which had been given him by Colonel Fletcher.
_ Colden notes also that he spoke to the Praying Indians of
Canada, called Jernaistes: “First to those of Cahnawaga,
(chiefly Mohawks) . . . then to the other castle called

4 Canassadaga, (chiefly Onondagas).”

Fort Frontenac was now restored, though the place was

: ‘unhealthy, B7 Outlot 100 men having died there im a year. In
October Father Milet was released, but some Oneida deputies
who followed were not well received. Oreaoue’ brought some
| friendly Cayuga and Seneca chiefs there and did wonders for
the French, both in peace and war.

lL All these things alarmed the English. Governor Fletcher
| wrote to the other colonies, telling them there was no safety

but in united effort and calling a council at Albany in August,

in which Colden says New York, New Jersey, Connecticut and

, Massachusetts were represented. According to him, Dekanissora

Sang a song of peace at the opening, and Rode the Mohawk and

| Sadakanahtie the Onondaga spoke.

244 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

In 1694 the Delawares definitely appear in Iroquois history,
having long been subject to them in a quiet way. The time
came afterward when they did not like this, and said they were
deceived by the Iroquois when persuaded to become women and
thus peacemakers. Heckewelder says of this office: “It must
be understood that among these nations wars are never brought
to an end but by the interference of the weaker sex.” Then he
tells the story invented by them, on which Albert Gallatin
remarked: “ The tale suggested by the vanity of the Delawares,
and in which the venerable Heckewelder placed implicit faith,
that this treaty was a voluntary act on the part of the Delawares,
is too incredible to require a serious discussion.” Heckewelder
gives the speech and acts supposed to have been used in making
the Delawares women, which may be compared with the historic

ceremony of restoring their rights. The speech had three parts:

The first was, that they declared the Delaware nation to be
the woman in the following words: “ We dress you in a woman’s
long habit, reaching down to your feet, and adorn you with ear-
rings’; meaning that they should no more take up arms. The
second point was thus expressed: “ We hang a calabash filled
with oil and medicine upon your arm. With the oil you shall
cleanse the ears of the other nations, that they may attend to}
good and not to bad words, and with the medicine you shall |
heal those who are walking in foolish ways, that they may return |
to their senses and incline their hearts to peace.” The thingg
point, by which the Delawares were exhorted to make agriculture }
their future employ and means of subsistence, was thus worded:
“We deliver into your hands a plant of Indian corn and a hoe.”
Each of these points was confirmed by delivering a belt of wam-.
pum, and these belts have been carefully laid up, and their mean--
ing frequently repeated. The Iroquois, on the contrary, assert’
that they conquered the Delawares, and that the latter were:
forced to adopt the defenceless state and appellation of a woman)
to avoid total ruin.

What the Delawares’ earlier statement really was appears in}
a conference held with them in Philadelphia July 6, 1694. A’

belt was produced by them, sent, they said

i

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 245

By the Onondages & Senekaes, who say, you delaware Indians
doe nothing but stay att home & boill yor potts, and are like
women, while wee Onondages & Senekaes goe abroad & fight
agt the enemie. The Senekaes wold have us delaware Indians
to be ptners wt you to fight agt ye french, But we have always
been a peaceable people, & resolving to live so, & being but week
and verie few in number, can not assist you; & having resolved
among ourselves not to goe, doe intend to send back this their
belt of Wampum.

In 1695, as he had said before, Louis 14 did not think it proper
to continue the reward of to silver e’cus (each 60 sous) for
every Iroquois killed, nor the 20 e’ cus for every male. Iroquois
prisoner. It cost too much.

A messenger informed the French that the only Dutchman
then at Onondaga was Peter Schuyler’s brother. War parties
went out against the English from Canada, and the Iroquois
had a party watching the Grand river for western Indians.
Against the Miamis 200 Senecas and Cayugas were gone, and
100 against the Andastes, as reported; probably some other
southern Indians. They threatened to devour the Miamis, that
they might unite the whole earth, but the lake tribes they would
not strike. The French persuaded all but the Hurons to make
war on them, though they did not wish to do this. A Sioux
chief afterward laid 22 arrows on a beaver robe before Fron-
tenac, weeping and naming a village for each which asked his
protection.

The Outagamis had spared some Iroquois prisoners, the bet-
ter to negotiate. Fearing the Sioux would seize their village,
they left it to settle by the Wabash river, where they could unite
with the Iroquois and English. Others would join them.
Some Hurons, led by a chief called the Baron and with the con-
sent of the nations about Michilimackinac, went to the Senecas
with 14 peace belts, but most western nations joined Frontenac.

Peace negotiations had continued till April, when a cruel war
recommenced with much loss to the French. An Iroquois party
was defeated on Lake Champlain with mutual loss. Word came

that the Hurons, Ottawas, Foxes and Maskoutins proposed

246 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

joining the Iroquois, and it seemed necessary to strike that
people. Frontenac held a council with the Ottawas July 18,9)
and others followed. They had made peace with the Iroquois, —
but they were induced to break this, and they treacherously
attacked and defeated one of their parties. Some of the pris-—
oners were Hurons, but the French no longer feared peace
between the Iroquois and Ottawas. Some of the latter were
recalled by Frontenac to roast and eat an Iroquois prisoner,
but he died before they could torture him, so they cut off his
head for a feast and departed.

Speaking of some depredations below Montreal this year, it —
was said, “ These blows were struck by some Mohawks and
Oneidas, as we discover by their tomahawks, which they left
sticking in the ground, according to their custom.” ‘There are
many references to this.

In Aquendara’s speech at Onondaga in 1695, he commented
severely on European pretensions, and said:

We, warriors, are the first and the ancient people, and the
greatest of you all. These parts and countries were all inhabited
and trod upon by us, the warriors, before any Christian. (Then
stamping hard with his foot on the ground, he said) We shall
not suffer Cadaracqui to be inhabited again.

All that summer 700 men were repairing that fort, preparing
for the coming year. In 1696 a plan to attack the Mohawks was
given up, the snow being very deep in the woods and 7 feet of
snow everywhere between Montreal and the fort, a thing never
before known. ‘This only retarded hostilities. The great war
kettle was set over by Frontenac, humanity was to be laid aside,
and the Onondagas to be first subdued as most mutinous of all.

Just before this, the Iroquois had sent ‘deputies to conclude
peace with the five Mackinaw nations, and one present brought
back was “a calumet of red stone, of extraordinary size and
beauty.” The Iroquois had hunted on good terms with the _
Hurons the whole winter, but were attacked by French Indians.
The western nations refused to join the expedition against
Onondaga. |

In June, 10 Ottawas were prowling near that place, but made

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 247

no prisoners. Some Iroquois were taken in Canada, and of these
. four Onondagas were burned when the army reached Montreal.
The force consisted of 1600 French and 460 Indians, occupying
400 boats, the Indians being mostly with the vanguard, which
changed every day. Frontenac was carried across the portage
at Oswego Falls in his canoe, and from the lake to Onondaga in
a chair. A horse had been brought for M. de Calliéres on
account of his lameness, and the artillery consisted of two small
cannon and two light mortars.
_ From Lake Ontario the army followed the east bank of the
Oswego river, crossing the Oneida river Aug. 1, and landing on
the east side of Onondaga lake the same day. This was between
‘Liverpool and Syracuse on the old mission ground, where a fort
“was built, the lines of which could be seen a century later. On
that day bundles containing 1434 rushes were found at the foot
of a tree, to show the force arrayed against them. ‘The fort was
finished Aug. 3, and the army crossed the marsh and encamped
at the salt springs on the north limits of Syracuse, in readiness.
for the next day’s march.
i The town was g miles away, on the east side of Butternut
creek, and there was probably a good trail, but the road had
some great difficulties. Though the army started at sunrise,
it was sunset when it reached Onondaga, and the town was in
ashes. An old squaw was knocked on the head and an old man
tortured, whose fortitude elicited the admiration of the French.
It is fair to say that Father Lamberville’s account differs widely
from the official statement and that of Charlevoix. The priest
saw the death of this man, whom he had baptized when last
there, and whom he described as a benevolent and devout old
man, who had been kind to the French. His Canadian relatives
asked a speedy death for him, but the French insisted on a
slow fire.

The official account is different. The Indians were excited:
It was not deemed prudent to dissuade them from the desire

they felt to burn him. He had, no doubt, prepared himself
_ during his long life to die with firmness, however cruel the tor-

=

248 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

tures he should have to endure. Not the slightest murmur
escaped his lips; on the contrary, he exhorted those who tor-
mented him to remember his death, in order that they may dis-
play similar courage when those of his nation should avenge his
murder on them. And when a Savage, weary of his harangues,
gave him some cuts of a knife: “I thank thee,” he said, “ie
thou oughtest rather complete my death by fire. Learn French
dogs! [how to suffer] and ye Savages, their Allies, who are dogs
of dogs, remember what you have to do when you will occupy
a position similar to mine.”

De Vaudreuil made a quick march from Onondaga to Oneida,
destroying it on the 7th and bringing as prisoners the men who
welcomed him there. An Oneida was burned after the return
to Montreal, and an Onondaga killed himself there in prison.

On its way to Onondaga the army left Lachine July 4, and
began its return Aug. 9, being at Fort Frontenac Aug. 15. ‘The
French lost their time and harvests; the Onondagas their bark
cabins and crops, but the English made good part of this loss.

Charlevoix gave a graphic account of Frontenac’s conduct at —
Onondaga at this time, representing him as a jealous, peevish
and wilful old man. At first he proposed going to Cayuga,
destroying the towns and building French forts. All approved
and some volunteered to remain. Before night he resolved to
go home, in spite of all remonstrances. To these he replied:
“They want to obscure my glory, and it is time that I should
take a little repose.” Charlevoix said “that no one of the pro-
jects which he formed for completely humbling them succeeded.”
All went on as before.

The Mohawks now brought peace belts to Canada. Two
French parties were unfortunate, but an Iroquois canoe party
was defeated on Lake Erie. There was a two hours’ fight, and
55 Iroquois were killed. This broke up some western treaties.
To show how far the Iroquois now strayed from home, it may
be said that two Mohawks were this year sent back from Eng- |
land, who had been taken at the surrender of Fort York at
Hudson bay.

In February 1697 33 Oneidas went to live at Caughnawaga.
Others wished to go and asked land for a Canadian settlement

'

(

mac proposed sending an expedition against them, but heavy

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 249

where the name of Oneida might be preserved, but the Onon-
dagas and Mohawks prevented this. Though the French wished
peace with them, the Onondagas resolved that none of their peo-
ple should live in Canada. One of their chiefs was captured at the
gate of Schenectady, and a proposed council between them, the
Oneidas and French was defeated by the young men, who wished
to avenge the death of a chief. In November an Onondaga peace
embassy went to Canada, but brought no prisoners and had a
cool reception. It did not speak for the Mohawks, and [ronte-
snows prevented this.

There were various encounters during the year, in which four
western nations said they had killed 100 Senecas. A French
party was destroyed near Albany by the Mohawks and Mahicans,
and the Iroquois were everywhere in the field. The French
heard that the Baron had gone to live near Albany, with 30
Huron families. He went to Quebec, but sent his son with 19
belts, to make peace with the Senecas. This was done in spite
of the French, who gave as a reason that the English sold them
goods cheaper than they could. Trade affected Indian policy.

‘Chapter 13

Peace declared. Black Kettle killed. Oreaoue’ dies. English protection
of Iroquois. French and English agents at Onondaga. Frontenac
dies. Western Indians hostile. Proposed Onondaga fort. Colonel
Romer’s journey. Money for fort. Iroquois make peace with Canada.
Prisoners exchanged. Jesuits return to Iroquois. Council at Mon-
treal. Beaver land deed. Penn’s letter. French influence at Onon-
daga. Nanticoke tribute. Montour family. Iroquois join English.
Peace had been declared, and early in 1698 Black Kettle and

his party were hunting near Fort Frontenac, having made peace

with the French. There were over 30 Onondagas in the band,
and their young men intended going against the Ottawas, who
had killed 100 Iroquois in the past year. Frontenac did not like
this and gave orders that some chiefs should be quietly secured.
They were surprised by 34 Algonquins, who killed 20, including
Black Kettle and four chiefs, and took eight prisoners. The

scalps and prisoners were taken to Montreal. The Onondagas

250 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

complained, and Frontenac flung their belt from him, speaking
of the chief’s death as a trifling affair. He would give them
something worth crying about. In private he talked better, but
this interrupted negotiations. The Iroquois said that 94 of their
people had been killed or captured since peace was declared, and
it was worse than open war. An arrangement was made and
prisoners were exchanged. Of the death of Black Kettle, Col-
den said: | :

After he was mortally wounded, he cried out: “ Must I, who
have made the whole Earth tremble before me, now die by the
Hands of Children?” for he despised the Adirondacks.

Soon after Black Kettle’s death Oreaoue’ died at Quebec, and
was buried with ecclesiastic and military honors, “a worthy
Frenchman and good Christian.” A good story is told of his
religious fervor. Greatly affected by the crucifixion of Christ,
he said, had he been there, he would have avenged his death
and brought away the scalps of his enemies.

Governor Bellomont now notified Frontenac that he had sent
troops to Albany to protect the Iroquois, and that Lieutenant
Governor Nanfan would go farther with them if need required.
Dellius and Schuyler were sent to Canada to arrange an exchange
of prisoners, but the Iroquois preferred doing this in their own
way. If subjects, they were not submissive ones, and Bello-
mont found them quite sullen, but succeeded in conciliating them.

There was continual controversy on English and French rela-
tions to the Iroquois. In 1698 a New York merchant testified
that he had lived in Albany since 1639, and that the Five Nations
had almost every year since renewed the covenant with New
York. Colonel Bayard understood that the Dutch settled at
Albany in 1621; “and ever since that first settlement the- Iro-
quaes or five Canton Indian Nations, have always kept up a good
peace and correspondence with the Governt of this Province.”

For 60 years past they had renewed this almost every. year.

History was uncertain even then.
In 1698 some Mohawks went to visit their relatives at the
Sault, remaining some time and being well entertained. Charle-

voix said:

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 25!

_ It was something flattering for these Indians to see themselves
thus sought by two powers, either of which could have destroyed
them in less than one campaign, and whose mutual jealousies
they had contrived to work upon so skilfully as to inspire fear,
and in some sort respect from both.

Both French and English now found it necessary to have
agents at Onondaga, and Bellomont urged the building of forts
the Iroquois country,-the need of which he saw. Count
Frontenac planned a second invasion of Onondaga, but gave it
ap and died late in 1608.

_ Dekanissora’s proposal to treat directly with the French on
the exchange of prisoners greatly alarmed the English, who
described him as “a brave fighting fellow, that has done the
“French much mischief, and they have mightily endeavored to
“debauch him from us, but in vain.” The Canadian Iroquois
now took part, sending two belts to the four nations to tell them
“it was the last time they were bid to come to Canada to treat,
and they were worse than beasts. The Onondagas, as the prin-
‘cipal sufferers, with the Oneidas and Cayugas, thought best to
“send three messengers, and Bellomont tried to stop these till
‘Schuyler could see them. Col. Peter Schuyler, Dirck Wessel
and Hendrick Hansen formed the embassy; and it was resolved
hat Johannes Glen jr and John Baptist Van Epps, the inter-
preter, should reside at Onondaga for a time. The latter two
‘went at once.

_ The Iroquois embassy reached Onondaga Mar. 21, 1699, on
their return from Canada, bringing five belts and an offer to
exchange prisoners. On this a council was called at Onondaga,
to meet in 25 days. In such calls tally-sticks are attached to the
Wampum, a notch being removed every day.

_ Capt. John Schuyler, Capt. John Bleecker, John Baptist Van
Epps and Arnout Cornelisse Viele set out for Onondaga Ap.
21, 1699, reaching there Ap. 28, and the latter two remaining for
some time. At the council the young Indians kicked the French
belts to a sachem, and the council accepted the English proposals
a would come to Albany. The French had released all the
| Onondagas.

252 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

A council met in Albany June 13, and the Onondagas proposed
the building of a fort in their country and the sending of a min-
ister there. The Dowaganhaes killed some Senecas near their
castle, and incursions of French Indians were frequent. The
French should prevent these in a time of peace. One important
act of this year was the restoration to the Mohawks of land
fraudulently obtained from them by Dellius. |

In 1700 there was an alarm that the Indians intended a general |
massacre in the English colonies. Bellomont did not like the
provisioning of Fort Frontenac by the Onondagas and distrusted ©
the request of Father Bruyas to go among them and the Mo-
hawks. He favored a good sod fort at Onondaga, with a garri- ©
son of 100 men. It would cost from £1000 to £1200. The Five
Nations should have presents costing £800. He used to laugh
at the colonists for allowing 300 or 400 Indians to cut off four |
or five times their number, but he was wiser now, knowing how
they fought. Yet their own losses were heavy. Before the war
the Mohawks had 270 men, and now 110. The Oneidas were)
reduced from 180 to 70, the Onondagas from 500 to 250, the)
Cayugas from 300 to 200, the Senecéas from 1300 to 600. Some
of these figures may be doubted.

Robert Livingston was at Onondaga in April 1700, and this»
was still east of Butternut creek. It was no place for a fort.
being 16 miles from water unless they went to Kaneenda on Onon-
daga lake. The town itself must soon be moved. The Onon=
dagas were uneasy and dejected about the French; and twe
thirds of the Mohawks were in Canada, kindly cared for b
them. The English ambassadors arrived at Kachnawaacharegeé,
an Onondaga fishing place on Chittenango creek, Ap. 23, 1700)
Thence they went to Onondaga and were heartily welcomed,

|
|

having a satisfactory council. -

Stories of poisoning were prevalent at this time and Aqueet
dero, the Onondaga head chief, went to live on Schuyler
estate on this account, nor did he long survive. His son hz
died by poison.

M. de Maricourt, Father Bruyas and eight more Frenchm

=
i?
a

is

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 253

came to Onondaga July 24. The first two spoke Iroquois as
fluently as French. Among the warlike Onondagas there were
as many French partizans as English, and there were slight hopes
of retaining them. They needed English ministers, but they
‘said, now they had their prisoners back, they would go to Canada
no more.

At this time five Dowaganhaes, or Ottawas, came to Onondaga
to make peace for three strong nations. The French had
‘incited them to hostilities, but they had settled at Tchojachiage,
on the north shore of Lake Ontario near the Senecas, and desired
peace. With the Iroquois and English they wished “to Ddoil in
one kettle, eat out of one dish, and with one spoon, and so be
one.” The other Dowaganhaes had again killed many Iroquois
at French instigation. They would not take the hatchet out of
their heads till they submitted to the French and had killed 4o
senecas that spring. The French governor offered to take the
| atchet from the Far Indians if the Iroquois would send one
_ from each nation to treat with him.

At this time the Mohawks told the eastern Indians that, if they
lived not peaceably with the English, they would come and cut
them off, and they submitted.

Governor Bellomont conferred in Albany Aug. 20, 1700, with
_ 50 Iroquois sachems, not allotted as in the condoling lists. There
were II of each nation except the Oneida, and this had six. They
were glad to be promised ministers. The French clothed all
whom they baptized, but probably the English would not do
that. The Mohawks had persuaded Brandt and three others who
| were going to Canada, to remain and be Protestants. The Pray-
ing Iroquois of Canada now numbered 350 men, and their wish
to be Christians took them there.

Colonel Schuyler and all the Albany people opposed the Onon-
daga fort, as they wished trade at Albany. The beaver trade
| had sunk to nothing there, and the Iroquois hunts led to con-
_ Stant wars.

Colonel Romer was in the Onondaga country in October 1700,
and has left us a curious map of his travels and the country.

254 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

His party came to Onondaga Sep. 26, by the old trail over the
hills, and on horseback, and visited Onondaga lake and Seneca
river. Three River Point did not suit him for a fort, a sound
conclusion. On a high bank on Chittenango creek he found a
good site, and this was used at a later day. His reception at
Onondaga was not cordial; for the Albany people had made
ready for his coming. In preparation for the fort, £500 were
sent from England, as much more raised in New York, arms
and tools were provided, but the fort was not built.

The coming of Maricourt, Bruyas and Joncaire was occa-
sioned by the Iroquois embassy to Canada early in the year. —
They then condoled Frontenac’s death and asked that Lamber-
ville and Bruyas might return to them. Peace was arranged
and a treaty signed at Montreal Sep. 8. There was a prelim-
inary conference at Montreal July 18 with the Onondagas and
Senecas, and on Sep. 3 the 19 Iroquois deputies brought back 13
French prisoners. At Onondaga Bruyas had profited by the
tone of Bellomont’s message, and Joncaire went to the Senecas, ~
who liberated all their prisoners. Some would not return and
but 10 came back.

The Iroquois had hardly returned from this peace conference
before word came that the Ottawas had attacked their hunters,
killing some and capturing others. At this council the Iroquois
were so well received that the Hurons said “that fear made the ©
French show more respect to their enemies than love did to their
friends.” There was reason for this, and Bellomont said:

I pretend to be able to demonstrate that if the Five Nations
should at any time in conjunction with the Eastern Indians, and
those that live within these plantations, revolt from the English
to the French, they would in a short time drive us out of this
Continent.

Their mode of warfare made them powerful, but he had trials

in meeting them. Of a council in Albany he said: :
It was the greatest fatigue I ever underwent in my whole life.
I was shut up in a close chamber with 50 Sachems, who besides
the stink of bears’ grease, with which they plentifully dawb’d
themselves, were either smoaking tobacco or drinking drams
of rum. |

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS " 255

Bellomont complained that Schuyler, made himself popular
by entertaining Aquendeeo (Atotarho?) alias Sadeganaktie,
_ speaker of the Five Nations, and 25 others, for two months at
the king’s expense. In the notice of the chief’s death that winter,
he is called by the full Onondaga council name of Sakoghsinna-
_ kichte, equivalent to Sadeganaghtie, and his successor immedi-
_ ately took both his names, but is best known by the latter.
June 19, 1701, Maricourt came again to Kaneenda, the landing
place at Onondaga lake and 8 miles from the town, to which he
was escorted under the French flag. Bleecker and Schuyler
were already there, but would have nothing to do with the
French. Maricourt carried things with a high hand, and Dekan-
_ issora went to Kaneenda to arrange matters with him. Onon-
_daga deputies had reached Montreal Mar. 2 with complaints
against the western Indians, and Maricourt returned with them.
He was surprised to find Englishmen there. Dekanissora allowed
all the captives at Onondaga to return, but some had married
there and would not go. It was the same elsewhere, but Joncaire
brought some from the Cayugas and Senecas, being now resident
agent with the latter. The Oneidas would give up no prisoners,
but five at last went from Onondaga. Dekanissora said the
_ French had 50 or 60 prisoners from the Iroquois last fall and

and trade with those who would do the best by them. The

cc

mH had none in return. He favored having a minister from
) _ Onondagas already had a reputation as “ men of business.”
After Bruyas brought back the French prisoners in 1700,
_ Fathers Jacques de Lamberville, Julien Garnier and Le Vaillant
were sent to the Onondagas and Senecas. Fathers d’Heu and
De Mareuil followed, remaining till 1709, the former being resi-
- dent there last of all.
~<A council was held at Montreal Aug. 4, 1701, at which all of

; =
| _ the western nations were represented, with the Iroquois and

BPrench, In this the Iroquois promised neutrality between the
| French and English. Prisoners were restored, and a general
"peace was signed with great ceremonies, in a place specially
| "Prepared.

256 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Governor Bellomont had died, and Lieutenant Governor Nan- ie
fan held a conference with the Five Nations at Albany July 10, ~
1701, when the first beaver. land trust deed was given. This 7
comprised the land north and northwest of Lake Ontario and
Lake Erie, the latter being often called Sweege, the equivalent |
of Oswego. Both shores of this were included, and Nanfan |
described the tract as 800 miles long and 400 broad. It was

designed to prevent French claims and was signed by 20 chiefs —

from all the nations. He told them they should not have allowed
a French fort at Detroit. Most of this great tract was in Canada, 7
and they said they had-taken it from the Agaritkas or Hurons, ©
60 years before. There was a later trust deed of lands south of ¢
the lakes.

At a council in Philadelphia, Ap. 23, 1701, Ahookassongh was7™
present and was called “the brother of the great Emperor of
the Onondagas.” William Penn had addressed a letter from

bd

London June 25, 1682, “To the Emperor of Canada,” intending ©

the same ruler. He said:

The Great God that made thee and me, and all the world,
Incline our hearts to love, peace and Justice, that we may live®
friendly together, as becomes the workmanship of the great God. ©

Reasons Granted to me a large Country in America, which, how- —
ever, [ am willing to Injoy upon friendly terms with thee. And —

plain, and honest people, that neither make war upon others nor
fear war from others, because they will be just. I have sett up a
Society of Traders in my Province, to traffick with thee and thy

that which is good at reasonable rates. And this Society hath”
ordered their President to treat with thee about a future Trade, -
and have joined with me to send their Messenger to thee, with —
certain Presents from us, to testify our Willingness to have a
fair Correspondence with thee: And what this Agent shall do in~
our names we will agree unto. I hope thou wilt kindly Receive
him, and Comply with his desires on our behalf, both with respect
to Land and Trade. The Great God be with thee. Amen.

The coming of several French priests has been mentioned. The
Onondagas were about equally divided on this, but Lamberville—
had a house and chapel there in 1702. Maricourt installed hi

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 257

a and mass and a Te Deum were sung in the chapel
efore he left there that year. Lamberville was well received by
the Onondagas except Dekanissora’s family, and of them
there are conflicting accounts. Joncaire was adopted by the
Senecas. That year also Garakontie’ 2 died, ceasing only with
his last breath his kindness to the French. His nephew took
his place as French correspondent at Onondaga. Charlevoix
said that the old chief “found more than once the means of
defeating the intrigues of the English, and to him we were fre-
quently indebted for safety in the most serious difficulties.”

_ Lord Cornbury feared the loss of three of the Five Nations;
and it was quite generally recognized that English missionaries
among them had become a political necessity. In a council in
1702 the Iroquois chiefs sang a mournful song on the death of
King William.

In 1704 the Iroquois again had trouble with the western
Indians. The Ottawas had carried off 30 Senecas near Fort
Frontenac and had treacherously attacked them elsewhere, being
determined on war. By good fortune the commander at Detroit
was able to restore the prisoners the Ottawas had made. M. de
N aricourt had died, and his brother, Baron de Longueuil, suc-
ceeded him at Onondaga. Peter Schuyler sent belts to the Can- .
adian Iroquois; but the French got hold of them and had them
returned by the Onondagas without answer. That year some
hh ee chiefs were at a council in Pennsylvania, and questions
[ land and southern warfare aoe them there with increasing
frequency. :

. 1706 Vaudreuil sent Joncaire to Michilimackinac to main-
in the peace between the Ottawas and Iroquois, the safety of

a
Canada depending on peace with the latter. The Ottawas prom-

ised to make reparation, and, though slow about it, at last did so.
An Indian showed a fine belt of 21 rows at Philadelphia in
1706, “which Belt, he said, was a pledge of peace formerly
delvd. by the Onondagoe Indians, one of the 5 Nations to the
Nantikokes, when they made the said Nantikokes tributaries.”

The Iroquois would soon receive this tribute, which had then

258 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM .
I=

been paid for 26 years, or since 1680. The next year they took -
20 belts and some strings to Onondaga.
The French again proposed to secure Niagara through Jon-
caire’s influence with the Senecas. Of him it was said later,
“He is daring, liberal, speaks the language in great perfection, —
hesitates not even whenever it is necessary to decide.” |
In spite of the French, the Indians would carry furs to the ©
English, and their own men would desert. An Onondaga had
killed a deserter in 1708 and claimed that the French said such i
men were already dead. They had to yield. That year an
Englishman was for some months among the Onondagas, Cay- —
ugas and Senecas. When he proposed a fort at Gaskonchiague’, or ;
Oswego Falls, and another at the head of Lake Thiroguen, or Oneida i
lake, they refused the first and referred the other to the Oneidas.
Father d’ Heu also wrote, May 24, 1708, that two Onondagas

ee tee

eS oe

had gone to the Gannaouans in Virginia, who had an ambuscade —
near Onondaga the year before. They carried several belts.
The Onondagas were troubled over the pretended settlement of
the Ottawas at Fort Frontenac and Niagara, and the French _
posts at Niagara and La Galette. In case of war all this would be
to their disadvantage.

The English blacksmith had returned to Onondaga, but the
French party concealed the anvil in the priest’s house, eventually
giving it up. They wanted a French smith, which he thought —
“would be very important for the good of religion and the

ca vacate pS een

French colony.” j

De Tonty was reported to have retained Indian presents while -
refusing their requests. This was contrary to their custom and
displeased them. ‘There were hints, also, that Joncaire made
money by the use of his office and public presents. That year
the Indian Montour family first came to notice. The father was
a Frenchman who had a son and two daughters by an Indian
wife, and they became prominent. In 1708 the son brought 12
of the Far Indians to trade at Albany; they had come 800 miles. —
There may have been several families of this name. Joncair

killed the original Montour in 1721 by Vaudreuil’s order. 4

f
3
£

.

=

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 259

The New England people thought the Five Nations should
help them against the French Indians; and, when two Mohawk
spies returned from Canada in 1709, the governor. advised them
to go by the St Lawrence, as war parties were on Lake Cham-
plain, and they might be killed. A large party had gone against
New England; and Governor Vaudreuil had heard the hatchet
was placed in the hands of the Five Nations, but he would let
the English strike first. Then he could easily take Albany at
any time. ;

_ jJoncaire could not be everywhere; and, while he was with
the Senecas, Abraham Schuyler sang the war song at Onon-
de ga, giving the hatchet to the Indians. He induced Father
Lamberville to go to Montreal to report, and then persuaded
Father de Mareuil that his life was in danger and took him to
Albany. Some Onondagas then pillaged and burned his house
and chapel. Joncaire heard of this and thought it best to keep
away, returning to his Seneca friends, where Father d’Heu

then was.

_ Peter Schuyler had persuaded all but the Senecas to side with
the English; but the Mohawks and Onondagas sent word to
Canada that they did not really wish war, and 40 Senecas were
well received at Montreal by Governor Vaudreuil.

Chapter 14

Tributary nations. Conestoga council. Indian chiefs in England. Inter-
est in them. French fort at Onondaga. Iroquois at Albany. Mohawk
’ fort and chapel. Delaware tribute. Peace of Utrecht. Tuscaroras
adopted. French post at Irondequoit. Catawbas. Peace with the
French. French post at Niagara. Hendrick restored. Governor Bur-
_ net. Pennsylvania lands. Boundary between Six Nations and Virginia
‘Indians. English post at Irondequoit. Colonial conference at Albany.
Far Indians at Albany. Conference with Massachusetts.
_In 1709 the chiefs of the Mingoes, Ganawese and Delawares on
_ the Susquehanna purposed going to Onondaga with their tribute,
Dut the governor of Pennsylvania thought it a bad time, as he
wished to employ the Five Nations against Canada. Many were
already engaged by the English. These chiefs “ had prepared for
their journey Twenty four Belts of Wampum to be presented to

-_

,

260 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

them as their Tribute.” That year the governors of New York and

‘

Pennsylvania were to “contract with the five nations to make
with all speed as many Canoes as may be wanted” for an expe-
dition against Canada, and to engage as many warriors as
possible.

An important council was attended by the governor of Penn-
sylvania in 1709, at Conestoga, some Seneca and Tuscarora 7
chiefs being present. The Tuscaroras presented eight belts
“as an Introduction, & in order to break off hostilities till next
Spring, for then their Kings will come & sue for the peace they
so much Desire.” They were told they could come and would
be protected if they lived peaceably. The Senecas thanked the
white people for coming and said the belts would be sent to the
Five Nations. |

English forts were planned at Lake George and Crown Point,
and some were built on Wood creek, at one of which 1600 men
were assembled. Many bateaux and 100 birch canoes were
provided, but on a French advance all were destroyed. During
these fruitless efforts New York employed 600 Indians and
maintained 1000 of their wives and children at Albany.

Colonel Schuyler had found England indifferent to the Indians,
and now took some River Indians and Mohawks there to rouse
some interest. It was a successful move. They had many and
great attentions and were received at court, returning home i
1710.. With them Queen Anne sent medals for all the Five
Nations and promised better things.

De la Chauvignerie was sent to Onondaga in 1710 and was
well received. July 17, De Longueuil and Joncaire made pro-
posals there to the Onondagas and Oneidas, threatening to
destroy them if they sided with the English. This led the for
mer to ask an English fort in their land and that strong drink
might be forbidden in their castles. It was destroying them

An unimportant council was held at Albany; but Governo;
Hunter before this had arrested the Iroquois hatchet against the
Flatheads, and the suspected Senecas had renewed the cove
nant, into which the Dowaganhaes, or Ottawas, had also entered.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 261

De Longueuil, Joncaire and others were at Onondaga in April
_ 1711, to build a trading house, bringing with them £600 in pres-
ents, mostly ammunition. Colonel Schuyler was sent there at
once with six men. The Onondagas had given the French a
_ lot in the midst of their castle, and they began work April 19.
Schuyler reached there May 17; but De Longueuil had stopped
work and gone to Kaneenda, at the lake. A council was held at
once, and the Onondagas said the Minquas or Conestogas
) reported that the French and English had agreed to destroy
them and take their land. The French said they would not but
the English would, and advised them to be neutral and send
" messengers to Canada. Schuyler denied the story and gave
them the British arms to set up, sending these also to the Cay-
ugas and Senecas.
De Longueuil had 24 Frenchmen, with their officers, and had
left the unfinished blockhouse in charge of a chief who was sent
for. It was 24% feet long by 18 feet wide, covered with boards
and nailed. The Indians said Schuyler might leave or destroy
the house, but they would first send word to the French at
Kaneenda. He destroyed this and some lumber sawed for a
chapel, which ended the trouble at this time.
In August some Hurons came to the Cayugas to know who
- had killed their men. The Senecas said they had not, but the
_ others justified the killing, on which the Hurons said they would
fight. On the 24th 500 Iroquois came to Albany and reported
more coming. Marching down the hill, they were saluted with
five guns as they passed the fort. The French paid them similar
q honors. In the council each nation sat by itself, and all agreed
.to help the colonists, being ready to join the troops who had
already marched. Ammunition was freely supplied. Out of
_ 682 Indians going to war 26 were Shawnees.
_ Dekanissora was speaker, and they wished the Praying Indians
might be neutral. They would treat prisoners as Christians did
and asked instructions. Lieutenant Governor Nanfan gave each
nation pictures of the four Indians who had been in England.

262 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

and had furnished silver communion sets for the Indians, one
being now in Canada and the other in Albany. Contracts were
made for building forts and chapels in the Mohawk and Onon- iE
daga country, to be finished in 1713. The fort at Onondaga was
to be near the town and water, but it was not built, nor was their
chapel, so that the articles intended for it always remained at Albany.

The Indians wished that the war kettle might continue to boil,
i. e. the war continue. Dekanissora said they did not fight like
the whites. “When we have war against any nation, Wee
endeavor to destroy them utterly.” The queen’s arms in their
castles would not defend them, they wanted powder and ball.
Two Onondagas visited Canada; and Governor Vaudreuil sent
word by them that he must now make prisoners. The Canadian
Indians took the French hatchet gladly, and the western tribes
with some hesitation.

The Delawares carried 32 belts to Onondaga as their tribute

‘

in 1712, and had with them a large calumet, given them “ upon
making their submissions to the Five Nations, who had subdued
them and obliged them to be their tributaries.” They said some
of them were infants when this occurred, so that it could hardly
have been earlier than 1650. After a kind reception some Sen-
ecas returned with them, bringing belts to the governor of Penn-
sylvania and asking friendship and open trade. At this time
the Conestogas were at war with the Tuscaroras and other
southern Indians, having taken the English side.

The Senecas were under French influence. As they went to
Montreal that year, the Onondagas stopped them, inviting them
to a general Iroquois council at Fort Frontenac. This proposal —
troubled the French; for it was not usual to treat there. Jon-_
caire was at Onondaga; but Vaudreuil sent Longueuil and Chau- fe
vignerie there, as Peter Schuyler had been there twice and had 4
brought Madame Montour and her husband, to remove jeal- iy
ousies created by the French. Before the Montours arrived in ~
August, some of the Indians had gone to Albany, and in spite
of the rest the Senecas would go to Montreal. The other four —
nations continued their meetings at Onondaga and had made

.

j

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 263

part of their war canoes. Indians from Virginia had been there;
but Joncaire thought Schuyler would keep the Iroquois from
western warfare, as this disturbed his fur trade.

The Senecas came to Montreal and said Dekanissora was sing-
ing the war song. Four of their nations would fight, but they
wished no western war, as they always suffered most. Several
reports came to Montreal in September, that the council still
continued, and there would be war without Seneca aid. French
messengers went to Michilimackinac and to the Illinois and
Miamis to warn them of probable danger.

On the other hand, Governor Hunter said the Iroquois were
quiet again, though it was reported that they aided the Tusca-
roras. A good fort and chapel had been built for the Mohawks,
where he had a missionary and 20 officers and men and he hoped
much from this prudent measure.

The peace of Utrecht came in 1713 and the hatchet was taken
from the Indians. Messrs Hansen, Bleecker and Clausen were
sent to Onondaga in September, meeting Dekanissora on the
way, who returned with them. Half a mile from Onondaga 150
Indians met and welcomed them, and on the 20th the sachems
held a council, “and spoke with three strings of wampum in
their loftiest style.”

Four southern Indians came with belts, and the English were
asked to mediate between those of Carolina and the Tuscaroras.
The latter went out from the Onondagas and settled southward.
They had been at war, were dispersed, had left their castles,
and asked that they might not be hunted down. In a sudden
outbreak in September 1711, they had killed 130 persons in one
day, but lost many of their own people the same year. The
southern Indians sided with the colonists, the strong Tuscarora
fort of Naharuke was taken Mar. 26, 1713, and 800 prisoners
were sold as slaves. On this they made peace, most of them
going to New York. Their plea was heeded, and after the
council the English mounted their horses, the Indians cheering
as they left. The Onondaga fort was to be built as soon as
possible.

204 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

A council was held with the Iroquois at Albany Sep. 20, 1714.
They had heard the southern colonies intended cutting them
off, which they would not believe were powder cheaper, but on
this they had recalled a war party of 40 Senecas and 100 Onon-
dagas. The governor denied the report, but would try to have
powder cheaper, giving them handsome presents and beer to
drink the queen’s health. Dekanissora promised to send expresses
to all the nations to tell them there was no truth in the report. They
said the warriors were young men, and it would depend on them
whether they buried the hatchet against the Flatheads. They had
no good clothes to wear to church, and deferred the missionary ques-
tion till goods were cheaper and they could go well dressed. The
Senecas wished a smith at a hamlet between them and the Cayugas.
The Tuscaroras now lived among them, though a few remained
south, and Governor Hunter was to look on them as their chil-
dren, who would live peaceably between Onondaga and Oneida.
A tract had been assigned them in what is now Madison county.

In 1715 the French were still intriguing, and there were idle
stories of an intended French fort at Onondaga. ‘These troubled
those in power only as it might affect trade, for the traders
then cared more for private profit than the public good. Gov-
ernor Hunter tried to have the Five Nations go against those
Indians in Carolina who had attacked the English there, and
said the friendly Indians on the Susquehanna had brought home
30 prisoners. He was not aware that the war was over.

At a council in Albany Aug. 27, 1715, Dekanissora returned
the unfortunate hatchet given him against Canada, and they
must never give so poor a one again. If used, it must be new
steeled. They would close the southern warpath, though war-
riors were still out. Their story about southern troubles dif-
fered from that of the English, who had the Flatheads or Cataw-
bas help them there against the Tuscaroras. The Catawbas
were faithless and ought to be conquered themselves. They
lamented the death of Queen Anne, and afterward sent mes-
sengers south.

De Longueuil was at Onondaga in 1716 and thought a fort

7 ae

‘ya

P HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 205

ecessary at Niagara. Preliminary to this, a French trading
house was built that year at Irondequoit, but the goods came
From Albany by way of Montreal. ‘wo wooden houses were
also built at Albany for the use of the Indians. They were 100
yards behind the fort and each was 15 by 70 feet.

The Five Nations called the Catawbas Yoderichroone, and
said they were treacherous, for, after concluding peace in 1714,
they immediately murdered some Iroquois, and war continued.
In 1717 a party of 400 or 500 young Iroquois went as far as the
Susquehanna on their way to Virginia. They were persuaded
to turn westward, but soon resumed their course and attacked
140 Catawbas. The governor at last got Connaughtoora to hold
4 council at Williamsburg. He refused to make peace with the
Catawbas on any terms, but would not harm the Christianna
Indians. This war continued till part of the Catawbas were
aC opted.

Governor Vaudreuil held a council with the Senecas Oct. 24,
1717, having sent Joncaire to the Iroquois country in December
1716. They had attacked the Illinois and made some prisoners.
Another band went toward the Mississippi but soon returned,
having lost their captain and others by smallpox. The Senecas
thought the war should be stopped. Some were suspicious of
Joncaire, yet, when deputies came from all in September, the
Onondaga speaker, after having bewailed the French king’s
death, asked Longueuil and his son, Joncaire and Chauvignerie
fo come to their villages freely, they having adopted the last two.
They feared not to displease the English.

In 1718 the Iroquois were at peace with the French but at
war with the Flatheads, and thought the English supplied them
vith arms. Governor Vaudreuil said he was not surprised. At
that time the Senecas had a village at Niagara, earning a good
deal as carriers at the portage. A fine cart road there was used
several times a year.

When Dekanissora was at Albany July 6, 1719, he said the
french were building a fort at Niagara, where they would keep
lorses and carts, but did it without leave. The house was 30

266 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

by 40 feet. The Senecas at first objected, but at last allowed it. —
They did not claim full jurisdiction at Niagara, as it was not —
theirs originally and was conquered by all. He would not take —
a belt to Onondaga, being in Albany only as a private person.
At this time the French tried to have Madame Montour settle
in Canada.

In May 1720 Myndert Schuyler and Robert Livingston jr —
went to the Senecas to desire them to bury the hatchet against
all Indians allied to the English and to remonstrate against the
Niagara fort. The Senecas said they would await the Far ;
Indians who were said to be coming against them, and would
send sachems with Lawrence Claese to forbid the fort at Niagara. —
The three Frenchmen there said they had leave from the young ~
Seneca warriors and would not destroy the house without orders
from Canada. ‘The chiefs knew of no such leave. On his return
Claese met a French smith, sent to Niagara to work for the Senecas —
gratis. Claese called the Seneca sachems together again and
repeated his words before Joncaire, who made a retort.

Messengers came to Albany in August from all but the Sen-_
ecas. Joncaire had been among them to keep them at home,
telling them that, if the English destroyed this house, it would
cost blood, and they believed him. ‘The other nations thought
it a damage. Dekanissora jr, a Cayuga chief, thought the Eng-
lish ells should be longer and their pounds heavier. If well
provisioned for their home journey, the Christians’ cattle would —
not suffer, but hunger was a sharp sword. |

Hendrick, the Mohawk, having been suspended as a sachem —
four years before, was restored. He said the Indians could not
live peaceably in their castles as long as rum was so plenty.
He and Brandt had been to England some years before, as”
Mohawk kings.

Governor Burnet thought the Indian trade could be preserved
by repairing the forts, building others at Niagara and Onondaga, >
and forbidding the carrying of Indian goods to Canada. The
French claimed that the English had proposed settling at Niagara —
and taking horses there. This led to the French post, and Jon-—

i

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 267

*
xX

caire was sent as best qualified to prevent the building of the
nglish house. The Indians, however, still traded at Albany,
not finding good clothes at Niagara. In the early part of Gov-
_ ernor Hunter’s administration, the Palatines had come to New
York; and he closed his term with a warning. If war should
come with the Five Nations, “the best part of the province will
certainly be ruined.”

The Mission of the Mountain had been for nearly 20 years at

the Sault au Recollect, near Montreal, but in 1720 it was removed
‘to the Lake of the Two Mountains, at the end of the island.
he Indians of this and Caughnawaga were hostile to New Eng-
Tand, and there are yet descendants of their English prisoners
there and at St Regis. Some went west, and a new Caughna-
waga arose on the Muskingum.
By conquest much of Pennsylvania belonged to the Iroquois,
and this claim they had before asserted, while assenting to some
early acts. In 1720 the Six Nations, as they were now often
called, were dissatisfied with the increasing settlements on the
_ Susquehanna, to which the Cayugas made special claim. About
1700 Governor Penn had bought some of these lands of the
Conestogas, and the Five Nations afterward assented to this.
Another amicable settlement came later, but other claims led to
“many councils and much intercourse between Philadelphia: and
Onondaga. The usual route was by the Susquehanna.

_ In 1721 it was stated that De Longueuil had been adopted by
the Onondagas, his family being also of that nation. Joncaire
re as an adopted Seneca, and so both were commonly in the I[ro-

quois towns. Governor Burnet heard that the Senecas were

growing cold toward them. That year Joncaire, Longueuil and

Chauvignerie went to the Senecas, thanking them for their good

will and asking them to go to Onondaga and call a council, to

) refuse the English passage if they came to destroy the fort. The

Senecas were divided on this, the fort not being on their original
land. June 20, John Durant, a French chaplain, met Joncaire
a Oswego, returning from Onondaga. He said he had beaten
he bush and De Longueuil would take the birds. Next day

268 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Durant met the latter and Chauvignerie above Oswego Falls, i
and he said four nations had given him good words. ‘These falls :
had the same Indian name as those on the Genesee river, and this
has caused some confusion of places.

Governor Burnet held a council with the Six Nations, Sep. 7,
1721. ‘The Virginia Indians had proposed that the Potomac river
and the high mountains westward should be the dividing line for —
their hunting parties, neither passing beyond without permission.
The Iroquois agreed to this boundary. The governor had been
told that, since the Virginia belt came, some of the Iroquois had ‘
gone with French Indians against those of Virginia, a frequent |
practice.

This month, also, Peter Schuyler jr was sent to the Seneca
country with a party of young men, who were willing to stay
and trade there for a year. Their house was at Irondequoit,
and they were not to trade with the Indians farther east but
with any of those west. They were also to encourage the French
coureurs de bois to bring their furs to the English, they being
willing if protected.

Another council was held at Albany Aug. 27, 1722. The Iro-

quois had done as they agreed last year, sending messengers to —

the Far Indians to come and trade. Blew Bek, chief sachem ofg@

the Senecas, had been to Canada with others and was coming to ~

Albany to tell what the French said. Three companies of their
people had gone against the Flatheads. The governor of Vir-
ginia was present and promised that the 1o nations of Virginia ©
should not pass the line, and the Iroquois promised the same for
themselves, the Tuscaroras and for four nations on the Sus-
quehanna. He gave them a golden horseshoe as a passport
when they wished to send to him.

Governor Keith, of Pennsylvania, also conferred with them,
and they called him Onas, meaning a pen. Two chiefs of each
of the Five Nations and two of the Tuscaroras had a special 7
conference with him Sep. 14. They freely surrendered to him
the lands about Conestoga and renewed former treaties. He told
the other governors that the Conestogas spoke the same language

, HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 269

-
; the Five Nations and paid them tribute. After this they no
iger had their old names of Andastes or Minquas.

In this treaty the Iroquois addressed “Brother Assarigoe, the
ar e of the governors of Virginia, which signifies a Simeter or
utlas which was given to the Lord Howard, anno 1684, from
e dutch word Hower, a Cutlas.” Hence and from their cavalry
ae Virginians were termed Long Knives. The Potomac was
alled Kahongoronton by the Iroquois, and the Roanoke the
.onentcheneke. The five nations controlled by the Iroquois on
1 Susquehanna were the Tuscaroras, Conestogas, Shawnees,
Jquagas, who were partly Mohawks, and the Ostanghaes, who
vere Delawares. Some southern Indians afterward came to
lew York.

This Albany council was the first in which the Tuscaroras

nared as part of the Iroquois league; and at the end, “the
peaker of the Five Nations, holding up the coronet, they gave

x shouts, five for the Five Nations, and one for a castle of
Puscaroras, lately seated between Oneida and Onondaga.”

he Conestogas said the Five Nations, as a body, had no title
> the Susquehanna lands, and that four of them claimed none,
ut that the Cayugas made a continual claim, and the matter
hould be settled. Some Cayugas went to Pennsylvania in 1723

© hold a council on this matter, but this had usually been done
y the Onondagas, “their best gentlemen.” The Five Nations

ad placed the Shawnees on the Susquehanna, and now told them
aey did not well to settle at Shallyschoking.

Some chiefs of the Six Nations and Schaghticokes went to
joston in 1723, and were well received. A piece of engraved
late was given each one, and £100 were promised for scalps.
Aug. 29 a conference was held at Albany with 80 Far Indians
alled Nicariages, who came there to open trade. They spoke
y their chief Sakena and desired to be the seventh nation of the
‘Oquois, but this never took effect. They gave a calumet, which
is esteemed very valuable, and is the greatest token of peace
id friendship.” Some more came in 1724, whom the French
ied to turn aside on Lake Ontario, but they said they were free
and would go where they pleased.

270 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

>
—

The Canada Indians promised not to war on Massachusetts, ,

and the Five Nations threatened to compel the eastern Indians:
to be quiet. The English captured 40 Abenaquis and placed |
them among the Iroquois, and the latter sent two of them, under t
guard, to treat for peace. The Abenaquis were away, and the -
messengers left suitable tokens, but there were misunderstandings
and hostilities increased. Father Rasle was soon after killed,
and the Iroquois promised not to make war on the Abenaquis,
who greatly feared them. Governor Vaudreuil then sent Jon--
caire to winter among the Senecas and proposed sending De:
Longueuil to Onondaga. He now forbade the connection of}

trading posts with missions.
The Six Nations tried to make peace between the Canadian;
Indians and New England, but the former refused. On this ques-.
tion they conferred with the governor of Massachusetts at Albany,
in September 1724. At the same time they held a council with!
Governor Burnet. He had kept a smith and some young men in!
the Seneca country for two years and heard they had a good:
house. He found others willing to live among the Onondagas,:
and would build a house at the mouth of their river. This led to:
a fuller examination of Wood creek and the Oneida carrying;

place.
Chapter 15

Fort at Oswego. Trust deed of residence land. Shikellimy viceroy im}
Pennsylvania. French at Onondaga. French fort at Crown Point. |
Pennsylvania and the Six Nations. Their council. Weiser and Shikel-!
limy. Council at Stenton. Iroquois claims. Their numbers. Albany.
council. French claims in New York. War against Southern Indians.:
Joncaires. Blacksmiths.

The lucid papers of Cadwallader Colden, in 1724, helped the:
founding of Oswego, a situation which Governor Burnet pre~
ferred to Oneida lake. Dekanissora was still speaker and was
to advise with Burnet on all matters of importance. fF

‘In 1725 the Iroquois of the Sault and of the Two Mountains
sent word to the Six Nations that, if they allowed an English
fort at Oswego, they would make war on them, but thought Z
ter of this. The English started their expedition in March, b

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 271

the post had not been bished May 9, the Senecas opposing it.
‘De Longueuil expected a conference at the Bay of the Cayugas.
He met 100 Englishmen at Oswego Falls, who made him show
his pass, on which he told the Iroquois chiefs they were no
longer masters of their own country. The Five Nations awaited
him at Onondaga, consenting to the erection of a stone house at
Niagara and the building of two barks on Lake Ontario. He
_met more than 100 canoes going to the English to trade and heard
that they had posts on the Wabash. The Onondagas told him
“they had agreed to the English going to Gaskonchiague’, or
Oswego Falls, 6 leagues from the lake. Some rules were made
‘about trading there, but these were soon transferred to Oswego.
Governor Burnet held another conference with the Six Nations
at mpany Sep. 7, 1726. They said the Senecas last year sent
them a belt, that, if De Longueuil wished to make a settlement

at Niagara, Oswego, or elsewhere on their lands, it should be
tefused. De Longueuil said that his bark house was decayed
and made so many fair speeches that the Onondagas gave their
‘consent, but had repented, blaming no one but themselves. The
and belonged to the Senecas. One nation often acted in the
name of the rest, but its action was void unless the others con-
“sented. The Six Nations had notified the French that they must
not build at Niagara. They now came howling to Governor
Burnet because of their encroachments.

_ Sep. 14 the Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas confirmed the
Beaver Land deed, and also signed another trust deed of their
residence lands on the south side of Lakes Erie and Ontario, 60
miles inland. The Mohawks and Oneidas having no land on
these, their signatures were not required. The tract began at
“a Creek called Canahogue on the Lake Osweego, (Erie) all
Bone the said lake and all along the narrow passage from the
said Lake to the Falls of Oniagara Call’d Cahaquaraghe and all
along the River of Oniagara and all along the Lake Cadarack-
quis (Ontario) to the Creek Called Sodoms belonging to the
Senekes and from Sodoms to the hill Called Tegerhunkserode

i

, 272 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Belonging to the Cayouges, and from Tegerhunckseroda to the :
Creek Called Cayhunghage (Salmon river) Belonging to the-
Onnondages.”
Sadegeenaghtie, who signed the first deed, signed this also.
Governor Burnet got £300 from New York for building a fort
at Oswego and commenced it in the spring of 1727. Being
advised that the French mightinterfere, he sent 60 soldiers, there
being already 200 traders there, besides workmen. The perma-
nent garrison would be an officer and 20 men. The stone walls”
were 4 feet thick, and it was finished in August. The Frene Ae
sent a summons to have it destroyed and abandoned within 15 |
days, but the matter was referred to the two crowns. The regu-
lations there about Indian trade were good and strict.
In 1726 the Iroquois made some trouble in the south, and the
next year there was a conference at Philadelphia, attended mostl
by Cayugas, who talked of their Susquehanna lands and offered
to sell. The Shawnees and Delawares were told that the Fivey
Nations would put petticoats on them and look on them as”
women. They had been so called years before, but in a lesam
decided way.
In 1728 the Oneida chief Ungquaterughiathe, or Swatana,
better known by his Delaware name of Shikellimy, was sent to
Pennsylvania to reside there as a kind of viceroy over all thé
Indians on the Susquehanna in that province. He was the fath em
‘of the celebrated Logan; but having married a Cayuga, fm
children were all of that nation. In virtue of his office he repre
sented the Iroquois in a Pennsylvania council in 1728, but took
no part. The celebrated Madame Montour was an interpreté
at that time, being then the wife, but soon the widow of Rober
Hunter, or Carundowana, another Oneida chief. Her first hus:
band was a Seneca named Roland Montour. She was then callec
“a French woman, who had lived long among these People;
and was always represented as of unmixed blood. That year sh
told an alarming story, which came from her sister, married and
living among the Miamis, that the Five Nations had asked th
Miamis to take the hatchet against the English.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 273

Governor Montgomerie succeeded Governor Burnet Ap. 15,
1728, and had a conference with the Iroquois on the rum ques-
tion. It might be sold but not brought to their towns.
That year Chauvignerie went on an embassy to Onondaga,
then in Onondaga valley. The sachems met him on the lake
three leagues from Oswego, and told him he must fire the first
salute and lower his flag when he passed the fort. He refused
and asked whose land it was. The Onondagas said it belonged
to them. He landed, pitched his tent, but refused to enter the
fort or to strike his flag, which he kept up night and day while
1 e stayed. No salutes were exchanged, and he would not allow
an Onondaga to carry the British flag over his canoe. Half a
league from Onondaga the chiefs met him, and he marched in
under the French flag, placing it over Ononwaragon’s cabin. He
“employed chiefs to bewail that chief’s death, that of his nephew
and of the Onondagas generally.
_ To counteract the effect of the Oswego post, the French voy-
ageurs were ordered to take the north shore of the lake, and it was
desirable to have a post at the Bay of the Cayugas, 8 or 9 leagues
west of Oswego.
In 1728 the Council at Philadelphia thought “that as the Five
Nations have an absolute Authority over all our Indians, and
may command them as they please, it is of great importance to
Remove any Impressions that have been made upon them to the
prejudice of the English, and that by all means ’tis necessary
they should be spoken with.”
_It was noted that Shikellimy had been appointed by the Five
Nations to reside among the Shawnees. At a conference in
Philadelphia Oct. 10, the old Delaware chief, Sassoonan, said:
~ The Five Nations had often told them that they were as
Women only, & desired them to plant Corn & mind their own
PL private Business, for that they would take Care of what related

to Peace & War, & that therefore they have ever had good &
peaceable Thoughts towards us.

In 1730 Joncaire told the Senecas that he had been expelled
from the French service and asked leave to build a trading house

of his own at Irondequoit bay. Instructions against this were

274 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

sent to Messrs Wendell, Hartsen and others, then in the Seneca
country. At the same time the Fox Indians sent two red stone

g eked wane 6
Sf BARE ia

axes to the young Senecas, which Joncaire forwarded to Canada,
saying they were a request that the Foxes might live with them.

In the spring of the same year Jacob Brower, a trader, was —
murdered at Oswego Falls. The Indians made satisfaction and —
testified that he was duly interred. i

t

In the fall Governor de Beauharnois, hearing that the Englisig ,
were going to Lake Champlain to trade, sent men to drive them
off, but they found no one there. In 1731 he proposed building
a fort at Crown Point, where the English built and abandoned
one in 1709. The English had already placed farmers among :
the Mohawks and Oneidas, and had a good road from the Mo-
hawk river to Oneida lake. It was thought there would soon be —
a town at Oswego.

Fort St Frederick was built at Crown Point. Joncaire was”
employed among the. Senecas, but was sent to the Shawnees on
the Ohio. About this time Iroquois parties were out against
the Foxes in Wisconsin. i

Iroquois relations with Pennsylvania increased in importance, .
and in August Governor Keith said there was an opportunity —
“of sending a Message to the Six (formerly called the Five) :
Nations by Shekellamy, who is willing to undertake it, & is a_
truly good Man & a great Lover of the English.” A present
and an invitation to visit Philadelphia were sent. In December
he returned from the Senecas, to whom a covenant belt was
delivered at a council. Conrad Weiser was now official inter
preter for the province, and gave warning that there would be
trouble with the Six Nations if the liquor trade were not better
regulated. He had been adopted by the Mohawks and spoke
their language. | ia

The Seneca, Oneida and Cayuga chiefs came to Philadelphia
in August 1732, and ordered the Shawnees to return east, having
absolute power over them. They were coming too much under
French influence and refused to obey, killing some Iroquois.
The offenders fled, and the Iroquois were afterward pacified with _

aad

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 275

presents. They had allowed the Shawnees to come to Pennsyl-
vania about 1691. The Six Nations had just made an alliance
with the Miamis and three other western nations, and had also
- forbidden a French trading house on the Ohio. Joncaire was
again sent to the Senecas, and French medals would be given to
the chiefs. That year Conrad Weiser and Shikellimy were
appointed agents between the Six Nations and Pennsylvania.
_ In 1733 David A. Schuyler was appointed commissioner at
Oswego, as understanding Indian trade and language, and Philip
Schuyler was sent to the Senecas, with £410 in presents, to secure
their friendship. In September there was a conference between
Governor Cosby and the Six Nations. A Cayuga chief had been

killed at Oswego Falls. By the white man’s law the murderer
~ should die, but among Indians the offense might be reconciled
and forgiven, which they prayed might be done. The Far
Indians were treacherous and had killed some Oneidas while
feasting them, just after a treaty of peace. The Shawnees still
favored the French in spite of Iroquois advice. For the better
security of the Mohawks, the flats at Fort Hunter were conveyed
10 the king, Nov. 4.
> June 18, Shikellimy came to Philadelphia to tell some bad
news, and mentioned Margaret, a daughter of Madame Montour.
He brought complaints and was sent to investigate reports.

In the informal conference at Philadelphia, in September 1734,

there were 13 Oneidas present and seven Onondagas. Carundo-
“wana, husband of Madame Montour, had been killed by the
| Catawbas. A little later, Hetequantagechty thought a false story

was “ owing to a certain Woman, whose old Age protects her

from being punished for such Falsehoods; that in the meantime
they must resent it and hope to get rid of her.” The Shawnees
) had said they would go still farther away, and some of the Iro-
- quois chiefs had gone to speak with them. Five Onondagas were
| at a conference in Philadelphia that year. In October Governor
de Beauharnois had messages from the Onondagas to clear up
_ Some matters.

~ Several Iroquois chiefs went to the Shawnees in 1735, to per-

276 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

suade them to return to Pennsylvania. Their speaker was Sago--
handechty, a Seneca chief of high reputation, who spoke in
way resented by the Shawnees, and he was killed by them after
the other deputies had returned.

A council with the Six Nations, held at Stenton near Phila
delphia in 1736, was largely attended, because at this time the
Onondaga council had resolved to settle the Susquehanna a
question. On account of smallpox in Philadelphia, the confer
ence was held at the governor’s house at Stenton. ‘There were -
100 Iroquois present, 18 being chiefs. Pennsylvania had pur-
chased lands of the Delawares; but Governor Dongan had a
deed of trust from the Iroquois, whose claims were allowed, and |
they were paid accordingly. When the leading chiefs were gone,
some drunken chiefs deeded the lands on the Delaware to the |
whites. Presents to the Iroquois were increased and those to.
the Delawares diminished, which the latter did not like. Weiser
and Shikellimy were now agents for both Iroquois and whites:

Whose Bodies, the Indians said were to be equally divided
between them & us, we are to have one-half & they the other;
that they had found Conrad faithfull and honest; that he is a
true good Man, & had spoke their Words & our Words, and not
his own; and the Indians having presented him with a drest”
Skin to make him Shoes, and two deer Skins to keep him warm,

they said as they had thus taken Care of our friend, they must
recommend theirs (Shekallamy) to our notice.

The Iroquois now claimed lands in Virginia and Marylanil
and Pennsylvania supported them. The Shawnees were dis
satisfied with the land sales of this year, turned to the French
and refused to come back to the Susquehanna, where they had-
asked permission to live 45 years before. .

The fur trade at Niagara and Frontenac had greatly dimim
ished because the French were not allowed to sell brandy. Som
voyageurs were seized and fined by them that year for takin
furs toward Oswego for better prices. They did as they pleased

An interesting report was made in 1736 on the New York ant
Canadian Iroquois, as well as other nations. It is attributed

Joncaire, but more reasonably to Chauvignerie, and its modera

i
oa
¢ HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK [IROQUOIS 277

stimates are in marked contrast with the larger ones of others.
t Montreal he distinguished between the Iroquois and others
lere. Of the former there were 366 warriors, and at Toniata
here were 10 more. In New York the Onondagas had 200 war-
iors, the Mohawks 80, the Oneidas 100, the Cayugas 120, the
enecas 350, and the Tuscaroras 250. There were a few Iro-
uois at Niagara, and he did not report those in Pennsylvania
ind Ohio.

There was continual trouble between the Iroquois and the
‘southern and western Indians, and Weiser and Shikellimy were
ent to Onondaga about this in February 1737, arriving there in
April. Weiser nearly perished on the way. The governor of Vir-
‘inia wanted the Iroquois chiefs to come to Williamsburg and
here treat of peace with the Catawbas and Cherokees, but they
efused, yet agreed to a year’s truce. Weiser returned in the
pring. Parties were out, ignorant of the truce, and the Iro-
ois killed three Catawba hunters and some horses. Since
\pril eight others had been killed, and the Catawbas said these
“ought to be avenged before peace was made. The Cherokees
lad met an Iroquois party and sent peace deputies. ‘The I[ro-
uois were advised: to make peace with both.

Lieutenant Governor Clarke had a conference at Albany with
he Six Nations in June 1737. After condoling some deaths,
iccording to custom, they said Clarke spoke roughly to them
md they would answer in the same way. He had reproved
hem for letting the French come to Irondequoit; how came they
t Crown Point, which was English land? The English had
leard that the Senecas and Cayugas had sold their Susquehanna
ands, on which the Shawnees lived, and they might go to De-
roit, which the English did not like. They replied that they
ad sold but a small piece, a great way from the Shawnees. The
rouble was between them and Pennsylvania, but they would
ry to prevent their removal.

On the general question of Susquehanna lands, Canassatego
lad once said that the Susquehannas had a right to sell their
inds till they were conquered in 1677. Their title then ceased.

q ;

*

q

278 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM :

At this council the chiefs said the New York colony was like a:
great ship moored to an elmtree. Because the tree was perish-
able, the anchor was carried behind the great hill at Onondaga,:
where they would always care for it. This figure was oftentr
used. They refused to sell land south of Lake Ontario, for,
wherever the whites settled, the deer and beaver disappeared.|
Irondequoit was in the Seneca country, and they could not sell!
other men’s lands.

In 1738 Clarke had prevented the establishment of a Frenchl
post, and had sent an interpreter, a smith and three others tor
live with the Senecas. In the south the Iroquois had attacked)
the Catawbas east of the mountains.

In 1739 Indians brought word that 30 boats, with 120 French-;
men, were going from Crown Point to Wood creek to form a)
settlement there. They now claimed all land to the sources of)
streams tributary to the St Lawrence, but would give a deed of)
gift to the Mohawks of the land from Crown Point to the portage:
as a hunting ground. ‘The claim was that of conquest. :

In July a party of French and Indians went to attack the
Cherokees and others in Carolina and Georgia. The Iroquois
chiefs were unable to keep some young Mohawks from joining;
them, and others favored these parties. The French Indians
often passed through New York on these southern forays, mark-;
ing their camps with pictures and crosses. The Iroquois said:
they would not make peace with the Catawbas and Cherokees
till they asked for it. .

Lieutenant Governor Clarke held a council with the Six Nations:
Aug. 16, 1740, smallpox having prevented the annual couneili
the year before. He admitted all nations under English pro-)
tection into the covenant chain, both southward and westward,
as far as the Mississippi, and had heard of an Onondaga embassy
to the French the last summer. They said they had been there
for the advantage of all. The belt given to bind them to the
southern Indians was accepted and would be kept at Onon-}
daga. The hatchet against Spain was refused, as they were not a
people to cross the sea, and the Flatheads must ask for peace

7
da
‘

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 279

They also addressed the French in September, saying they
lid not know why their people were then at Albany. They
z0urned Joncaire’s death, replanting the tree of peace and asking
the return of his son. The older Joncaire told Charlevoix of the
oil springs in 1721, and both of his sons became influential with
the Indians. They also wanted the blacksmith back again, hav-
ing retained the whole forge for him. Laforge was invited and
permitted to spend a year with his friends at Onondaga. That
year the famous Abbé Frangois Picquet built a strong fort at
the Mission of the Two Mountains.

The Senecas sent a message in August 1741 to Governor de
Beauharnois, whom they called Skenon, or Peace, saying they
were famished, but wanted the blacksmith back, should any of
them remain alive. Laforge, the blacksmith, could not come till
the next year. His wife was reared among the Onondagas, and
they wanted her there. In fact, the French smith left the Sen-
ecas because they gave all their work to the English smith, and
he feared dying of hunger, not earning enough to buy an ear of
corn. The New York Iroquois wished simply to trade at the
a markets and that no coercion should be used either at
Niagara or Oswego. At this time Beauharnois raised or installed
some Canadian Iroquois chiefs.

Chapter 16

a bought at Irondequoit. Six Nations. Catawbas and Cherokees at
_ peace. Canassatego and the Delawares. Zinzendorf. Bartram’s jour-
ney. Lancaster council. Black Prince. Name for Maryland. Cataw-
_ bas. Moravians at Onondaga. Six Nations dissatisfied. Scalp bounties.
~ Colonel Johnson. Oquaga Indians. Mississagas. Young Indians
- desire war. Johnson at Onondaga. Treaties at Lancaster and Logstown.
2

Notwithstanding French opposition, Clarke got a deed of the
md at Irondequoit from the Seneca chiefs by means of those
nt as usual to live in their country. They were ordered to go

around the land with the chiefs and mark the trees, that it might
be known what was English land, the tract being 30 miles square.
The deed was signed by three Seneca sachems, the consideration
being £100 and “sundry good causes.”

280 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

‘He persuaded the Assembly to fortify Oswego and to give £10 5
to feed the Indians, who were in great want from the length)
and severity of the winter. He also effected a treaty of peac
between the Six Nations and the Caughnawagas, or Praying
Indians, at Montreal.

The Cherokees and Catawbas of Carolina gladly accepted the
peace offered by the Six Nations. The former sent them some
beads, a pipe, an eagle’s tail, and a white flag they had taker
from the French. The Catawbas sent a belt of wampum aril
calumet, with some tobacco, as tokens of acceptance. The Iro-
quois belt would be kept in one of the Cherokee towns. The
Creeks also desired a treaty of peace. Some Cayugas came to”
Philadelphia about payment for lands, but no council was held,
as no others came. | a

Clarke held a council with the Six Nations in June 1742.
was sorry they had forgotten their old way of living in castles
but some had promised to rebuild them and be no longer scat |
tered. A Cherokee deputy had been to the Senecas, and the way
was now clear. The nations to be included in the southern cove
nant were the Catawbas, Cherokees, Creeks, Chickasaws an@
Choctaws. He did not think a settlement at Irondequoit expedi-_
ent yet, as people feared a French war. |

The Onondagas and Senecas went to see Governor de Beau:
harnois in July 1742, and Onowaragon, a great Onondaga sachem
spoke. The Senecas also asked that Laforge’s son might be thei
smith and forbidden to be rude. Privately they said the Onon
dagas, on their way home, took down the French flag when the}
came near Oswego and raised the English. The Senecas had)
minds of their own, carrying the French flag in spite of the Eng
lish, but used it so much that it was worn out, and they wante
another.

Beauharnois said that young Joncaire might still live with th
Senecas and young Laforge might be their smith. They ha
done well with the flag and he would have reproved the Onon
dagas had he known this sooner.

7
= :,

a HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 281

The Senecas still sent parties against the Catawbas or Flat-
‘ads. The Shawnees proposed moving to the prairie of the
faskoutins, but this was the wish of the French, and the Iro-
ois must not be displeased. An exaggerated account of a
jlision between the latter and the Virginians reached Beau-
arnois, and he tried to cause a rupture by means of this. The
nondagas did not respond or accept his presents, and his
ttempt failed. In this skirmish some were killed, and there
ere long deliberations on it.

There was a great council in Philadelphia that year; and,
hile the Iroquois were hospitably received, the Delawares were
otified that they might attend, but at their own expense. The
ondaga Canassatego was speaker and spoke thus of Weiser, or
‘a rachawagon:

When we adopted him we divided him into two equal Parts;
ne we kept for ourselves, and one we left for You. He has had
great Deal of Trouble with Us, wore out his Shoes in our Mes-
ages, and dirty’d his Clothes by living amongst Us, so that he
3 as nasty as an Indian.

They gave him a present with which to buy new clothes and
sked the governor to be equally generous. The Senecas did not
ome to this council because of the famine among them. One
“Man, it was said, had killed and eaten his own children. They
‘thought the goods received for the lands insufficient. Canas-
atego said:

‘We therefore desire, if you have the Keys of the Proprietor’s
thest, you will open it, and take out a little more for us. We
mow our Lands are now become more valuable; the white
People think we don’t know their Value, but we are sensible
that Land is Everlasting, and the few Goods we receive for it
are soon Worn out and Gone.

The chief had examined the Delaware deeds, given 50 years
efore, and said the Delawares ought to be taken by the head
} and shaken severely. Onas was right, and he said to them:
“How came you to take upon you to sell land at all? We con-
juer’d You, we made Women of you, you know you are Women,
and can no more sell Land than Women.” After other reproofs

282 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

he passed sentence. They might live either at Shamokin or
Wyoming, “and then we shall have you more under our Eye,
and shall see how You behave. Don’t deliberate, but remove
away, and take this Belt of Wampum.’ He summed up as fol-
lows and dismissed them:

This String of Wampum serves to forbid You, Your Children
and Grand Children, to the latest Posterity, from ever meddling
in Land Affairs, neither you nor any who shall descend from You,
are ever hereafter to presume to sell any Land, for which Purpose
you are to Preserve this string in Memory of what your Uncles
have this Day given You in Charge. We have some other Busi-_

ness to transact with our Brethren, and therefore depart the Coun-
cil and consider what has been said to you.

The Delawares left the council as ordered, and it soon con-|
cluded. Weiser conducted the large Iroquois delegation to .
house in Tulpehocken, where Count Zinzendorf had an inter-
esting meeting with the chiefs. He was much impressed by
them and received a string of wampum inviting him to Onondaga. —

There was a good deal of negotiation about the encounter in”
Virginia, but at last all was ready for a final settlement. Shi-g
kellimy and Saghsidowa were sent to Onondaga in April 1743
and were told that a way there had been cleared for the former
and Weiser. One of those killed was a cousin of Shikellimy and —
he was condoled. The Six Nations sent a message about the}
Juniata lands, but none to the governor of Virginia, because he
had not washed off the blood and taken the hatchet out of their
head. If he would do this, they would talk to him. He readily
consented if Weiser would do what was necessary. The deputies ;
set out in company with John Bartram, the naturalist, and Lewis _
Evans, the geographer, reaching Onondaga July 21. Both Bar-_
tram and Weiser wrote full accounts, according to their per-
sonal tastes, and Evans made a map of the route. The trip was _
highly satisfactory, and arrangements were made for another —
council at Lancaster Pa. Tochanuntie, or the Black Printee
and Canassatego were prominent in these affairs.

That year it was reported from Detroit that 600 Senecas, Onon |
dagas and other Iroquois had settled at the mouth of White

river and were friendly to the French,

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 283

_ War was declared in 1744, and Virginia and Maryland were
therefore very conciliatory, so that the Lancaster council was a
great occasion. Witham Marshe gave a full and picturesque
account. The Iroquois party numbered 252, Canassatego march-
ing at the head.

They placed their cabins according to the rank each nation
‘of them holds in their grand council. The Onondagoes nation
was placed on the right hand and upper end, then the others
according to their several dignities.

_ Madame Montour was there, and Marshe gave good descrip-
tions of Canassatego and the Black Prince:

_ Canassatego was a tall, well-made man; had a very full chest,
and brawny limbs. He had a manly countenance, mixt with a
good-natured smile. He was about 60 years of age; very active,
strong, and had a surprising liveliness in his speech, which [
observed in the discourse between him, Mr Weiser and some of
the sachems. Tachanuntie, another sachem, a chief of the same
nation, was a tall, thin man; old, and not so well featured as
Canassatego. I believe he may be near the same age with him.
He is one of the greatest warriors that ever the Five Nations
produced, and has been a great war-captain for many years past.
He is also called the Black Prince.

By invitation of the Maryland commissioner, 24 chiefs dined

with the principal white men present, occupying two tables out

‘Otfive. “ They fed lustily, drank heartily, and were very greasy
before they finished their dinner, for, by the bye, they made no
}use of their forks.”

The Cayuga chief, Gachradodon, gave a new name to Mary-
land, which was Tocaryhogon, Occupying the Middle or Honor-
jable Place. He was praised by the governor, who said he would
jhave made a good figure in the forum of ancient Rome, and a
‘commissioner declared he never had seen so just an action in the
great orators he had heard. Notwithstanding the good cheer,
iwhen it came to signing the treaty, they ‘
jabout the glass pretty briskly,’

“were obliged to put

bd

nor did all sign at once. Their

We have the Right of Conquest—a Right too dearly Purchas’d,
fand which cost us too much Blood to give up without any Reason

284 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

at all. . . All the World Knows we conquered the Severa
Nations living on Sasquehannah, Cohongoronton and on _ th
Back of the Great Mountains in Virginia. The Conoy-uch-such-
roona, Coch-nan-was-roona, Tokoa-irough-roona, and Con-nut-
skirrough-roonaw, feel the effects of Our Conquests, being no
a Part of our Nations, and their Lands at our Disposal.

Neither Maryland nor Virginia admitted their rights, but both
satisfied them, and presents and deeds were exchanged. The:
shrewd Iroquois went home feeling their power. There were:
strong French and English parties among them; and, if they
could remain neutral, both French and English would pay well
for it. A projected treaty with the Catawbas was placed in
Weiser’s hands, and it was recommended that he should go to )
Onondaga.

In 1744 Governor de Beauharnois heard that the English were
about to settle on Wood creek, and that they had sent an alarm)
to the Iroquois. Four villages of the Canadian Mahicans, or
Loups, had gone to the Senecas, and Joncaire would report what
it meant. He was called Nitachinon, and much was expected”
from his influence. The Iroquois warned him to pass Oswego
only at night, for the English had orders to take him, dead or)
alive.

Governor Clinton had an Indian council, June 18, 1744. wil
had been declared, and troops and cannon sent to Oswego. T e
Iroquois would be ready, but would not strike the first blow om
seize the French among them. They thought this wrong. —

Jan. 2, 1745, Weiser’s son said he had been to Virginia and)
met some Iroquois coming from the Catawba war. “One of
Shickelmy’s Sons, to wit, Unhappy Jake, had been killed by the
Catawbas, with five more of the Six Nations.” The chief was
condoled, and Weiser was willing to go to Onondaga about t is,
but doubted Catawba sincerity. He said:

The Catawbaws are known to be a very Broud people,
have at several treatys they had with the Cherokees used higl
Expressions, and thought themself stout warriors for having

deceived Garontowano (the Captain of the Company that
so treacherously killed) . . . If that one article is true wi

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 285

them, that they will own they treacherously murdered Garonto-
wano and some of his men, a peace no doubt will be made
between these poor wretches.

_ A peculiar party went to Onondaga in May 1745. On behalf
‘of Pennsylvania went Conrad Weiser, Andrew Montour the half-
breed, and Shikellimy and his son. Three Moravians also went:
‘Spangenberg, Zeisberger and Schebosch. These desired to
P trange for settling some Indians on the Susquehanna. They
“were on horseback, and the route was essentially that of Bar-
tram in 1743; up the Susquehanna to Owego, and then across
zs ioga, Tompkins and Cortland counties to Onondaga, leaving
Vv eisers May 19 and reaching Onondaga June 6. The Six
Nations were invited to a council at Williamsburg Va., but said
it was too far. They would go to Philadelphia about the
Catawba peace. Both embassies were successful, but in neither
account is there any allusion to the business of the other. From
this first Moravian visit came others, but no direct missionary
“work was done. The sole efforts were preparatory, in learning
tl e language and gaining the confidence of the Iroquois. Nota
“sermon was preached, not a public service held.

_ Early in 1745 the French made the Six Nations believe that
the English meant to destroy them, and the Mohawks and

Senecas combined, but were undeceived before the English quite
lost their friendship. Indian enthusiasm waned. Governor
Minton held a council Oct. 5, and found that Joncaire had started
the evil reports. Hendrick made a tiresome speech and there
a land troubles again. Governor Clinton asked them to take

p arms for the English, by a large belt, and they said they would
if the French did not make satisfaction in two months.

_ The Indians were tempted by an offer of £10 for male scalps,
-but did not give way, and the historian, William Smith, said of
he Albany council:

<

Although this conference was held in a style of dignity and
eccnity which has seldom if ever before been witnessed;
although men of the first talents and respectability, from four
different colonies, had united their influence and exerted their

286 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

eloquence in persuading these savages to take part in the war, y
the characteristic cunning of that people was proof against a
these arts.

ef

Three white men wintered at Onondaga about this time, and |

a fatal epidemic troubled the Senecas. The Abbé Picquet and

his warriors were at the attack on Fort Saratoga, which wage
4

destroyed in November. ;
Governor de Beauharnois held a council with the Iroquois in ~

July and+was told that they carried the Prenchesgae past 4

Oswego on their return and would remain neutral. It was hard~

for all to do this, with their opportunities, for the regular offer

was £10 for scalps of males over 16 years old, £5 for those under.
that, and double these rates for prisoners... So some went to war,”
and the Mississagas joined the Six Nations in this. r

During the war, in 1746, the French Indians often came near |
and even into Albany. Pennsylvania and Connecticut refused |
to help procure Iroquois aid. All was gloomy, but a new light
appeared. William Johnson had been made colonel of the Mo)
hawks and made himself felt. Colden said of him: |

Mr William Johnson was indefatigable among the Mohawks;
he dressed himself after the Indian Manner, and made frequelll
Dances, according to their Custom when they excite to Waf,|
and used all the Means he could think of, at a considerable!
Expence. . . in order to engage them heartily in the Vig
against Canada. a

Some of the chiefs would not join, as the war was not in their
interests, and the other nations agreed with them. The youn
Mohawks favored war. Governor Clinton called a* council m
August, and the difference of opinion was curiously marked.
Colden said: 5

These Disputes, however, continued so far, that the Mohawks;
and the other Five Nations, could not go in Company to Albany#
the Mohawks marched on one side of the River, while the other
Nations went on the other side. [There are two Roads from rhe
Mohawks Castle to Schenectada, one on each side of the Mohawk
River.| When the Indians came near the Town of Albany, ©
the 8th of August, Mr Johnson put himself at the Head of the
Mohawks, dressed and painted after the Manner of an Indiat

War-Captain; and the Indians who followed him, were likewisé

4 HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 287

dressed and painted, as is usual with them when they set out in
War. The Indians saluted the Governor as they passed the Fort,
by a running fire; which his Excellency ordered to be answered
by a Discharge of some Cannon from the Fort.

Through Johnson’s influence the Mississagas and Six Nations
threw down the war belt and declared war against the French
at this council, in which Massachusetts united with New York.
Colden presided. The official interpreter was ill, and it was
thought best to have a chief give the address to the Indians.
In the choice a modern division appears:

At first a Mohawk Sachem was pitched upon; but the Sachems
themselves told us, That for some time past a kind of Party-
Division among the Six Nations had subsisted: That the Mo-
Rawks, Onondages, and Senekas form’d one Party; and ihe
Oneydoes, Tuscaroras, and Cayugas, the other: That, as the
Mohawks might be suspected to be more partial to the English,
it would be of more Use to employ one of the other Party; and
an Oneydo Sachem was proposed for that Purpose.

Colden, who made the above note, saw the war dance at this
time, and thus described it: .

They were painted as when they go to War. The Dance is a
slow and solemn Motion, accompanied with a pathetick Song.
The Indians in their Turns perform this singly, but it is not easy

to describe the Particularities of it.
| :

_ Sep. 26 the Oquaga Indians marched in in single file, firing as
they passed the fort and receiving a salute from the cannon.
‘They said they would go to the war, but were late in getting the
summons. It was reported that Weiser would bring some from

the Susquehanna, but no others came. At this time the Missis-
Sagas were called a seventh nation, living north of Lake Erie,

but nothing came of this.
Smallpox was quite fatal, and this stopped some of Johnson’s
parties:

While he was pressing them to this Purpose, one of the
Sachems who had promised to head a Party from the Canajohary
Castle, said, You seem to think that we are Brutes, that we have
no Sense of the Loss of our dearest Relations, and some of them
the bravest Men we had in our Nation: You must allow us Time
to bewail our Misfortune.

288 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

=

Many of the Canadian Iroquois went against the English, and
the governor held a council with 34 New York Iroquois June
30, 1746. 7

In 1747 an Indian party under Walter Butler, killed some
French near Crown Point, but had time to take only six of their
scalps. Other parties, in Canada and elsewhere, brought in
scalps and prisoners. The Six Nations promised Johnson to
get out all the men they could against the French. Besides two
bands containing 119 men, he had seven other parties out. He
desired a law against selling liquor to the Mohawks, and spoke.
of two “grand villains” who were nuisances in this way.

Governor Clinton talked with some Mohawks in July. They
had been scouting and wished their brethren fortified at Cana-_
joharie. He gave Johnson orders for this. The latter had a,
talk with some Oquaga Indians and hoped to stop the war with |
the Flatheads. The Tionontaties and Ottawas were ready to)
fight against the French, and the Six Nations thought they '
could destroy Canada alone if Crown Point were out of the way. .
He could get nothing to Oswego by the river, as scalping had |
commenced there. If he had supplies, he could bring 1000 Indians |
into the field in six weeks. The great Cayuga chief, Ottrawana, ,
had informed him by private belts that the western Indians}
wished to destroy Niagara, and they asked leave of the Six:
Nations. He sent Lieutenant Visgher to Oswego with goods, |
but it was dangerous work, a strong guard being needed. Some:
Senecas and Flatheads were coming with a very large belt, which |
must mean a great deal of news. Aug. 19 he heard that 500 of |
the French had advanced from Crown Point to Lake George,
where they encamped on an island and sent out parties. He:
proposed going against them with 300 Indians and as many,
more colonists. Others joined him on the way, but no state
ment was made of the result. He wanted plenty of money to
pay for scalps, as ready pay was expected. He had also secured |
the friendship of a principal Seneca chief and gained that nation |
for the English.

De Chauvignerie was sent to Onondaga from Quebec to con-|

sg
%

i

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 289

dole those who had died from smallpox. He wished to make
_ peace and gave a belt 6 inches broad and 7 feet long. They told
him they had taken up the English hatchet against the French, .
| ar d he went off. ‘There was an invasion of the island of Mon-
treal in June, by a canoe party of English, Mohawks and Sen-
ecas. Hendrick, here called Theianoguen, or White Head, led
the party, of whom 16 were captured. It was reassuring to the
French to know that the Indians of the Sault went against the
enemy. The Mohawks killed many of the French, and opinions
were divided on the neutrality of the rest. July 23 a party of 61
Iroquois deputies came to Quebec and were there till Sep. 24.
They were kindly received, but did nothing. Some Senecas
expected did not come. |

_ Shikellimy reported a council at Onondaga that year, whence
messengers were to be sent to Albany and Canada. Weiser
met 11 Onondagas in Pennsylvania, returning from the Catawba
war. There had been 14 Cayugas with them, of whom five were
killed. Weiser found Shikellimy and his family sick and some
had died. He gave them medicine with good results, but the
chief was in a pitiable state, and Weiser asked aid for him because
of past services. This was given and he recovered.

Some Iroquois warriors came to Philadelphia from Ohio.
il he old chiefs wanted peace and the young men war. They
needed arms for this and wondered that the English showed so
little energy.

At last the Young Indians, the Warriors & Captains consulted
together & resolved to take up the English Hatchet against the
will of the old People, and to lay their old People aside as of no
use but in time of Peace.

In March 1748 some Mohawks were killed near Johnson’s
house, and they were angry, saying that the English got them
into a war and then did not help them, Shirley’s expedition
being given up.

_ Governor Clinton had a conference with the Iroquois and their

ilies in July. He wished them to keep their young men from
he Catawba war. Colonel Johnson had been to Onondaga, and

290 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM q

an exchange of prisoners was to be made, as promised. The |
Indians said they would no longer suffer Joncaire or other —
Frenchmen to live in their country. Waiting for a war call, |
and so not hunting, they were impoverished and ought to have
relief. Johnson had a trying conference with them at his house
in August. He had agreed with a smith to go to the Senecas
for six months for £70, but there was no bellows there worth a
pin. He thought he could get another smith for the same and
had sent six months’ provision to Onondaga, there being no
food there.

His journey to Onondaga in April and May, he said was “the
most troublesome, fatiguing journey”’ he ever took, but the kind |
manner in which the Six Nations received him made amends for all. —
They were out of humor at the poor results of the war and needed
corn, pork and other things. The giving up of the Canadian expe-
dition seemed to him ruinous and disgusted the Indians. The Sen-
ecas had already expelled Joncaire. The Todirighroones, or Sapo-
nies, a tribe of the Catawbas, were now allies of the Six Nations
and attended some councils. The Scaniadarighroones, or Nanti-
cokes, did the same. They had no vote, but could prefer requests
by virtue of their adoption.

The Mohawks made no Canadian incursions that year, but
Governor de la Galissoniére had a council with the Six Nations
Nov. 2, 1748, Cachointioni, (Kaghswuhtioni) the Onondaga chief,
being present. He was then a French partizan, but afterward
became a warm friend of Johnson. They signed a declaration
that they were not subject to Great Britain.

The Cayugas refused to aid the English unless they would
fight like men, which they had not yet done, but word came
from Ohio that George Croghan was informed “by the Indians
that there were 730 Men of us of the Six Nations settled here on
Ohio & able to go to War, exclusive of other Nations which will
make up as many more.”

A treaty was held at Lancaster July 19, 1748, at which Scar-
rooyady was speaker. At the request of the Six Nations, the
Miamis were received as friends by the English. Weiser was

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 29!

soon after sent to Logstown to confer with the Indians there,
and was shown the numbers of warriors near the Ohio by bun-
dies of sticks. There were 74 Mohawks, 15 Oneidas, 35 Onon-
dagas, 20 Cayugas, and 163 Senecas among these; not half of
what had been previously reported. He held several councils
with the Iroquois and others there, but Johnson questioned the
character and importance of these.

Chapter 17

Abbe Picquet’s mission. Shikellimy dies. Nanticokes and Shawnees on the
Susquehanna. De Celoron on the Ohio. French activity. Iroquois emi-
grants. Johnson buys Onondaga lake and shores. Kalm. Death of Canas-
satego. Cammerhoff visits the Six Nations. Peace with the Catawbas.
Johnson resigns office. French troops on the Ohio. Iroquois claims. War
with Cherokees. Tuscarora towns. Johnson at Onondaga. Tanacharisson,
the Half King. Moravians in New York. Colonial congress at Albany.
Mutual complaints. Land treaty with Pennsylvania. Fraudulent purchase
of Wyoming. Scarrooyady, the new Half King.

In 1748 the Abbé Picquet went to select a spot for a new
settlement and Indian mission on the St Lawrence, choosing the
“mouth of the Oswegatchie river for its military importarice. He
went there in May 1749, building a storehouse and fort, armed
wi th five small cannon. It was attacked and burned by the Mo-

hawks Oct. 26. This was on the site of Ogdensburg, and its

Browth was remarkable. It is stated that there were six families

there in 1749, 87 in 1750, and 396 in 1751. Mr Shea said they
were mostly Onondagas and Cayugas, and Picquet’s biographer

Says “he reckoned as many as three thousand in his colony,”
which of course no one believes. The same writer also says
that these were of the most influential Iroquois families, the

_ Five Nations having 25,000 people.

egies ARE PEI

ay

_ While such statements are extravagant, there can be no ques-
tion that the post was a thorn in the side of New York. In the
same extravagant way this French writer goes on to Say:

_ The war parties which departed and returned continually, filled
the Mission with so many prisoners that their numbers fre-
quently surpassed that of the warriors, rendering it necessary to
empty the villages and send them to Headquarters. In fine a
number of other expeditions of which M. Picquet was the prin-
cipal author have procured the promotion of several officers.

292 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM :
:

His eulogist ends the list of expeditions in which the warlike |
priest was engaged by saying: “M. du Quesne said that the
Abbé Picquet was worth more than ten regiments.”

Shikellimy died in the winter of 1748-49, and his eldeae son
for a time took his place. Some Seneca and Onondaga chiefs
came to Philadelphia July 1, 1749, expecting to meet others on
the road who had not yet arrived. They complained of squat-
ters on Pennsylvania lands, and were told they had been forcibly
removed. When they left, they were to tell the coming deputies |
to return, but these arrived Aug. 16, with 280 in the party. They |
proposed sales of land and had placed the Nanticokes at the —
mouth of the Juniata, where others from Maryland would join —
them. The land offered was bought after several conferences
and the deed duly signed. The Nanticokes and Shawnees were
willing to go to Schahandoana or Wyoming, and had sent two.
belts to the Six Nations to confirm this.

The French wished to secure the Ohio, and De Celoron went —
there, took possession and expelled the English traders. He was

at the Chautauqua portage July 16, 1749, his trip causing much}
excitement. Soon after the Shawnees met the Six Nations at!
Philadelphia, greeted them heartily, and said they were coming
to live nearer. Peace had been declared, but the French tried |
to have the. Iroquois attack the Ottawas after this, oihem at |
first refused to return Indian prisoners, but yielded at last.
Governor Clinton for a time had all the French prisoners in |
his hands, and kept the Iroquois from sending deputies to Can-
ada. spetore phisstieys had made peace and exchanged prison-
ers separately. It was necessary to send Arent Stephens to.
Oswego to talk with the western Indians there, lest they should.
think themselves despised. He went first to the Six Nations,:
announced peace and condoled the death of two sachems. The.
French used to do this and raise up others, but Johnson said he
would stop that. He also instructed the Mohawks to leave the)
exchange to the governor, thus upsetting French schemes.’
About that time 147 canoes brought 1177 western Indians 10)
Oswego, and its growing trade alarmed the French,

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 293

In January 1750 the French sent several belts to the Iroquois
and were very active among the Indians. At this time English
_ traders held Indian children as pledges or pawns; but Governor
_ Clinton had them sent back. In February Johnson sent a belt
_ through the Six Nations to tell them that the French were mus-
¢ tering men, and they had better keep their warriors at home,
lest surprise should be attempted. The Shawnees were now
¥ moving nearer the Iroquois and brought about two bushels of
- wampum, which was lodged with Johnson to be divided among
i the Six Nations. It was a greater quantity than he had ever seen.

_ English traders were scattered all over the western country
at this time, to the great injury of the French trade. Governor
de la Jonquiére thought he would be justified in seizing their

goods. He said the English sent messages to the Indians to
take the tomahawk against the French, and with these sent “ belts
of wampum, painted red, the calumet, English flags, &c.” Jon-
_caire went to the Ohio to bring the Indians there to the French
interests. If this could be done, they might at least destroy the
Six Nations. Father Picquet was trying to have them settle at
his mission. In May the Cayugas told the French they would
) be neutral, but they could not control their emigrants.
' Governor Glen, of South Carolina, complained that the Sen-

cas, there called Nottawagees, also the Five Nations, Delawares
‘and others were likely to destroy the Catawbas, a brave and
friendly people. Governor Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, stated
that many of the Iroquois had settled on branches of the Missis-
Sippi and were more numerous there than in New York. The
French and the Council at Onondaga were both alarmed at this.
_ He, himself, was concerned that the Council at Onondaga could
_ not retain their people. He heard that these Iroquois emigrants,
with the Shawnees, Delawares, Owendats, or Hurons, and
Twightwees, or Miamis, made a body of 1500 or 2000 men.

The Miamis and Hurons sent a message to the Six Nations
and others living on the Ohio, that they gave up the French and
desired alliance with them. They had a favorable answer, which
included their fathers, the Grand Council at Onondaga. Jon-

294 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM '

caire had spoken to the Six Nations on his way to the Ohio, and —
a Cayuga sachem came to Johnson to report his words. He
brought a lead plate by which Joncaire took possession of ;
various points. Several such plates were buried in suitable places. |
Johnson said that smiths must be sent to the Six Nations,
but no liquor: “It is actually the ruin of them.” The French
were again seeking permission to build a fort at Onondaga, but
Johnson defeated this by purchasing land there soon after. The
smiths ought to have about £20 for presents to the Indians of the
castles where they went. They often had more. Kalm, the
botanist, was at Niagara that year, and said the French were so
anxious for trade that they supplied the Indians all the brandy |
and rum they wanted, which the priests had always before
prevented. Strong drink brought the Indians there.
Weiser came to Onondaga in 1750 in the interests of Virginia, |
but could effect nothing. The French party had the upper hand;
and he thought that nation lost to the English. The Onondagas
notified him of Canassatego’s death before he got there, and
allowed him to condole his death at once and hold a council, as

he had come so far. This was without precedent. One house
still remained east of the creek. Weiser said:

Our Friend Canassatego was buried to day before I came to)
Onondago, and Solconwanaghly, our other good friend, died some »
time before. He that is on the head of affairs now is a proffessed |
Roman Catholick, and altogether devoted to the French. The:
French Priests have made a hundred Converts of the Onon--
dagers, that is to say Men, Women and Children, dressed in
Silver and Gold, and I believe that the English Interest among |
the Six Nations can be of no consideration any more. The:
Indians speak with contempt of the New Yorkers and Albany;
People, and much the same of the rest of the English Colonies.

In this year occurred the notable visit to the Six Nations of |
the Moravians Cammerhoff and Zeisberger. Some years before!
the Moravians planned Indian missions in New York, and a
successful one was founded in Dutchess county. This was:
stopped by the authorities, owing toa violent prejudice against:
the United Brethren. Their attention had also been drawn to:
the Iroquois, and John Christopher Pyrlaeus and his wife went)

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 295

to the Mohawk village of Canajoharie to study the language
there, arriving July 17, 1743. Their stay was short, but he
returned with Anton Seyffert and tried to reach Onondaga. The
-Oneidas would not let them pass. Zeisberger and Post tried the
same route in 1745 with less success, but the former reached
Onondaga the same year with Spangenberg. When the Iroquois
were in Philadelphia in 1749, the Moravians consulted some of
Bthem, and Cammerhoff and Zeisberger went to Onondaga by way
of Cayuga, seeing some Cayuga towns otherwise unmentioned.
From that lake the trail passed the foot of Owasco and Skane-
ateles lakes, reaching Onondaga over the hills. The notes on
towns and trails are of interest. At Onondaga they were heartily
welcomed by Canassatego, before whose house floated a large
English flag. They also visited the Seneca towns at much per-
sonal discomfort and peril. Their request that two Moravians
‘should live at Onondaga and learn the language was at last
granted, and they returned home. A few weeks after Canas-
“satego died, nor did Cammerhoff long survive.
_ Though some of the Catawbas were at peace with the Six
Nations, the war still went on and was a constant anuoyance to
settlers. In 1751 peace was formally made at Albany. The

‘cc

‘Catawbas “came down from their quarters, singing, with their
colors pointed to the ground, and having lit their pipes, the king *
and one more, put them into the mouths of the chief sachems, of
‘Whe Six Nations, who smoked out of them.” They also gave a

| Delt having all their towns on it, to show that all wished peace.

| Next day “the chief sachem of the Senecas lit a pipe, and put it
into the mouths of each of the Catawbas, who smoked out of it _

: and then he returned it among the Six Nations.” They would

complete the peace when prisoners were exchanged, but it

3 amounted to little.

_ That year the Six Nations forbade the French making forts on

Beir lands. In their alliance they had now nine castles of Far
Indians, or Mississagas, who were Ojibwas or Chippewas. These

| were settled at Caniahaga and sided with Great Britain.

296 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Colonel Johnson became discouraged at the lack of means and
energy, offered his resignation, and sent a belt to all the nations
that he was no longer their agent. At the council in July they
asked that he might be reinstated. Receiving no definite answer,
the Mohawks repeated the request the next year. He was quite
a trader, and the Albany people were jealous, for it was said that
they had then “ no other view in life than that of making money.”

All this time Johnson was active among the Indians, and in
1706 told of a curious transaction of this year. The French were
again scheming for a fort at Onondaga, and he interfered for
the public good. Holding a conference with the Onondagas, he —
asked them to grant him Onondaga lake, with the land for 2 miles
around, and he would make them a handsome present. They
signed a deed and he paid them £350 before witnesses. The
Assembly refused to reimburse him, but granted him the tract,
and he took no farther steps. He bequeathed this to his son,
but it was a dead loss.

Both Massachusetts and Pennsylvania tried to have the Mo=_
hawks settle on their frontier as a means of defense. “~ The
Bunt” came to Oswego in 1751, bringing an account of the
French forts farther west. A large French force had gone toy
Niagara, and another had crossed from Lake Erie to the Ohio, —

by way of Chautauqua, meaning to drive the English from that

river. He was an influential Onondaga, a great friend of John-
son, and did much for the English. |

George Croghan and Andrew Montour held several confer-
ences at Logstown, early in 1751, with chiefs of the Six Nations _
living on the Ohio, on French aggressions there. A Dunkard
tried to buy land on a branch of the Ohio, but “the Indians made :
answer that it was not in their Power to dispose of Lands; that -
he must apply to the Council at Onondago.” Weiser was sent |
there in June, but met the Indians ‘at Albany, delivered his mess

sage and returned.

we

Governor de la Jonquiére held a council with some Onondagas

July 11, 1751. They claimed the Ohio lands by conquest, and
he said no settlements should be made without their consent. .

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK 1ROQUOIS 297

[This was thought a mistake, as La Salle discovered the river
when no Iroquois were there, but only Shawnees, who were
friends of the French. The Iroquois claim was from the Erie
onquest. The Cherokees had killed 18 Iroquois, and Jonquiére
wished the latter to make war on them, thinking this would
help the French. He died May 17, 1752, and was succeeded by
De Longueuil.

_ War parties went against the Cherokees in 1752. In that year
three Moravians visited Onondaga, and there were French tra-
ders there from time to time. J. Martin Mack, Gottfried Rundt,
and David Zeisberger left Bethlehem for that place, via New
York, July 26, reaching there Aug. 20. Mack soon returned,
. leaving the others to study the language, and from them we have
va list of the Tuscarora towns. These were Canaseraga, Gana-
tisgoa afterward contracted to S’ganatees, Tiachsochratota, and
Tiochrungwe. Johnson came there that year, but only as a
rader, buying ginseng largely. They returned Nov. 25. Many
Indians were employed in digging ginseng and the visiting
oravians got part of their supplies in this way.

In April 1753, runners came to Johnson from Onondaga to
_ say that French and Indians were assembling at Oswegatchie,
"equipped for war. They would send word whether they were
coming against them or the Ohio Indians. Soon after a French
army passed Oswego on the way to the Ohio, to make good their
claims there, even by force. On account of these grasping claims,
1 any Indians left Oswegatchie.

_ Andrew Montour went to Onondaga that year to invite the
troquois to a council at Winchester Va., but they declined going.
Conrad Weiser also came to the Mohawks by way of New York,
intending to g0 to Onondaga, and said the Six Nations were
afraid of the French. Johnson showed him his commission as
Indian superintendent and treated him kindly, saying he might
go on, but seeming not to wish this. Governor Clinton was
pleased that he went no farther. When Montour was at Onon-
‘daga in February, he “said he saw plainly the Indians were
frighted, and that there was a Strong Party for the French

298 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

among the Indians, and the Senecas particularly were in their
Interest.” He was there again in August with messages from —
Virginia and Pennsylvania. | |

Gov. Danvers Osborne dying suddenly, es James De--
lancey succeeded him and Colonel Johnson was sent to Onon- —
daga to bury the hatchet, which had not been formally done ©
and the Iroquois were sensitive on these points. Governor
Delancey said:

I thought it would be for His Majesty’s Service that once in —
some years a person with a publick character and some small
present should be sent up to Onondago which is the place of the —
General meeting of the five Nations.

Johnson entered Onondaga Castle Sep. 8, 1753, being met by |
the sachems a mile from the town. Kaghswughtioni, or Red —
Head, made a speech, to which Johnson replied, condoling the
deaths of three noted sachems. It was a saying among them that,
when the fire went out at Onondaga, they would no longer be a
people. It now burned low, and he came to rekindle it. They
thanked him for speaking in their manner. He found some
Frenchmen there and came by the lake himself. In May he had
referred to a council held at Onondaga a year earlier, in which
the Six Nations resolved not to go to Virginia, but were willing —
to treat with that colony at Albany. He did not understand

as

what was meant by a conference at Logstown. Not an Iro-
quois had gone there, and, if wampum was left, it must have been _
with the Shawnees. Mere messages were valueless, “unless —
attended or confirmed by a string or belt of wampum, which they |
look upon as we our letters, or rather bonds.” a
In December Arent Stephens took a message to both castles
of the Mohawks, and the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, with which
they were well pleased. A trusty Onondaga bore it to the others. —
The French attempts on the Ohio failed that year, but would |
be resumed the next, and the Iroquois could not resist. It was_
said that Picquet at first wished to have his fort on Onondaga
lake. The previous year the French had sent Caughnawaegll

among the Six Nations to promote war against the southern

5

;

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 299

Indians, with whom both had enmity beyond the memory of man.
‘They also let loose the Ottawas on the Mississagas, driving them
farther east.

_In Ohio the Half King, Tanacharisson, had warned the French
to leave the lands of the Six Nations. Scarrooyady said they
‘sent them three warnings according to their custom. The third
time they said:

I tell you in plain Words You must go off this land. You say
ou have a strong Body, a strong Neck, and a strong Voice,
that when You speak all the Indians must hear You. It is true
_ You are a strong Body and ours is but weak, yet We are not

afraid of You. We forbid you to come any farther; turn back
to the Place from whence You came.

Scarrooyady gave his reason for the three messages:

Because, said he, the great Being who lives above, has ordered

s to send Three Messages of Peace before we make War; And
as the Half King had before this Time delivered the third and
last Message, We had nothing now to do but to strike the French.

A letter had come telling of the Half King’s action:

_ The Half King went to the French Fort to know what was
the Reason of their coming to settle the Lands on Ohio. The
Commander told him the Land was their’s and discharged him
and told him he was an Old Woman and all his Nation was in
_ their Favour only him, and if he would not go home he would
put him in Irons. He came home and told the English to go off
the Place for fear they should be hurt, with Tears in his Eyes.
_ Two Moravians came to Onondaga in 1753, leaving Bethlehem
Ap. 23 and reaching Onondaga June 8. They were Henry Frey
and David Zeisberger, and their journey is chiefly remarkable
for the ascent of the Tioughnioga river. They lost some time
trying to penetrate the wilderness from Owego by land, and some
with the Nanticokes, who were removing to New York. They
fell in with their fleet of canoes as they were going up the river
to settle at Otsiningo, (Chenango) a little north of Binghamton.
Their return by the same route began Oct. 13 and ended Nov. Io,
but they visited friends on the way. These Moravian journals
have many interesting facts not otherwise preserved.
David Zeisberger and Charles Frederick made a later visit,

300 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

leaving Bethlehem June 9, 1754, going by Oneida lake and reach- ¥
ing Onondaga July 21, and arriving home June 4, 1755. They +
stayed till May 18,1755. ‘This was the last and longest Moravian ‘
residence there. They founded no mission, all of their work being 4
of a preparatory kind.
The western Indians grew restive. George Croghan wrote to

Governor Hamilton, May 14, 1754, “ ye Government may have ©
what opinion they will of ye Ohio Indians, and think they are ©

oblig? to Do what ye Onondago Counsel will bid them, Butt I

ashure y™ honour they will actt for themselves att this time,
without consulting ye Onondago Councel.”

That year the Mohawks said they had lost some influence
in council from being thought Johnson’s advisers. The Onon-
dagas were exhorted to live in one castle, as of old. Most of

those who had gone to Oswegatchie were Onondagas and Cay-

ugas, and some said half the Onondagas were there, and that the

Senecas were wavering. It was time that the English should”
awake to their danger.
A congress of seven colonies opened in Albany June 19, 1754.9)

a

These were New York, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Con-
necticut, Rhode Island, Maryland and Pennsylvania. Virginia —
and Carolina desired to be considered present. The plan was
to have a colonial union established by act of Parliament. There —
was also an Indian conference. The Oswego traders, 47 in —
number, complained that the Indians at the Mohawk and Canale

joharie castles forcibly took what rum they wanted, and the |

Oneidas did the same at the carrying place, beside charging —

exorbitantly for carriage. Hendrick complained of land frauds
and of the inefficiency of the English. The Mohawks would
have taken Crown Point had they been allowed.

The governor of New York said that Johnson was still their
friend; but, as he “for some reasons declined the management
of Indian affairs, it was thought proper to re-kindle the fire here,
by appointing Commissts whom I shall direct to receive an
consult with you, upon all business that may concern our mutua
interests.” This would be tried a year longer. The Indian

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 301

were not enthusiastic. Though notice had been given of a large
_ present, not more than 150 men of all nations attended. They
é wanted rum kept out of their castles, and it was thought fines
and imprisonment might be the penalty for unlawful sales.

3 Johnson said the French should be kept out of Onondaga river
_ by a stricter watch at Oswego, and that Englishmen should
"be placed in every nation, with forts, missionaries and smiths
_ among the Onondagas and Senecas. Educated young men
_ should go, who might become interpreters, teachers and cate-
chists. Governor Delancey said the commander of a fort at
: Onondaga might be made a sachem and have a voice in Indian
: councils. The French increased their influence by such adop-
tions.

~ Conrad Weiser was at this council, and the land treaty with
_ Pennsylvania was adjusted. Hendrick said the Six Nations
reserved the Wyoming and Shamokin lands as hunting grounds,

e

>

_and Taghneghtoris, or John Shikellimy, was appointed to take
care of them. After the council Colonel Lydius made a fraudu-
lent purchase of these lands for a Connecticut company, and
this made later trouble.

_ Tanacharisson, the Half King, died this year. John Harris
"wrote from his ferry, (now Harrisburg) Oct. 29, 1754:

On the first of this Instant Monacatootha and Several Others,
the Chiefs of the Six Nations, came to my house and brought the
half King and his Family along with them, who were in General
‘in a very low Condition, particularly himself, who died in a few
_ days, after which I asked Monacatootha and others where they
chused to bury him and in what Manner, or if they wanted any
thing Necessary for his funeral; their Answer was that they
looked on him to be like one of our Selves, and as he died among
us we might bury him as we thought proper; that if he was
buried well it would be very good, which I did much to their
_ Satisfaction.

In November the Indians resolved to send Scarrooyady, alias
- Monacatootha, and two other chiefs to Onondaga, to report
affairs and ask advice. Governor Morris was informed, and
in December 1754

His Honour informed the Council that Scarrooyady an Oneido

©
=~

_

302 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Indian, who succeeds Tanachrisson or the Half King in the
Direction of Indian Aughwick was come to Town along with
Two other Indians in their Way to Onondago.

A conference followed, and Governor Morris sent a belt to
Onondaga about the Connecticut land sale. He also wrote to
Governor Fitch of that colony, and Hendrick promised to undo
the mischief.

M. Duquesne held a council with part of the Six Nations at
Quebec in October 1754. The Senecas did not come. Tig
Onondagas came but took no part. A secret conference followed
with the Oneidas, Cayugas and Tuscaroras, who favored the
French. They then invited the others and reproved them. Some
Oswegatchie Indians, who had been to Albany, gave up their
English medals to the French. The deputies also decided that
Albany and Oswego should not be molested. A council that
winter, at Onondaga, would decide on the French proposals.

Chapter 18

Wyoming deed to be destroyed. Johnson’s speech. Council fire now at Mt
Johnson. Storehouses at Oneida Portage. Battle of Lake George. Death of
Hendrick. Braddock’s defeat. Delawares and Shawnees claim to be men.-
Ticonderoga built. Forts among the Six Nations. Fort Bull destroyed. War
declared on the Delawares, who are reproved by the Six Nations. Johnson’s
condolence of an Onondaga sachem. Council at Onondaga lake. Road to
Oswego made. Indians take the hatchet. Oswego destroyed. Easton
council. Teedyuscung. Oneidas give up medals, scalps and belts.

Hendrick and some Mohawks were in Philadelphia Jan. 15, f
1755, and said that the Connecticut deed should be destroyed,
but he could not do it. It must be done at Onondaga. He
advised a meeting of two chiefs from each nation to settle the
matter: “ But then as it is a War Time, We advise that this be
done as soon as possible, for We who are here to-day may not —
be here to-morrow.” He was killed that year.

Scarrooyady made a report Mar. 31. The Mohawks advised
him to go to Onondaga, “ but hearing on all hands that the Onon-
dagers were not well affected to the English,’ he stopped at.
Oneida, where French influence was strong. The Oneidas said
this was wise, and added: “ Nobody cared now to do Business

Set

- dance, to

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 303

at Onondago. All Persons who were in the English Interest
and had Business to do with the Six Nations of late came round

~ about Onondago and passed by the Town.”

Till 1755 a large French trade was carried on at Albany by

the Caughnawagas, the Indians preferring English strouds to
_ French goods. In June Johnson had a warrant from General
_ Braddock as sole superintendent of the Six Nations, their allies
and dependents. June 21 we have “Hon. Wm. Johnson’s first

’

public speech to the Indians” as superintendent, translated into

~ Mohawk by Daniel Clause and delivered for Johnson by Red

Head, the Onondaga speaker. He removed the council fire from

_ Albany to Mount Johnson, and his familiar emblem of a bundle

of sticks was applauded. There were 1106 Indians present, and

m@amore men than he had ever seen at a council. The Elder

Brothers made Red Head speaker, and an Indian reported that
the Oswegatchie settlement had been broken up for want of pro-

visions and Fort Frontenac strengthened. The Mississagas
came and made alliance, and Arent Stephens danced the war-

‘

‘which the sachems bore the usual chorus.”
Johnson tried to keep rum from the Indians at this time, with

but partial success, and raised some sachems. The Onondagas
asked for a fort, as they would fight the French. He told the
_ Oneidas that General Shirley would have to build a magzzine at

each end of the portage and hoped they would not hinder it.
They replied that work begun had been stopped by them, as they

_ had received no message. Now it should go on. They com-
_ plained of Germans on their lands who were there by permission,

not ownership, and who made trouble.

|
|
!

In September Johnson had 250 men with him at Lake George
and more were coming. He was building a fort there, had made
a good wagon road to Albany, and cleared ground to encamp
5000 men, whom he expected to arrive soon. He hoped to pass
the lake, take post at Ticonderoga, and then attack Crown Point.
The French advanced, fighting followed Sep. 8, in which Colonel
Williams and King Hendrick fell on the English side, and Baron
Dieskau was taken on the French. Hendrick fell under his

\ -

304 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM ) |

horse, being an old and heavy man, and was bayoneted. The —
Iroquois, losing 30 men and being discouraged by this and the |
numbers of the French, at once returned home. ;

General Johnson was knighted for his good conduct; and |
General Shirley wished him to call a council at Onondaga, and
also privately to engage some Iroquois to go against the French
and Indians on the Ohio. They could join a party already in
Pennsylvania and get the Susquehanna Indians to go too. John-
son did not approve of his having other Indian agents and wished ;
a fixed sum for himself and the secretary, Mr Wraxall. When
the Indians came to him, they had to be maintained, and a jour- _
ney to Onondaga or Oswego was expensive. Shirley proved a
poor manager, but Massachusetts appropriated funds to secure
Iroquois aid, and the garrison at Oswego was reinforced by four
companies. Desertions were frequent there.

The Six Nations had little to do with Braddock’s affairs, though ~
Scarrooyady and a few others were with him at his defeat July 9.
They were displeased because he did not consult them.

Most of the Ohio Indians were dissatisfied with the Albany
purchase of Susquehanna lands, and this led to hostilities with
the Delawares and Shawnees. The year before they had asked
that they might no longer be clad like women, but fight hke men
for themselves. A change had come over them, and, being
encouraged by the French, they now fought without leave. The
French policy had hitherto been to weaken the Indians. This
having been sufficiently done, they were now to be protected, but
they were not always reliable. At the battle of Lake George the
Canadian Iroquois refused to attack the English camp, and helped
defeat the French by later inaction. M. de Vaudreuil had a con-
ference at Montreal with the Senecas Oct. 1, 1755, who came to
bring Joncaire home. Some other Iroquois came later, and he
thought all were in the French interest except the Onondagas”
and Mohawks. ‘That year the French occupied Ticonderoga.

In 1756 the Earl of Loudon became commander in chief, and
was empowered to furnish Johnson all he required for forts or

smiths among the Indians. Johnson’s general plans were

q

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 305

approved; and he had a council with the Six Nations, who were
firm in the British alliance and pleased with the proposed council
‘at Oswego. All but the Cayugas desired forts in their country,
and every Indian castle ought to have a minister. He wished
two persons of unblemished character as chaplains for the pro-
posed garrisons at Onondaga and Oneida, and as missionaries
~ to the Indians. Something should be done for the Rev. Mr
Ogilvie, who was doing excellent work among the Mohawks.

_ The conference mentioned seems the one held in June 1756
at Onondaga, but which was deferred at the request of the Mo-
hawks, several minor councils taking place meantime. At one
i in February Johnson condoled the deaths of Hendrick and others,
and gave six French prisoners to replace them. Some remote
_ Senecas were present at this time, who had never been at John-
_son’s before and had come from Ganuskago, where Dansville
now stands. He was sorry they still had trouble in the south.
“At this time Sir William gave “the largest pipe in America,
: made on purpose,” to be hung up in the council house at Onon-
‘ daga, and smoked at important councils. The presents amounted
‘to £1085, and the French were still more liberal. |

Late in March 1756 Lieutenant de Lery, with some French-
~men and Canadian Iroquois, passed Oswegatchie, came to the
Oneida portage and destroyed Fort Bull. Five English forts
; were abandoned next year and replaced by another there. Some
-Onondagas condoled Johnson on this first loss in April. They
desired an early council in their town; and, as it would be large
3 and they had few provisions, they wished he would send some
for their guests. Workmen were ready to build their forts, and
orders were given for the Oneida fort on Ap. 21; for the Onon-
| daga Ap. 30. Horses were employed in the work. Each was a
- square stockade with two blockhouses at opposite angles, and
; ‘several such forts were built that year, traces of some still
remaining,
In May Johnson was formally invited to the council held at
~ Onondaga in June. He said there were many deserters from
- Oswego among the Indians, who made trouble by their false-

306 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM |

hoods. Great numbers of these were among the Delawares and
Susquehanna Indians. He conferred with some Oneida and ©
Seneca chiefs; also with two Seneca women. They said it was —
common to take women into their councils, specially among the
Senecas. There were frequent instances of this among the other
Iroquois. At this time the Mohawks did not wish him to go to
the Onondaga council, and he yielded so far as to send messen-
gers there first. On their return the Mohawks advised him to ~
go, but with a guard, as French parties made the road danger- ;
ous, and he would be a valued prize.

In Pennsylvania Braddock’s defeat had turned the scale with —
the dissatisfied Delawares, and they became hostile, siding with
the French. On this, Pennsylvania declared war in the winter
of 1755-56. Scarrooyady, the new Half King, favored this and
thought the Six Nations would approve. Johnson disliked both ©
the declaration and the large scalp bounty. It was a bad move
just before a general council, alarmed the Iroquois and might
keep the southern Indians away. Many conferences followed —
in Pennsylvania, the Iroquois there adhering to the colony, while
the Delawares said they were “determined to fight the English —
as long as there is a Man left.” The Six Nations ordered them ~
to stop, but they were defiant at first, and then word was sent that —
they would obey. A council was held at Otsiningo, to which 300
Delaware warriors came, agreeing to lay down the hatchet at
the wish of the Six Nations. They were still told they were
women and severely reproved, but more latitude was allowed them. ~

Johnson arrived at Oneida June 13, conferring with some

; eee &
Indians there. He was shown a French belt, inviting the Onon- |

:

daga, Cayuga, Oneida and Tuscarora chiefs to a treaty at Mon-~

> sive . 4
treal June 15. His visit now was as a mourner, as the cae
council must precede business, his warm friend, the Onondaga

speaker, having died. The account is of interest:

eG

several speeches of condolence to be made at Onondaga upon the
death of Kaghswoughtioony, alias Red Head, chief sachem of

said nation, and chose the proper belts for the ceremony.

|

Sir William and the sachems of every nation, prepared the

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 307

‘

June 18 two Cayugas met Sir William “at the place where the
Onondagas formerly lived,” about 5 miles from their habitation
at that time. ‘This was south of Jamesville, and they were now
on the west side of Onondaga creek. He was to send word

when he would enter the town, that the Cayugas, representing

the Younger Brothers, might meet him and join in his condolence
of the great Onondaga chief. Three Cayugas met him a mile
from the castle, halting two hours to settle all forms according
o ancient custom. Then Johnson marched on at the head of the
chiefs, part of whom sang the condoling song, containing the
names, laws and customs of their renowned ancestors, and asking
happiness for the departed.

When they came in sight of the castle, they found the head
¢ hiefs and warriors seated “in a half moon across the road, in
profound silence.” In the hour’s halt there, the condoling song
Was again sung, hands were shaken and the visitors welcomed.
Then Sir William led the warriors, the sachems in the rear sing-
‘ing the same song. All in the town fired their guns as a salute,
and this was returned by his party. He was then taken to an
arbor by Red Head’s house, where he was addressed by the chiefs.

Next day the grand ceremony was performed with 11 belts and
three strings, followed by an enemy’s scalp to replace the dead,
and sa glass of rum to wash away grief. This ended the cere-
/mony, which did not include the raising of a new chief.

_ June 20 Johnson encamped by the lake, 5 miles from the castle,
to be near his boats, provisions and presents. A long council
followed. An Oswegatchie Indian said the French meant to
b ild a fort at Oswego Falls and another at the west end of
Oneida lake. Another party would ravage German Flats and a
fourth attack Johnson’s house, kill or take him, and ravage the
lower Mohawk. The Indians rejected a French belt and cast it
on the ground. Messengers from the Susquehanna said the
Nanticoke king at Otsiningo was dead. Delawares, Shawnees
and others came June 27, and the new Half King was present.
| June 28 the war song was sung, and Johnson promised them
toasted ox at the war dance next day. July 1 they gave him

308 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

leave to open a road to Oswego. The Oneidas and Tuscaroras
would help make it from German Flats to Canaseraga, and the)
Onondagas thence to Oswego. He might build a fort at Oswego
Falls, to be destroyed when the war was over. He gave the ™
Indians kettles to feast on their enemies’ flesh, which is noted
as figurative; eating meat out of the kettles at a war feast being —
called eating a Frenchman’s flesh, as drinking is then termed
drinking an enemy’s blood. |

He placed a medal on the Onondaga speaker’s neck. A treaty
was made with the Delawares and Shawnees, and the former were :
fixed at Tioga by the Six Nations, where some Iroquois then
lived. The Iroquois feared the French because of their many
Indian allies. On reaching home he had another conference with” |
the Delawares and Shawnees. With the consent of the Six”
Nations, he declared the former no longer women but men, but
they were not formally made so for’many years later. He sent
out many parties, and the Indians were pleased with their new
forts.

Various collisions preceded the fall of Oswego, the most impor=—
tant being Bradstreet’s successful fight at Oswego Falls, of
which the French and English gave very different accounts. —
While returning from Oswego with 300 boatmen and their boats,
he was attacked from the east side of the river at Battle island if.
July 3, 1756. Landing on the small island there with six men, |
he held it till reinforced, repulsing three assaults. “Thence the
contest followed the west bank to the falls, lasting three hours,

Oswego was invested by Montcalm Aug. 11, and surrendered
Aug. 14, Col. Mercer having been killed. With its siege the™
Six Nations had nothing to do, but the French had many sa 7
ages with them, whose mere yells did as much toward the sur--
render as the guns of the French. Their Indians, they said,
“perpetrated a multitude of horrors, and assassinated more than
100 persons included in the capitulation, without our being abl
to prevent them, or having the right to remonstrate.” |

The dilatory—to use no stronger word—General Webb got!
only to the Oneida portage. Learning there the loss of Oswego,

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 309

he destroyed all the forts at the carrying-place and marched back,
. ‘disgusting his Indian allies, who said it looked like giving up,
so needless was this. The Onondagas proved their character
as “men of business” by securing some of the provisions left
at Oswego, and heard that 100 of the English were massacred
_ there by drunken Indians. Johnson sent out many parties that
year, and reported various conferences of moderate importance.
In the Easton council in Pennsylvania, July 28, 1756, the
‘Delaware chief, Teedyuscung, said he had been made king over
five united nations, and represented the Iroquois also. The
latter afterward denied this emphatically. Major Parsons thus
described him: “He is a lusty raw bon’d Man, haughty, and
very desirous of Respect and Commendation; he can drink three
Quarts or a Gallon of Rum a day, without being Drunk.”

_ The Cherokees and other southern nations joined the English,
and both the Iroquois and Delawares said they would never fight
‘on the same side with them. Another council followed at Easton
in October, and peace was made. During these troubles Shi-
_kellimy’s three sons found refuge with the Delawares.

In July 1756 some Cayugas and Senecas were at Niagara and
said they would remain neutral, but part went against the Eng-
lish at Oswego and elsewhere. Chauvignerie formed a band of
29 Cayugas, Onondagas and Senecas against the English on the

t any English there. These Indians may have been emigrants.
_ The Onondagas and Oneidas sent 80 deputies to Montreal in
July, and they were kept till after the surrender of Oswego in
“August. Governor de Vaudreuil said that Johnson would thus
be deprived of expected aid. The news was announced to them
A ug. 20, when there were 150 Iroquois there, and they naturally
and rather warmly congratulated the victors.

/ Some Onondagas and Cayugas came to Montreal late in
November 1756 and had an audience on the 30th. They noticed
- that some usual ceremonies were omitted, for, when the Five

Nations came, it was customary to send an interpreter with
: yampum to meet them and to salute them with five guns. Others
4

=

310 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

came later, and about 100 were at the council which opened
Dec. 13, continuing till the 30th. No Mohawks were present,
but all there were friendly to the French, the Oneidas particu-
larly so. The latter gave up their English medals, and left 17
deputies to spend the winter there. It was a great expense
holding such a council, but unavoidable. The meeting was thus *
summed up:

Such has been this famous embassy of the Five Nations, the
most important that has occurred for a long time, and which
ought to be regarded as indeed important under existing circum-
stances. . . The neutrality of those Nations is one of =m
ereatest advantages we could obtain over the English.

The French desired more than neutrality, which the Cayugas
are said to have long maintained. A shrewd move was made:

The Oneidas presented the Cayugas a Belt from which an
English scalp was suspended. This proceeding had been the
thought of an Iroquois, a shrewd politician to get an English
scalp introduced into the cabin of the Cayugas, where, as yet,
there have not been any.

The Indians desired to look into French customs of a social
nature, in which they might share. It is said: “The Ambassa-
dors asked to remain until the morrow, New Year’s day, because
they had been told that on that day the Pale faces kissed each
other and that liquor was furnished.”

Among other ‘curious notes of this council is the following:

In regard to the Belts presented by the latter, each of them
furnished in turn and contributed equally to that expense, and
as the Indians are very particular in exhibiting the share they
possess in these presents, at the end of each speech, the orator

is careful, when handing the Belt, to cry out the name of the
Canton, or Nation, which has furnished it.

Chapter 19

Council at Onondaga. Six Nations neutral, but Mississagas hostile to them.
Peace with the Cherokees. Easton council. Teedyuscung. German Flats
destroyed. Abercrombie defeated. Land dispute settled at Easton. Teed-
yuscung reproved. Council at Canajoharie. Iroquois take the war belts.
Canadian Indians abandon the French. Forts built. Niagara taken. Assen-
sing council. Montreal taken. Iroquois present. Religion and education.
Prisoners released. Plans for schools. Murders at Kanestio.

A council was held at Onondaga in the spring of 1757, and
the Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas resolved to be neutral.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 311

The Oneidas and Tuscaroras did not declare themselves, but
were much affected by the destruction of the forts at the portage.
Half the Oneidas favored the French.
June 10 some Senecas and Onondagas came to Fort Johnson,
followed by Cayugas and Mohawks. The Senecas showed a
_ great belt of invitation, 30 rows wide, which they would send to
other nations, and also a French war belt. Another was sent to
the Delawares and referred to them. They told the Delawares
they had buried the hatchet deep. The Six Nations had not
used the ax given them against the French last winter, but at
their council at Onondaga had resolved to hold fast the English
covenant chain. ‘They were so weak that their aid ought not to
be expected. Johnson was surprised that they were now hostile
to the Mississagas. The Onondaga speaker retorted the charge
of indifference on the English as in De Nonville’s, Frontenac’s
and other invasions. They heard that the Mississagas threatened
revenge on them for some killed at Oswego, but the Onondagas
would not commence war. Many belts had arrived at Onon-
_daga, and there would be a general council in July. The Oqua-
gas, mostly Iroquois, were on the English side.
Three Cherokee chiefs came to Fort Johnson July 31, and had
a conference with Johnson and some Senecas, Cayugas and
Oneidas. They were condoled as usual and replied:
Perhaps you will expect a formal answer upon this ceremony
of condolence. Brethren, we are warriors, and do not understand
these matters, and hope you will excuse us. All we can say is,
__ that we are glad to shake you by the hand, and by this string
of wampum remove all trouble and disquiet from your breast.

They would direct their arms against the French fort on the
Ohio, and in them they might see all the Cherokee nation. In
September a Seneca chief, named the Belt, thanked Johnson for
the Cherokees, and another Seneca chief spoke for them. They

had begun with a small hatchet, but hoped soon to have a larger.

An Oneida chief spoke for the Six Nations. They would invite
Cherokee deputies to Fort Johnson, and their young men should

be warned not to go on the warpath toward their country.

Ker

312 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Sep. 19 their message was formally delivered to the four Cher-
okees, who were seated in four chairs. Johnson lighted the calu: —
met, took a whiff or two and passed it to the Cherokees, who did
the same. The gentlemen present smoked and then the Iroquois :
who were there. The tobacco from whence it was filled was”
then put in a bag to be carried home by the Cherokees with the _
calumet. The Belt, a Seneca chief, then delivered the message /
of the Six Nations, with a very large white belt furnished by”
Johnson. Seneca George would return with them as far as
Philadelphia and farther if his shoes held out.

Not being relieved by General Webb, Fort William Henry ~
surrendered Aug. 29, after a six days’ siege, and the Indians
robbed and stripped many after the capitulation, even killing”
some. Montcalm had 363 Canadian Iroquois with him at this”
time, and this loss cooled the zeal of the Six Nations for the
English. Though neutrality was promised, some Senecas and
Cayugas shared in hostilities in Pennsylvania, and Governor de
Vaudreuil reported that he had 20 parties of Senecas and Cay-
ugas in the field against the Catawbas and English. ‘There were
always some whom the chiefs could not control.

A Mohawk chief, who went with George Croghan to Penn-
sylvania in June, brightened the friendly chain between the Cher-—
okees and Six Nations in the presence of Col. George Washing=-—
ton. Both would hold to the English, and three Cherokees were
deputed to go to the Six Nations. On their way they stopped
at Easton, where there was a council with the Delawares and
Senecas, and were told that the grand council, which sat for two
months at Onondaga, had broken up, having determined to hold
to the English. The Delawares and Shawnees in Ohio had
trouble with the French and were also likely to take the same side,

The Easton council was held in July and August. In the latter
month Teedyuscung concluded a peace on behalf of Io nations,
He said he was formerly represented as a woman by his uncles,
the Six Nations, but they gave him a good pipe and good tobacco,

and he gave these to the English. In response, Governor Morris”
gave him a very large belt with significant letters and figures.

~ one

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 313

The treaty required the approval of the Six Nations. At the end
of the council there was a grand dinner for all present, peace was
ormally proclaimed and interpreted to the Indians, and salutes
were fired. There were bonfires and dances, with supplementary
conferences. Teedyuscung said:

I was styled by my uncles the Six Nations, a woman, in former
years, and had no hatchet in my hand, but a pestle or homminy
pounder. As I had no tomahawk, and my uncles were always
styled men, and had tomahawks in their hands, they gave me a
tomahawk, and appointed and authorized me to make peace

with a tomahawk in my hand, I take that tomahawk, and turn
the edge of it against your enemies the French.

A curious effect of scalp bounties, even on women, is seen in
the petition of Margery Mitchell, Oct. 26, 1757:

I was some time ago in Philada., in Expectation of recg a
reward from the Com's for an Indian Scalp, but was quite dis-
appointed; it ill suited me at the time to take so fatiguing &
expensive a Journey, one might think Common humanity-would

induce the Gentlemen to allow me some small matter on that
occasion.

German Flats was destroyed in November 1757. The people
had been warned by the Oneidas, but felt secure. It was attacked
by 300 French and Indians under M. de Belletre. A few Onon-
_dagas joined him at Famine river, and he sent a message to
Oneida Castle by four influential Indians, six Oneidas joining
him. The Palatine settlement was protected by five small forts,
all of which were destroyed. None of the French were killed,
but 40 colonists perished, 150 were made prisoners and 60 houses
“were burned. In another fort were 350 men, not a mile away.
_ The Oneidas and Tuscaroras were asked why they had not
given the alarm; on which they showed that they had done so,
but their advice was not heeded. The Germans said the same.
It was the castle at Oneida lake and not the upper one to which
the French sent word. The latter was not to be told.

In the spring of 1758 the French commander at Fort Duquesne
made unfriendly comments on the Six Nations and sent Wyandot
spies to Onondaga, who told their errand and wished a trading
t post might be built there. The Seneca chief, John Hudson, or

|
314 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM :

Eyendeegen, was present at a council with the Munseys in Phila- _
delphia Aug. 4. He said they could not hold treaties, being ~
women, and conducted the business for them.

July 7, 1758, Abercrombie was defeated at Ticonderoga with
heavy loss. The Iroquois despised him from the first and few
Indians shared in the fight on either side. Some success the
English now had. In August Colonel Bradstreet took Fort Fron-
tenac, and Oswego was reoccupied. In November Fort Due
quesne was evacuated on the approach of General Forbes. The
Indians of Canada were displeased with Montcalm’s treatment of
them at Ticonderoga, and the Six Nations took note of this.

The fourth Easton council met Oct. 8, 1758, and the Iroquois, —
Minisinks and Delawares came. The assembly was large and
the ancient rites scrupulously observed. Three old land disputes
were to be settled; the Iroquois sale of 1754, the Walking Pum
chase, and the claims of the Minisinks in New Jersey. The last
was speedily adjusted, and the lands west of the mountains were
deeded back to the Iroquois. On the Walking Purchase, Teedy-
uscung’s official character came in question, and his pride had a
blow in a private council. A Mohawk chief said: “ Who madé
Teedyuscung the chief of the nations? If he be such a great man
we desire to know who made him so.” A Seneca chief said¢
“ We do not know who made Teedyuscung this great man over
Ten Nations, and I want to know who made him so.” An Onons
daga chief added, “I never heard before now that Teedyuscung
was such a great man, and much less can I tell who made him
so. No such thing was ever said in our towns.” An Oneida
spoke for the Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Nanticokes and Conoys: “I
now tell you none of us know who has made Teedyuscung such ~
a great man. Perhaps the French have, or perhaps you have, or
some among you, as you have different governments and are
different people. We for our part entirely disown that he has
any authority over us, and we desire to know from whence he
derives his authority.” ,

In that chief’s presence, next day, the governors of Pennsyl- ,
vania and New Jersey explained that he only claimed to be king

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 315

over five Delaware nations and was but the messenger of the
Six Nations, of whom he always spoke as his uncles and super-
iors. The storm was averted, but the offense was not forgotten.
“He had also proposed a sale of lands about Shamokin, Wyoming
etc. The Iroquois chiefs replied: ‘“ We have no power to convey
Lands to any one, but will take your Request to the great Coun-
cil Fire for their Sentiments, as we never convey or sell Lands
before it be agreed in the great Council of the United Nations.”
at is readily seen that this was but a convenient excuse.
_ In April 1759 Johnson held a council at the Canajoharie castle,
stopping at Brant’s house, where the Bunt, other Onondaga and
‘some Cayuga chiefs waited on him, some Cayugas, Senecas, Nan-
ticokes and Shawnees coming later. While they were waiting
for the Oneidas, Tuscaroras and Geneseo Senecas, their arms
were repaired, and he sent food to some on the way.
When the council opened, Sir William, with the Mohawks,

Onondagas and Senecas, condoled the death of some of their
people since leaving home, and the usual general condolence fol-
lowed. He spoke of a murder by a Cayuga, and an Oneida chief
gave five white prisoners to him. Tuscarora spies told what they
had seen in Canada, where some Oswegatchie Indians wished to
return to Onondaga. Some western Indians had sent a belt to
the Six Nations, as they desired to pass through their country
to talk with Johnson. A sachem of each of the Six Nations
‘would come with them that year, and the Geneseo chiefs waited
to conduct them.
3 Governor de Vaudreuil had told the Oneidas that the English,
having built a fort at their portage, were about to erect one at
each end of Oneida lake and another at the falls of the Onon-
daga (Oswego) river. However he got his news, this proved

correct. Though these would be strong, he said, the one at
Oswego would be stronger; and the English would then destroy
the Five Nations. He gave them a large hatchet belt of 6000
beads. The Nanticokes had also been sent for to Onondaga,
receiving a sharp French hatchet with a similar message, but they
returned this by advice of the Oneidas,

s

316 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

All agreed to go against the French as an atonement for the
murder. This would be an effective plaster for the wound. The -
Onondagas then made a feast of a roasted ox, presented by John |
son, and the war dance was shared by some of every nation.
From the Susquehanna 50 more Indians arrived. He told them |
that at the Easton treaty the Pennsylvania people gave up all
the land claimed on the Ohio, which had been sold them in 1754,
The deed of surrender would be kept in the council house at
Onondaga. !

After telling them of General Amherst’s appointment, Sir Wi i ,
liam threw the war belt, which was taken up by a Mohawk, w Oo
danced with it, followed by others. A few warriors had gone »

4

with Johnson before; all would go now. Two oxen were boiled |
in five large kettles and laid out in large pieces in Indian style,
the chiefs and warriors being seated in two lines opposite the |
fires in the center. .

The Old-Belt, a great Seneca chief, said that the Geneseo |
Indians heartily joined the English, and that 26 of their warriors |
would follow Johnson to war before they went home. They}
now gave up Fort Niagara to be destroyed. He then began the |
war dance, which was kept up all night by others. Three chiefs 1
of each nation came to Johnson to ask him to send an army at)
once against Niagara. “The sooner the thing is done the bet-!
ter,” they said, and gave a belt with the figure of Niagara at one,
end and his name at the other. ;

The Oswegatchies sent him a message, thanking him and sa y-
ing they would keep out of the way of the English and not join
the French. They wished to return to their native land, and.
their priest sent a message of peace, having no interest in the war.
His town was but a religious school. The Caughnawagas and)
others would act no more with the French. Johnson was pleased)
and promised to equip the Indians and provide for their families.)

That year the Royal Blockhouse was built at the head ot
Oneida lake and Fort Brewerton at the foot. A fort was also
built at Oswego Falls on the east side. Johnson and Prideaux
soon teft for Niagara, embarking on Oneida lake June 21, passing

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 317

Fort Brewerton June 23 and encamping at Three River Point.
were at Oswego Falls June 24 to 27, and left Oswego July
The French tried to surprise Oswego after they left, but were
repulsed. The English had 3100 troops and Indians, who landed
‘at Niagara July 8. General Prideaux was killed on the 20th and
_ Johnson took command. ‘The fort surrendered July 25, and the
; army returned to Oswego. About one third were Indians. About
_the same time General Amherst took Ticonderoga and soon after
Crown Point; while Quebec surrendered Sep. 18.
Some unimportant conferences were held at Pittsburg that year,
vin which Iroquois chiefs took part. There was also “a great
"Meeting of Indians at Assensing, on the Cayuga Branch of the
_Sasquehannah, ” in the interests of peace. This was a Munsey
~town in New York, recently settled there. This council was
4 preparatory to a General Council, which the Western Indians
“proposed to hold in the month of April over the Ohio.”
_ Inthe summer of 1760 Amherst collected his forces at Oswego
‘and descended to Montreal, which soon surrendered. The only
opposition was at Fort Levis, a little below the present city of
Ogdensburg, occupied by a small force under M. de Pouchot.
‘He was called Sategariouaen, In the Midst of Good Affairs. The
Indians left Oswegatchie the year before, settling on the Isle
—Picquet. Many now went to Montreal and elsewhere, and the
| Test refused to aid the French. ‘There were places of interest in
the vicinity. Pointe aux Iroquoise, locally called Point Rocka-
Way, was a place where that people always stopped in going up
| or down. Toniata, the place of the eel fishery, now Grenadier
island, was a noted resort from the earliest times. St Regis, on
the St Lawrence and intersected by the boundary line, was a
mission settlement and is still a reservation. It is worthy of note
that in this last engagement of this great war, two vessels engaged
| were called after Iroquois nations. One was the Onondaga,
| called the Seneca by Pouchot, and the Mohawk, called Oneida
by him.

\ . A list has been given of 1330 Indians who promised to go with
| Johnson at this time, Among these were 284 Cayugas, 57 Tusca-

318 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

roras, 158 Mohawks, 203 Onondagas, 60 Oneidas, 126 Senecas,
and 15 Oswegatchies. But 706 actually embarked.

In 1760 Archbishop Secker spoke of the Rev. Henry Barclay
as the son of a missionary to the Indians of New York, saying
that he was appointed by the S. P. G. a Mohawk catechist in
1735, ordained a priest in 1737 and settled as missionary there,
learning the Mohawk tongue and preaching to them successfully.
He was said to have formed a congregation of 500, with 61 wor-
thy communicants, continuing there till 1745, when the attacks
of the French Indians obliged him to leave.

Peace having come, the Honorable Scotch Commissioners, in
and near Boston, in 1761 conceived the idea of educating Indian
youths from a distance. They sent an Indian, David Fowler;
who was going on a mission to the Oneidas, to select some, and
he brought three young Mohawks, one of whom was Joseph
Brant. In November Samuel Kirkland, afterward the noted®
missionary, visited Johnson, who approved his plan of learning

the Mohawk language.

There was a council at Easton Aug. 3, 1761, with Onondagas,
Oneidas, Cayugas and their allies, Seneca George of Otsiningo
being the principal speaker. Conrad Weiser was dead, and they
chose his son Samuel as his successor. A Conoy chief, called
Last Night, said:

I would acquaint You that the Chief of the Mohickons & Opies —
have settled with the Six Nations at a place called Chenango,
where you may always find them if you should have occasion to
speak to them. |

In 1762 there were meetings about surrendering prisoners.
Some of the Iroquois had been hostile to the English in the Dela-
ware war, but at last a full treaty of peace was made. ‘There
was a conference at Philadelphia Mar. 30, with 21 Cayugas, who
reported a council held at Onondaga about these prisoners, but
the Senecas were dilatory. A general council met at Lancastem
in August, and 17 English prisoners were returned. There would

have been more, but some had been claimed and giyen up on the |

a

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 319

road. A few, like Mary Jemison and others, would not return.

Some cases were hard. The noted Oneida chief, Thomas Wing,
said:

I brought a Girl to Easton, and she run away; when I came
home I found her there. Bless me! says I, there is my Wife.
I was sorry that I had delivered her, but to my surprize I found
her at home. You know it is hard to part with a Wife. I have
brought you an English prisoner, who I love as my own Wife.
I have a young Child by her. You know it is very hard for a
man to part with his Wife. I have delivered her, therefore take
care of her, and keep her safe, that she don’t make her escape.

_ At this council the Six Nations said they had permitted a fort
at Shamokin, which was to be destroyed in due time, and they
now wished it removed. It was on their warpath and might make
trouble between them and the soldiers.
That year Edward Johnson, schoolmaster at the Tuscarora
castle, made complaints. It was hard teaching such scholars.
The Rev. Mr Wheelock wrote that a legacy of £750 from Sir
_ Peter Warren had been appropriated by the General Assembly
of Massachusetts for the support and education of six youths of
the Six Nations, as he had desired. He had the youths and was
teaching them, but the commissioners thought this was not the
best way. They thought it better to have English schools among
them, and he wanted Johnson’s opinion. He replied that Whee-
ock’s plan was best, as the others would find if they tried theirs.
mn October of that year Johnson wrote to the Rev. Mr Barclay
about a new edition of the Mohawk prayer book, sending the old
one with some additional translations.
Guy Johnson had a conference at Onondaga in December about
the murder of two Englishmen by two Indians in the Seneca
country. Nov. 30, he came to the upper Oneida Castle and the
lext day to Canowaroghere, (present Oneida Castle), a new vil-
age of the Oneidas. Dec. 2 he was at the Tuscarora village of
Canaseraga. Dec. 4 he arrived at Onondaga and was welcomed
y Otschiniata, of the Bunt. He was told that Kanisteo was a
village of lawless stragglers, but the Indians would send there
| for the murderers. |

320 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

2
5
.
at
S.)
:
|
‘

Chapter 20

Connecticut people at Wyoming. Indians wish forts destroyed. Western
scalp belt. Pontiac’s war. Forts taken. Hostile Senecas. Indian complaints.
Soldiers destroyed near Niagara. Iroquois land claims. Mohawk prayer ~
book. Report on Indians. Six Nations join English against Ottawas.
Indians on the Susquehanna. Conestogas killed. Towns burned on the
Chemung. Peace with the Senecas. Niagara council. Education. Kirkland.
Council with Delawares. English occupy Illinois. Pontiac at Oswego.

In May 1763 four Iroquois deputies came to Johnson’s house,
having a message and several belts for the governor of Connec-
ticut, desiring him to stop his people from settling on the Sus-
quehanna. ‘There had been trouble there before. They wanted |
some Mohawks to go with them and a deputy from Sir William
to care for them on the road and prevent imposition. Lieutenant
Johnson and an interpreter were sent. —

May 21 there arrived 139 sachems and warriors, and the desired
council was opened with the usual ceremonies and belts. On the
26th 45 Geneseos came; and then the Onondaga speaker spoke
for all, repeating the old agreements and relating later history.
Now that the French were dead, the building of more forts made
them uneasy. They feared that western traders might have
trouble and advised that trade should be limited to Oswego,
Niagara and Detroit. The Senecas had been persuaded to
arrange about the murder. ‘The Senecas then spoke, saying they
would not rest till they brought a plaster for that wound.

After the council an Indian came to say that the French had
ascended the Mississippi and invested some English forts west-_
ward. A large belt, with English scalps, had been sent by them
to the Six Nations, asking their aid, which was refused. The
Indians were positive, but Johnson thought it an old belt, sending ©
to Onondaga and elsewhere to learn more. In June the Onon-
dagas sent wampum to the Indians on the Susquehanna, saying:

This String of Wampum comes to let you know that the French
that was killed is come alive again, and that there is seven of

your out Posts taken and all the People killed by the French,
and a number of wild Indians that have tails like Bears.

An express arrived in June to report the investment of Detroit

é

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 321

for 36 days, by from 500 to 1600 Ottawas, Ojibwas and Dela-
_ wares. They feared the advancing power of the English; but
: ~ Johnson thought he had removed all difficulties at his Detroit
_ conference in 1761. Dissatisfaction increased because presents
were not continued to western Indians. The Mississagas and
-Ojibwas now blockaded Detroit and totally defeated I00 men
“sent to its relief. The Six Nations said they rejected this wes-
: tern alliance, but he feared the Senecas might fall away. The
: Mohawks had not been well used, yet were doing much for the
2 English. Though few, they were still considered the head of the
« Six Nations by the rest. The Onondagas also showed a strong
_ attachment. He ordered an interpreter to stay at Oswego to

save trouble with Indians there.
The western Indians captured a fort at Venango Pa., and a

_blockhouse at Presque Isle. The post at Leboeuff was aban-
Boned. Onondaga messengers said that Venango was treach-
5 erously taken by some Geneseo Indians living near by. Ata
5 meeting at Onondaga the Senecas spoke with three belts, saying
they had loosed their warriors against the English and. wished
the rest to do the same. This was rejected by all; and the
: Onondagas sent a large belt to the Senecas, desiring them to
stop at once. All but the Senecas agreed to attend a council
at German Flats. This was afterward changed to Johnson Hall
on account of Johnson’s indisposition.

_ Since the conquest ‘of Canada the western nations and Iro-
-quois had warred with the Cherokees, and parties often. passed
_ through the western parts of the colonies, keeping up a warlike
r spirit. The Geneseo Senecas, the hostile party, now sent bands
to Irondequoit and Sodus to waylay passing boats. Johnson
advised an expedition against the Ohio Indians, the Senecas,
_Delawares and Shawnees, the real authors of the present trouble.
There was an engagement in August near Fort Pitt, between
“Colonel Bouquet and a large Indian force, the latter being
_ defeated. The three murderers, authors of the trouble, were
“reported killed. That the Indians had serious grounds for com-
~plaint is not doubted, but some were due to themselves and of

322 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

small weight. Some complained that Johnson gave them too
little powder. He said:

The Indians are remarkably the very worst managers of pow-
der on every occasion, and whilst they have any ammunition
are continually discharging their pieces at every little object,
be their necessities ever so great. Every hunter consumes about
8 lbs. of powder, and 20 lbs. of lead at his two hunting seasons
in the year, and without that quantity a good hunter seldom
chooses to go out.

The council met Sep. 14, with 326 [Iroquois present, and that
day 246 more came from the Susquehanna as low as Owego, to
say they would remain friends. Some Senecas also came from
the friendly towns east of Geneseo. They wished to be recon-
ciled to the English, not having struck the Virginia people. It
was more likely the Shawnees. Messengers had not returned
from the two towns near the Genesee river. The Caughnawagas
sent a belt to the Senecas, saying that, if they forgot the old
covenant, they and the Canada Indians would quarrel with them.
The friendly Ottawas near Michilimackinac restored some Eng-
lish prisoners.

Teyawarunte, the Onondaga speaker, took the large covenant
belt of 1754, repeated the old engagements made thereon, and on
behalf of 18 nations brightened and renewed them. After the
Canadian conquest Johnson had buried the hatchet under a large
pine tree, in a stream of water, that it might no more be found.
He now gave them a good English ax to cut off all bad links
from the covenant chain.

Sep. 25 he had an express, reporting the tragedy at the Devil’s
Hole, Niagara, where the Senecas destroyed one party and —
defeated two companies sent to its relief. The surprise was com-
plete, five officers and 60 privates being killed. Many were
thrown over the precipice.

In October Johnson thus set forth the Iroquois land claims to
the Lords of Trade:

As Original proprietors, this Confederacy claim the Country of

their residence, south of Lake Ontario to the great Ridge of the
Blew Mountains, with all the Western part of the province of

F HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 323

J
: New York towards Hudsons River, west of the Caats Kill, thence
to Lake Champlain, and from Reghioghne a Rock at the East
side of said lake to Oswegatche or La Gattell on the River St.
Lawrence (having long since ceded their claims North of said
‘line in favour of the Canada Indians as Hunting ground) thence
“up the River St. Lawrence and along the South side of Lake
Ontario to Niagara.
Tn right of conquest they claim all the Country (comprehending
the Ohio) along the great Ridge of Blew Mountains at the back
of Virginia, thence to the head of Kentucke River, and down the
same to the Ohio above the Rifts, thence Northerly to the South
-end of Lake Michigan, thence along the Eastern shore of said
lake to Missilimackinac, then easterly across the North end of
_Lake Huron to the great Ottawa River (including the Chippawae
or Mississagey Country) and down the said River to the Island
of Montreal. . . their claim to the Ohio, and thence to the
Lakes, is not in the least disputed by the Shawanese, Delawares,
ettc., who never transacted any Sales of Land or other matters
without their consent, and who sent Deputys to the grand Coun-
cil at Onondaga on all important occasions.
_ Johnson thought the northern Indians “the most formidable
of any uncivilized body of people in the world.” The Ottawa
confederacy and the Six Nations looked on the northern parts
of North America as their sole property, but the latter had suf-
fered from land frauds. The corporation of Albany long before,
by intoxicating the Indians, unfairly got a deed of the Mohawk
flats at Fort Hunter; and he mentioned other cases likely to
| make trouble. The great Iroquois grievance was the chain of
small forts, made in 1759 and reaching Lake Ontario. These
were Fort Schuyler on the Mohawk, the Royal Blockhouse at
the east end of Oneida lake, Fort Brewerton and a fort at Oswego
Falls. They wished these abandoned according to promise.
Good interpreters were needed to prevent misunderstandings.
Missionaries ought to live among them; for, by their holding
' double cures, the Indians had very few services, with very poor
} interpreters. Many Mohawks had become quite proficient, read-
ing the liturgy and preaching among themselves. To promote
this, he had ordered a new edition of the Mohawk prayer book.
The first, founded on the translation of the Rev. Mr Freeman,
_had been printed in New York in 1715; and the printers now

324 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM t

found trouble from the unusual number of some letters. A still
earlier Mohawk book of 16 pages was printed in Boston in 170705
In education, the Rev. Mr Wheelock reported that Joseph Brant_

ie

and the other Indian boys were doing well. He then had 23°
Indians in his school. |

Fer

Toward the close of this year Johnson made a tabular state-_
ment of these confederacies, with the names, numbers and situa-
tion of the nations. Of the Six Nations, the Mohawks, Onon4
dagas and Senecas were considered the elder branches, the three

a

a ee fe

¢
others being the younger. The Mohawks had 160 men and two |
villages on their river, with some emigrants at Schoharie. The-

Oneidas had two villages; one 25 miles from Fort Stanwix, and_

the other 12 miles west of (?) Oneida lake, with emigrants in
several places toward the Susquehanna. They had 250 men.
The Tuscaroras had 140 men, with one village 6 miles from the
first Oneidas, and several about the Susquehanna. The Onon-
dagas had 150 men; one large village being 6 miles from Onon-
daga lake, with a smaller one at some distance. The Cayugas -
had 200 men, a large village near Cayuga lake, and several
thence to the Susquehanna. ‘The Senecas were 1050 men, with |
several villages, beginning about 50 (?) miles from Cayuga and |
from thence to Chenussio. The largest was about 70 miles from |
Niagara, with others thence to the Ohio. Two eastern village
Kkanadasero and Kanaderagey, adhered to the English; the others >
were in the western confederacy. The Oswegatchies were 80)
men, chiefly Onondagas, living at La Galette on the St Law-
rence. The Nanticokes and others were southern Indians,
removed to the Susquehanna and subject to the Six Nation
In Canada the Mohawk Caughnawagas were 300 men and
attached to the English. Others were mentioned. Many of the
Iroquois had no fixed residence, and their numbers could not b :
computed. }

In December the Six Nations were in their best mood and
ready to join the English against the Ottawa confederacy, part
because the Indians about Detroit had asked for peace and
obtained a truce till spring. Lieutenant Governor Colden thought

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 325

it would still be wise to punish the troublesome Senecas. They
had sent deputies to Johnson with offers of peace, laying the
blame on the Delawares and Shawnees. If matters could be
arranged, they were ready to join the English and help subdue
the authors of the war. The other nations seconded their request,
and Johnson favored pacific measures.

He advised that each confederacy should separately guaran-
ee free passage to the English; that the Senecas should give
up the Niagara portage; that the French should be sent away
from Michilimackinac, Miami etc., and that the Jesuit missions
should be abolished for political reasons. He had given the war
belt to the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, who heartily received it,
d he hoped much from this.

_ At this time the towns on the Susquehanna had quite a mixed
population. Thus in September 1763 a Nanticoke chief brought
1 essages to Philadelphia from “ The Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Dela-
wares, and Munseys, living at Onohoquagey; Nanticokes, Con-
Oys, Onondagoes, & Mohickons at Chenango; Cayuga & Mun-
sies at Chokenote.”
; Dec. 14 six Conestogas were killed and scalped in Pennsylvania
by a mob of white men, and a larger mob broke into a workhouse
and killed 14 more Dec. 27. On this, the Pennsylvania Council
sent 140 Conestogas to New York for safety, but the authorities
there refused to receive them and sent them back.
_ Hostilities continued. In February 1764 Johnson sent several
| Iroquois parties, numbering about 200, to the forks and branches
of the Susquehanna against the enemy. The first party sur-

prised a band of Delawares Feb. 27, at the main branch of the
river, who were going against the English. The whole band was
taken, and among the 41 prisoners was their chief, Captain Bull,
a son of Teedyuscung and an active foe.

Pontiac was still disposed to be hostile at Detroit. Gen.
Thomas Gage spoke of him as “a person of extra abilities.” He
kept two secretaries; one to read letters, and the other to write
answers, each being ignorant of what the other did.

Out of the 41 Delaware prisoners, 14 were sent to New York,

H

7
it
>

326 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

The rest were distributed among the friendly Indians to replace
deceased relatives. Another small party had equal success, and
the alarmed Senecas sent deputies to Johnson, concluding peace
with him Ap. 3. They were to deliver up all prisoners, desert- -
ers, Frenchmen and negroes among them, and the Indians of °
Canisteo who murdered the traders in 1762. They also ceded the:
whole carrying place at Niagara to the English, a tract 14 miles:
long by 4 wide, and the English were to have free passage:
through the Seneca country.

Ap. I, 1764, Captain Montour led 140 Iroquois from Oquaga)
and found Kanhaughton abandoned. It was the nearest hostile
town and had 36 good houses of squared logs, with stone chim-
neys. They burned this and went up the Cayuga branch,
destroying another town of 30 good houses, with four villages.
Then they went to Canisteo, where hostilities commenced. It!

was the largest Delaware town, and they burned 60 good houses,
a vast amount of corn, agricultural implements and saddles.;
Horses and cattle were many but in poor condition. The Dela-
wares fled to the Shawnees and were pursued.

In August Johnson held a council with the western Indians at
Niagara, nearly all being represented, with 1700 warriors out of)
2060 present. Peace was formally made with the hostile Senecas
and with the Hurons of Detroit. Pontiac sent to ask peace. The
rest said they were friends already.

Indian education made some progress. The schoolmaster at
Canajoharie said the Indians would have their children taught
but not chastised by him. The Rev. Mr Wheelock sent David
Fowler to settle and teach at Oneida in 1765. The same year the
Rev. Samuel Kirkland made a trip to the Seneca town of Kana-
desaga at Seneca lake. On the way he stopped at Onondaga;
where he had a reception, his guide explaining his mission t
Otschiniata, or the Bunt, of whom Kirkland said:

The venerable old chief replied, and spoke like a Demosthenes
for more than half an hour. He then took me by the hand, anc

embraced me, kissed one cheek and then the other. I supposec
I must return the compliment; I accordingly kissed his ree

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 327

cheeks, not disgusted at all with the remains of the paint and
ease with which they had lately been besmeared. He gave
e many blessings while he held me by the hand.
_ Kirkland had a formal reception by the Senecas and was
adopted by the head chief. While among them, he visited
Niagara. In some places they treated him “with no more
tTespect than they would shew to a dog.”
Johnson had a council with 900 Delawares, Iroquois etc. in
April 1765. The Delawares leveled the graves of the English
slain, gathering up the scattered bones, burying them under a
large pine tree and covering them with a great rock. Johnson
replied to them May 2. They had gone through the ceremony
of condolence and taken the ax out of the head of the English,
but they were women, and he never before knew that women car-
fied an ax; their business being to pound corn. He talked
severely to them, but afterward made an amicable arrangement ;
then for the first time he took them by the hand, and the Six
Nations also shook hands with them. At this time partial
arrangements were made for a definite boundary line.
Pontiac was still busy; but Johnson thought an interview
would set matters right and held a council in July with the Ohio
Indians, who signed a peace treaty. The Shawnees also gave up
four prisoners who had been adopted into families, a thing very
unusual, and would do so with the rest. That summer Col.
George Croghan set out for the Illinois. As he was descending
the Ohio June 8, some Kickapoos and Maskoutins captured his
party, taking him to a village on the Wabash, where he was
released with apologies and escorted thence to the Illinois. Near
there he met Pontiac, who agreed to yield the French posts,
reserving the land, and to go with him to Detroit, where Croghan
held a council with the western Indians and dissolved their
league with the French. Pontiac and the other chiefs agreed to
visit Johnson the following year. In these councils all things
were confirmed by pipes and belts. That year Illinois was in

he possession of the English, and they had a garrison in Fort
vhartres.

328 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Some lawless people again made trouble in 1766 by settling
on land beyond Fort Pitt and killing Indians there. In July
Johnson had a council at Oswego with Pontiac and chiefs of the
Ottawas, Pottawattomies, Hurons and Ojibwas, which he opened
with the usual ceremonies, and then caused Pontiac’s pipe to be
lighted and passed to all present by the interpreter. The Iro-
quois, who were present, seem to have used the calumet less for-
mally than the southern and western Indians. |

On the third day Otschiniata came with some Onondaga war-
riors, desiring a hearing. They had come back with a Cherokee
scalp and gave it to Sir William to be disposed of after they had
painted the scalp belt attached to it. He gave them pipes, |
tobacco and liquor, and they crossed the river and danced all.

night. The council was held in a bower prepared for the pur-_
pose. ‘Teyawarunte, the Onondaga speaker, stood up in the full |
council afterward and replaced Ganughsadega, former speaker of |
the Onondagas, in Johnson’s name, as he had long ago given a
large black belt of wampum for this purpose. The scalp was
taken by Karaghiagigo, an Onondaga friend of Sir William.
Pontiac said that all the belts that went northward went by his»
village and came from the Senecas. It would take long to gather}
them, and they were more than a man could carry. Only one!
bad belt had come from him, and he now recalled this from the:
Six Nations, begging them to returnit. ‘“ The Onondaga speaker
lighted a calumet of peace, which Sir William left in their hands:
many years ago for that purpose, and handed it about to the
Western Indians.” He then addressed them on a bunch of wam-
pum, exhorting all to peace. The report that some Onondagas.
had been killed by the English near Fort Pitt was false, for they:
were now present. He asked that a Frenchman, now trading
there for ginseng, might be allowed to live among the Onondagasi
and Oneidas, or on Oneida lake. The Onondagas liked 16
troublesome belts, and none such should come to their town or
council; they therefore left the withdrawal of Pontiac’s belt to
the Senecas, Cayugas and Oneidas. That chief promised com
tinued friendship and peace.

“eo

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 329

«

_ Aiter his return west, Pontiac received French and Spanish
belts to engage him against the English, but told the Indians he
would stand fast to his agreement with Johnson.

Chapter 21

More Tuscaroras come north. Royal grant. Boundary. Traders: Instruc-
tion. Dissatisfaction. Johnson in the Onondaga country. Murders of
Indians. Peace between Cherokees and Six Nations. Land grants settled.
Boundary treaty at Fort Stanwix. Johnson in the Iroquois country.
Council at Shamokin. Seneca George. Council at German Flats. Dearth.
Reproof of western Indians. Scioto council.

Some Tuscarora chiefs went to North Carolina in the spring
of 1766, with an interpreter, and brought thence 160 of their
seople. Some came the following winter and were alarmed at

the deep snow. ‘They brought certificates of good behavior from
he magistrates of all the districts through which they passed,
but their lives were in danger from lawless people, so that they
lad to be protected. The worst place was Paxton Pa., where
they were robbed of several horses, and they complained to John-
son. Some stopped for a time at Shamokin and Wyalusing on
the Susquehanna. That year Zeisberger made his last visits
o Onondaga and Cayuga, obtaining a grant of land for the
Moravian Indians at and above Wyalusing.

At this time Johnson applied for the tract afterward called the
Royal Grant, north of the Mohawk and near Canajoharie. He
‘ uid he had obtained but a small amount of Indian land and had
‘paid full value for all. This would seem to dispose of his “ dream-
‘ing ” with Hendrick, even if this were not in itself improbable,
drick having no personal power to give or sell land. That
belonged to the Council or individual owners, usually requiring
‘the assent of the three clans. There is, however, a legal refer-
‘ence to the “ dreamland ” purchase, as it was sometimes called.

_ In May 1767 Johnson had a council with the Six Nations at
German Flats, at the request of Pennsylvania and Maryland, to
get their consent to running the division line of these colonies
lover the Allegheny mountains. He effected this. The Iroquois
also agreed to make peace with the Cherokees when their deputies
arrived. He wrote of several matters at this time. Traders with

4

330 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

the Indians should be under stricter regulations. He had always
relied on a few approved chiefs of the several nations, whom he ~
had known for 20 years and who had never deceived him. These —
were now alarmed at the state of his health and they were also
growing old. Some of these nations were increasing, having
been long at peace, and they were warriors, too, whereas the Eng-
lish were traders. Many of these traders pushed into the heart
of the country, and this might lead to trouble. They wanted
traders, but honest ones, and these they could not always have.
There was dissatisfaction among them; and, unless he could do
them justice, evil might follow. The death of the principal
Seneca chief, who was attached to the English, might remove a
bar to “the discontent amongst these jealous and troublesome
people.” To ascertain the exact condition of affairs, he would
at once visit the Onondaga country, under pretense of a tour —
for health.
The best channel for religious instruction to the Indians, he »
thought, was through the Six Nations, but practically there was |
no missionary in these. The one at Albany preached to the Mo- »
hawks occasionally; but, if some had not been able to read the»
books given them by Johnson, in their language, they would have »

been almost strangers to Christianity. The New England Society |
had sent some young persons, some of them in orders, to Oneida |
and Onoghquaga and one to the Senecas, but these had little suc-
cess. Distinctions in religion perplexed the Indians. They liked |
pomp and ceremony in worship, and mistakes had been made in}
trying to abolish at once innocent dances, rejoicings at weddings,
etc. Both discretion and ability were necessary for successful |
missionary work among them.

Johnson returned from Onondaga in October. Things did not |
look favorable there. At a council the Indians brought up their |
many grievances, and the French were busy among them. The |
Onondagas did not wish to be hostile, but would not answer for
any one, injured as they were. Bad belts and messages were '
daily sent among them. The Senecas and Mississagas quarreled :
at the Niagara portage, and Norman Mac Clod, commissary of)

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 331

Indian affairs, who was there, sent to Castesh, (Guastarax) chief
of the Senecas, to inform him of this. He came and desired
liquor-selling stopped for the time being, which was done. He
said the Senecas would hold to the English, but there were bad

:

2
i
;
belts everywhere, and he could not answer for all. His party
: then went off and became drunk, returning in a few days.
_ Aug. 24 Mac Clod was informed of bad belts passing and sent
to two Seneca chiefs to know about them. They said the belts
had not stopped at their village, but had gone to the Oneidas
and might return. ‘There were two, but they seemed harmless.
_ They had been seen at Totieronno at the head of Cayuga lake.
_ The old women of the Senecas had stopped their young men
_ from going to war. Castesh was an old rogue and had the bad
_ belt when he was at the Niagara council. It was very large.
y Before he returned in October Johnson spent three weeks at
} Oneida lake. There he met the Indians at Tuscarora creek, who
“were greatly affected at the death of a remarkable chief of the
- Onondagas,” and he “was obliged to perform all the ceremony
“on that occasion.”
_ The Cherokee deputies arrived at the end of 1767 and met
760 Iroquois at Johnson Hall Mar. 3, 1768. All the latter were
“very discontented and had nearly turned back on account of some
‘cruel murders in Pennsylvania. A white man there had six
‘Indians in his house, who became drunk and troublesome, and he
killed them all. The next day he and his servant went to a cabin
14 miles away, killed four more and burned them and the house.
Being arrested, he was set free from jail by the riotous inhabi-
‘tants. The Assembly voted money to appease the Indians, but
Johnson at first had small hopes of doing this.

The Cherokees went through the usual condolence and buried
the hatchet, but did not take it out of the heads of the English.
Johnson reproved them for this, and they apologized and repaired

the omission next day. Mar. 5 the Six Nations were long in
| -assembling; and because of this the Cherokees refused “to
open their embassy from a superstitious notion that, as it was
noon, the day was too far advanced for a work of peace, according

7
|

332 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

to the opinion of the southern nations.” The Iroquois had many
similar ideas of a suitable time, but agreed to meet earlier next
day.

The Cherokees were introduced by Johnson next morning, and
Oucanastota, a great Cherokee chief who had been in England,
“stood up, ranged all his belts, calumets of peace, etc., in order,”
and then spoke. He had come from Chotté, at the forks of the

‘

Tellico and Little Tennessee rivers, “where the Wise House;
the House of Peace is erected.” It was long since the sachem
of Chotté made peace with the Onondagas, and he was now dead,
but they remembered the talk yet. Oucanastota made eloquent ~
addresses on 11 belts and three strings. One for Sir William had i
a calumet and eagle’s tail attached.

Next day the council met outdoors, that all the warriors might

hear the reply to the Cherokees, who were addressed as younger

brothers. The Six Nations had come to meet them, after the

manner of their “ ancestors, whose kettle was always ready, with —
their packs and seven men allotted to each canoe, and with a good —
stick in their hands, ready to chastise evil doers.” ‘The speech
continued :

As we are your Elder Brothers, and consequently have more ~
understanding than you, we must tell you that you have not —
done thereon as you ought. You have not cleared the road of
rubbish according to the form you ought to have observed,
neither have you taken the hatchet out of our heads. We now
take it, and put it on one side.

Mar. 8, the Six Nations and the Caughnawagas being desirous
to condole the Mohawks on the death of a chief before other
business,

Conoghquieson of Oneida, on behalf of the three younger
Branches of the Confederacy, namely, the Oneidas, Tuscaroras
and Cayugas, went through the whole ceremony of condolance-
with the Elder Branches, namely the Mohawks, Onondagas and
Cenecas, which done, the latter, by the Speaker of Onondaga, in

a set speech, gave them thanks for their Condolence, and for their
adherence to the Customs of their forefathers.

A peace was concluded and signed between the Cherokees and
Six Nations, and satisfaction was made for the Pennsylvania

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 523

i murders. A small hatchet still out against the Cherokees would
_becalled back. Etiquette ruled on this occasion, and Tagawarra,
_achief warrior of the Oneidas, rose to correct some errors of the
_ sachems. Some bones of the Iroquois and the Cherokees might
» lie along the road both were now to travel. He said: “We
; therefore now collect the bones of both people, and after the
_ manner of our ancestors, we inter them in a deep pit, so that the
water shall carry them away, forever from our sight.”
| Johnson took a severe cold while attending this open air council
- and went to the seashore for his health Ap. 24, leaving Guy
: Johnson in charge of affairs. The necessary belts were sent for
: the boundary conference, but it could not be held before Sep-
“tember. Indian affairs westward looked bad, and bad belts had
come to the Six Nations. In August, however, Governor Moore
"was able to settle the 60 years dispute about the Kayaderosseras
7 patent; the patentees releasing part of the land claimed to the
¢ Indians, and the Indians giving up the surveyed portions on the
| receipt of $5000. In an earlier visit to the Mohawk country,
' Governor Moore examined the carrying place at Little Falls,
surveying that ground with a view to making a canal there and
avoiding a portage. This he would recommend to the Assembly.
The carrying places afforded a considerable revenue to Indians
disposed to work.

In September Johnson went to Fort Stanwix for the boundary
conference. The Indians came in slowly; but by Oct. 1 there
were 805 there. Those of most consequence had not come, a
Seneca chief having died suddenly, whom it was necessary to
‘condole in that country. This delay occasioned great expense,
as by Oct. 14 there were 930 Indians present, each of whom ate
more than two ordinary white men, and did not like to be stinted
at councils. Worse than this, there were private belts passing
| among them and all sorts of stories. "Those who had been most
desirous of a boundary line now cared least for it. The French
and Spaniards had given a formal invitation to a general Indian
council at the Mississippi, and this might make trouble.

:

334 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Johnson opened the council at Fort Stanwix Oct. 24, nearly
3000 Indians being present. He settled the boundary question,
conceding the Six Nations’ right to the land south to the Chero-
kee river, and they ceded this to the king. The Cherokees never
claimed west of the Great mountains or north of that river;
but the Six Nations always maintained their claim. The line
followed the Ohio river up to Kittanning, above Pittsburg; thence
east to the west branch of the Susquehanna and along this to
Tiadaghton creek; thence northeast along Burnett’s hills to
Awandoe creek, and down this to the Susquehanna. It followed
that river to Owego, and then ran due east to the Delaware,
ascending that stream to a point due south of Tianderra or Una-
dilla creek, and thence to that stream. The line ran nearly north ©
from that point to Canada creek, an affluent of Wood creek. The
country north and east still belonged to the Oneidas and Mo-
hawks and might be bought at any time. ‘The presents cost
£10,460, 7s, 3d. -

At this time the lines between the Mohawks and Stockbridgam
were mutually adjusted, and the latter went home before the
council opened. The Mohawks were styled the true old heads
of the confederacy, and signed the deed first of all. The sig-
natures and devices are each six in number. Tyorhansere alias
Abraham made a steel for the Mohawks, Canaghquieson a tree
for the Oneidas, Sequarusera a cross for the Tuscaroras, Otsin-
oghiyata alias Bunt a hill for the Onondagas, Tegaaia a pipe for
the Cayugas, and Guastrax a high hill for the Senecas.

At the opening of the council Johnson performed the usual
ceremonies. “ The nations gave the Yo-hah at the proper places,
and the ceremony of condolence” ended. Besides New York,
there were present representatives of Pennsylvania, New Jersey
and Virginia. Governor Franklin, of New Jersey received the
name of Sagorighweyoghsta, Great Doer of Justice, because he .
had caused some murderers of Indians to be executed.

Johnson gave the covenant chain belt, with human figures at
each end. The Rev. Mr Wheelock obstructed but did not pre-
vent the cession of New York lands. Johnson offered to have

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS _ 335

_ Fort Ontario, at Oswego, evacuated or put on the same footing
_ with Fort Stanwix. The Indians answered that it might stay
and the others also, so long as they were civilly treated at them.
The next year he went to Onondaga, arriving there July 10,
1769. The chiefs of that nation and neighboring villages were
_ in great need of corn from a failure of their crops. Before the
3 public council he held several private conferences with chiefs in
~ their hunting cabins. Returning late one night, his canoe upset,
and in ascending the bank he hurt his wounded leg. When a
little easier, he held a council. Then he went to Cayuga and met
| 500 Indians, and thence to the Senecas, where he met 2000 more.
While he was there, word came that some Cherokees were on
their way to Onondaga to attend a general council in September.
_ These chiefs afterward spoke with 20 belts, desiring to renew
and strengthen their alliance. During his stay with the Senecas
Indians came from several nations with belts of union etc. At
this time Johnson reported 2000 warriors among the Six Nations.
His edition of the Mohawk prayer book was finished that year,
400 copies being printed, and few surviving the war.
There was a council at Shamokin Pa. that year, which illus-
trated in several ways the effect of religious teaching on the Six
Nations, desultory as it had been:

Sunday, August 20, 1769.—The Indians having understood that
Doctor Smith was to have Divine Service to White People assem-
bled at the Fort, Seneca George sent Notice that his People wor-

shipped the same God with the English, and would attend Divine
‘Service, which they did accordingly, with great Decency, and
Isaac Still interpreted the Conclusion of the Discourse, which was
particularly addressed to them.

The chief’s son had been shot in July by a nephew of Conrad
Weiser, and Frederick Weiser spoke of this in the council.

Seneca George was much affected when the matter was brought

_ up and said, “ He was all the Child I had; and now I am old,
_ the loss of him hath almost entirely cut away my Heart, but I

am yet pleased my Brother Weiser, the Son of my old Friend,
has taken this Method to dry my Tears,

i

336 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

He made a most affecting speech expressing his forgiveness,
ending by saying to all present, while extending his arms:

“ Nor have I any ill-will to any of you, my Brethren the Eng-
lish.” That manly Spirit of Forgiveness and Reconciliation
which Seneca George showed on this Occasion, by his Looks,
Gesture, and whole Action, made some of those at the Table cry
out as he ran up, holding out his hand to them, “ This is Noble,”
for here his Speech stood in need of no Interpretation.

Joseph Chew wrote to Johnson about missionary work and
settlements among the Six Nations, and said:

Numbers of the Saints have applied to me. I informed them
that I heard the Seneca and Onondaga sachems say none of

them should come amongst them, until the Oneidas grew better
and reformed their manners.

In July 1770 Johnson had a great Indian congress at German
Flats. It was a time of very great scarcity, caterpillars having
devoured the crops, while in the Indian country many fields were
entirely ruined. There were other adverse circumstances, for
farther south the whites still wantonly killed Indians and made
trouble in many ways. Some Algonquins came to this congress
and told him that seven canoes of Ojibwas were at Oswego, on

their way.
The Bunt and the Onondaga speaker waited on Sir William
and told him that Diaquanda, their head warrior, had refused to
attend to business and had encamped with another nation. As
-he was the particular friend of Johnson, the latter soon persuaded
him to do better. During the treaty 2320 Indians were present,
and it was difficult to feed all these in a time of dearth. The
Cherokees sent seven deputies, desiring peace, and Johnson urged
this, but most of the Iroquois wished for war. Yet they con-
sented to make no war on the southern Indians unless they were
troublesome. The Mohawks said they were now Christians and
had a church, but were neglected, having no minister. All the
nations said Yo-hah to the covenant chain, and the council broke
up pleasantly, several private conferences following. That year
the Rey. John Stuart took charge of the Mohawk mission and ;

=

was thorough and successful, living on the spot. t

ry

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 337

During the council the Six Nations presented the address they
would send to the Piankashaws, Kickapoos and other western
Indians. Their messengers would inform them of the peace
between the Iroquois and the Cherokees, and of the good under-
standing with the English. The Iroquois were surprised at their
conduct to them and to the English traders going to the Illinois.
‘They were out of their senses, and the Six Nations took them by
the head, shaking them so as to restore their wits and taking the
hatchet from their hands because they did mischief. If they
‘proved obstinate, there would be war, and with war, ruin.

In the autumn of 1770 a great Indian congress met at Scioto
in Ohio, intended for a stricter union among the Indians. It
ended in general resolutions for peace among all, introductory to
a firm alliance between the northern and southern nations for
some purpose not made known. Johnson opposed this council
but could not prevent it. His deputies from the council at
German Flats met the Indians from Scioto at Fort Pitt in Decem-
ber, and summoned them to reassemble at Scioto, when they
would communicate the resolutions agreed to at German Flats
and on which they had over 100 belts. He had great confi-
dence in several of these deputies and hoped to defeat anything
dangerous.

In July 1771 he held a council with 350 of the Six Nations, on
a report that they were stirring up the Shawnees, Delawares and
Others to war on the English. They denied it, but he gave his
authority, and this brought explanations. Then he thought there
was reason to distrust only the Senecas on the Ohio and at Gene-
Seo. The Indians themselves examined those present from the
farthest castle, who said that any remaining evil must have come
from Guastarax, chief of the Senecas, who was now under ground
| but had been a bad and troublesome man. In the late Indian
war he secretly sent a belt hatchet to the Shawnees and others,
| tl at he would remove the door of the Six Nations from his vil-
| He ge of Geneseo to Scioto plains, and he wished them to help him
fight his way there. The Senecas then disavowed his acts. As
his cunning was now well known, they thought it likely he had

338 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

sent belts to the Ohio, an instance having just come to light.
Some of these belts might still remain, though most were dis- |
regarded. If any secret hatchet remained still with the Ohio
Indians, they desired to take it away and bury it forever.

Chapter 22

Indian customs and language. Mohawk missions and books. Shawnees at
Scioto. Death of Thomas King. Second Scioto council. Bad belts. Three
notices before war. Trouble with pioneers. Guy Johnson to be Sir
William’s successor. Council at Johnson’s. Logan’s family killed. Seneca
prisoners released. Death of Sir William. Condolence. Council with Guy
Johnson. Bunt’s successor. Kayashuta. Union belt. Iroquois emigrants.
Religious troubles.

In that year Johnson gave Arthur Lee an interesting account
of the customs and language of the Indians. ‘The nearer tribes
had lost many of their old customs, blending some English with
others, so that it was difficult to trace them back or account for
them. Some farther off had been affected by intercourse with
traders, but retained many customs whose origin was forgotten.
The most remote had most of their primitive usages, but could
give only fabulous accounts of them. These also confounded
ideas and ceremonies introduced by the Jesuits with their own
ancient rites. 3

The Mohawks were still considered the head of the Six Nations,
though greatly reduced. At present they had more to do with
the English than with their own brethren. They were members
of the Church of England, most of them read and some could
write very well. Sometimes they made a cross in signing a
deed; but, if it were of importance, they made a steel, used in-
striking fire from a flint. This symbol of their nation they called
Canniah, and themselves Canniungaes.

The Oneidas came next, also much reduced. Attempts had
been made to civilize and convert them, but most were in a
primitive state, with ancient customs much decayed. One of
their symbols was a tree expressing stability, but their true
emblem was a stone, called Onoya,. whence they called themselves
Onoyuts. The Onondagas, 40 miles farther, well versed in
ancient customs, called themselves People of the Great Mountain. —

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 339

The Cayugas, 40 miles beyond, had a pipe for their symbol.
The Senecas were the farthest and most numerous of the Iro-
quois, with several towns and symbols, of which little could be
understood.

The sachem’s authority was greatest in the most distant
nations. Nearer by he had but little. Sachems were usually
chosen in public assemblies, but some had office by inheritance.
The chief sachem was often called king.

The Indians north of the St Lawrence, west of the Great lakes,
on the New England coast and in Ohio, spoke a language radi-
cally the same and could communicate; while the Six Nations
their midst could not convey a single idea to them, or speak
a word of their language correctly. They had no letters, but
used hieroglyphics, of which he gave instances. Red was a sign
of war; castles were square white figures; alliances were shown
by human figures holding a belt; a hatchet meant war; and
their totems showed their names or clans.

The Rey. Charles Inglis had visited Johnson in 1770, and in
771 wrote a memorial to the British prime minister on con-
verting and civilizing the Indians, to which Guy Johnson added
a map of their country, having many interesting features. ‘The
‘Memorial embodied much of Johnson’s own experience and
ideas. Inglis had this “copied out fair in a good hand, and in
a quarto size; and having a marble cover, with Col. Johnson’s
accurate map prefixed, it made a handsome looking pamphlet.”
“Meanwhile the Rev. Mr Stuart was preaching acceptably to
‘the English, Dutch and Mohawks, and acquiring the Mohawk
language. The following winter he visited Joseph Brant at
Canajoharie, who afterward lived with him and aided in new
oo and revisions. When they had finished the Gospel
‘ f St Mark, part of the Acts, a short history of the Bible, an
@ planation of the catechism, and some additions to the Mohawk
prayer book, Stuart had orders to have them printed in New York
at the expense of the S. P. G. The Revolution prevented this,
but he took the manuscripts to Canada and gave them to Col.
Daniel Claus, who afterward took them to England. Part of

340 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM
these became the prayer book of 1787, which also included thee
Gospel of St Mark. i

Two of the Iroquois deputies to the Scioto council died on their .
way home, and they were the principal ones. The others showed
Sir William a number of belts and calumets and told him all |
they could. They had talked first with the Shawnees at Fort |
Pitt, and they said the Wawiaghtanons would soon send deputies :
to the Six Nations and Johnson. At the council they blamed the -
Shawnees for going so far down the Ohio and confederating with -
unfriendly Indians. All the belts sent were faithfully rendered.
Nickaroondase was the principal survivor of those who went to”
Scioto that year. ie

The Shawnees replied to this reproof that the Six Nations had.
long seemed to neglect them, and to forget their promise of land
between the Ohio and the lakes. So they started to seek their
fortunes in their canoes, but were stopped by the Iroquois at,
Scioto, shaken by the head and fixed there, with a charge to live
at peace with the English. Soon after they were surprised at

seeing the Six Nations in arms and coasting along the lake with
the English. When the war was over the ill treatment of the!
Iroquois increased, and they sent belts to strengthen the union,
but supposed they had not reached them. They showed emble-
matic belts, representing them and the Illinois, with 10 con-
federate nations between them. They were answered by a true
statement of the case and were told to come to Onondaga. On
this they excused their acts and promised that they and thee
allies would be peaceable. é

Sep. 24, 1771, some Cayugas and Tuscaroras were in Phila-
delphia, their speaker being Cheahogah, a Cayuga chief. Cawan-
daghsaw brought a letter from Charleston S. C., dated Sep. 6,
saying that Da-ya-gough-de-re-sesh, or Thomas King, had die
there of fever the day before. The Indian had 20 belts and many
strings given to King by southern Indians. i

In April 1772 Johnson had notice of another general meeting
at Scioto to impart the sentiments of the Six Nations to those
not at the last council. He took care that delegates from th:

;

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK [IROQUOIS 341

orth were reliable men. The Shawnees, he said, had no title
9 the north side of the Ohio where they lived, “having been
ften moved from place to place by the Six Nations.” When
his council met the Piankashaws, Kickapoos and Wabash
adians did not attend because the Six Nations had killed some
f their people the year before. ‘The absentees were reproved,
nd messages were sent them. The bad belts sent by Guastarax,
‘the Seneca chief, were called for, but had been stopped by the
yherokees. Other bad belts were produced, one of them being
French belt, among the largest Johnson had ever seen. ~
Those present promised to come to Onondaga and bring all
‘the belts, but were not there at the appointed time. Johnson
‘proposed they should bring the Ohio Senecas nearer home.
yhere were difficulties. Traders needed regulating, and fron-
ersmen were lawless and troublesome. A secret alliance was
im progress in the southwest, and with a view to this some Shaw-
“mees and Delawares proposed sending a deputation to England,
1 ) say that the Six Nations were unfriendly to them and ask to
be freed from their rule.

The latter sent to require their emigrants to live nearer home
nd then called a council at Onondaga, which was held the next
Winter, where they convinced the Senecas of their misconduct.
Tt was of the utmost importance to have the friendship of the
Ifoquois in case of war, for they could be the best of friends
Or most dangerous of enemies. This was particularly so with
he Senecas, whose belts had done harm.

‘In 1773 the Six Nations said they had summoned the Pian-
‘kashaws and other troublesome western nations to the great
f replace at Onondaga: “ We have already called upon them
‘twice, and agreeably to our ancient customs shall do so the third
time, before we strike.” They objected to being called to account
‘for the death of every lawless trader. The French were more
reasonable.

_ Johnson again complained of the pioneers, who generally had
a prejudice against all Indians, and the Indians were disposed to
retaliate. So some of the upper Senecas had killed four French-

a

342 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

men on Lake Ontario, making light of it till told they were
British subjects. Then they came to Johnson, proposing to cover
their graves, but he insisted they should give up the murderers,
which they promised to do. The notorious George Klock had
long been hiding from officers of the law and had lately a great
quarrel with the Canajoharie chiefs. Then he got three young.
Mohawks to go with him to a seaport, on their way to England.

In April 1774 Sir William nominated Col. Guy Johnson, his:
son-in-law, as his successor at his death, agreeably to the wish.
of the Six Nations. The same month he had a council with)
200 Iroquois, who delivered up two Senecas concerned in the:
murder of the four Frenchmen, though this was opposed to their
ancient customs. As this was the first instance of the kind, he
thought it would be good policy to discharge the offenders soon. |
It was at this time that Governor Tryon reckoned the Six
Nations as 10,000 souls and 2000 warriors.

In June 1774 occurred the murder of Logan’s family, popularly
ascribed to Colonel Cresap at the time. Three of Shikellimy’s
sons survived him, all being Cayugas, because their mother was
of that nation, though their father was an Oneida chief. The
eldest was Taghneghtoris, or John Shikellimy, who succeeded
his father for a time. The second was Soyeghtowa, or James:
Logan, the unfortunate chief whose eloquent speech Thomas:
Jefferson so highly praised. The youngest was Sagogehyata,
or John Petty, having the same Indian name as Red Jacket, a
favorite one with the Cayugas. The murdered people having
many relatives in New York, a strong feeling was aroused,
though the war was confined to Virginia, Logan himself refrain
ing from harming his early Pennsylvania friends.

The Six Nations asked Johnson to release the two young Sen-
ecas, which he hoped to do, and which the king soon commanded.
One died before release and was condoled July 9, a council having!
assembled at Johnson Hall that month. Sir William held several)
conferences at this time; and the Indians promised for them-

selves and their head women, who had much influence with th

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 343

young men, to keep them quiet. They acceded to the request of
the Montauks and would settle them at Canowaroghere, now
Oneida Castle. They received them as children and hoped they
would prove worthy.

~The Cayugas wished no more rum sold in their country.
Traders might pass through but must not stop. Sir William

ddressed the council on the Shawnees and the Cresap and Logan

ode as

ouble. He was very weak at this time and the fatigue was too
Much. Two hours after the conference, on the 11th, he died,

<7

and he was placed in the family vault at Johnstown July 13, 1774.

_ So sudden a loss at so critical a time had a startling effect, and
the Indians were at once in great doubt and confusion. Swift
runners were given belts and sent to all the nations to announce
his death; but Col. Guy Johnson was equal to the occasion, and
order was quickly restored. All the Indians remained to attend
his funeral, with the 2000 people from the country around. Next
day the customary ceremony of condolence was performed, and
the council soon broke up.

The Shawnees and their confederates sent to the western

Indians to join them against the Virginians, but some refused.
They applied to the Six Nations at Onondaga, but Guy Johnson
had messengers there before them, and the Shawnees were told
not to expect aid, but the Iroquois would soon hold a council
and take peace measures which all would regard.

_ In September 235 Iroquois chiefs and warriors had a confer-
ence with Guy Johnson, and among these were their best men.
They went through formal condolences, the Bunt being very elo-
quent. Teyawarunte, the Onondaga speaker, with three strings
covered the grave, wiped away tears, removed grief, cleared the
sky, etc. The Bunt’s oldest son produced the several marks of
Johnson’s regard for him, and according to old custom laid them
down before Colonel Johnson, who restored them. Others did
the same. They renewed the old covenant chain of 21 rows,
and gave Guy Johnson a new name, Uraghquadirha, Rays of
he Sun enlightening the Earth, Goragh was often added to

3

344 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

this in speeches, meaning great. Joseph Chew, ctrl
Indian affairs, had the name of Decariaderoga, Junction of Two |
Lakes of Different Qualities. |

They were trying to recall their people and prevent war, but
few had come back. They had also found a large black belt
with two axes on it, given to an Oneida by the French at the:
close of the late war. When the French raised themselves, the’
belt would shake, and the Oneida must be ready to strike for
them. He had kept this secret till his death, and now his wife
wished to take the belt apart for the sake of the wampum. John-\
son readily bought the belt. | ;

The Onondagas, considering the great age of the Bunt, Sir
William Johnson’s friend, had nominated “ Onagogare who is
to succeed the Bunt at Chenughivata.” This seems meant for)
alias Chenughivata, one form of the name of Otschiniata..
There were other changes. Deputies had come to Onondaga
from 18 western nations to say they would abide by the decisions
of the council there. When the Shawnees came there in August,
they demanded aid in full form. They would not accept a belt
of peace but demanded a hatchet to strike the English, “ which
so enraged King Bunt that he threw their belt back with great,
resentment.” =H . y

Kayashuta, a Seneca chief in Ohio, had been very uselile in
peace measures, and carried a call for a council at Onondaga in)
November. It opened Nov. 5 with a full attendance, and the
Shawnee affair was at once taken up, each nation declaring its
opinion and agreeing to maintain peace. The whole message to
the Shawnees was vigorous, as an extract will show: |

We have been twice here to advise you to peace, but you have
not attended, and in compliance with our ancient customs, we are
come the third time to tell you, you must be at peace, this is
the third time, & the last that you shall hear from us if you
do not hearken to us. . . Leave the business of War, repem
and mind peace alone and then you will be preserved. Quarrel
some people are dangerous, we advise you for your good, for wé
pity you. . . Mind our words, they are strong, they are words

of the Six Nations, who are the heads of the Confederacy; alt
the Northern nations have left their Belts in our hands and

| HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 345

m7 !
|

efered themselves intirely to our Government and determination,
they have joined their words to us, who are the head of the
vhole, and you now see them all in us here present.

The Six Nations were indeed alarmed at the invasion of the
Shawnees’ country by Virginia; and, though the Shawnees
handled their foes severely, a real defeat and this stern answer
eft them no hope. Happily for all, the war was soon over and
yas forgotten in the stirring events which followed.

The great union belt, given them before the last war, and
which had always lain at the Onondaga council fire, was now
placed at the western door of the league, among the Senecas.
nother belt, now given by Colonel Johnson, they would place
arefully among their great belts at Onondaga, often looking at
it that they might forget no part.

In January 1775 the Iroquois chiefs came to Colonel Johnson
‘on important business. The Shawnees had sent a message tell-
ie of their treaty with Virginia, and a statement that that prov-
‘ince intended to quarrel with the Six Nations, on which they
vere invited to a council on the Ohio in the spring. The Onei-
das also said that the Rev. Mr Kirkland reported that the king
would allow no more goods to be sent to the colonies or Indians,
and powder would soon be very high. They did not like this,
as things were already dear. The Indians would decline the
in itation to this council, but would call the Shawnees to one in
New York.

| Just as the conference closed some Shawnees came with a
second message that seven Senecas were condemned to death
at Fort Pitt, having lived with the Shawnees and taken their
part. The Iroquois blamed their conduct, but asked Johnson’s
int erposition. He said they were held only as hostages till their
Scioto friends should lay down their arms. They had been so

=

ong estranged that the Six Nations need not interest themselves,

consider them as wrongdoers. The Seneca chief, Kaya-

as they were connections of some principal chiefs. Two were
teleased and the irons taken from the rest,

346 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

bd

There were some religious troubles. The Oneidas com- _

plained of the Congregational minister’s refusal to baptize their —
children, and the Oquagas had a similiar complaint. Their
minister excused his conduct and said most of the chiefs and all
the Tuscaroras wished him to remain. Colonel Johnson did not
want to interfere in religious matters, but said Old Isaac might
read the service, as he did it well, till they had another minister.
The Tuscaroras ought not to dictate, as they were newcomers,

Chapter 23

Protestant missions. Church of England. Congregationalist. Schools. Fail-—
ures in education. Iroquois loyal tothe king. Asked to act for him. Colonel |
Johnson leaves home for Montreal. Council at Oswego. Americans confer
with Six Nations. Fire-keepers chosen. Brantin England. Indians divided.
Sir John Johnson leaves home. Iroquois at Philadelphia. Indian aid. Re-
turn of Brant. Efforts to take him. His personal appearance. Brant’s «
movements. Herkimer’s interview. Indians hostile. St Leger’s expedition.
Presents. Fort Stanwix besieged. Battle of Oriskany. St Leger’s retreat.
Reported burning of Indian towns. The Susquehanna deserted.

Before entering on the troubles of the Revolution, a brief}
sketch may be given of the early Protestant ‘missions among |
the Iroquois. 3

Dominie Megapolensis began his work at Albany about 1642,
serving six years irregularly, preaching in the neighborhood and
making some converts. The Indians were pleased to hear he |

ce

intended going into “their own country and castles (about three |
days’ journey farther inland) when acquainted with their lan-
eiace. He beiriended Joenes.

Governor Dongan wished English priests among the Iroquois. |
Dominie Dellius was among the Mohawks before 1691, bap-
tizing many. The Rev. Bernardus Freeman, of Schenectady,
reported 35 Mohawk Christians in 1701, and translated into Mo-
hawk the Athanasian creed, the Ten Commandments and part
of the prayer book, these being published in New York in 1715. |

The Church of England now tried to do something and a:
clergyman was proposed for each of the Six Nations, with two
lay helpers for each one, but this was not fully carried out. |

The Rev. Mr Smith and the Rey. Thoroughgood Moor were sent

&

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 347

from England, the latter remaining for three years. The Rev.
I homas Barclay succeeded him, remaining from 1708 to 1712,
and was followed by the Rev. William Andrews, staying three
‘years more. He reported over 60 regular attendants and 38
Somimunicants. He had a church and school at Fort Hunter,
and went also to Oneida, far to the west. The work was dis-
souraging, and, when he left it in 1718, he said: “ Heathen they
are, and heathen they will still be.”

In 1731 the Rev. John Miln, of Albany, was to visit the Mo-
hawks quarterly, staying five days each time. By him the Rev.
Henry Barclay was appointed catechist at Fort Hunter, who
eported 58 communicants in 1741. Two years later there were
ew unbaptized. In 1750 the Rev. John Ogilvie went periodically
fo the Mohawks from Albany, “amid great discouragements and
n the very outskirts of civilization.” The Rev. John Jacob Oel
vas his assistant, laboring at Canajoharie and among the Onei-
das and Tuscaroras. The Rey. Henry Munro also did some work
an ong the Mohawks previous to 1770, when the Rev. John Stuart
became a resident missionary, giving all his time to the work,
which was interrupted by the war. Before it was over he went
to Canada.

The Rev. John Sergeant, a Congregationalist, had founded an
‘Indian mission at Stockbridge Mass., in 1736, visiting the Sus-
quehanna in 1744. The Rev. David Brainerd came to the same
valley for a short time, and it has been thought that he visited

Wquaga in 1745. The Rev. Elihu Spencer went there in 1748,
remaining till the next spring and translating the Lord’s Prayer.
Two of his converts were Peter Agwrondougwas, or Good Peter,
and Isaac Dakayenensese. The former was an eloquent Oneida

chief, and both sometimes conducted public services.
There were 55 students in Timothy Woodbridge’s Indian
‘school at Stockbridge in 1753, some being from Oquaga. ‘That

year Gideon Hawley and Woodbridge went to that place, visiting

) oa : ;
Johnson on the way. Woodbridge did not remain long and
fawley returned in 1756, on account of the war, a fort being built

here that year. After his departure Good Peter carried on mis-

348 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

sion work alone, preaching at Oquaga and elsewhere. The Rey. .
Eli Forbes went there in 1762, with the Rev. Asaph Rice. They +
returned in 1763. In that year Samuel Ashpo spent six weeks :
at Otsiningo.

In 1761 the Rev. Samson Occum went from the school at :
Lebanon to Oneida, and Samuel Kirkland visited the Mohawk -;
valley, being then quite young. His later work in New York ;
began in 1764, when he left Joseph Woolley as teacher at Oquaga ;
in November and then went to the Senecas, remaining there till |
1766. Among the Oneidas and Mohawks 127 were then attend- -
ing school. After leaving the Senecas, Kirkland for a time
alternated between Oquaga and the Mohawk valley. At a later |
day his public services were of inestimable value. :

The Rev. Messrs C. J. Smith and Theophilus Chamberlain -
were at Oquaga in the fall of 1764, and in 1769 that place had |
been served for three years by the Rev. Eleazar Moseley, fol-
lowed by the Rev. Peter and Henry Avery. Aaron Crosby was}
there in 1771, and in 1774 had trouble with the Indians from his |
refusal to use the liturgy or to baptize some children. .

While others testified to a great advance, as there certainly |
had been, the scholarly Dr Wheelock was greatly disappointed |
in the results of the education of Indians. After telling all he.
had taught them, he said: “Some who on account of their parts
and learning bid the fairest for usefulness, are sunk down as low, '
savage and brutish in manner of living as they were before any '
endeavours were used to raise them up.” |

Space will not permit enlarging on the frequent failures in
Indian education, caused by following theories and disregarding
the advice of practical men, acquainted with the situation. At.
this time the action of the Oquagas indicates part of the advance
already made:

They would in order to restore peace in their town, enter into
a general resolution to abide by the Liturgy printed in the Indian
language; that they had reason to believe the Missionary would
conform to it, in which case they would let him stay, otherwise’
they would use the Liturgy themselves till a proper person
could be provided. «

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 349

The chiefs now agreed to send through their nations to tell
them to look to the king as their true protector and shun all evil
advice. They chose a Mohawk and an Oneida, who would ask
the Bunt at Onondaga to send two of his family with them.
Colonel Johnson approved, and sent a “belt with a particular
message from himself to the Onondaga fire-place.”
_ He had a council with some Cayuga chiefs and other Iroquois
Feb. 28. The opening was simple. “The Cayuga chief began
with the usual salutation of the warriors, who being, as he
observed, a plain people, would use but few words.” He related
the resolution passed at Onondaga and the refusal of the Cayugas
fo take the western ax. They feared seven Cayugas had joined
the Shawnees, but they did not, and brought three white strings
‘from “the great plains” to remind the Iroquois that they had
not attended to messages thence. Four short strings of black
wampum came also “from another warrior from Canundageh,
this side of the great plains, on behalf of three nations,”
exhorting them to mind their true interests. This was not the
Canandaigua of New York, but one in Ohio, the emigrating Iro-
quois carrying local names with them. The Hurons and their
eight confederate nations sent peace strings, and were invited to
the next Iroquois council.
Just after they left, 32 Indians came from Otsiningo or Che-

‘

Mango, and elsewhere. They were “chiefs of the two tribes at
Chenango, the Chughnuts, Owego, and Tioga, being five several
nations.” They gave congratulations, but complained of the
boundary. Producing a map, Johnson showed how the mistake
ce me. It affected four villages, but would be considered, and all
q vould be satisfied. It was a time of good promises. In July
King George ordered Colonel Johnson, in consequence of the
_tebellion, “to lose no time in taking such steps as may induce
the Six Nations to take up the hatchet against His Majesty’s
| rebellious subjects in America.”

May 14 Colonel Johnson heard that the Americans were com-
ge to arrest him and fortified himself. He said his Indian

expresses were stopped, messages altered and provisions detained,

i

350 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

so he resolved to move westward, starting in June with 250
Mohawks and armed white men. At Fort Stanwix he had a
conference with 260 Oneidas and Oquagas, whom he had to ©
leave, the whole country being in arms behind him. He sent |
to Niagara and Oswegatchie for supplies, and held another coun-
cil at Ontario, or Oswego, of which Stone made two places by
mistaking the names. At that place he had 1458 Indians and
about 100 white men. With some difficulty he secured the aid
of the former, and left Oswego for Montreal July 11, reachin
there July 17 with 220 Indians. Joseph Brant was then his
secretary.

There was a council at Montreal July 26, with 1664 Canadian
Indians, who promised aid and were placed in different camps.
Little was done, and on Aug. 12 some of the Six Nations and St

oe

Regis Indians “returned with their War Belt to Onondaga, after
assuring Col. Johnson they would be ready to return whenever
there was a prospect of vigorous measures.” Desultory hos-
tilities followed, and a message came from “the Six Nations
that the rebells had employ’d Agents to negociate a treaty with
the Caughnawagas.”

The commissioners of the 12 united colonies had a brief
conference with the chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations af
German Flats, Aug. 15,1775. “Two commissioners came, inviting
them to meet the other three at Albany, to rekindle the fire their
ancestors had placed there. As some were not present, they
were to invite them, and also the Caughnawagas and the seven
towns on the St Lawrence. This belt was declined, and seems
the one now belonging to the Douw family at Poughkeepsie.
After the business was opened, an Oneida answered: “ The
day is far spent, and we defer a reply till to-morrow, as we are
weary from having sat long in council. We think it time for a
little drink, and you must remember that the Twelve United
Colonies are a great body.’ f:

The next day they accepted the invitation for themselves, but.
it would take a year to invite their distant allies. They would

do the business and then inform them. It was not best to send

i

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 351

to the Caughnawagas, as a man there would prevent it, but the
Six Nations knew their minds and those of the seven tribes. The
commissioners asked the Indians for neutrality but not for aid.
The appointed Albany council came off Aug. 23 and was the
last one held there, but effected little. Colonel Barlow said that
about 500 Indians came. They were “very likely, spry, lusty
fellows, drest very nice for Indians. The larger part of them had
on ruffeled shirts, Indian stockings and shoes, and blankets richly
trimmed with silver and wampum.” On the day of the council
he said they made “a very beautiful show, being the likeliest
brightest Indians | ever saw.”

_ They were received by the commissioners, the Albany com-
mittee and others, and compliments were exchanged. In reply
to an invitation Kanaghqueesa said they would cheerfully take
a drink and smoke a pipe with the gentlemen. A business meeting
vas appointed for Aug. 25, at the Dutch church. The Indians pro-
posed to be neutral, stay at home in peace and smoke their pipes.
When the commissioners addressed them, they had the great pipe
lighted and sent around. They then made a long speech which
they wished might remain at Onondaga, and gave them a calumet
fo be kept at the same place. This would be done. The Indians
| said it was customary, when a council fire was kindled, or a tree
xf peace planted, to appoint some one to watch them, who should
lave a wing to keep the hearth clean. The Americans should
ppoint one as they had done, and Philip Schuyler and Volkert
Jouw were chosen.

In November 1775 Brant and other chiefs went to England
vith Colonel Johnson, and Mar. 14 and May 7, 1776, Brant made
‘Speeches on land troubles before Lord Germaine. He returned
in May, reaching Staten Island in July. Oteroughyanento also
poke before Lord Germaine. They said, “ We are tired out in
' making complaints and getting no redress.”” This was promised
i vhen the troubles were over.

_ In the attack on St Johns, some New York Mohawks fought
_ against the Americans, while the Caughnawagas helped them in

_ Canada for a while. The River Indians, or Stockbridges, were

352 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM :
friendly, the Oneidas and Mohawks of the lower castle neutral, —
but other Mohawks congregated at Oquaga in a half hostile way. |
In February 1776 Governor Tryon wrote that the Indians north- —
ward and westward, as far as Detroit, were in the king’s interest
and had chosen Peter Johnson as chief. He was the son of Sir
William Johnson by Molly Brant, his Indian wife; and captured
Ethan Allen near Montreal. Through his sister Molly, Joseph
Brant had much influence. Those who mentioned her incident-
ally spoke of her as a kind and pleasant woman. |

Sir John Johnson, hearing he was to be arrested though on
parole, left his home in May 1776, with three Indian guides, 130 7
Scotch and 120 other inhabitants, going to Canada by way of
Oswegatchie. He had fortified his house, and false information
had been lodged against him. On the first movement occasioned
by this, it was thought necessary to send a body of troops, and
a message was sent to the lower Mohawk castle. Little Abra-
ham and other chiefs met Schuyler at Schenectady and said:
‘“ We intended to have gone down to Albany in order to speak
to you; but thank God that He has given us an opportunity to |
meet you here, as we have some matters to communicate to you.”

They were sure the information was false, and warned Schuy-
ler against anything that might cause trouble. He then pro--
posed to have Sir John meet him, and this pleased them. They °
met and Sir John gave his parole, but later suspicions and orders }
caused his flight. After that, he was an active partizan.

Brant soon became the principal Iroquois leader. Mr W. L.
Stone discussed his birth and hereditary chieftainship, but not —
in a satisfactory way. King Hendrick, he said, was succeeded |
by Little Abraham, and he by Brant. He also said that, while:
no book mentions Brant’s presence at the battle of the Cedars in |
May 1776, he had positive evidence of his being there. Brant |
sailed from England that month, reaching New York in July.
The Mohawks were probably alone in that battle, as four nations }
had then a peace embassy in Philadelphia, where the Onondaga |
speaker gave the name of Karandouan, or Great Tree, to John |
Hancock. But, while Congress advised neutrality, it really)

24
*

q

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 353

wished Indian aid, and in May resolved that Washington might
employ 2000 Indians in Canada and elsewhere, with rewards of
$100 for each officer and $30 for each private captured. It favored
. employing the Six Nations “on the best terms that could be
procured,” and furnished 12 blank commissions for as many
Indian officers. Washington wished General Schuyler to employ
them, but he was averse to it.
In November 1776 Col. Guy Johnson wrote that he had “ lately
dispatched in disguise one of my officers with Joseph, the Indian
chief, to get across the country to the Six Nations,” and hoped
they would do this undiscovered, so as to prepare “the Indians
to co-operate with our military movements.” Brant reached
_Oquaga and raised the British flag. On this alarm the Campbell
_ house was fortified at Cherry Valley, where a company of rangers
had been sent in the summer. Cherry Valley had asked aid a
-year earlier, when many Mohawks went to Oquaga, “as the
inhabitants of the Old England District and Unadilla are daily
flying into our settlement, so that we shall immediately in all
“appearances have an open, defenceless, and unguarded frontier.”
__ Efforts were made to have the Indians bring in salt from Onon-
daga in 1777, as the need was great. Mr Stone quoted a speech
of the Oneida chiefs at Fort Stanwix, Jan. 19, to the effect that
“news had come that the grand council fire at Onondaga was
extinguished. Death had taken go out of that town, among
whom were three principal chiefs. This was the customary way
of announcing notable deaths, but it was a mystery to Mr Stone.
| ; In February 1777, just after he had conditional permission to
return to Canajoharie, which he did not do, the New York pro-
vincial council thought it “necessary to provide means for appre-
thending Joseph Brant.” This was modified to negotiations
_ between him and Col. John Harper, who reached Oquaga Feb.
| 27, with two men. He had soldiers on the Mohawk ready to
| aid him if required, and met the Indians in a friendly way, pro-
_ vided a feast, wore the Indian dress and made a speech. They
Said they were still neutral, and he thought they meant to be. A

little later he heard that Brant intended to settle at Onondaga.

\

354 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Messrs Halsey and Ketchum both quote a description of Brant
in 1782 from Capt. Jeremiah Snyder:

He was a likely fellow, of a fierce aspect—tall and rather spare
—well spoken, and apparently about thirty years of age. He
wore moccasins, elegantly trimmed with beads, leggings and
breech-cloth of superfine blue, short green coat, with two silver
epaulets, and a small laced round hat. By his side hung an
elegant silver mounted cutlass, and his blanket of blue cloth,
purposely dropped in the chair on which he sat, to display his
epaulets, was gorgeously decorated with a border of red.

Some time after Harper met a party at Schenevus creek, and
learned that they meant to destroy the Johnston settlement.
With 17 men he surprised the party at night, securine jam
unharmed. Over 700 Indians were now at Oquaga under Brant,
and in May he went up the river with nearly 80 warriors. At
Unadilla he made the settlers supply him with provisions and
took some cattle. Those not loyalists soon removed. He burned
some deserted houses, and other places were abandoned, but the
Tories sought Unadilla as a refuge and base of operations.

The people of Harpersfield asked aid; and Gen. Nicholas Her-
kimer went to Unadilla to confer with Brant, reaching there late
in June. The conference was unsatisfactory and just escaped
violence. Herkimer returned to Cherry Valley June 28, and the
next day Brant put Unadilla in the hands of the Tories, remain-
ing near by himself, and committing depredations. He soon
after went to Oswego with 300 Indians, where many were
already, to meet the English in council there. Colonel Johnson
had already reported that the Six Nations had called in all their
people to make a diversion on the frontier of New York, and had
made successful attacks on the border from Fort Stanwix to
Ohio.

In June he had a letter from the Iroquois chiefs, written for
them by Brant. They had met in May, as directed, and were
all ready but the Oneidas. All “would act as one man.” They
had cut off a sergeant and 12 men at Fort Stanwix, had sent
parties to Pennsylvania, and had defeated a party with 50 head
of cattle for the American garrisons on the Mohawk: The 700 —

é

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 355

Indians assembled near Oswego would soon strike a blow.
Colonel Claus had been appointed commander of the Indians in
Canada, and St Leger was on his way to Oswego, where the Six
Nations would join him. In July he said the Indians had made
some successful attacks and were ready to join either St Leger
or Burgoyne. ?

_ St Leger was joined by Sir John Johnson at Buck island and
by 150 Mississagas and Iroquois on the way. ‘The Indians
Colonel Claus knew best were with Burgoyne. When St’ Leger
reached Oswego, matters were not in a satisfactory condition,
and great promises had to be made. Mary Jemison said every
V arrior received a suit of clothes, brass kettle, tomahawk, gun,
powder and money, and a bounty for scalps was offered. Thus
richly furnished, she said, the Senecas became “ full of the fire
of war, and anxious to encounter their enemies.” ‘They were
told they might smoke their pipes and see these whipped, but
“imstead “they were obliged to fight for their lives, and in the
“battle were completely beaten.”

Claus met Brant at Oswego, his 300 Indians coming next day.
ey had been out two months and were destitute, Butler hav-
ng given him too little ammunition. When Herkimer visited
him with 300 men, with 500 more near by, he caused him to
etire by a firm front, though having but 200 men and 20 pounds
f powder. Such was his story.

_ St Leger intended leaving the lake at Salmon river, but came
| fo Oswego, passing through Oneida lake afterward, Three Rivers
_ being the Indian rendezvous and place of equipment. The army
eft Oswego July 26, part reaching Fort Stanwix Aug. 2, where
the siege began next day. St Leger brought no heavy guns,
intending a surprise, but, instead of 60 men in a stockade, his
_ Scouts found 600 repairing the old fort, who knew his strength
and plans. He had time to get more artillery but would not do
it, and the garrison feared no assault. |

4 The first definite intelligence of his advance was brought by
Thomas Spencer, a half-breed Oneida chief. He had been con-

cealed at a council at Cassasseny (St Regis), where Colonel Claus

356 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

above Oswegatchie, and advised prompt action. Herkimer called |
out the militia, reinforced Fort Stanwix, and commenced repairs. .
The Oneidas were excited, fearing harm from the other Indians. .

July 29, Thomas Spencer wrote to the Americans: “To-morrow »

meet the warriors there, and when we come and declare we aree:
for peace, we expect to be used with indifference and sent away.”

St Leger’s force moved in boats and has been estimated at
1700; but J. W. de Peyster reasonably made it some hundreds -
less. Lieutenant Bird’s party went ahead, reaching Three Rivers »
July 28, where 16 Senecas and over 70 Mississagas joined him,
others following later. He was at the east end of Oneida la ce |
July 30, and Brant and his men were sent to his aid. Molly
Brant gave notice of the advance of Herkimer, whose men met!
at Fort Dayton, leaving there Aug. 4, and encamping near Oris=
kany on the 5th. Thence an express went forward to arrange |
signals and a sortie. Herkimer waited for the signal; his office S|
were impatient and charged him with cowardice. Stung by this, \
he gave the fatal order to advance, and fell into an ambuscade a
miles west of Oriskany, a spot now marked by a stately mont
ment. Spencer had warned him that this might happen, but
the surprise was complete. “The bloody battle was briefly inter=
rupted by a storm. It was a terrible struggle in every wa
Brother fought with brother, neighbor against neighbor, hane
to hand and relentless, neither victorious. The Americans los
200 killed, besides the wounded. ‘The Indians alone had 1
killed, of whom 36 were Senecas. When the Indian survivor,
reached home, the dead were mourned by “the most dolef
yells, shrieks and howlings, and by inimitable gesticulations

Terrible as was this blow to both, neither party as yet gay
up. The Americans knew the lightness of the English guns ¢
refused to surrender; St Leger dared not risk an assault. TI
siege dragged on, and Johnson wished to go down the Mohay
with some force, assured that many would join him there, b

|
|
|
|

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 357

St Leger would not consent. The Indians began to drop off,
-and the chiefs advised a return to Oswego for heavier guns for
a renewal of the siege. In the sally from the fort Aug. 6, their
camp had been plundered, and, having gone into battle almost
‘naked, at night they had nothing to cover them, nor could the
British then repair their loss. The Americans were not without
‘anxiety, and Colonel Willett and another officer went for aid
Aug. 10. General Arnold rapidly advanced, and the siege was
abandoned Aug. 22, the retreat quickly becoming a flight, the
Indians themselves adding to the fears of the troops.

Colonel Claus had a small opinion of St Leger and complained

of the trouble about Indian supplies he had then and afterward.
He stayed some time in Oswego and sent thence three good
officers to live with the Cayugas and Senecas. He thought but
for his presence at Oswego and Brant’s management, the Iro-
@uois would have taken no part at this time. They said they
were called to a council and not to war. Brant was constantly
| busy with the Six Nations and he thought they would take the
field. He afterward complained of Carleton’s conduct to him and

the Mohawk refugees in Canada. Carleton proposed giving

their care to one of Major Campbell’s deputies, who was one of
those whose harsh treatment drove the Indians from Burgoyne’s
army, thus emboldening the Americans. June 24 the New York
Assembly made a congratulatory address to some Seneca chiefs
who were returning from Washington’s headquarters, and who
“soon became openly hostile.

Some doubtful stories were current. Colonel Johnson heard
that, after the battle of Bennington, the Americans burned the
“Mohawk villages, and he hoped to profit by their resentment.
Tt was also said that, after the battle of Oriskany, the Six Nations
‘ burned an Oneida village, destroyed the crops, and killed and
Carried away their cattle. It was added that the Oneidas avenged
themselves on Brant’s family and sister at Canajoharie, robbing
and driving them away. They then went to the lower Mohawk
ica tle and did the same with those whose men were in the king’s
service. The simple truth seems to be that Molly Brant now

358 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

’

took refuge at Onondaga or among the Senecas, where she was
influential. Colonel Claus heard that the Six Nations decreed
her satisfaction by ordering hostilities on those Oneidas who had
driven her away. |

Bands from Oquaga now invaded the Delaware and Scho-
harie settlements, and the Schoharie people complained of neg-
lect. The Susquehanna was deserted, except that Harpersfield
was a Tory rendezvous and Unadilla full of the worst people
of the frontier. The year ended with an eloquent appeal made
by Congress to the Six Nations, exhorting them to peace and re-
minding them of the consequences of war. It had no effect, for ~
no presents appealed to those disposed to be hostile.

Chapter 24

Council at Johnstown. Schoharie valley invaded. Wyoming massacre. Sen-
ecas in Philadelphia. Queen Esther’s town destroyed. Brant’s depreda-
tions. Iroquois towns burned on the Unadilla and Susquehanna. Cherry
Valley destroyed. Onondaga towns burned. Indians burn towns in New
York. Sullivan’s and Brodhead’s campaigns against the Cayugas and Sen-
ecas. Raid in Mohawk valley. Oneidas and Tuscaroras join the English.
Schoharie valley ravaged. Wawarsing burned. Walter N. Butler defeated
and killed. Expedition against Oswego. Number of Indians in the Eng-
lish service.

Another council met at Johnstown Mar. 9, 1778, with 700°
Indians present. Few Cayugas and no Senecas were there.
The latter wanted revenge and were surprised they were called
at all. All but the Oneidas and Tuscaroras were accused of
treachery, and these warned the Americans not to trust the Onon-_
dagas, but said they would aid them, themselves. An Onon- ~
daga chief truly said the sachems were all for peace, but, like
the whites, could not always restrain the young men. La

Fayette was there, and procured forts for Schoharie and Cherry |
Valley. The Iroquois gave him the name of Kayewla at this |
time. ie

In March 1778 Colonel Johnson explained some matters to
Lord Germaine. The cruelty of the Indians was misrepresented
and the colonists tried to secure their aid in 1775. The toma-
hawk, so often talked of, was seldom used except for smoking or |

—w
»

“~

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 359

cutting wood, and they were rarely guilty of any cruelty but
scalping the dead. The king instructed Braddock to employ
them, and the colonists had a price for scalps at various times.
Barent Frey and Brant attacked Cobleskill in May, doing much
damage, and there was a sharp conflict on the upper branch of
that stream July 2, between the Indians and Americans, in which
the latter were defeated. In the summer 300 Indians and Tories
invaded the Schoharie valley and desolated it, but cavalry from
Albany put them to flight. A mistake of Brant’s saved Cherry
Valley for a time, but he destroyed Springfield June 18, and then
some small places near Otsego lake. The country was in con-
tinual alarm, and in July the Delaware country was raided as
low as Minisink.

In the summer occurred the bloody tragedy of Wyoming,
telebrated in history and song. ‘That fair valley belonged to the
Iroquois by right of conquest, and they knew it as the Great Plain.
Its sale and the land disputes between Pennsylvania and Con-
aecticut have been mentioned. ‘Troubles increased when the
war began, and the banishment of many loyalists augmented
previous animosity. In April and May these joined in the Indian
jepredations. A greater stroke was planned. In June Colonel
Butler left Niagara with 300 loyalists and 500 Indians, his force
welling on the way till he is said to have had 700 Indians with
lim when he left Tioga, mostly Senecas led by noted chiefs.
This army fell on Wyoming July 3, defeating the rash sally from
the fort, desolating the valley and killing about 300 people. The
horrible stories of Catharine and Esther Montour were doubted
y Stone, nor is his account of the two families correct. From
the former Catharine’s Town, N. Y., had its name, and Colonel
| pbell mentioned her and not Esther at Wyoming. The Penn-
‘Sylvania tradition alone preserves the latter name. She is said
to have been the daughter of French Margaret, and wife of Echo-
g Shund, king of the Munsey Indians, succeeding to his authority
on his death and living at Seshequin. A captive, Mrs Whittaker,
Otten saw her there, and described her as a woman of fine appear-
ance and pleasant manners. This was earlier in the war, but the

300 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

acts ascribed to her are not in harmony with her character. The ~

next year’s attack on Wyoming by a large force was repulsed,

but Brant shared in neither of these.

A Seneca delegation was in Philadelphia at the time of the
Wyoming invasion, but is said to have left without notice and
refused to return. This would not be inferred from a letter of
James Deane to Philip Schuyler, dated at Fort Stanwix, Oct.
10, 1778:

As the Seneca Chief, called the Great Tree, who was the sum=
mer past with General Washington, returned thro’ Oneida, heme
gave our Friends there the most solemn assurances that upon his _
Arrival in his own Country, he would exert his utmost Influence —
to dispose his tribe to peace and Friendship with the United
States, and that should his Attempts prove unsuccessful, he would
immediately leave his Nation and join the Oneidas with his
Friends & Adherents.

Hearing nothing for a long time, the Oneidas sent to know
the result. He had tried hard but been unsuccessful. His peopig
became excited over rumors of invasion and flew to arms. Then
he sided with them. A small band of Onondagas had joined
the hostile warriors, and all would meet on the Chemung. When
it was found that the Senecas took part at Wyoming, an army
was sent against the hostile Indians. It marched toward the
Sandusky towns, but stopped at Tuscarawa and built Fort Lau-
rens. Col. Thomas Hartley reported operations on the northern
line of Pennsylvania in September, having reached Tioga Sep.

26, with 200 men: Ay

We burnt Town, Hester’s Palace or Town, & all the settheg
ments on this side. . . Mr Carberry with the Horse only
was close on Butler, he was in possession of the Town of Shaw=—
nee, 3 Miles up the Cayuga Branch, but as we did not advancey
he returned. .°. Had we had 500 Regular Troops, and ia
Light Troops, with one or two Pieces of Artillery, we probably
might have destroyed Chemung, which is now the recepticle ©:
all villainous Indians & Tories from the different Tribes an
states.

Brant destroyed Andrus-town, southeast of German Flats, July

18, and was followed as far as Little Lakes, where a Tory settle:

A
5

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 361

ment was burned. July 24 a regiment of regulars reached
Cherry Valley, and some successful parties were sent out. At
German Flats Brant had been expected all summer and was dis-
covered in September. The alarm was given, and the people
took refuge in Forts Dayton and Herkimer, but all outside was
destroyed. He was followed to the Unadilla by 300 militia,
but without success.

Sep. 25 a band of 100 Oneidas and Tuscaroras came to Fort
Stanwix, saying they had taken the hatchet, burned Unadilla,
(one of the upper villages) and Butternuts, bringing five pris-
mers from each place. ‘They now took prisoners and not scalps.

Sol. William Butler was sent to Schoharie in August, with a
gular regiment and four companies of riflemen. In October
he destroyed Unadilla, Oquaga, Conihunto, etc. The Oquaga
ndians had gone on a raid to the Delaware river.

A little before the destruction of Cherry Valley, Mary Degon-
wadonti, or Molly Brant, wrote to Captain John, or Chief Dese-
tonto, from some Iroquois town, apparently a Seneca one:
“About 500 left here Oct. 23rd, for Karightongegh [Cherry
Jalley]. They said that Karightongegh shall be destroyed.
Sakayengwaraghdon [Old Smoke, the principal Seneca chief] is
their leader.”

- Walter Butler had escaped from Albany and was burning for
t evenge. ‘he Senecas and others were in arms, and the Indians
were to meet at Tioga to invade either Pennsylvania or New
J ersey. He got command of part of his father’s rangers, with
pe: mission to use Brant’s Indians, 500 of whom joined his band
Of 200 men. Cherry Valley was attacked Nov. 11, 1778. Colonel
Ale en was killed outside the fort, which was bravely defended,
but the place was destroyed, 32 of the people and 16 soldiers
being killed and many made prisoners. Colonel Klock was to
co: e with 200 men to protect the place, but arrived a day too
te and was much blamed. The Indians withdrew Nov. 13.
Most of the women and children were soon released, but Mrs

ar pbell was taken to the Seneca castle of Kanadesaga, near
neva, where she was adopted and kindly treated. She was

362 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

aiterwards exchanged, the aged chief, Guyanguahta, being instru-_
mental in this. The Indians celebrated their victory in that
town. After a council, the warriors danced and sang around a
fire, each being painted black and white, parading the prisoners
and giving the scalp yell. The feast ended with the killing,
roasting and eating of a white dog. ;

Some personal feelings influenced this attack. A month after-_
ward four chiefs said to Colonel Cantine: “ Your rebels came to —
Oghwaga when we Indians were gone, and you burned our
houses, which made us and our brothers, the Seneca Indians, _
angry, so that we destroyed men, women, and children at Cherry
Valley.” )

In January 1779 Colonel Van Dyck, at Fort Stanwix, had word
from the Oneidas that Brant meant to strike a blow before
spring. They had word from him and the Quinquoga (Cayuga) ~
Indians to join him. They considered their answer Jan. 16, and
would adhere to the Americans. Some principal Onondaga -
chiefs, then on their way to Fort Stanwix, were invited to their
council and approved of their answer. The Onondagas had
been asked by the western nations to extinguish the council fire, —
but would not do so, hoping for reconciliation yet. They prom-
ised to insist that all in their nation should declare for one side
or the other when they got home. In this the Oneidas fully
trusted and were in high spirits.

Two Oneidas returned from Niagara Feb. 26, with reports of
Brant’s intentions. The Delawares and Shawnees were to strike
the Virginia frontier, and he was to lead the main expedition to
the Mohawk, while another was to go to Schoharie by Unadilla. |
The 14 Onondaga chiefs, who went to Niagara to bring nell
people back, had not been allowed to return. Brant did not come, |

For some reason the Onondagas were thought treacherous, |
and a secret expedition was planned against a people nominally —
at peace. A party of 558 men was sent in 30 boats, apparently ~
to Oswego, really to Onondaga. They left Fort Stanwix Ap.
17, landing at Fort Brewerton at 3 p. m. Ap. 20. That night
they camped without fires. Next morning they marched earl,

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 363

cording an arm of Onondaga lake, both wide and deep. An
Indian was captured at Onondaga creek, and the surprise of the
three towns was complete, 12 Indians being killed, 32 captured
and much plunder taken. By Ap. 24 all were in Fort Stanwix
again, with much spoil and little glory.

The Oneidas at once sent to know the reason of these harsh
measures, and the Onondagas made a manly statement of their
hard case and severe usage. Their chiefs had probably done the
best they could. Colonel Van Schaick said he had followed
orders, and added that “the Onondagas have been great mur-
derers; we have found the scalps of our brethren at their castle.”
At a later day their treatment has seemed unwise and unjust.
It turned most of them into open foes, though Maj. Jeremiah
Fogg said the following September that some Onondagas were
still friendly. In fact, Iroquois history is full of a forgiving
Spirit, usually preferring atonement to revenge, but, when chosen,
revenge was terrible.

About this time attacks were made at Stone Arabia, Fort
Plain and Schoharie, with slight damage. In April 40 Indians
attacked and burned Lackawaxen in the Delaware valley.
Whatever the Onondagas may have done before, most of them
were now hostile, and 300 attacked Cobleskill and drew some
troops into an ambush, where 22 were killed. Brant destroyed
_ Minisink, July 20, carrying off much spoil. Being hotly and
trashly pursued, his enemies were defeated with heavy loss.
Thence he made a brief raid on the Mohawk, before going to

Tioga. Indian hostilities were incessant farther south.

General Haldimand had a conference at Quebec Aug. 20, with
‘Teyohagweanda, a principal Onondaga chief, and three Cayugas.
_ They asked why Oswego was not occupied, as they had long
, wished. He explained, adding that they need not fear the
, Americans would attack their country. They only cared to
, secure their frontiers, but he would advise the seven nations of
Canada to join the Six Nations against them.

. There was reason for their fears, for Sullivan was even then
‘on his desolating march. General Clinton received his orders

364. NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

June 2, arriving at Canajoharie June 16, where were 1500 men.
Thence 220 boats were taken to Otsego lake, the water of which
was raised by adam. This being opened, the fleet went swiftly
down the swollen stream. The sudden and mysterious flood
alarmed the Indians much. The itinerary is briefly this: left
Otsego lake Aug. 9g; destroyed Aleout, a Scotch settlement, Aug.
12, and passed Unadilla, burned in 1778. Aug. 13, passed Coni-
hunto or Gunnygunter, 14 miles below Unadilla and burned in
1778. Aug. 14, reached Onoquaga, where Butler burned 60 good
houses, church and fort in 1778. Aug. 17, burned houses at the
Tuscarora village 3 miles below, the Tuscarora town of Shawhi-
angto a mile farther, and Ingaren, another Tuscarora village near
Great Bend. Aug. 18, Otsiningo was found already burned, but
some houses were set on fire below the Chenango river. Other
houses were burned next day, and a detachment from Sullivan
was met at Union, which had burned a village there and at
Choconut. In the evening Owego was burned. Aug. 22 Clinton
joined Sullivan at Tioga, a place burned in 1778. Old Chemung
had been long abandoned, and New Chemung was burned
Aug. 13, while Sullivan waited for Clinton.

The march was resumed Aug. 26, and Old Chemung reached
next day. Another village was destroyed on the 28th, and the
enemy was found well fortified at Newtown, below Elmira. The
battle was well contested next day, but the Americans routed their
foes by a flank movement, afterward destroying the town and
growing corn. The British reported their force as 550 Indians
and 250 troops, and said Colonel Butler was surrounded and
nearly taken. Brant was one of the leaders, and a letter of his
just before is of interest. It was dated at Chemung, Aug. 19:

I am deeply afflicted. John Tayojaronsere, my trusty chief,
is dead. He died eight days after he was wounded. Five met
the same fate. I am very much troubled by the event, because
he was of so much assistance to me. I destroyed Onawatoge a
few days afterward. We were overtaken and I was wounded ing

the foot with buck shot, but it is of small consequence. I am
almost well. We are in daily expectation of a battle which we

x

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 365

men. . . Then we shall begin to know what is to become of
the People of the Long House. Our minds have not changed.
We are determined to fight the Bostonians.

Aug. 31 the army was put in light marching order and Middle-
town, Kannawaloholla and scattered houses were burned, as well
as a village at Big Flats. Sep. 1, Catharine’s Town, or Sheo-
quaga, was reached 3 miles from Seneca lake, and it was
destroyed Sep. 3. Another small place was burned next day and
Kendaia on the 6th. The latter had 20 houses and some curious
tombs. The day before a Cayuga hamlet was burned.

Sep. 7, the Seneca castle of Kanadesaga was reached, 1% miles
northwest of Seneca lake. It had 60 good houses and an old
stockade. Next day 20 houses were burned at Kashong or Goth-

sinquean, a few miles south, and Skoiyase, or Long Falls, was also
destroyed, where Waterloo now stands. This had 18 houses.
ep. 10 about 30 fine houses were burned at Canandaigua. Next
day Anyayea, or Honeoye, was reached and its 10 houses spared
for present use. The name meant Finger Lying, an Indian hav-
ing lost a finger there.

Sep. 13 they reached Adjuste, or Kanaghsaws, now Conesus,
he home of Big Tree. Its 25 houses were burned and eight more
at Little Castle. At night the army reached Gaghsegwarohare

with 22 houses. That day Lieutenant Boyd was captured, with
-another man, 13 of his party being found dead, with Han Yost,
his Oneida guide. The brother of the latter, after his capture,
told him he was worthy of death, but he left it to Little Beard
to slay him. Boyd and his companion were terribly tortured in

the Seneca capital.

Chenussio, or Geneseo, was reached Sep. 14. It was west of
the river and had 128 fine houses, all of which were destroyed,

with about 15,000 bushels of corn. The remains of Boyd and
Parker were found there and buried with military honors.
Thence the return march began. Honeoye was destroyed, and
at Kanadesaga parties were detached, one for Albany and two
| against the Cayuga towns. Colonel Butler retired to Kana-

~Waugus, which was not taken.

366 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Sep. 21 Lieut. Col. Henry Dearborn marched to the west side ©
of Cayuga lake, destroying a hamlet of three houses, but leaving
another of 15 houses, which was out of the way. One of Io ©
houses was burned near the lake, and Skannayutenate and another
hamlet near the present Canoga. A new town of nine houses
was burned farther south. Sep. 22 they came to Swahyawanah,
a village burned before, and destroyed three remaining houses.
Scattered houses were burned and crops destroyed from day to
day. Sep. 24 a dozen houses were burned at the head of Cayuga
‘lake, and 25 houses were destroyed at Coreorgonel or Dehoris-
kanadia, 3 miles south. Sep. 26 Dearborn joined the army at —
KKannawaloholla.

Sep. 20 Lieut. Col. William Butler set out with 500 men, com-
pleting the destruction of Skoiyase next day. Near the outlet of
Cayuga lake he burned Choharo or Thiohero, reaching the vil-
lage of Gewauga at night, near Union Springs. Sep. 22 Cayuga
Castle was destroyed, with 15 houses of squared logs, Upper
Cayuga, with 14 large houses, and East Cayuga, with 13 houses,
the destruction of houses and crops lasting till the next afternoon.
Sep. 23, Chonodote, or Peach Town, on the site of Aurora, was
reached at night, and its 14 large houses, crops and peachtrees
were destroyed next day. Sep. 28 the army was joined. It should
be remembered that Iroquois houses held several families.

The main body had returned to Kannawaloholla, now Elmira,
killing a number of horses on the way, whence we have the name
of Horseheads. Resting at Fort Reed awhile, successful parties
were sent up the Chemung and Tioga. Sep. 30 the army reached —
Fort Sullivan at Tioga, having burned 4o villages and destroyed
200,000 bushels of corn, besides fruit trees. While there, Oct. 2,
an entertainment was concluded with an Indian dance. Next
day, said Lieut. Col. Adam Hubley,

The young Sachem, with several Oneida Indians, relatives and
friends of the unfortunate Indian Hanjost, who bravely fell with
the party under command of the much lamented Lieut. Boyd on
the 13th ult., who faithfully acted as guide to the army, left us”

this day, well pleased, (after bestowing some presents on thea
for their native place, the Oneida country.

-

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 367

Colonel Gansevoort was sent to Fort Stanwix with 100 men.

Under orders, he went thence to the lower Mohawk castle and
‘made all prisoners there. These “Indians lived much better
than most of the Mohawk River farmers.” General Schuyler
remonstrated, because of their peaceable disposition and the
pledged public faith, They were soon released. This party
_ camped at Skoiyase the first night, and the next at Owasco lake,
passing Skaneateles lake and reaching the deserted Onondaga
village the following evening. The next camp was 6 miles east

_ of Canaseraga, and Fort Stanwix was reached Sep. 24.

Aug. 11 Colonel Brodhead left Pittsburg against the Senecas
and Mingoes on the Allegheny river. A skirmish took place
before he reached Cannowago, which had been long deserted.
Other Indian towns were abandoned as he advanced and were
burned. The upper Seneca town Yoghroonwago was destroyed
with others. In this march of 400 miles not a man was lost, and
135 large cabins were burned, each holding several families.
here were indications that all these Senecas were preparing to
remove. The Iroquois were in great distress through the winter,
many dying from pestilence. Other nations were awed and
_ began to treat for peace.

Except in the loss of life, for Sullivan’s morning and evening
euns kept the Indians at a safe distance, these expeditions differed
no respect from the Indian raids on the frontier, and gave to
Washington and his successors the name of Ha-no-da-ga’-nears,
| 3 estroyer of Towns, one name of some French governors. Corn-
planter spoke of this in his pathetic speech to Washington in
1790:

_ When your army entered the country of the Six Nations we
called you the Town Destroyer; and to this day, when that name
is heard, our women look behind them and turn pale, and our
| children cling close to the necks of their mothers. Our coun-
cilors and warriors are men, and can not be afraid; but their
_ hearts are grieved with the fears of our women and children,
d desire that it may be buried so deep as to be heard no more.
hen you gave us peace, we called you father, because you

7,

ae

368 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

promised to secure us in the possession of our lands. Do this,
and so long as the lands shall remain, that beloved name will
live in the heart of every Seneca.

Oct. 10 Col. Guy and Sir John Johnson left Sodus bay fog
Oswego with a considerable force, accompanied by Brant and
his Indians. The Canadian Indians refused to go against the
Oneidas or Fort Stanwix, and all went into winter quarters,
Colonel Johnson returning to Niagara, where 2628 Indians .
remained in October, and about 1000 white refugees. There
were 5036 there Sep. 21, to be fed, but parties went out on raids.

‘

Johnson said these Indians “ will no longer wear tinsel lace, and
are become good judges of gold and silver.”

A party attacked German Flats in February 1780, and in March
another did some damage at Palatine. In April Brant surprised
and burned Harpersfield, but treated the prisoners well. Colonel
Harper gave him false information about Schoharie, which
deterred him from raiding that region, but part of his men entered
Ulster county, taking some prisoners, who afterward killed their —
captors and escaped.

In May Sir John Johnson entered the Mohawk valley with 500
men, few of whom were Indians, coming by way of Lake Cham-
plain and reaching Johnstown May 21. There his force divided, ,
one party going to Tribes Hill and Cayadutta creek, doing much
damage. Butler and Brant were also busy on the south side of ©
the river. In June all the Canaseraga Tuscaroras went over to
the enemy, and “two families of the Oneidas, with all the Onon-
dagas who had joined us since the capture of their village”
Other Oneidas followed, but most remained. Col. Guy Johnson
said that 500 Oneidas came that year, ready to fight the Ameri- -
cans. “ The last party that arrived delivered up to the Superiney
tendent a commission which, he says, ‘the Rebels had issued
with a view to form the Oneidas into a corps. . . they als@
delivered up te me the Rebel ac. =

Schonendoh and Peter were then prisoners at Niagara, but a
family who returned in December said that Brant, Schonendoh

and Peter persuaded them to go. This would seem to be Sken- —

y

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 369

andoah, who Abraham Denne told Schoolcraft “ was a tory in the
war, notwithstanding his high name.” In 1777 he was one of
four mentioned who refused to go to Niagara and has been con-
sidered an American partizan. The testimony to this seems com-
plete and unanswerable. The Oneidas, being threatened, now
asked a refuge for their families among the whites, and they were
placed near Schenectady till the end of the war.

In July Brant, with 600 Indians and 200 white men, cut off
communication between Fort Stanwix and German Flats, cap-
turing 53 men. That month Colonel Johnson reported that 330
Oneidas had joined him, 100 being men, and 70 had been con-
tinually with his war parties. He was told that those with the
Americans would soon follow. In June the Indians had killed
or captured 156 persons and destroyed much property, and all
had “been effected without acts of cruelty.” The Six Nations
numbered 1600 men, exclusive of those southward. Of these,
200 were warriors, and 836 were then in service. The next year
1e said they had distinguished themselves more than usual, and
here were generally 500 in the field.

Aug. 2 Brant attacked Canajoharie with 450 Indians, burning
ost of the houses, killing 14 persons, and taking 50 prisoners
here, as well as several hundred head of cattle. The militia were
up the river, guarding boats. In all he killed 24 and took 73
persons. That month General Schuyler sent five Caughnawagas
and 13 Oneidas and Tuscaroras to visit the French in Rhode
= They were well received and were given French medals.

Sir John Johnson invaded Schoharie valley in September. He
3 Brant were joined at Unadilla by Cornplanter and the Sen-

as, the united force being about 1500 men. ‘They attacked the

) iddleburg fort, but failed to take it. Going thence, they ravaged
the Schoharie valley and both sides of the Mohawk. At Stone
Arabia Colonel Brown was killed with 40 Americans. General
Van Rensselaer pursued, attacked and defeated Sir John at
Klock’s Field, but he escaped in the night. One incident of his
‘retreat was the capture of Captain Vrooman’s party at the

d stockade at Canaseraga, now Chittenango creek. They had

370 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

apes
ot

destroyed some of his boats there, near what was known as the
turtic “tree:
Brant’s Indians were about German Flats in January 1781, —
and all through the spring it was the same, there being depreda-
tions at Minisink, Currietown, Cherry Valley and elsewhere. In
that year Col. Marinus Willett took command and changed the
situation. Brant had intended to attack the Oneidas in their
new quarters in March, but did not do so. On the contrary, in
July Colonel Willett attacked and defeated an Indian force under
Quackack, killing 40. In August there was an Indian raid in
Ulster county, and Wawarsing was burned. Cobleskill was also —
attacked, but in October Willett drove the enemy from the valley.
Brant and Major Ross did some damage south of the Mohawk
that month, and Majors Ross and Butler came to Johnstown —
Oct. 24, by way of Oswego and Oneida lake. Colonel Willett —
reached Fort Hunter the next morning, going in pursuit as soon )
as he could cross the river. A battle followed, continuing till |
dark, with varying fortune, when Butler retreated. Willett was }
joined by 60 Oneidas and started up West Canada creek in hot |
pursuit. A running fight followed, and Walter Butler was killed
by an Oneida, his forces were defeated and many prisoners were °
made. Some escaped into the wilderness, destitute of provisions.
A party sent to Oneida lake to destroy Butler’s boats, failed of |
doing this, but they were not wanted. ;
The British at Detroit were not favorable to the neighboring |
Moravian Indian towns, and in 1781 applied to the Six Nations |
at Niagara for their removal. They sent word to the i
and Ojibwas: “ We make you a present of the Christian Indians !
to make soup of;” but neither they nor the Wyandots would :
interfere. Not long after many of them were treacherous
destroyed. .
In 1782 a party of 35 Indians took some prisoners at Palatine, {
carrying them to Canada, but they were soon released, war being
practically ended on the Mohawk river. |

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 471

crossed Oneida lake on the ice, but the Indian guides lost their
ay and the attempt failed.

Captain Dalton made an estimate in August of that year of the
1umber of Indians employed on the British side in the war. Of
the New York Iroquois there were 300 Mohawks, 150 Oneidas,
200 Tuscaroras, 200 Onondagas, 230 Cayugas and 400 Senecas,
or 1480 in all. While some of these estimates are high, that of

the Senecas is too low.

Chapter 25

Peace proclaimed. Mohawks remain in Canada. Treaty of Fort Stanwix.
Pennsylvania commissioners. Brant in England. Frontier posts retained.
Western councils. Brant and Delawares. Seneca chiefs in Philadelphia.
Colonel Proctor in the Seneca towns. Pickering’s council. St Clair’s de-
feat. Iroquois chiefs at Philadelphia. Council at Au Glaize. Council at
_ Buffalo creek. Governor Simcoe. Wayne’s victory. Indians make peace.
Land treaty with the United States. Later treaties with New York com-
panies or persons. Delaware Indians made men. Ganeodiyo, the peace
_ prophet. Temperance reform and organizations. Red Jacket. Farmer’s
. Brother. Six Nations declare war against Great Britain. Council at Onon-
daga. Captain Pollard leader at Chippewa.

_ Peace was proclaimed in 1783, but Great Britain made no terms
for her Indian allies, nor were they secured in their lands included

in the boundaries of the United States. The Mohawks had been
promised better treatment. They remained awhile on the Ameri-
ean side at Niagara, and the Senecas offered them land in the
Genesee valley, but they did not wish to remain in New York.
Governor Haldimand agreed to purchase and convey to them a
iract on the Bay wre Quire, selected .by Brant, The, Senecas
wanted them nearer, and Haldimand was asked to secure them a

Grand river. This was promised and the grant was formally

made in 1784. Brant and some Mohawks moved there; and,

| A disposition was shown at the end of the war to expel the
| York Iroquois; but Washington and Schuyler at once
ppposed this, and their desire for a more liberal policy happily
evailed. The treaty of Fort Stanwix was held in 1784, all the

i

OT
\'

\

3% NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Six Nations being represented and the Seneca Abeals or Corn-—
planter’s party. ‘The brief treaty, as signed, has alone been pre-
served. The hatchet was buried by all. The Oneidas and Tus-
caroras were secured in the possession of their lands, the former

making large claims. The Six Nations unwillingly gave up most
of the territory not occupied by them. It was gained and lost
by the sword.

Cornplanter brought about this treaty, with which the Indians |
were dissatisfied, and Red Jacket took advantage of this to
increase his own popularity. Brant was also displeased and gave
up a proposed visit to England to attend to the matter, not liking -
the detention of a Mohawk chief sent by him, The American |
commissioners were Oliver Wolcott, Richard Butler and Arthur ~
Lee. Some Pennsylvania commissioners were also at this;
treaty, on state affairs, and found the usual delays. At last four
of the Iroquois nations began the council; but “the Business,
in our Opinion, would not have commenced so soon had it not |
been at the instance of the Marquis De la Fayette, who wished
to address the Indians, and was under the necessity of departing
this day or to-morrow.” He was very plain spoken. “ Their)
Answer was pertinent, and breathed the spirit of peace. The:
Mohawks, in particular, declared their repentance for the Errors.
which they had committed.” ‘These commissioners were suce
cessful in their business, and at successive treaties all the
Indian lands in Pennsylvania were purchased except Cornplant-
er’s reservation. | ad

Brant soon after visited the western Indians, probably vial
view to a confederacy, and then went to England in 1785. The
London papers said he had presided at a great council of oi
nations, and had been appointed to conduct a proposed war

»

against the United States. He secured payment of Mohawk
claims from the British government the next year, and edited a

SJ
re.
1. b+

superb edition of the Mohawk prayer book. Another had bee
issued in Canada during the war. 4
The British still retained the frontier posts and encouraged the

hostility of the Indians. In December 1786 a great Indian cou

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 373

sil was held on Detroit river, at which the western Indians and

six Nations were represented. An address sent to Congress may
have been written by Brant, encouraged by Sir John Johnson.
At the head of this were the signatures of the Six Nations. The
British now strengthened the forts, and the Indians became more
hostile to the Americans.
In January 1788 the Hurons sent the Six Nations word that
hey had no answer from the United States, and wished them to
ttend the next general council, as promised. This met in
3 ctober, when Brant’s views were more pacific, as the Mohawks
lone might adhere to the British side. In July he had also made
a bargain with the ‘“‘ Lessee Company,” leasing lands in western
New York, and prospective profit cooled his military ardor.
This long lease was afterward abrogated by New York as illegal.
In January 1789 General St Clair made separate treaties with
ome of the western Indians, which destroyed the plan of a great
confederacy. One took in all the Iroquois but the Mohawks,
. nd another, six other nations. In his journal of Feb. 4, 17809,
David Zeisberger said:
‘Brant had for some years secretly labored to extirpate the
Delawares, and on this account had urged the Chippewas, Tawas,
€tc.,to begin war with them. This plan, secretly formed, became
manifest last summer, and at the same time found its end, for
—t came to nought. He then worked for this, that the nations

‘Should begin war afresh with the States, with the hope that in
this the Delawares would be extirpated.

He also opposed the Moravian Indians, saying, “it were better
they were blotted from the surface of the earth; they caused only
ur rest among the other Indians.” Afterward he favored them.
1790 the Senecas aided the western tribes who defeated
| General Harmar, but these were personal acts.

| The Seneca chiefs, Cornplanter, Half Town and Great Tree,
were with Washington in Philadelphia in December 1790, stay-
ing several weeks. Great Tree may have remembered their
‘unceremonious departure in 1778, when they said at this time:

| Father: No Seneca ever goes from the fire of his friend, until
he has said to him, “I am going.” We therefore tell you that
we are now setting out for our own country.

374 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Father: We thank you from our hearts that we now know
that there is a country we may call our own, and on which wer
may lay down in peace. We see that there will be peace between:
your children and our children, and our hearts are very glad.

Two years later Great Tree died in Philadelphia. Col. Thomas:
Proctor was at Buffalo Ap. 27 to May 23, 1791, but with litthe
success. His journal is full of interesting details and he visited
several Indian towns. Beside those at Buffalo creek, he men-
tioned Squawkie Hill, Nondas, Canaseder, Ohhishew or Dune=
wangua, Tenachshagouchtongu or Burnt House, Cayantha on
Cornfields, Venango, Cattaragus, Carrahadeer, Hiskhue andi
Coneyat. These Seneca towns are as spelled by him. About
Buffalo were more than 170 well built cabins, and the Onondagas:
had a village there. The Indians there were under British cons
trol, well clothed and fed. The chiefs refused to send deputies:
with him to the Miamis, but the women interfered, Red Jacket
speaking for them, and delegates were appointed. The refusah
of a vessel by the British forced Proctor to abandon the trip, and
he found that Young King and Farmer’s Brother were both on
the British side, as most of the Indians were.

Col. ‘Timothy Pickering held a successful council at /lmira
N. Y., in June 1791. It was appointed for Painted Post, whem@
an earlier council had been held, but Newtown, now Elmira, was
more accessible for boats. There were 200 Onondaga and Oneida
warriors present, with 682 Senecas, and it was agreed to send
chiefs to Philadelphia the next year. |

St Clair’s defeat happened that year, and Stone supposed that
Brant was there with 150 Mohawks. | It is not improbable, for he
was at a western war council that year and spoke in behalf of the
Moravian Indians: * Why should we wish to compel them to ga
to ware . . .. Let them be, and disturb them not.” 33ae
victory greatly elated the young Indian warriors, and Zeisberger
wrote, Sep. 28: “ Warriors came here, going to the war. We
heard that all Cornplanter’s young people had left him and gone
to the Miami to take part in the war.” He was but a war chief

In this year we have again a glimpse of the female part of the

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 375

fontour family, but without a hint of the traditional Queen
@sther. The male members often appear. Zeisberger wrote at
he Moravian towns Jan. 4, 1791:

-A Mohawk Indian woman, Mary Montour, sister of Cathrine,
md of the former Andrew Montour, who came here not long
io, upon her request and desire, got leave to be a dweller here.
she knows how to speak many languages, for example, Mohawk,
er mother tongue, Wyandot, Ottawa, Chippewa, Shawano, Dela-
mire, English and French. Her sister, Cathrine, and several of
ler friends, live not far from Niagara over the lake, and we have .
ready many times heard that she would like to be here, for
ohn Cook, her son, is here.

“The Rev. Samuel Kirkland was sent to the Genesee country to
ynduct 50 chiefs to Philadelphia, which they reached Mar. 13,
792. The large silver medals given them that year are well
hown, and the meeting was mutually satisfactory. Brant was
ot there till after the council, arriving June 20. He refused some
ne offers, but undertook a peace embassy to the Miami coun-
Being sick, he sent the messages by his son, intending to
low soon. As he passed through the Moravian towns, Sep.
20, he said, “if he came to the Miami and found the Indians
sinclined for peace, he should straightway turn back home.”
‘hen he returned in November, he said nothing was concluded,
but there would be a council at Sandusky in the spring.
Cornplanter and 48 other Iroquois also attended this council
at Au Glaize on the Miami, and there were 30 Iroquois chiefs
m Canada. The peace embassy was not well received by
western Indians, but harmony was restored, and it was agreed
to meet the United States in council at the rapids of the Miami
the next spring. They would be peaceable till then if the troops
were withdrawn from the western side of the Ohio, but did send
ut 300 warriors. On the return of the New York chiefs, a grand
: uncil of the Six Nations was held at Buffalo, the acts of the
vestern council were related, and a speech was sent to the
oresident.

lostilities were frequent along the frontier through the win-

er, and the western Indians held a preliminary council in Feb-

ruary 1793, sending a very explicit message to the Six Nations,,

376 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

to be forwarded to President Washington. They insisted on the:
Ohio as a boundary, and would hold another private council)
before the public meeting. When the latter took place, the:
Indians were divided, most wishing peace. The minority got im
a deceptive message, and the others determined that those who;
wished war might fight it out alone. Peace measures failing,
the United States commissioners at once returned without reach--
ing the council.

On this occasion some Onondaga friends of Zeisberger told:
him that “they no longer live in Onondaga, where there are now)
only twelve or thirteen families, but over the lake at Buffalo
creek.” They said they had been betrayed at this counc#l
Brant was there with many Mohawks. In fact the commission-
ers never were at the council, the British officers at Detroit refus~
ing to let them go till they were sent for, but otherwise treating,
them courteously. They left Philadelphia Feb. 27, 1793, were,
detained at Niagara for several weeks, where a conference was
held, and the Indians sent their reply Aug. 13, without per-
mitting them to appear. All present signed the reply except the
Six Nations, but the Senecas of the Glaize signed with the totem
of the Turtle. Brant was surprised to find the British opposing
articles of peace. “

On the return of the chiefs a council was held at the Onon:
daga village on Buffalo creek, Oct. 8, to which both English an¢
Americans were invited. Clear Sky, an Onondaga chief, open ed
the council, and all the belts were produced and speeches
rehearsed. On the next day Brant was present and spoke, say
ing that land claims “ always have been, and still continue to be
the cause of war.” He made a proposition which he though
might secure peace, and it was “the general wish of the Sis
Nations that General Chapin, himself, will proceed with
speech to Congress.” This he did, and another council was pro’
posed at Venango in the spring. This was reported at a coune!
held at Buffalo creek Feb. 7, 1794, but was not acceptable, ¢ ;
direct answer on the boundary line was desired.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 377

Governor Simcoe kept hostile feelings alive, and in April 1794
he went from Detroit to the foot of the Maumee rapids and began
building a fort on American territory. The western Indians
said he supplied them with all things red, and would aid them
with 1500 men. A Spanish agent also came to stir them up and
offer aid. The Americans prepared for war, and some things
lappened to alienate the Six Nations from them. Cornplanter
and others had sold Presque Isle to Pennsylvania, and it prepared
© take possession contrary to their wish, as they claimed that
he sale was irregular. General Gibson wrote to Governor Mif-
lin June 11, 1794, “ From every account, I have every reason to
lelieve the Six Nations mean to be hostile.” Cornplanter thought
yar certain, and bragged of what he would do against the Ameri-
ans, but Washington wished to avoid trouble and proposed a
ouncil. June 27 General Wilkins said of the Six Nations:

Our peace or war with them depends on our being in peace or
‘war with the English. The Senecas, who are the best dispased .
f any of the Six Nation tribes, say that the English have bought
‘Over all the other tribes, but that they are determined to be
eutral; but if there is an English war, their neutrality is not
o be depended on. |

Wayne's victory turned the scale, and Washington’s prudent
leasures averted local trouble. In Wayne the Indians found a
Sleepless foe, wise and watchful. Their attempt to capture one
Of his trains, June 30, was defeated, and he marched on. July
, 1794, he completely routed them at Maumee rapids, pursuing
e enemy and destroying everything of theirs under the walls
‘the British fort. It was at this time that the Indians revived
e name of Long Knives for the Americans. In contemporane-
accounts these rapids are always called those of the Miami.
Brant was not there, but he and many Mohawks went west-
ward in September. He then “said he went to the war unwill-
mgly, but he was compelled, and must go, for war was contrived
merely for this, to exterminate the Indians.” Some Senecas and
londagas were there. Oheknugh, an Onondaga chief, was
slain, but Oundiaga and some of his warriors escaped.

378 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Peace was not made at once, Brant and Governor Simcoe?
opposing it, but the Indians at last grew weary and made peace

with Wayne on his own terms. In 1795 the difficulties between)

the United States and Great Britain were settled, and the latteg
no longer aided the Indians.

About the end of the century, before and after, there were
many Iroquois land sales in New York, all described in Thé
Indian Problem of 1889. That of 1784 was a treaty with the
United States, in which a boundary line was drawn:

From the mouth of a creek about four miles east of Niagara, ,
called Oyonwayea, or Johnston’s landing place, upon the lake>
named by the Indians Oswego, and by us Ontario; from thence>
southerly in a direction always four miles east of the carryingy
path between Lakes Erie and Ontario, to the mouth of Teho-
seroron, or Buffalo creek, on Lake Erie; thence south to the
north boundary of the State of Pennsylvania; thence west to)
the end of the said north boundary; thence south along the west?
boundary of the said State to the river Ohio; the said line from)
the mouth of the Oyonwayea to the Ohio shall be the western
boundary of the lands of the Six Nations.

This outside territory had been gained by conquest and was:
practically lost by war. The lands west of this line were sum
rendered to the United States and those east and north were¢
reserved for the Six Nations, except 6 miles square about the
fort at Oswego. This was reaffirmed at the treaty of Fort Har-
mar, June 5, 1789, but the Mohawks were left out and the One
das and Tuscaroras were confirmed in their land titles. Crim-
inal offenses would be punished by state law, but much was left
to the Indians themselves. In Judge Marshall’s words they were

~ or dependent nations.

The treaty of Jan. 21, 1795, acknowledged the Oneida, Onon-
daga, and Cayuga reservations and specified the Seneca boun-
daries, besides securing a right of passage. A special treaty wasi
made at the same time with the Oneida, Tuscarora and Stock
bridge Indians, recompensing them for losses in the war, pro-
viding mills, and “ $1000, to be applied in building a convenie
church at Oneida, in the place of the one which was burnt by the

enemy in the late war.”

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 379

The Seneca treaties with New York, the United States, and
rivate companies are too numerous to describe and are compli-
ated by the Ogden claims. The Oneidas’ sales have also been
nany, disposing of all their land except that of a few private
ersons.
1ost of them reside.

The first land sale by the Onondagas was Sep. 12, 1788, and

They now have a large tract in Wisconsin, where

00k most of their land, but reserved a mile around Onondaga
ake for common use by them and the whites, with quite a tract
arther south. In 1793 they sold a tract east of Onondaga creek
nd gave the State the right to lay out roads across their lands.
n 1795 they sold the Salt Springs reservation and some land west
f the creek. There were smaller sales in 1817 and 1822.

3 he Cayugas sold most of their land in 1789, but reserved a
tge tract on both sides of their lake at the north end and still
rther north. In 1795 they sold all but a tract of 2 miles square
id two others each a mile square. One of the latter, at Cayuga,
given to the Fish Carrier, one of their chiefs, and the others
were sold in 1807, so that they have now no reservation.

The Mohawks in Canada released all claims to New York
lands in 1798, and the St Regis Indians made land sales in 1795,
1813, 1824, 1825 and 1845.

_ The Iroquois on the Grand river in Canada did not altogether
escape land troubles, and Brant even proposed to remove to the
United States. Some Iroquois from New York claimed that the
Grand river lands belonged to them as well as the Mohawks.
4 council at Buffalo, under Red Jacket and Farmer’s Brother,
d posed Brant, but he was restored. According to Stone, the
council was illegal, the council fire having been regularly
‘emoved from Buffalo to the Onondaga village on Grand river.
' lere the official Onondaga wampum keeper long resided. The
mpum was restored to old Onondaga in 1847, but since 1812
! re have been two confederacies of the Six Nations, respec-

is certain, however, that legal councils were held at Buffalo,

e
)

vely in Canada and New York, and exactly corresponding.
_ Brant went to the western treaty with the United States in

Al

z a

380 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

June 1795. At this time took place the curious ceremony which ©
made the Delawares men and warriors, and of which Zeisberger
gave this account:
They had, among other ceremonies, shorn an Indian’s hea
leaving only a little hair at the top, adorned him with whi
feathers, as the warriors are accustomed to do, and painted bia
They left him no clothing except a breech- clout, and put a war
beetle into his hands, and then presented him to the Delawares
with these words: “Cousin, beforetimes we put on thee only
woman’s garment; hung on thy side a calabash, with oil
anoint thy head, put into thy hand a grubbing axe and a pestle,
to plant corn and to grind it, together with other house-gear,
and told thee to support thyself by agriculture, together with thy
children, and to trouble thyself about nothing else. Now we cut
in two the band wherewith thy garment is bound, throw it among
these thick dark bushes, whence no man must es it again, or

made the Delaware nation not only into men, but into warriors

A party of Mohawks went through the Moravian towns Aug
28, 1796, and Zeisberger said: “They are earnestly working te
kindle war again, saying quite openly that there should be a ‘a
war with the States, and they seek to arouse the Canada Indians.”

The mission of Ganeodiyo, or Handsome Lake, the prophet c
the new religion, has been placed both in 1790 and in 1800, h
probabilities in favor of the later date. It seems to have been
unknown when the Iroquois chiefs visited President Washing ton |
in 1792, and part of the revelation assumes that he was dead.
Handsome Lake’s name first appears on a treaty in 1794, but
without special notice, and it may be assumed that he was then |
in no way distinguished from other chiefs. The revelation is .
said to have been made in the interest of his half-brother, Corn
planter, but there is no proof of this. It taught rewards am
punishments based on sound morality, and strongly oppo e
drunkenness and the sale of lands. It was largely accepted b:
four of the Six Nations of New York and effected a considerabli”
reformation. The prophet died at Onondaga in 1815 and

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 381

_ buried there. Some Quakers were at Onondaga in 1809 and their
_ words satisfactorily settle the time and effects of the prophet’s
_ mission: “ We were informed, not only by themselves but the
interpreter, that they had totally refrained from the use of ardent
‘spirits for about nine years, and that none of the natives will
ouch it.”

He visited the President of the United States in March 1802,
with some Onondaga and Seneca chiefs, and received a letter

i his mission was then recent. ‘There is mention of the revelation

rom the secretary of war, from which it may be gathered that

and of the four angels who made it, which was good news because
i of its objects:

Brothers—The President is pleased with seeing you all in good
health, after so long a journey, and he rejoices in his heart, that
one of your own people has been employed to make you sober,
good and happy; and that he is so well disposed to give you
good advice, and to set before you so good examples.

Brothers—If all the red people follow the advice of your
friend and teacher, the Handsome Lake, and in future will be
sober, honest, industrious and good, there can be no doubt but
the Great Spirit will take care of you and make you happy.
_From time to time the Six Nations had made efforts to repress
drunkenness, asking for stringent measures against rum selling
One year and for their repeal the next. They sadly knew the full
pextent of the evil, but their good resolutions were not proof
‘against it. In this respect there was now a great reformation,
i hich yet was not thorough. There came later efforts. In 1830
the Rev. James Cusick, a Tuscarora, founded a temperance soci-
ety of more than 100 members, and in 1845 another of 50 mem-
bers. In 1845 the Rev. Asher Bliss said of the Cattaraugus reser-
vation: “Temperance societies have been patronized by nearly
a ll the chiefs and leading men on the reservation. Pledges have
been circulated, and received the signatures of a large majority
of the population, on the Washingtonian plan.”

As often as with us these efforts have been kept up since, there
peing sometimes three or four temperance organizations on one

€servation. The Good Templars have had one great advantage

382 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM eee

in bringing the Indians into contact with a good class of white E
people, and being influenced by them. Among themselves, a

Six Nations Temperance League both in Canada and New York,

holds a great annual meeting, bringing representatives of all

together in various places, with excellent results.

‘In the settlement of western New York some Seneca chiefs
became prominent, two of these being Honayewus, or Farmer’s
Brother, and Red Jacket, or Sagoyewatha. The latter was noted —
as an orator, and Colonel Stone quoted Thomas Morris’s descrip-
tion as follows:

When I first knew Red Jacket he was in his prime, being —
probably about 36 years of age. He was decidedly the most
eloquent man amongst the Six Nations. His stature was rather
above than below the middle size. He was well made. His
eyes were fine, and expressive of the intellect of which he pos-
sessed an uncommon portion. His address, particularly when
he spoke in council, was very fine, and almost majestic. He was |
decidedly the most graceful public speaker I ever heard. He was |
fluent, without being rapid. You could always tell when he»
meant to speak, from the pains he would take before he arose, .
to arrange the silver ornaments on his arms, and the graceful |
fold he would give to his blanket.

Farmer’s Brother may have been born about 1730 and died in »
1814. Though he spoke often, he preferred being a warrior to
shining as an orator. Stone said of him:

Beyond all doubt he was one of the noblest of his race,—in
both intellect and eloquence fully equal to Red Jacket, and infi-
nitely above him in courage and all the moral qualities of the,
man. . . He lived and died a sober man. He was remarkably

well formed, and erect in his carriage, and trod the earth with a
firm step to the last.

The Seneca chiefs had tried to restrain the western Indians, :
but, at the battle of Tippecanoe, Nov. 7, 1811, it is said that many
young Senecas were engaged. Troubles with England came to.
a head in the War of 1812; and Hon. Erastus Granger held a
council at Buffalo July 6, repeating Washington’s advice to the
Indians, “That you take no part in the quarrels of the white
people.” Red Jacket regretted that those in Canada had taken
up arms, and another peace messenger was sent to the Mohawks

/

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 383

without effect. Not long after, it was reported that the British
had seized Grand Island. This was thought a cause for war,

and this declaration was made:

| We, the chiefs and councilors of the Six Nations of Indians,
_ residing in the State of New-York, do hereby proclaim to all the
war-chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations, that war is declared
on our part against the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada.
_ Therefore, we hereby command and advise all the war-chiefs and
warriors of the Six Nations to call forth immediately the war-
riors under them, and put them in motion to protect their
rights and liberties, which our brethren, the Americans, are
now defending.
—_ A council at old Onondaga followed, Sep. 28, 1812, and an

address was sent to the president, saying:

_ Brother,—The undersigned, chiefs of the Oneida, Onondaga,
_ Stockbridge and Tuscarora tribes of Indians, as far west as Tona-
wanda, regularly deputed by our respective tribes, have this day
lighted up a council fire at Onondaga, the ancient council ground
of the Six Confederated Nations.

They had been advised to be neutral and were surprised at the
leclaration of the Buffalo council, but added: ‘‘ We are few in
jumber, and can do but little, but our hearts are good, and we
ire willing to do what we can.” They took no part till the next
year, when 400 Senecas under Young Cornplanter aided in the
defense of Buffalo. In a later engagement, July 17, the Six
Nations gave efficient aid. General Boyd said at this time:
“The bravery and humanity of the Indians were equally con-
spicuous.” They also took part in the battle of Chippewa, July
+, 1814, led by Captain Pollard, a Seneca chief. Stone said
‘that Kiawaskant, or Steel Trap, an old Onondaga warrior, had
e pected this honor, but was not even named in the council.
He went home at once, saying, “ They think me too old, and
that I am good for nothing.” Clark also said that Hoahoaqua,
or La Fort, an Onondaga chief who was killed in this battle,
was chosen leader, but this was an error.

384 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Chapter 26 2

Morse’s Indian report. Census made at various times. Ogden Land Co.
Reservations. General Carrington’s statements. Little violence. Citizen-
ship. Title to lands. Schools. Union soldiers. Present government.
Immorality. Progress.

The Rev. Jedidiah Morse made a report in 1822, on the Indians
of the United States. In 1796 he found “the whole population ©
of the Six Nations, including their adopted children, was 3748.”
In 1818 Jasper Parish said officially, “The population of the Six
Nations of Indians is 4575.” The Oneidas were then 1031, exclu-
sive of the Stockbridges; and at old Onondaga were 299 Onon- 3
dagas. Morse found but 272 of the latter there in 1821. Includ-~
ing the Brothertown and Stockbridge Indians at Oneida, the Six
Nations of New York then numbered 4884. After that, most of
the Oneidas went to Wisconsin.

In 1792 their missionary, Rev. Samuel Kirkland, said the
Oneidas had several villages from 10 to 15 miles from Oneida
lake, and numbered 630. There were 280 Stockbridge Indians
6 miles south of the largest Oneida village, who came from
Massachusetts. The Oneidas had also given lands to 250°
Brothertown Indians in 1786, which were 20 miles south of
Oneida lake. Their village was 8 miles south of the Stock-
bridges, and they had come from Long Island sound.

Mention has been made of some of the loose estimates of num-
bers from time to time. In the New York census of 1845 an
effort was made to get more reliable data of all kinds, and Henry
R. Schoolcraft was employed to do this. He found here 20 Mo-
hawks, 210 Oneidas, 368 Onondagas, 123 Cayugas, 2441 Senecas,
281 Tuscaroras, and 360 St Regis Indians. Other Iroquois in
the United States were 722 Oneidas in Wisconsin, 125 Senecas:
west of the Mississippi, and 211 mixed Senecas and Shawnees

of whom half might be Senecas. There were also 51 Cornplan :

ct

Senecas in Pennsylvania, named from that chief. He estimatedi
the Canadian Iroquois at 2000, and the whole number then living
at 6942, but did not take in some Canadian villages; and the mere
estimates are too low.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 385

The United States census of 1890 was naturally more accurate,
returning fully 7387 Iroquois in the United States and 8483 in
canada, with a total of 15,870. The estimate of the greatest
arlier population was 13,000 in 1682. ‘This census also gave
239 as the Iroquois population of New York, to which may be
dded 98 on the adjoining Cornplanter reservation in Pennsyl--
ania. Including this in the New York census, there were in
he State 481 Onondagas, 212 Oneidas, 18 Mohawks, 183 Cay-
igas, 2707 Senecas and 408 Tuscaroras. On the New York side
f St Regis were 1129 Indians. This left over 2000 Iroquois in
ther parts of the United States. The reported increase on the
Yew York reservations in 45 years was 1753. Reckoning by
hese alone, there were in 1890, 494 Onondaga, 561 Tonawanda,
60 Allegany, 1582 Cattaraugus, 459 Tuscarora and 1157 St
‘Regis Indians. As many more of the latter were on the Canada
ide.
In 1819 the Ogden Land Company held a treaty at Buffalo,
iring to secure all the Seneca reservations or have them con-
‘centrate on one. Agents of the United States and Massachu-
stts also attended, but the treaty was not successful, and there
as now a marked religious division in the Seneca nation. Suc-
‘cessive councils were held till 1826, when the Ogden Company
ad more success, securing several small reservations in the
fenesee valley and parts of others.
_ In 1838 all the Seneca lands in New York were conveyed to
he company, and this treaty was approved by the United States
senate, March 1840, and afterward proclaimed by the president.
All this involved the arrangements about western lands and a
long litigation, recently decided in favor of the Indians. The
senecas opposed the ratification on the ground of fraud, and it
as agreed that improper means had been used, the case creating
great interest and sympathy for the Indians. The Quakers took
‘up their plea and a compromise treaty was made in 1842, legal
Tesort proving useless. A full account of all is contained in the
‘teport on The Indian Problem, made to the Legislature of New
York in 1889, the compromise being this:

386 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM j

The Ogden Company released and handed back to the Senecas
the whole of the Allegany reservation and the Cattaraugus reser-
vation, and the Senecas gave up the whole of the Buffalo creek
and the Tonawanda reservations, the Ogden Company retaining
the preemptive right in the two reservations surrendered to the
Indians.

The Tonawandas were not satisfied with this, and forcibly
held possession till 1857, when a new treaty was made, and most
of the reservation was bought and restored to the Indians in
1863. At one time their friends thought all would have to leave
the State. The matter rests thus. The Indians hold their lands_
with no intention of selling them, but no one can buy the Seneca |
lands except the Ogden Company.

Out of various treaties and transfers grew the claim of the:
Six Nations to Kansas lands, deeded to them but opened and|
sold to settlers in 1860. In 1880 active measures were taken to)
recover the price of 1,824,000 acres, and in 1900 the Indians;
gained their case and an award of $1,998,744. Payment of this:
three years later, was delayed by questions on distribution, raised |
by the Indians themselves, some who had left New York claim-
ing a share. |

In 1890 there were 106 Oneidas living in Oneida and Madison
counties, but they had no reservation. The Onondaga reserva-.
tion, about 5 miles south of the center of Syracuse, is a rectangle,’
4 miles long by a little over 2.3 wide, containing about 6100 acres.

Tonawanda reservation originally had 71 square miles, and has
now but 6549.73 acres. It is irregular in form and in the counties:
of Niagara, Genesee and Erie. Like the four following, it is a
Seneca reserve. Allegany reservation, in Cattaraugus county, is:
irregular in form, from being on both sides of Allegheny river. It
is nearly 35 miles long, following that stream, and contains 30,469
acres. Oil Spring reservation, in the same county, is a mile
square. Cornplanter reservation, in Pennsylvania, is half a mile
wide and 2 miles long. Cattaraugus reservation is in Cattaraugus;
Chautauqua and Erie counties, on both sides of Cattaraugus creek!
It is 9.5 miles long, east and west, and about 3 miles wide in the
center. It is irregular in form and contains 21,680 acres. ‘

Muted,

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 387

The Tuscarora reservation in Niagara county came to the Tus-
carora people by donation and purchase. It is irregular in form
and includes 6249 acres. The St Regis reservation lies south of
the boundary line, in St Lawrence and Franklin counties and on
the St Lawrence, Raquette and St Regis rivers. It is irregular
in form, about 7.3 miles long on the south line, and about 3 miles

wide; area about 14,640 acres. The Canadian half is about equal
in size and population. 3
In the census report for 1890 are those of the special agent,
sen. Henry B. Carrington, and of Mr T. W. Jackson, United
tates agent for the Six Nations, employed as enumerator. This
ind the Jndian Problem are among the most valuable works on
he Iroquois lately prepared, though having many of the com-
non historic errors. The other matter is good and carefully
repared. The following statements are summarized from those
lade by General Carrington.

‘He found that many late reports “were evidently manufac-
ired and given out by interested parties when legislation to
fect these Indians was pending.” On none of the reserva-
Ons were intoxicating liquors sold, nor were there “ houses for
amoral purposes nor gambling dens. . . The Six Nations
e in most danger from without.” They have generally asked
be let alone. He adds:

They have been in a great measure let alone by the authorities,

id the result is that they are self-sustaining and much further

vanced in civilization than any other reservation Indians in

2 United States, and as much so as an average number of white

ople in many localities. . . Envious Caucasians, hungering

‘the Indians’ landed possessions in New York State, as else-

ere, have been active and earnest in efforts to absorb their

Dstance. They have been kept from doing so thus far through

e efforts of earnest and active fair-minded people, who have
vented their spoliation.

t

3
|
th
:
'
hs
|
pre

crimes were few, stealing and quarreling rare.

1e total local offenses during the year was 16 in an Indian
ulation of 5133. . . No communities elsewhere, white or
erwise, are known where person and property are more safe,
where male and female can walk unattended at night with

!
.

y

388 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

greater security. Pauperism is unusual and the tramp almost
unknown. . . The special agent calls attention to the gradual |
elimination of diseases resulting from white association in early,
times. This has reduced mortality and increased longevity.
The growth of self-reliance is especially noticeable. . . 2884.
speak the English language, and 1985 do not. The total acreage:
of the reservations of the Six Nations is 82,327.73, with an Indian”
and adopted population of 5203, or 16.78 acres for each person,

79

as much sovereignties, by:
treaty and obligation, as are the several states of the United
States.” The following words of General Carrington will con-
vey nothing new to real students of the situation, but they may
be of use to those who are confident they can dispose of every

The law recognizes each nation

difficulty by a single act:

If the Iroquois, native or foreign born, want to become citizens
of the United States, they must renounce allegiance to their own
people, but, if those of the Six Nations in New York become such

them. . . This, in fact, is at present a practical inhibition in
their way to citizenship. The several reservations belong to
them (St Regis differs somewhat from the rest), and neither the

to those of war. . . The title to these reservations is in the
nation, and the members are therefore at common law “ tenant
in common.” Each owns his undivided share absolutely, inde
pendently of the United States or the State of New York. The
individuals, however, only hold a fee equivalent to the ownersht
of the land they improve, with power to sell or devise among thei
own people, but not to strangers. It is a good title. The natior
itself can not disturb it. . . The conclusion is irresistible tha
the Six Nations are nations by treaty and law, and have lons
since been recognized as such by the United States and the Stati
of New York, and an enlightened public will surely hesitat
before proceeding to divest these people of long established right
without their consent. ij

The United States employs an agent, messenger, physicia
and interpreter. The agent receives and distributes money an
goods annually to all but the St Regis Indians. The New Yor
State agent acts for the Onondagas, and the attorney for i
at St Regis.

7

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 389

No allotment can be made of the Six Nations lands, nor can an
assignment in severalty of them be had on the basis of a common
_ and general division or absolute removal, as is usual with ordi-
nary reservation Indians. The present occupancy or recorded
_ titles would prevent this, and the courts would undoubtedly pro-
tect them. While land tenure among the Six Nations is, as a
rule, secure in the families enjoying it, the evidence of title for
many years largely depended upon visible possession and im-
provement rather than upon the record evidence common to white
people. Verbal wills recited at the dead feasts, in the presence
of witnesses to the devise, were usually regarded as sacred, and
a sale, with delivery of possession, was respected when no writ-
ten conveyance was executed. Of late years written wills have
become common. . . The clerk of the Seneca nation keeps a
record of grants made by the council. Generally, the clerk,
whether of chiefs, as with the Onondagas and Tuscaroras, or of
trustees, as with the St Regis, has the custody of the records of
official proceedings respecting grants or sales of lands. . . An
applicant for land, after petition, secures a vote of council or of
chiefs of a tribe or nation, as the case may be, with the descrip-
tion of the land asked for, and a copy of that vote is the basis of
a permanent title to himself, his heirs and assignees. . . The
-infrequency of transfer out of a family and the publicity of the
act when such a transfer is made have been esteemed sufficiently
‘protective. . . As with white people, there are and will be Six
Nations Indians landowners and Six Nations Indians landless.

In 1890 there were 27 schools on the New York reservations,
besides the Thomas Asylum, and the number of teachers has
been since increased. Irregular habits and a feeling that school
education was of little use have interfered with study, but, as
| the benefits are realized, there are better results and attendance.

Reading, writing and arithmetic are seen to be useful, and a

common education is desired. General Carrington well said:
No people are quicker to catch opportunities for easy gain. A
system of rewards, stimulative of effort in the education of their
children, if well advised and fostered, would be worth its cost
and accomplish lasting good.
The early French missionaries understood this. In 1669 Father
_ Bruyas found his Oneida pupils daily increasing, but he had
been shrewd in his management, and said: “ Whoever knows
low to repeat on Sunday all that is said during the week, has
string of glass beads, or two little glass cylinders, or two rings
of brass.”

390 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

After the colonial period, there were new efforts in the way
of Indian education, often of a mere personal character and with-
out permanence. State aid was first given not very long ago,
and for a time was of a.very cheap kind. It has not been all
that is needed yet; but those who have known the New York
reservations for 60 years are well aware of the great advance made.

As nearly as could be learned in 1890, the Six Nations fur-
nished for the Civil War 162 soldiers and sailors; the Onondagas
16, the Senecas 113, the Tuscaroras 10, and the St Regis 2m
These were not in one organization, but enlisted in various regi-
ments. One noted Seneca chief, Donehogawa, or Ely S. Parker,
served on General Grant’s staff and was a man of good education.

The Onondagas have 27 chiefs, the ruling ones chosen by the
women of the clan represented. These usually hold office till
death or deposition, and boys may be chosen, but can not vote
on financial affairs. There are now a president, secretary,
treasurer and other officers. The Tonawanda Senecas have 34
chiefs, chosen by the women of the vacant clans, but the chiefs
in office may demand a reconsideration. The people vote for
executive officers. The Allegany and Cattaraugus Senecas are
legally incorporated as “The Seneca Nation,” with a constitu-
tion, a council of 16 members, half elected every year, and a
president. Expenditures of over $500 require a popular vote.

The Tuscaroras have their ancient chiefs, chosen by th@
women. The St Regis Indians were one of the Seven Nations
of Canada, always with a peculiar government, and now having
trustees annually elected.

Inquiry was diligently made respecting the number of recog-
nized immoral characters living on the respective reservations.
These inquiries were made with the population list in mind, and |
always of different persons. There was an almost invariable »
concurrence of testimony, specifying how many and who openly —
violated the laws of chastity. The largest estimate for any reser- —
vation was less than 20; at some reservations not even six could |
be named. . . The people of the Six Nations, with all their '
unhappy surroundings and poverty, in this matter have suffered |

opprobium beyond their true desert in the judgment of Christian )
America.

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 3901

There is no occasion to precipitate the technical, very vague,
and very unsubstantial condition of citizenship upon the people
of the Six Nations. It would only facilitate, while they are poor,
the transfer of their lands to hungry white men without benefit
to their people at large. . . The Six Nations will make better
citizens by a still longer struggle among themselves, if supported
generously and charitably by those who are their true friends.

General Carrington gives sound reasons why citizenship and
partition should not be enforced or hastened, and it may be added
that some of the most advanced and intelligent Iroquois hold
the same opinions. They can not see what they would gain by
‘citizenship, and they realize the dangers and difficulties of par-
tition. One great difficulty comes in the line of descent. Mr
_ Jackson differed from General Carrington on the main question,
but admitted the difficulties. He said:

_ In my opinion, the proper way to civilize the Indians of New
York is to secure a division of their lands in severalty, and place
‘them in full citizenship; but there are many questions and diff-
culties to be overcome before this can be done without injury to
the rights of the Indians.

In the judgment of some who know the New York Iroquois
best, they. have made a remarkable advance in the last half cen-
tury; and the future is full of hope for them if guidance and
aid are not replaced by unwise coercion. Many live well and
are highly esteemed. They are in demand in various industries,
and some judicious business training would increase the demand.
# he growing contact with intelligent and reputable white people
is one important factor; the recognized advantages of essential
branches of education in business are telling favorably on the
question of schools. Old feasts and customs have lost their
hold, and dances which were once religious are now but frolics.
Church membership compares fairly with that of white com-
munities. The census of 1890 reported 12 church buildings, 18
ministers, and 1074 communicants in New York. In temper-
ance organizations they surpass their white neighbors.

In the history now given this gradual change and progress
“May be seen. Many savage features had disappeared before
; and the Indians who had fought New York men a little

392 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

before, then aided the pioneers in subduing the wilderness, wel-
coming them with open hands. But to understand the change
more fully, one should go into some of the better Iroquois homes
of today, and contrast them with anything—the very best—
found on an Indian reservation 60 years ago. Much is yet desir- :
able; but there is constant progress. Some object to the change ~
who have a taste for the novel and picturesque; some because ©
the change is less rapid than they wish. Let both rest assured —
that the progress is natural and healthy, and is resulting in good. ©
With more time and better influences a higher good will come. _

One pleasant feature is the revival of interest in all pertaining -
to the Indian race, practical or curious. That we should wish
tc know the meanings or history of the local names we use seems
a matter of course, but there is a constant call for Indian names
for places, houses, boats and clubs, because of their beauty and
sonorous sound. ‘The desire to know more of aboriginal life
daily increases, and new works on the subject or reprints of old
cnes constantly appear. The fact that old customs and articles
are vanishing has led to personal study of those which remain,
as well as the preservation of much which is curious or valuable.
It would be well were there more visible memorials of historic
Indian sites, but monuments are not forgotten. Jogues and the
Mission of the Martyrs are recalled by the shrine at Auriesville
The Brant monument at Brantford in Canada, tells of a notable
man and a powerful confederacy; the Red Jacket memorial at:
Canoga marks the birthplace of a great. orator, and his monu
ment at Buffalo points out his tomb; the Kirkpatrick memorials
at Syracuse recall the friends and guides of Le Moyne; and the
Logan monument, within the earthwork at Auburn, bears that |
chief’s pathetic words: “ Who is there to mourn for Logan?”
Other memorials there will be, but the historic, legendary 01
descriptive names he has left to meadow, river, lake and moun
tain, will still be the red man’s greatest and most enduring monu
ment, heard from infant lips and cherished in old age. As Schille
wrote: “ O’er dust triumphant lives the Name.” Nations die, bu
that endures, |

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EXPLANATION OF PLATES

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394 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE I
Part of Champlain’s map of 1632

ere in various parts, all under one number

2 La Nation des Puans, afterward called Winnebagoes

3 Isle ou il y a vne mine de cuiure. This copper mine was reported by Brulé
on his return from the Huron country.

4 Grand lac, Lake Michigan

5 Les gens de feu, Assistagueronons, afterward Maskoutins

6 Mer douce, Lake Huron

7 Lieu ou les sauuages font secherie de framboise et blues tous les ans

8 Lac de Bisserenis, called by him very handsome

9 Bisserenis

10 Chasse des caribous Algommequins

11 Huron country, where there are a number of tribes and 17 villages inclosed
with triple palisades of wood, with galleries all around in form of parapet

12 Gens de Petun is a tribe that cultivates that plant [tobacco] in which
they drive a considerable trade with the other nations. Afterward
called Tionontaties.

13 Cheveux relevez are savages who do not wear a breech cloth, and go quite
naked except in winter. Algonquins so called from their erect hair.

14 The Neutral Nation is a tribe which maintains itself against all others and
has no war except against the Assistaque-ronons

15 Lac St Louis, now Lake Ontario

16 The Antouhonorons are 15 villages built in strong positions, enemies
of all others except the Neutral nation. The Yroquois and the
Antouhonorons make war together.

17 Village inclosed by four palisades, where Sieur Champlain went to war
against the Antouhonorons, where he took several Indian prisoners.
In the narrative it is an Iroquois fort. The dotted line shows his route.

18 Hirocois, his usual spelling for Iroquois; sometimes Yroquois.

19 Carantouanis is a nation to the south of the Antouhonorons. . . where
they are strongly lodged, and are friends with all the other nations
except the Antouhonorons, from whom they are only three days distant.
They were near the Susquehanna, and probably near Waverly N. Y.

20 Petitte nation des Algommequins, or Algonquins

21 River of the Algommequins, now Ottawa river

22 Quebec

23 Lac de Champlain

24 The Place in Lake Champlain, where the Yroquois were defeated by said
Sieur Champlain. This was in 1609.

25 Little Lake by which we go to the Yroquois after passing that of Champlain

26 Abenaquis
27 Lac de Quinebequi

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396

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 2

Part of Sanson’s map of 1656

1 Lac Supérieur

2 Lac de Puans

3 Oukouarararonons.
nation.

4 Assistaeronons,
Feu

5 Ariatoeronon

6 Couaeronon

7 Lac des Eaux de Mer

8 Aictaeronon

9 Squenquioronon

10 Astakouankaeronons

11 Skiaeronon

12 Cheveux relevés

13 Aouechissaronon

14 Elsouataironon

15 L. Nipissiriniens

1G Eachiciouachoronon

17 Nipissiriniens

18 Aossondi

19 Enchek

20 Karegnondi. Now Lake Huron

21 S. Simon, S. Jude

22 N. du Petun, ou Sanhionontatehe-
ronons

23 &. Pierre, S. Pol

24 S. Francois

25 N. D. des Anges

26 N. Neutre or Attiouandarons

27 S. Michel

28 S. Joseph

29 Alexis

30 Hurons

31 Oentaron L.

32 Sarontouaneronon

33 Chonchradeen

34 Algonquins

35 Quionontateronon ou Petite Na-
tion de l’Isle ou Ehouqueronon

36 Otchiahen

37 Tonthataronon

38 Sault de S. Louys

39 Mont Real

40 R. des Prairies

Ronon means

ou Nation du

41 Aentondae

42 Errahonanoate

43 Agoyaheno

44 Tarantou

45 Chiaentonan

46 Chaouaeronon

47 R. de Mons

48 L. S. Pierre

49 les Trois Riviéres

50 L. S. Joseph

51 Sillery

52 Quebec

53 I. d’Orleans

54 L. Erie, ou Du Chat

55 Eriechronons ou N. du Chat

56 Ongiara Sault

57 Ontario, ou Lac de St Louys

58 Sonontouaerronons

59 Sovouaronon. Possibly Cayugas

60 Onneichronons

61 Onontagueronons

62 Anneronons

63 Iroquois

64 N. Sueden

65 Isle Capagiatehissins

66 Naroua Lac

67 Richelieu

68 L. Champlain

69 Andiataroque L.
George

70 Oiogue R., Mohawk river

71 R. du Nort, Hudson river

72 Nouvelle Amsterdam

73 Nouveau Pays Bas, or New Neth-
erland

74 Longe Eyland

75 N. Hollande

76 Socoquiois

77 N. Pleymouth

78 Nouvelle Angleterre

79 Ouabouquiquois

80 Abnaquiois

81 Quinibequi R,

now Lake

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398

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 3

Part of Creuxius’s map of 1660

1 Nipisirini. Most of his names
are Latinized

Nipisirius Lacus

Nationes Algonquinae

Insula Algonquinorum _

Hurons

Pagus Contehani-Kingius

Pagus Echiojus

P. Ethaowatius

P. Ondicius

Fl. S. Laurens

Insula ta Saronita.
niata

P. Otatacte

P. Ondatoius

Oionenii. Early name of Cay-
ugas

P. Ondiasacus

Sonnonteronii, or Senecas. Iro-
quois names and cantons are
both given

Lacus Iroquiorum. Onondaga lake

Oneidas

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1)

13

17

18 Oigoenronii.

1g Onontaeronil. Onondagas

20 Pagus Oionenius. Cayuga

21 Lacus Oiggoenronius, Oneida lake,
but nearer the latter Cayuga
name

Agnieronii. Mohawks. The river
is called Fl. Agnieus, and some
southern and eastern streams
have names.

Lacus Arokoueus

I. Montis Regalis. Montreal

Insula ferinae absidant

24
25

Creuxius’s chart of the Huron

1 Insula Gahoedoe

2 P. Etondatratius

3 Iondaken

4 Ouenrio

5 Karenhassa

6 Insula Ordiatara and Ascension
7 S. Charles

8 Schion de Liaria

26 Natio Algonquinorum minor

27 Lac Ogus

28 Abnaquioii

29 Soquoquioli

30 Natio Luporii

31 Agnieus pagus

32 Andastoeii, seu Natio perticarum
33 Pasitigsecii

34 Saltus Astiaius

35 L. Champlain

36 L. Ontario

37 Natio Surrectorum Capillarum _
38 Mare Dulce seu Lacus Huronum
39 S. Simoni et Judo. Missions

40 P. Ethanaaenius

41 S. Petri et S. Pauli

42 P. S. Kenchioetontens

43 P. Assistoius. Nation of Fire
44 P. Ondatonius

45 P. Teoronius

46 Lacus Aquarum Marinarum

47 P. Onnonderetius

48 Natio Felium. Eries

49 S. Francisci

50 N. D. Ange. In Neutral country
51 S. Michelis )
52 S. Josephi

53 9. Alexis

54 Gens Neutral

55 P. Annachiaius

56 P. Otontaronius

57 Ongiara Cattaracta

58 P. Ondieronii

59 Lacus Erius seu Felis

country, with the same map

g Arenta. S. Magdalene
1G Lacus Contarea

11 S,. Xavier

12 Concepcion

13 S. Maria

14 Raoaa

15 S. Louis

16 S. Dionysius

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ss HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS
7 Caldaria 24 S. Elizabeth
3S. Michel 25 S. John Baptist
) S. John 26 P. Ethaouatius
S. Joachim 27 Anatari
1 Arethsi 28 L. Anaouites
2 S. Ignatius 29 Lacus Ouentaronius
3 Gaion Reate ;
7
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399

400

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 4

Coronelli’s map of 1688

1 Lac Huron ou Mer Douce des
Hurons
2 Ekaenton Isle
3 Michilimackinac
4 R. Francois
5 Missisagha
6 Lac Nipissing or Skekoven
7 Sorciers
8 Allumettes. Isle du Borgne
9 Sault des Calumets
1o Ottawa or Huron river
11 Beaver hunting grounds of Loups
and Iroquois
12 River flowing from L. Taronto
into L. Huron
13 Road by which the Iroquois go to
the Ottawas
14,15 Cayuga villages of Teyoyagon,
Ganatchekiagon, Ganeraské
and Kentsio
16 L. and R. de Tanouate Kenté
17 Tontiarenhé
18 Ohaté
19 Onondkouy
20 Sault des Chats
21 Petite Nation
22 Long Sault (of the Ottawa.)
23 Otondiata
24 Baye de Sikonam
25 Tsiketo or L. Chaudiére, now L.
St. Clair
26 Very beautiful river. The Iro-
quois have destroyed most of
the inhabitants
27 Shawnees
28 Outlet of L. Huron
29 Atiragenrega, nation détruite
30 Antouaronons, nation détruite
31 Niagagarega, nation détruite

32 Lac Teiocharontiong dit com-
munement Lac Erie. Called Te-
charonkion in 1670

33 L. Erie. It is said here that this
is not Lake Erie, commonly so
called, but “ Erie est une partie
de la Baye de Chesapeack dans
la Virginie, ou les Eriechro-
nons ont toujours démeuré.”

34 Ohio river, called so because of ©
its beauty or size

35 Lac Oniasont, now Chautauqua
lake

36 Les Oniasont-Keronons

37 Lac Ontario ou de Frontenac

38 Marshes and fishing ponds along
the lake shores

39 Ka Kouagoga, nation détruite

40 Senecas

41 Negateca fontaine

42 Cayugas

43 The largest vessels are able to
navigate from here to the end
of L. Frontenac

44 Cahihonotiaghé, place wheal
most: of the Loups and Iro-
quois land to go in the beaver
trade to New York, by road
marked by double rows of
marks

45 Corlar, or Schenectady

46 Albany, formerly Fort Orange

47 North river

48 L. Champlain

49 Lac du St Sacrement

50 R. Richelieu

51 Sorel R.

52 Savages called Mahingans or So-
coquis

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NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 5

Part of Colonel Romer’s map of 1700

He went only to the Oswego river, and west of that his map is fanciful.

Onondages R., now Oneida
Cananda river, now Seneca
Cajouge river, now Seneca
Cananda lake, now Onondaga. Ka-

neenda usually

Salt pan, the salt springs
Onondages. Onondaga, then on
east side of Butternut creek
Kechiciahte, now Butternut creek
Quiehook, now Chittenango creek
Sachnawarage, selected for fort.

Variously spelled
Onydes lake
Wood kill

12 Great Carrying Place. Curiously

out of place

13 Carrying Place, now Rome N. Y.

14 Beaver Kill, now Oneida creek

15 Onyedes. Old Oneida in Oneida
county

16 The old trail which he followed.:

Smaller trails are shown.

17 Maquas river

18 Third Maquas Castle, called Da-
ganahoge

19 Second Maquas Castle. The first
he placed on the north side of
the Mohawk, opposite Schoharie
creek. The Oswego river he
called by its present name.

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404

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 6

Charlevoix’s map of 1745

Fort Niagara

Le Grand Marais

Petite Riv. aux Boeufs

R. aux Boeufs

R. S. Aubin

R. Noire

R. Gaskonchiagon, i. e. River of
the falls, Genesee river

R. des Sonnontouans, i. e. River
of the Senecas, which is prop-
erly the Seneca river of , that
day. The river on the map has
no existence.

9 Ganientaragouat, ou R. des Sables.

Irondequoit bay
10 Baye des Goyogouins, or Cayu-

NAM Ah W ND FH

wo

gas. Sodus bay

11 Lac des Latrons. Little Sodus
bay

12 Riviére inconnue’ aux Geog-
raphes qui est remplie de

Saults et de Cascades. Upper
part of Genesee river

13 Tsonnontouans, or Senecas

14 Fontaine Brulante, the noted
burning spring

15 Lac Thiohero, Cayuga lake

16 Goyogouen, or Cayuga

17 Lac Asco, now Owasco

18 Lac Scaniatores, now Skaneateles

19 Onontatacet, a Cayuga village on
Seneca river

20 L. Tiocton, now Cross lake

21 Lac Ganentaha, now Onondaga
lake

22 Onontagues, or Onondagas

23 Techirogen, Indian name of
Brewerton, from the lake

24 Lac Techirogen, Oneida lake

25 Onnejioust, Oneida

26 R. des Onontagues, Oswego river

27 Fort de Choueguen, Oswego

28 R. de La Grosse Ecorce, Salmon
creek or Little Salmon river

29 La Petite Famine, Grindstone creek

30 La Grande Famine, Salmon river

31 R. de la Planche, Little Sandy
creek

32 R. des Sables, Sandy creek

33 R. de l’Assomption, Stony brook

34 Baye de Niaoure, Chaumont bay

35 Pt. de la Traverse

36 I. aux Galots

37 Same

38 I. au Renard

39 I. aux Chevreuils

40 I. Tonti

41 Kente, now Quinté

42 Gannejouts

43 Fort Frontenac, often called
Cataraqui

44 Baye de Cataracouy

45 R. Ouagaron. He placed the Iro-
quois villages of Tejaiagon,
Gandatsiagon, Ganaraske, Tan-
naoute, Kenté and Gannejouts
on the north side of Lake
Ontario.

rex

Irom map of Charlevoix, 1745

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406

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 7

M. de Pouchot’s map of 1758

1 R. Chenonda, now Chippewa river

2 Fort Niagara

3 Niagara portage

4 Kanoagoa, Seneca village

5 Schatacoin R., outlet of Chautau-
qua lake

6 R. a la terre puante, Cattaraugus
creek, meaning the same

7 R. Kaeouagegein, Eighteen Mile
creek, or Creek of the Kahk-
wahs

8 R. au boiblanc, from its Indian
name of Basswood creek, Buf-
falo creek

9 Grende R. au beufs

10 R. Gascon chagon. Genesee river,
Indian name for the falls

11 Baye et F. des Sable. Now Iron-
dequoit bay

12 Baye de goyogoins, Bay of the
Cayugas. Sodus bay

13 Les Boucauts, Little Sodus bay

14 Kanvagen, Seneca village

15 Connectxio, Geneseo

16 Kanonskegon, Seneca village

17 Oneotade. Probably the village
farther west

18 Kanestio, now Canisteo

19 Kaygen

20 Kayjen.

21 Knacto

22 Theaggen or Tioga

23 R. de Kanestio

24 East branch of the Susquehanna

25 Runonvea, village near Chemung
river

26 Anjagen, Seneca village

27 Kanentagon; perhaps for Canan-
daigua

28 Kanentage, Canandaigua, but at
the wrong end of the lake

29 Kaensatague, eastern Seneca castle

30 Kendae, village on the east side of
Seneca lake |

31 Oeyendehit, a name placed between
Seneca and Cayuga lakes

32 V. Goyogoin. Cayuga ;

33 R. des 5 Nations. Now Seneca —
river

34 V. Onontague

35 V. Onoyote

36 Chouegen or Oswego

37 R. de Chouegen

38 R. au Chicots, or Wood creek

39 F. Stenix, Fort Stanwix

40 R. a M. le Contte

41 Bay de Niaoure, Chaumont bay

Delaware villages

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408

PLATE 8

Part of Col. Guy Johnson’s map of 1771

1 Fort Niagara

2 Great Falls

3 Fort Sclosser

4,5 Small villages

6 Johnson’s Harbor

7 Tiyanagarunte creek

8 Prideauk bay

9 Little Seneca Rr.
river

10 Falls very high

11 Adiarundaquat, now Irondequoit
bay

12 Aserotus. “Aserotus harbour is
capable of receiving Vessels of
Burden.” Now Sodus bay

13 Little Sodus

14 Fort Ontario

15 Indian path to the lake

16 Canawagus, now Avon

17 Chenussio, now Geneseo

18 Anarara, now Honeoye

19 Ganuskago, now Dansville

20 Onondarka

21 Karaghiyadirha, now Caneadea

22 Gistaguat

23 Tioniongarunte

24 Ohio or Allegany River as it is
called above Fort Pitt

25 Kanestio, with mixed population

26 Sinsink, a Munsey town

27 Canadaragey, now Canandaigua

28 Canadasegy, near Geneva

29 Unnamed, but is Kashong

30 Seneca Lake

31 Unnamed, but is Kendaia

32 Cayuga. There were several vil-
lages.

aa, Cartiga ll:

34 Toderighrono, an adopted people

now Genesee

“The Mohocks are not mentioned as they reside within the limits of
N. York at Fort Hunter & Conajoharie.”
Mohawk river, it is said, “ The Boundary of New York not being closed:
this part of the Country still belongs to the Mohocks.”

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

35 Tiaoga, a Delaware town

36 Sheshecunnunk

37 Wialoosin

38 Owegy, now Owego

39 Chughnutt, now Choconut

40 Otsiningo, now Chenango.
Nanticokes

41 Onoghquagy, now Oquaga..
Oneidas and Tuscaroras

42 East branch of the Susquehanna

43 Great Seneca, now Seneca river

44 Glass L., now Cross lake

45 Salt L., now Onondaga lake

46 Onondaga

47 Onondaga Rr., now Oswego river

48 3 Rivers, junction of Seneca, Onei- -
da and Oswego rivers

49 Fort Brewerton

50 Oneida Lake

51 This Country belongs to the Onei-.
das.

52° hish.Cr.

53 Wood Cr.

54 Fort Stanwix

55 Ganaghsaraga, a Tuscarora Town.)
“The Tuscaroras who form the:
sixth Nation are omitted, being;
a southern People that live on:
lands allotted them between!
Oneida & Onondaga.”

56 Oneida. This is Old Oneida, neary
Oriskany creek.

57 Tienaderha River, now Unadilla’

58 “ The Villages on the East Branch!
of Susquehannah are chiefly:
occupied by Oneidas and Tus-5
caroras.”

59 “The Boundary Settled with the)
Indians in 1768.”

60 Orisca, now Oriskany creek

Mostly »

North of the towns along they

From Col. Guy Johnson’s map, 1771

¢
» ey

410 . NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 9

Condensed from Morgan’s “Map of Ho-de-no-sau-nee-ga, or
the Territories of the People of the Long House.” 1851

This gives names of places mostly as known to the Senecas. The location
‘of Indian towns is hardly satisfactory. Many of colonial days are omitted,
while a few are retained, and it is hard to say precisely what period it repre-
sents. So valuable a contribution to New York ethnology should have recog-
nition in any history of the Six Nations; and, while much will be omitted,
some additional information will be supplied.

1 Lake Erie. Do’-sho-weh Te-car-ne-o-di, the first word being the name
of Buffalo, and the latter standing for lake. It had many names.

2 Lake Ontario. Ne-ah’-ga Te-car-ne-o-di, or Lake at Niagara .

3 Grand river, Canada. Swa’-geh, Flowing out, once applied to Lake
Erie

4 Burlington bay. De-o-na’-sa-de-o, Where the Sand forms a Bar

5 Toronto. De’on-do, Log Floating on the Water

6 Kingston. Ga-dai-o’-que, Fort in the Water

7 Wolfe island. De-a’-wone-da-ga-han’-da

8 St Lawrence river. Ga-na-wa’-ga, The Rapid River

9 Dunkirk. Ga-na’-da-wa-o, Running through the Hemlocks

to Cattaraugus creek and Indian village. Ga’-da-des-ga-o, Fetid Banks

11 Chautauqua lake. Cha-da’-queh, Place where One was lost. Several
interpretations

12 Conewango river. Ga’-no-wun-go, In the Rapids

13 Indian village on the Allegany river. De-o’-na-ga-no, Cold Spring

14 Indian village on the Allegany river. Jo’-ne-a-dih, Beyond the Great
Bend

15 Oil spring Indian village, Te-car-nohs, Dropping Oil

16 Canisteo. Te-car’-nase-te-o, Board on the Water

17 Allegany river. O-hee-yo, Beautiful River

18 Buffalo. Do’-sho-weh, Splitting the Fork. Most others render it Place >
of Basswoods.

19 Near Buffalo were Red Jacket’s village, Te-kise’-da-ne-yout, Place of |
the Bell, and Ga-sko’-sa-da, Village at the Falls. The Onondaga }
village is unnoted.

zo Carrying place village. Gwa’-u-gweh, Place of taking out Boats

21 Niagara river. Ne-ah’-ga, A Neck

22 Ne-ah’-ga. Indian village of the 18th century at the mouth of Niagara 1
river

23 Tuscarora village. Ga’-a-no-geh, On the Mountain

24 Oak Orchard creek. Da-ge-a’-no-ga-unt, Two Sticks coming together |

25 Tonawanda Indian village. Ta’-na-wun-da, Swift Water

26 Bend Indian village on the Allegany river. Da’-u-de-hok-to, At the’
Bend .

27 Genesee river. Gen-nis’-he-yo, Beautiful Valley

28 Caneadea. Ga-o’-ya-de-o, Where the Heavens lean on the Earth, In-
dian village

29 Indian village of O-wa-is’-ki, Under the Banks

ISgi jo dew s.ursi0py wolf pasurvsiiy

y

~ TY
SZ 2 LaF

LI i

HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 4II

9 Indian village of Gardow. Ga-da’-o, Bank in Front

I Several villages were clustered here. O-ha-di, Crowding the Bank, was a
Tuscarora village; Squakie Hill, or Da-yo’-it-ga-o, Where the River
Comes out of the Hills, was a Seneca town, as were the following.
Ga-neh’-da-on-tweh, Where Hemlock was Spilled, was on the site of
Moscow. Little Beard’s town was De-o-nun’-da-ga-a, Where the
Hill is Near. Big Tree village was Ga-un-do’-wa-na, Big Tree.
So-no’-jo-wau-ga, or Big Kettle, was at Mount Morris.

2 Ga-no’-wau-ges, Fetid Waters, Indian village near Avon Springs

3 Former Indian village at Dansville. Ga-nus’-ga-go, Among the Milkweed
4 Village near Livonia. De-o’-de-sote, The Spring. A little northeast
; was the village of Ska-hase’-ga-o, Once a Long Creek, near Lima.

5 Early village of Da-yo’-de-hok-to, A Bended Creek, on Honeoye creek
) Early village at Victor. Ga-o’-sa-ga-o, In the Basswood Country

7 Village at Canandaigua. Ga’-nun-da-gwa, Place chosen for a Settlement
8 Supposed village near Naples. Nun’-da-wa-o, Great Hill

9 Village at Kashong, west of Seneca lake, Gar-naw-quash

9 Village near Geneva. Ga-nun’-da-sa-ga, New Settlement village.
Others unnoticed.

1 Tioga Point. Ta-yo’-ga, At the Forks, a village of Delawares

2 Elmira. Skwe’-do-a, Great Plain. Many villages in this region

3 Owego. Ah-wa’-ga, Where the Valley widens, abandoned village.
Morgan hardly notes those on the Susquehanna.

4 Village near Ithaca. Ne-o’-dak-he-at, At the End of the Lake

5 Village at Canoga. Ga-no’-geh, Oil on the Water

5 Waterloo. Skoi’-yase, Place of Whortleberries; usually interpreted
_ Long Falls

7 Village at Union Springs. Ge-wa’-ga, Promontory Running out

J Two others south of this: Gwa-u-gweh, At the Mucky Land, and
Ga-ya’-ga-an’-ha, Inclined downward. There were others.

) Oswego or Swa-geh river, Flowing out

9 Four Onondaga villages are given and are not well located. Gis-twe-
ah’-na, Little Man, at Onondaga Valley; Onondaga Castle, Ka-na-ta-
go’-wa, Big Village. at the council house; Nun-ta-sa’-sis, Going
Partly round a Hill, are three of these.

Tu-e-a-das’-so, Hemlock Knots in the Water, was farther east.

2 Ga-no’-a-lo’-hale, Head on a Pole, now Oneida Castle

| Ga-na’-doque, Empty Village, an abandoned village near the last

| A Stockbridge Indian village called Ah-gote’-sa-ga-nage. Old Oneida
and the Tuscarora towns are not mentioned.

55 Ta-ga’-soke, Forked like a Spear, Indian village on Fish creek

56 A village on the site of Camden was Ho-sta-yun’-twa.

The portage at Rome was called Da-ya’-hoo-wa’-quat, Carrying Place;
and this name was given to the Mohawk river above Herkimer.
West Canada creek. Te-ah-o’-ge, At the Forks, applied to the Mohawk
‘Village in Danube. Ga-ne’-ga-ha’-ga, Possessor of the Flint. Really
the later Canajoharie.

‘Fonda. Indian village of Ga-na-wa’-da, On the Rapids

a Fort Hunter. Indian village of Te-ah’-ton-ta-lo-ga, Two Streams
meeting

412 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

62 Middle Mohawk castle at Fort Plain. Can-a-jo-hi/-e, Washing tl
Basin

63 Johnstown. Ko-la-ne’-ka, Indian Superintendent

64 Schenectady. O-no-a-la-gone’-na, In the Head

65 Albany. Ska’-neh-ta’-de, Beyond the Openings

66 Village north of Binghamton. O-che-nang’, Bull Thistles.

67 Susquehanna river. Ga’-wa-no-wa’-na-neh, Great Island River

68 Delaware river. Ska-hun-do’-wa, In the Plains

69 Ticonderoga. Je-hone-ta-lo’-ga, Noisy

70 Lake Champlain or O-ne-a-da’-lote

71 Little Salmon creek. Ga-nun-ta-sko’-na, Large Bark

72 Salmon river. Ga-hen-wa’-ga, A Creek

73 Sandy creek. Te-ka’-da-o-ga’-he, Sloping Banks

74 Black river. Ka-hu-ah’-go, Great or Wide River. This is erroneousl;
printed Ka-me-par-go in Squier’s Antiquities of New York.

7© Indian river. O-je’-quack, Nut River

76 Oswegatchie, or O’-swa-gatch river

77 St Regis. Ah-qua-sos’-ne, Partridges drumming

ATAe NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM.

PLATE 10

Part of the Dutch figurative chart annexed to the memorial of Aug. 18, —
1616, which was made from the map of 1614, and accurately copied for the ©
Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, —
volume 1. They are the earliest maps we have of the interior of New York
and are remarkable for giving the two divisions of the Five Nations always
made by the Dutch; those of the Maquas or Mohawks and the Senecas. —
The maps are based on the reports of some Dutchmen, carried as captives
into the interior and afterward ransomed

»?

State Museum

Hi Ng §
= ates
so a@nomakers ~
N
D2 ro \
=~ Aue
ee eo
Vw oN
a fy

Plate 10

ae. Uun Mu, Sau

nai
$ yvande Moguaas ae

ae Ovchage Ghenoemt~ a
Iisa NEC

fi!

From Dutch map, 1616

“S

ere
Sh eles A

if

416 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 11

Champlain’s sketch of the battle near Ticonderoga, July 30, 1609. The
letters refer to his key. The view places the Iroquois north of his party,
and has but a moderate value, though something may be learned from it.
One Iroquois shield appears, but no other defensive armor. Most draw
the bow with the right hand, but some with the left. The canoes are by
no means typical and the less said about perspective the better. The picture
appeared in the edition of 1613 with this key. A (wanting), the fort;
B, enemy; C, oak bark canoes of the enemy, holding Io, 15 or 18 men
each; D, two chiefs who were killed; E, an enemy wounded by Champlain’s
musket; F (wanting), Champlain; G (wanting), two musketeers; H, canoes
of the allies, Montagnais, Ochastaiguins and Algonquins, who are above;
I (also on the), birch bark canoes of the allies; K (wanting), woods.

Plate 11

State Museum

{|
i \ Pu

a
lisa

eel!)
S\SY '
“ 4,

DAN
yuh

(

<i}
f ~ |

|, ae
he
D>: ul

1000

Champlain’s sketch of the battle near Ticonderoga, July 30,

ie a itl es -_ = see ee, Dee” pe a ee ao 4 P. ae aca ra

Sn N 4a
*
z A
as y

418 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 12

Champlain’s attack on an Iroquois fort, October 1615. The fort extended
into the shallow pond where canoes could not be used. The spot was satis: |
fatorily identified by Gen. John S. Clark of Auburn, many years ago, and
is in the Oneida territory about 3 miles east of Perryville. It was probably
soon abandoned for a stronger position nor does it seem to have been long
occupied, but a number of open caches may be seen on the higher lands not
far off. A careful plan of the place may be seen in the bulletin on the
Aboriginal Occupation of New York. In the picture much must be allowe
for the fancy of the artist.

State Museum Plate 12

aro’ dears FG shiva
HO AAU UN A HA A

TN Nr
Sa WV AVARN

/.

Hint Tees

The Onondaga Fort

[After Champlain’s sketch]

4

ee Ae ee

420 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 13

Lahontan’s view of De la Barre’s council at La Famine (Salmon River —
N. Y.) September 1684. An Onondaga chief is speaking, who is the famous
orator usually called Garangula. The spot is at the mouth of Salmon river
in Oswego county, on the north side, and represents fairly well the con-
ditions of the picture. The place received its name in 1656 from the famished
condition of the French colonists when they reached it. It had been intended
for their habitation but the plan was changed. As a landing place on Lake
Ontario it had long been a notable place of resort, and was the terminus ©
of the beaver land trust deed. A fine picture of this council adorns the ©
Flower Memorial Library building in Watertown, in which Lahontan’s plan |
is followed in a general way. This was the Great La Famine river. A |
smaller stream farther west had the prefix of little.

State Museum Plate 13

Thelamp and £
Boats of the &a =
Army ae

Aa Ae & a
AAA ee

Lniterpreter ,
french. officers i:

P 42 p=

bo

Bee ip 0

H

Lahontan’s view of De la Barre’s council at La Famine September, 1084

422 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 14

Communion plate presented by Queen Ann in 1712, “to her Indian Chappel !
of the Onondawgus,” now in St Peter’s Church, Albany N. Y. One of the -
cups was not in the set at first, but was supplied to conform to American |
usage. There was a supply of linen with this and the Mohawk set. The »
latter was long used in New York, but was taken to Canada at the close ©
of the colonial period and divided between the two Mohawk settlements. Two
pieces went to the Bay of Quinte and three to the Mohawks at Grand River.
The inscription on the one retained at Albany reads: “The Gift of Her )
Majesty, Ann, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, |
and of their plantations in North America, Queen, to Her Indian Chappel
of the Onondawgus.” Each piece has centrally the British arms without)
supporters, with A on one side and R on the other. Each of the Onondaga |
flagons is 12% inches, and the cup is 4% inches across the top. The style
is massive and simple. No date appears, but they were probably furnished |
not later than 1712.

7

sHhsMepuoug sy} Jo paddeyy tetpuy soy 01, ‘z1Z1 Ul duu ttaan(~ Aq poqussoid ojvjd UotuNtUUO?)

PI 938d wnesny 23¥%1S

y

424 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 15

Sir William Johnson, sole Indian superintendent in colonial times. Died —
in 1774. He was born in Ireland in 1715, and came to America in 1738 to
manage his uncle’s estate, soon becoming prominent in Indian affairs. In)
1755 he was made a baronet for his services at Lake George. His published »
manuscript are voluminous, but a large collection in the New York State :
Library have not yet been published and are now being indexed. The plate:
is the best portrait accessible, but the Documentary History of the State |
of New York, 2:545, contains a good one published in 1756. An American |
soldier writing at Johnson Hall in 1776, said: “I had a view of Sir William )
Johnson’s picture, which was curiously surrounded with all kinds of beads
of Wampum, Indian curiosities, and trappings of Indian finery, which he had |
received in his treaties with the different Indian nations.”

Plate 15

State Museum

sy i J il¢

ay)

426 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 16

George Romney’s picture of Joseph Brant, painted in England in 1776, for
the Earl of Warwick. In that year other pictures were made. Ten years
later his picture was painted in England for the Duke of Northumberland,
and in 1805 one of the best was made by Mr Ezra Ames of Albany, and
copied by Catlin for Stone’s Life of Brant. It is the frontispiece of the
second volume. There is a fine statue of the Mohawk chief in Brantford,
Canada. Of his portraits Romney’s is the finest known. ’

State Museum Plate 16

Joseph Brant

428 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

PLATE 17

Monument to Red Jacket in Buffalo N. Y., unveiled June 22, 1891. Five
Seneca chiefs were reinterred with him in 1884 and part of the headstones
appear. Nine other Senecas were placed with them, but the names of these
were unknown. There were imposing ceremonies under the auspices of the
Buffalo Historical Society. In 1891 the monument was completed and un-
veiled on Forest Lawn, the Hon. David F. Day, making the oration. Red
Jacket died in 1830, and was supposed to be 78 years old. His earlier and
later names appear on the pedestal.

State Museum Plate 17

Sey,

gba SAGKET

ETE RY Sa
Set AOFFAGS SIS TORIAL SE TY.

| Monument to Red Jacket, Buffalo N. Y.

PIN OIEX

The superior figures tell the exact place on the page in ninths; e. g. 138°

Abenaki, see Abénaquiois.
Abénaquiois, other names, 138°; kill

Mohawk ambassadors, 216°.

Abenaquis, 40 captured, 270".
Abercrombie, defeated, 314’.
Achiendase’, 204°.

Adarahta, 237”.

Adario, stratagem, 235°.
Adirondacks, another name for Al-

gonquins, 138’; war with Iroquois,
150°.

Adjuste, burned, 365”.
Agariata, killed, 217°-18".
Agaritkas, 137°, 256°.
Agents, 388".
Agnieronnons, I51°, 170°.
Agniers, 159%.
Agoianders, 158’.
Agosagenens, 138°.
Agreskoue’, worship renounced, 220°.
Agriculture of aborigines, 139’, 150°.
Agwrondougwas, Peter, mentioned,

6

347°.

Ahatsisteari, 184°.

Ahookassongh, at council, 256°.

_ Aireskoi, sacrifices to, 131°, 185°.

_ Albany, fort built at, 175’; first treaty

between Iroquois and English, 216°;
peace at, 221°; aids Mohawks in
rebuilding castle, 236°; councils at,

236", 238°, 242°, 242°, 252", 253 254°, |

256°, 260°, 264", 264", 268°, 269°, 260°,

277°, 285°, 300", 350°; importance of |

holding, 239°; colonial congresses
at, 243°, 300°; opposes Onondaga
fort, 253°; Indian families employed
at, 260°; Iroquois reception at,
261°; lodging houses at, 265’; mes-
sengers to, 266°; French trade,
303°.

__ Alden, Colonel, killed, 361°.

means page 138 beginning in the third ninth of the page, i. e. about one third
of the way down.

Aleout destroyed, 364.

Algonquins, territory of, 131%, 136+,
138°; language, 136°; name and
character, 137°; compared with
Iroquois, 142°; treachery, 150°; war
with Iroquois, 150°, 175"; length of
war with Iroquois, 174°; proposed
peace with Iroquois, 151°; at found-
ing of Montreal, 152°; expulsion
from Canada, 152”, 153°; peace con-
cluded with Iroquois, 1747, 188°;
alarmed, 181°; story of Huron at-
tack, 183*; attacked by Iroquois,
185°; fly, 186°; hunt with Mo-
hawks, 189'; treaty with Dutch,
189°; betrayed to Mohawks, 196°;
of Ottawa river swept away, 197°;
defeated, 198’; massacre of, 210°;
kill Garistarsia, 215°; surprise On-
ondagas, 240°.

Allegany reservation, 386°; number
of Indians on, 385°.

Amherst, General, appointment, 316°.

Andastes, territory, 131°, 136°; harass
Iroquois, 151°; called Minquas,
165°; Hurons send deputies to,
192°; message, 192’; could not help
Hurons, 194°; peace with, 211°;
party sent against, 214°; hostilities,
215°; women burned at Oneida,
219°; downfall, 221°, 226°; Mohawks
preserve, 223°; war with Iroquois,
245°. See also Conestogas; Min-
quas; Susquehannas.

Andioura, speaker at Quebec, 200°.

Andrews, Rev. William, mentioned,
347’.

Andros, Gov. Edmund, visits Mo-
hawks, 223‘; aids in settling diffi-
culty between Iroquois and Mary-
land, 2237.

430

Andrus-town destroyed, 360’.
Animals, stories of man’s relations
to, 142”.

Annenraes, escape, 192°;
192°; death of, 201°, 2037.
Annierronnons Iroquois, 183°.

Annies, 159°.

Antouhonorons, 163’, 163°.

Aontarisati, burned, 198’.

Aquadaronde, sick, 242”.

Aquanoschioni, 165%.

Aquendero, speech at Onondaga,
246°, son poisoned, 252°; enter-
tained by Schuyler, 255°.

Argenson, Gov. d’, landed at Quebec,
210%.

Arms and ammunition, demand for,
202".

Ashpo, Samuel, mentioned, 348".

Assensing, council at, 317%.

Assistaeronons, 139°.

Atogotiaekoitian, 210”.

Atotarhor. 157, 255 -

Attikamegues, attacked by Iroquois,
2A

Attiwandaronks, 135°.

Auglaize, council at, 375’.

Auriesville, shrine, 191°.

Aurora, see Chonodote.

Avaugour, Governor d’, quoted, 215°.

Avery, Rev. Henry, mentioned, 348’.

Avery, Rev. Peter, mentioned, 348’.

spared,

Baptisms, at Onondaga, 201".

Baptiste, Jean, mission to Onondaga,
200°.

Baptiste, Jean, baptism, 201°.

Barclay, Rev. Henry, mission, 318’;
appointed catechist, 347°.

Barclay, Rev. Thomas, mentioned,
347’.

Barentsen, Peter, visit to Mohawks,
174°:

Barlow, Colonel, on council at Al-
bany, 351”.

Baron, a Huron chief, 245°; settles
near Albany, 240°.

Barre, Governor de la, _ replaces
Count Frontenac, 227°; letter of
Louis 14 to, 230°.

Bartram, John, cited, 128°; naturalist,
282".

NEW YORK STATE

MUSEUM

Bateaux for English, 260°.

Bayard, Colonel, on relations of Iro-
quois to New York, 250°.

Beauchamp, W. M., cited, 128”.

Beaucour, attack on Iroquois, 240°.

Beauharnois, Governor de, proposes
building fort at Crown Point,
274°; receives messages from On-
ondagas, 275°; Indian name, 279*;
raises Indian chiefs, 279°; council
with Iroquois, 280’, 286°.

Beaver land trust deed, 256°, 271°.

Beaver trade at Albany, 253°.

Belletre, M. de, attack on German
Flats; 313.

Bellomont, Governor, sends troops to
Albany, 250°; opinion of Iroquois,
252°; council at Albany, 2536
quoted, 254‘; complains of Schuy-
ler, 255'; death, 256°.

Belt, Old, mentioned, 311°, 312”, 316°;
death, 330°.

Beschefer, Father, mentioned, 217°.

Big Flats burned, 365°.

Black Kettle, killed, 249°.

Black Prince, see Tochanuntie.

Blacksmiths, sent to Iroquois towns,
237", 204°, 304°; desired by Onon-
dagas, 238°; at Onondaga, 240°,
258°, 279; desired by Senecas,
264; in Seneca country, 266°, 270°,
280", 290°.

Blacksnake, Governor, story, 182°.

Bleecker, Capt. John, sent to Onon-
daga, 251°, 255°, 263°.

Blew Bek, at Canada, 268°.

Bliss, Rev. Asher, on temperance
societies, 381°.

Bone pits, 141°.

Boundary, partial arrangements for,
327°; conference at Fort Stanwix,
3337; question settled, 334°; sig-
natures to the deed, 334°; colonial
representatives present, 334; new,
378°.

Bounty on scalps, 245°, 285°, 288°,
306°, 313°.

Bouquet, Colonel, defeats Indians, |

a27°;

Bourdon, ambassador to Mohawks, °

190”,

’

;

*
%

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

Boutrotiee, Mlle, godmother to
Garakontie’, 221’.

Bowl, game of, 141°.

Boyd, Lieutenant, captured, 365°; tor- |

tured, 365".

Boyd, General, on bravery and hu-
manity of Indians, 383".

Boyle, David, theory of origin of
name Iroquois, 166°.

Braddock, Iroquois at defeat of, 304°.

Bradstreet, battle at Oswego Falls,
308°.

Brainerd, Rev. David, mentioned,
347".

Brant, Joseph, education, 318°, 324°;
interpreter of Rev. Mr Stuart, 330°;
secretary to Guy Johnson, 350°; in
Paeland, 351', 372"; principal
Iroauois leader, 352°; not at Battle
of the Cedars, 352°; returns from
England, 352°; crosses the country,
353°; efforts to take him, 353°; per-
sonal appearance, 354°; at Una-
dilla, 354°; at Oswego, 355°, 368’;
attacks Cobleskill, 350°; depreda-
tions, near German Flats, 360°,
360°, 370°; plans, 362"; letter writ-
ten before battle of Newtown, 364°;
burns Harpersfield, 368*; attacks
Canajoharie, 360°; invades Scho-
harie valley, 360°; damage south of
the Mohawk, 370‘; in Canada, 371°;
visits western Indians, 372"; ad-
dress, to Congress, 373'; and the
Delawares, 373°; opposes Moravian
Indians, 373’; at Genesee country,
375‘; at Onondaga, 376‘; at council
at Onondaga village, 376°; deposed
and restored, 379°.

Brant, Molly, mentioned, 3527; takes

refuge at Onondaga, 357°-58'; let-
ter, 361°.

Brant- sero, theory of origin of word
Troquois, 166°.

Brébeuf, Father Jean de, on Iroquois

language, 136°; visits Hurons, 177%,

177°; estimate of Hurons, 180’;
visits Neutrals, 181°; tortured,
195°.

431

Brébeuf’s. New Testament, recovery
of, 202°,

_ Bressani, Father, captured, 186°, 187’;

ransomed by Dutch, 186°; tortured,
187°,
British, see English.
Brodhead, Colonel, expedition, 367*.
Brothertown Indians, 384*; number,

384°.
Brower, Jacob, killed at Oswego
Falls, 274’.

Brown, Colonel, killed, 360°.

Brulé, Etienne, journey with Cham-
plain, 169°; sent to Andastes, 170';
adventures, 171’.

Bruyas, Jacques, cited, 128°; on name
of Mohawks, 159°; on name of
Iroquois league, 165*; at Oneida,
216-2 at. ~Qnondaga, | 252°-57';
Iroquois ask for return of, 254';
on rewards, 380°.

Buffalo, councils at, 375°, 379°, 382°;
defense of, 383°.

Buffalo Creek, village at, 374°.

Bull, Captain, prisoner, 325°.

Bunt, The, account of French forts,
206°; reception to Kirkland,
326°-27'; at Iroquois council, 343°;
retires from office, 344°.

Burial, 141°.

Burnet, Governor, plan to preserve
Indian trade, 266°; council with
Iroquois, 2687, 270°, 271°; builds
fort at Oswego, 272”.

Buteux, Father Jacques, killed, 108’.

Butler, Richard, mentioned, 372°.

Butler, Walter, fights against French,
288"; depredations, 359°, 361°; de-
feated and killed, 370°.

Butler, Col. William,
Kio) a

Butler, Lieut. Col. William, towns de-
stroyed by, 366%.

Butternuts burned, 361°.

Cachointioni, Onondaga chief, 290°.

Cadaraqui, founded, 221°.

Cahaniaga, 224°.

Calliéres, M. de, invades Onondaga,

247%.

expedition,

432 NEW

Calumet, 246°, 262°, 260°, 280°, 312".

Cammerhoff, Frederick, cited, 128°;
at Onondaga council, 144°; at
Onondaga, 294°; death, 295”.

Campbell, Mrs, adopted by Senecas,
301°.

Campbell, William W., cited, 128%.

Canada, Iroquois traces in, 133*, 140°;
xodus of Mohawks from, 152‘;
temporary subjection to English,
175"* ravages in, in 7061, 211-12 --
missions in, 220°, 224°, 267°; pro-
posed plan to destroy Iroquois,
234°; failure of English expedi-
tion against, 237°; expedition
against, 239°; overrun by Iroquois,
240'; Onondaga peace embassy,
249°; beaver land trust deed in,

256°; Iroquois embassy to, 268°;
land troubles, 370°. See also
French.

Canadian Indians, war with, 178°;
successful in canoe fights, 180°; de-
feat on the Ottawa, 2II’; go to

war, 262*; desert French, 316°.
See also French Iroquois.

Canadian Praying Indians, 243°, 253°.
See also Caughnawagas.

Canagora, 224°, 224°.

Canajoharie, fortified, 288*; attacked
by Brant; 360°; council sak 3157

Canajorha, 224°,

Canandaigua, partly burned, 365°.

Canaseraga, 207%.

Canassatego, tale of man’s creation,
132°; speaks for Moravians in coun-
cil, 144*; on Susquehanna lands,
277°; speaker at Philadelphia, 281°;
on value of lands, 281'; prominent
in councils, 282°; described, 283°;
death, 294°, 295°.

Caniahaga, Far Indians settle at,
205°.
Canienga, 150%.
- Canisteo, burned, 326%.
Cannehoot, 237°.
Cannibalism, of western Indians,

233°; of Mohawks, 159°, 241”.
Canoenada, 224°.

YORK STATE MUSEUM

Canoes, of elm bark, 140"; as ladders,
203'; for English, 260°; and canoe
fights, 180°.

_ Canonicus, killed, 223°.

Canoomakers, 171’.
Capitanasses, I71°.

| Captives, adopted, 142°; treatment of,

178°, 213°, 232°, 230°, 246°, 247 nee
261°; returned, 254°, 255°, 318°, 326°;
exchange of, 292’.

Carantouanis, 163’.

Carheil, Father Etienne, resumed
work among Cayugas, 219°; in
charge of Cayuga mission, 221*;
driven from Cayuga, 228”.

Carleton, conduct, 357°.

Carolina Indians, 263’.

Carrington, Henry B., cited, 128°;
report on Iroquois, 385', 387°-91’.
Cartier, Jacques, finds Iroquois in
Canada, 149°.
Carundowana, killed, 275". 3

Castesh, Seneca chief, 331°.

Catawbas, termed Flatheads, 139°;
‘branches, 139‘; war with Iroquois,
265°, 284°; part adopted, 265*; killed
by Iroquois, 277°; attacked by
Iroquois, 278*; peace with Iroquois,
280°, 280°, 295°; war with Senecas,
281", 293°; projected treaty, 284°;
character, 284°-85'; fight against
Senecas and Cayugas, 312”.

Catharine’s Town destroyed, 365°.

Cattaraugus reservation, 386°; num-
ber of Indians on, 385%.

Caughnawaga, 225".

Caughnawagas, carried off, 239°;
treaty with Iroquois, 280°; sent to
Iroquois, 298"; French trade, 303°;
would desert French, 316°; num-
ber, 324°; in Canada, 351°. See also
Canadian Praying Indians. .

Cayonhage, fort at, 234°.

Cayuga Castle destroyed, 366°.

Cayugas, origin, 133°, 134°, “—aemm
clans, 144°; manner of advent, 147°;
sachems, 154°, 158‘; early name,
162°, 179°; territory, 162°; meaning
of name, 162‘; council name, 162°;
symbols, 162’, 164°, 339'; younger

«

vem tath ceeded

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

brother, 164°; mission among, 208°;
peace proposals, 212*; villages
north of Lake Ontario, 219°; num-
bers, 210°, 224", 277°, 291°, 324°, 384°,
385°; towns, 224°; Susquehanna
lands, 229°, 267°, 272*; proposals to
Governor Howard of Virginia and
Governor Dongan, 231°; war with

Miamis, 245°; send messenger to |

French, 251°; losses, 252°; re-
turned prisoners, 255°; council
at Pennsylvania, 260°; offer to sell
lands, 272*; order Shawnees to re-
turn east, 274°; chief killed at
Oswego Falls, 275*; refuse to aid
English, 290°; neutral, 293°, 310°;
at Oswegatchie, 300°; at Quebec,
302*; at Niagara, 309°; come to
Montreal, 309°; come to Fort
Johnson, 311°; conference with
Cherokee chiefs, 311°; fight against
Catawbas and English, 312°; coun-
cil at Easton, 318°; councils with
Johnson, 335°, 349°; towns burned,
365°; number employed by English,
371; reservation acknowledged,
378°; land sales, 379°.
Cedars, battle of, 352°.
Chamberlain, Theophilus, mentioned,
348'.
Champlain, Samuel de, cited, 128°,
133°, 151°, 167°, 180'; mentioned,
135°; finds only Algonquins on St
Lawrence in 1603, 150°; on re-
movals of Hurons and Senecas,
161°; on Entouhonorons, 162°; use
of name Iroquois, 165°; expedition
of 1609, 168°; first battle with Mo-
hawks, 168°-69?; battle of 1610,
169°; visits Hurons, 169‘; invasion
of 1615, 169°; route, 170°; siege,
170°; retreat, 170°-71'; among the
Hurons, 171°; plan to seize
_ Iroquois town, 175°; Champlain’s
map of 1632, explanation of, 394".
Chapel built, 204°.
Chapin, General, mentioned, 376°.
Chaplains for garrisons at Onon-
_ daga and Oneida, 305”.

433

| Charlevoix, P. F. X. de, cited, 128°;

on Iroquois Turtle clan, 146°; on
origin of Iroquois war, 150°; on
superiority of Iroquois in war,
151°; on symbols, 164°; on Iroquois
name, 165’; on complaints of
Montmagny, 183°; on Neutrals,
197°; story of Le Moyne, 202*; on
La Famine, 206°; on Jesuits’ house
on Onondaga lake, 207°; on pun-
ishment for murder of Frenchmen,
217°; on proposed intercourse with

Ottawas, 231°; on La Grande
Gueule, 234°; on Iroquois in
Canada, 240°; on character of
Frontenac, 248°; on failure of

Frontenac’s plans, 248’; on Mo-
hawks flattered by French and
English, 250°-51°; on Garakontie’,
Pas i

Charlevoix’s map of 1745, explana-
tion of, 404°.

Chasy, Sieur de, killed, 217°.

Chaumonot, Father Joseph, visits
Neutrals, 181°; journey to Onon-
daga, 204°; winter at Onondaga,
205°; visits Senecas and Oneidas,
208".

Chauvignerie, at Onondaga, 262°,
288’; goes to Senecas, 267°; at
Onondaga and Oswego, 273°; re-
port on New York and Canadian
Iroquois, 276°; forms a_ band
against English, 300°.

Cheahogah, 340°.

Chemung, towns burned on, 326°.

Chemung burned, 364’.

Chenango, Indians from, 340°.

Cherokees, 136°, 139°; other names,
139°; peace with Iroquois, 280’,
280°, 312°, 332°; peace deputies,
277°, 336°; war with French In-
dians, 278°; kill Iroquois, 297°; war
parties against, 297°; joined the
English, 309°; chiefs, council with
Johnson, 311°; at Johnson Hall,

357".
Cherry valley; Campbell house forti-
fied at, 353‘; destroyed, 361°;

depredations at, 370°.

434 NEW

Chew, Joseph, on missionary work,
336°; Indian name, 344’.

Chickasaws, covenant with Iroquois,
280".

Chickataubutt, killed, 219°.

Chictaghicks, 138°.

Chiefs, see Sachems.

Chippewa, battle of, 383°.

Chippewas, other names, 138°. See
also Far Indians.
Choctaws, termed Flatheads, 130°;

covenant with Iroquois, 280°.

Choharo, burned, 366°.

Chonodote, destroyed, 366°.

Christians, Henry, commandant of
fort at Albany, 1757.

Churches, 391°.

Citizenship, 388°, 391°.

Claese, Lawrence, mentioned, 266%.

Clans, Iroquois, 134°, 144°-47'.

Clark; J. V. HH; cited, 128°; on origin
of Oneidas, 134*; on Onondaga
clans, 145°; on date of Iroquois
league, 149°; Hiawatha legend,
155°; on La Fort being chosen
leader, 383’.

Clark, John S., cited, 128°, 219".

Clarke, Lieutenant Governor, con-
ference at Albany, 277°; prevents
establishment of French post, 278;
council with Iroquois, 278", 280%.

Claus, Colonel, appointed commander
of Indians in Canada, 355°; opinion
of St Leger, 357%.

Clause, Daniel, translates Johnson’s
speech, 303°.

Clausen, sent to Onondaga, 263°.

Clear Sky, mentioned, 376".

Clinton, Governor, councils, 284°,
288*, 280°; asks Indians to fight,
285’.

Clinton, General, route of, 363°-64°.

Cobleskill, attack on, 359°, 370°.

Colden, Cadwallader, cited, 128", 138°;
on eloquence of Iroquois, 143°; on
origin of Iroquois war, 150°; on
success of Iroquois in war, 150°;

on fear of Mohawks, 180°; on
slaves, 201‘; on treaty between
Iroquois and English, 216’; on

punishment for murder of French-

YORK STATE MUSEUM

men, 218°; on Dekanissora, 225°,
243°; on De la Barre’s expedition,
229°; on collection of tribute, 231°;
on council at Onondaga, 236°; on
settlement at Schaghticoke, 237';
on Mohawks attacked by French,
241°; on cannibalism of Mohawks,
241°; on presents to Indians, 242°;
on council at Albany, 243°; on
death of Black Kettle, 250°; papers
helped founding of Oswego, 270°;
account of Sir William Johnson,
286°; on disputes between Mohawks
and the other Five Nations, 286°-
87°; at Iroquois council, 287°; on
war dance of Iroquois, 287°; plans,
324°-25..
Colonial unity, need of, 243°.

Colonies, Iroquois names, 269”.

Comet, terrors of, 212°.

Communion sets for Indians, 262’.

Conestoga, council, 260°; lands sur-
rendered, 268’.

Conestogas, at war with Tuscaroras,
262°; sell land, 267°; old names,
269'; controlled by Iroquois, 269°;
killed, 325°.

Conesus, burned, 365°.

Congress, wishes Indian aid, 352’-
53'; address sent to, 373°.

Congress of seven colonies in Al-
bany, 300°.

Connaughtoora, council at Williams- —

burg, 265°.

Connecticut, represented at council at —
Albany, 243°; Iroquois deputies to, —

320°; land sale, 302°; land deedim

302".
Conover, George S., cited, 128’; on —

derivation of name Seneca, 163°.
Conoys, 130°. ‘
Coreorgonel, 366°.
Corlaer, see Van Curler.
Cornplanter, speech, 367°-68'; joins

teh ang

Sir John Johnson in Schoharie —

valley, 369°; brought about, treaty
of 1784, 372°; in Philadelphia, 3735

attends council at Auglaize, 3755

sells land, 3777; thought war
certain, 377%. f
.

q
ad
ao

a
r.

;

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

Cornplanter reservation, 386’.

Cornplanter Senecas, in Pennsyl-
vania, number, 384’.

Coronelli’s map of 1688, 181°; ex-
planation of, 400.

Cosby, Governor, conference with Six
Nations, 275°.

Council, see Grand Council.

Council fire removed, 303’.

Council name of each nation, 159°;
of Oneidas, 161°; of Onondagas,
161'; of Cayugas, 162°; of Senecas,
163°; of Tuscaroras, 164°.

Councils with Iroquois, see Iroquois,
councils with.

Courcelle, Governor de, goes against
Mohawks, 217°; expedition to Fort
St Anne, 218*; godfather to Gara-
kontie’, 221°; action on murder of
Indians in 1670, 221°; ascends the
river to Lake Ontario, 221°; forbids
war between Senecas and Ottawas,
227°.

Coursey, Colonel, ambassador from
Maryland to Indians, 224°.

Couture, William, killed an Indian
chief, 184°; mentioned, 188”.

Coyne, James H., cited, 128°.

Creative myths, 132°.
Creeks, covenant with Iroquois, 280°.

Cresap, Colonel, murder of Logan’s

family, 342°.

Creuxius’ss chart of the Huron
country, with the same map, ex-
planation of, 398°-990".

Creuxius’s map of 1660, explanation

of, 308".

| Crimes, few, 387°.

Croghan, George, council at Logs-
~ town, 296°; on western Indians,
300°; goes to Pennsylvania, 312°;
meets Pontiac, 327°.

Crosby, Aaron, mentioned, 348’.
Crown Point, English fort planned

at, 260*; Fort St Frederick at, 274°;
fight near, 288’.

urrietown, depredations at, 370°.
usick, Albert, on council name of

_ Mohawks, 160°; on meaning of
a

name Cayugas, 162°.

S

435

| Cusick, David, cited, 128°; creative

myth, 132°; story of national
origin, 132°-33°; on story-telling,
142°; on tribes, 146°; chronology,
147°; says nothing of Hiawatha,
156°; on first ruler, 1577; enu-
merated 13 successive Atotarhos,
157*; on council name of the Mo-
hawks, 159°; on meaning of name
Cayugas, 162*; on council name of
Senecas, 163°; on name of Iro-
quois, 165°; on Erie origin, 182’;
on primitive name of Lake Erie,
182*,

Cusick, Rev. James, founded a tem-
perance society, 381’.

Customs, changing, 338*.

_Dablon, Father Claude, journey to

Onondaga, 204°; on building of
chapel, 204‘; winter at Onondaga,
205°; return to Montreal, 205".

Daillon, De la Roche, visits Neutrals,
197 177

Dakayenensese,
347°.

Dalton, Captain, mentioned, 371’.

Dances, I41”.

Daniel, Antoine,
177°; killed, 194°.

Davost, visit to Hurons, 177’.

Dawson, Sir J. W., cited, 128”.

Dayagoughderesesh, 340°.

Dean, James, cited, 128’;
origin, 132°; letter, 360°.

Dearborn, Lieut. Col. Henry, houses
destroyed by, 366".

De Celoron, goes to Ohio, 292°.

Dehoriskanadia, 366°.

Dekanawidah, 156’.

Dekanissora, eloquence, 143°, 225°;
described, 225*; speaker, 225*, 243°,
261°; intends to fight the Illinois,
227'; at Quebec, 243°; at council at
Albany, 243°; proposes exchange of
prisoners, 251°; goes to Kaneenda,
255‘; allows captives to return,
255°; on Indian method of fighting,
262°; singing war song, 263°; re-
turns to Onondaga, 263°; returns
English hatchet, 264’.

Isaac, mentioned,

visit to Hurons,

story of

>

430 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

De la Barre, at La Famine, 228°;
displaced, 230°.

De la Chauvignerie, at Onondaga,
260°.

De Laet, tales of fort at Albany, 175°.

Delancey, Gov. James, succeeds Os-
borne, 298°; says commander of
fort at Onondaga might be made a
sachem, 301°.

De la Potherie, Bacqueville, cited,
120, 150",

Delaware, lands on sold, 276°.

Delaware country raided, 359°.

Delaware name of Senecas, 163°.

Delawares, tradition of national
origin, 132°; early homes, 138°;
character, 244°; conference in
Philadelphia, 244°; tributary to
Iroquois, 259°, 262°; controlled by
Iroquois, 269*, 273°; called women,
272°, 300’; lands purchased from,
276°; reproved by Iroquois for sell-
ing lands, 281°-82*; hostile to Iro-
quois, 304°; deserters among, 306’;
side with French, 306*; war with
Pennsylvania, 306°; reproved, 306’;
at Onondaga lake council, 307°;
treaty with Iroquois, 308°; con-
ference with Johnson, 308%, 327°;
declared men, 308*, 380°; in Ohio
trouble with French, 312°; council
at Easton, 314°; Iroquois go
against, ~ 325"; prisoners, 325°5
towns in New York destroyed,
326°; fly to Shawnees, 326°; Brant
opposes, 373°.

Dellius, Dominie, on name of Iro-
quois, 165°; sent to Canada, 250°;
grant vacated, 252°; among the
Mohawks, 346°.

De Longueuil, proposals to Onon-
dagas and Oneidas, 260°; at Onon-
daga, 261', 264°; leaves Onondaga,
261°; adopted by Onondagas, 267’;
succeeds De la Jonquiére, 297’.

De Nonville, on French colony at
Onondaga lake, 207°, 208°; displaces
De la Barre, 230°; letters to Don-
gan, 232°; treachery, 232°; sends

prisoners to France, 232’; invasion,
232°; lands at Irondequoit bay,
233°; takes possession of Seneca
villages, 233°.

De Peyster, J. Watts, cited, 129%.
Deserters, 258°; from Oswego, 305°.
De Tonty, wounded, 226°; retained

Indian presents, 258".

Detroit, investment of, 320°-21".
Detroit river, council held on, 373’.
De Vaudreuil, destroys Oneida, 248°.
De Vries, David Petersen, cited, 129°.
Diaquanda, 336°.

Dieskau, Baron, captured, 303°.
Diplomacy, 143°.

Dish, game of, 141°.

Dissatisfaction among Indians, 330°.
Dollier with La Salle, 220°.
Donehogawa mentioned, 390°.
Dongan, Governor, mentioned, 229°;

action on Susquehanna lands, 220°;
on importance of Iroquois, 231%;
letters to De Nonville, 232°; on
liquors among Indians, 232°; pay-
ment for land grant, 276°.

Douw, -Volkert, chosen firekeeper,

¢

351.

Dowaganhaes, other names, 138°; kill

Senecas, 252°; covenant with
English, 260°. See also Ottawas.

Dress, 140°.
Dugouts, 140°.
Dunlap, William, cited, 129°; Hi-

awatha legend, 155°. ;

Du Quesne, on Abbé Picquet, 292°;

council with Iroquois, 302°.

Dutch, trade with Iroquois, 17 177;

maps of 1614 and 1616, 171°; cap-
tives released, 172°; treaty at
Tawasentha, 172°; attack Mohawks,
174°; defeated by Mohawks, 174°}
massacre of Indians by, 185°; treaty
with Mohawks and Algonquins,
189°; give presents to Mohawks, -
198‘; Indian troubles, 205'; Mo- |
hawk alliance, 2057, 210°, 222%!
treatment of Indians, 236°; rela- |
tions to Iroquois, 250°.

Dutch Bastard, party led by, 196

217", ’ 7

.
!
:

Earthenware, 140°.

_ Earthquake, terrors of, 212°.

) East Cayuga destroyed, 366°.

Eastern Indians, 138°.

Easton councils, 309°, 312", 314*, 318°

Eau, Chevalier d’, seized, 238°; escape,
238%.

— of Indians, 318*, 319°, 323°,
326’, 347°-48, 380°; disappointing
results, 348°.

Eighteen Mile creek, Indian name,
181°; boundary between Eries and
Neutrals, 182°.

Elkins, James, trader, 175°.

Elmira, council at, 374°.

Eloquence of Iroquois, 143’.

England, Indians taken to, 260°.

English, take Canada, 175°; aid Min-

quas, 214°; treaties with Iroquois,

216°, 240°, 250°; desirous of alliance
with Ottawas, 230°; treatment of

Indians, 236°; attempt on Canada in

1690, 237°; agents at Onondaga,

238", 251°, 263°; missions proposed,

238°; missionaries to Iroquois

necessary, 257°; expedition against

French, 239; build Onondaga fort,

_ 242°; protection for Iroquois, 250°;

relations to Iroquois, 250°; Iroquois

_ canoes for, 260°; council with Iro-

quois, 260°, 270°; embassy to

Senecas, 266°; post at ne

= 268*; at Bewers Falls, 271°; oppose

French trading house, 273°-74';

protection extended, 278°; ani-

_ mosity toward, 285°; give scalp

- bounty, 285°; invade Montreal,

_ 289°; traders, 293°; to live among

- Troquois, 301°; fight against Senecas

_ and Cayugas, 312°; occupy Illinois,

_ 327°; Indians employed by, 371°;

care of Indians near Buffalo, 374';

difficulties settled, 378'; Iroquois

declare war against, 3837.

English forts, proposed, 234‘, 315°;

at Lake George and Crown Point,

_ 260°; five abandoned, 305°; Iro-

quois wish certain abandoned, 323".

‘nglish language spoken by Iroquois,

388".

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

437

English scalp in cabin of Cayugas,
STO”
Ennikaragi, 138".

Entouhonorons, 135°, 159", 162”.

Eriehronon, 193’.

Eries, territory, 131°, 136°; name and
territory 182°; origin, 182°; and
Neutrals, boundary between, 182°;
account of, 193°; war, 202°, 203';

exact location, 202°; chief town,

204’.
Esopus, new hostilities at, 215°.
Esopus Indians, treaty, 211°.

Esther, Queen, 350°, 360°, 375°.

Estiaghicks, 138’.

Etiquette, 142°.

European ornaments, 152°.

European trade, early, 153°.

Evans, Lewis, geographer, 282°.

Explanation of maps, 393-428.

Eyendeegen, present at council with
Munseys, 314".

Famine among Senecas, 281°.

Far Indians, other names, 138°; at
Albany, 258’, 269°; invited to trade,
268°; treachery, 275‘; castles, 295°.
See also Mississagas; Ojibwas.

Farmer’s Brother, mentioned, 370°;
eloquence, 143°; description, 382°.

Feasting on enemies’ flesh, 308”.

Feasts, Iroquois, 141°.

Fire Nation, 139°.

Fire keepers chosen, 351°.

Flatheads, nations termed, 139°; at
war with Iroquois, 265°; war with
Senecas, 268", 281°; send wampum
to English, 288".

Fletcher, Governor, Indian name,
242°; calls council, 243°.
Food of aborigines, 139°; Mohawk

ideas of, 241°.

Forbes, Rev. Eli, mentioned, 348’.

Fort Brewerton built, 316°.

Fort Bull, destroyed, 305°.

Fort Duquesne, French commander’s
comments on Six Nations, 313°;
evacuated, 314°.

438

Fort Frontenac, founded, 221°;
abandoned, 227°; conference of De
la Barre with Hotreouate’, 228°; 60
men seized and imprisoned, 232°;

convoy of canoes surprised near, |
234"; invested by 900 Iroquois, 235°; |

decayed, 239°; restored, 243’, 246°;
provisioning of, 252°; Ottawas at,
258°; strengthened, 303°; taken,
314.

Fort Harmar, treaty of, 378°.

Fort Hunter flats conveyed to the |

king, 275°.

Fort Johnson, council at, 311°, 311°.

Fort Levis, opposes English, 317°.

Fort Orange, built, 174°; fur trade,
175°; conference at, 205°.

Fort Richelieu, burned, Ir91’.

Fort St Frederick at Crown Point,
274°.

Fort Saratoga, destroyed, 286’.

Fort Stanwix, boundary conference
at, ~333"> conference ‘at,’ 350; ine
vested) 955°: treaty “of, 371".

Fort Sullivan, 366°.

Fort Vercheres, attacked, 240°.

Fort William Henry surrendered, 312’.

Forts; : 139°, -304°, *305 >. builteby De

Tracy, 216; English: Vy 234-3 72007

305°, 315°, 323°; contracts for build- |
by |

ing, 262’; French, forbidden
Iroquois, 295°; French, Indians fear
building of, 320°;

Webb, 309°. See also under names |
of places.
Fowler, David, sent to teach

Oneida, 326°.

Fox Indians, territory, 139°; propose |
joining Iroquois, 245°; wish to live |

with Senecas, 274°; at war with
Iroquois, 274’.

Franklin, Governor,
334.

Frederick, Charles, goes to Onondaga,
290”.

Freeman, Rey. Bernardus, work of,
346°.

Fremin, Father Jacques, goes to the
Mohawks, 218°-19'; goes to Onon-
daga, 220'; retired, 228’.

Indian name,

NEW YORK STATE

destroyed by |

at |

MUSEUM

French, power developing in Canada,
176°; Iroquois retaliate on, 1785
attacked by Mohawks, 182’, 1096’;
attacked by Iroquois, 185°, 2117,
214°; war with Iroquois, 191°, 210°,
235°, 245, 283, 287°; ask Masgum
chusetts for help, 192°; asks alli-
ance of Boston against Iroquois, :
198’; grant of Onondaga lands,:
206'; deaths, 208°; plots against,|
209'; prisoners restored to, 212‘;
treaty with Iroquois, 2177, 2ime
254°; hunters killed by Mohawks,
217°; claims to Iroquois lands, 218",
278'; claims to Ohio lands, 297%)
297°; arbitration rejected, 221°; in-;
vasion of Iroquois country under
De la Barre, 227°; desertions of sol-|
diers, 230°; under De Nonville, at-'
tack on Senecas, 2337; plan for
destroying Iroquois, 234°; alliance,
refused, 237°; expedition against,
230°; weakness of, 239°; attamm
Iroquois at Toniata, 240°; attack
Mohawks, 241°; scalp bounty with+
drawn, 245°; number invading)
Onondaga, 247'; defeat Iroquois,
248°; killed by western Indians)
249'; relations to Iroquois, 250°»
agents at Onondaga, 251°, 252°-53°
260", 261'; prisoners brought back
by Iroquois deputies, 254°; post a’
Irondequoit, 265'; at Oswego Falls.
267°; among Iroquois, 270°; em
croachments on Iroquois, 271°; pro’
pose to destroy fort at Oswego
272°; voyageurs avoid Oswega
273'; post at bay of Cayugas, 273°.
establishment of post prevented
278°; Onondaga embassy to, 278"!
council with Iroquois, 286%
Iroquois divided on war with, 286%
Walter Butler fights against, 288"
advance from Crown Point to Lak
George, 288°; not allowed to liv)
in Iroquois country, 290'; on thi
Ohio, 292°; activity, 293°;
in Onondaga, 294°, 297°; Tanacha
risson sends warnings to, 2997
occupy Ticonderoga, 304°; destro:

Fort Bull, 305°; deserted by Cana-
dian Indians, 316°; plans, 307’;
make Indians hostile, 320°. See
also Canada.

French belt, 344°.

French colony, at Onondaga _ lake,
204‘; embarks from Quebec, 205°;
assailed by Mohawks, 205°; hunger
at La Famine, 206°; relief at
Oswego Falls, 206‘; reception at
Onondaga lake, 206°; preparations

_ struction, 209°; arrival at Montreal,
8

- 200%.
French flag, 280”.

French fort attacked by Iroquois,
184°; at Onondaga, attempt to
build, 261°; at Niagara, 265°; for-
bidden by Iroquois, 295°; Indians
fear building of, 320”.

French Indians, attack Iroquois, 246°;
war with Cherokees, 278°; inva-
sions near Albany, 286°. See also
Canadian Indians.

French Iroquois, surrender prisoners,

fight against English, 288°; refused
to attack English at battle of Lake
George, 304°; with Montcalm, 312';
“number, 384°. See also Canadian
_ Indians.
French settlement proposed by Mo-
_ hawks, 182°; place for, 202°.

french trade, controlled by Hurons,
181‘; plan to preserve, 266°; at
Niagara and Frontenac, 276°; at
Albany, 303’.
Frey, Barent, 359°.

Hurons and others, 227°;
replaced by Governor de la Barre,

ack Albany, 239°; council with

| 234°; losses, 240°; embassy to, 251°; |

trey, Henry, comes to Onondaga, |

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

|
|

a

for flight, 200°; escape from de- |

Ottawas, 246'; his force, 247'; in-

439

vades Onondaga, 247°; route, 247°;
rushes showing force arrayed -
against, 247*; camp, 247°; charac-
ter, 248’; troubles with Onondagas,
249°, 250°; death, 251°; fur trade,
276°.

Frontier posts, retained by British,
372".

Frontier troubles, 341”.

Par trade;..5i02,,' 258.5.°. at
Orange, 175°; Niagara
Frontenac, 276°.

Fort

at and

Gachoos, 171°,

Gachradodon, speech, 283’.

Gage, Gen. Thomas, opinion of Pon-
flag 325.

Gaghsegwarohare, 365°.

Gahronho, 215°.

Gajukas, 162°.

Gallatin, Albert, cited, 129°; on
Seneca word for south, 181°; dis-
agrees with Heckewelder, 244°.

Gallinée with La Salle, 220°.

Games, I41°.

Ganatisgoa, 297%.

Ganawese, tribute to Onondagas, 259°.

Gandaouague’, attack on, 219°; pali-
saded castle, 219°.

Gandiaktena, Catharine, 220°.

Ganeodiyo, mission of, 380°.

Gannagaro, 233°.

Gannondata, 233°.

Gannongarae, 233°.

Gansevoort, Colonel,
Stanwix, 367%.

Ganuskago, Senecas from, 305%.

Ganyadariyo, 156’.

Garakontie’, 200’, 204°; frees French
prisoner, 200°; favors French, 209°;
French cared for by, 210°; kind-
ness to captives, 213°; rank and
name, 213‘; prepares another peace
embassy, 216°; baptized and con-
firmed, 221'; speaks before Count
Frontenac, 221°; character, 222°;
death, 222°.

Garakontie’ 2, speaks at Onondaga,
228'; saves life of Jean de Lam-
berville, 232°; death, 257”.

sent to Fort

440

Garangula, see Hotreouate’.

Garioye’, son of sent to Montreal,
243°.

Garistarsia, killed, 215°.

Garnier, Father Charles, killed, 196*.

Garnier, Father Julien, goes to
Onondaga, 219, 220°; retired, 228’;
sent to Onondagas and Senecas,
255":

Garnier’s book of devotions, recov-
ery of, 202°.

Garonhiague’,
killed, 232°.

Garreau, Father, killed, 208°.

Gaskonchiague’, fort proposed at, 258°.

Geghtigeghroones, 138°.

Geneseo, destroyed, 365°.

Geneseo Indians, at conference, 320°;
hostile, 321°.

Genherontatie’, 235°.

Gentaieton, chief Erie town, 2047.

George, (Seneca), speaker at Easton,
318°; speech, 335”, 336°.

George, King, asks Iroquois aid, 349°.

German Flats, council at, 321°, 320°,
336", 350°; destroyed; 313°, 43617;
attacked, 368*.

Gestures, 144.

Gibson, General, quoted, 377°.

Ginseng, 297°, 328°.

Glen, Governor,
Senecas, 293°. _

Glen, Johannes, jr, to reside at Onon-
daga, 251°.

Gooneaseahne, 165°.

Gothsinquean, burned, 365°.

Goupil, René, killed by Mohawks,
184°.

Government, present, 390%.

Goyogoh, 162‘.

Goyoguins, 162°; symbols, 164%.

Grain pits, 141°.

Grand Council, representation
146°; vote by nations, 154°-55'.

Granger, Erastus, council at Buffalo,
382°.

Grangula, see Hotreouate’.

Great Tree, friendly, 360°; in Phila-
delphia, 373°; speech, 373°-74";
death, 374’.

Oneida chief, 2257;

complains of

in,

NEW YORK STATE

| Harris, John, on death of Tana-

| Hawley, Gideon, mentioned, 347°.

_ Heckewelder, J. G. E., cited, 129°},

|

MUSEUM

Greenhalgh, Wentworth, journey of,
224.

Grenadier island, 317°.

Griffon, launched by La Salle, 225".

Grinding meal, 141°.

Guastarax, Seneca chief, 331°; death,
337°; bad belts sent by, 341”.
Guns, use ‘of, 151; Dougie
Iroquois, 177°.
Gweugweh, 162°.

by

Haaskouan, 234°, 235°.

Haldimand, General, and Iroquois, |

363°.

Hale, Horatio, cited, - 120°; Samm
Iroquois language, 136’; Om
Iroquois clans, 145, 147°; chro-

nology, 147°; on date of Iroquois -

league, 149°, 154°; Hiawatha
legend, 156°; on derivation of |
name Seneca, 163°; on Mohawk.

name of Iroquois, 165*; theory of
origin of word Iroquois, 166’;
says Iroquois never burnt women, }
185%.

Half King, see Tanacharisson.

Half Town in Philadelphia, 373°.

Halsey, Francis W., cited, 129°, 354°.

Hamilton, Governor, on Iroquois on
branches of the Mississippi, 293°.

Hancock, John, Indian name, 352°.

Handsome Lake, mission of, 380°.

Hanjost, death, 365’, 366°.

Hansen, Hendrick, ambassador to’
French, 251°; sent to Onondaga, |
263°.

Haratsion, killed, 234°.

Harmar, General, defeat, 373°.

Harper, Col. John, mentioned, 353°:

Harpersfield, full of refugees, 358°5!
burned, 368%.

charisson, 301°.
Hartley, Col. Thomas,
360°.

operations,

Hazard, Samuel, cited, 129°.

chronology, 148°; on Delaware:
name of Senecas, 163°; on peace-'

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 44I

makers among the Indians, 244°;

on character of the Delawares,
4

244*.

Hendrick, King, restored to office,
266'; speech, 285°; invades Mon-
treal, 289°; complains of land
frauds, 300°; at Philadelphia, 302°;
killed, 302°, 303°; no power to give
or sell land, 320".

_ Hennepin, Father Louis, cited, 120‘;

among the Iroquois, 222°; dic-

tionary, 223°; visits Father Bruyas,

a 233°.

Herkimer, Gen. Nicholas, interviews

Brant, 354°; advance of, 356°.

_Heu, Father d’, sent to Onondagas

and Senecas, 255°; on Onondagas

in Virginia, 258°; with Senecas,
250°.

Hewitt, J. N. B., theory of origin of
name Iroquois, 166°.

Hiawatha, suggested formation of
league, 154°; adopted by Mohawks,
154°; legends, 155°-56°; white

canoe, 166°.

“Hoshowa, 330%.

'

‘4

Hoahoaqua, mentioned, 383°.
Hochelaga, Cartier’s visit to, 149°;
Montreal built on site of, 1837.

-Hodenosaunee, 165%.
_Honayewus, description of, 382°.
Honeoye destroyed, 365°. :
- Honontonchionni, 165°.
Belorscheads, 366".
_Hotinnonchiendi, 165°.
-Hotinnonsionni, 165°.
‘Hotreouate’, leads war party, 214°;
favors French, 228*; conference
» with De la Barre, 228°; speech,
_ 228°-290°; name confused, 234';
visits Montreal, 234°; speeches,
_ 2347-357; acts and disappearance,
WP 235°.
Household arts, 140%.
‘Household utensils, 141°.
Touses, 139°, 142”.
toward, Governor, Indian name,
§231°.
Hubley, Lieut. Col, Adam, cited, 366”.

.

SN RATS

Hudson, Henry, mentioned, 135°; met
no Iroquois, 168*.

Hudson, John, present at council
with Munseys, 313°-14’.

Hunter, Governor, stops war be-
tween Iroquois and _ Flatheads,
260°; reports Iroquois quiet, 263°.

Hunter, A. F., cited, 129°; researches,
176".

Hunter, Robert, Oneida chief, 272°.

Huron-Iroquois, see Iroquois.

Hurons, territory, 135°; Indian name,
137°; expulsion of Iroquois from
Canada. Ors2>.- whistorte: sedates,
153’-54°; common names, 153°; re-
movals from exposed to secluded
situations, 161°; good Iroquois,
168°; visited by Champlain, 169’;
join Champlain in attack on
Iroquois, 169°; withdraw frontier
towns, 176°; visit of missionaries
to, 176°; defeated by Senecas, 178°;
torture. an Iroquois, 178°; friends
of sedentary nations, 179°; Iro-
quois prisoners, 179°; population,
180’; captured by Iroquois, 181°;
desire peace, I81°; war against
Senecas, 181°; defeat Oneidas,
181*; control French trade, 181°;
attacked by Iroquois, 182°; attack
Algonquins, 183°; defeated on the
Ottawa, 184’; attack Iroquois, 184°;
victorious in canoe fights, 184°;
captured by Iroquois, 185°; mis-
fortunes, 186°; peace concluded
with Iroquois, 188°; upper Iroquois
continue war against, 1897; women
carried off, 189°; defeated, 180°;
sentinel killed on watchtower,
189°; reprisals, 189°; encounter
with Oneidas, toi"; defeat
Iroquois, 191°; attack Onondagas,
192°; send deputies to Andastes for
aid, 192°; ambassadors sent to
Onondagas, 193’; embassy attacked
by Mohawks, 193°; attacked by
Senecas, 193°; towns abandoned,
193’; Andastes could not help,
194°; town of St Joseph destroyed,
194*; attacked at St Ignace, 104°;

442

attacked at St Louis, 195°; aban-
don five towns, 195°; flight of, 195°;
betrayed to Mohawks, 196°;
treachery, 197°; near Quebec, 198°;
war against Mohawks, 198°; de-
feated, 198’; defeat Mohawks, 199°;
treaty with Mohawks, 200°; some
go-to. Onondaga,” 208" = “attack
Iroquois on the Ottawa, 211°; coun-
cil with Kiskakons, 227°; war with
Troquois, 235°; would not fight
Iroquois, 245°; seek peace, 245°;
propose joining Iroquois, 245°;
settlement near Albany, 249°; on
French treatment of Iroquois, 254';
Iroquois name, 256°; desire war,
261°; message to Iroquois on the
Ohio, 293°; peace with, 326°; ask
Iroquois to attend general council,

3

373 -

Illinois, occupied by English, 327’.

Illinois Indians, names and location,
138’; attacked by Senecas, 225°;
vanquished, 226°; renewed attacks,
226°, 226°-27*; Senecas’ warlike atti-
tude toward, 228°; abandoned to
their fate, 229°; attacked by Onon-
dagas, 230°; subdued, 234°; French
messengers to, 263°; attacked by
Iroquois, 265°.

Immorality, 390°.

Indian children, held as_ pledges,
203°. |
Indian Problem, 129°, 387%.

Inglis, Rev. Charles, memorial of,
330”.

Ingoldsby, Capt., reproves Indians,

240°; command of English forces,
240”.

Enterpreters, 388’.

Intoning, 144°, 204°.

Tottecas, 171°.

Irocoisia, 172°.

Irondequoit, French post at, 265';
English post at, 268°.

Trondequoit bay, De Nonville lands
at, (2337

Irondequoit land deed, 270°.

Iroquet, contest with Iroquois, 180°,

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

| Iroquois, territory, 131°, 135°; legends,

131°-35°; religious belief, 131",
220°; creative myths, 132’; story of
national origin and migration,
132"-35°; traces in Canada, 23g
how known to Champlain and the
Dutch, 135°; position of kindred
nations, 135’; language, 136°; man-
ner of advent in New York, 147°;
residence on St Lawrence, 149°,
152’; war, origin, 150°; in Vermont,
I5I°; proposed peace with Algon-
quins, 151°; date of beginning of
war, I51°; use of guns, 151°; expul-
sion from Canada, 152’, 153°; date
of coming into New York, 153°;
how divided by Dutch and Cham-
plain, 159°; two brotherhoods of
nations, 164°; an Algonquin word,
165°; origin of word, 165'-66'; early
defeats, 167°; not encountered by
Hudson, 168*; treaty with Dutch at
Tawasentha, 172°; length of war
with Algonquins, 174°; peace with
Algonquins, 174°; new war, 175';
trade with Dutch, 177°; buy guns
and wampum, 177°; foundation of
power, 178; tributary
178°; tortured, 178*; retaliate on
French, 178°; treatment of captives,
178’; names of, by Jesuits, 179°;
upper, names of, 179°; prisoners,
179°; excellent marksmen, 180°;
canoes and canoe fights, 180°; con-
test with Iroquet, 180°; capture

Hurons, 181°; attacks on French,

182°, 184°, 185°; attacks on Hurons,
182°, 186°; attacked by MHurons,
184°; now stronger than Hurons,
185°; capture Hurons, 185°; change
conduct of war, 186°; fear of, 186°,
197°; distribution of parties, 186°;
three taken prisoners by Hurons,
187°; prisoners sent home, 187°;
peace with Hurons, 188°; upper,
continue Huron war, 189°; de-
feated by Hurons, I91°; war par-
ties, 192*; attack on St Joseph,
194; attack on St Ignace, 194°}

9

nations,

attack on St Louis, 1957; attack

&
£

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

Petuns, 196°; attack Neutrals, 196°;
reverse through Huron treachery,
107" ;
198°; slaves, 201‘; war with Eries,
203'; jealousies, 205°; war with
Ottawas, 209’-10'; massacre of Al-
gonquins, 210°; visit remote
regions, 210°; Christian, removal to
Canada, 220°; numbers and _ vil-
Meet 2i0, 224°, 277, 324, 335,
342°, 360°, 384°, 385°; attacked by
Hurons on the Ottawa, 211’; rav-
ages in Canada in 1661, 211°-12';
peace proposals, 212°; attack Atti-
_kamegues, 214°; defeated by Min-
quas, 215’; first treaty with Eng-
lish, 216°; peace with French, 217’,
218°, 254*; towns depopulated, 220°;
council with Count Frontenac,
221°; difficulty with Maryland,
223°; gain warriors, 227°; treaty of
peace with Maryland, 227°; attack
‘on Ottawas, 227°; for galley slaves,
230°, 232"; desire alliance with
Ottawas, 230°; importance, 231%,
254°; received as_ subjects of
English king, 233°; subdue IIli-
nois, 234°; attack Miamis, 234°;
attack Mission of the Moun-
tain, 234°; French plan for de-
‘stroying, 234°; war of 1689, 235°;
losses, 239°; cast French war belt
on the ground, 239°; attacked by
French at Toniata, 240°; sarcasm,
24 1’; war with southern and west-
ern Indians, 245'; defeated on
_ Lake Champlain, 245°; war with
_ French, 245°, 287°; peace with five
Mackinaw nations, 246°; attacked
by French Indians, 246°; defeated
on Lake Erie, 248°; English and
| French relations to, 250; treaties
with English, 250°; embassy to
Canada, 254°; deputies bring back
French prisoners, 254°; treatment
dy French, 2HAe promise
leutrality, 255°; peace with
Ittawas, 257°; join English, 250°;
anoes for English, 260‘; employed
y New York, 260°; council with

‘i

ve

Qe *

proposed alliance against, |

443

English, 260°; war with Flatheads,
260°; reception at Albany, 261°;
wish war to continue, 2627; war
with Catawbas, 265°, 278°, 284"; at-
tack Illinois, 265°; at war with
Flatheads, 265°; join French In-
dians, 268°; embassy to Canada,
268°; trade with Far Indians, 268°;
treaty with Gov. Keith, 269'; at
Boston, 269"; council with Gover-
nor Burnet, 270°; war with Foxes,
274°; relations with Pennsylvania,
274°; alliance with Miamis, 275';
claim lands in Virginia and Mary-
land, 276’; trouble with southern
and western Indians, 277°; kill
Catawbas, 277°; conference with
Lieutenant Governor Clarke, 277°,
278, 280°; treaty with Caughna-
wagas, 280°; peace with Cherokees,
280°; peace with Catawbas, 2807,
295°; fight with Virginians, 2817;
conquests, 283°-847; power, 284°,
323°; embassy to Philadelphia,
285*; council with French, 286°;
divided on war with French, 286°;
party division among, 287*; council
of 1746, 288'; council at Quebec,
289°; warriors come to Philadel-
phia, 289°; conference with Gover-
nor Clinton, 289°; conference with
Johnson, 290°; council with Gover-
nor de la Galissoniére, 290°;
on branches of the Mississippi,
293"; emigrants, 293°, 300‘; on the
Ohio, 293°; blacksmiths among,
294’; claims to Ohio lands, 297’;
killed by Cherokees, 2977; loss at
Lake George, 304’; neutrality, 310°,
310°; hostile to Mississagas, 311‘;
side with English, 316'; take war
belt, 316°; land claims, 322°-23°;
join English against Pontiac, 324°;
go against Delawares, 325’; west-
ern alliances, 340°; friendship im-
portant, 341"; loyal to king, 349°;
visit French in Rhode Island, 369°;
number employed by English, 371°;
New York, desire to expel, 371°;
two confederacies, 379°; declare

444

war against English, 3837; reports
on, 384°, 385°, 387°-917; self-sus-

taining, 387"; crimes, 387°; speak |
See also |

English language, 388’.
French Iroquois.

Iroquois clans, 134°, 144°-47’.

Iroquois league, date of, 147°-48';
true date, 153°; successive mem-
bers, 148’; founders, 154°; site of
formative council, 161", 166°;
names of, 164°-65*; their own title,
165°; simple at first, 167°; inde-
pendent action of nations, 167°.

Jackson, T. W., report on Iroquois,
387°; on citizenship, 391%.

Jacobs, Captain, mentioned, 149’.

Jemison, Mary, prisoner, 319°; ac-
count of St Leger’s Oswego
council, 355°.

Jernaistes, 243°.

Jesuit chapel at Onondaga, 256°.

Jesuit Relations, cited, 120°,
1S) '.aics. £OGr 170 yeboo. llase:
193°, 104,207, /206,, 20. 20A4>.

Jesuits, visit Neutrals, 181°; flee with
Hurons, 195°; leave Iroquois, 259°.

Jogues, Isaac, taken by Mohawks,
183°; seen among Mohawks, 184°;
escapes, 184°; account of Mohawk

143°,
185°,

sacrifice, 185°; letter from, 186°;
ambassador to Mohawks, 190°;
meets Onondagas, 190; comes

back as a missionary, 190°; death,
190’.

Johnson, Edward, complaints, 319%.

Johnson, Col. Guy, conference at
Onondaga, 319°; map of 1771, 330°;
map of 1771, explanation of, 408°;
to be Sir William’s successor,
342°; council with Iroquois, 342°,
343", 345; Indian names, 343°; con-
ference with Cayugas, 349°; goes to
Canada, 349°; explanations, 358°;
leaves for Oswego, 368°; says
Oneidas are ready to fight Ameri-
cans, 368°; Indians employed by,
369°,

| Johnson,

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

_ Johnson, Sir John, flees, 352°; leaves

for Oswego, 368’; raids, 368°; in-—
vades Schoharie valley, 369°; de-—

feated, 360°.

Peter, chief of western
Indians, 352”. .

Johnson, Rutger, to furnish arms and
ammunition, 202°.

Johnson, Sir William, Colden’s ac-_

count of, 286°; influence among
Iroquois, 286°; at Onondaga, 290°,
207°, 208°, 305°, 330°, 335°; says
liquor must not be given Indians, |
294°; offers resignation, 296'; buys
Onondaga lake and shores, 206*;.

says English should live among:
superintendent of |

Iroquois, 301°;
Iroquois, 303’; speech to Indians, ,

303°; raised sachems, 303°; at Lake >
George, 303°; knighted, 3047; Iro--

quois councils, 290°, 304°-5*, 337%, |
342°; condoles deaths of Hendrick:
and others, 305*; gives pipe to.
Indians, 305°; condolence of Onon--
daga sachem, 306°-7°; at Onondaga»
lake, 307°; conference with Dela-.
wares and Shawnees, 308‘; council.
at Canajoharie castle, 315°; leaves:
for Niagara, 316°; in command at.
Niagara, 317°; on use of powder by»
Indians, 322°; on Iroquois land:
claims, 322°-23°; on Iroquois nume|
bers and villages, 324°; council att
Niagara, 326°; council with Dela-
wares and Iroquois, 327°; council!
with Pontiac, 328'; applies fon
Royal grant, 320°; council at Ger-t
man Flats, 329°; meets Indians at
Tuscarora creek, 331°; illness, 333°
at Fort Stanwix, 333’; accident;
335°; council with Cayugas and
Senecas, 335°; congress at Germaf
Flats, 336°; account of Indians
338'; last council, 3437; death anc
burial, 343°.

Johnson Hall, council at,
Cherokee deputies at, 331°.

Johnstown, council at, 358°,

Joncaire, mentioned, 254°; with
» Senecas, 254°, 255°, 250°, 267°, 270°,
274, 275°; brings back captives,
255°; adopted by Senecas, 257°, 267';
at Michilimackinac, 257°; character,
258; hints of dishonesty, 258°;
killed the original Montour, 258°;
proposals to Onondagas and
Oneidas, 260°; at Onondaga, 261’,
262°; sent to Iroquois country,
265°; asks for trading house, 273°;

tells of oil springs, 279°; death
~ mourned, 279".
Joncaire, jr, with Senecas, 280°;

Indian name, 284°; starts evil re-
ports, 285‘; expelled by Senecas,
290'; goes to the Ohio, 293°; takes
possession of Ohio lands, 294".
Onquiere, Governor de _ la, on
English traders, 293°; council with
Onondagas, 296°; death, 297’.

Kaghswughtioni, Onondaga
290'; speech, 298*; death, 306°.
Kahkwahs, 181°; same as Neutrals,
181'; destroyed by Senecas, 181°-82’.
“Kakouagoga, 181°.

Kalm, Peter, 129°, 294°.

Kanadgegai, exploits, 240°.
anaghqueesa, 351°.

Kanaghsaws, burned, 365°.

Kanisteo, murders at, 319°.
-Kannawaloholla burned, 365°.
Kanneastokaroneah, or Erians, 182°.
Kannosedne, 165°.

chief,

Kansas lands, claim of the Six
Nations to, 386°.
Karaghiagigo, 328°.
Kashong, burned, 365°.
“Kawaskant, mentioned, 383°.
-Kayaderosseras patent, dispute

settled, 333°.

Cayashuta, Seneca chief, 344°.
<einthe, 224°.

<eith, Governor, Indian name, 268°;
conference, 268°; treaties, 268°,
p26".

| Kendaia burned, 365°.

'Kennebecs, 138°,
quiois,

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

See also Abéna- |

445

Ketchum, William, cited, 129°, 354’.
Kichtages, 138°.
Kinaquariones, battle at, 219°.

_ King, Thomas, quoted, 319°; death,

8

340°.

King Philip’s war raging, 222%.

Kiotsaeton, address, 143°; brings Mo-
hawk offers of peace, 188°; wishes
French to eat with Mohawks, 188’;
visit to Montreal, 190”.

Kirkland, Rev. Samuel, chronology,
148°; on stone in Westmoreland,
160°; visits Johnson, 318°; recep-
tion at Onondaga, 326°; adopted by
Senecas, 327°; report to Indians,
345°; mentioned, 348; sent to
Genesee country, 375*; report on
Iroquois, 384°.

Kiskakons, 138’; capture a Seneca,
226°; council with Hurons, 227”.

Klock, Colonel, dilatory, 361°.

Klock, George, mentioned, 342”.

Kondiaronk, 235°.

Konkhandeenhronon, 179’.

Konossioni, 165°.

Krieckebeck, Commander,
by Mohawks, 174".

Kryn, removes to Canada, 224”; fights
Senecas, 233'; turns back a Mo-
hawk war party, 234*; killed, 236°.

Kweukwe, 162°.

defeated

Labatie asked to go on new embassy,
198%.

Lackawaxen, burned, 363°.

Lacrosse, 141°.

La Famine, 206°.

La Fayette, Marquis de, at Johns-
town council, 358°; Indian name,
358°; addresses Indians, 372°.

Lafitau, J. F., cited, 129°; on origin
of Iroquois, 133°.

Laforge, at Onondaga, 279°; left
Senecas, 279*; son, 280’; son, black-
smith among Senecas, 280”.

La Fort, mentioned, 383°.

La Galette, French posts, 258”.

La Grande Gueule, see Hotreouate’.

Lahontan, A, L, de D., cited, 129°,
228°, 232",

446

Lake Champlain, Iroquois defeated
on, 245%
Lake Erie, primitive name, 182*.

Lake George, names of, 190°; English |

fort planned at, 260°; battle of,
303°.
Lake Ontario, 162".

Lalemant, Gabriel, tortured, 195”.

Lamberville, Father Jacques de, sent |

to Onondagas, 255’.

Lamberville, Father Jean de, meets
La Salle, 222°; on death of. Gara-
kontie’, 222°; on removal of Onon-
daga to new site, 226°; says Iro-
quois do not fear French, . 227°;
remains at Onondaga, 228°; on La
Grande Gueule, 228°; sent back by
De Nonville with presents, 231°;
influence on Onondagas, 231°; em-
ployed to draw Iroquois chiefs to
Fort Frontenac, 232*; saved by
Onondaga chiefs, 232*; account of
torture of Onondaga, 247"; Iro-
quois ask for return of, 254*; at
Onondaga, 256°; goes to Montreal,
250°

Lancaster, councils at, 282°, 283°, 318°;
treaty, 290°.

Lands, appropriation of, by colonists,
206'; beaver land trust deed, 256°;
value, 281‘; Delaware deeds, 281°;
treaty with Pennsylvania, 301*; dis-
putes settled, 314*, 333°; claims of
Pennsylvania people, 316°; claims,
a2)-29°* “frauds. » 323° 50 . troubles;
Brant’s speeches on, .351°; sales,
378°, 379°, 385"; tenure, 388°, 380°;
allotments, 389’.

Language, of Iroquois, 136°; of other
Indians, 330°.

La Prairie, abandoned, 224°-25'.

La Salle, among Senecas, 220‘; at
Onondaga, 222°; launches the
Griffon, 225°; abandons’ Fort
Frontenac, 227°.

Last Night, quoted, 318°.

Lauson, Governor, deed given to

Jesuits by, 206°.
Lauson, M. de, killed, 212°.
Leboeuff, post abandoned, 321°,

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

| Leisler

eT
f
7b eee

Le Caron, Father Joseph, visits 5
Hurons and Petuns, 176°-77’; visit |
to Hurons, 177°.

Le Clercq, cited, 174°.

Lee, Arthur, mentioned, 372°. ;

troubles, caused remarks :
among Iroquois, 236’. :

Le Maitre, killed, 214”. ;

Le Moine, David, death, 208”.

LeMoyne, Father Simon, visits
Onondaga, 144°, 200°; route and]
reception, 201°; return, 201°; visits;
Mohawks, 204°; peace. embassy to)
Iroquois, 212"; reception at Onon-
dasa 2212"> death, 207

Lenni-lenape, 138’.

Lery, Lieutenant de, destroyed Fort |
Bull, 305°. !

“Lessee Company,” 373°.

Le Vaillant, Father, sent to Senecas, |
255".

Liquor among Indians, 2327, 260m
266°, 273°, 274°, 276°, 288°, 294", 301,
303"; 331» 1343, 381 -

Little Abraham, quoted, 352°.

Little Castle, burned, 365°.

Little Falls, proposed canal at, 333°. —

Livingston, Robert, at Onondaga, 252°.

Livingston, Robert, jr, goes
Senecas, 266°.

Logan, the Cayuga, 165”.

Logan, James, mentioned, 342°.

Logan family murdered, 342°. S

206° i

Logstown, councils at, 291’,
Long Falls, burned, 365°.

Long Knives, name of Americans,’
ee oe eS |
Long Sault of the Ottawa, French

Longueuil, baron
Maricourt,, .257°;". at
262°; goes to Senecas, 267°.

Loskiel, G. H., cited, 129".

Lothrop, Samuel K, cited, 129., ©

Loudon, earl of, commander in chie %

304°.
Louis 14, quoted, 230°.
Loups, 138°.

Luycasse, Gerrit, agent, 238”. :
Lydius, Colonel, mentioned, 301°.

Tay

MacClod, Norman, commissary of

Indian affairs, 330°-31°. -

ack, J. Martin, goes to Onondaga,
207’.

Mackinaw nations, peace with
Iroquois, 246°.

Maechachtinni, 163°.

Maguauogs, 150".

Mahicans, St Francis Indians of

Canada, 138°; formerly owned Al-
bany, 138°; trade with, 172‘; fort,
174°; urged to attack Mohawks,
175°; sell land to Dutch, 175°; visit
~to New Amsterdam, 184°; flee
from Albany, 215*; attack Mo-
hawks, 216°; attack Gandaouague’,
'2190°; war with Mohawks, 210°;
peace with Mohawks, 221'; robbed
by Mohawks, 225°; settlement at
Schaghticoke, 237‘; French party
destroyed by, 249°; Canadian,
‘settle among Senecas, 284°.
Vahikanders, 138%.
Jaison-neuve, Sieur, at founding of
Montreal, 183°.

Maps, 126°-27°; explanation of, 303-
428; of Dutch 16r4 and 1616, 171°;
published by O. H. Marshall, 233°;
of Romer, 253°; of Evans, 282°; of
Guy Johnson, 330°.

Maquas, Dutch name for Mohawks,
B35, 150°, 150’, 171".

dagas and Senecas, 255°; at Albany,

a IM. dé,
255°;
death, 257°.

mentioned, 254°;

181’; maps published by, 233°.
larshe, Witham, cited, 129°; account
_ of Lancaster council, 283°.
laryland, troubles
| 223'; treaty of peace with Iroquois,

claimed by Iroquois, 276’; settles
claims, 284’;
division line, 329°.

at Onondaga, |

larshall, O. H., cited, 129"; thought |
Kahkwahs and Neutrals the same, |

with Iroquois, |
227°; Indian name, 231°, 283’; lands ©

and Pennsylvania, ©

|

Mlareuil, Father de, sent to Onon- |

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

447

Maskoutins, other names, 139°; pro-
pose joining Iroquois, 245°-46’.

Masks, 141".

Massachusetts, represented at council
at Albany, 243°.

Massachusetts Historical Society Col-
lections, see Marshe.

Massawomekes, 194’.

Medals, presented to Iroquois, 308°;
given up by Oneidas, 310°; given
to chiefs at Philadelphia, 375%.

Megapolensis, Dominie, cited, 129°;
work, 346°.

Menard, Father,
Cayugas, 208°.

Mercer, Colonel, killed, 308°.

Messengers, 388’.

Meulles, M. de, quoted, 228".

Miami, council at Auglaize, 375".

Miamis, other names, 138°; Senecas
go against, 232*; war with Iroquois,
234°, 245°; French messengers sent
to, 263°; asked to attack English,
272°; alliance with Iroquois, 275':
friends of Inglish, 290°; message
to Iroquois on the Ohio, 293°; dele-
gates to, 374’.

Miantonimo, charges against, 180°.

Michilimackinac, attack on, 227°;
French messengers to, 263°.

Middletown burned, 365°.

Milet, Father Pierre, at Onondaga,
219°; leaves Oneida, 228°; captured,
235°; song, 235’; not surrendered,
237°; released, 243’.

Miln, Rev. John, mentioned, 347%.

Mingoes, 165°; tribute to Onondagas,
259°.

Minisink, destroyed, 363‘; depreda-
tions at, 370°.

Minisinks, council
314".

Minquas, territory, 136°, 171°; must
not be classed with Delawares,
138°; how called by Algonquins,
165'; peace with Senecas, 211°;
aided by English, 214°; party sent
against, 214°; defeat Iroquois, 215".
See also Andastes ; Conestogas.

mission among

with Iroquois,

448

Mission of the Mountain, 267°; at-
tacked, 234°.

Mission of the Two Mountains, fort
at, 270°

Missionaries, visit to Hurons and

Neutrals, 176°; experiences among |
savages, 177°; to Iroquois neces- |

sary, 257°; at ‘Onondaga’ “andt)
Oneida, 305”.

Missions, buildings, on Onondaga
lake, 207‘; established, - 208°; |

French, resumed in 1667, 218’-19';
in Canada, 220°, 224° §267-;-aban-
doned, 228°; English proposed,
238°; among’ Onondagas cand
Senecas, 255’; at Onondaga, 256’;
connection with trading posts for-

bidden, . 270°; Moravian, 204°;
protestant, 346°-47°.
Mississagas, 138°; join the’ Six

Nations, 286°; declare war, 287’;

called a seventh nation, 287°; war |

with Ottawas, 209°; alliance, 303°;
hostile, 311°. See also Far Indians.

Mississippi, Iroquois on branches of,
203°.

Mohawk, an Algonquin word, 159°.

Mohawk flats, deed of, 323°.

Mohawk prayer book, new edition,
310’, 323) 335 3. OL Zor, 309 40,
Canadian edition, 372°; edited by
Brant.372 +

Mohawk valley, evidences of early

Iroquois occupation, 152°; John-
son’s raids, 368°.
Mohawks, origin, 133%, 135°; lan-

guage, 136°; clans, 144°; advent of,
147’; reference to Cartier’s visit,
149°-50'; varying fortunes, 151°;
exodus from Canada,
earliest forts, 152°; first towns in

New York, 152°; chiefs, 154%, 1577; |

other names, 159°; symbols, 159°,
164°, 338°; cannibalism, 159°, 241°;
council name, 159°; national
boundary, 160°; Delaware

from Hudson river, 168°;
with Champlain, 168°-69°; supposed
early treaty with, 173°; first treaty

E5265 PhS ea!

name, |
161°; elder brother, 164°; remote |
battle |

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

in 1645, 174°; defeat Dutch, 174°; |
towns, ©
names of, 179°; dreaded by other —

peace embassy to, 175°;

Indians, 180°

192", 190°°

; attacks on French,
collect tribute, 184°;

sacrifice to Aireskoi, 185°; stronger ~

than Hurons, 185°; peace concluded
with Hurons, 188';

quins, 189°; visit of deputies to

Montreal, 190°; attack on Huron |

embassy, 193*; aid upper Iroquois,
196°; go against eastern Indians,
198°; Huron war against,

feated by Hurons, 199°; join in
peace proposals, 200°; treaty with
Hurons, 200*; jealous of Onon-
dagas, 200°; alliance with Dutch,
205°; antagonism to Onondagas,
205°; almost at war with Senecas,
205*; assail French colony, 205°;
trouble with Senecas settled by ar-
bitration, 208°; carry off Hurons,
208"; plot ruin of French, 209°;
war with Ottawas, 209°-I0';
bers, 210°, 1.2777, 201. gaae
invite Indians living near
Amsterdam to live with them, 211;
present at treaty with Esopus .
Indians, 211°; send party against
Ottawas, 214°; attack Penobscot |
Indians, 214°; and eastern Indians,
215*; attacked by Mahicans, 216°;
ambassadors killed by Abénaquiois, —
216°; invasion by Governor de Cour-
celle, 217°; kill French huntefs, :
217'; towns destroyed, 218*; war
with Mahicans, 219°; condolence,
220'; induced to renounce worship
of Agreskoue’ 220°; peace with
Mahicans, 221"; treaty with Dutch,
222°: defeat King Philip, 222°; pre-
serve Andastes, 223°; four forti- |
fied towns in 1677, 224°; TOD!
Mahicans, 225°; complained of by
New Englanders, 225°; quiet in
1680, 225°; complained of by
Massachusetts commissioners, 226°;

resuscitate ~
Oneida, 188’; hunt with Algon- -

198°;
chief burned at Three Rivers, 198°; .
enmity toward French, 199°; de-

resent English inactivity, 238°;
killed, 239°; carry off Caugh-
momseas, 239; attack Fort
' Vercheres, 240°; losses, 240°, 252°;
attacked by French, 241°; ideas of
) food, 241°; bring peace belts to
_ Canada, 248°; sent back from Eng-
land, 248°; French party destroyed
by, 249°; flattered by English and
Irench, 250°; restoration of land
feeeeee-s in Canada, 252’, 371°;
threaten eastern Indians, 253°; did
not wish war, 259°; taken to Eng-
land, 260°; fort and chapel built
for, 263*; Johnson’s influence with,
286°; favor war, 286’, 380°; small-
pox among, 287°; invade Montreal,
289°; some killed near Johnson’s

= — a ”hUL SlCr

— a = -_

memse.. 260; burn fort on
| Oswegatchie river, 291°; ask to
have Johnson reinstated, 206°;

asked to settle on frontier, 296°;
; lost influence in council, 300°; at
Philadelphia, 302‘; come to Fort
Johnson, 311°; villages, 324°; were
' Christians and educated, 338°;
_ number employed by English, 371°;
' land sales, 379°.

Mohicans, 138%.

_Monacatootha buries Tanacharisson,
301".

Montagnais, 138°.
_ Montagnards, 138’; swept away, 197’.
; Montauks, 138°; settle at Oneida,

B 343°.

Montcalm, at Oswego, 308°; at Fort
_ William Henry, 312*.

‘. Montgomerie, Governor, succeeded
- Governor Burnet, 273’.
_Montmagny, Gov., at founding of
_ Montreal, 183°; called Onontio, 183°.
Montour, Captain, destroys Dela-
_ ware towns, 326°.

- Montour, Madame, brought to Onon-

_ daga, 262°; French try to have

settle in Canada, 266°; interpreter, —

r

_ 272°; daughter Margaret, 275°; hus-
& band killed, 275’; at Lancaster
council, 283°.

‘acne

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

go with Schuyler, 239*; captains |

449

Montour, Andrew, goes to Onon-
daga, 285°, 297°; council at Logs-
town, 296'.

_ Montour, Catharine, mentioned, 359’,

9
ede

37 5.

Montour, Esther,
360", 375.

Montour, Margaret, 275°.

Montour, Mary, 375".

Montour family, 258°, 375°.

Montreal, Algonquins present at
founding of, 152’; site selected in
1641, 183°; reinforced, 190°;
Iroquois attacks on, 235°; fighting
at, 238°; famine, 238°; treaty be-
tween French and Iroquois, 254°;
council at, 255°, 263°, 300°, 350°;
conference between De Vaudreuil
and Senecas, 304°; deputies to,
309"; surrender, 317’.

Montreal expedition,
Indians on, 317°-18'.

Montreal Island invaded, 280”.

Moor, Rev. Thoroughgood, men-
tioned, 346°.

Moravian Indian towns, British at
Detroit not favorable to, 370’.

Moravian Indians, opposed by Brant,
373°; Brant speaks in behalf of, 374°.

Moravians, at Onondaga, 2857, 294’,
297°, 299'-300°; work among Iro-

quois, 285°; in Dutchess county,
8

204°.

Morgan, L. H., cited, 129°; on Iro-
quois clans, 144°; on meaning of
name Cayuga, 162°; on Seneca
name of Iroquois, 165°.

Morgan’s map of Hodenosauneega,
explanation of, 410°-12°.

Morris, Governor, sends belt to On-
ondaga, 302°; presents Teedyus-
cung with belt, 312°.

Morris, Thomas, description of Red
Jacket, 382°.

Morse, Rev. Jedidiah, cited,
report on Iroquois, 384’, 384°.

Moseley, Rev. Eleazar, mentioned,
348".

Mount Johnson, council fire removed
to, 303%.

mentioned, 350",

number of

129” ;

450

Mountain, village of, attacked, 239°.

Mountaineers, 163°.

Muller, Max., on Mohawk language,
£302

Munro, Rev. Henry, mentioned, 347°.

Munseys, 138°; council with, 314°.

Musical instruments, 141%.

Myths of Iroquois, 132”.

Naharuke, fort of, 263°.

Nanfan, Lieutenant Governor, men-
tioned, 250°; conference with the
Five Nations, 256°; gifts to Indians,
261°.

Nanticokes, other names and terri-
tory, 139°; tributaries to Iroquois,
257°, 324°; adopted by Iroquois,
290°; go to Wyoming, 292*; go to
Otsiningo, 299°; king dead, 307°.

National devices, 164°.

Necariages, 138’.

Neutrality, efforts for, 382”.

Neutrals, territory, 131°, 135’; with-
draw frontier towns, 176°; towns,
177", 182°, 197°; visits of Brébeuf
and Chaumonot to, 181°; strength,
181°; poor boatmen, 181’; same as
Kahkwahs, 181’; southern bound-
ary, 181°; and Eries, boundary be-
tween, 182°; village destroyed,
192°; destroyed, 196°-97°.

New Jersey, represented at council at
Albany, 243°.

New York, represented at council at
Albany, 243°.

Newtown, burned, 364°. See also
Elmira.

Nez Percés, 136’.

Niagara, French forts at, 233’, 264°-
65", 265", 2715: Ottawds -at,2255.5
French posts, 258°; Seneca village
at, 265%; nelish forts + ateoo.
271"; fur trade, 276°; siege of, 317°;
soldiers destroyed near, 322°; carry-
ing place at ceded to English, 326’;
councils at, 326°, 376°; number of
Indians at, 368°.

Nicariages at Albany, 260°.

Nipissings, 130°.

Nipissiriniens, 139°.

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

|

Niregouentaron, 225%. |

Nomadic nations, 139°.

Normanskill, treaty at, 172’.

Northern Indians, power of, 323°.

Nouveé, Father Anne de, visit to
Hurons, 177%.

Numbering by sticks, 181°.

O’Callaghan, FE. B., cited, 130°.

Occum, Rev. Samson, mentioned,
348°.

Ochateguins, 135°, 168”.

Ochionagueras, 201°.

Ochoueguen, 227°.

Odislastagheks, 139°.

Odongaowa, on the English side, —
242°. ee

Oel, Rev. John Jacob, mentioned, —
347°. F

Offerings, 132°.

Ogden Land Co., 385°.

Ogdensburg, fort on site of, 291°.

Ogeratarihen, 225°. :

Ogilvie, Rev. John, missionary
among Mohawks, 305°, 347%.

Oheknugh, slain, 377”.

Ohio, warnings to French in, 299°.

Ohio Indians, peace treaty, 327°.

Ohio lands, Indian claims, 296°-97’.

Ohio river, French on, 292°; Iro-
quois on, 293°; Indians murdered —
on, 328".

Oil Spring reservation, 386°.

Oil springs, 270°.

Ojibwas, other names, 138°.
Far Indians.

Old Belt, see Belt.

Onagogare, to succeed the
4

344. .
Oneida, destroyed, 248°; Scarrooyady
at, 302°; fort, 305°. |
Oneida lake, fort proposed at, 258°;
forts on, 315°. ‘
Oneida portage, storehouses at, 303°
Oneida stone of 1796, 160°. p
Oneidas, origin, 1337, 1344, 135°
clans, 144°; advent of, 147°; chiefs,
154°, 157°-58'; related to Mohawks,
160°; home before migration, 160°;
early seat, 160‘; language, 160°;

See also

Bunt, —

yt

i i ee ee eee

9

Ҥ

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

council name, 161°; Delaware
name, 161*; symbols, 164°, 338;
younger -brother, 164°; strong fort,
170°; defeated by Hurons, 181‘; in-
censed against Hurons, 188’; en-
counter with Hurons, 191°; seize a
Frenchman, 200°; numbers, 210’,
Seaeeay7, 201, 384, 384, 384,
385°; send party against Ottawas,
214°; deputies sent to Canada in
June 1666, 217°; town near Oneida
creek, 224°; captains killed, 230°;
battle with, 239'; send Tareha to
Canada, 242*; burned, 248°; emi-
grants to Canada, 248°; send
messenger to French, 251°; losses,
252°; would not return prisoners,
255°; French agents sent to, 260°;
order Shawnees to return east,

274°; at Quebec, 302*; send deputies |

to Montreal, 309‘; friendly to

French, 310°; give up medals,
scalps and belts, 310°; half favor
French, 311°; conference with

Cherokee chiefs, 311°; council with,
318°; villages, 324*; in a primitive
state, 338°; opposed to war, 354°;
burn Iroquois towns, 361°; go over
to English, 368’; go to white set-
tlements, 369°; number employed
by English, 371°; secured in pos-
session of lands, 372", 378"; reser-
vation acknowledged, 378°; special
treaty with, 378°; tract in Wis-
consin, 379°; go to Wisconsin,
384°; in Wisconsin, number, 384°;
in Oneida and Madison counties,
386°.

- Onioen, 162°.
~ Onioenronons,

early name of Cay-
ugas, 162°.

~ Oniouenhronons, 170".
Sniadarakte, fort at, 234".

fat,: 238°, 251°;

/ Onoiochrhonons, 179°.
Be nondagz, French embassy to, 204°;

councils at, 208%, 236", 237’, ;

251", 252°, 262°, 282°, 289%, 305°, 305”,
310°, 319°, 330°, 344’, 376"; removed
to new site, 226°; English agents
blacksmith at, 238°,

Onondaga lake,

Sets lands, French

Onondagas, origin,

ee

451

240°; English fort at, 242; western
nations refuse to join expedition
against, 246°; invaded, 247’;
burned, 247°; French agents at,
251°; English fort proposed, 252’,
aye) 254°, 202", 203°, 200, 305;
French embassy at, 253°; fort
opposed by Albany people, 253°;
Jesuit chapel at, 256°; French fort
proposed, 2617, 264°, 2094", 206°;
English embassy at, 263°; embassy
to, 285’; Moravians at, 294°, 290’;
French party at, 297°; salt from,

353°; few Indians at, 376°; declara-
tion of war at, 383%.

Onondaga country, Romer’s map,
253".

league formed at,
166°; French colony at, 204*; re-
ception of French colony at, 206°;
mission buildings on, 206°, 207%;
Mrs buys, 206°; council at,

grant of,

206'; sales, 379°.

Onondaga name of Iroquois, 165°.
Onondaga

reservation, 386°; ack-
nowledged, 378°.

133, 135°; early
home, 133°, 161°; clans, 1347, 144°-
45°, 145°; advent of, 147°; on date
of Iroquois league, 149*; chiefs,
154°, 158, 390°; meaning of name,
161*; council name, 161°; change in
location, 161°; symbols, 164°, 164°;
elder brother, 164°; fire keepers,
have casting vote, 164°; attacked
by Hurons, 192°; embassy to
Hurons, 193'; ambassador’s action,
193’; peace embassy to Montreal,
199°; jealous of Mohawks, 205°;
plot against French, 200°; num-
bers, 210°, 224", 277°, 291", 324°, 384°,
384°, 385°, 385‘; attacked by
Hurons on the Ottawa, 211°; peace
proposal, 212*; peace embassy at-
tacked, 216°; one large unwalled
town, 224°; attack the Illinois,
225°, 230°; Susquehanna lands,
229°; proposals to Governor

452

Howard of Virginia and Governor

Dongan, 231°; deputies to Canada, |

243°; burned at Montreal, 247’;
tortured, 247'; stop
249°; peace embassy to Canada,
249°; surprised by
249°; chiefs killed, 249°; send mes-
senger to French, 251°;
252°; French partizans among,
253'; conference with, 254‘, 318°;

return prisoners, 255°; reputation |

as “men of business,” 255°; mis-
sionaries sent to, 255°; in Virginia,
ass: did: “not «wish war; 250°:

French agents sent to, 260°; con- |

sent to French fort at Niagara,
271°; at conference in Philadel-
phia, 275°; embassy to French,
278°; go to see Governor de Beau-
harnois, 280‘; smallpox among,
289°; poverty, 290°; chiefs at Phila-
delphia, 292°; French influence,
2o4"= claim Ohio dands, 296%; vat
Oswegatchie, 300°; at Quebec, 302°;
send deputies to Montreal, 309‘;

conference at Montreal, 309°;
neutral, 310°, 362°; come to Fort
Johnson, 31%: wallace... sen:

name they call themselves, 338°;
death of chiefs, 353°; some hostile,
360’ ;
towns destroyed, 363°; number em-
ployed by English, 371°.

Onontaerrhonons, 170°.

Ononwaragon, death condoled, 273%.

Onowaragon, speaks at conference,
280".

Oquagas, controlled by Iroquois,
269°; will go to war, 287°; on
English side, 311°; liturgy used by,
348°; mentioned, 353%, 361°.

Oratory, 1437.

Oreaoue’, going to Montreal, 228°;
captured, 232°; sides with French,
230", 239°, 243°; religious fervor,
250°; death, 250%.

Oriskany, battle of, 356°.

Ornaments, 140°; of European make,
152°,

Oronkouaia, 181°.

emigration, |
Algonquins,~ |

losses, |

detained at Niagara, 362°; |

NEW YORK STATE

MUSEUM

Osborne, Gov. Danvers, death, 298’.

Ostanghaes, controlled by Iroquois,
260°.

Qstiagaghroones, 138°.

Oswegatchie, French troops go to,
297°; settlement broken up, 303°.
Oswegatchie Indians, 300*; give up
English medals to French, 302‘;
wish to return to Onondaga, 315°;

numbers and villages, 324".

Oswegatchie river, fort, 291°.

Oswego, first mention, 227°; found-
ing of, 270°; fort built at, 272%,
280'; trade, 292°, 300‘; deserters
from, 305°; road to, 308°; surrender ©
of, 308’; massacre at, 308°; re-
occupied, 314°; councils at, 328’,
350°, 354°; St Leger’s council, 355°;
attempt to capture, 370°.

Oswego Falls, first fort of Onon- —
dagas at, 133°; fort proposed at,
258, 308'; Englishmen at, 271°;
battle at, 308°; fort built at, 316°.

Oswego river, first European de--
scent, 202°; fort on, 315°.

Otatshehteh, 156".

Oteroughyanento, speaks, 351°.

Otschiniata, 328°, 344. See also
Bunt.

Otsiningo, council with Delawares, ©
306°; Indians from, 340°.

Ottawa river, closed by Iroquois —
bands, 186‘; Hurons and French
attacked by Onondagas, 211°; de-
sertéd, ‘212%

Ottawas, other names, 138°; take 13
Senecas, 200°; war with Mohawks,
209"-10'; Mohawks and Oneidas
sent party against, 214°; captured
by Senecas, 220°; reprisals, 220°;
attempted attack on, 227°; alliance
with desired, 230°; trade, 230°, 231,
231°; propose joining Iroquois,
245°; break peace, 246°; still hostile.
254°; treachery, 257°; peace with
Iroquois, 257°; at Fort Frontena¢
and Niagara, 258°; covenant wit
English, 260°; ready to fighi
against French, 288°; war wit
Mississagas, 299'; ambassadors at

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

Onondaga, 253°; attitude toward |
Iroquois and English, 253*; Iro- |
quois join English against, 324°.
Ottrawana, mentioned, 288°.
Ouaroronon, 177’.
Oucanastota, 332”.
Ouenrohronons, go to Hurons, 181°. |
Oiiioenrhonons, 170°.
Oumiamis, 138°.
Oundiaga, escaped, 377’.
Ounontisaston, 177’.

Outagamis, 139°; unite with Iroquois |
and English, 245’.
Owego burned, 364°.
Owenagungas, 138’.

Oyadagaono, 130°.

Palatine, damage at, 368°; prisoners

taken at, 370°.

Palatines, come to New York, 267’.

Parish, Jasper, interpreter, 143°; re-
port on Iroquois, 384°.

Parker, Ely S., mentioned, -390°.

Parkman, Francis, cited, 130°, 181°.

Parsons, Major, describes Teedyus-
cung, 300°.

Peace dance, 188’.

Peach-stone game, 141°.

Peach Town, destroyed, 366°.

Penn, William, Susquehanna. lands
granted to, 230°; letter, 256°; buys
land of Conestogas, 267°.

Pennsylvania, council at Conestoga,
260°; Indian lands, 267*, 276°; com-
plaints of squatters, 292°; land
treaty, 301°; relations with Iro-
quois, 274°; declares war on Dela- |
wares, 306‘; conferences with
Iroquois, 306°; Easton council,
309°; and Maryland, division line,
320°; Indians murdered in, 331°;
commissioners, 372°.

Pennsylvania Indians tribute to On- |
ondagas, 259°; ruled by Iroquois,
Pf i

Penobscot Indians, attacked by Mo-
hawks, 214°.

Perrot, Nicholas, story of national

origin, 133°.
Peter, mentioned, 368°.

453

Petrée, Bishop de, Gara-
kontie’, 221°.

Petty, John, mentioned, 342".

Petuns, 135°, 137°; withdraw frontier
towns, 176°; visit of missionaries
to, 177'; not allowed to trade with
French, 181"; attacked by Iroquois,

baptizes

196'; destroyed, 196'; grief of,
196°. See also Tionontaties.
Philadelphia, councils, 244°, 256*,

257", 272", 274", 275", 275, 276°, 281°,
318’; Iroquois embassy to, 285%,
352°; Senecas in, 360°, 373°; Iro-
quois chiefs at, 375%.

Physicians, 388°.

Pickering, Col. Timothy, council at
Elmira, 374°.

Picquet, Abbé Francois, builds strong
fort, 279°, at Fort Saratoga, 286°;
mission, 291°; eulogy, 292°; men-
tioned, 293°.

Pierron, Father Jean, with
hawks, 219', 220°; retired, 228”.

Pieskaret, Simon, defeated, 185°;
successful expedition in 1645, 187°;
exploits and death, ro1°.

Pinetree chiefs, 155°.

Pioneers, trouble with, 341°.

Pipestone from western
237":

Pipestone calumet, 246°.

Pittsburg, conferences at, 317°.

Point Rockaway, 317’.

Pointe aux Iroquoise, 317’.

Poisoning, stories of, 252°.

Pollard, Capt., Seneca chief, 383°.

Poncet, Father, taken prisoner, 199°;
adopted, 199°; released, 190%.

Pontiac, hostilities, 320°, 325°; Iro-
quois join English against, 324°;
met by George Croghan, 327°;
council with Johnson, 328°; goes
home, 320°.

Post, mentioned, 295”.

Potomac, Indian name, 269”.

Pottery, 140°.

Pouchot, M., cited, 130°; on origin of
Iroquois, 133’; commands Fort
Levis, 317°.

Mo-

Indians,

454

Pouchot’s map of 1758, explanation |

of, 406°.

Poulain, Father William, prisoner to
Iroqtiois, 177°; -visit ‘to Hurons,
0 mes

Powder and lead, sold only to the

Iroquois, 223°; use by Indians,
322.
Praying Indians, Canadian, 243°,

253. See also Caughnawagas.
Presque Isle, blockhouse taken, 321°;
sold to Pennsylvania, 377%.
Prideaux, General, leaves for Ni-
apara.” 310 > kalleds air
Prisoners, see Captives.
Proctor, Col “Thamas;
journal, 374°.
Progress of Indians, 391°-92*.
Protestant missions, 346°-47°.
Pyrlaeus, John Christopher, chron-
ology, 148°; account of formation
of Iroquois league, 154°; on rela-
tionship of nations, 164°; on treaty
between Dutch and Iroquois, 173';
among the Mohawks, 294-95".

cited, 130°;

Quackack, 370°.

Quaksies, 139°.

Quatoghies, 137°.

Quebec, councils at, 200°, 289°, 302’;
massacre of Algonquins, 210‘;
blockaded by 7oo Iroquois, 211°;
surrender, 317°.

Rasle, Father, killed, 270°.

Rat, the, 235°.

Red Head, speech, 298‘; Onondaga
speaker, 303°, 303°; death, 306°.

Red Jacket, eloquence of, 143°;
speaker, 167°; mentioned, 379°; de-
scription of, 382°.

Religion, new, prophet of, 380’.

Religious belief of Iroquois, 131’,
25
Religious instruction, 330°, 335°.

See also Missions.
Religious troubles, 346°.
Reservations, present, 386°.
Residence land deed, 271".
Rhiierrhonons, 193°.

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Rice, Rev. Asaph, mentioned, 348".

River Indians, other names, 138';
taken to England, 260°; friendly,
acre

Road from Mohawk river to Oneida
lake, 274°.

Roanoke, Indian name, 260°.

Rode the Mohawk, at council at Al-
bany, 243°.

Romer, Colonel,

Romer’s map of 1700,
of, 402".

Ross, Major, damage south of the
Mohawk, 370%.

Rotinonsionni, 165%.

Royal Blockhouse, built, 316°.

Royal Grant, 320°.

Rundt, Gottfried, goes
daga. 207.

Ruttenber, E. M.,

at Onondaga, 253°.
explanation

to Onon-

cited, 130°, 138%

Sachems, of league, 154°; allotment
of, 154°; names and meanings,
157°; raising, 164", 292°, 303°; “how
chosen, 164’, 339°; go to Shawnees,
275°: Canadian,” “raised, — “27a
dinner for, by invitation of Mary-
land commissioner, 283°; authority,
339°; chief sachem called king,
330°; at, Philadelphia. 375

Saco Indians, 138°.

Sacrifices, 131°.

Sacs, 130 -

Sadekanaghtié, presides at Onon-
daga ‘council, 2377; at —“Aljbamm
council, 243" > deaths =

land deed, 272”.

Sagard, Gabriel,
Hurons, 177°.

Saghsidowa, sent to Onondaga,. 2849

Sagochiendaguete’, 200%, ate

Sagogehyata, 342".

Sagohandechty killed by Shawnees,
B76:

Sagoyewatha, description of, 382°.

St Clair, Gen., treaties, 373*;am
feat, 374".

St Francis Indians, 138°.

St Francis Xavier a la Prairie de la
Magdeliene, mission of, 220%.

cited, 130°; visit to

signs ©

-

Eee meee

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

St Francois Xavier du Sault, 225°.
St Ignace, destroyed, 194’.

St Johns, attack on, 351°.

St Joseph, attacked and taken, 194".
St Lawrence, Iroquois residence on,

149°, 152°; ancient inhabitants,
150°; closed by Iroquois bands,
186‘; hostilities on, 196°; upper,

described for first time, 201°.

St Leger, on his way to Oswego,
eae inatch, 355°; retreat, 357’:

St Louis, destroyed, 195°.

St Mary of Ganentaa, mission of,
200°. .

St Michel, escaped, 242”.

St Regis, 317°.

St Regis Indians, land sales, 379°;
number, 384°, 385°, 385°; one of the
Seven Nations of Canada, 390°.

St Regis reservation, 317°, 387’.

Sakena, speaks at conference at Al-

- bany, 269°.

Salt springs, 201°.

Sandy creek, early home of Onon-
dagas, 133°.

Sankhicani, 161°.

Sanson’s map of 1656, explanation
of, 396’.

Saonchiogwa,
baptized, 221°.

Saponies, branch of Catawbas, 130‘;
adopted by Iroquois, 290°.

Saratoga, see Fort Saratoga.

Sassacus, killed, 180”.

Sassoonan, Delaware chief, 273°.

Satanas, 138°, 150’. .

Sategariouaen, commands Fort Levis,
317°.

Sault Chaudiére, 186°.

Sauteurs, 138°; defeat Mohawks and
Oneidas, 214’.

Scalp belt, western, 320°.

Scalp bounty, 245°, 285°, 288°, 306°,
313°.

4

Cayuga chief, 212‘;

- Scaniadarighroones, adopted by Iro-

quois, 290°.

Scanonaenrat, surrendered, 195°.

Scarrooyady, speaker at Lancaster,

290°; warnings to French in Ohio, |

299°; becomes Half King, 301°-2’;

455

report, 302°; with Braddock, 304°;
favors war, 306°; at Onondaga
lake council, 307°.

Schaghticoke, settlement at, 237".

Schaghticoke Indians, 138*; go with
Schuyler, 239; at Boston, 269%.

Schebosch, goes to Onondaga, 285”.

Schenectady, bought from the Mo-
hawks, 214°; capture of, 236°.

Schoharie valley, invaded, 359°, 360".

Schonendoh, mentioned, 368°.

Schoolcraft, Henry R., cited, 130‘;
on origin of Oneidas, 134*; finds
Eels among Tuscaroras, 146*; on
date of Iroquois league, 149'; on
date of destruction of Kahkwahs,
181°; report on Iroquois, 384".

Schools, see Education.

Schuyler, Abraham, at Onondaga,
250°.

Schuyler, David A., commissioner at
Oswego, 275°.

Schuyler, Capt. John, sent to Onon-
daga, 251°.

Schuyler, Myndert, goes to Senecas,
260°.

Schuyler, Peter, heads expedition
against French, 239*; goes to aid
of Mohawks, 241°; on cannabilism
of Mohawks, 241°; brother, 245‘;
sent to Canada, 250°; ambassador
to French, 251°; opposes Onondaga
fort, 253°; entertains Sadeganak-
tie, 255 ; at’ Onondaga, 255°, 261°;
sends belts to Canadian Iroquois,
257°; takes Indians to England,
260°; destroys French fort, 261°.

Schuyler, Peter, jr, sent to Seneca
country, 268".

Schuyler, Philip, sent to Senecas,
apne
Schuyler, Gen. Philip, chosen fire

keeper, 351° ; mentioned, 352°; averse
to employing Indian aid, 3537;
letter to, 360°.
Scioto, councils at, 337°, 340°, 340°.
Seaver, James E., cited, 130%.
Sedentary nations, 139°, 179°.

Seneca name of Iroquois, 165%,

456 NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Senécas,'' origin; 61337) 2-034619385

serpent story, 134°; Iroquois known

to Dutch as Maquas and, 135%, |
159°; clans, 144°; manner of advent, |
147°; last to jom alliance; 143'5, |

date of joining league, 149°;
chiefs, 154°, 158°, 390°; removals
from exposed to secluded situa-
tions, 161°; lake of, 162’; nations
first called, 162°; numbers; 1637
210°, © 224", 277s “2011 S24 a rgode
g85°* ‘territory, 163, 7163, Ils
common name Algonquin, 163°;
Delaware name, 163°; council
name, 163°; symbols, 164°; elder
brother, 164°; kill ambassadors
sent to Mohawks, 175°; defeat
Hurons, 178°; “war with Hurons,
181°, 193°; destroy Kahkwahs,
181°-82’; destroy Neutral village,
192°; war with Eries, 2037; tradi-
tion of Erie war, 203°; almost at
war with Mohawks, 205*; trouble
with Mohawks settled by arbitra-
tion, 208°; come to Fort Orange,
2Ir +» seaptare -~Ottawas, 2207;
dictionary, 221°; wish to exter-
minate Susquehannas, 223°; towns,
224", 324°; continue to send bands
against the Illinois, 225°; one
killed by Illinois visitors, 226°; go
against the Miamis, 232°; attacked
by French, 233°; towns abandoned,
233°; towns taken possession of by
De Nonville, 233°; making snow-
shoes, 239°; harassed by western
Indians, 239°; war with Miamis,
245°; killed by western Indians,
249°; killed by Dowaganhaes, 252’;
losses, 252°; conference with, 254°;
Joncaire goes to, 254°; return
prisoners, 255°; missionaries sent
to, 255’; side with French, 259°;
chiefs at Conestoga council, 2607;
covenant with English, 260°; return
with Delawares, 262°; under
French influence, 262’; council at
Montreal, 263’; council with
Governor Vaudreuil, 265°, 304°; vil-
lage at Niagara, 265°; English

embassy to, 266°; chief sachem,
268°; blacksmith among, 270°, 290°;
order Shawnees to return east,
274°; chief killed by Shawnees, ~
275°-76°; go to see Governor de
Beauharnois, 280‘; war with Cataw- _
bas, 281°, 293°, 312°; famine among, _
281°; epidemic among, 286°; send
wampum to English, 288’; friend-
ship for English, 288°; invade
Montreal, 289°; expel Joncaire,
290°; chiefs at Philadelphia, 2927,
373; from Ganuskago, 3054
women’ at councils, 306°; at Ni-
agara, 309°; ‘neutral; / 310." "e778
come to Fort Johnson, 3117; con- @
ference with Cherokee chiefs, 311°; |
fight against Catawbas and@
English, 312°; hostile, 321°; tall
English soldiers, 322°; peace with,
326°, 326°; council with Johnson,
335°; most numerous of Iroquois,
339°; two released, 342°; union belt
placed with, 345°; seven condemned
to death, 345°; in Philadelphia,
360°; towns burned, 365°; join Sir
John Johnson in Schoharie valley,
369°; number employed by English,
371°; towns visited by Colonel
Proctor, 374*; boundaries settled,
378°; treaties, 379°; at battle ofm
Tippecanoe, 382°; aid in defense of
Buffalo, 383°; west of the Mis-
sissippi, number, 384°; religious
division, 385°; land sales, 385’.

Sepulture, 141°.

Sergeant, Rev. John, mentioned, 347°.

Severance, Frank H., cited, 130°.

Seyffert, Anton, mentioned, 2957.

S’ganatees, 297%.

Shadekaronyes, 156’.

Shamokin (Pa.), fort at, 30Gam
council-at, 335%

Shamokin lands, 301°.

Shaounons, 138°.

Shawnees, other names, 138°;
off, 150°; at war, 261°, 343°; con-
trolled by Iroquois, 269°; rebuked
by Iroquois, 269", 340°; called
women, 272°; ordered to return

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

457

east, 274°; favor the French, 275°; | Smith, Rev. Mr, mentioned, 346°.

dis-
276' ;

kill a Seneca chief, 275°-76';
satisfied with land sales,
lands, 277°; proposed removal,
281°; go to Wyoming, 292*; at
Philadelphia, 292°; bring wampum
to Iroquois, 293’; hostile to Iro-
quois, 304°; at Onondaga
council, 307°; treaty with Iroquois,
308°; conference with Johnson,
308'; in Ohio, trouble with French,
312°; owned no land, 341°; at On-
ondaga, 344°; proposals refused,
344°; message to, 344°; at peace,
345°; number, 384°.

Shea, John Gilmary, cited, 130°, 183°;
possible error in use of Garakon-
tie’’s name, 213*; on murderer of
Le Maitre, 214°.

Sheoquaga, destroyed, 365”.

Shikellimy, viceroy over Susque-
hanna Indians, 272°; resides among
Shawnees, 273'; sent to Senecas,

274°; agent between the Six
Nations and Pennsylvania, 2757;
‘comes to Philadelphia, 275°;

agent for Iroquois and _ whites,
270+, at Onondaga, 277°, 282°, 285°;
son killed by Catawbas, 284°;
sick, 289°; death, 292’; sons with
the Delawares, 300°; three sons
survived him, 342°.

Shikellimy, John, mentioned, 301°, 342°.

Shirley, General, plans, 304’.

Simcoe, Governor, kept hostile feel-
ings alive, 377°.

Sioux chief, mentioned, 245°.

Skandawati, suicide, 193°.

Skaniadarighroonas, 130°.

Skannayutenate, 366°.

Skenandoah, mentioned, 368’.

Skoiyase, destroyed, 365°, 366%.

Slaves, held by Iroquois, 201".

Sleds, 140°.

Sloughter, Governor, conference with
Five Nations, 238’; on importance
of holding Albany, 239°.

Smallpox, in Philadelphia,
among Mohawks, 287°;
Onondagas, 286°.

2G
among

lake |

Smith, Rev. C. J., mentioned, 348*.

Smith, William, cited, 130°; de-
scribed council at Onondaga, 236’;
on Albany council, 285°.

Snow snake, 141°.

Snowshoes, 140°.

Snyder, Capt. Jeremiah, cited, 354’.

Sokokis, 138°.

Sokoquois, 138’.

Soldiers, Union, 390°.

Songs, 142°.

Sonnontouan, 163°.

Sonnontouehronons, 162‘, 163°.

Sonontoerrhonons, 179°.

Sorel, Capt. de, attacks Mohawks,
BE”.

Sorel, forts on, 183°.

| Southern Indians, war with, 278°;

covenant with, 280°.
Sovereignties, Indian nations recog-
nized as, 388°.
Soyeghtowa, 342°.
Spangenberg, goes to
285°; mentioned, 295°.
Spencer, Rev. Elihu, mentioned, 347%.
Springfield, destroyed, 350°.
Squawkie Indians, traditional over-
throw, 182".
Squekaneronons, 130”.
Squier, E. G., on derivation of name
Seneca, 163’.
Steel Trap, 383°.

Onondaga,

Stenton, council at, 276°.
Stephens, Arent, sent to Oswego,
ap2° > sent. to’ Trodtioeis, :- 208";

danced the war dance, 303°.

Stockbridge Indians, friendly, 351°;
special treaty with, 378°; number,
384".

Stone, William L., cited, 130°; on
Brant, 352°; on Red Jacket, 382°;
on Farmer’s Brother, 382°; on
Steel Trap, 383°.

' Stone Arabia, massacre at, 360°.

Story-teller, 141°.

Stuart, Rev. John, in charge of Mo-
hawk mission, 336°, 347°; transla-
tions and revisions, 339°; Joseph
Brant his interpreter, 330°.

458

Stuyvesant, | Governor,
Kennebec Indians, 214°-15".

Sullivan, General, expedition, 363°.

Susquehanna, deserted, 358.

Susquehanna lands, Gov. Dongan’s
action, © 229°; = above --Washinta:
sovereignty over, 231°; claims to,
269°; Canassatego on, 277”.

Susquehanna river, mixed population
in towns on, 325°; Iroquois towns
on, burned, 361°.

Susquehannas, 131°, 165', 171°, 268°;
controlled by Iroquois, 260°; de-
serters among, 3060. See also An-
dastes.

Swahyawanah, 366°.

Swatana, viceroy over Susquehanna
Indians, 272°.

Sweege, 256°.

Symbols, 164°.

Syracuse, Frontenac’s army camp at,
247°.

Tadodaho, 156”.
Taenhatentaron, destroyed, 194”.
aca warka.338".
Taghneghtoris, 301°, 342°.
Tahaiodoris, death, 239%.
Tahontaenrat, 197°.
Tanacharisson, the

Ealt:— Kane

warnings to French in Ohio, 2997; !

death, 301°.

Tarachawagon, 281°.

Tareha, sent to Canada, 242".

Tatotarho; 157%:

Tawachguano, 139%.

Tawasentha, treaty at, 172°.

Tayojaronsere, John, death, 364°.

Tchojachiage, 253°.

Teanaustaye’, attacked and
To4*.

Tecarihoguen, 200”.

Teedyuscung, appearance, 309°; con-
cludes peace treaty, 312°-137; re-
proved, 314°.

Tegahkwita,
saint, 224°.

Teganissorens, 143°.

Tegaretwan, killed, 232°.

taken,

Catharine, Iroquois

ransomed |

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

Temperance societies, 381°.
Teyawarunte, 322°, 328, 343°.
Teyohagweanda, 363°.

Theianoguen, invades Montreal, 289°.

Thiohero, burned, 366°.

Three Rivers, council at, 190°; en-
counter between Hurons and Iro-
quois, 191°; Mohawks attack
French near, 196".

Tiachsochratota, 297%.

Ticonderoga, fort at, 234*; occupied
by French, 304°.

Tinawatawa, 220°.

Tinondague, 224°.

Tiochrungwe, 297’.

Tionontaties, territory, 135°; visit of

missionaries to, 177°; attacked by
Iroquois, 196°; take 13 Senecas, ~
200‘; ready to fight French, 288”.
See also Petuns.

Tiotohatton, 224°.

Tioughnioga river, ascent of, 290°.

T’kwentaheuhane, 139°.

Tobacco nation, 135% See also
Petuns.
Tochanuntie, mentioned, 282°; de-

scribed, 283°; speech, 283°.
Tockwoghs, 139%.
Toderichroone, 265°.

Todirighroones, adopted by Iro-
quois, 290°.

Tokhrahenehiaron, sent to Mo-
hawks, 188.

Tomahawks, use of, 246%.
Tonawanda reservation, 386".
Tonawandas, number, 385°; land

sale resisted, 3867.

Tondiharon, killed, 230°.

Toniata, Iroquois attacked by French
at, 240°; number of warriors at,
277°; a noted resort, 317’.

Toratati, burned alive, 198°.

Torskin, goes to Montreal, 243°.

Tortures, 187°, 195”.

Totemic bond, 146".

Totems, on houses, 146%.

Toteros, 130%.

Totiakton, 233°.

Totieronno, 331°,

q
’
i
;

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS

Towns, brief duration, 152°; reported
burning, 357°.

Tracy, M. de, builds forts, 216°; re-

ceives Dutch Bastard, 217°; makes
another expedition to Fort St
Anne, 218%.

Trade, of Iroquois with Dutch, 177°; |

limitations, 320°;

See

English, 293°;
regulations, 3209°-30'.
French trade.
Traversy, Captain de, killed, 217’.
Treaty, between Iroquois and Dutch
at Tawasentha, 172°; with Dutch,
210°; between Esopus Indians and
Iroquois, 211°; between Iroquois

and English, 216°, 240°, 250°; be-
tween Dutch and Mohawks,
222*; between JIroquois and

Maryland, 227°; between French
and Iroquois, 254‘; between Iro-
quois and Governor Keith, 269°;
between Caughnawagas and _ Iro-
quois, 280°; between Iroquois and
Catawbas, 284°, 295°; at Lancaster,
290°; in regard to Pennsylvania
lands, 301*; with Delawares and
Shawnees, 308°; of Fort Stanwix,
1784, 371°; settlement of boundary
line, 378°; of Fort Harmar, 378°;
of 1795, 378°, 379°.

Tributary nations, 231%.

Trico, Catelyn, evidence in connec-
tion with French and English
claims, 173°.

Tryon, Governor, on number of Iro-
quois, 342°.

Tsonnontouans, 163°, 164%.

Tuscarora creek, Johnson
Indians at, 331°.

Tuscarora reservation, 387°.

Tuscaroras, 135°, 136°; origin, 133°;
clans, 145°; date of joining con-
federacy, 148°; chiefs, 158’, 390°;
adoption, 163°, 264*; name and
meaning, 163°; position in league,
163°-64°; council name, 164°;
younger brother, 164°; present at
Conestoga council, 260°; at war
with Conestogas, 262°; settled

meets

also

459

southward, 263°; war with colon-
ists, 263°; controlled by Iroquois,
269°; at Albany council, 2609';
number, 2777, 904. $6n. 308":
towns, 297*, 324*; at Quebec, 302°;
more come north, 329°; molested
in Pennsylvania, 329*; burn Iro-
quois towns, 361°; towns burned,
364°; go over to enemy, 3687;
number employed by English, 371°;
secured in possession of lands,
372", 378; special treaty with,
378".

Tuteloes, 130%.

Twightwees, other names, 138°; war
with Iroquois, 234’.

Unadilla, full
burned, 361°.

Unechtgo, 130”.

Ungquaterughiathe, 272°.

Union soldiers, 390°.

Upper Cayuga destroyed, 366°.

Utawawas, 138°.

Utrecht, peace of, 263°.

of refugees, 358°;

Van Curler, Arent, comes in contact
with Onondagas, 161°; mentioned,
173°; sees Jogues among Mo-
hawks, 184°; on Oneidas, 161°;
trip to Oneida, 179°; drowned,
EAL OID

Van der Donck, Adriaen, cited, 130°,
189°-90".

Van Epps, John Baptist, interpre-
ter, 251°; sent to Onondaga, 251°.

Van Rensselaer, General, defeats
Sir John Johnson, 369”.
Van Rensselaer, Kiliaen, Indian
lands bought by, 175°.
Vaudreuil, Governor de, council
with Senecas, 259°, 265°, 304°;

sends Joncaire to Iroquois country,
265°; report on Indian allies, 312°.

Venango (Pa.), fort captured at,
4 ~

gar",
Vercheres,
3

Mile de, defends fort,

Vermont, Iroquois in, 151°.

460

Vessels called after Iroquois nations,
317°.

Viel, Father
Hurons, 177

Viele, Aernout Cornelisse, commis-
sion given to, 238°; sent to Onon-
daga, 251°; offends Onondagas,
220'.

Vimont, Father, quoted, 186".

Virginia, Indian name, 231°, 269°;
boundary in, 268°; lands, 276", 284°;
settles claims, 284°; fight with
Iroquois, 281°.

Virginia Indians,
268".

Visgher, Lieutenant, sent to Oswego,
288".

Vrooman, Captain, captured, 360°.

Nicholas, visit to

Senecas against,

Wampum, use, 141°; meaning, 142°;

inventor, 155°; making, 177°; re-
stored to old Onondaga in 1847,
379”.

Wappingers, 138; join Mohawks
against Mahicans, 219°.

War chiefs, 155°.

War dance of Iroquois, 287°.

Warwarsing, burned, 370°.

Washington, George,
CIs)

Wayne's victory, 377°.

Weapons, 140’.

Weas, 138°.

Weaving, 140%.

Webb, General, at Oneida portage,
308°.

Webster, Ephraim, cited,
Hiawatha legend, 155°.

Weiser, Conrad, official interpreter,
274°; adopted by Mohawks, 274°;
agent between the Six Nations
and Pennsylvania, 275’; agent for
Iroquois and whites, 276°; at On-
ondapa, 2777, 282°, “285°. (204:
Indian account of, 281*; Iroquois
delegation at home of, 282*; on
character of Catawbas, 284°-857;
aids Shikellimy, 289*; sent to Logs-
town, 290°, 296°; councils with Iro-

mentioned,

149°;

NEW YORK STATE MUSEUM

quois, 291°; on French influence in
Onondaga, 294°; comes to the Mo-
hawks, 297°; at Albany council, —
301‘; death, 318°.

Weiser, Frederick, on death of ©
chief’s son, 335. ;
Weiser, Samuel, succeeds Conrad —

Weiser, 318°.
Wessel, Dirck, at Onondaga, 242"; —
ambassador to French, 251°. 2
Western Indians, hostile, 245°;
trouble with, 257°, 277°; at Oswego, —
292°; restive, 300°; councils with,
326°, 373, 375°; reproved, 3375.
summoned to Onondaga, 341°;
loyall 352°: ‘|
Wheelock, Rev. Eleazer, on Indian —
education, 319°, 348°; Indian school, ;
324".
White river, Iroquois settlement at, —
282°.
Wilkins, ‘General, quoted, 377°.
Willett, Col. Marinus, in command,
370; attacked and defeated an
Indian force, 370°; defeats Butler,
370°; attempt on Oswego, 370°.
Williams, Colonel, killed, 303°.
Williams, Roger, cited, 130°; on
reputed cannibalism of Mohawks,
159°, as
Williamsburg, council at, 265%.
Wills, 380°.
Wilson, James Grant, cited, 130°
Winsor, Justin, cited, 130°.
Winthrop, Governor, quoted, 207°.
Wolcott, Oliver, mentioned, 372*.
Wolves, 138%. |
Women, influence of, 167*; children
follow mother’s clan, 167*; nam
chiefs, 167; speakers for, 167*;
owners of soil, 167°; double atone-
ment for their lives, 167°; peace
makers, 244*; at councils, 306°.
Wood creek, English forts, 260°.
Woodbridge, Timothy, mentione
347°.
Woolley, Joseph, mentioned, 348°. —
Worship, 141".
Wraxall, secretary to Johnson, 304°

INDEX TO HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK IROQUOIS 461

W’Tassone, 161°. | Zeisberger, David, cited, 130°, 374°;
Wyandots, 135°, 137°. mentioned, 144°; goes to Onon-
Wyoming, fraudulent purchase, 301°; daga, 2857, 204°, 2057, 207°, 2007;
land deed to be destroyed, 302‘; 299", 329°; on Brant and the Dela-
Connecticut people at, 320°; mas- wares, 373°; on Montour family,
sacre of, 350°. 375°; account of Delawares being
| made warriors, 380°; on Mohawks
Yoghroonwago, destroyed, 367°. wishing war again, 380°.

York, duke of, sovereignty over Zinzendorf, Count, quoted, 142';
Susquehanna lands, 231°. meeting with Iroquois chiefs, 282*.

i te AE Sel

University of the State of New York

New York State Museum

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1 Beecher, C: E. & Clarke, J: M. Development of some Silurian Brachi-
opoda. o6p. 8pl. Oct. 1889. Out of print.

2 Hall, James & Clarke, J: M. Paleozoic Reticulate Sponges. 350p. il. 70p
1808. $1, cloth.

3 Clarke, J: M. Oriskany Fauna of Becraft Mountain, Columbia Co.
N. Y. 128p. gpl. Oct. 1900. 80¢.

MUSEUM PUBLICATIONS

4 Peck, C: H. N. Y. Edible Fungi, 1895-99. 106p. 25pl. Nov. 1900. 75¢c.
This includes revised descriptions and illustrations of fungi reported in the goth, 51st and sed
reports of the state botanist.

5 Clarke, J: M. & Ruedemann, Rudolf. Guelph Formation and Fauna of

New York State. 196p. 21pl. July 1903. $1.50, cloth.
6 —— Naples Fauna in Western New York. 268p. 26pl. map. $2, cloth.

_ 7 Ruedemann, Rudolf. Graptolites of New York. Pt1 Graptolites of the

Lower Beds. In press.
Felt, E. P. Insects Affecting Park and Woodland Trees. In press.
Clarke, J: M. Early Devonic of Eastern New York. In preparation.

Natural history of New York. 3ov. il. pl. maps. Q. Albany 1842-94.

DIVISION I zooLOGy. De Kay, James E. Zoology of New York; or, The
New York Fauna; comprising detailed descriptions of all the animals
hitherto observed within the State of New York with brief notices of
those occasionally found near its borders, and accompanied by appropri-
ate illustrations. 5v. il. pl. maps. sq. Q. Albany 1842-44. Out of print.

Historical introduction to the series by Gov. W: H. Seward. 1178p.

v.I1 ptr Mammalia. 13+146p. 33pl. 1842.

300 copies with hand-colored plates.

- v.2 pt2 Birds. 12+380p. 141pl. 1844.

Colored plates.

v.3 pt3 Reptiles and Amphibia. 7+98p. pt4 Fishes. 15+415p. 1842.
pt3-4 bound together,

v.4 Plates to accompany v. 3. Reptiles and Amphibia 23pl. Fishes 7gpl.
1842.
oe with hand-colored plates.

v.5 ptS Mollusca. 4+27Ip. gopl. pt6 Crustacea. op. 13pl. 1843-44.
Hand-colored plates: pts5-6 bound together.

DIVISION 2 BOTANY. Torrey, John. Flora of the State of New York; com-
prising full descriptions of all the indigenous and naturalized plants hith-
erto discovered in the State, with remarks on their economical and med-
ical properties. av. il. pl. sq. Q. Albany 1843. Out of print.

v.I Flora of the State of New York. 12+484p. 72pl. 1843.

300 copies with hand-colored plates.

v.2 Flora of the State of New York. 572p. 89pl. 1843.
300 copies with hand-colored plates.

DIVISION 3 MINERALOGY. Beck, Lewis C. Mineralogy of New York; com-
prising detailed descriptions of the minerals hitherto found in the State
of New York, and notices of their uses in the arts and agriculture. il. pl.
sq. Q. Albany 1842. Out of print. me

v.I ptt Economical Mineralogy. pt2 Descriptive Mineralogy. 24+536p.

I °
8 plates additional to those printed as part of the text.

DIVISION 4 GEOLOGY. Mather, W: W.; Emmons, Ebenezer; Vanuxem, Lard-
ner & Hall, James. Geology of New York. 4v. il. pl. sq. Q. Albany
1842-43. Out of print. ;

v.1 ptt Mather, W: W. First Geological District. 37+653p. 46pl. 1843.

v.2 pt2 Emmons, Ebenezer. Second Geological District. 10+437p. 17pl.
1842. .

v.3 pt3 Vanuxem, Lardner. Third Geological District. 306p. 1842.

v.4 pt4 Hall, James. Fourth Geological District. 22+683p. 19pl. map.

1843.

“DIVISION 5 AGRICULTURE. Emmons, Ebenezer. Agriculture of New York;

comprising an account of the classification, composition and distribution
of the soils and rocks and the natural waters of the different geological
formations, together with a condensed view of the meteorology and agri-
cultural productions of the State. 5v. il. pl. sq. Q. Albany 1846-54. Out
of print. Apes

v.1 Soils of the State, their Composition and Distribution. 11+371Ip. 2rpl.
1846.

v. 2 Analysis of Soils, Plants, Cereals, etc. 8+343+46p. 42pl. 1849.
With hand-colored plates.

UNIVERSITY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK

v.3 Fruits, etc. 8+340p. 1851.
v. 4 Plates to accompany v. 3. 95pl. 1851.

and-colored.

v.5 Insects Injurious to Agriculture. 8+272p. sopl. 1854.
With hand-colored plates.

DIVISION 6 PALEONTOLOGY. Hall, James. Palaeontology of New York. 8v.
il. pl. sq. Q. Albany 1847-94. Bound in cloth.

v.1 Organic Remains of the Lower Division of the New York System.
23+338p. oopl. 1847. Out of print.

v.2 Organic Remains of Lower Middle Division of the New York System.
8+362p. 1o4pl. 1852. Out of print.

v.3 Organic Remains of the Lower eee Group and the Oriskany
Sandstone. pti, text. 12+532p. 1859. [$3.50]

— pt2, 143pl. 1861. [$2.50]

v.4 Fossil Brachiopoda of the Upper Helderberg, Hamilton, Portage and
Chemung Groups. 11+1+428p. 9opl. 1867. $2.50.

v.5 pti Lamellibranchiata 1. Monomyaria of the Upper Helderberg,
Hamilton and Chemung Groups. 18+268p. 45pl. 1884. $2.50.

Lamellibranchiata 2. Dimyaria of the Upper Helderberg, Ham-
ilton, Portage and Chemung Groups. 62+293p. 5iIpl. 1885. $2.50.

—— pt2 Gasteropoda, Pteropoda and Cephalopoda of the Upper Helder-
berg, Hamilton, Portage and Chemung Groups. 2v. 1879. v. 1, text.
15+492p. v.2, 120pl. $2.50 for 2 v.

v.6 Corals and Bryozoa of the Lower and Upper Helderberg and Hamil-
ton Groups. 24+298p. 67pl. 1887. $2.50.

v.7 Trilobites and other Crustacea of the Oriskany, Upper Helderberg,
Hamilton, Portage, Chemung and Catskill Groups. 64+236p. 46pl. 1888.
Cont. supplement to v. 5, pt2. Pteropoda, Cephalopoda and Annelida.
42p. 18pl. 1888. $2.50.

v.8ptr Introduction to the Study of the Genera of the Paleozoic Brachi-
opoda. 16+367p. 44pl. 1802. $2.50.

—— pt2 Paleozoic Brachiopoda. 16+304p. 84pl. 1804. $2.50.

Catalogue of the Cabinet of Natural History of the State of New York and

wi the Historical and Antiquarian Collection annexed thereto. 242p.
1853.

Handbooks 1893-date. 714x124 cm.
In quantities, r cent for each 16 pages or less. Single copies postpaid as below.
H5 New York State Museum. 52p. il. 4c.
Outlines history ind work of the museu.n ‘with list of staff 1902.
H13 Paleontology. I2p. 2¢.
Brief outline of State Museum work in paleontology under heads: Detinition; Relation to
biology; Relation to stratigraphy; History of paleontology in New York.
H15 Guide to Excursions in the Fossiliferous Rocks of New York.
1240p.) .&,
Itineraries of 32 trips covering nearly the entire series of Paleozoic rocks, prepared specially

for the use of teachers and students desiring to acquaint themselves more intimately with the
classic rocks of this State.

H16 Entomology. 16p. 2¢.

H17 Economic Geology. 44p. 4c.

H18 Insecticides and Fungicides. 20p. 3c.

H19 Classification of New York Series of Geologic Formations. 32p. 3c.

Maps. Merrill, F: J. H. Economic and Geologic Map of the State of New —
York ; issued as part of Museum bulletin 15 and the 48th Museum Report,

v. I. 59x67 cm. 1894. Scale 14 miles to 1 inch. Separate edition out of
print.

—— Geologic Map of New York. t1g01. Scale 5 miles to 1 inch. Jn atlas
form $3; mounted on rollers $5. Lower Hudson sheet 60c.
The ‘ower Hudson sheet, geologically colored, comprises Rockland, Orange, Dutchess, Put-

nam, Westchester, New York, Richmond, Kings, Queens and Nassau counties, and parts of Sullivan,
Ulster and Suffolk counties; ‘also northeastern New Jersey and part of western Connecticut.

Map of New York showing the Surface Configuration and Water Sheds.
1901. Scale 12 miles to 1 inch. T5¢c.

Clarke, J: M. & Luther, D. D. Geologic Map of Canandaigua and Naples

Quadrangles. 1904. 20¢,
Issued as part of Paleontology 7,

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