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Bulletin of the ^%ZJ/

British Museum (Natural History)

The Red Notebook
of Charles Darwin

Sandra Herbert (Editor)

Historical series Vol 7 24 April 1980

The Bullei'm of the British Museum (Natural History), instituted in 1949, is issued in four
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World List abbreviation : Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.)

©Trustees of the British Museum (Natural History), 1980

ISSN 0068-2306

Historical series
British Museum (Natural History) Vol 7 l-164(Complete)

Cromwell Road
London SW7 5BD

Issued 24 April 1980

'--' %

THE RED NOTEBOOK
OF CHARLES DARWIN

Edited with an Introduction and Notes

by

SANDRA HERBERT

University of Maryland, Baltimore County
Baltimore, Maryland, 21228, U.S.A.

British Museum

(Natural History)

London

Bull. Br. Mm. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.) 7:1-164 Issued 24 April 1980

© Trustees of the British Museum (Natural History), 1980

ISSN 0068-2306

Historical Scries Volume 7 (Complete): 1-164

Published by British Museum (Natural History)

Cromwell Road, London SW7 5BD

Set by William Clowes & Sons, Limited, London. C'olchester and Beccles

Printed by Henry Ling Ltd., Dorchester

To Sydney Smith

Introduction

Commonly used symbols and abbreviations code

CR The Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs (1842)
Diary Charles Darwin's Diary of the Voyage of H. M.S. Beagle

Edited from the MS by N. Barlow (1933)
GSA Geological Observations on South America (1846)
JR Journal of Researches ( 1 839)
VI Geological Observations on the Volcanic Islands Visited during the Voyage of

H.M.S. Beagle (1844)

Editorial syitibols

[ J Darwin's addition

< > Darwin's cancellation

Q J Editor's remark

[...?] Uncertain reading

I End of notebook page

e Wholly or partly excised page

The Red Notebook is one of a series of notebooks kept by Charles Darwin during and
immediately following his service as naturalist to the 1831-1836 surveying voyage of
H.M.S. Beagle. It forms part of the collection of Darwin manuscripts at Down House
in Kent, Darwin's former home, and, since 1929, a museum in his honour. The
notebook came to Down House by arrangement with the Darwin family following
Sir George Buckston Browne's purchase of the house for use as a museum.' It
is a well-made but otherwise ordinary pocket notebook, measuring (y^" x 3xf "
(164 mm x 99 mm), leather bound with a metal latch, which still works, and, as the
name suggests, red in colour, although the original brilliance has faded. The leather
cover is embossed with a border design on both sides. The front cover of the notebook
bears the initials 'R.N.', written on a rectangular piece of white paper. On the back
cover is pasted a similar piece of paper with the identical initials and the additional
phrase 'Range of Sharks', referring to an entry within the notebook. There is also an
ominous epigram written in larger letters across the back of the notebook: 'Nothing
For any Purpose'. All of these inscriptions are written in brown ink in Darwin's
handwriting.

The pages of the notebook are of good quality paper, chain lined, and cut from
stock bearing a 'T. Warren 1830' watermark. There are ninety leaves in the notebook
or, in Darwin's occasionally irregular numbering, one hundred and eighty-one pages.
Counting fractionally excised pages as half pages, seventy-five pages, or just over 41
per cent of the total, do not now appear in the bound notebook. All but twelve of these
excised pages have been identified from among the general holdings of Darwin papers
at Cambridge University Library.^ In addition to the large number of excised pages,
two other features of the notebook are worthy of notice with respect to its physical
appearance. First, most entries are scored through with a single vertical line. Such
scorings are common among Darwin manuscripts and were an indication to himself
that he had made use of the material. Second, the notebook as a whole divides neatly
into two parts on the basis of the medium in which the majority of entries were
written and with respect to the direction in which they were written on the page. Up
to page 1 13, entries are in pencil, except for a few later additions, and are written along
the vertical of the page, that is, running across its narrower dimension. In contrast,
from page 113 on, the majority of entries are in brown ink rather than pencil and are
written across the horizontal of the page.

The obvious difference in appearance between the two parts of the notebook has a
commonplace explanation. In appearance the first part of the Red Notebook resembles
Darwin's field notebooks from the voyage, the second part the majority of notebooks
kept after the voyage. Entries in notebooks from the voyage were typically made in
pencil and written on the vertical of the page. In the field, pencil is obviously superior
to pen and ink for writing. Also, for most right-handed people, a hand-held pocket-
sized notebook is more easily written in when held vertically in the left hand, the palm
of the left hand supporting the entire page, than when held horizontally, which leaves
the right-hand edge of the page without support. Thus, so long as he was travelling,

SANDRA HERBERT

Darwin wrote in pencil with the notebook held vertically. Once back in England,
however, Darwin wrote while sitting at a desk and used pen and ink as well as pencil.
At home he found it easier to write horizontally across the page.

This explanation for the difference in appearance between the two parts of the
notebook is borne out if an attempt is made to date the notebook on the basis of
content. Fortunately the first part of the notebook can be dated with some confidence
on the basis of places named in the text. The first part of the notebook yields a perfect
progression of place names corresponding to points visited by the Beagle from late
May to the end of September 1836. The Beagle arrived at the Cape of Good Hope on
31 May 1836 and departed 18 June; page 15 of the Red Notebook contains the entry
'off Cape of Good Hope 70 fathoms 20 miles from the shore', and page 32 mentions
the names of two prominent English residents of Cape Town, Sir John Herschel and
Dr Andrew Smith. Page 38 refers to similar detail for St Helena, the Beagle's port
from 8-14 July. Later in the notebook, on page 45, reference is made to Ascension
Island which the Beagle visited from 19-23 July, and on page 77 a reminder is given to
'Mem. Ascension'. On page 94 Darwin wrote "I now having seen Pernambuco"
which he visited from 12-17 August. Continuing this series, page 99 mentions the
Cape Verde Islands, a port for the Beagle from 3 1 August-5 September. Finally, page
107 refers to the Azores where the Beagle stopped for mail on 25 September, eight
days before anchoring at Falmouth. On 2 October 1836 Darwin departed the Beagle
at Falmouth for his home in Shrewsbury.

Exact dates for the second part of the Red Notebook are harder to determine.
With no written itinerary available, one must look to different types of evidence. One
useful guide for dating pages 113-181 are the names of individuals Darwin cited in
his entries. Chiefly they are of scientific men active in London, most of whom Darwin
had not met before returning to England. Thus on page 113, the first extant page in
the second part of the notebook, Darwin referred to consultations with Richard Owen,
then a young anatomist working at the Royal College of Surgeons, later the first
Superintendent of the Natural History Museum in South Kensington. Since Darwin
first met Owen in October 1836, the month Darwin returned to England, entries from
page 113 on in the notebook are post-voyage in date.^ Reference on subsequent pages
to other London men — among them geologists Roderick Murchison and Charles
Lyell, the geographer Sir Woodbine Parish, and the conchologist James de Carle
Sowerby — substantiates this view. Further, the impact that these London men had on
Darwin's work from the voyage provides evidence for dating certain passages. For
example, at the end of January 1837 Richard Owen provided identifications of a
number of Darwin's fossil mammal specimens from South America to Charles Lyell
for inclusion in his presidential address of 17 February 1837 to the Geological Society
of London.^ Among the specimens which Owen identified was a llama-like animal, the
Macrauchenia patachonica. This specimen figured prominently in the Red Notebook
since the 'extinct Llama' referred to on page 129 was in fact the Macrauchenia. As the
llama-like character of this specimen was unknown before Owen examined it, the

INTRODUCTION

entry on page 129 of the Red Notebook must have been written after the end of
January 1837. How long after can best be determined by considering the context in
which Darwin's remarks on the Macrauchenia were made. To do so it is necessary to
consider Darwin's remarks on species in the second part of the Red Notebook as a unit.

The whole run of entries on species in the second part of the Red Notebook is
important for the limited purpose of dating specific passages, such as those referring
to the Macrauchenia. It is also essential for the larger purpose of establishing a date
for Darwin's arrival at a belief in the mutability of species. On this last point it should
be stated that while Darwin's observations during the Beagle voyage were fundamental
to his work on evolution, his notes from the voyage do not reveal him to have been an
evolutionist. He was at the stage of asking basic questions.^ It should also be stated
that there has previously been no fully satisfying evidence to document Darwin's own
claim that he began to form his views on the species question in 'about' March 1837.^
Undoubtedly the chief significance of the Red Notebook is that it provides such
evidence. In the Red Notebook are found explicit indications that Darwin was ready
to assert the possibility that "... one species does change into another ..." (Red Note-
book, p. 130). Equally important, Darwin's remarks on the species question in the
second part of the notebook are sufficiently extended to allow one to characterize his
position in some detail.

Darwin's remarks on species in the second part of the notebook are directed
towards three general topics: the geographical distribution of species, a comparison
between the distribution of species through time and through space, and the gener-
ation of individuals and species. The central theoretical notion to emerge with respect
to geographical distribution is that ot the 'representation of species' (p. 130), or what
Darwin referred to in his autobiography as 'the manner in which closely allied animals
replace one another in proceeding southwards over the [South .American] Conti-
nent...'.'' From this notion Darwin drew the tentative conclusion that such rep-
resentative species as (to take his example) the two South .-\merican rheas had
descended from a common parent (p. 153e). It is important to point out that in
drawing this conclusion, Darwin chose to avoid a Lamarckian understanding of the
bounding of species.^ For Lamarck, species graded indistinguishably into one another.
In contrast, Darwin perceived differences between even the most closely related
species, a perception captured by his notion of representative species and confirmed
by the judgements of taxonomic authorities.^ The word he employed to describe this
situation was 'inosculation', a medical term referring to the joining of one blood vessel
to another. Because he saw species inosculating rather than grading into one another,
Darwin believed at the time he wrote this entry that species change, or transmutation,
must be produced 'at one blow' (p. 217), or 'per saltum' (p. 130). Transmutation and
representative species aside, however, there are other statements in the notebook
which bear on Darwin's more general understanding of the identity of species as
correlated with geographical location and range. One such passage argues that 'new
creations' of species are independent of the size of the land area inhabited by the

SANDRA HERBERT

species (p. 127). Other statements challenge by way of example the notion that climate
entirely determines the distribution of species (pp. 128, 134e) or that species are
perfectly adapted to a particular set of physical circumstances (pp. 129, 133). Behind
such statements lie broad questions concerning the relation of the history of the earth
to the history of life. Yet in these passages the tentative and empirical nature of
Darwin's inquiries is paramount.

The second topic of interest with respect to the species question in the Red
Notebook is the analogy Darwin drew between the distribution of species over space
and over time. Darwin's statement reads: "The same kind of relation that common
ostrich bears to (Petisse, & diff kinds of Fourmillier): extinct Guanaco to recent: in
former case position, in latter time, (or changes consequent on lapse) being the
relation. — "(p. 130) If we can simplify this statement by omitting the phrase 'diflF
kinds of Fourmillier' (on this see footnote 154 to the text), we have the following
proportion: the common rhea stands to the lesser rhea as the 'extinct Guanaco'
stands to the present-day guanaco. (The common rhea is Rhea americana, the lesser
rhea the R/iea darwinii [Pterocnemia pennata]. [See note 149 to the text.] The extinct
Guanaco is Macranchenia patackonica, the animal identified by Richard Owen; the
present-day guanaco is Lama guanicoe. [See note 152 to the text.]) The first ratio,
between the rheas, was based on spatial succession, the geographical ranges of the two
birds being contiguous. The second ratio, between the Macrauchenia and the guanaco,
involved temporal succession, although the exact nature of the succession is not speci-
fied in the text. The common element binding the two ratios derives from the fact
that both involved the replacement of one species by an allied species. Moreover, in
context it is clear that replacement implied transmutation, for immediately upon
asserting an analogy between spatial and temporal succession, Darwin referred to
species changing. In doing so Darwin returned to a point we have noted earlier, namely
his belief that allied species do not grade into each other. The Macrauchenia (or its
cousin) must have 'inosculated' into the present-day guanaco, just as one rhea
' inosculated ' into the other. For Darwin this ruled out the Lamarckian notion that
one species gradually changed into another in response to 'degenerating circum-
stances' as might be caused, for example, by a gradual change in climate. However,
even if Darwin did not embrace a Lamarckian mechanism for species change, he
did share Lamarck's conclusion that present-day species were descended from earlier
related forms.

k third topic taken up in the Red Notebook with general relevance for the species
question was generation, or, in modern terms, reproduction. In the notebook Darwin
dealt briefly with the particular issue of how he might regard individuation as occurring
in the zoophytes, a now-abandoned grouping of plant-like animals whose most
familiar representatives are the corals. (Red Notebook, p. 130) The technical nature
of zoophyte generation was not Darwin's primary concern. He was chiefly concerned
to see where zoophyte generation might fit in the general analogy he was drawing
between the generation of species and the generation of individuals. The chief

INTRODUCTION

advantage of the analogy was that it gave Darwin an alternative to environmental
explanations for the origin and extinction of species. Thus, on p. 129: "Should urge
that extinct Llama owed its death not to change of circumstances; reversed argument,
knowing it to be a desert. — Tempted to believe animals created for a definite time: —
not extinguished by change of circumstances: ..." Approached in this manner, "There
is no more wonder in extinction of species than of individual. — " (p. 133) Although
the claim is not made explicitly in this notebook, Darwin presumed that the comple-
mentary relationship might also hold, that the birth of new species might be under-
stood by analogy to the birth of individuals.

Such are the major questions concerning species which Darwin addressed in the
Red Notebook: geographical distribution, the relation between the spatial and
temporal distribution of species, and generation. But can the passages in which these
topics are discussed be dated to ' about ' March 1837 ? Three kinds of evidence suggest
they can. First there is the direct evidence from the notebook itself. As has already
been mentioned, the second part of the notebook is post-voyage in date and references
to the 'extinct Llama' and 'extinct Guanaco' on pages 129-130 derive from Richard
Owen's work of January 1837. The important passages on species on pages 129-130,
and very probably the whole run of remarks on species from pages 127-133, therefore
date from January 1837 at the earliest. Equally important, other datable entries in
the notebook are consistent with a March 1837 dating for pages 127-133. These
entries include: (i) a reference on page 143e of the notebook to the 29 April 1837 issue
of the weekly journal the AthetKeiim, and (ii) a reference on page 178 to the subject
matter of conversations Darwin was having with the botanist Robert Brown in April
and early May 1837.'° (Since the entry on page 178 is the last datable one in the
notebook, it also provides an approximate closing date for the notebook of May 1837.)
The second source of support for a March 1837 dating of the main run of entries on
species is the positive, although incomplete, correlation between the contents of these
entries and Darwin's description of his original insight into the species question
where he wrote that he "Had been greatly struck from about month of previous
March on character of S. American fossils — & species on Galapagos Archipelago.
These facts origin (especially latter) of all my views."'' By the phrase 'character of
S. American fossils' Darwin undoubtedly had in mind the similarity between past and
present South American forms. '^ The relationship between the Macrmichenia and the
guanaco which figures so largely in the Red Notebook was of this sort. Thus, on the
point pertaining to South American fossils, the correspondence between the Red
Notebook and Darwin's 'Journal' entries is exact. With respect to Galapagos species
the correspondence is less revealing, for Galapagos species are not mentioned directly
in the notebook. It may be that Darwin had in mind the Galapagos mockingbirds
when he referred to the 'Calandria' or South .American mockingbirds.'^ However,
this is uncertain. On the evidence therefore, the correlation between the Red Note-
book and Darwin's description of his insights of March 1837 is positive although
incomplete.

10 SANDR.i\ HERBERT

The third line of evidence joining the Red Notebook to Darwin's insights of
March 1837 derives from a comparison between the passages on species in the note-
book with those in the opening pages of a notebook, labelled 'B', begun in July
1837.'^ In general, Notebook B carries forward discussions on species begun in the
Red Notebook. Identical elements appear in Notebook B as in the Red Notebook but
they are handled with greater assurance and, in certain cases, with the addition of new
material. Compare, for example, the opening sentence on page 130 of the Red Note-
book with the statement on pages 16-17 of Notebook B: "I look at two Ostriches as
strong argument of possibility of such change ; as we see them in space, so might they
in time. — " Similarly, the notion of representative species reappears in Notebook B,
although now in conjunction with the idea of isolation as a mechanism for species
change. A series of entries on pages 7-10 of Notebook B reads as follows:

Let a pair be introduced and increase slowly, from many enemies,
so as often to intermarry — who will dare say what result.

According to this view animals on separate islands, ought to
become different if kept long enough apart, with slightly differ[ent]
circumstances. — Now Galapagos tortoises, mocking birds, Falkland
fox, Chiloe fox. — English and Irish Hare. —

As we thus believe species vary, in changing climate we ought to
find representative species; this we do in South America closely
approaching. — But as they inosculate, we must suppose the change is
effected at once, something like a variety produced — every grade in
that case [it] seems is not produced? —

If species (1) may be derived from form (2) etc., — then (remember-
ing Lyell's arguments of transportal) island near continents might have
some species same as nearest land, which were late arrivals, others old
ones (of which none of same kind had in interval arrived) might have
grown altered. Hence the type would be of the continent, though
species all different. —

The greater sophistication of this treatment of the notion of representative species —
its ennumeration of examples, discussion of the transportal of species, and indication
of isolation as a mechanism for change — suggests that it postdates the passages on
species in the Red Notebook. It is therefore reasonable to conclude that Darwin made
his entries on the species question in the Red Notebook before he opened Notebook
B — that is, some time before July 1837.^^

Evidence for dating the important run of entries on pages 127-133 of the Red
Notebook can now be summarized. As already mentioned, the dependence of some
entries in that series on Richard Owen's work of January 1837 makes that the earliest
possible date for the series taken as a whole, while the existence of Notebook B

INTRODUCTION 11

suggests July 1837 as the latest possible date for the entries. Thus, the entries must
have been written during the six months from late January to early July 1837. At this
point it becomes relevant to weigh the author's own word carefully, for in the absence
of any evidence to the contrary it provides the best reason to assign these passages to
one month rather than another in this period. Overall, in Darwin's characterization
of this period, the month of March stands out, for it was then that he claimed to have
come to his new view of species. Since the passages in question from the Red Notebook
are clearly transmutationist, it is plausible to assign them that date. Contributing
evidence from the notebook — the rough correspondence of the insights Darwin
described having in March 1837 with the passages from the notebook, and the
compatibility of two dates further on in the notebook (the reference on page 143e to
the 29 April 1837 issue of the Athenteum and the reference on page 178 to activities of
April and early May 1837) with a March dating for pages 127-133 — supports this
conclusion. The run of entries on the species question in the Red Notebook should
therefore be assigned, however loosely, to March 1837. To this dating two qualifi-
cations must be stressed : that Darwin himself was tentative in dating the origin of his
new views (to 'about' March) and that it is more than likely that various entries were
written at scattered times. Yet, on balance, the evidence supports an approximate
dating of March 1837 for the entries on pages 127-133 of the Red Notebook.

The obvious next question is: why March .' Fortunately, if one takes the passages
on species in the Red Notebook to coincide with the origin of Darwin's new views
that question can be answered, for insofar as passages on transmutation in the note-
book depend on new information unavailable to Darwin before March 1837, they
depend on the identification of specimens from his collection by London zoologists.^®
These identifications were of two kinds: (i) identifications of specimens of unknown
character and (ii) the marking off and naming of good species. The utility of expert
opinion is obvious in the first case, as, for example, where Richard Owen's knowledge
of comparative anatomy enabled him to identify fossil specimens where Darwin
could not. The utility of expert opinion in the second case was less obvious, for the
naming and marking off of species entailed considerable judgement on the part of the
taxonomist. Yet while the process of species definition was in part arbitrary it was not
anarchic. What ordered the process was the existence of recognized arbiters, or, in a
word, specialists. The concept 'species' was in fact defined by such men as John
Gould and Richard Owen as they went about their daily work. It was their office, not
Darwin's, to name his specimens. Hence what one finds in the Red Notebook (despite
its retention of common names for species) are traces of Darwin's reflections on his
own initial observations in the field as these observations were ratified or extended by
professional judgements on various specimens. One can see the effect of professional
judgement in the insights he recalled as central to his new views. His first insight
pertained to the temporal succession of similar species in the same locality. In
Darwin's autobiography he cited the glyptodon-armadillo relationship to this end;'''
in the Red Notebook it is the Macrauchenia-Uama replacement which figures.

12 SANDRA HERBERT

Although the final word on the fossil mammals came from Richard Owen in both
cases, Darwin's dependence on professional judgement is more obvious in the case of
the Macrauchenia, for, unlike the glyptodon-armadillo relationship, Darwin had not
formed any judgement of his own on the specimen before learning Owen's opinion.
Professional judgement was equally important to Darwin's second insight
respecting "species on Galapagos archipelago".^" In a key passage in his Ornitho-
logical Notes, written before specialists had examined his collection, Darwin recorded
his suspicion that the various Galapagos mockingbirds were "only varieties" since
they differed very slightly from one another and "filled the same place in Nature ".^^
The phrase "only varieties" is significant in this context since naturalists traditionally
used the term 'variety' to indicate groups which had been subject to some departure
from type. When John Gould declared that the mockingbirds comprised three good
species, Darwin could the more easily believe that the "stability of Species" had been
undermined. Further, Darwin was then free to consider geographical isolation as a
vehicle for species change. John Gould's recognition of a species-level distinction
between the two rheas was a similar case; it invited the speculations on pages 127 and
130 of the Red Notebook. Without Gould's judgements Darwin could not have
proceeded as he did, and, conversely, everything Darwin later did referred back in
some way to these early professional opinions for support. Indeed in his formal
presentation of his Beagle material Darwin took pains to emphasize that professional
judgement must be relied on. Speaking of the Galapagos mockingbirds in particular
he wrote :

I may observe, that [if] some naturalists may be inclined to attribute
these differences to local varieties. . .then the experience of all the best
ornithologists must be given up, and whole genera must be blended into
species.^''

The significance of a March 1837 date for the origin of Darwin's new views on species
thus derives from his reception at that time of the views of recognized zoologists with
respect to key specimens from his collection. In itself this is logical enough since for
Darwin to attempt an answer to the species question he had first to understand what
his colleagues meant by a species in relation to his own collections.

We can now return to consider the notebook as a whole. As already mentioned,
Darwin opened the notebook in May or June 1836. From internal evidence, namely
the reference on page 143e to the 20 April 1837 issue of the Athenaum and the
reference on page 178 to the subject matter of conversations Darwin was having with
Robert Brown in April and May 1837, the inference can be drawn that the notebook
was completed by May 1837 at the earliest. More cautiously one might wish to set the
closing date at June 1837. In either case the Red Notebook was in use for something
like a year. Clearly it was an important year, spanning the closing months of the
voyage and the first eight or nine months back in England. It was also a year of
transition, the change from one way of life to another being reflected in the pages of

INTRODUCTION 13

the notebook. Indeed, the notebook itself served partly as an instrument of adjustment
to the return, for Darwin used the first part of it to plan for future publications.
Scattered throughout the first part of the notebook are reminders to himself respecting
his writing: 'note in Coral Paper' (page 30), 'Introduce part of the above in Patagonia
paper; & part in grand discussion' (page 49), 'In Rio paper. . .' (page 65), 'In my
Cleavage paper. . .' (page 101), and so on. The term 'paper' applies here to various
units of Darwin's geological writings from the voyage. Darwin also used the term in
that sense when he wrote to J. S. Henslow shortly after arriving home, "There is not
another soul, whom I could ask, excepting yourself, to wade through & criticize [those
del] some of those papers which I have left with you. — "^' One paper mentioned in
the Red Notebook and presumably shown to Henslow (as well as Charles Lyell) was
the 'Coral Paper'. The original draft of this manuscript, written in 1835, formed the
basis for Darwin's presentation on 31 May 1837 to the Geological Society of London,
and, later, for the first part of the published geology from the Beagle voyage. ^^ While
the histories of the other papers referred to in the Red Notebook are not as straight-
forward, Darwin's intent for them was likely the same. In addition to short pieces on
individual topics, Darwin also intended to write a large-scale work on the geology of
South America. In 1846 Darwin realized his ambition for this 'grand discussion' of
South American geology with the publication of the third part of the geology of the
voyage of the Beagle.^^

Entries in the Red Notebook were also directed to the furtherance of another
publishing project: the Journal of Researches, Darwin's narrative of the 1831-1836
voyage of the H.M.S. Beagle.'^'^ While the ' Diary '^^ Darwin kept during the voyage
furnished the basic narrative for his Journal, he included two additional kinds of
material in the published work. They included references to the work of previous
travellers and brief summaries of his own scientific researches. Frequently the Red
Notebook was used in compiling citations of the first kind, as is evidenced by the
transfer of citations from the Red Notebook to the Journal of Researches. Less often,
but at several points most strikingly, the Red Notebook also served as an instrument
for recording scientific speculations. These too passed to the Journal although,
because of the organization of the work, rather unobtrusively.^^ In any case, it is clear
on inspection that the Red Notebook served Darwin in writing the Journal of
Researches.

The Red Notebook is thus transitional in that a number of its entries are directed
towards future publications. It is also transitional in that it marks a change in the use
to which Darwin put pocket-sized notebooks. While on the voyage Darwin used
notebooks for recording field observations. As a result, notebook entries from the
voyage are primarily observational and often not in sentence form. In contrast, most
other work from the voyage, including reading notes and the finished version of daily
observations, with their 'theories', 'conjectures' and 'hypotheses' (Darwin used all
these terms) was written out in good sentence form on larger sized paper. ^" The Red
Notebook represents a departure from this pattern, for its entries are mixed. There

14 SANDRA HERBERT

are still some field notes, but there are also reading notes (which are in fact sometimes
notes on earlier reading notes — hence their telegraphic brevity), and, most importantly,
also notes on 'theories', 'conjectures', and 'hypotheses'. After June 1837, when the
Red Notebook was presumably filled, Darwin began new notebooks where the
presence of theoretical inquiries became even more marked. Indeed, if one takes all
of Darwin's notebooks from the Beagle and immediately post-Beagle periods together,
one can see a shift from observation to theory in the notebooks, with the Red Notebook
occupying a mid-way position. This change can be summarized as follows:

DESCRIPTIVE NOTEBOOKS^^ ^ POST-VOYAGE

FROM THE VOYAGE — *► "tD f^^TEBOUK. — »> ^^^Q^g^lj.^^ NOTEBOOKS

The change is, however, less dramatic than is suggested by this scheme, for all the
notebooks show some degree of mixture in their entries; yet as an overall shift it is
clear.^^ Accompanying this shift there was also a parallel change in Darwin's labelling
of his notebooks. Field notebooks were labelled in a straightforward manner according
to the names of the places visited. ¥ost-Beagle theoretical notebooks were labelled
alphabetically, presumably in deference to the abstract nature of their contents.
Again the Red Notebook stood between these two groups. Its label, 'R.N.', provided
no clue to its contents, and its name, the Red Notebook, merely described its physical
appearance. In all likelihood the notebook went without a name until Darwin had
reason to refer back to it after it was completed. ^^ This would not seem to indicate any
lack of regard on Darwin's part for the notebook, for indeed it was a pivotal notebook
in several respects, but rather its unique standing among his notebooks.

Once the Red Notebook was filled, Darwin reorganized his method of taking notes.
Where the Red Notebook contained entries on all subjects of interest, subsequent
notebooks were more restricted in content. In place of the Red Notebook Darwin
opened two new notebooks, one devoted to geology which he labelled 'A'.^° At about
the same time Darwin opened a second notebook, ' B ', already mentioned, which he
devoted to questions pertaining to the mutability of species. The generative relation-
ship between the Red Notebook and Notebooks A and B is suggested by Figure 1.

NOTEBOOK A

RED NOTEBOOK

(geology)

NOTEBOOK B

FiGiniE 1

(ipecies)

While it is beyond the scope of this introduction to describe Notebooks A and B
in detail, they can be compared to the Red Notebook with respect to content. On the
geological side Darwin considered a wide range of subjects in the Red Notebook. As

INTRODUCTION 15

might be expected from a notebook stimulated by field work, the largest number of
geological entries in the Red Notebook pertained to specific formations and rock
types. However, nearly as large in number were entries pertaining to the elevation and
subsidence of the earth's crust — a subject in which Darwin was keenly interested — and
what were for Darwin the attendant issues of the form of the earth — that is its shape
and interior structure — and such patterns of disturbance in the earth's crust as were
indicated by the occurrence of earthquakes and the presence of volcanoes and
mountain chains. In addition to these major themes Darwin also made notes on other
geological topics in the Red Notebook, among them the distribution of metallic veins,
the preservation of fossils, erratic blocks, and life at the bottom of the sea. Equally
noteworthy as the range of geological subjects considered in the Red Notebook is the
enthusiasm with which they are treated, particularly those of a theoretical nature,
indeed, Darwin's ambition as a theoretical geologist surfaced at several points in the
notebooks; see, for example, the passage on pages 72-73 (see p. 51) beginning with
the phrase, "Geology of whole world will turn out simple. — " Such passages must,
of course, be read in context, and in this instance the context was provided by the
Lyellian reconstruction of geology then in progress. ^^

Reflecting Darwin's enthusiasm for large theoretical issues. Notebook A follows
the lead of the Red Notebook with regard to geology. For example, there is in the two
notebooks a continuing interest in vertical movements of the earth's crust and an
overlapping range of topics generally. Yet there are some differences between the two
notebooks. Notebook A has fewer field notes than does the Red Notebook, and indeed
the major piece of geological field research Darwin did in the 1837-1839 period he
recorded in another notebook. ^^ Also, Notebook A draws on contemporary journal
literature far more than does the Red Notebook, for the obvious reason that Darwin
had access to such literature only after his return to England. Another difference
between the two notebooks is their relative value as documents for interpreting
Darwin's geological views for the period when each was kept. In this respect the Red
Notebook is the more revealing document. Yet the lesser import of Notebook A is not
due to a declining interest in geology on Darwin's part during the 1837-1839 period.
Indeed, in this time Darwin published seven papers on geological topics. ^^ Two of
these papers, that on the formation of mould and that on the 'parallel roads' of Glen
Roy in Scotland, involved new field research. Further, during this same period
Darwin continued working on his 'grand discussion' of South American geology, and
on his studies of coral reefs and volcanic islands.^* However, in quantity and substance
Notebook A represents only a small portion, a sampler, of Darwin's geological work
during the period, and for that reason it is less essential to interpreting Darwin's early
geological views than is the Red Notebook.

In contrast, Notebook B and its successors represent the bulk of Darwin's theoret-
ical work on the species question during the period when they were kept and are there-
fore essential in understanding his intellectual development. As is well known, Darwin
did not publish his new views on species immediately upon their inception, being well

16 SANDRA HERBERT

aware of the generally critical attitude of his scientific colleagues towards theories
asserting the mutability of species.^^ However, from the spring of 1837 on, Darwin
himself was convinced of the merits of the transmutationist case and chose to pursue
the subject in private without the explicit knowledge or direct support of his colleagues.
In Notebook B, begun in July 1837, Darwin continued the inquiries on species
begun in the Red Notebook. Once filled. Notebook B gave way to Notebooks C, D,
and E, and to at least one other notebook known only from fragments. ^^ By the close
of Notebook C, however, Darwin's search for an explanation for adaptation had
focused on the subject of behaviour, and he opened a new set of notebooks, labelled
M and N, devoted in large part to the study of behaviour.^'' Like his predecessor and
fellow transmutationist Jean Baptiste Lamarck, Darwin suspected that adaptive
change at least in some instances might occur first in the behaviour of the organism,
and Notebook M was opened with this hypothesis in mind. For the period July 1838-
July 1839, Darwin was thus pursuing three related but distinguishable lines of
inquiry. ^^ Expressed schematically, his theoretical notebooks, which represent these
lines of inquiry, developed from each other during the period from 1836-1839 as
indicated in Figure 2.

It is of course possible, even probable, that other notebooks from the post-Beagle
period await discovery and reconstruction, and that new dimensions to Darwin's
work will emerge from a study of these manuscripts. Certainly within the last twenty
years scholars have identified a large body of evidence which considerably illuminates
the course of Darwin's labours. ^^ The Red Notebook now forms part of that evidence.
It stands at the beginning of that chain of events which led from Darwin's assertion
of a belief in the mutability of species through his arrival at the notion of natural
selection and then, after twenty years and by way of several drafts, to the publication
in 1859 of the Origin of Species.'^" For that alone the Red Notebook is important.
Moreover, apart from its place in the sequence of developments which led to the
Origin, the Red Notebook has intrinsic merit. For example, the combination of
geological, zoological, and botanical entries in the notebook is in itself important as
reflecting the broad knowledge of nineteenth-century naturalists. The notebook also
records much about the daily circumstances under which Darwin worked. His access
to a large body of scientific and travel literature is apparent from the notebook and
contradicts a common impression that he worked from only a handful of books while
aboard ship. Further, the brilliance of the company Darwin kept on his return to
England suggests his position, even early in his career, within one of the most influential
circles of English science. Yet, and here the common view is confirmed rather than
denied, Darwin's frequent mention of the names of Alexander von Humboldt and
Charles Lyell substantiates his repeated references in later life to their influence on his
early career. In sum the Red Notebook provides the means not only for documenting
Darwin's early belief in transmutation and gauging the extent of his geological
ambitions, but also for illustrating his passage from H.M.S. Beagle to the world of
professional science.

INTRODUCTION

17

1836 1837 1838 1839

J FMAMJ JASOND J FMAMJ JASONDJ FMAMJ J ASONDJ FMAMJ JA

Figure 2. Eight Darwin notebooks kept during 1836-1839. Solid lines represent the
notebooks, dotted lines uncertainties in dating, and broken lines divisions of subject
matter among members of the set.

Editorial Considerations

In this edition I have intended to offer a literal transcription of the text while keeping
editorial intrusions to a minimum. ''^ I omitted or altered only certain obvious features
of the manuscript. First, I have ignored the single-line vertical scoring which runs
through most of the entries; Darwin scored his notes in this fashion when he had no
further use for them. Second, I have signalled all announced changes in subject by
paragraphing. In the notebook such changes are characteristically marked by a
horizontal line between entries or, less frequently, by the start of a new page, rather
than by paragraphing; third, except for insertions and interHneations, I have not

18 SANDR.\ HERBERT

indicated anything concerningplacement of entries on the page;fourth, I have recorded
the medium in which entries were written only in certain instances. In particular, up to
page 113, where the original text is in pencil, I have noted those entries which are
written in ink. After page 113, where the text contains both penned and pencilled
entries, I have noted only those entries written in a distinctive light brown ink, which,
like the penned entries in the first part of the notebook, were clearly added some time
after the main text was complete. Fifth, and finally, only Darwin's text has been
reproduced. The notations in other handwriting which appear in the notebook,
namely the catalogue number of the notebook and some faint remains of what may
have originally been a price mark, are not included in the transcription.

I have retained the other complexities of the text. Cancellations are kept where
they are legible and are indicated by being enclosed in angled brackets. Those few
cancellations which are omitted as illegible are mainly single letters whose identity is
obscured by the cancellation mark. Darwin's alterations to the text, which include
careted remarks, interlineations, and later additions, are enclosed in slanted brackets.
I have not assigned dates to these alterations. Some were roughly contemporary with
the original text; others, such as those in light brown ink, were made considerably
later. Without surveying all of Darwin's writings from the post-Beagle period, it
would be speculative to assign even approximate dates to all of the additions.

In spelling I have reproduced Darwin's words exactly as written where the
individual letters are clearly formed. Where individual letters are indistinct, as is
often the case, I have offered the probable reading of the word without comment.
'Rememb[?]g' on page 72 thus appears simply as 'remembering'. Where the reading
is conjectural I have placed it within square brackets and indicated my uncertainty by
a question mark. In orthography I have preserved all of Darwin's forms, except for
the long 's', which I have modernized silently. In capitalization I have reproduced
Darwin's usage where it is clear. Where it is unclear I have followed modern con-
ventions. Representation of punctuation is a more serious problem, partly because
nineteenth-century practice differed considerably from our own. As R. C. Stauffer
has pointed out, Darwin followed a system similar to that suggested in Lindley
Murray's English Grammar. '^'^ In that system commas, semicolons, colons, and periods
indicate increasingly longer pauses more than they distinguish different constructions.
Thus, Darwin might use a colon where a semicolon would now be employed. I have
not altered his practice in this regard, which the reader should bear in mind. The
representation of punctuation is also problematical since punctuation marks are by
nature small and easily confused with stray marks on the page, or with pen rests.
Rather than probe Darwin's intentions in this regard, I have reproduced all traditional
marks of punctuation which appear within the text. Equally, I have not added
punctuation where there is none. It is left to the reader, understanding the nature of
the document, to tolerate inconsistencies in punctuation.

As for references I have provided footnotes on all persons named in the text.
Further information on the majority of these persons can be obtained from standard

INTRODUCTION 19

biographical dictionaries. Particularly useful in this regard are the Dictionary of
National Biography (65 vols, plus supplements; London, 1885-1900, 1901-) and the
Dictionary of Scientific Biography (15 vols.; New York, 1970-1978). Other points I
have footnoted as it seemed appropriate. I have identified or provided co-ordinates to
place names only where they were not to be found in standard atlases or in Darwin's
publications stemming from the voyage. In some notes I have offered cross-references
to various early works of Darwin, but I have not attempted to supply a concordance
between the Red Notebook and Darwin's published writings. In citing Darwin's
publications I have relied primarily on R. B. Freeman, The Works of Charles Darwin:
An Annotated Bibliographical Handlist (2nd ed.; London, 1977). Generally, in citing
books in the notes, I have shortened titles; full titles are given in the bibliography.
Journal titles are cited in full in both places. In the notes, unless otherwise stated, I
have cited the edition of a work Darwin used if one could be determined from his
citation. In many cases I was able to cite from Darwin's own copy of the work.
Darwin's personal library is presently divided between Down House and the Cam-
bridge University Library. The general catalogue of his library is H. W. Rutherford,
Catalogue of the Library of Charles Darwin now in the Botany School, Cambridge
(Cambridge, 1908). Those books presently at Cambridge LIniversity Library are
described in a mimeographed pamphlet distributed by the Library entitled Darwin
Library: List of books received in the Universitv Library Cambridge, March-May 1961.
Darwin's collection of scientific reprints is also presently housed at Cambridge
University Library.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the present owners of Down House, the Royal College of
Surgeons of England, and particularly the Secretary of the College, R. S. Johnson-
Gilbert, for permission to publish the Red Notebook; the Syndics of Cambridge
University Library for permission to publish excised pages from the notebook; and
the Darwin family, as represented by George Pember Darwin, for their consent to the
publication of the Notebook. I would also like to thank Jessie Dobson, former Curator
of the Hunterian Museum, for arranging with the Royal College of Surgeons for
permission to publish the Notebook.

At Down House, I am particularly indebted to the Honorary Curator of the
Darwin Museum, Sir Hedley Atkins, Philip Titheradge, Custodian, and Sydney
Robinson, the former Custodian. Their hospitality made working at Down House a
great pleasure. For sustained assistance throughout the course of this editing project,
I am also deeply indebted to Sydney Smith, Fellow of St Catharine's College, Cam-
bridge, for sharing his rich knowledge of Darwin's writings; to Peter Gautrey,
Assistant Under-librarian at Cambridge University Library, for deciphering difficult
passages in the notebook and for checking my transcription of the entire notebook

20 SANDRA HERBERT

against the original manuscript; and to M. J. Rowlands, Librarian of the British
Museum (Natural History), for encouraging and aiding the project at every point. I
also wish to thank fellow Darwin scholars Frederick Burkhardt, M. J. S. Hodge,
David Kohn, David Stanbury, and Frank Sulloway for specific points of information
relating to the text; David Snow of the British Museum (Natural History) for
supplying current scientific names for a number of Darwin's ornithological specimens;
and Robert Cross, Head of Publications of the British Museum (Natural History) and
Anthony P. Harvey of the British Museum (Natural History) for their aid in bringing
this project to fruition. Of librarians, beyond those already mentioned, I am most
indebted to the reference staff at the Library of Congress, particularly James Flatness,
James Gilreath, Ann Hallstein, David Kresh, and Melissa Trevvett. I also wish to
thank John Schroeder of the U.S. Geological Survey Library, Edeltraud R. Nutt,
Librarian of the Geological Society of London, and M. L Williams, Keeper of
Printed Books, National Library of Wales. Photographs of the rheas which accompany
this edition are from the San Diego Zoo, courtesy of Arthur Risser, those of the
reconstructed Macrauchenia patachonica from the American Museum of Natural
History, courtesy of Richard H. Tedford. Other photographs in this volume are from
Cambridge University Library and the British Museum (Natural History). The
diagrams in the introduction and the copies of Darwin's drawings were done by the
Cartographic Service of the University of Maryland, Baltimore County. For financial
support of this project, I am indebted to the National Science Foundation and the
University of Maryland, Baltimore County. For encouragement and intellectual
exchange, I am indebted at many levels to fellow scholars, friends, and family, of the
last most particularly my parents, Emrick C. and Dorothy L. Swanson, and my
husband James C. Herbert.

Notes

' In 1942 the Darwin family, represented by Sir Alan Barlow, husband of Nora
Barlow, a grand-daughter of Charles Darwin and herself an editor of Darwin manu-
scripts, determined that the large collection of papers belonging to Charles Darwin
in their possession would be made available to scholars. The family also determined
to divide the collection, depositing the bulk of it at Cambridge University Library but
reserving Charles's 'Diary' from the voyage, his Beagle notebooks, and some other
items, particularly those relating to Down House, for the Darwin Museum.

In accordance with this arrangement twenty-four notebooks from the Beagle
voyage are now located at Down House. These include six soft-cover notebooks,
bound in two sets of three, which list specimens collected during the voyage, and
eighteen hard-cover notebooks, these last having been numbered by an unknown
cataloguer. Of the numbered notebooks, notebook ' 1 ' is entirely excised and bears a

INTRODUCTION 21

London address, notebooks '2' (the Red Notebook) and '5' ('St Helena Model') are
partly of post-voyage date, and the others are field notebooks from the voyage. None
of the twenty-four notebooks at Down House has previously been published in its
entirety, but selections from all of them are contained in Nora Barlow, ed., Charles
Darwin and the Voyage of the Beagle (London, 1945). For information relating to the
deposit of the notebooks at Down House see Darwin MSS, Cambridge University
Library, vol. 156. On the founding and operation of the Darwin Museum see Sir
Hedley Atkins, Down: The Home of the Darwins (London, 1974), chapters 8 and 9.

2 Darwin MSS, Cambridge University Library. Divisions in this collection
correspond to those in Darwin's own files. Excised pages from the Red Notebook were
found in vol. 5, which contains an assortment of notes from Darwin's early life, and in
vols. 40 and 42, which contain notes under several geological topics, including
'Earthquakes', 'Cleavage' and the like. A few portions of pages from the Red Note-
book found at the University Library have not been included in this edition because
I judged them too fragmentary to be of interest. As a rule Darwin cut out pages, or
sections of pages, from his notebooks for use in future writing, placing them for
reference under the appropriate heading in his files. For more information on the
holdings of Darwin papers at Cambridge see the Handlist of Darwin Papers at the
University Library Cambridge (Cambridge, 1960).

3 Darwin and Richard Owen first met at the house of Charles Lyell on 29 October
1836. See Leonard G. Wilson, Charles Lyell: The Years to 1841 (New Haven and
London, 1972), p. 434. See also Darwin's letter to J. S. Henslow of 30 October 1836
in Nora Barlow, ed., Darwin and Henslow: The Growth of an Idea (Berkeley and Los
Angeles, 1967), pp. 118-119.

^ The earliest known reference to Richard Owen's identifications of Darwin's
South American fossil mammals occurs in a letter from Owen to Charles Lyell dated
23 January 1837. The letter is reproduced in full in Leonard G. Wilson, Charles Lyell:
The Years to 1841 (New Haven and London, 1972), pp. 436-437. For Lyell's use of
this information see Charles Lyell, 'Presidential Address to the Geological Society of
London [17 February 1837]', Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, vol. 2
(1838), pp. 510-51 1. In reporting Owen's identifications Lyell summarized the results
for science of the new specimens (p. 511): "These fossils. . .establish the fact that the
peculiar type of organization which is now characteristic of the South American
mammalia has been developed on that continent for a long period, sufficient at least
to allow of the extinction of many large species of quadrupeds. The family of the
armadillos is now exclusively confined to South America and here we have from the
same country the Megatherium, and two other gigantic representatives of the same
family. So in the Camelida, South America is the sole province where the genus
Auchenia or Llama occurs in a living state, and now a much larger extinct species of
Llama is discovered. Lastly, among the rodents, the largest in stature now living is the

22 SANDRA HERBERT

Capybara, which frequents the rivers and swamps of South America and is of the size
of a hog. Mr. Darwin now brings home from the same continent the bones of a fossil
rodent not inferior in dimensions to the rhinoceros. These facts elucidate a general
law previously deduced from the relations ascertained to exist between the recent and
extinct quadrupeds of Australia; for you are aware that to the westward of Sydney on
the Macquarie River, the bones of a large fossil kangaroo and other lost marsupial
species have been met with in the ossiferous breccias of caves and fissures."

^ The notes I refer to are contained in volumes 30 and 31 of the Darwin manu-
script collection at Cambridge University Library.

* Darwin's earliest recollection of the origin of his new views occurs in a journal
entry for the year 1837 and reads as follows: "In July opened first note book on
'transmutation of Species' — Had been greatly struck from about month of previous
March on character of S. American fossils — & species on Galapagos Archipelago.
These facts origin (especially latter) of all my views." This entry appears in a notebook
begun in .August 1838. A fair copy of the notebook was published as Sir Gavin de Beer,
ed., 'Darwin's Journal', Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History) Historical
Series, vol. 2 (1959) where the quoted entry appears on page 7. The entry as quoted
here is taken from the original notebook which has come to light since 1959.

'' Darwin's full account of his conversion to transmutationist views as it appears
in his autobiography written some forty years after the events reads as follows:
"During the voyage of the Beagle I had been deeply impressed by discovering in the
Pampean formation great fossil animals covered with armour like that on the existing
armadillos; secondly, by the manner in which closely allied animals replace one
another in proceeding southwards over the Continent; and thirdly, by the South
American character of most of the productions of the Galapagos archipelago, and
more especially by the manner in which they differ slightly on each island of the
group; none of these islands appearing to be very ancient in a geological sense. It was
evident that such facts as these, as well as many others, could be explained on the
supposition that species gradually become modified; and the subject haunted me."
The passage is taken from Nora Barlow, ed.. The Autobiography of Charles Darwin
(London, 1958), pp. 118-119.

*I refer here to Jean Baptiste de Lamarck (1744-1829) whose views Darwin
encountered most forcefully although critically expressed in the second volume of
Charles Lyell's Principles of Geology (1832).

* The most striking instance in Darwin's collection where professional judgement
recognized small differences as indicating good species was the Galapagos mocking-
birds. See note 159 to the text and subsequent discussion in this introduction.

'° See notes 174 and 234 to the text of the Red Notebook.

" See note 6 to this introduction.

INTRODUCTION 23

'■^ In his later account Darwin recalled being particularly impressed by the
similarity between "great fossil animals covered with armour" [glyptodonts] and
living armadillos. See Nora Barlow, ed., The Autobiography of Charles Darwin
(London, 1958), p. 118. Richard Owen confirmed Darwin's interpretation of the
affinity of the 'glyptodont' and the armadillo in January 1837. See Leonard Wilson,
Charles Lyell: The Years to 1841 (New Haven and London, 1972), p. 437.

1^ Red Notebook, p. 130 and note 159. It should be stressed that the relationship
of the South American and Galapagos mockingbirds is exactly that which Darwin
described in his autobiography: "During the voyage of the Beagle I had been deeply
impressed. . .by the South American character of most of the productions of the
Galapagos archipelago, and more especially by the manner in which they differ
slightly on each island of the group; none of these islands appearing to be very
ancient in a geological sense." Nora Barlow, ed.. The Autobiography of Charles
Darwin {'LonAon, 1958), p. 118.

^* Sir Gavin de Beer, ed., 'Darwin's Journal', Bulletin of the British Museum
{Natural History) Historical Series, vol. 2 (1959), p. 7, refers to the opening of the
first notebook on 'transmutation of Species' in July 1837. This is Notebook B. Darwin
filled this notebook sometime in February or March 1838. The exact date is in
doubt. Darwin referred in his heading to the notebook (probably added in 1844 when
he was arranging his papers) that he completed the notebook at the beginning of
February. In fact the notebook must have been completed somewhat later, for p. 235
refers to the issue of the Athenaum of 24 February 1838. Since the notebook ran to
another 29 pages of text after p. 235, it was probably completed no earlier than the
end of the month. Notebook B is numbered as vol. 121 in the Darwin MSS, Cam-
bridge University Library, and is published as: Sir Gavin de Beer, ed., 'Darwin's
Notebooks on Transmutation of Species. Part I ', First Notebook (July 1837-February
1838), Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History) Historical Series, vol. 2
(1960), pp. 23-73. A number of the excised pages to Notebook B, and to its successors.
Notebooks C, D, and E, were later published as : Sir Gavin de Beer and M. J. Rowlands,
'Darwin's Notebooks on Transmutation of Species. Addenda and Corrigenda',
Bulletin of the British Museum {Natural History) Historical Series, vol. 2 (1961), pp. 185-
200, and Sir Gavin de Beer, M. J. Rowlands, and B. M. Skramovsky, 'Darwin's
Notebooks on Transmutation of Species, Part VI, Pages Excised by Darwin', Bulletin
of the British Museum {Natural History) Historical Series, vol. 3 (1967), pp. 129-176.

^^ There is, incidentally, another passage in Notebook B which supports the more
general conclusion that Notebook B was the successor to the Red Notebook. On page
153e of Notebook B Darwin referred to the Red Notebook as follows: "See R.N.
p. 130 speculations range of allied species, p. 127 p. 132. There is no more wonder in
extinction of individuals than of species." Clearly the Red Notebook, at least to page
130, was already in existence by the time Darwin made this entry in Notebook B.

24 SANDRA HERBERT

*^ The dates when important specimens referred to in the Red Notebook were
identified by professional zoologists are as follows : the Macrauchenia was referred to
descriptively, although not by that name, in a letter written to Richard Owen dated 23
January 1837; the Galapagos mockingbirds were described at a meeting of the
Zoological Society of London on 28 February 1837; and the new species of South
American rhea was described at a meeting of the Zoological Society of London on 14
March 1837. See also notes 152, 159, and 149 to the text.

^■^ Nora Barlow, ed.. The Autobiography of Charles Darwin (London, 1958), p. 118.
The similarity of the polygonal plates of the glyptodon specimen to those of the
armadillo was noticed by Darwin "immediately I saw them." (Darwin to J. S.
Henslow, 24 November 1832, in Nora Barlow, ed., Darwin and Henslow : The Growth
of An Idea [Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967], p. 61.) Darwin was not the first to note
the similarity of the large plates to the smaller ones of the armadillo. On this point see
Thomas Falkner, A Description of Patagonia (London, 1774), p. 55.

" Sir Gavin de Beer, ed., 'Darwin's Journal', Bulletin of the British Museum
{Natural History) Historical Series, vol. 2 (1959), p. 7.

^^ Nora Barlow, ed., 'Darwin's Ornithological Notes', Bulletin of the British
Museum {Natural History) Historical Series, vol. 2 (1963), p. 262. The full paragraph
reads as follows: "I have specimens from four of the larger islands; the two above
enumerated, and (3349: female. Albermarle Isd.) & (3350: male: James Isd).— The
specimens from Chatham & Albermarle Isd appear to be the same; but the other two
are different. In each Isld. each kind is exclusively found: habits of all are indistin-
guishable. When I recollect, the fact that the form of the body, shape of scales &
general size, the Spaniards can at once pronounce, from which Island any Tortoise
may have been brought. When I see these Islands in sight of each other, & [but del.]
possessed of but a scanty stock of animals, tenanted by these birds, but slightly
differing in structure & filling the same place in Nature, I must suspect they are only
varieties. The only fact of a similar kind of which 1 am aware, is the constant asserted
difference — between the wolf-like Fox of East & West Falkland Islds. — If there is
the slightest foundation for these remarks the zoology of Archipelagoes — will be well
worth examining; for such facts [would inserted] undermine the stability of Species."
For more extended discussion of this passage see Sandra Herbert, 'The Place of Man
in the Development of Darwin's Theory of Transmutation, Part I. To July 1837',
Journal of the History of Biology, vol. 7 (1974), pp. 236-240.

^° From Darwin's commentary on specimens in John Gould, The Zoology of the
Voyage of H.M.S. Beagle. Part HI: Birds. 5 numbers. (London, 1838-1841), pp. 63-
64.

^' Darwin to J. S. Henslow, 30 October 1836, in Nora Barlow, ed., Darwin and
Henslow: The Growth of An Idea (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967), p. 122.

INTRODUCTION 25

^^ The original draft and a fair copy of the paper are contained in vol. 41 of the
Darwin manuscript collection at Cambridge University Library. A transcription of
the original draft is available in print as 'Coral Islands by Charles Darwin', Intro-
duction, Map and Remarks by D. R. Stoddart, Atoll Research Bulletin, No. 88 (1962).
Darwin's theory of coral island formation first appeared in print as Charles Darwin,
'On Certain Areas of Elevation and Subsidence in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, As
Deduced from the Study of Coral Formations', Proceedings of the Geological Society
of London, vol. 2 (1838), pp. 552-554. A fuller version of the theory appeared later as
Charles Darwin, The Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs. Being the First Part of
Geology of the Voyage of the Beagle, under the Command of Capt. Fitzroy, R.N. during
the Years 1832-1836 (London, 1842).

^^ Charles Darwin, Geological Observations on South America. Being the Third
Part of the Geology of the Voyage of the Beagle, under the Command of Capt. Fitzroy,
R.N. during the Years 1832-1836 (London, 1846).

^^ Charles Darwin, Journal of Researches into the Geology and Natural History of
the Various Countries Visited by H.M.S. Beagle (London, 1839). Also published as
volume 3 of Robert Fitzroy, ed., Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His Majesty's
Ships Adventure and Beagle. . . 1832-1836 (London, 1839).

^^ See Nora Barlow, ed., Charles Darwin's Diary of the Voyage of H.M.S. Beagle
(Cambridge, 1933).

^^ Compare, for example, the Red Notebook (page 132) and the Journal of
Researches (page 262) on 'associated life' or the Red Notebook (pages 129-130, 132-
133) and the Journal of Researches (pages 208-212) on the successions of fossil and
living forms and the causes of extinction of species. The references to the Journal are
from Charles Darwin, Journal of Researches into the Geology and Natural History of the
Various Countries Visited by H.M.S. Beagle (London, 1839). It is worth remarking
that the presence of theoretical passages in th.e Journal of Researches is disguised by the
organization of the work, which is chronological rather than logical, and by the lack of
an adequate index.

^'' The primary series of formal notes from the voyage are contained in vols. 30-
31 (zoology) and vols. 32-38 (geology) of the Darwin MSS at Cambridge University
Library.

^° There is one notable exception to this schema: the field notebook Darwin
carried with him when he investigated the 'parallel roads' of Glen Roy in Scotland
in June and early July 1838. It is almost entirely observational in character. The note-
book is numbered as vol. 130 in the Darwin MSS at Cambridge University Library.

^^ In other writing Darwin usually referred to the notebook as ' R.N.' or even the
'R.N. notebook' rather than as the 'Red Notebook'. I am grateful to M. J. S. Hodge

26 SANDRA HERBERT

of the University of Leeds for locating and informing me of an instance where Darwin
used the full name of the notebook. It occurs on the verso of a scrap of paper in vol. 29
(iii) of the Darwin MSS at Cambridge University Library. I have since come upon
other instances in Darwin's notes where he used the full name of the notebook, but
they are rare.

^° Notebook A was kept from about July 1837 to the late spring of 1839. Both
dates are conjecture on my part. The first datable reference of relevance in the note-
book occurs on p. 15e and is to the August 1837 issue of L'Imtitut. (Since Notebook A
was filled fairly evenly and slowly, overall at the rate of fewer than ten pages a month,
the August date on p. 15e would not preclude an earlier opening date than July for the
notebook.) With respect to the closing date, nothing is certain, but Darwin was already
abstracting from the notebook as early as 24 February 1839. In a sense the notebook
had served its purpose by that date. Notebook A, which I am presently editing for
publication, is numbered as vol. 127 in the Darwin MSS at Cambridge University
Library.

^' While no complete account of Darwin's geological work exists, the subject of
Lyell's influence on Darwin during the post-voyage period is treated in Leonard G.
Wilson, Charles Lyell: The Years to 1841 (New Haven and London, 1972), chapter 7.
For a brief account of Lyell's influence on Darwin with respect to one particular
problem see: Martin Rudwick, 'Darwin and Glen Roy: A "Great Failure" in
Scientific Method?', Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science, vol. 5 (1974),
pp. 165-167.

^^ Darwin's major piece of field research in the 1837-1839 period was his
investigation of the so-called 'parallel roads' of Glen Roy. He recorded his observa-
tions from this research in the notebook described in note 28 above.

^^ Darwin published the following papers on geological topics during the years
1837-1839: 'Observations of Proofs of Recent Elevation on the Coast of Chili, Made
during the Survey of His Majesty's Ship Beagle, Commanded by Capt. Fitzroy,
R.N.', [Read 4 January 1837] Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, vol. 2
(1838), pp. 446-449; 'A Sketch of the Deposits Containing Extinct Mammalia in the
Neighbourhood of the Plata', [Read 3 May 1837] Proceedings of the Geological Society
of London, vol. 2 (1838), pp. 542-544; 'On Certain Areas of Elevation and Subsidence
in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, as Deduced from the Study of Coral Formations',
[Read 31 May 1837] Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, vol. 2 (1838),
pp. 552-554; 'On the Formation of Mould', [Read 1 November 1837] Transactions of
the Geological Society of London, 2nd ser., vol. 5, pt. 3 (1840), pp. 505-509; 'On the
Connexion of Certain Volcanic Phenomena in South America; and on the Formation
of Mountain Chains and Volcanos, as the Effect of the Same Power by which Conti-
nents Are Elevated', [Read 7 March 1838] Transactions of the Geological Society of
London, 2nd ser., vol. 5, pt. 3 (1840), pp. 601-631; 'Observations on the Parallel

INTRODUCTION 27

Roads of Glen Roy, and of Other Parts of Lochaber in Scotland, with an Attempt to
Prove that They Are of Marine Origin', [Read 7 February 1839] Philosophical Trans-
actions of the Royal Society of London, vol. 129 (1839), pp. 39-81 ; and 'Note on a Rock
Seen on an Iceberg in 61° South Latitude', Journal of the Royal Geographical Society
of London, vol. 9 (1839), pp. 528-529. These citations are from Paul H. Barrett, ed.,
The Collected Papers of Charles Darwin (Chicago and London, 1977), vol. 1, pp. v-vi
and 41-139.

^* The three parts of Darwin's geological results from the Beagle voyage as
published in book form were as follows: The Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs
(London, 1842); Geological Observations on the Volcanic Islands Visited during the
Voyage of H.M.S. Beagle (London, 1844); and Geological Observations on South
America (London, 1846). Although published over five years, Darwin regarded the
three parts as forming a single work.

^^ Darwin's first public announcement of his theory of evolution through
natural selection was at a meeting of the Linnean Society held on 1 July 1858. For an
assessment of the meeting see J. W. T. Moody, 'The reading of the Darwin and
Wallace papers : an historical "non-event" ', Journal of the Society for the Bibliography
of Natural History, vol. 5 (1971), p. 474-476. The resultant publication with .Alfred
Russel Wallace appeared under a general title as: 'On the Tendency of Species to
Form Varieties; and on the Perpetuation of Varieties and Species by Natural Means
of Selection', Journal of the Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London, Zoology,
vol. 3 (1858), pp. 45-62. The next year saw the publication of Darwin's On the Origin
of Species by Means of Natural Selection (London, 1859). On the relation of Darwin's
theoretical work to his pattern of publication see Sandra Herbert, 'The Place of Man
in the Development of Darwin's Theory of Transmutation, Part II', Jotirnal of the
History of Biology, vol. 10 (1977), pp. 157-196.

^^ Notebook B was begun in July 1837 and completed in February or March
1838. Notebook C was begun about March 1838. When completed, it was replaced by
Notebook D, opened on 15 July 1838. When filled. Notebook D was in turn replaced
by Notebook E, begun about 2 October 1838 and ended on 10 July 1839. Notebooks
B to E comprise vols. 121-124 of the Darwin MSS at Cambridge University Library.
They have appeared in print as Sir Gavin de Beer, ed., 'Darwin's Notebooks on
Transmutation of Species. Parts I-IV, Sir Gavin de Beer and M. J. Rowlands, eds.,
'Darwin's Notebooks on Transmutation of Species. Addenda and Corrigenda', and
Sir Gavin de Beer, M. J. Rowlands, and B. M. Skramovsky, eds., 'Darwin's Note-
books on Transmutation of Species. Part VI. Pages Excised by Darwin', Bulletin of
the British Museum (Natural History) Historical Series, vol. 2 (1960-1961), pp. 23-200;
vol. 3 (1967), pp. 129-176. The unexcised portions of Notebooks B, C, D, and E
correspond to Parts I-IV in this series. In addition to Notebooks B-E, twenty-two
pages of another notebook on transmutation have been located among the Darwin

28 SANDRA HERBERT

manuscripts at Cambridge University Library. This 'Torn-up Notebooii' was first
assembled by Sydney Smith and announced in his Sandars Lectures of 1966-1967.
The notebook was opened in about July 1839 and, on the evidence of a dated page,
was kept through June 1841. A plausible closing date for the notebook might be
autumn 1841. This notebook is presently being edited for publication by Sydney
Smith and David Kohn. From the collections at the Cambridge University Library,
David Kohn has also located another notebook from the early period of Darwin's
work on species. The six extant pages of this notebook date from the summer of 1842
and pertain to the subject of the cross-fertilization of flowers.

*■' Notebook M was opened on 15 July 1838. When filled it was replaced by
Notebook N, opened on 2 October 1838. Entries in Notebook N declined by mid-
summer 1839, though occasional entries were made as late as 1840. Notebooks M
and N comprise vols. 125 and 126 of the Darwin MSS at Cambridge University
Library. They were edited by Paul H. Barrett and appear in Howard E. Gruber
and Paul H. Barrett, Darwin on Man: A Psychological Study of Scientific Creativity
(New York, 1974).

^^ In September 1838 Darwin was in fact pursuing four separable lines of
inquiry as indicated by his method of note-taking. The fourth line of inquiry was
'generation' meaning, loosely, reproduction. Generation was an important topic
throughout Notebooks B-E but one given especial prominence in Notebook D by
virtue of the fact that the end portion of the notebook (pages 152-180) was set aside
for it alone. Darwin opened this section of the notebook on 11 September 1838;
presumably it was filled by 2 October 1838 as the heading of the notebook indicates.

^8 For a review of work since 1959 see John C. Greene, 'Reflections on the
Progress of Darwin Studies ', Journal of the History of Biology, vol. 8 ( 1 975), pp. 243-
273.

^° The Red Notebook contains the earliest known evidence of Darwin's belief in
the mutability of species. From his own later accounts Darwin's arrival at the notion
of natural selection was precipitated by reading Thomas Robert Malthus' An Essay on
the Principles of Population. Darwin recorded his reading of Malthus in an entry in
Notebook D dated 28 September 1838; see Sir Gavin de Beer, M. J. Rowlands, and
B. M. Skramovsky, eds., 'Darwin's Notebooks on Transmutation. Part VL Pages
Excised by Darwin', Bulletin of the British Museum {Natural History) Historical
Series, vol. 3 (1967), pp. 162-163. Darwin's earliest draft of his theory was his
'Sketch' of 1842, followed by his lengthier Essay of 1844. For these see Charles
Darwin and Alfred Russel Wallace, Evolution by Natural Selection (with a foreword
by Sir Gavin de Beer) (Cambridge, 1958). In 1856 Darwin began his longest exposition
of his argument. For the reconstructed text of this version see R. C. Stauffer, ed.,
Charles Darwin's Natural Selection (Cambridge, 1975). The theory finally came before
the public in 1858 in a brief announcement to the Linnean Society of London (see

INTRODUCTION 29

note 35, above) and then, a year later, in the form in which it is generally known:
Charles Darwin, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection (London,
1859).

^^ In setting an editorial standard I have made extensive use of the work of other
Darwin editors, particularly: P. Thomas Carroll, An Annotated Calendar of the Letters
of Charles Darwin in the Library of the American Philosophical Society (Wilmington,
Delaware, 1976), pp. xxvii-xxxvii; Sir Gavin de Beer, ed., 'Darwin's Notebooks on
Transmutation of Species. Part IV', Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History)
Historical Series, vol. 2 (1960), pp. 158-159; Howard E. Gruber and Paul H. Barrett,
Darwin on Man: A Psychological Study of Scientific Creativity (New York, 1974),
pp.xviii-xxii;and R. C. Staufier, Charles Darwin sNatural Selection(Cambndge, 1975),
pp. ix, 15-21. The 'Style Manual and Guide to Editorial Practice' governing the
future publication of The Collected Letters of Charles Darwin, jointly edited by
Frederick Burkhardt, Sydney Smith, David Kohn, and William Montgomery, has
also been consulted. In addition I found helpful G. Thomas Tansell, 'The Editing of
Historical Documents', Studies in Bibliography [Papers of the University of Virginia
Bibliographical Society], vol. 31 (1978), pp. 1-56.

*2 R. C. Stauffer, ed., Charles Darwin's Natural Selection (Cambridge, 1975),
pp. 20-21.

front
covor

R.N

inside up to Ql" / or P' of ?]] July 1835. the excess of iiarbor = 180

front See Daubisson both Volumes,' and Molina P' VoP [&i. LyellJ^

cover Sailed, [27"?]

(Friday, gale sg"")
Friday

Thursday 29'" gale
/Xyell's GeologyJ''

/"The living atoms having definite existence, those that have
undergone the greatest number of changes towards perfection
(namely mammalia) must have a shorter duration, than the more
constant : This view supposes the simplest infusoria same since
commencement of world. — ^j^l

£" J Darwin's addition

< > Darwin's cancellation

[_ ]] Editor's remark

[...?] Uncertain reading

I End of notebook page

e Wholly or partly excised page

l^ie Qiot located] |

5e La. billardiere mentions the floating marine confervae, is very

common within E. Indian Archipelago, no minute description, calls
it a Fiiciis. P fVol I 287J6

P 379. Henslow Anglesea, nodules in Clay Slate, major axis
2.1/2 ft. — singular structure of nodule, constitution /^same asj of
slate same. — longer axis in line of Cleavage, laminae fold round
them;'' Quote this. Valparaiso Granitic nodules in Gneiss. |

6e Epidote seems commonly to occur where rocks have undergone

action of heat, it is so found in Anglesea, amongst the varying &
dubious granites. — Wide limits of this mineral in Australia.
Fitton's appendix*

Would Slate. & unstratified rocks show any difference in
facility of conducting Electricity? Would minute particles have a
tendency to change their position? |

7e Carbonate of Lime disseminated through the great Plas

Newydd dike. — Mem tres Montes. ((Henslow Anglesea))'

great variety in nature of a dike. — Mem. at Chonos &
Concepcion. P. 4<17'°

Veins of quartz exceedingly rare Mem C. [[Cape]] Turn P. 434
& 41911

As Limestone passes into schist scales of chlorites — Mem.
Maldonado P 375i2

Much Chlorite in some of the dikes. — P 432.'^ as in Andes. |

8e In Dampier's voyage there is a mine of metereology with

respect to the discussion of winds & storms:''' — [m Volney's
travels alsoj'^

Dampier's last voyage to New Holland P 127. — Caught a
shark 1 1 ft long.'* "Its maw was like a leathern sack, very thick &
so tough that a sharp knife could not cut it : in which we found the
Head & Boans of a Hippotomus ; the hairy lips of which were still
sound and not petrified, and the |

34 SANDRA HERBERT

9 jaw was also firm, out of which we pluckt a great many teeth, 2 of

them, 8 inches long, & as big as a mans thumb, the rest not above
half so long; The maw was full of jelly which stank extreamly." —
This shark was caught in Shark's Bay. Lat 25°.'' The nearest of the
E Indian Islands, namely Java is 1000 miles distant! Where are
Hippotami found in that Archipelago? Such have never been
observed in Australia |

10 Dampier also repeatedly talks about the immense quantities of
Cuttle fish bones floating on the surface of the ocean, before
arriving at the Abrolhos shoals. — '^

N.B. The view of the Volcanos of the chain of the Cordilleras
as arising from f the expulsion of fluid nucleus throughj faults or
fissures, produced by the elevations of those mountains on the
continent of S. America is inadmissible f may have happened from
incipient elevation. J The volcanos originated |

1 1 in the bottom of the ocean. & the present Volcanos have been said
to be merely accidental apertures still open. — The fault like
appearance f arising from the manner of horizontal upheavalj of
the shore of the Pacifick is 60 miles distant from the grand ancient
volcanic axis [oi the Andesj. — /fHas this fault determined side of
volcanic activity .J That axis was produced, from a fissure in a deep
& therefore weak part of the ocean's bottom. |

12 With respect to Sharks distributing fossil remains: Sharks
followed Capt. Henry's vessel from the Friendly Isles, to Sydney;
know by having been seen & from the contents of its maw, amongst
which were things pitched over board early in the passage ! ! — ''

M. Labillardiere in Bay of Legrand, (SW part), describes a
Small granite Is"*- capped by Calcareous rock;-^ following |

13- [not located^
l4e

18 -

70

12

40

12

50

5

35

18

77

7

60

THE RED NOTEBOOK 35

15e Find instances; The whole coast of New Holland shoals much:

Dampier remarks on great flats on the NW coast : — ^^8 leagues,
from Sydney 90 fathoms La Peyrouse.^^

South of Mocha; 19 miles. 65 Fathoms
Vide facts in Beechey. on NW coast of America^^
off Cape of Good Hope 70 fathoms 20 miles from the shore ?
Beagle

Coast of Brazil ? where not rivers [m my Coral paperj^'' |

leagues Fathoms

We Parallel of St Catherine [27° 30' S.^s

Paranagua [25° 42' S.]
St Sebastian [23° 52' S.]
Joatingua SE [23° 22' S.]
R. de Janeiro SE [23° 58' SJ
C. Frio [23° S.]

Soundings about same as last to N. of C. Frio Except at
Abrolhos. [18° S.]

Bahia [12° 57' S.] 8 200

Morro S. Paulo [13° 22' S.]

Garcia de Avila [lighthouse] [12° 35' S.]

Itapicuru [R.] [ll°46'S.3

R. Real [11° 31' S.] & [RJ Sergipe [11°

10' S.]
R. San Francisco [l0° 32' S.]
Whole coast to Olinda [8° S.] £

at twice or /f 18-20J2* <60> — 80 120 parallel of Olinda

Shoaler N. of Olinda. — a little WNW of C. Rock. [5° 29' S.]

still shoaler, coast composed of sand dunes. 15 — 15

Does not seem to consider this a very shoal coast. ^^
Beyond the 10 or 12 leagues sea deepens suddenly, coast of

Brazil generally. — |

9

120

9

124

9

200

20

190

10

50

-10

= 30-40

36 SANDRA HERBERT

17 M" Power at Port Louis talked of the extraordinary freshness
of the streams of Lava in Ascencion known to be inactive 300
years r^^

No Vok'anic Earthquakes or Hot Springs in T. del Fuego =
The Wager's Earthquake the most Southern one I have heard of^^ |

18 In a preface, it might be well to urge, geologists to compare
whole history of Europe, with America ; I might add I have drawn
all my illustrations from America, purposely to show what facts
can be supported from that part of the globe : & when we see
conclusions substantiated over S. America & Europe, we may
believe them applicable to the world. — |

19e My general opinion from the examination of soundings, from

about 80 fathoms & upwards, that life is exceedingly rare, at the
bottom of the sea. — ^certainly data insufficient, yet goodj [{I
suspect fragments of shells will generally be found to be old &
dead)j [{I have not kept a record) J In looking over the lists of
organic remains in De la Beche,^° for the older formations I must
believe they /fthe limestonesj have been formed in shallow water :
so have the Conglomerates : Yet this view is directly opposed to
common opinion |

20e The Tertiary formation South t)f tiie Maypo at one period of

elevation must in its configuration have resembled Chiloe

In De La Beche, article "Erratic blocks" not sufficient distinc-
tion is given to angular & rounded. — 3'

Fox Philosoph. Transactions on metallic veins. 1830 P.
3.99. — ^2 Came. Geolog. Trans: Cornwall /fVol IIJ" |

21 It is a fact worth noticing that cryst of glassy felspar in

Phonolite arrange themselves in determinate planes .'. such action
can take place in melted rocks

The frequent coincidence of line of veins & cleavage is import-
ant; veins appearing a galvanic phenomenon, so probably will the
Cleavage be

THE RED NOTEBOOK 37

There is a resemblance at Hobart town between the older

strata & the bottom of sea near T. del Fuego. — |

22 Is there account of Baron Roussin's voyage. — ^'*

In Europe proofs of many oscillations of level, wiiich in the
nature of strata & Organic remains does not appear to have taken
place in the Cordillera of S. America.

Study Geolog : Map of Europe

Conybeare. Introduct XII P. silicified bones not common in
Britain, Mem Concepcion Says Echinites. Encrinites. Asterise,
usually petrified into |

23 a peculiar cream-coloured Limestone : ^^ the strange substitution of
matter in shells, like Concretions & lamina? show what movements
take place in semiconsolidated rocks

P XV. mentions in what formations Conglomerates are found. — ^*
The above oscillations remarkable because the formations are
now seen in regular descending steps |

24 Mem.; rapidity of germination in young corals. — vide L.
Jackson's paper. Philosoph Transact :^^ at R. de Janeiro. Coquinibo.
Balanidffi. at Concepcion.

Humb: Pers. N. vii P. 56^^ Serpentine form; of Cuba for
comparison ( .'') with St Pauls |

25- [not located]
26e

27 The frequency of shells in the Calc. Sandstone Concret, is
connected with frequency of shells in flints in Chalk

New Providence more hilly than others of the Bahama consists
of rock & sand mixed with sea shells — about 500 Is"* & great
banks, effect of Elevation. United service JournaP^ |

28 In the Iron sand formation (would) wood converted into
siliceous pyritous & coaly matter. Mem: Chiloe

In the endless cycle of revolutions, by actions of rivers currents.
& sea beaches. All mineral masses must iiave a tendency, to mingle;
The sea would separate quartzose sand from the finer matter
resulting from degradation of Felspar & other minerals containing

38 SANDRA HERBERT

Alumen. — This matter |

29 accumulating in deep seas forms slates : How is the Lime separated ;
is it washed from the solid rock by the actions of Springs or more
probably by some unknown Volcanic process? How does it come
that all Lime is not accumulated in the Tropical oceans detained by
Organic powers. We know |

30 the waters of the ocean all are mingled. These reflections might be
introduced either in note in Coral Paper or hypothetical origin of
some sandstones, as in Australia. — Have Limestones all been
dissolved, if so sea would separate them from indissoluble rocks.''
Has Chalk |

31 ever been dissolved.?

Singularity of fresh water at Iquiqui. not from rain, because
alluvium saline; Mem: on coast of Northern Chili as springs become
rarer, so does the rain, therefore such rain is cause, hence at least no
water is absorbed into the earth

•(I did not see one dike in the whole Galapagos Arch; because
no sections, same cause as no (^colour ?]) |

32 Sir J. Herschels idea of escape of Heat prevented by sedi-
mentary rocks, & hence Volcanic action, contradicted by Cordillera,
where that action commenced before any great accumulation of
such matter. — '"'

D'' A. Smith says, that Boulders do not occur in the South
African plains. — '" Sydney no |

33e I believe the secondary.' formations of Brazil, ail originate

from the decomposition of Granitic rocks Mem. Chanticleers
voyage at <[J?] QMaranhrl) Pernambuco.''-

\jhe following is a newspaper clipping pasted on tlie jwge :'*■'
EARTHQUAKE AT SEA. — Extract from tiie l()g-lK)ok of the
James Cruikshank, Captain John Young, on her voyage from
Demerara to London: — "Feb. l!2, 1835. At lOh. I. 'tin. a severe
shock of earthquake shook tiie ship in a most violent manner.
Although it lasted about a minute, tiiere was no uncommon ripple

THE RED NOTEBOOK 39

on the water. It was quite calm at the time. Latitude 8 deg. 47 min.
N : longitude 61 deg. '22 min. W. mid. calm and clear.] Caermarthen
Journal |

34e I look at the cessation northwards of the Coal in Chili as clearly

bearing a relation to present position of <Coal> Forests. These thick
beds of Lignite stratified with substances so like the Coal measures
in England ( Excepting Conglomerates .? ) f & absence of limestone PJ
have been collected on the open coast. Perhaps as at Concepcion.
favoured by basin formed by outlying rocks; (such as between
Mocha & main land). At Carelmapu. — Within Chiloe : — |

S5e On open coast, near where Challenger was lost : ■*"* I know no reason
for supposing these matters are not now collecting, in the bottom of
an open & not deep sea. — (Character of coast regular & (not very)
rather deep soundings, 60-100 fathoms '2 & 3 miles from shore.
V. Chart) Every winter torrents must bring much vegetable matter
from thickly wooded mountains, probably chiefly leaves. — This
position agrees with character of., /fin Basins from rivers. & natural
position^ I

S6e position at N.S. Wales & Van Diemen's land. —

Whole coast S. of Concepcion where there are Tertiary strata
there is Coal -

No

shells in all cases. /f.Mytilus. — J'*^

/fat GuachoJ/fon N. Chile? Washington. — J'*^

Mem: Micaceous formation of Chonos. interesting from great
quantity of altered Carbonaceous shales

Examine chart of Patagonian coast to see proportional cliff
& low or sloping land

What are the "palatal Tritores" found in the coraliferous
mountain Limestone |
,37e are they allied to the jaws of the Cocos fish

Rio Shells argument for rise

In Cordillera, the dikes do not generally appear to have fallen
into lines of faults

I do not tiiink so many faults in Cordillera, as in English Coal
field — because lowered & raised — so on — but gradually &
simply raised

40

SANDR-iV HERBERT

No Faults in Patagonia^,]] enormous extent ; if lowered again &
covered no sign of upheaval |
38e To Cleavage add other instances in old world of syinetrical

structure. East India Archipelago. /^Aleutian Arch. — j V. Fitton.
Australia:''^ cases in Europe. —

Auvergne. very little Pumice, though Trachyte, same fact in
Galapagos. Daubeny P 24"^

[Y. back of page 1 of New Zealand Geological Notes.J""

at St. Helena. This structure was very clear at base of great
lava cliffs50 [Fig. i]

line of high tidal action

NB. patches of modern Conglomerates [Fig. 2]]

39e The action of sea A.B. will be to eat in the land in line of

highest tidal action, this will at length be checked by increased
vertical {height) thickness (DZ) of mass to be removed & from
the resistance offered to the greater lateral extension of the waves,
by the part beneath the band of greatest action not having been
worn away. — If the level of the sea was to sink by very slow &
gradual movements to line (2). The part (()) which was before
beneath band, of greatest action, would now l)y degrees be exposed

THE RED NOTEBOOK

41

i/.t^h^ A-,^ J > i'-i^^^fr^ f^r- "^ ^'2*-'.

-p

■^irA.:^

ecr

■: . ^i'

% (2' . ^*^/- - / Av ^-

.^-^ ^/:

Page 38e with sketches of a possible explanation for the appearance of a section of lava
cliffs along the coast at St Helena.

to it, & the result would Qbe] a uniform slope to base of cliff ( Z ) .
to which point the waves would not reach. If now the ocean should
suddenly |

42 SANDRA HERBERT

40e fall, (s) the case would be as at first. & according to the greater or
less time of rest, so would the size of the triangular mass removed
vary. — The gradual rising continuing, a another [_sic'2 sloping
platform would be made, & so on. — This is grounded on the
belief of constant rising with successive periods of greater activitj' &
rest. — Such changes could be shown (as represented), along line
of coast. — [Fig- '-211 Mem San Lorenzo ; Valley of Copiapo & parts
of coast of Chile. —

Must first explain ftop ofj tidal band of action. |

41 This case differs. I think, from Patagonian steps, because the
deposition & accumulation is brought into play

As in Ocean & Air; there are /flikewisej differences of
temperature {"at equal distances from centre of rotationj & a
{circulation owing) rotation in fluid matter of globe, must there
not be a circulation f however slow & weak. J; /^( cause of not
accumulation of Coral limestone in intertropical ) J hence varieties
of substances ejected from same point. & changes, {"(changes in
variation.'') J as in Cordillera. —

From poles to Equator current downwards & to West. — From
Equator to poles, nearer the surface & to the Eastward. — If
matter proceeds from great depth, from axis to surface must gain
a Westerly current : — If great changes of climate have happened,
hurricane in bowels of earth cause : — does not exj)lain cleavage
lines./ possibly general symetry of world. — |

42 I feel no doubt, respecting the brecciated white stone of Chiloe,
after having examined the changes of pumice at Ascension

In Calc: sandstone at Ascension, each particles coated by
pellucid envelope of Lime. — form resembles the husks at Coquimbo:
in that case, may not central and rather differently constituted lime
have been removed r — As shell out of its cast which, although not
very intelligible is a familiar case : If refiltered with other matter
how very curious a structure : Have shells ever casts alone in
Calc[[areous.'']]. rocks! .' — if so case precisely analogous : fragments
instead I

THE RED NOTEBOOK 43

43e Peak of Teneriffe. also Cotopaxi has a cylinder placed on the

rim of conical crater: at Teneriffe Wall of Porph. Lava with base
of Pitchstone; Mem Galapagos, chiefly red glassy scoria;. — could
walk round base : — not universal : could not climb up many parts,
in James Is*^. — Mem St Helena — All Trachytic. — /^DaubenyJ^i
P. 171. Vol I. Huniboldt52

There is long discussion on Pumice /f& Obsidian :J in the I Vol.
Humb:53

There is rather good abstract of Humboldt. S. American
Geolog. in Daubeny. P. 3495^

Admirable little table showing long periods of great violence

volcanic, from Humboldt: Comparison P 361. Daubeny ^^ |

44e Von Buch is very strong about Trachyte being the most

inferior rocks 5* — The stream at Portillo Pass example of do.-"
<CPoor?3>

Daubeny good account of ejected granitic fragments. P. 386^^

/^Mem. Lyell's fact about sulphuric vapours in East Indian
VolcanosJ^^

Gypsum

Andes |

45e Mem. Beechey. account of regular change in soundings, on

approaching tiie coast of NW. America P. 209-13 P & 444/f( Yanky
Edit)J59

<(I think) At*" Ascension, the lamina changes in rocks,
connected with & alternating with obsidian must clearly be chemical
differences. & not those of rapid cooling &c &c

My results go to believe that much of all old strata of England,
formed near surface : Mem Patagonian pebbles beds, most un-
favourable to preservation of bones &c &c — Yet (silicified) turn

over

61

46e Silicified wood. Cordilleras, Chiloe. &c seems the organic structure
most easily preserved. —

M'' Conybeare introduct to Geolog — "Between the height of
same beds, deposited in different basins ; little or no relation appears

44 SANDRA HERBERT

to <exist) be made out, but in those belonging to the same district
there seems. I think, little ground for skepticism, as to the general
truth of the proposition." — ^^ If such can happen in troubled
England; the more minute equalities |

47 of elevation, may well be preserved at Patagonia. The English fact
is astonishing consult book itself. P. xx : same fact is indeed shewn
[?J^^ by the parallel bands of formations on any Geolog Map:
Quoted from Daubeny P 402 : ** likewise, mean height of tertiary,
being less than secondary : — consider arguments for oscillation of
level independent of mineralogical nature & dependent : & then
how wonderful level /fof same bedsj should have been kept ; it shows
that throughout all England, whole surface oscillated equably. — |

48 These facts become easy if we look at the action as a deep &
extensive movement of viscid nucleus, which in any one country
would produce equable effects. — ("though so immense to short
breathed travellerj Mountains, which in size are grains of sand, in
this view sink into their proper insignificance; as fractures, con-
sequent on grand rise, & angular displacement, consequent of
injection of fluid rock. —

Try on globe, with slip paper a gradually curved enlargement |

49 see its increased length, which will represent the dilatation, wliicii
dilated cracks must be filled up by dikes & mountain chains. —

Introduce part of the above in Patagonian paper; & part in
grand discussion

Consult, reconsult Geolog. Map of Europe |

50 Consult charts for distribution of pebbles. — Plains, off' coast
of Patagonia. — British channel &c &c.

There is a Hill, near Copiaj^o whicli is asserted to make a
noise, — My impression, is not very distinct, from some of the
lower orders; it was connected with movement of sand. — it is
called "Braniidor" ( ?). — it was a strange story; I believe it was
necessary to ascend the hill, — but my recollection is imperfect iv
was recalled by note in I

THE RED NOTEBOOK 45

51 Daubeny. P. 438., of similar fact near the Red Sea. — which
occurred in a sandy place. — (the sound was long & prolonged ) .^^
NB, Is it generally known, the acute chirping sound produced in
walking over the sand : I am nearly sure, it is necessary to ascend
the hill. —

The absence of Second form, except near submarine Vole : in
harmony with the prevailing movement being one of elevation
alone. — In England much subsidence: hence difference; action on
land different |

52 Volney, P 351. Vol I. woody bushes, /fgazellesj hares, grass-
hoppers & Rats, characteristic of the deserts of Syria <(chara) ditto
for Patagonia, especially rocky parts of central Patagonia*^

Does Andes in Chili, separate geographical ranges of plants.
V. Lyell. Chap XI Vol 11.67

Urge the entire absence of any rock situated beneath low water
in the Southern ocean not being buoyed with Kelp. — |

53- [not located; entry on stub of page 53 reads, "With respect to
54e degrad"]

55e Strong currents off" the Galapagos. — strata must be accumu-

lating which like the secondary strata of England, /^besides ordinary
marine remainsj may contains {shells few corals Tortoise)- {"remains
of Amphibia, exclusively .J & Turtle bones. & the bones of (two
graniniverous) a herbivorous lizard. — -from^^ the action of
torrents, /^marinej Tortoise & other species of large lizard. — There
would probably be no other organic remains. — |

56e On Pampas looked in vain for a pebble of any sort; not one

was found. — Miers saw them near?*'

Mem. La Condamaine on the Amazons.™ Consult
Insist on the frequency of dikes in Granitic countries, enumerate
cases. — M. Video exception, but even there, hills of Basalt & other
Volcanic rocks. Bahia, Rio de Jan: B. Oriental.? level surface not
disturbed. — Whole West coast. Chonos to Copiapo. — Sydney.
K.G. Sound. C. of Good Hope. — fCarnatic |

46 SANDRA HERBERT

57 It has been common practice of geologist.J''

Lyell considers (P 84 Vol III.) whole of Etna series of
coatings;''^ hence it will be necessary to state all arguments for
believing that there must be a central core of melted rock — I think
the strongest is the consideration of the state at a grand eruption
when whole summit of mountain is blown oft"; & again when in
great crater, different little craters are all burning, surely there
must be /^somewherej below a field of fluid rock. — In the dis-
cussion it will be better not to refer to Lyell. but merely to |

58 state these reasons, & saying that they refer to central nucleus &

that envelopes no doubt existed. These higher portions probably
formed Isl"*^ from which proceeded pebbles & on which trees grew. —
rCDj'^ Are not the dikes in upper strata quite different from the
Porphyries : certainly appearance leads me to believe mere fissures
filled up. — the appearance will here be the strongest argument : —
S Consider causes for subaqueous crater being of dift": form subaerial
one.^ — In former not so much; or no rapilli;'''* & from action of
water probably not so much aluminated. |

59 As argument in favor of lines of anticlinal violence crossing
lines of crater, <arg) state that all the great Volcanos. have been
elevated considerably, which shows an afllux of inferior melted
rocks to those parts.

Are not the dikes generally vertical .'' if so posterior to eleva-
tions ? & not sources of lava streams. — [^Tge not tilted strata. — y^
It will be well to urge the case of St Helena, where dikes certainly
have not been points of eruption.

Nobody supposes that all the dikes in Cornwall or in the coal
measures have been conduits to volcanoes. — |

60 Talking of the cricket valley f the most remarkable feature in
the structure of AscensionJ'^ give as an example the great sub-
sidence at the famous eruption of Rialeja, & the more true analogy
from the Galapagos —

M'' Lyell. P. 1 1 1 & 1 13. fseems toj considers that successive
terraces mark as many distinct elevations;''' hence it would appear
he has not fully considered the subject. —

THE RED NOTEBOOK 47

S. America in the form of the land decidedly |

61 bears the stamp of recent elevation, which is different from what
M'' Lyell supposes.^*

Lyell P 116" Vol III, says that in N. Pliocene formation of
Limestone, casts of shells, as in some older formations ■J'^ Mem the
envelopes at Coquimbo. the analogy is now perfect

■(The grand propulsion of fluid rock, which elevates a continent)
We are more abound to take analogy of movements of W coast
in explaining plains because such are found in perfection on that
side. — I

62 Add from M. Lesson, character of Flora to New Zealand,
which agrees with St Helena in being unique, yet no quadrupeds. — ^^

Is the white matter beneath pebbles, the degraded matter of
such pebbles extending to seaward, the alternating with such matter
at St Julians looks like such .'' — destructive to animal life. —
Patagonia. |

63 In the Chonos Isl"*^ we must imagine bituminous siiales have
been metamorphised, as in Brazil feruginous sandy ones have under-
gone the same process. —

Neither lakes or Avalanches (Glaciers very rare) to cause
floods in valleys, which must aid in preserving the terraces /f Molina's
Casejsi

At Vesuvius. Vol III P. 124. Lyell. dikes have a parting of
pitchstone; which is described as very rare.^- Mem. St Helena;
probably more abundant in this case from intersecting a mass
probably cold & not warm as sides of a crater as Vesuvius. — |

64- There may have been oscillations in the upheaval of Andes. —

but as long as all below water no evidence — The depth of shells
(which being packed, in beds) lived there, makes it very doubtful
whether they could have lived in so deep a sea. — Perhaps agrees
with formation of pebbles & vertical trees

Grand Seco at B. Ay res; mention about the deer approaching
the wells. — the effect of Salt water of the Salado. — Mem. in
Owens Africa it is mentioned that the Elephant came |

48 SANDR.\ HERBERT

65e pine cut out at top of page] towns driving by the want of water. — *^
I believe in all flat countries, years of drought are common. — NP
Lyell has mentioned the drifting of carcases putrid. '''

In Rio paper, when discussing probable rise of land: Mention
M. Gay's fact about shells :*5 Hibernation of fresh water Shells,
multitudes. —

The question of shell's concretions, living only in that spot &
being cause of concretion, or being only preserved in that part,
having lived over whole bottom is important; because in this latter
case we cannot judge whether such fossils lived in groups or not. |

66e Ferruginous veins of this figure \^^ in sandstone: evidently

depend on a concretionary contraction: the fact is in alliance with
those balls at Chiloe full of sand. — the <scale> f quantity of ironj
being there in excess. — If veins (^.,y are secretionary, so are all
those plates in Australia. New Red Sandstone, at Bahia in modern
sandstone, a circle, (^^ . had in its middle a short f fissurej vein
terminated each way, which little vein was like the rest of these
thin veins which project outwards. — |

67e In Patagonia, the blending of pebbles & the appearance of

travelling may be owing to successive transportal from prevailing
swell, (as Shingle travels on the Chesil bank. V. De la Beche).**'
Ask Capt. F. : R:^' how the swell, generally & during gales would
tend to travel on a central line of Patagonia. fNB. M"" Lyell P. 211
Vol III. talks of line of cliff marking a pausej**

When mentioning pumice of Bahia Blanca, mention black scoria-
ceous rocks of R Chupat. & fall of Ashes of Falkner, S how far
is the distance ? — *' |

68e Fossil bones black as if from peat. — yet cetaceous bones so

likewise f of miocene periodj. — Mem Bahia blanca P. 204 Vol III.
Lyell 90

Owing to fopenj faults in mountains: to elevated strata in
eocene lakes of France, & unequal action of Farthquakes f on Chili
& delta of IndusJ. my belief in submarine tilting alone, must be
modified, f Moreover, the Volcanos from sea there burst out, after
rise from sea : <^As did)> as did those aerial Volcanos in GcrmanyJ

THE RED NOTEBOOK 49

In the Valle del Yeso it is probable that point of Porphyry has
been upheaved in a dry form

It is clear the forces have acted with far more regularity |

in S. America ; in France we have freshwater lakes unequally
elevated, which movements if present in the Andes, would have
destroyed regularity of slope of valleys. — All my observations of
period {"& mannerj of elevation Volcanic action, must be more
exclusively confined to that country

Read description of channels or grooves in rocks at Costorphine
hills, to compare with Galapagos. — Chiloe. M. Hermoso. & Coral
reefs (imperfect in latter). |

Lyell. Vol I. P. 316. Earthquake of 1812 affected valley of
Missisippi & New Madrid & Caraccas. — " Is this mentioned by
Humboldt in his account of extensive areas. — ^^

P. 322 In any archipelago. & neighbouring Volcanos. eruption
from /fmore thanj one orifice does not occur at same time: this is
contrasted to contemporaneous action over larger spaces of the
globes & "periods" of increased activity. — '^ such as that of
1835. —

State the three /for 4j fields of Earthquakes in Chili : — |

Chiloe. Concepcion. Valparaiso (Copiapo & Guasco). yet whole
territory vibrates from any one shock —

In S. America — continuity of space in formations & durability
of similar causes go together, add. <^"from) "in the same line" to
"from the epoch of Ammonite to the present day.

at Mauritius, (consult Bory''* /f^ip of strata on EastJ) cannot
believe in a great explosion, nor would sea remove more internally
than externally — I did not see any number of dikes in the |

cliffs. — wide valleys. — central peak small; yet great body of lavas
have flowed from centre —

Pisolitic balls occur in the Ashes which fill up theatre of
Pompeei (.?). — Such have been seen to form in atmosphere. —
Mem. Ascencion. concretions & Galapagos. —

Humboldts. fragmens.'^

50 SANDRA HERBERT

Read geology of N. America. India. — remembering S. Africa.
Australia. . Oceanic Isles. Geology of whole world will turn out
simple. — I

73 Fortunate for this science, that Europe was its birth place. — Some
general reflections might be introduced on great size of ocean;
especially Pacifick : insignificant islets — general movements of the
earth ; — Scarcity of Organic remains. — Unequal distribution of
Volcanic action, Australia S. Africa — on one side. S. America on
the other : The extreme frequency of soft materials being consoli-
dated ; one inclines to belief all strata of Europe formed near coast.
Humboldts quotation of instability of ground at present, day. —
applied by me geologically to vertical movements.'* |

74 In Cord : after seeing small Bombs, without a vesicle, we may
consider appearances of eruption at bottom. — solution under high
pressure of gazes, especially the most abundant. Sulp. Hyd ; Carb :
A. Mur: A. = (& this effect of water thus holding matter in
solution must be great: & in the fact of bombs in tufa there is
proof of such gaz) steam condensed. — Perhaps these mighty
changes might go on. & not a bubbles on the surface bespeak ihe
changes. —

f metallic veins solution of silex & many other phenomena. J"' |

75 I do not believe that the extraordinary fissures of the ground
at Calabria were present at the Concepcion earthquake. — expatiate
on difficulty of evidence about eruptions of Volcanos. (where there
are no country newspapers) — At the Calabrian earthquake things
pitched off the ground. Ulloa states that Volcanos ! ! were in eruption
at time of great Lima earthquake'^

In the Chili earthquakes if rise was more <than) inland than on
coast it would be invariably discovered ; this may be mentioned with
general slope of the country; (perhaps generally over whole world) |

76' Yet eruptions {both) at sea (as wells as in the Cordillera),

they may be considered as accidents ( if part of a regular system can
be called accidental; the proportional force of crust of globe &
injecting matter on the great rise). —

'-•-

,. i -J

i

•

e

»-

/

l^

J

<<.,

t"

c<^/

Pages 72-73 on geological topics, with a
reference to Alexander von Humboldt's
Fragmens de gMogie et de dimatologie asiati-
ques (1831), and the assertion that the
'Geology of whole world will turn out
simple. — '

52 SANDRA HERBERT

The great rains which attend severe Earthquakes £"1822 S
1835 ?J alone, (& the general belief in N. Chili, where rains are so
infrequent; so as to exclaim [as I have heardj how lucky! when they
hear of a place having a pretty severe shock), arc much more
curious I

77 & perplexing, than those that attend Eruptions : M"" P. Scopes
explanation of low Barometer ? ''

In a subsiding area, we may believe the fluid matter instead of
afflux (always slightly oscillating as that of a spring) moves away. —
Will geology ever succeed in showing a direct relation of a part of
globe rising, when another falls. — When discussing connection of
Pacifick & S. America. — |

78 Volcanos must be considered as chemical retorts. — neglecting the
first production of Trachyte, look at Sulphur, salt, lime, are spread
over/'wholej surface; how comes it they do not flow out together?
How are they eliminated. — ["Sulphur last. — J Metallic veins like-
wise must separate ingredients if we look to a constant revolution. —
Are we to consider that the dikes which so commonly (state facts)
traverse granites, are granitic materials simply altered by circum-
stances; & not in chemical nature, or has a subterranean fluid mass
itself changed. — No. — |

79 Yet the fluid granitic mass under less pressure might have its
["proportional J particles altered. —

With respect to Volcanic theory. I want to ground, that the
first phenomem. is an inward afflux of melted matter. — Volcanos
perhaps may be admittance of water, through the rent strata : [M'
Lyell considers that Plutonic rocks are generated as often as
Volcanic. I consider latter as accidental on the afflux of the
former. — ^7'°°

Ascension. Vegetation? Rats & Mices. At St Helena there is a
native mouse. |

80 Did wave first retreat at Juan Fernandez: the first great move-
ment was one of rise (any smaller prior ones might have been
owing to absolute movement of ground). Midiell (Philos:

THE RED NOTEBOOK 53

Transacts) /^seems toj consider that fall first movement (as in Peru
1746). — "" At great Lisbon Earthquake Loch Lomond water
oscillated between 2 & 3 ft. (as in Chili lake). Therefore motion of
sea ought to be considered as a plain movement communicated to it
as well as by the vertical as lateral movement. — At first one would
think movement, owing to water keeping its level whilst land rose
up & down. — But from above reasons, do not think so |

81 also elevating Earthquake of Valparaiso. ( 18i22) no great wave on

record. — /^also neighbouring sea must partake in absolute move-
mentj Moreover wave /fwith same general character^ reaches far
beyond coast, which has been raised. — It must be considered as an
oscillation, from violence. Is it not same as swell travelling across
Pacifick. — excepting in number of waves & in wind, instead of
sea's bottom being in motion what difference '' In watching heavy
swell, sea retreats & then breaks : i e to form a wave in ocean, is not

a.

this [Fig. 3] ____S:^^y^\i,— -£ form present, i e a part

below /fmeanj level before the higlier part. —
Does the |

82 sea fall on banks as a Bore wave rushes up.? (NB. Earthquake wave
is an oscillation, body of water manifestly does not travel up. — )
If these view are right the coincidental retreat at Portugal &
Madeira (Lyell. vol I. P. 47 1) is explained. '"^ also the similar fact
at Concepcion .'' Read the various accounts & see if fall is not the
first very evident movement. — The swelling first on beach I
cannot understand, without (c^ raised above a^). — |

83 In great Calabrian wave did not sea break first.? I can imagine from
local form of coast (as seen in swell) the undertow & overfall must
vary proportionally

Partial shrinking after elevation in perfect conformity with
(M'' Lyell's) idea of an injected mass of fluid rock'*'^

In Patagonia plains, long periods of rest & vice versa more
likely to be coincidental tiian single elevations along whole line of
coast I

54 SANDRA HERBERT

84 Darby mentions beds of marine shells on banks of Red River
Louisiana." V. Lyell. Vol I. P. 191 'O^

State at St Helena, pebbles entirely coated with Tosca. which
implies motion in the/floosej bed of pebbles. (On a sea beach under
a cascade, one can understand pebbles thus coated. — The motion
is most wonderful, from chemical attraction, as a blade of grass
penetrating by action of Organic power a lump of hard clay — |

85 In the History of S America we cannot dive into the causes of
the losses of the {"species ofj Mastodons, which ranged from
Equatorial plains to S. Patagonia. To the Megatherium. — To the
Horse. = One might fancy that it was so arranged from the forsight
of the works of man

Feeling surprise at Mastodon inhabiting plains of Patagonia
is removed by reflecting on the nature of the country in which the
Rhinoceros lives in S. Africa; the same caution is applicable to the
Siberia case |

86 We must not think alluvial plains /falvvaysj most favourable; In
what part of the globe are there such vast numbers of wild animals,
both species & individuals as in the half desert country of S. Africa.
It would be well to quote Burchell. \'. where the Rhinoceros was
killed. — 105

In Patagonia, are all beds same age.' is white substance
triturated Porphyritic rocks (mem white tufas with purple Clay-
stones of P. Desire). = Where talking of such substances being
worn into channels. |

87e mention submarine channels, such as that in front of St^. of Magellan
In Chiloe curvilinear strata subsidence. — The sudden in-
creased dip is not parallel case to Isle of White, but rather to one

out of a series of faults. [Fig. 4] ^^J^vS^ A^ /5\

In Cordill : should basal lavas be called Volcanic or Phitonii'
The cellular state of all the Porphyry specimens, must be well
examined

At M. Video /Jfacts of Passages marked by do. J discuss (]uartz
veins, there contemp — yet similar ones in Clay. Slates contemjio-
raneous others subsequent, as in dikes. |

THE RED NOTEBOOK 55

88e In Granite great crystals arranged on sides. V. Lyell P 355

Vol III. constitution of veins, is there said granite in close contact
varies in nature, '°* — Does not granite at C. Tres Montes become
more siliceous in close contact.'^ — /^Cordillera ?? .''J Porphyry at
Valparaiso ; Epidote —

Must we look at regular greenstone cones at S. T. del Fuego
as nucleus of a Volcano or as an injected mass. — From conical form
I incline to (latter) former; & thus occurring in groups. — As these
greenstone rocks are seen to graduate into granites |

89 the (conta) passage from lava to Granite is much more perfect, than
in believing mere agency of dikes : & indeed when do these dikes
lead to a conical mass, will this conical mass be granite .-" Why not
more probably greenstone.^ What probable origin can be given to
the numerous hills of greenstone .'' —

Daubeny. P 95. Glassy & Stony Pearlstones alternate together
in contorted layers:'"^ Mem: Phillips Mineralogy some such fact
stated to exist in Peru.'"^ — Ascension |

90 At Ischia there is a pumiceous conglomerate with small & large
fragments, nature of which is doubtful. P. 180.'°' I think my
Ascension case very doubtful. —

In Iceland Bladders of Lava are described, & many minute
craters as at Galapagos. Sir George Mackenzie must be worth
reading""

Some earthquakes of Sumatra no connection with a neighbouring
Volcano of Priamang. — Marsden Sumatra.'"

M. De Jonnes seems to |

91 think that Volcanic eruptions form foundations for Coral reefs. — "^
does he mean in contradistinction to sand.''.''

B. Roussin states that generally in Nortli ])art of Brazil, (gravel
becomes) sand less & gravel more common, the shoaler the water
& nearer the Banks''^

Is there not a sudden deepening on E. coast of Africa, as at
Brazil |

92 [blank]

56 SANDR.\ HERBERT

93e What is nature of strip of Mountain Limestone in N. Wales,

was it reef. — I remember many Corals ? ? Breccia — Stratification .'
Anomalous action of ocean. — at Ascension. ( where occasionally
most tremendous surf & loose sandy beach) deposits fcalcareousj
encrustations; At Bahia ferruginous. — At Pernambuco (great swell
& turbid water) organic bodies protect like peat reef of sandstone. —
Corals, & Corallina survive, in the most violent surfs : in both latter
cases become petrified, & increase. — In Southern regions every
rock is buoyed by Kelp, now Kelp sends forth branching |

94e roots which must protect surface ; On f iiardj exposed rocks near
Bahia, whole surface to where highest spray (there pale green
conferva) coated with living beings; In smooth seas (& even
turbulent as at St Helena) I have mentioned point of greatest
action; I now having seen Pernambuco believe much is owing to
protection of Organic productions. = Yet everywhere on coast
(II Defonsos fKelpJ) rocks show signs of degradation; (soft
substances worn into bare clifl^s evident); the action is anomalous;
It is wonderful to see Coral reef — or conferva? in the breakers or in
waterfall : Excepting by removal of large fragments by mere force
of waves : & action on upper tidal band, I do not |

95e see how to account for oceans power. — excepting when pebbles
are brought into play; most manifest example of degradation I
ever saw on beach near Callao. — From Sir. H Davy experiment
on the copper bottom, we see a trifling circumstance determines
whether an animal will adhere to a certain part.^''' Apropos to
question does animal adhere to rock because it does not decom|wse.
or vice versa. Clay slates unfavourable to attachment of many
bodies |

96e [blank]

97e Beechey. — changes in bottom in NW coast of .\merica. from

shingle to sand &c &c. <Vol II> P. 209. 211. 213. 444 /JYanky
editionJ"5

Shores of Pacifick, as compared to whole K. .America. <Kast>
Africa. Australia, profoundly deep: a great fault or ratlicr many
faults. —

THE RED NOTEBOOK

57

99e

Necessary form; as long as coast line fixed. — QFig. 5]
ff?^7>K i-cve/ of *« Sc<x

116

*Slope necessary for seaward transportal of drift matter.
98e Give various cases. |^Fig. 6]]

A advancing coast to Seaward.

Retreating case in excess as first case.

When discussing Falkland soundings introduce this discussion. —
Brazil bank : ( & I believe SE coast of Madagascar, where a 40 line
runs at equal distance.'') P' cases. — "^ |

The terraces in Valleys of Chili may be with much truth
compared to the step = formed streams of lava at St Jago. C. de
Verds

Quartz pebbles in the Cordilleras look as if some peaks elevated. —
Greywacke as a general fact absent in T. del Fuego, excepting
in Port Famine

58 SANDRA HERBERT

M"" Sorrell says that numerous icebergs are commonly stranded
on shores of Georgia £Xat° ( ) J, he has roclts on surface apphcable
to Patagonia."* |

lOOe During a period of subsidence the shinglle of Patagonia would

become more or less interstratified with sediment. — [Ik escarpment
worn away like english escarpmentj"'

The great conglomerate of the Amazons & Orinoco mentioned
by Humboldt under name of Rothe-todte-liegende is perhaps same
with that of Pernambuco?'^'*

Quote Miers about shells at Quillota'-'

Lyell, states that contact of Granite & sedimentary rocks,
in Alps becomes metalliferous. Vol III Latter Part'^^ |

101 Are there Earthquakes in the Radack & Ralix Isl"*^.'

In my Cleavage paper D"" Fittons Australia case must be
quoted at length. '^^

The Lines of Mountain appear to me to be effect of expansions
acting at great depths (mem: profound earthquakes), which would
cause parallel lines, but the rectangular intersections are singular —

M. Lesson considers the Sandstone & Granite districts to be
separated by profound valley (^.]] Sydney. — '-" |

102 Lesson Zoologie'^^

Grand tertiary formation of Payta: N. part of New Zeeland
entirely volcanic!! New Zeeland rich in particular genera of j^lants:
All St. Catherine & coast Granite: P. 199; Falkland account of
cleavage differs wonderfully from mine : phyllade covered by
quartzose sandstones: refers to broken hill described by Pemetty:
account of streams of stones agrees with mine. — At Conception,
cleavage E & W! at Payta. talcose slates, do at latter place, sandy,
sandstone with gypsum, covered by limestone witii recent sjiells
200 ft, how exact agreement with Coquimbo; |

103- [not located]
104e

THE RED NOTEBOOK 59

I05e Is** near coast of America not reached. Juan. Galapagos. Cocos —

Ulloas voyage

North of Callao, the country, to the distance of 3 or 4 leagues
/^from the coast J may be concluded to have been covered by the sea
— judge from the pebbles such as those on the beach — "This is
particularly observable in a bay about five leagues North of Callao,
called Marques, where in all appearances not many years since, the
sea covered above half a league of what is now Terra Firma & the
extent of a league & a half a long the coast. The rocks in the most
inland part of this bay are perforated & smoothed like those washed
by the waves, a |

106e sufficient proof, that the sea formed these large cavities," &c &c &c
Vol II. Chapt VIII. p. 97126

at Potosi the veins run from North -(inclining) to South,
inclining a little to the West : the veins which follow this direction
are thought by the (oldest) most intelligent miners to be the
richest Vol II 147 '27

Shells at Concepcion 50 toises above the sea. = talks of them
being packed clean. & without earth. — Moreover that such do not
occur on the beaches. Perhaps these facts attest a (more) decided
elevation of sea's bottom, beds of shells. 2-3 toises thick. — Vol II.
p. 252'^* I

107 Urge cliff form of land, in St Helena. Ascension. Azores,
(/^sandstone first givesj half demolished craters). — worn into mud
& dust. — connection with age, & agreement with number of
craters. No cliffs at Ascension (or modern streams of St Jgo) yet
no historical records of eruptions how immense the time ! ! How
well agrees with number of Craters ! — At S. Cruz, there is no
occasion to wonder what has become of the Basalt. Gone into fine
sediment Look at St Helena ! ! — |

108 There are some arguments which strike the mind with force. —
the exact yearly rise of the great rivers prove better than any
meterological table the precise periods over immense areas. ( & the
counterbalancing variations) of rain. ^ The Bulk of sediment /^dailyj
yearly brought down by every torrent proves the decay atmospheric

60 SANDRA HERBERT

of the most solid rocks. — The grand cliffs of a thousand feet in
height, of the solid lavas. — proportionally high to age. (we do not
wonder to see tertiary plains consumed) Where slope {"plainlyj
indicates former boundary, (as in other unworn |

109 islands) we take in at once the stupendous mass which has been
corroded. — If man could raise such a bulwark to the ocean, who
would ever suppose that its age was limited? Who could suppose
such trifling means could efface & obliterate so grand a work.'' —
In valleys one is not sure whether fissures may not have helped it,
or diluvial waves, but when we see an entire island so encircled, the
one slow cause is apparent. [I confess I never see such islands whose
inclination natural |^out limits.''] [iHeg.]] deepest astonishment. J
Perhaps scarcely a pebble might remain to [tell ?"] of these losses. — |

110 Cause of chimney, to crater, as at Galapagos. St. Helena. —
[Fig. 7] y^v^/^^\. ^^^^^ °* '^'^^'^ °" inner wall, hence resists

degradation longer than outer parts. —

The common occurrence of a breccia of primitive rocks
between that formation and the secondary (stated in Playfair to be
the case p. 51).'^' presupposes an elevated country of granite, not
greater for all Europe, than from the Plata to Caraccas, which is all
of granite : |

111 In discussing circulation of fluid nucleus, — the similarity of
Volcanic products {"over whole worldj argument, as well as
separating causes by water. — Or rather begin & explain how
water separates. — ( intertropics at present fix lime). {i\lso Volcanos
separate.) Volcanos blend all substances together; & products being
similar over whole world, general circulation. But Volcanic action
separates some sulphur (perhaps lime) salt. & metallic ores. —
which mingling & separating is well adapted to |

1 12 use of mankind. — (Hutton show)'^" Earthquakes part of necessary
process of terrestrial renovation & so is Volcano a useful chemical
instrument. — Yet neglecting these final causes. — What more

THE RED NOTEBOOK 61

awful scourges to mankind than the Volcano & Earthquake. — Earth-
quakes act as ploughs Volcanos as Marl-pits : |

113e Consider well age of Bones. = slowness of elevation proved

at St Julian. = do not these bones differ as much nearly as the
Eocene. = Should M"' Owen consider bones washed about much at
Coll. of Surgeon's ?'3i I really should think probably that B. Blanca
& M. Hermoso contemp:. — Inculcate well that Horse at least has
not perished because too cold: — With discussion of camel urge
S. Africa productions. — |

1 14e I think in Patagonia white beds having proceeded from gravel

proved. — curious similarity of rocks of very diff. ages, at Port
Desire on plain & interstratified. —

Urge fact of Boulders not in lower strata, only in upper, in
accordance in Europe with ice theory. —

Capt Ross found in Possession Bay in 73° 39 N. living worms
in the mud which he drew up from 1,000 ffathoms], & the temp of
which was below freezing point !!!'^2 |

1 15 Remember idea of frozen bottom /for beachj of sea to explain
preserved animals. — Mem; stream of water in the country. —

Sir J. Herschel says precip. of Sulph. B. all the infinitesimal
cryst. arrange themselves in planes. fMem silky lustrej'" ask
Erasmus, whether electricity would affect this. — '3"*

State the circumstances of appearance at ConcepcionQ] no
sign of elevation. Effects of great waves to obliterate all land marks.
— At [the ?] first it |

1 16 would though be easy to see on beach successive lines of sea weed —

Histoire Naturelle des hides

Acosta. p. 125 of French [?] Edition states that the same
earthquake has run from Chili to Quito a distance of more than 500
leagues. A little time after a bad earthquake in Chili; Arequipa in 82
was overthrown, & 86. Lima, next year Quito, considers these earth-
quakes travel in order. — '^^ |

117 If we look at Elevations as constantly going on we shall see a
cause for Volcanos part of same phenomena lasting so long. —

62 SANDRA HERBERT

The great movements (not mere patches as in Italy pro\ed by
Coral hypoth. agree with great continents). |

118 Voyage aux terres Australs Vol. I. p. 54. M. Bailly says, "en
effet toutes les montagnes de cette ile se developpent autour d'elle
comme une ceinture d'immenses remparts; toutes affectent une
pente plus ou moins inclinee vers le rivage de la nicr, tandis, au
contraire, que vers le centre de' 1 ile, elles presentent une coupe
abrupte et souvent tailee a pic. Toutes ces montagnes |

1 19 sont formees de couches paralleles et inclinees du centre d'lile, vers
la mer; ces couches ont entre elles une correspondance exacte,
et lorsquelles se trouvent interrompues par quelque vallees ou par
quelque scissures profondes, on les voit se reproduire a des hauteurs
communes sur le revers de chacune des montagnes qui forment les
vallees ou les scissures. — M. B. thinks these parts incontestably
formed the parts of one whole |

120 burning mountain, & that the central part fell in. — Says posterior
craters in centre : — '^* Bailly talks of much granite on all East side
of Van Diemen Land.'^'

All the Calcareous rocks which harden by themselves cannot be
pure, for if so Chalk would |

121 harden. — Climate.!? or small Proportion of Alum: matter. — all
pale cream colour. —

The Brecciated structure of all the Pitchstone (which I have
seen) is a kind of concretionary structure, for the interlineal spaces
are of diff conts : & even in one case contained lime. — All bear
close analogy to Obsidian, & all show chemical action as well as
effects of cooling |
l^misnumbering, no page 122j

123 In Igneous rocks. — which have the cryst of glassy F. fractured.

have been melted with little pressure. & perhaps cooled suddenly. —

As the rude symmetry of the globe shows powers have acted

from great depths, so changes, acting in those lines, must now

proceed from great depths. — important. — |

THE RED NOTEBOOK 63

124 Decemb 10. 1802. Earthquake at Demerara. The earthquakes
"seem to arise from some efforts in the land to lift itself higher & to
grow upwards; for the land is constantly pushing the sea (which of
course must retain same level) to a greater distance". — After-
wards speaks of this phenomenon in connection with "shooting
upwards" of the ^ground^ land in the W Indies. — p. 200.
Bollingbroke voyage to the Demerary'^^ |

125 Earthquakes at St Helena. 1756. June 1780, Sept 21='. 1817. —
p 37 1 . Webster Antarctic veg ;>^'

Study Ulloa to see if Indian habitation above regions of
vegetation. — [I can find nothing.J''"' Mem Carolines quotation
from Temple^'*'

Urge the mineralogical difference of formations of S. America
& Europe. — If great chain of Vole, had been in action during
secondary period how diff. would the rocks have been. The red
Sandstone of Andes fusible .'' |

126 no. mad dogs. Azores, although kept in numbers, p. 124.
Websteri42

Consult W. Parish. '"3 & Azara.''*'' about dry season[^.] 1791.
seen commonly bad over whole world. {"(Was it so in Sydney,
consult history ? Phillips. J'"^

1826.27.28. grt. drought at Sydney, which caused Capt.
Sturt expedition. — ^^

S Another one in 1816 ( .?). — |

127 M"' Owen's curious fact about Crust |^word begun: Br...] in
Brine.''" Springs. (Henslow)'''^

Speculate on neutral ground of 2 ostriches; bigger one
encroaches on smaller. — '''^ change not progressif<(e^ : produced at
one blow, if one species altered: (altered) Mem: my idea of Vole:
islands, elevated, then peculiar plants created, if for such mere
points; then any mountain, one is falsely less surprised at new
creation for large. — Australias = if for vole, isl"- then for any spot
of land. ^ Yet new creation affected by Halo of neighbouring
continent : :^ as if any |

ys

I

■A-I'X '

,;3/^ i^^^- /v-*-^ c/w>t«,^-. jfe,*^ A-^'^'-c^ < -■-.iv-Cas
Pages 127-128 on the species question.

- /

1

IsL-<k4-£. . —

iJ

^/

:«. U^/ ^ T^ w^~^"*v. , - 66 ^ /^z/- (v«x«, fi^'^^

Pages 129-130 on the species question.

66 SANDRA HERBERT

128 creation /f taking placej over certain area must have peculiar
character :

Contrast low limit of Palms, evergreen trees, arborescent
grasses, parasitic plants, Cacti : & with limits of no vegetation at
S. Shetland. = ^^o Great contrast of two sides of Cordillera, where
climate similar. — I do not know botanically = but picturesquely =
Both N & S. great contrast from nature of climate. =

Perpetual snow. — subterranean lakes, near Volcanoes, lakes
of brine all inhabited :

Go steadily through all the limits of birds & animals in S.
America. Zorilla:'^' |

129 wide limits of Waders: Ascension. Keeling: at sea so commonly
seen, at long distances ; generally first arrives : —

New Zealand rats offering in the history of rats, in the anti-
podes a parallel case. —

Should urge that extinct Llama owed its death not to change
of circumstances ; reversed argument, knowing it to be a desert. — '^^
Tempted to believe animals created for a definite time: — not
extinguished by change of circumstances : |

ISO The same kind of relation that common ostrich bears to (Petisse.'^^
& dift" kinds of Fourmillier)'^'^: extinct Guanaco'^^ to recent: in
former case position, in latter time, (or changes consequent on
lapse) being the relation. — As in first cases distinct species
inosculate, so must we believe ancient ones: [.'.J not gradual
change or degeneration, from circumstances: if one species does
change into another it must be per saltum — or species may perish.
= This ^inosculation) representation of species important, each
its own limit & represented. — Chiloe creeper :'5* Furnarius.'^^
^Caracaray* Calandria;"' inosculation alone shows not gradation;

131 An argument for the Crust'^° of globe being thin, may be

drawn, from. Cordillera, rocks. — When beneath water. — together
with hypothetical case of Brazil. — |

THE RED NOTEBOOK 67

132 Propagation, whether ordinary, hermaphrodite, or by cutting
an animal in two. (gemmiparous. by nature or accident), we see
an individual divided either at one moment or through lapse of
ages. — Therefore we are not so much surprised at seeing Zoophite
producing distinct animals, still partly united. & egg|^s.^] which
become quite separate. — Considering all individuals of all species, as
/feachj one individual /fdividedj by different methods, associated
life only adds one other method where the division is not perfect. — |

133 Dogs. Cats. Horses. Cattle. Goat. Asses, have all run wild &
bred, no doubt with perfect success. — showing non Creation does
not bear upon solely adaptation of animals. — extinction in same
manner may not depend. — There is no more wonder in extinction
of species than of individual. — |

134e M'' Birchell says Elephant lives on very wretched countries

thinly covered by vegetation.'*' Rhinoceros quite in deserts. —
Much struck with number of animals at Cape of Good Hope

Says at Santos ("M Birchel[|s.'']J at foot of range some miles
from shore, rock of oysters quite above reach of tides. — thinks
them same as recent species. — '^^ |

135e May I not generalize the fact glaciers most abundant in

interior channels, there no outer coast. — important effect. — .''
Capt. Fitz Roy. — '"

Limited Volcanic action & limited earthquakes & great but
local elevations of the land in Europe — |

136e Urge difference of plutonic rocks & Volcanic metalliferous —

Urge enormous quantity of matter from crevice of Andes —
therefore flowed towards it. a mass on each side 3000 ft thick & 150
broad, neglecting Cordillera itself now remaining — |

137e Lyell [(p 419) p 428_7 states that Von Buch has urged that Java

volcanos differ from all others in quantity of Sulph. acid emitted:'*'*
mem : Grand gypseous formation of Cordillera

In describing structure of Cordillera it must be said, that lines
of elevation have connected {lines) /fpointsj of eruption^.] give
instance of Etna, Stromboli & Vesuvius I

fig SANDR.\ HERBERT

138 Investigate with greater care, vegetation & climate of Tristan
D. Acunha. Kerguelen Land. Prince Edwards Is*. Marion & Crozet.
L. Auckland. Macqueries. — Sandwich Is* —

Specimens of rocks were brought home in [written over ' by ']
Capt. Forster expedition from (Deception Isl*> South Shetland
Cape Possession. Syenite S Andite ? — ^^^ |

139 Degrading of inland bays, like St. Julian & Port Desire
applicable to Craters of Elevation. — The longer diameter of
Deception Is* is six Geographical miles and width 2 & 1/2 miles'**

S. Shetland. Lat. 62° 55'. <onl> one lichen only production, a
body which had long been buried, from rotten state of coffin f buried
in a moundj long consigned to the earth, yet body had scarcely
undergone any decomposition : countenance so well preserved, that
it was thought not to have belonged to an Englishmen. — On 8th
of March cove began to freeze, correspond fto Septemberji*'' |

140e SDid I make any observations on springs at S. Cruz.??? —

Form of land shows subsidence in T. del Fuego, and connection
of quadrupeds. — although recent elevation, there may have been
great subsidence previously. Mem. pebbles of Porphyry. —
Falklands. — off" East Coast. — Capt. Cook found soundings, (end
of 2* voyage outside coast of T. del Fuego. off. Christmas sound. — '^^
{"(Think some 60 fathoms, none thicker than thumbj Sea weed
said at Kerguelen Is* to grow on shoals like Fucus giganteus! 24
fathoms deep 24 ]

14 le under 50. Kerguelen Land, = the way it stands gales = very strong.
Stones as bigger than a man's head. —["Kerguelen 40 by 20
leagues, dimensions :J'*'

Bynoe informs me that in Obstruction Sound, in the narrow-
parts which break through the N & South lines the tides form
eddies with its extreme force. I'O Yet, no outlet at head. Important
in forming transverse valleys
Ice I

142e Sir W. Parish says they have Earthquakes in Cordoba, one of

which dried up <all> a lake in neighbourhood of town''"

THE RED NOTEBOOK 69

M'' Murchison insisted strongly, that taking up a piece of
Falkland Sandstone, he could not distinguish from stone Caradoc
from lower of third Silurian division — Together with same general
character of fossils deception complete. — ^'^

Silliman Journal, year 1835 excellent account of N. American
geology. Conybeare^'^ |

1436 Lava in Cordillera & on Eastern plains /^by AntucoJ. Athenseum

April 1836 (p 302)1''''

Coleccion de obras. 2 Vols fol: Buenos Ayres 1836 :"5 w.

Parish.?? /fby Pedro de Angelis.J'''^

This work is reviewed in present Edinburgh March 1835'^'
Sir W. Parish says, that beds of shells are found on whole

coast from P. Indio to Quilmes. & at least seven miles inland. •''* |

144e The Cordoba earthquake a very remarkable phenomenon,

showing line of disturbance inside Cordillera; It is not therefore so
wonderful that volcanic rocks at M. Video /^Volcano in PampasJ
Pasto Earthquake. Happened on January 20'". 1834
rvf Sowerby. younger, says that Falkland fossils decidedly
belong to old Silurian system.'™

Apply degradation of landlocked harbors to Craters of eleva-
tion. — I

I45e Lyell suggested to me that no metals in Polynesian Isl"^ — .'*"

Volcanic plenty in S. America ! ! Metamorphic |

146 Volcanos only burst out where strata in act of dislocation

(NB. dislocation connected with fluidity of rock .'. fin earliest stagej
when covered up beneath ocean). — The first dislocations &
eruptions can only happen during first movements, and therefore
beneath ocean, for subsequently there is a coating of solidifying
igneous rocks which would be too thick to be penetrated by the
repeted trifling injections. — Old vents would keep open long after
emersion, but improbably so long, that to be surrounded by
continent. — change of volcanic focus. — |

70 SANDRA HERBERT

l+T <(it is certain, if strata can be)

Problem dislocate strata without ejection of the fluid propelling
mass. If one inch can be raised then all can, for fresli layers of
igneous rock replace strata. & it is nothing odd to find them
injected by veins & masses QFig. 8J

(A.B.C. now grown solid.) |

14-8 Red Sea near Kosir, land appears elevated. Geograph. Journal

p '202 Vol IV'si

When recollecting Gulf of California. Beagle Channel. — One
need never be afraid of speculating on the sea |

149 The 24 ft. elevation at Concepcion. from impossibility of such
change having taken place unrecorded must be insensible.

Quantity of matter from Cordillera, horizontal movement of
fluid matter not (for instance) expansion of solid matter by Heat |

150 Consider profoundly tlie sandstone of the Portillo line. —
connected with <gneiss). — (Mica Slate) QFig. 9]

aneiSS ^^'^-

((5) like Bell of Quillota.) {.\) in this strata may be older tlian (B).
Most important view Urge curious fact felspar melted gneiss///
Quartz!!! .Analogous to Von Buch. Basalt where Basalt, trachyte

where trachyte.'*^ I

THE RED NOTEBOOK 71

151 There must have been as imich conglomerate on West of
Peuquenes as on East.

Where gone to. ? —

There must have been some conglomerate East of Portillo

Where gone to? Intermediate space protected. —

Oh the vast power of the ocean ! |

152 Make a grand analogy between Wealden & Bolivia
Transportal of conglomerate between two ranges mysterious! —
Mem. Subsidence Uspallata of which no trace except by trees |

153 The structure of ice in columns, show that granite when
weathering into balls, must exhibit orbicular structure. — When
we recollect connection of columnar & orbicular in basalt. —

When we see Avestruz two species, certainly different, not
insensible change. — ''^ Yet one is urged to look to common parent ."^
why should two of the most closely allied species occur in same
country? In botany instances diametrically opposite have been
instanced : it is |

154 Let it not be overlooked that except by trees, I could not see
trace of Subsidence at Uspallata. —

S If crust very thick would there be undulation? would it not be
mere vibration? but walls & feeling shows undulation .'. crust
thin. — Concepcion earthquake |

155 Draw close Analogy Lake of Cordill: of Copiapo & Desagua-
dero. — three ridges in Copiapo, as well as in latter. —

According to M'' Brown, '^'' a person (whom I met at S.W.P.)
the Cordillera extend to near Salta. & not far from Tucama[^n]. & at
Chuquisaca. half across the continent. — He states plains of
Mendoza smooth. Sir W\P. states that in Helm's travels accounts
of travelled boulders from the Cordovise range. '^^ Signor Rozales
tells me at seven oclock Novem (S'") Concepcion most violently
shaken by earthquake, but no serious injury. — '^^ |

156' {Analysis of Atacama. Iron in Edinburgh. Phisoph. Trans-

actions. = Mem; Olivine. Volcanic product. = >'*'

72 SANDRA HERBERT

<Did Peruvian Indians use arrows or Araucanians ? — )
If wood now preserved over world Dicotyledons far prepon-
derant, if so coniferous must formerly have been most abundant
tree —

Metamorphic action: <most) coming so near surface most
important |

I57e There is map of Cordillera by Humboldt in Geolog. Society'*^

Sir Woodbine Parish informs me that town near Tucuman and

Salta. towards the Vermejo was utterly overthrown by earthquake

with great destruction of human life. — '*' Temple mentions some

earthquake at Cordova. — "" There the Cordova earthquake |

158e in which lake was absorbed. — Earthquakes felt, different case from
shore of Pacific. — Isabelle's volcano, many amygdaloids. — "•
Boussingault /f(Lyell)J cracks mountains falling in. — "^ Earth-
quakes at Quito, tranquility [at MendozaJ exception. — ["formerly
perhaps otherwisej Mendoza never overthrown, — no mountains |

159 Mackenzie has talked of lava flowing up Hill; Swhat does he
mean.')i'3 Consult D' Holland about bubbles. — ""

No Volcanic action on coast line of Old Greenland, close to W
of Jan Meyen Is'*. — M'' Barrow"^ thinks N & S. line connects
western isles of Scotland & Iceland. — {"BoshJ"* nor on Norway,
or Spitzbergen. — Spitzbergen animals ( ?). |

160 The HoUowness of <(sep) Chiloe concretions somewhat
analogous to septa. — would particle attracted towards space tend
to form ring. QFig. 10]

motion from within and without

H. Kingdom N. Sjiain. Vol III p. lis "Nature exhibited to
the Mexicans enormous masses of Iron and Nickel, ik these masses

THE RED NOTEBOOK 73

which are scattered over the surface of the ground are fibrous,
malleable & of so great tenacity, that it is with difficulty that a few
fragments can be separated from them with steel instruments.""^ |

161 In R. Brown (Collect; f of F. W.J)"^ where the stalactiform
masses have layers been accumulated, round knobs, or pushed where
soft, or j^redissolved i"] soft. — /is there any flexure <fr) in the
fragmentary jasper. — do undulations (as Hutton says)"^ always
come from without. —

(^continued from previous page] "True native iron that to
which we cannot attribute a meteoric origin & which is constantly
found mixed with lead & copper is infinitely rare in all parts of the
globe", p. 1 13200 I

162 How utterly incomprehensible that if meteoric stones simply
pitched from moon, that the metals should be those which have
magnetic properties.

Study well products of Solfatarias. some general laws, associa-
tion of lead & silver. Sulp. of Barytes : Fluoric. Barytes ; — |

I63e Humboldt. New Spain. Vol III. p. ISO^O' Metals in Mexico

rarely in secondary always in primitive & transition; the latter
rarely appear in central Cordillera, particularly between 18° &
22° N. = formations of amph : porphyry, greenstone [^,]] amygdaloid,
basalt & other trap cover it to great thickness. ^= Coast of Acapulco
granitic rock. — in parts of table granits & gneiss with gold veins
visible ; — " Porphyries of Mexico may be considered for most
parts as rock eminently rich in mines of gold & silver." /^p. 13 ij-"- |

16'4e The above porphyries characterized by no quartz & amphibole
frequently only vitreous felspar : = gold veins in a phonolitic
porphyry. = several parts of N. Spain great analogy to Hungary. =
Veins of Zimapan offer zeolite, stilbite. grammalite. pyenite. native
sulphur., fiuor spar, bayte. asbestos garnets. — carb & chrom. of
lead, orpinient. chrysoprase. opal : — ^"3

Veins in Limestone & Grauwacke : Silver appears far more
abundant in the upper limestone, which H. calls by several secondary

names

!04

74 SANDRA HERBERT

I65e ^Study Hoffnians account of steam acting on trachytes, also

Azores. We here have case of such vapours washing a rock^^^J
Veins concretionary; concretions determined by fissures as in
septaria. (& Chiloe case, at least corelation) — Galapagos vein,
vein of secretion. — metallic veins follow mountain chain, there
after NW <(W). — {"same chemical laws as in concretions perhaps
makes intersections richest — Humboldt has urged phenomena in
veins, chemical affinities like in composed rock.-*'* granites syenitej
{"strangling &c of veins can only be accounted for by concretionary
action, conjoined with otherj ^state simplest case, concretions of
clay iron stone; iron pyrite in a fossilj Insist strongly on the grand
fact of Volcanic & non Volcanic. Then Solfataras. {"Mem: Micaceous
iron ore.J

N.B. To show how metals may be transported by complicated
chemical law & steam of salts, quite curious case of oxided Iron by
Mitterschlich. Vol. II journal of Nat. & Geograph Siciences? — 207 |

166e H says in Potosi the silver is contained in a jirimitive slate,

covered by a clayey porphyry, containing grenats. In Peru, on
other hand, mine of Gualgayoc or Chota & Pasco in "alpine
limestone" ^ "The wealth of the veins in most jiart totally
independent of the nature of the beds they intersect". = In the
Guatemala part. (& Chiloe do) no veins discovered. Humboldt
suggests covered up by volcanic rocks. ^"^ |

16"7e S' Helena has been sliglitly broken up, ^: has there not been

vein /^of ironj discovered ''. —

Klaproth analysed silver ores from Peru consisted of native
silver. & brown oxide of Iron in Mexico, sulphuretted silver,
arsenical grey copper, and antimony, horn silver, black silver &
red silver, do not name native silver because not very abundant. —
muriated silver, which is so rare in Europe, common there accom-
panied by molybdated lead & {"argentiferous leadj ; sulfated Bary tes
very /funjcommon in Mexico. Fluor spar only in certain mines.-"' |

16'8e {"Vol. IIIJ "In general it is observed both in Mexico & Peru,

that those oxidated masses of iron which contain silver are peculiar
to that part of the veins, nearest to tiic surface of the eartii." —

THE RED NOTEBOOK 75

p. 156.^'" Mines of Batopilas in New Biscay, "Nature exiiibits the
same minerals there, that are found in the veins of Kongsberg
in Norway. — namely dendritic silver intersecting carbonate of
lime — ■^i' native silver in Mexico |

169e is always accompanied by Sulp. silver sometimes by selenite. — ^'^
in New Spain, contrary to Europe argentiferous lead not abundant.
=2'^ considerable quantity of silver procured from martial pyrites;
great blocks of pure silver not common in (S.y America ; In all
climates distribution of silver [\n veinsj very unequal, sometimes
disseminated sometimes concentrated : wonderful quantity of pure
silver in S. America. 2'** |

170e Geology of Guanuaxuato. — Clay slate, passing into talcose

& chloritic slate, with beds of syenite & serpentine dipping to SW
at 45° to 50° — covered by conformable greenstone porphyrys &
phonolites do. amphibole quartz & mica very rare. — ^'^ ancient
freestone & breccia is the same with that on surface of plains of
Amazon, no relation — there is more modern breccia, chiefly owing
to destruction of porphyries, whereas other to ancient rock. — this
N° 2. superimposed on N° 1. even No. 'i. might be mistaken for
Porphyry |

17 le above ancient freestone, limestone & (many) /fother secondary^
rocks. ■^'^

Vein traverses both Clay slate, Porphyry North 52 W, & is
nearly the same with tiiat of the veta grande of Zacatecas, & veins
of Tasco & Moran — of Guanaxuato to SW. with respect to latter
doubts whetlier bed or vein (very like tiiat of Spital of Schemnitz in
Hungary.) Humboldt says fragments from roof & penetrating over-
lying beds tells the secret. — ^n p jgg "The small ravins into
which the valley of Marfil is divided, appear to have a decided
influence on the richness of the veta madre of [continued on page
175] I

170e [^misnumbered page]

76 SANDRA HERBERT

[;i72e]

D"" D. remarks, bad conductor of Heat do of Electricity^'*

Does not iron, combined with nickel & cobalt (meteoric)
resist oxidation? — Mem Sir W. P. stone^"

It is clear to me, there are laws of solution & deposition under
great pressure. ( ? fact!) unknown to us.

M. Chladni. — on meteoric Mexican stone. Journal des Mines
1809. No. 151. p. 79.220 I

[misnumbering, no page 173]

174e Under name of Sagitta Triptera D'Orbigny has figured animal

with seta? like my undescribedQ.] p. 140. Fleche of Quoy et
Gaimard. — D'Orbigny has described it with care to 3 species. I
think I have much additional information^^' |

175e [^continued from page 171] Guanaxuato, which has yielded the most
metal, where the direction of ravins, and the slope of the mountains
(flaqueza del Cerro) have been parallel to the direction & inclination
of the vein". — 222

at Zacatecas the veta grande has same direction as Guana x. —
the other E & W. — veins richest not in ravins or along gentle
slopes, but on the most elevated summits, where mountains most
torn. — (Santiclinal line.''). — ^23

Mines of Catorce /f( Principal veins) J 25° to 30° to NE. vein
of Moran 84° NE. of Real del Monte 85° to S. // Tasco 40° to NW
(afterwards said to be ["all with some exceptionj directed NW &

SE).224 I

176e /fVol IIIJ Mexican Cordillera " immense variety of Porphyries

which are destitute of quartz, & wh abound both in hornblend &
vitreous felspar". — p. 215^25

Same metal in Tasco vein in Mica Slate & overlying Lime-
stone 226

Balls of Silver ore occur in do veins. 22'' At Huantajaia. Humboldt
says, mur of Silv.Q] Sulph. of do.Q,]galena[,]]quartz, Carb. of Lime,
accompany. — Ulloa has said silver in the highest & gold in tlie
lowest. Humboldt states that some of the richest gold mines on

THE RED NOTEBOOK 77

ridge of Cordillera near Pataz, also at Gualgayoc. where many
petrified shells^^^ |

177e Bougainville says P 291. —

The Fuegians treat the "chefs d'oeuvre de l[']indiistrie
humaine, comme ils traitent les loix de la nature & ses phenomenes."

229

UUoa's Voyage, Shell fish purple die, marvellous statements
on, Vol I, P. 168. on coast of Guayaquil, same as Galapagos. ^^^

no Hydrophobia at Quito. P 28 1 . do do^^'

Australia, C. of Good Hope. — Azores Is"^ fnor at St
Helena. — J232

Humboldt. New Spain Vol. IV. [p. 58.J At Acapulco earth-
quakes are recognized as coming from three directions, from W.
NW & S. — last to Seaward "3 |

178 partaking of the character of a Araucarian tribe, with point
affin of yew & intermediate ^3''

Puncture one animal with recent dead body of other. & see if
same effects, as with man

Does Indian rubber & black lead unite chemically like grease
& mercury |

179 [blank]

180 N.B. P. 73. General reflections on the geology of the world

' >gradual shoaling of coasts

93 action of sea on coast.
27. Bahama Is* |

181 De Lues travels^^s
Beauforts Karamania^^*

Capt. Ross.^^' & Scoresby^^* deep soundings

Gilbert Farquhar Mathison travels Brazil. Peru. Sandwich

/:isdJ239

Mawes travels down the Brazil. — ^'"'
Did Melaspena publish his travels.''^'" |
Bellinghausen in I819^''2
Kotzebue 18 16^''^ I

inside Constant log always additive to convert French Toise into

back English [h.J 0.8058372

cover French metre into English ft. 0.5159929

Myriametre =

Kilometre

Hectometre

Metre

Decimetre

Centimetre

[C DarwinJ

Toises
5130.,

513.,

51.

Pieds
4.
0.
1.
3.

5 inches
5
10
0.

3.8

1 1 lines

4.4

back
cover

R.N.

Range of Sharks
{"Nothing For any PurposeJ

The back cover of the Red Notebook, labelled 'R.N.', with the additional notations
'Range of Sharks' and 'Nothing For any Purpose".

Editor's Notes

^ Jean Francois d'Aubuisson de Voisins, Traits de geognosie. 2 vols. (Strasbourg,
1819).

^ Juan Ignacio Molina, Compendio de la historia geografica . . .del reyno de Chile
(Madrid, 1788), vol. 1.

^ Sir Charles Lyell, F.R.S. (1797-1875), prominent British geologist, twice
president of the Geological Society of London (1835-1837, 1849-1851), and author of
the Principles of Geology. 3 vols. (London, 1830, 1832, 1833). This work exercised a
formative influence on the development of geology as a science in the nineteenth
century and on the career of Charles Darwin, F.R.S. (1809-1882). This entry in the
notebook is in light brown ink.

* Lyell, Principles of Geology. This entry is in light brown ink, and written over
the immediately preceding series of dates. The dates pertain to the departure of
H.M.S. Beagle from England. The Beagle sailed from England Tuesday 27 December
1831. The ship encountered heavy seas, caused by gales elsewhere, on Thursday 29
December 1831. For Darwin's description of the Beagle's departure see his letter to
his father of 8 February-1 March 1832 in Nora Barlow, ed., Charles Darwin and the
Voyage of the Beagle (London, 1945), p. 52. Also see N. Barlow, ed., Charles Darwin's
Diary of the Voyage of H.M.S. Beagle (Cambridge, 1933), pp. 18-19. Darwin could
have recorded the date of the Beagle's departure in this notebook at any time during
the voyage.

^ The probable stimulus for this passage was Christian Gottfried Ehrenberg, ' On
the Origin of Organic Matter from simple Perceptible Matter, and on Organic
Molecules and Atoms; together with some Remarks on the Power of Vision of the
Human Eye' in Richard Taylor, ed., Scientific Memoirs (London, 1837), vol. 1, pp.
555-576. This entry is in light brown ink, indicating a later dating than the original
entries on this page.

® Jacques Julien Houton de Labillardiere, Relation du voyage a la recherche de La
Perouse...l791-[\794-] (Paris, 1800), vol. 1, p. 287: "Je revis le fucus que j'avois
auparavant rencontre tout pres de la Nouvelle-Guinee; il ressemble k de I'etoupe
tres-fine coupee par petis morceaux longs d'environ trois centimetres: ce sont des
filamens aussi fins que des cheveux. On les voyoit souvent reunis en faisceaux, et si
nombreux qu'ils ternissoient I'eau de la rade."

'John Stevens Henslow, 'Geological Description of Anglesea', Transactions of
the Cambridge Philosophical Society, vol. 1 (1821-1822), p. 379: "The major axis of

82 SANDRA HERBERT

some of the larger nodules is two feet and a half, and the minor one foot and a half;
and the conical structure extends to the depth of three or four inches. The direction
of the longer axis is placed parallel to the schistose laminae, which pass round the
nodules."

® William Fitton, 'Geology' in Phillip P. King, Narrative of a Survey of the
Intertropical and Western Coasts of Australia Performed between the Years 1818 and
1 822 {'London, 1827), vol. 2, p. 585: "The Epidote of Port Warrender and Careening
Bay, affords an additional proof of the general distribution of that mineral ; which
though perhaps it may not constitute large masses, seems to be of more frequent
occurrence as a component of rocks than has hitherto been supposed."

* Henslow, 'Geological Description of Anglesea', p. 403: "Carbonate of lime is
very generally disseminated through every part [of the Plas-Newydd dike]."

^° Henslow, 'Geological Description of Anglesea', p. 417; "The most interesting
phenomena exhibited by this dyke, are the various changes which it assumes in its
mineral character."

^^ Henslow, 'Geological Description of Anglesea', p. 434: "Through this dyke
there run several veins of quartz, which also abound in the surrounding rock, a fact
which I do not recollect witnessing in anv other dyke in .Anglesea." Also p. 419: ".\t
its [the dyke's] Northern termination the trap has been removed by the continued
action of the sea, and its original walls, composed of quartz rock, form a small bay
about eighty feet wide."

^^ Henslow, 'Geological Description of Anglesea', p. 375: "As the limestone
passes into the schist [at Gwalchmai], it assumes a fissile character, and scales of
chlorite are dispersed over the natural fractures."

^^ Henslow, 'Geological Description of Anglesea', p. 432: "The whole [mass of
trap] assumes a greenish tinge, but the colouring substance does not appear to be of
a very crystalline nature, and is probably chlorite."

'* See William Dampier, A New Voyage round the World (4th ed.; London,
1698-1703), vol. 2 [1699], part 3 subtitled: A Discourse of Trade-Winds, Breezes,
Storms, Seasons of the Year, Tides and Currents of the Torrid Zone throughout the
World: With an Account of Natal in Africk, its Product, Negro's, &c.

^^ Constantin Francois Volney, Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte. . .1783-1785 (2nd
ed. rev.; Paris, 1787), vol. 1, chapter 20 the section entitled 'Des vents', and chapter
21 entitled 'Considerations sur les phenomenes des vents, des nuages, des pluies, des
brouillards et du tonnerre'.

^^ Dampier, A New Voyage round the World, vol. 3 [1703], p. 125: "Of the
Sharks we caught a great many, which our Men eat very favourily. Among them we

NOTES 83

caught one which was 11 Foot long." I have not found an edition of this work which
fits Darwin's page citation exactly. (Ed.)

" Dampier, A New Voyage round the World, vol. 3 [1703], pp. 125-126: "Its
Maw was like a Leather Sack, very thick, and so tough that a sharp Knife could scarce
cut it: In which we found the Head and Boans of a Hippopotomus; the hairy Lips of
which were still sound and not putrified, and the Jaw was also firm, out of which we
pluckt a great many Teeth, 2 of them 8 Inches long, and as big as a Mans Thumb,
small at one end, and a little crooked; the rest not above half so long. The Maw was
full of Jelly which stank extreamly:. . .'Twas the 7th of August when we came into
Shark's Bay;. . . "

18 Dampier, A New Voyage round the World, vol. 3 [1703], p. 114: "At about 30
Leagues distance [from the Abrolhos shoals] we began to see some Scutle-bones
floating on the Water; and drawing still nigher the Land we saw greater quantities of
them." Also p. 115: "The 30th oijuly, being still nearer the Land, we saw abundance
of Scutle-bones and Sea-weed, more Tokens that we were not far from it;. . . "

1® Capt. Samuel P. Henry (1800-1852), author of Sailing Directions for Entering
the Ports of Tahiti and Moorea (London, 1852) ; personal communication. Darwin met
Capt. Henry and his father, a missionary, at Tahiti. See Robert Fitzroy, ed. Narrative
of the Surveying Voyages of His Majesty's Ships Adventure and Beagle. . . 1826-1836
(London, 1839), vol. 2, pp. 524, 546, 615; and John Williams,^ Narrative of Missionary
Enterprises in the South Sea Islands (London, 1837), p. 471 .

^° Labillardiere, Relation du voyage a la recherche de La Perouse, vol. 1, p. 394:
"L'ilot sur lequel nous etions est compose d'un beau granit, oil le quartz, le feld-spath
et le mica dominent;. . ." and, p. 395, "La partie occidentale de cet ilot offre, dans un
des points les plus eleves un plateau de pierre calcaire. ..."

21 Dampier, A New Voyage round the World, vol. 3 [1703], p. 151: "The Land
hereabouts was much like that part of New Holland that I formerly described.. . .'tis
low, but seemingly barricado'd with a long Chain of Sand-hills to the Sea, that let's
nothing be seen of what is farther within Land."

22 Jean Fran9ois Galaup de La Perouse, A Voyage round the World Performed in
the Years 1785, 1786, 1787, and 1788 (London, 1799), vol. 2, p. 179: "From Norfolk
Island, till we got sight of Botany Bay, we sounded every evening with a line of two
hundred fathoms, but we found no bottom till we were within eight leagues of the
coast, when we had ninety fathoms of water."

2^ Frederick William Beechey, Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Beering's
Strait. . . 1825, 26, 27, 25 (Philadelphia, 1832). See note 59.

This entry is in light brown ink.

84 SANDRA HERBERT

^^ The sequence of points on this list runs from south to north along the Brazilian
coastline. Place-names and latitudes were checked against British Admiralty charts of
the period. Useful in this regard was the Index to Admiralty Published Charts,
(London, 1874) published by the Hydrographic Office. A bar with a dot over a number
indicates that no bottom was found at that depth. Undoubtedly Darwin compiled this
list from information available to him aboard ship.

^® This entry is in light brown ink. As a later addition it would appear to be a
correction to the two figures immediately following, although only the '60' is actually
cancelled. The sense of the passage would be that at 18-20 leagues from shore no
bottom was found at 120 fathoms.

2' Probably Robert Fitzroy, F.R.S. (1805-1865), Captam of H.M.S. Beagle
during its surveying voyage of 1831-1836, later vice-admiral in the navy and a meteoro-
logist of considerable repute. It was with Fitzroy's assent that Charles Darwin
became the Beagle's naturalist. For reference to Fitzroy's account of the Beagle's
voyage see note 19.

^' Mrs Power, presumably a resident of Port Louis, Mauritius; personal com-
munication. Mrs Power is not mentioned otherwise in Darwin's notes.

^^ The shipwrecked crew of the H.M.S. Wager identified their position as 47° 00'
S., 81° 40' W. Capt. Fitzroy recalculated the probable position of the ship as 47° 39'
30" S., 75° 06' 30" W. See John Bulkeley and John Cummins, A Voyage to the South-
Seas. . .1740-1 (London, 1743), p. 48; and Fitzroy, ed.. Narrative of the Surveying
Voyages of His Majesty's Ships Adventure and Beagle . . . 1826-1836, appendix to vol. 2,
p. 78. The earthquakes of August 25, 1741 experienced by the shipwrecked crew of
the Wager were described as "four great Earthquakes, three of which were very
terrible; notwithstanding the violent Shocks and Tremblings of the Earth, we find no
Ground shifted. Hard Gales of Wind at North, with heavy Showers of Rain."
(Bulkeley and Cummins, p. 70.) Also see JR, p. 287.

^° Henry Thomas De La Beche, A Geological Manual (London, 1831), sections
5-10.

^' De La Beche, A Geological Manual, section 3, ' Erratic Blocks and Gravel '.
In his treatment of the subject De La Beche did not discuss the shapes of individual
pieces of gravel.

^^ Robert Were Fox, 'On the electro-magnetic properties of metalliferous veins
in the mines of Cornwall', Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London,
vol. 120(1830), pp. 399-414.

^^ Joseph Carne, ' On the relative age of the Veins of Cornwall ', Transactions of
the Royal Geological Society of Cornwall, vol. 2 (1822), pp. 49-128.

NOTES 85

^^ Baron Albin-Reine Roussin (1781-1854), French naval commander and later
admiral, member of the Academie des Sciences, did not write a general account of the
hydrographical expedition he led in 1819-1820 to South America. Darwin was already
familiar with the technical publication stemming from the voyage, Roussin's Le Pilote
duBresil (Paris, 1S26).

^^ William D. Conybeare and William Phillips, Outlines of the Geology of England
and Wales (London, 1822), p. xii: ". . .one instance of a bone penetrated by silex has
occurred to the author, on the beach at Reculver. The calcareous substance of shells,
echinites, encrinites, corals, &c. in its slightest change seems only to have lost its
colouring matter and gelatine; next they become impregnated with the mineral
matrix in which they lie, especially if that matrix be calcareous; hence they become
much more compact ; often at the same time their original calcareous matter undergoes
a change of internal structure, assuming a crystalline form, and in some cases, viz.
asteriae, encrinites, and echinites, a calcareous spar of very peculiar character results,
of an opaque cream colour : . . . "

^^ Conybeare and Phillips, Outlines of the Geology of England and Wales, p. xv:
"These consolidated gravel beds are called conglomerates, breccias, or pudding-
stones; we find them among the transition rocks, in the old red sandstone, in the
millstone-grit and coal-grits, in the lower members of the new red sandstone, in the
sand strata beneath the chalk, and in the gravel beds associated with the plastic clay,
and interposed between the chalk and great London clay."

^'^ Despite the faulty citation the reference is certainly to Joseph Jackson Lister,
'Some Observations on the Structure and Functions of tubular and cellular Polypi,
and of Ascidias', Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, vol. 126
(1834), pp. 365-388.

^^ Alexander von Humboldt, Personal Narratitie of Travels to the Equinoctial
Regions of the New Continent. . .1799-1804 (London, 1829), vol. 7, p. 56: "Farther
south, towards Regla and Guanabacoa [to the east of Havana], the syenite disappears,
and the whole soil is covered with serpentine, rising in hills from 30 to 40 toises high,
and running from east to west." Darwin's copy of Humboldt's Personal Narrative is
inscribed, "J. S. Henslow to his friend C. Darwin on his departure from England
upon a voyage round the World. 21 Sept 1831." It consists of vols. 1-2, 3rded. ; vol. 3,
2nd ed.; vols. 4, 5, 6, 7, 1st ed. (London, 1819-1829). Alexander von Humboldt
(1769-1859), a member of all major scientific academies, was the foremost scientific
traveller of his day and a principal contributor to the science of geography.

^^ ['Proteus'], 'The Bahama Islands', United Service Journal and Naval and
Military Magazine, vol. 3 (1834), p. 215: "[New Providence] is more hilly than most
of the islands, the surface being composed of rock and sand intermixed with sea
shells." Also see pp. 216 and 226 for mention of the banks.

86 SANDRA HERBERT

" Sir John F. W. Herschel, F.R.S. (1792-1871), distinguished English astro-
nomer and man of science; presumably personal communication. Darwin met
Herschel — "the most memorable event which, for a long period, I have had the good
fortune to enjoy" — sometime between 8-15 June 1836 during the Beagle's call at the
Cape of Good Hope where Herschel was living, being then engaged in his four-year
study of stars visible in the southern hemisphere. See Diary, p. 409. Months before,
Herschel had described his new notion of the cause of volcanic action in a letter to
Charles Lyell dated 20 February 1836. Probably he repeated the same explanation to
Darwin in June. Herschel's letter to Lyell has been published by Walter F. Cannon in
'The Impact of Uniformitarianism', Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society,
vol. 105 (1961), pp. 301-314. See, for example, Herschel's summary comment to
Lyell on p. 310: "I don't know whether I have made clear to you my notions about
the effects of the removal of matter from. . .above to below the sea. — P' it produces
mechanical subversion of the equilibrium of pressure. — 2'^'^ it also, & by a different
process (as above explained at large) produces a subversion of the equilibrium of
temperature. The last is the most important. It must be an excessively slow process. & it
will depend P' on the depth of matter deposited. — 2"* on the quantity of water
retained by it under the great squeeze it has got — 3'"*' on the tenacity of the incumbent
mass — whether the influx of caloric from below — which MUST TAKE PLACE
acting on that water, shall either heave up the whole mass, as a new continent — or shall
crack it & escape as a submarine volcano — or shall be suppressed until the mere weight
of the continually accumulating mass breaks its lateral supports at or near the coast
lines & opens there a chain of volcanoes."

" Sir Andrew Smith, F.R.S. (1797-1872), English army medical doctor and
zoologist, later director-general army medical department; personal communication.
Darwin's Diary, p. 409, records for 8-15 June 1836: "During these days I became
acquainted with several very pleasant people. With Dr A. Smith who has lately
returned from his most interesting expedition to beyond the Tropic, I took some long
geological rambles." On his return to England in 1837 Smith began work on his
Illustrations of the Zoology of South Africa. 5 parts. (London, 1838-1 849).

*^ The meaning of this entry is obscure. The H.M.S. Chanticleer did not stop at
Pernambuco [Recife] during its 1828-1831 voyage, nor was Pernambuco on the
Beagle's itinerary in June of 1836, when this entry was presumably made. In the
narrative from the Chanticleer's voyage, however, there are passages which describe
decomposing granitic rock at Rio de Janeiro, and refer to what seem to be related
formations at Para [Belem] and Maranham [Sao Luis]. Given Darwin's apparent
uncertainty in this entry about location, as indicated bv his two cancellations, it may
have been these passages which he had in mind. See William H. B. Webster, Narrative
of a Voyage to the Southern Atlantic Ocean. . . 1828-18.^0 [sic] (London, 1834), vol. 1,
pp. 52-53: "The country about Rio in a geological point of view has large claims to
attention. Granite and gneiss are the prevailing formation.. . .The rocks in some

NOTES 87

parts are decomposed into sand and petunse; the sand having been carried down into
the plains, while the petunse remains, and forms extensive beds of porcelain clay
admirably adapted for the use of the potter. The lower parts of the granite hills were
found chiefly in this condition; the granite having crumbled into micaceous sand and
greasy unctuous clay." Also vol. 2, pp. 367: "The geology of Para will detain us a
very little while; as there is very little variety or novelty. Precisely the same materials
are found here as at Maranham, so that it would be impossible to distinguish them.
It is a rare and unusual circumstance to find such a striking coincidence, in two
different places. The soil upon which the city stands is of clay and sand. The beds of
clay are very extensive, and frequently thirty or forty feet deep. There is scarcely any
rock, and that only in particular and isolated masses; it is a coarse dark iron sand-
stone, with numerous particles of quartz in it.. . .This dark iron sand-stone, with
fragments of white quartz, is observable at Maranham, and is the predominant
formation at St. Paul's, a little to the southward of Rio."

*' The clipping, entitled 'Earthquake at Sea' is from the Carmarthen Journal,
3 April 1835. The story was reprinted verbatim from The Times (London), 28 March
1835, p. 5, with the unfortunate error of a lost digit in the quotation of the ship's
latitude. The ship's coordinates as given in The Times were 18° 47' N., 61° 22' W.,
which would place the ship in the Atlantic Ocean to the northeast of the Leeward
Islands, rather than, as in the incorrectly printed version, in Venezuela.

*^ The H.M.S. Challenger ran aground on the Chilean shore at Punta Morguilla
[Point Molguilla] (37° 46' S., 73° 40' W.) on 19 May 1835. See Fitzroy, ed.. Narrative
of the Surveying Voyages of His Alajesty's Ships Adventure and Beagle, vol. 2, pp.
451-456. Capt. Fitzroy led the party which rescued the Challenger's crew.

^^ This paragraph is double scored in the left margin with brown ink.

*^ In this series of place names the locations of Guacho and Washington are
uncertain. There is presently a Quebrado del Guacho, a small stream, at 33° 58' S.,
71° 09' W. in Chile, and a Cerro Guacho, a mountain, nearby. 'Washington' may
refer to the Canal Washington at 55° 40' S., 67° 33' W. in Tierra del Fuego.

*' Fitton, 'Geology', in King, Narrative of A Survey of the Intertropical and
Western Coasts of Australia, vol. 2, p. 604: "The tendency of all this evidence is
somewhat in favour of a general parallelism in the range of the strata, — and perhaps
of the existence of primary ranges of mountains on the east of Australia in general,
from the coast about Cape Weymouth to the shore between Spencer's Gulf and Cape
Howe." And on p. 605: "If. . .future researches should confirm the indications above
mentioned, a new case will be supplied in support of the principle long since advanced
by Mr. Michell which appears (whatever theory be formed to explain it,) to be
established by geological observation in so many other parts of the world, — that the
outcrop of the inclined beds, throughout the stratified portion of the globe, is every

88 SANDRA HERBERT

where parallel to the longer ridges of mountains, — towards which, also, the elevation
of the strata is directed."

^8 Charles Daubeny, A Description of Active and Extinct Volcanos (London,
1826), p. 24: " It [a formation at the hill of Mouton] should be noticed, as one of the
few localities in Auvergne where pumice is to be found, which seems the more
remarkable, as this substance is a common product of that class of volcanos, which
consists of trachyte."

*9 This entry is in light brown ink. The back of page 1, of Darwin's geological
notes on New Zealand is fol. 802 verso in the Darwin MSS, Cambridge University
Library, vol. 37 (ii). The page contains a sketch of the silhouette of an island in the
Bay of Islands, New Zealand. Darwin noted that at high water the island had the
figure of a hill and at low water the figure of a hill surrounded by a level ledge of
naked rock. He associated the formation of the ledge with the action of the tides. This
page in Darwin's geological notes also contains a cross-reference to 'R.N.' page 38.

5° See GSA, pp. 25-26, for the published version of this description of the origin
of the cliffs at St Helena.

^' Daubeny, Volcanos, reference uncertain, possibly to the author's representation
of Humboldt's 'unpublished' views on pp. 345-351. 'Daubeny' is written in light
brown ink.

^2 Humboldt, Personal Narrative, vol. 1, p. 171: "The Peak of Teneriffe, and
Cotopaxi, on the contrary, are of very different construction. At their summit a
circular wall surrounds the crater; which wall, at a distance, has the appearance of a
small cylinder placed on a truncated cone." Also, with respect to the peak of Teneriffe,
on p. 176: "The wall of compact lava which forms the enclosure of the Caldera,
is snow white at it's surface. . . .When we break these lavas, which might be taken at
some distance for calcareous stone, we find in them a blackish brown nucleus.
Porphyry with basis of pitch stone is whitened externally by the slow action of the
vapors of sulphurous acid gas."

53 Humboldt, Personal Narrative, vol. 1, pp. 219-232.

5* Daubeny, Volcanos, p. 349. Not easily summarized, see note 51.

5^ Daubeny, Volcanos, p. 361: "Humboldt gives us the following series of
phsenomena, which presented themselves on the American Hemisphere between the
years 1796 and 97, as well as between 1811 and 1812.

1796. — September 27. Eruption in the West India Islands; volcano of Guadaloupe
in activity.

November . . . The volcano of Pasto begins to emit smoke.

December 14. Destruction of Cumana by earthquake.

NOTES 89

1797. — February 4. . . Destruction of Riobamba by earthquake.

1811. — January 30... Appearance of Sabrina Island in the Azores. It increases
particularly on the 15th of June.

May Beginning of the earthquakes in the Island of St. Vincent,

which lasted till May, 1812.

December 16. Beginning of the commotions in the valley of the Mississippi

and Ohio, which lasted till 1813.

December . . . Earthquake at Carracas.

1812. — March 26. . . . Destruction of Caraccas; earthquakes which continued till
1813.

April 30 Eruption of the volcano in St. Vincents'; and the same day

subterranean noises at Caraccas, and on the banks of the
Apure."

^^ Daubeny, Volcanos, pp. 382-383 : "With regard to the mineralogical characters
of lava, I shall appeal to the authority of [Leopold] Von Buch.. . .Almost all lavas he
conceives to be a modification of trachyte, consisting essentially of felspar united with
titaniferous iron, to which they owe their colour and their power of attracting iron. . . .
This felspar is derived immediately from trachyte, that being the rock which directly
surrounds the focus of the volcanic action ; for if we examine the strata that successively
present themselves on the sides of a crater, we are sure to find that the lowest in the
series is trachyte, from which is derived by fusion the obsidian, as is the case at
Teneriffe." Leopold von Buch (1774—1853), German geologist and mineralogist, a
member of the Royal Academy of Berlin, was distinguished for the versatility of his
interests in geology and for the high quality of his extensive field work.

^'' Daubeny, Volcanos, p. 386: " . . .in the collection of Dr. Thomson, now in the
Museum of Edinburgh, there is said to be a fragment of lava enclosing a real granite,
which is composed of reddish felspar with a pearly lustre like adularia, of quartz, mica,
hornblende, and lazulite. I have likewise seen among the specimens from the Ponza
Islands,. . .a piece of granite, or perhaps rather of a syenitic rock,. . .found in the
midst of the trachyte from this locality. But the most interesting fact perhaps of this
description, is. . .the presence of a mass of granite containing tin-stone, enveloped in
the midst of a stream of lava from Mount /Etna. ... It may be remarked, that these
specimens of granitic rocks have, in general, a degree of brittleness, which accords very
well with the notion of their exposure to fire."

^° Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 1, p. 318 refers to Java "where there are
thirty-eight large volcanic mountains, many of which continually discharge smoke and
sulphureous vapours." This entry is written in light brown ink.

90 SANDRA HERBERT

^^ Beechey, Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Beering's Strait, p. 209: "In
latitude 60° 47' N. we noticed a change in the colour of the water, and on sounding
found fifty-four fathoms, soft blue clay. From that time until we took our final
departure from this sea the bottom was always within reach of our common lines. The
water shoaled so gradually that at midnight on the 16th, after having run a hundred
and fifty miles, we had thirty-one fathoms." P. 211: "We soon lost sight of every
distant object, and directed our course along the land [St Lawrence Island], trying the
depth of water occasionally. The bottom was tolerably even; but we decreased
the soundings to nine fathoms, about four miles off the western point, and changed
the ground from fine sand, to stones and shingle. When we had passed the wedged-
shaped cliff at the north-western point of the island, the soundings again deepened,
and changed to sand, as at first. . . . [Zoological specimens were procured] in seven-
teen fathoms over a muddy bottom, several leagues from the island." P. 212-213: "In
our passage from the St. Lawrence Island to this situation, the depth of the sea
increased a little, until to the northward of King's Island, after which it began to de-
crease; but in the vicinity of the Diomede Islands, where the strait became narrowed,
it again deepened, and continued between twenty-five and twenty-seven fathoms.
The bottom, until close to the Diomedes, was composed of fine sand, but near
them it changed to course stones and gravel, as at St. Lawrence Island.. . ." P. 213:
"Near the Asiatic coast we had a sandy bottom, but, in crossing over the [Beering's]
strait, it changed to mud, until well over on the American side, where we passed a
tongue of sand and stones in twelve fathoms which, in all probability, was the ex-
tremity of a shoal, on which the ship was nearly lost the succeeding year. After crossing
it, the water deepened, and the bottom again changed to mud, and we had ten and
a half fathoms within two and a half miles of the coast." P. 444: " In this parallel [61°
58' N] the nearest point of land bearing N. 74° W. true, thirteen miles, the depth of
water was 26 fathoms; and it increased gradually as we receded from the coast. . . .We
made the land [St Lawrence Island] about the same place we had done the preceding
year, stood along it to the northward, and passed its N.W. extreme, at two miles and
a half distance, in 15 fathoms water, over a bottom of stones and shells, which soon
changed again to sand and mud.. . .On the after-noon of the 2d we. . .anchored off
Point Rodney. . .in seven fathoms, three miles from the land.. . ."

'^° In 'at' an upper case 'a' has been superimposed on a lower case 'a'.

®^ The 'turn over' indicates that the entry continues on the next page. The entire
paragraph at the bottom of page 45e is scored for emphasis in light brown ink.

^^ The quotation is from Daubeny, Volcanos, p. 402 which summarizes the
argument presented in Conybeare and Phillips, Outlines of the Geology of England and
Wales, p. XX.

®^ The question mark is written in light brown ink.

«^ See note 62.

NOTES 91

^^ See Daubeny, Volcanos, p. 438 for the following note: "Cet endroit [near the
Red Sea] recouvert de sable, environne de rochers bas en forme d'amphitheatre, offre
une pente rapide vers la mer dont il est eloigne d'un demi mille, et peur avoir trois
cent pieds de hauteur sur quatre-vingts de largeur. On lui a donne la nom de Cloche,
parcequ'il rend des sons, non comme faisait autrefois la statue de Memnon, au lever
du soleil, mais a toute heure do jour et de la nuit et dans toutes les saisons. La premiere
fois qu'y alia M. Gray, il entendit au bout d'un quart d'heure un son doux et continu
sous ses pieds, son, qui en augmentant ressembla a celui d'une clocha qu'on frappe,
el qui devient si fort en cinq minutes, qu'il fit detacher du sable, et effraya les chamaux
jusqu'a les mettre en fureur." Also see JR, p. 441.

®* Volney, Voyage en Syrie et en Sgypte, vol. 1, p. 351 with reference to the
deserts of Syria: "Presque toujours egalement nue, la terre n'offre que des plantes
ligneuses clair-semees, et des buissons epars, dont la solitude n'est que rarement
troublee par des gazelles, des lievres, des sauterelles et des rats."

^^ Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 2, chap. 11 bears the following summary
heading: "Theory of the successive extinction of species consistent with their limited
geographical distribution — The discordance in the opinions of botanists respecting
the centres from which plants have been diffused may arise from changes in physical
geography subsequent to the origin of living species — Whether there are grounds for
inferring that the loss from time to time of certain animals and plants is compensated
by the introduction of new species? — Whether any evidence of such new creations
could be expected within the historical era, even if they had been as frequent as cases
of extinction? — The question whether the existing species have been created in
succession can only be decided by reference to geological monuments."

^^ In this case 'from' is written over 'the'.

69 John Miers, Travels in Chile and La Plata (London, 1826), vol. 1, p. 77:
"About two miles to the eastward of Barranquitos [32° 35' S., 64° 20' W.] I picked
out of the sand a small fragment of quartz, about half the size of a hazel nut. This was
the first pebble or stone of any sort 1 had seen since I left Buenos Ayres."

''" Charles Marie de La Condamine, A Succinct Abridgment of a Voyage Made
within the Inland Parts of South-America (London, 1747), p. 24: "Below Borja, even
for four or five hundred leagues, a stone, even a single flint, is as great a rarity as a
diamond would be. The savages of those countries don't know what a stone is, and
have not even any notion of it. It is diversion enough to see some of them, when they
come to Borja, and first meet with stones, express their admiration of them by signs,
and be eager to pick them up; loading themselves therewith, as with a valuable
merchandize; and soon after despise and throw them away, when they perceive them
to be so common." See JfR, p. 289.

92 SANDRA HERBERT

'" The phrase 'Carnatic | It has been common practice of geologists' appears in
very small handwriting in light brown ink, which indicates that it was written some
time after the other entries on pages 56e-57. Fortunately, however, despite the
fragmentary nature of the entry, there exists a reference in Darwin's notes from the
voyage, again by way of addition made in light brown ink, which identifies the use of
'Carnatic' in this context. See Darwin MSS, Cambridge University Library, vol. 33,
fol. 115 verso, for citation of the following reference. James .Allardyce, 'On the
Granitic Formation, and direction of the Primary Mountain Chains, of Southern
India', Madras Journal of Literature and Science, vol. 4 (1836), pp. 332-333: "It has
been remarked that granite in America is found at a much lower level than in Europe :
this is also the case throughout the south of India, by granite — meaning always
granitic rocks; for a regularly crystallized compound of quartz, felspar and mica, is not
to be expected. The Carnatic, and several other similar tracts, occurring along both
coasts, are, as granitic plains, surprisingly level: the slight tertiary diluvium with
which they are covered, cannot be considered as a principal cause of this uniformity,
for the rock itself is everywhere found near the surface : every appearance here indicates
the granitic formation has at one time been a great deal more flat than it is generally
understood to have been."

''^ Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 3, p. 84 :" It is clear, from what we before said
of the gradual manner in which the principal cone [of Etna] increases, partly by
streams of lava and showers of volcanic ashes ejected from the summit, partly by
the throwing up of minor hills and the issuing of lava-currents on the flanks of
the mountain, that the whole cone must consist of a series of cones enveloping
others, the regularity of each being only interrupted by the interference of the
lateral volcanos."

''^ This question mark and a line of scoring alongside the preceding sentence are
in light brown ink.

''* 'Rapilli' was equivalent in meaning to 'lapilli'. See, for example, the use of
'rapilli' by Daubeny {Volcanos, p. 251) and Humboldt {Personal Narrative, vol. 1,
p. 232).

''^ This entry is in light brown ink.

'^ An oval depression towards the eastern end of Ascension Island was described
by the resident English marines as the cricket ground because "the bottom is smooth
and perfectly horizontal." See Darwin MSS, Cambridge University Library, vol.
38(ii), fol. 941 verso.

''"' Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 3, p. Ill begins the section entitled "Sea-
cliffs — proofs of successive elevation." Lyell's point is stated most succinctly on page
113 where he cites the testimony of another author writing on the alterations produced
by the sea on calcareous rocks on the shores of Greece "that there are four or five

NOTES 93

distinct ranges of ancient sea cliffs, one above the other, at various elevations in the
Morea, which attest as many successive elevations of the country."

''^ In this passage Darwin would seem to be addressing Lyell's argument
{Principles of Geology, vol. 3, p. 114) that " . . .a country that has been raised at a very
remote period to a considerable height above the level of the sea, may present nearly
the same external configuration as one that has been more recently uplifted to the
same height."

''^ Lyell, Principles of Geology vol. 3, p. 116: ". . . we have seen [for the newer
Pliocene] that a stratified mass of solid limestone, attaining sometimes a thickness of
eight hundred feet and upwards, has been gradually deposited at the bottom of the
sea, the imbedded fossil shells and corallines being almost all of recent species. Yet
these fossils are frequently in the state of mere casts, so that in appearance they
correspond very closely to organic remains found in limestones of very ancient date."

°° Rene Primevere Lesson and Prosper Garnot, Voyage autour du monde . . .1822-
1825. Zoologie (Faris, 1826), vol. 1, part 1, p. 14: ". . .mais il est a remarquer que cette
lie vaste et composee de deux terres separees par un detroit, quoique rapprochee de la
Nouvelle-Hollande et par la meme latitude, en differe si completement, qu'elles ne se
ressemblent nullement dans leurs productions vegetales. Toutefois la Nouvelle-
Zelande, si riche en genres particuliers a son sol et peu connus, en a cependant
d'indiens, tels que des piper, des olea, et une fougere reniforme qui existe, a ce qu'on
assure, a I'ile Maurice." Also p. 22: "II est a remarquer qu'on ne connait aucun
quadrupede comme veritablement indigene de la Nouvelle-Zelande, excepte le rat, si
abondamment repandu sur les iles de I'Oceanie, comme sur presque I'univers entier."

°' Molina, Compendio de la historia geografica . . .del reyno de Chile, vol. 1, p. 30:
"La erupcion mas famosa de que tenemos noticia, fue la del volcan del monte de
Peter oa, que el dia tres de Diciembre del ano 1762 se abrio una nueva boca 6 cratera,
hendiendo en dos partes un monte contiguo por espacio de muchas millas. El estrepito
fue tan horrible, que se sintio en una gran parte del Reyno, pero no causo vibracion
alguna sensible. Las cenizas y las lavas rellenaron todos los valles inmediatos, y
aumentaron por dos dias las aguas del rio Tingiririca; y precipitandose un pedazo de
monte sobre el gran rio Lontue, suspendio su corriente por espacio de diez dias, y
estancadas las aguas, despues de haber formado una dilatada laguna que existe en el
dia, se abrieron por ultimo con violencia un nuevo camino, e inundaron todos aquellos
campos." Darwin noted this passage in his own copy of the work with the remark,
"P 30 — Piteron Earthquake caused lake & deluge — state of valleys." This entry is
in light brown ink.

^^ Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 3, p. 124: "Towards the centre [of the dikes
at Somma, the ancient cone of Vesuvius] . . . the rock is coarser grained, the component
elements being in a far more crystalline state, while at the edge the lava is sometimes

94 SANDRA HERBERT

vitreous and always finer grained. A thin parting band, approaching in its character to
pitchstone, occasionally intervenes on the contact of the vertical dike and intersected
beds. M. Necker mentions one of these at the place called Primo Monte, in the Atrio
del Cavallo; I saw three or four others in different parts of the great escarpment."

^^ William F. W. Owen, Narrative of Voyages to. . .Africa, Arabia, and Mada-
gascar (London, 1833), vol. 2, pp. 274—275: "[at Benguela]. . .the elephants were
likewise common, but at present are scarce. A number of these animals had some time
since entered the town in a body, to possess themselves of the wells, not being able to
procure any water in the country. The inhabitants mustered, when a desperate
conflict ensued, which terminated in the ultimate discomfiture of the invaders, but not
until they had killed one man and wounded several others."

^* Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 2, p. 189: "Thousands of carcasses of terres-
trial animals are floated down every century into the sea, and, together with forests of
drift-timber, are imbedded in subaqueous deposits, where their elements are im-
prisoned in solid strata. . .." Also p. 247: ". . .we see the putrid carcasses of dogs and
cats, even in rivers, floating with considerable weights attached to them. ..."

°^ Claude Gay, 'Aperq:u sur les recherches d'histoire naturelle faites dans
I'Amerique du sud, et principalement dans le Chili, pendent les annees 1830 et 1831 ',
Annales des sciences naturelles, vol. 28 (1833), p. 371 : "Ces contrees [Rio de Janeiro,
Monte Video, Buenos Aires] m'offrirent aussi une assez belle collection d'insectes et
plusieurs coquilles fluviatiles et marines, telles que des Mytilus, des Solens, des
Ampullaires, etc., qui offraient ce phenomene digne de remarque, de vivre pele-mele
dans les eaux simplement saumatres." See JR, p. 24.

^^ De La Beche, Geological Manual, p. 73: "The Chesil Bank, connecting the
Isle of Portland with the main land, is about sixteen miles long, and. . .the pebbles
increase in size from west to east. . .The sea separates the Chesil Bank from the land
for about half its length, so that, for about eight miles, it forms a shingle ridge in the
sea. The effects of the waves, however, on either side are very unequal; on the
western side the propelling and piling influence is considerable, while on the eastern,
or that part between the bank and the main land, it is of trifling importance."

«■' Capt. Robert Fitzroy (note 27).

^^ Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 3, pp. 210-211: "The situation of this cliff
[at Dax, France], is interesting, as marking one of the pauses which intervened
between the successive movements of elevation whereby the marine tertiary strata of
this country were upheaved to their present height, a pause which allowed time for
the sea to advance and strip off the upper beds a,b, from the denuded clay c."

NOTES 95

Z^

Section of Inland cliff at Abesse, near Dax.
a, Sand of the Landes. b, Limestone. c, Clay.

^^ Thomas Falkner, A Description of Patagonia (London, 1774), p. 51 : "Being in
the Vuulcan, below Cape St. Anthony, I was witness to a vast cloud of ashes being
carried by the winds, and darkening the whole sky. It spread over great part of the
jurisdiction of Buenos-Ayres, passed the River of Plata, and scattered it's contents on
both sides of the river, in so much that the grass was covered with ashes. This was
caused by the eruption of a volcano near Mendoza; the winds carrying the light ashes
to the incredible distance of three hundred leagues or more."

^^ Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 3, p. 204: "Some of these bones [in certain
strata in the basin of the Loire] have precisely the same black colour as those found in
the peaty shell-marl of Scotland ; and we might imagine them to have been dyed black
in Miocene peat which was swept down into the sea during the waste of cliffs, did we
not find the remains of cetacea in the same strata, bones, for example, of the lamantine,
morse, sea-calf, and dolphin, having precisely the same colour."

^^ Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 1, p. 316: "We have before mentioned the
violent earthquakes which, in 1812, convulsed the valley of the Mississippi at New
Madrid, for the space of three hundred miles in length. As this happened exactly at
the same time as the great earthquake of Caraccas, it is probably that these two points
are parts of one continuous volcanic region. ..."

*^ Humboldt, Personal Narrative, vol. 4, pp. 11-12: "The extraordinary com-
motions felt almost continually during two years on the borders of the Missisippi
and the Ohio, and which coincided in 1812 with those of the valley of Caraccas, were
preceded at Louisiana by a year almost exempt from thunder storms."

^^ Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 1, pp. 321-322: "Syria and Palestine abound
in volcanic appearances, and very extensive areas have been shaken, at different
periods, with great destruction of cities and loss of lives. It has been remarked . . . that
from the commencement of the thirteenth to the latter half of the seventeenth century,
there was an almost entire cessation of earthquakes in Syria and Judea; and, during
this interval of quiescence, the Archipelago, together with part of the adjacent coast of
Lesser Asia, as also Southern Italy and Sicily, suffered extraordinary convulsions;
while volcanic eruptions in those parts were unusually frequent. A more extended
comparison. . .seems to confirm the opinion, that a violent crisis of commotion never

96 SANDRA HERBERT

visits both at the same time. It is impossible for us to declare, as yet, whether this
phenomenon is constant in this, or general in other regions, because we can rarely
trace back a connected series of events farther than a few centuries; but it is well
known that, where numerous vents are clustered together within a small area, as in the
many archipelagos for instance, two of them are never in violent eruption at once."

^^ Jean Baptiste Bory de Saint- Vincent, Voyage dam les quatre principales ties des
mers d'Afrique. . .1801-1802 (Paris, 1804), vol. 1, chap. 6 describes the physical
geography of Mauritius but does not answer Darwin's question directly. While at
Mauritius Darwin was unable to inspect the entire island himself and sought informa-
tion from other sources. See VI, pp. 28-31 and pp. 118-120 of this notebook.

*^ Alexander von Humboldt, Fragmens de geologie et de dimatologie asiatiques.
2vols. (Paris, 1831).

^^ The exact quotation is uncertain, but the following sentence suggests Hum-
boldt's views {Fragmens. . .asiatiques, vol. 1, pp. 5-6): "La volcanicite, c'est-a-dire,
I'influence qu'exerce I'interieur d'une planete sur son enveloppe exterieure dans les
difTerens stades de son refroidissement, a cause de I'inegalite d'agregation (de fluidite
et de solidite), dans laquelle se trouvent les matieres qui la composent, cette action du
dedans en dehors (si je puis m'exprimer ainsi) est aujourd'hui tres affaiblie, restreinte
a un petit nombre de points, intermittente, moins souvent deplacee, tres simplifiee
dans ses effets chimiques, ne produisant des roches qu'autour de petites ouvertures
circulaires ou sur des crevasses longitudinales de peu d'etendue, ne manifestant sa
puissance, a de grandes distances, que dynamiquement en ebranlant la croute de
notre planete dans des directions lineaires, ou dans des etendues (cercles d'oscillations
simultanees) qui restent les memes pendant un grand nombre de siecles."

''' This entry is written in brown ink.

*^ George Juan and Antonio de Ulloa, A Voyage to South America (4th ed.;
London, 1806), vol. 2, p. 84: "According to an account sent to Lima after this accident,
a volcano in Lucanas burst forth the same night and ejected such quantities of water,
that the whole country was overflowed; and in the mountain near Patas, called
Conversiones de Caxamarquilla, three other volcanoes burst, discharging frightful
torrents of water. ..."

'^ George Poulett Scrope, Considerations on Vokanos (London, 1825), chap. 2,
sections 41-42 including the statement on p. 60: "It is obvious how the powerful
ascending draught of air which constitutes a hurricane, and which acts so strongly
in depressing the barometer, will have an equal effect in setting loose the imprisoned
w'inds of the earth." Also seejfR, p. 431.

^°° Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 3, p. 364: " If. . .we conceive it probable that
plutonic rocks have originated in the nether parts of the earth's crust, as often as the

NOTES 97

volcanic have been generated at the surface, we may imagine that no small quantity
of the former class has been forming in the recent epoch, since we suppose that about
2000 volcanic eruptions may occur in the course of every century, either above the
waters of the sea or beneath them."

^°' John Michell, 'Conjectures concerning the Cause, and Observations on the
Phaenomena of Earthquakes; particularly of that Great Earthquake of the First of
November 1755, which proved so fatal to the City of Lisbon, and whose Effects were
felt as far as Africa, and more or less throughout almost all Europe', Philosophical
Transactions of the Royal Society of London, vol. 51 (1760), p. 617: "The great earth-
quake that destroyed Lima and Callao in 1746, seems also to have come from the sea;
for several of the ports upon the coast were overwhelmed by a great wave, which did
not arrive till four or five minutes after the earthquake began, and which was preceded
by a retreat of the waters, as well as that at Lisbon." Darwin's own copy of this article
was a reprint which had been repaginated by the printer and is separately bound ; this
quotation appears on p. 54 of his copy.

^"^ Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 1, pp. 471-472: "Sometimes the rising of the
coast must give rise to the retreat of the sea, and the subsequent wave may be occa-
sioned by the subsiding of the shore to its former level ; but this will not always account
for the phenomena. During the Lisbon earthquake, for example, the retreat preceded
the wave not only on the coast of Portugal, but also at the island of Madeira and
several other places."

^"^ Lyell did discuss 'partial shrinking after elevation', but, as Darwin's
cancellation indicates, did not relate it to the existence of an underlying injected mass
of fluid rock. See Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 1, p. 477: " It is to be expected, on
mechanical principles, that the constant subtraction of matter from the interior will
cause vacuities, so that the surface undermined will fall in during convulsions which
shake the earth's crust even to great depths, and the sinking down will be occasioned
partly by the hollows left when portions of the solid crust are heaved up, and partly
when they are undermined by the subtraction of lava and the ingredients of decom-
posed rocks." In his own copy of this work Darwin commented: "if there are hollows
left what forces up the lava" and then crossed out his remark. A few pages previously
(p. 468) he had challenged Lyell's association of the occurrence of submarine earth-
quakes with the percolation of sea water to underlying masses of incandescent lava with
the remark, "We may more easily imagine the fluid stone injected (as occurs in every
mountain chain) amongst damp strata." He also questioned whether water could
percolate through strata already under great pressure. In short, it would seem that
Darwin realized he was describing his own idea rather than Lyell's in the course of
writing this entry.

i°* Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 1, p. 191: "Darby mentions beds of marine
shells on the banks of Red River, which seem to indicate that Lower Louisiana is of

98 SANDRA HERBERT

recent formation : its elevation, perhaps, above the sea, may have been due to the same
series of earthquakes which continues to agitate equatorial America." The work
referred to is William Darby, A Geographical Description of the State of Louisiana
(Philadelphia, 1816).

105 William J. Burchell, Travels in the Interior of Southern Africa (London, 1824),
vol. 2, pp. 71-79 describes the killing of two rhinoceroses south of the Hyena
Mountains (30° 10' S., 24° 0' E.). In his own copy of the work Darwin scored the
passage on p. 78 where Burchell described his sensation of the heat on a day of
the hunt: "Although so chilling at sunrise, the weather had, by noon, changed to
the opposite extreme. Exposed in the middle of a dry plain, where not a tree to
afford shade was to be seen, I scarcely could endure the rays of the sun, which poured
down, as it were, a shower of fire upon us." See also JR, pp. 101-102.

^°^ Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 3, p. 355: "The main body of the granite
here [in Cornwall] is of a porphyritic appearance with large crystals of felspar; but in
the veins it is fine-grained and without these large crystals. . . . The vein-granite of
Cornwall very generally assumes a finer grain, and frequently undergoes a change in
mineral composition, as is very commonly observed in other countries. Thus,
according to Professor Sedgwick, the main body of the Cornish granite is an aggregate
of mica, quartz, and felspar; but the veins are sometimes without mica, being a
granular aggregate of quartz and felspar."

^"■^ Daubeny, Volcanos, pp. 94—95: "Trachytic porphyry also appears to pass by
imperceptible gradations into the next species, pearlstone, which is characterized by
the vitreous aspect generally belonging to its component parts. ... In its simplest form,
this rock presents an assemblage of globules, varying from the size of a nut to that of a
grain of sand, which have usually a pearly lustre, and scaly aspect. ... In some varieties
the globules are destitute of lustre, and exhibit at the same time sundry alterations in
their size, structure, and mode of aggregation, till at length they entirely disappear,
and the whole mass puts on a stony appearance, which retains none of the characters
of pearlstone. . . . Various alternations occur between the glassy and stony varieties of
the pearlstone, sometimes so frequent as to give a veined or ribboned appearance to
the rock, at others curiously contorted as though they had been disturbed in the act of
cooling."

108 William Phillips, An Elementary Introduction to the Knowledge of Mineralogy
(3rded.; London, 1823) contains no reference to pearlstone in Peru, but on p. 112 there
is the statement that "At Tokay in Hungary, [pearlstone] is found enclosing round
masses of black vitreous obsidian, and is intermixed with the debris of granite, gneiss,
and porphyry, and alternating in beds with the latter."

'°^ Daubeny, Volcanos, p. 180: "[The island of Ischia] is composed for the most
part of a rock which seems to consist of very finely comminuted pumice, reagglutinated

NOTES 99

SO as to form a tuff. . . .Although the pumiceous conglomerate, as I shall venture to
call this rock, is seen in every part of the island, yet at Monte Vico. . .we observe
intermixed with it huge blocks of trachyte.. . ." In a footnote on this page, which
Darwin heavily scored in his own copy of the work, Daubeny stated that other
geologists had identified the predominate rock at Ischia as an "earthv varietv of
trachyte".

^^° Sir George Steuart Mackenzie, F.R.S. (1780-1848), mineralogist, as quoted
in Daubeny, Volcanos, p. 221 : "In many places [in Iceland], [Sir G. Mackenzie] says,
an extensive stratum of volcanic matter has been heaved up into large bubbles or
blisters, varying from a few feet to forty or fifty in diameter." The original reference
is to George Steuart Mackenzie, Travels in the Island of Iceland. . .1810 (Edinburgh
1811), pp. 389-390.

"^^^ As quoted in Daubeny, Volcanos, p. 313; "In Sumatra, Marsden has
described four [volcanos] as existing, but the following are all the particulars known
concerning them: Lava has been seen to flow from a considerable volcano near
Priamang, but the only volcano this observer had an opportunity of visiting, opened
on the side of a mountain about 20 miles inland of Bencoolen, one fourth way from the
top, so far as he could judge. . . . He never observed any connexion between the state of
the mountain and the earthquake, but it was stated to him, that a few years before his
arrival it was remarked to send forth flame during an earthquake, which it does not
usually do. The inhabitants are however alarmed, when these vents all remain
tranquil for a considerable time together, as they find by experience, that they then
become more liable to earthquakes." The original reference is to William Marsden,
The History of Sumatra (3rd ed.; London, 1811), pp. 29-30.

^^^ Alexandre Moreau de Jonnes (1778-1870), French economist and natural
historian as cited in Daubeny, Volcanos, p. 334: "The process, by which these islands,
according to Moreau de Jonnes, are in many instances formed, is sufficiently curious;
first a submarine eruption raises from the bottom of the sea masses of volcanic
products, which, as they do not rise above the surface of the water, but form a shoal a
short way below its surface, serve as a foundation on which the Madreporites and
other marine animals can commence their superstructure. Hence those beds of recent
coralline limestone, seen covering the volcanic matter in many of the islands." The
original reference in this case is to Alexander von Humboldt who had communicated
directly with Moreau de Jonnes on the subject. See Humboldt, Personal Narrative,
vol. 4, pp. 42-43; also M. Cortes and Alexandre Moreau de Jonnes, 'Memoire sur la
geologic des Antilles ', Journal de physique, de chimie, d'histoire naturelle et des arts,
vol. 70(1810), pp. 130-131.

^^^ Roussin, Le Pilote du Bresil, p. 47 states that on approaching the banks of
Cape S. Roque: ". . .nous croyons avoir observe que le sable est d'autant plus rare et
les graviers d'autant plus communs, que les sondes sont plus petites et plus voisines
des bancs."

100 SANDRA HERBERT

'^^ Humphry Davy, 'On the corrosion of copper sheeting by sea water, and on
methods of preventing this effect; and on their appHcation to ships of war and other
ships'. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, vol. 114 (1824),
pp. 151-158. After describing his experiments Davy concluded on p. 158: that "small
quantities of zinc, or which is much cheaper, of malleable, or cast iron, placed in
contact with the copper sheeting of ships, which is all in electrical connection, will
entirely prevent its corrosion. And as negative electricity cannot be supposed favour-
able to animal or vegetable life; and as it occasions the deposition of magnesia, a
substance exceedingly noxious to land vegetables, upon the copper surface ; and as it
must assist in preserving its polish, there is considerable ground for hoping that the
same application will keep the bottoms of ships clean, a circumstance of great import-
ance both in trade and naval war."

"5 See note 59.

'^^ The entries pertaining to Fig. 5 are written in brown ink.

'^"^ A bar and a dot over a number indicates that no bottom was found at that
depth. All entries on this page are in brown ink, except for the page number.

'^^ Thomas Sorrell (c. 1797-?), boatswain of the H.M.S. Beagle; personal
communication. See Fitzroy, ed.. Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His Majesty's
Ships Adventure and Beagle, vol. 2, p. 21. .\lso see JR, p. 282.

'^' This entry is written in light brown ink.

^^° Humboldt, Personal Narrative, vol. 4, p. 384: "We discover between Calabozo,
Uritucu, and the Mesa de Pavones, wherever men have made excavations of some feet
deep, the geological constitution of the Llanos. A formation of red sandstone [Rothes
todtes liegende] (or ancient conglomerate) covers an extent of several thousand square
leagues. We shall find it again hereafter in the vast plains of the Amazon, on the
eastern boundary of the province of Jaen de Bracamoros. This prodigious extension of
red sandstone, in the low grounds that stretch along the East of the Andes, is one of the
most striking phenomena, with which the study of rocks in the equinoctial regions
furnished me."

"iMiers, Travels in Chile and La Plata, vol. 1, pp. 394-395: "All around
Quintero [near Quillota] . . .the fishermen had employed themselves digging shells for
lime-making from a stratum four or five feet thick, in the recesses of the rocks, at the
height of fifteen feet above the usual level of the sea, it being evident that at no very
distant period this spot must have been buried in the sea, and uplifted probably by
convulsions similar to the one now described." .\lso p. 458: "The recent shelly
deposites mi.xed with loam [at Quintero] I have traced to places three leagues from the
coast, at a height of 500 feet above the level of the sea. ..." See GSA, p. 35.

NOTES 101

'^^ Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. 3, p. 371: "[According to M. Eiie de
Beaumont] ... near Champoleon [in France], a granite composed of quartz, black
mica, and rose-coloured felspar, is observed partly to overlie the secondary rocks,
producing an alteration which extends for about thirty feet downwards, diminishing
in the inferior beds which lie farthest from the granite. ... In the altered mass the
argillaceous beds are hardened, the limestone is saccharoid, the grits quartzose, and in
the midst of them is a thin layer of an imperfect granite. It is also an important circum-
stance, that near the point of contact both the granite and the secondary rocks become
metalliferous, and contain nests and small veins of blende, galena, iron, and copper
pyrites."

123 pitton, ' Geology ' as quoted in note 47.

^^^ Lesson and Garnot, Voyage aittour dii monde . . .Zoologie, vol. 1, part 1, p. 5:
"Toutes las cotes de la Nouvelle-Galles du Sud [New South Wales] sont, en effet,
entierement composees d'un gres houiller a molecules peu adherentes; et ce que nous
appelons le premier plan des montagnes Bleues est egalement compose de ce gres, qui
cesse entierement au mont York. La, une vallee profonde isole ce premier plan du
second, qui est compose en entier de granite."

^^^ Lesson and Garnot, Vovage autoiir du monde . . . Zoologie, vol. 1, part 1 [1826]
and part 2 [1828]. The following citations pertain to the entire paragraph on p. 102 of
the notebook:

On the formations of Payta see part 1, pp. 260-261: " Le lambeau desol tertiaire
se compose de couches ou bancs alternatifs, dont voici I'enumeration, en commen^ant
par la formation de phyllade qui le supporte. 1° Roches talqueiises phylladiformes,
terrain primordial. 2° Argiles plastiques. — Sable argileux, schisteux, traverse par des
veines entrecroisees de gypse fibreux...3'' Calcaire grassier .. ." Rock cleavage is
described as running from east to west on p. 260. On p. 262 Lesson uses the figure
200 feet in describing the change in sea level which would have caused such configura-
tions of strata as seen at Payta.

With respect to volcanic formations on the north part of New Zealand, there is
Lesson's remark in part 2, p. 410 that "De nombreux volcans, dont les traces des
eruptions sont recentes, existent sur plusieurs points de ces lies [off the north shore of
the North Island]. . .Aussi trouve-t-on communement des pierres ponces.. . ." With
respect to richness of plant genera in New Zealand see the quotation from Lesson in
note 80.

On St Catherine's see part 1, p. 189: "Le granite forme entierement la croiite
minerale de I'ile de Sainte-Catherine et du continent voisin.. . ."

On the Falkland Islands see part 1, p. 198-199: "Les couches se composent de
feuillets fendilles dans tous les sens, dont la direction, au lieu d'etre horizontale, est
presque verticale, et forme particulierement sur le pourtour de la baie un angle de 45
degres: ceux de la grande terre se dirigent a I'Est, et ceux des ilots aux pingoins a

102 SANDRA HERBERT

rOuest. . . . Cette phyllade supporte un gres schisteux. ..." Also on p. 200 reference is
made to the discussion by "Pernetty" of a "montagne des Ruines" which looked
man-made, and on p. 201, to what Darwin later quoting directly from Pernety called a
"stream of stones" and what Lesson referred to as "blocs enormes du meme gres,
entasses pele-mele. . ." SeeJR, p. 255 and Antoine Joseph Fernety, Journal historique
d'un voyage. . .aux lies Malouines (Berlin, 1769), vol. 2, p. 526.

On the region around Concepcion see part 1, p. 231 :" La couche la plus inferieure
est formee par une sorte de phyllade noire, compacte et terne; celle qui est moyenne
se compose d'un mica-schiste a feuillets tres-brillants, dont la direction est de I'Ouest
a I'Est." The presence of talcose slates at Concepcion is mentioned on p. 232.

126

Juan and Ulloa, A Voyage to South America, vol. 2, p. 97.

^^' Juan and Ulloa, A Voyage to South America, vol. 2, p. 147: "These are the
principal mines of Potosi, but there are several smaller crossing the mountain on all
sides. The situation of the former of these mines is on the north side of the mountain,
their direction being to the south, a little inclining to the west; and it is the opinion of
the most intelligent miners in this country, that those which run in these directions
are the richest."

'^^ Juan and Ulloa, A Voyage to South America, vol. 2, p. 252: "The country
round the bay, particularly that between Talcaguana and Conception. . .is noted for
... a stratum of shells of different kinds, two or three toises in thickness, and in some
places even more, without any intermixture of earth, one large shell being joined
together by smaller, and which also fill the cavities of the larger. . . . Quarries of the
same kind of shells, are found on the tops of mountains in this country, fifty toises
above the level of the sea." Also, p. 254: "All these species of shellfish are found at the
bottom of the sea in four, six, ten and twelve fathom water. They are caught by drags;
and ... no shells, either the same, or that have any resemblance to them, are seen
either on the shores continually washed by the sea, or on those tracks which have been
overflowed by an extraordinary tide."

^^^ John Playfair, Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory of the Earth (Edinburgh,
1802), pp. 51-52: "Indeed, the interposition of a breccia between the primary and
secondary strata, in which the fragments, whether round or angular, are always of the
primary rock, is a fact so general, and the quantity of this breccia is often so great,
that it leads to a conclusion more paradoxical than any of the preceding, but from
which, nevertheless, it seems very difficult to with-hold assent. Round gravel, when in
great abundance, agreeably to a remark already made, must necessarily be considered
as a production peculiar to the beds of rivers, or the shores of continents, and as
hardly ever formed at great depths under the surface of the sea. It should seem, then,
that under the primary schistus, after attaining its erect position, had been raised up

NOTES 103

to the surface, where this gravel was formed; and from thence had been let down
again to the depths of the ocean, where the secondary strata were deposited on it.
Such alternate elevations and depressions of the bottom of the sea, however extra-
ordinary they may seem, will appear to make a part of the system of the mineral
kingdom, from other phenomena hereafter to be described."

■'^° The principle expressed in this passage, that the destruction of the earth's
surface is required for its renovation, is consistent with the general content of the
work of the great British geologist and member of the Royal Society of Edinburgh,
James Hutton (1726-1797). However, as Darwin's cancellation would seem to
indicate, the application of the principle failed in this instance, for Hutton, speaking
providentially, had chosen rather to characterize volcanos as instruments designed
"to prevent the unnecessary elevation of land, and the fatal effects of earthquakes",
and his interpreter John Playfair, F.R.S. (1748-1819), while not quoting Hutton's
words, did not challenge his conclusion. See James Hutton, Theory of the Earth
(Edinburgh, 1795), vol. 1, p. 146, and Playfair, Illustrations of the Huttoman Theory,
pp. 116-119. Later Charles Lyell (note 3) was more sanguine on the subject of the
fatal effects of earthquakes. See his Principles of Geology, vol. 1, p. 479.

^^' Sir Richard Owen, F.R.S. (1804—1892), comparative anatomist and palaeonto-
logist. In 1837 Owen was Assistant Conservator in the Hunterian Museum of the
Royal College of Surgeons, and first Hunterian Professor of Comparative Anatomy
and Physiology at the Royal College of Surgeons. In 1856 Owen left the Royal College
of Surgeons for the British Museum, where he served as Superintendent of the Natural
History Departments of the Museum and then later, as Superintendent of the new
Natural History Museum in South Kensington. Owen's palaeontological work began
in 1837 with his studies of Darwin's collection of South American fossil mammals.
For Darwin's account of the opening of negotiations with Owen with respect to
collections from the Beagle voyage see the letter from Darwin to J. S. Henslow, dated

3 October 1836 in Nora Barlow, ed., Darwin and Henslow. The Growth of an Idea
(Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967), pp. 118-119. Owen's completed work on Darwin's
specimens is contained in Richard Owen, The Zoology of the Voyage of H. M.S. Beagle
. . .1832-1836. . .Edited and Superintended by Charles Darwin. Part I. Fossil Mammalia.

4 numbers. (London, 1838-1840).

^^^ [Capt.] John Ross, A Voyage of Discovery. . .for the Purpose of Exploring
Baffin's Bay (London, 1819), p. 178: "Soundings were obtained correctly in one
thousand fathoms [at Possession Bay], consisting of soft mud, in which there were
worms.. . .The temperature of the water on the surface was 34 1/2" [F.], and at eighty
fathoms 32°;. . .at two hundred and fifty fathoms [measurement taken aboard another
ship],. . .29 1/2° [F.]." In Appendix No. HI, p. Ixxxv this information is summarized
and the coordinates of Possession Bay given as 73° 39' N., 77° 08' W.

104 SANDRA HERBERT

'^^ These observations by John Herschel (note 40) on the subject of the crystal-
lization of barium sulphate were probably communicated to Darwin by Charles Lyell
(note 3). Herschel's letter of 20 February 1836 to Lyell, quoted in note 40, contains
the following passage (Cannon, 'The Impact of Uniformitarianism', p. 310):
"Cleavages of Rocks. — If Rocks have been heated to a point admitting a commence-
ment of crystallization, ie to the point where particles can begin to move inter se — or
at least on their own axes — some general cause must determine the position these
particles will rest in on cooling — probably position will have some relation to the
direction in which the heat escapes. — Now when all — or a majority of particles of the
same nature have a general tendency to one position that must of course determine a
cleavage plane. — Did you never notice how the infinitesimal crystals of fresh precipi-
tated sulphate of Baryta [barium sulphate] & some other such bodies — arrange
themselves alike in the fluid in which they float so as, when stirred all to glance with
one light & give the appearance of silky filaments. Ask Faraday to shew you this
phenomenon if you have not seen it — it is very pretty. What occurs in our expt, on a
minute scale may occur in nature on a great one, as in granites, gneisses, mica slates
&c — some sorts of soap in which insoluble margarates exist shew it beautifully [added:
when mixed with water]." Lyell incorporated Herschel's observation into his next
edition of the Principles. See Principles of Geology (5th ed. ; London, 1837), vol. 4,
pp. 358. Presumably Lyell showed Darwin Herschel's letter, or discussed its contents
with him, sometime in late 1836 or early 1837. The 'Faraday' referred to in Herschel's
letter is Michael Faraday, F.R.S. (1791-1867), the eminent natural philosopher and
experimentalist.

'^* Erasmus Alvey Darwin (1804—1881). Charles' older brother who pursued the
study of chemistry in his youth and early manhood.

^^^ Jose de Acosta, Histoire naturelle et moralle des Indes (Paris, 1600), p. 125 refers
to "des tremblemens de terre qui ont couru depuis Chille, jusques a Quitto, qui
sont plus de cinq cens lieues. . ." Acosta continued, "En la coste de Chille (il ne me
souvient quelle annee) fut un tremblement de terre si terrible.. . .A peu de temps
dela, qui fut I'an, de quatre vingts deux, vint le tremblement d'Arequipa, qui abbatit
& ruina presque toute cette ville la. Du depuis en I'an quatre vingts six. . .aduint un
autre tremblement en la cite des Roys [Lima].. . ." And on p. 125 verso: "En apres
I'an enfuyuant, il y eut encor un autre tremblement de terre au Royaume & cite de
Quitto, & semble que tous ces notables tremblemens de terre en ceste coste, ayent
succede les uns aux autres par ordre. ..."

'^® Joseph-Charles Bailly (1777-1844), mineralogist to the expedition, as quoted
in Francois Peron, Voyage de decouvertes aux terres australes. . .1800-1804 (Paris,
1807), vol. 1, pp. 54—55. Following the passage quoted which Darwin copied correctly
except for one misspelling ("d'lile" for "de I'ile") and the loss of a few accent marks,
the text continues (p. 55): " De ces observations, il resulte bien incontcstablement que

NOTES 105

toutes ont la meme origine, qu'elles datent toutes de la meme epoque; que reunies
jadis, elles n'ont pu etre separees depuis, que par quelque revolution violente et
subite. Quelle peut avoir ete cette derniere revolution?. . .Tous les fait se reunissent
pour prouver que i'lle toute entiere ne formoit jadis qu'une enorme montagne brulante ;
qu'epuisee, pour ainsi-dire, par ses eruptions, elle s'afFaissa sur elle-meme, engloutit
dans ses abimes la plus grande partie de sa propre masse, et que de cette voiite
immense, il ne resta debout que les fondemens, dont les debris entr'ouverts sur
differens points, forment les montagnes actuelles de I'ile. Quelques pitons de forme
conique, qui s'elevant vers le centre du pays, notamment le Piton du centre, portent
les caracteres d'une origine posterieure a I'eboulement du cratere. ..." Also see VI,
pp. 29-31.

^^' Bailly (note 136) as quoted in Peron, Voyage de decouvertes aux terres australes,
vol. 1, p. 295: "De hautes montagnes granitiques. . .dont les sommites etoient
presque entierement nues, forment toute la cote orientale de cette partie de la terre de
Diemen. ..." Also see p. 304 for a description of more of the east coast of Van Diemen's
Land [Tasmania].

^^^ Henry Bolingbroke, A Voyage to the Demerary (London, 1807), p. 200
contains the passage Darwin quotes and pp. 200-201 the additional comment: "This
constant shooting upwards of the land, which is so sensible in the West Indies, has
been little heeded by European mineralogists."

139 Webster, Narrative of a Voyage to the Southern Atlantic Ocean, vol. 1, p. 371 :
"Instances of earthquakes occuring in the island [St Helena] are on record. One took
place in 1756, and in June 1780. On the 21st September 1817, one occurred, which it
is said was particularly noticed by Napoleon, who thought that the Conqueror, 74, in
which he had been, was blown up." The reference to antarctic vegetation pertains to
Webster's discussion of the natural history of Cape Horn, Staten Island, and Deception
Island in vol. 2, pp. 290-306.

^*° Darwin apparently searched Juan and LHloa's A Voyage to South America for
evidence connecting Indian habitation and climatic change, and could not find it. He
was more successful in his reading of Antonio de Ulloa's Noticias americanas (2nd ed. ;
Madrid, 1792). He later quoted from that work (p. 302) in translation, presumably his
own, to the effect that Indians of one arid region in the Andes had lost the art of
making durable bricks from mud. This suggested to Darwin that the local climate had
once been wetter, which fitted his notion that the South American continent had
undergone elevation in geologically recent times. See jfR, pp. 409-411.

^^^ Edmond Temple, Travels in Various Parts of Peru, Including a Year's
Residence in Potosi (London, 1830), vol. 2, p. 10: " In the course of this day's journey
were to be seen, in well-chosen spots, many Indian villages and detached dwellings,
for the most part in ruins. Up even to the very tops of the mountains, that line the

106 SANDRA HERBERT

valleys through which I have passed, I observed many ancient ruins, attesting a former
population where now all is desolate." For passages on a similar theme see pp. 4 and 5.
Also consult JR, p. 412, where the quotation from Temple appears in shghtly
different form. From his comment it would appear that Charles' sister Caroline
Darwin Wedgwood (1800-1888) gave him the reference to Temple.

'^2 John W. Webster, A Description of the Island of St. Michael (Boston, 1821),
p. 124: "There is scarcely a man on the island, who has not a dog, and many have
half a dozen. It is a remarkable fact that, although these animals are so numerous, no
instance of hydrophobia was ever known among them." See JR, p. 436.

^^^ Sir Woodbine Parish, F.R.S. (1796-1882), personal communication. See
JR, p. 156: " Sir Woodbine Parish informed me of another and very curious source of
dispute [in the province of Buenos Ayres] ; the ground being so long dry, such
quantities of dust were blown about, that in this open country the landmarks become
obliterated, and people could not tell the limits of their estates." Parish served as
commissioner and consul general and then charge d'affaires to Buenos Ayres from
1823-1832. Upon returning to London he became active in scientific societies. He was
a long-time vice-president of the Royal Geographical Society and served on the
Council of the Geological Society of London from 1834-1841, being sometime vice-
president and during 1835-1836 one of the secretaries.

^^^ Felix d'Azara, Voyages dans VAmerique Meridionale. . .1781-1801 (Paris,
1809), vol. 1, p. 374: "On voit un exemple aussi etonnant de cette fougue dans les
annees seches, oii I'eau est extremement rare au sud de Buenos-Ayres. En effet, ils
partent comme fous, tous tant qu'ils sont, pour aller chercher quelque mare ou
quelque lac : ils s'enfoncent dans la vase, et les premiers arrives sont foules et ecrases
par ceux qui les suivent. 11 m'est arrive plus d'une fois de trouver plus de mille
cadavres de chevaux sauvages morts de cette fagon." See JfR, p. 156.

^^^ John Hunter, An Historical Journal of the Transactions at Port Jackson and
Norfolk Island. . .since the publication of Phillip's Voyage (London, 1793), pp. 507,
508, 525, and 535 refer to the drought around Sydney in the first half of the year 1791.
'Phillip's Voyage' refers to the account of his travels written by Arthur Phillip
(1738-1814), vice-admiral and first governor of New South Wales, published as The
Voyage of Governor Phillip to Botany Bay (London, 1789).

"^Charles Sturt, Two Expeditions into the Interior of Southern Australia...
1828-1831 (London, 1833), vol. 1, p. 1: "The year 1826 was remarkable for the
commencement of one of those fearful droughts to which we have reason to believe
the climate at New South Wales is periodically subject. It continued during the two
following years with unabated severity." And p. 2: "But, however severe for the
colony the seasons had proved ... it was borne in mind at this critical moment, that
the wet and swampy state of the interior had alone prevented Mr. Oxiey from

NOTES 107

penetrating further into it, in 1818.. . .As I had early taken a great interest in the
geography of New South Wales, the Governor was pleased to appoint me to the
command of this expedition." See also JR, p. 157.

^" From this entry it would appear likely that it was Richard Owen (note 131)
who referred Darwin to the article by Thomas Rackett, 'Observations on Cancer
salinus\ which is quoted enthusiastically m JR, p. 77: "In the Linnean [Society of
London] Transactions, [1815], vol. xi, p. 205, a minute crustaceous animal is described,
under the name of Cancer salinus. It is said to occur in countless numbers in the brine
pans at Lymington; but only in those in which the fluid has attained, from evapo-
ration, considerable strength; namely about a quarter of a pound of salt to a pint of
water. This cancer is said, also, to inhabit the salt lakes of Siberia. Well may we affirm,
that every part of the world is habitable!"

148 j^gy John Stevens Henslow (1796-1861), Professor of Botany at Cambridge
University and Darwin's 'Master in Natural History'. (Letter from Darwin to
Henslow, January 1836, in Nora Barlow, ed., Darwin and Hetislow, p. 114.) Henslow
himself did not publish on the subject of springs, but he may have been the source for
two references which Darwin quoted on the subject in the JR, p. 78. Both works cited
discuss plant life at the location of the springs, a subject which would have interested
Henslow. The references were to James Edward Alexander, 'Notice regarding the
Salt Lake Inder, in Asiatic Russia', Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, vol. 8
(1830), pp. 18-20; and Peter Simon Pallas, Travels through the Southern Provinces of
the Russian Empire. . .1793-1794 (London, 1802), vol. 1, pp. 129-134. The entry
'Springs. (Henslow)' is written in brown ink, the preceding entry on 'M'' Owen' in
pencil.

149 'pi^g {^Q ostriches are the greater or common rhea, Rhea americana, found
from north-eastern Brazil to the Rio Negro in central Argentina, and the lesser rhea or
Darwin's rhea, Pterocnemia pennata, found in the Patagonian lowlands, where Darwin
collected portions of a specimen, and in the high Andes of Peru, Bolivia, northern
Chile, and northwestern Argentina. The lesser rhea became known as Darwin's rhea
following its identification by the ornithologist John Gould, F.R.S. (1804-1881) at a
meeting of the Zoological Society of London on 14 March 1837. Gould was then
unaware that the species had already been described in 1834 by the French naturalist
Alcide Dessalines d'Orbigny (1802-1857). For Gould's report on Rhea darwinii and
comments by Darwin on the habits of the two species (but primarily the common rhea)
and on their geographical distribution see the Proceedings of the Zoological Society of
London, vol. 5 (1837), pp. 35-36. For further treatment see John Gould, The Zoology
of the Voyage of H.M.S. Beagle. . .1832-1836. . .Edited and Superintended by
Charles Darwin. Part III: Birds. 5 numbers. (London, 1838-1841), pp. 120-125
including plate. Also see J7?, pp. 108-110.

108

SANDRA HERBERT

Rhea americana, the bigger or common 'ostrich' referred to on pages 127 and 130.

Darwin's rhea, Pterocnemia pennata, the smaller 'ostrich' or 'Petisse' referred to on pages
127 and 130. Of this rhea Darwin wrote: 'This species. . .differs in many respects from the
Rhea Americana. It is smaller, and the general tinge of the plumage is a light brown in place
of grey ; each feather being conspicuously tipped with white. The bill is considerablv smaller,
and especially less broad at its base; the culmen is less than half as wide, and becomes
slightly broader towards the apex, whereas in the R. Americana it becomes slightly narrower;
the extremity, however, of both the upper and lower mandible, is more tumid in the latter,
than in the R. Darwinii. . . . The skin round and in front of the eyes is less bare in R. Darwinii;
and small bristly feathers, directed forwards, reach over the nostrils. The feet and tarsi are
nearly of the same size in the two species. In the R. Darzvinii, short plumose feathers extend
downwards in a point on the sides of the tarsus, for about half its length. The upper two-
thirds of the tarsus, in front, is covered with reticulated scales in place of the broad transverse
band-like scales of the R. Americana; and the scales of the lower third are not so large as in
the latter. In the R. Darwinii the entire length of the back of the tarsus is covered with
reticulated scales, which increase in size from the heel upwards: in the common Rhea, the
scales on the hinder side of the tarsus are reticulated only on the heel, and about an inch
above it; all the upper part consisting of transverse bands, similar to those in front.' Quoted
from John Gould, The Zoology of the Voyage of H. M.S. Beagle. Part III: Birds. 5 numbers.
(London, 1838-1841), pp. Xl^i-U^.

^m.tt4H:'i\ ;^^x>j

)^kiih0^^

Rhea Darwinii [Pterocnemia pennata], Plate 47 from John Gould, The Zoology of the Voyage
ofH.M.S. Beagle. Part III: Birds. 5 numbers. (London, 1838-1841). Drawing by John Gould,
lithograph by Elizabeth Coxen Gould.

NOTES 111

^^^ One of the sources which Darwin likely drew on for this passage was Webster,
Voyage to the Southern Atlantic, vol. 2, pp. 281-302.

^^^ Zorrilla is the Spanish word for skunk. The notes on species ranges of South
American forms which Darwin suggested making in this entry are presumably those
found in the Darwin MSS, Cambridge University Library, vol. 29 (i). The 'Birds'
list is numbered fol. 41 ; the 'Animals' list appears between fols. 46^7. The zorrilla
appears on the list for animals.

152 Yj^g extinct llama is the Macrauchenia patachonica as described by Richard
Owen (note 131). See Owen, The Zoology of the Voyage of H. M.S. Beagle. Part I:
Fossil Mammalia, pp. 10-11, 35-56 and plates VI-XV. Darwin collected the fossil
specimens in January 1834 at the port of San Julian, having "no idea at the time,
to what kind of animal these remains belonged." {JR, p. 208.) Owen's earhest known
comment on the specimens occurs in a letter to Charles Lyell dated 23 January 1837
where he described them as follows:

RUMINANTIA

Fam: Camelidae

2 cervical vertebrae, portions of femur, & fragments of a Gigantic Llama! as
large as a Camel, but an Auchenia (from the plains of Patagonia)

For the citation from Owen see Leonard G. Wilson, Charles Lyell: The Years to 1841
(New Haven and London, 1972), p. 437. Also see JR, pp. 208-209. Several of the
fossilized bones which Darwin collected of Macrauchenia patachonica are presently
on display in the Fossil Mammal Gallery of the British Museum (Natural History).
A number of Darwin's fossil mammalia came to the British Museum (Natural History)
during World War II after the specimens had suffered damage from bombs which fell
on the museum of the Royal College of Surgeons, where the specimens had been
stored since the time Owen first worked on them. Illustrations on pages 112-114.

153 'p'jjg 'Petisse' is the lesser rhea, or Darwin's rhea. (See note 149.) Darwin
customarily referred to the two rheas in his field notes as 'Avestruz' and 'Avestruz
Petise' from the Spanish avestruz (ostrich) and avestruz petiso (small ostrich).

Here and for the following notes (154, 156-159) 1 am indebted to Dr David Snow
of the British Museum (Natural History) at Tring for supplying the present-day
identifications of Darwin's specimens. Names follow or are consistent with the usage
in Rodolphe Mayer De Schauensee, The Species of Birds of South America and Their
Distribution (Narberth, Pennsylvania, 1966).

'^* Fourmilier, (' antbird') so named by the French naturalist George-Louis
Leclerc, Comte de Buffon (1707-1788), for its falsely reported habit of living chiefly
on ants (fourmis), is a general term for a member of the essentially tropical American
family Formicariidae. Since Darwin did not collect extensively in tropical areas and
does not seem to have used the term Fourmilier elsewhere in his notes, it is doubtful

Bones of the right forefoot and ankle-joint (astragalus) of Darwin's specimen of Macrauchenia
patachonica from the palaeontological collections of the British IMuseum (Natural History).

Alt

Plate 11 from Richard Owen, The Zoology of the Voyage of H.M.S. Beagle. Part I: Fossil
Mammalia. 4 numbers. (London, 1838-1840). The plate contains figures of the bones of the
right forefoot of Darwin's specimen of Macraiichenia patachonica. Drawing and lithograph
by George Scharf.

114

SANDRA HERBERT

A reconstruction of a specimen of the Macrauchenia patachonica, tlic
'extinct Guanaco' referred to on pages 129 and 130.

' u.MiiiLi Llama' or

that it was the antbird, or at least primarily the antbirds, which he had in mind when
he made this entry. More likely he was thinking of those birds which he described in
his Ornithological Notes as Myothera, a term which was given as the equivalent of

NOTES lis

Fourmilier in the 'Diet, dassique', the systemmatic work he had with him aboard ship.
(See Jean Baptiste Bory de Saint-Vincent, ed., Dictionnaire dassique d'histoire
naturelle [Paris, 1825], vol. 7, pp. 22-25.) Under Myothera Darwin described a
number of birds now assigned to the South American family Rhinocryptidae, a small
family that appears to be closest to the Formicariidae, though its affinities are not
certain. Chile is the centre of the present-day distribution of this family, in the sense
that more genera occur there than in other countries. In general Darwin's recognition
of specific differences and geographical ranges for this group was accurate and com-
plete for the areas he visited. On Darwin's return to England the birds he had
collected from this group were classified by John Gould (note 149) of the Zoological
Society of London chiefly according to the taxonomy provided for the group by the
German naturalist Friedrich Heinrich von Kittlitz (1799-1874) in 1830. For Darwin's
discussion of the group, including Gould's classifications, see JR, pp. 329-330 and
351-353. For Darwin's listing of these specimens by number, all under the rubric
Myothera, see Nora Barlow, ed., 'Darwin's Ornithological Notes', Bulletin of the
British Museum {Natural History) Historical Series, vol. 2 (1963), pp. 201-278.
Selected specimens which Darwin collected in Chile from this family, identified by
their modern names, are listed as follows. Entries denoted with an asterisk indicate
specimens collected by Darwin in the collections of the British Museum (Natural
History) at Tring. The numbers given are those Darwin assigned to his specimens.
From the genus Pteroptochos Darwin collected two species, the more southern P. tarnii,
the Black-throated Huet-huet (specimen 2531*), and the more northern P. megapodius,
the Moustached Turca (specimen 2172). [The Museum owns a specimen collected by
Darwin of P. megapodius which no longer bears its original specimen number.] From
the genus Scelorchilus Darwin collected three species, the more southern S. rubecula,
the Chucao Tapaculo (specimen 2556*); the more northern S. albicollis, the White-
throated Tapaculo (specimens 2173, 2174), and what was probably the northern desert
subspecies S.a. atacamae (specimen 2825). Darwin also collected specimens of SM^ra/Za
paradoxa, the Ochre-flanked Tapaculo (specimen 2555*), whose range in Chile lies
within that of 5. rubecula. Further, he correctly identified the affinity of the ' black
wren' of Tierra del Fuego (Scytalopus fuscus of Gould) with these other birds. This
bird is now described as 5. magellanicus, the Andean Tapaculo, and is assigned to the
family Rhinocryptidae. In Chile it ranges from the Cape Horn Archipelago to
Atacama. For general information on the family Rhinocryptidae, including drawings
of various species and descriptions of their distinctive cries, see A. W. Johnson, The
Birds of Chile and Adjacent Areas of Argentina, Bolivia and Peru (Buenos Aires, 1967),
vol. 2, pp. 201-222. On these birds also see Gould, The Zoology of the Voyage of
H.M.S. Beagle. Part III: Birds, pp. 70-74.

^^^ The 'extinct Guanaco' is identical to the 'extinct Llama'. See note 152.

^^^ The Chiloe creeper is Aphrastura spinicauda, the Thorn-tailed Rayadito
(specimens 2129 and 2130). It is distributed from Coquimbo in Chile south to Tierra

116 SANDRA HERBERT

del Fuego, and in Argentina from Neuquen and Rio Negro southwards. It also occurs
on various off-lying islands including Chiloe. The Chiloe race is the distinctive sub-
species A. spinicauda fulva, being buff-coloured instead of mainly white below. For
further information on Darwin's specimens see 'Darwin's Ornithological Notes'; J/?,
p. 301 ; and Gould, The Zoology of the Voyage ofH.M.S. Beagle. Part III: Birds, p. 81.

157 Piirnarius, the ovenbird, the genus which gives its name to the family Furna-
riidae. Found from southern Mexico to Patagonia the family shows the greatest
measure of diversity in the southern part of its range. Darwin collected a number of
species belonging to the family, paying particular attention to Furnarius rufus, the
Rufous Hornero (specimen 1200) and Geositta cunicularia, the Common Miner
(specimen 1222*). The asterisked specimen is part of the collections of the British
Museum (Natural History) at Tring. • The Museum also owns another Darwin
specimen of the same species, unnumbered, and according to its label presented by
Sir William Burnett (1779-1861, physician to William IV) and Robert Fitzroy (note
27). In the Journal of Researches Darwin referred to Furnarius rufus according to its
common name as the 'Casara' or house-builder and to Geositta cunicularia as the
'Casarita' or little house-builder. As the similarity of the two local names suggests,
the second bird is something like a smaller version of the first, though its plumage is
more earth-brown and not so rufous. For further information on the birds see ' Darwin's
Ornithological Notes'; J'i?, pp. 112-113, 353, and 477; and Gould, The Zoology of the
Voyage ofH.M.S. Beagle. Part III: Birds, pp. 64-65.

^^^ Caracaras are large carrion-feeding birds belonging to the family Falconidae.
They are very common in parts of South America, and Darwin collected a number of
specimens. In his 'Ornithological Notes' Darwin mentions four species: Polyborus
plancus, the Crested Caracara (p. 234), Milvago chimango, the Chimango Caracara
(p. 234 top and p. 236; also see specimen 1204*), Phalcoboenus australis, the Striated
Caracara (p. 236, specimen 1882), and Phalcoboenus albogularis, the White-throated
Caracara (p. 238, specimen 2029). In his 'Ornithological Notes' Darwin also referred
to the Galapagos hawk as a caracara (p. 238), though John Gould (note 149) later
corrected him. The asterisked specimen of A/, chimango is part of the collections at the
British Museum (Natural History) at Tring. The Museum also has an unnumbered
Beagle specimen of M. chimango which lacks its original label, as well as a specimen of
P. plancus presented by William Burnett (note 157) and Robert Fitzroy (note 27)
without data. For more on these birds see 'Darwin's Ornithological Notes', pp. 233-
239; JR, pp. 63-69, 256, 461 ; John Gould, 'Observations on the Raptorial Birds in
Mr. Darwin's Collection, with characters of the New Species', Proceedings of the
Zoological Society of London, vol. 5 (1837), pp. 9-11; and Gould, The Zoology of the
Voyage ofH.M.S. Beagle. Part III: Birds, pp. 9-31.

'^^ Calandria, Mimus saturninus modulator, the Chalk-browed Mockingbird which
Darwin collected at Maldonado (specimen 1213). In this entry Darwin probably also

NOTES 117

had in mind other mockingbirds he collected in South America and the Galapagos
Islands. Continental forms included Mimus patagoniciis, the Patagonian Mockingbird
(specimens 1461 and 1620), and Mimus thenca, the Chilean Mockingbird (specimen
2169). The Galapagos forms included: Nesomimus trifasciatiis (Gould, 1837) which
Darwin collected on Charles Island (specimen 3306), Nesomimus parvulus (Gould,
1837) which Darwin collected at Albemarle Island (specimen 3349), and Nesomimus
melanotis (Gould 1837) which Darwin collected at Chatham Island (specimen 3307).
The British Museum (Natural History) at Tring owns these specimens which,
however, no longer bear Darwin's original labels. Classification of the Galapagos
forms is from Michael Harris, A Field Guide to the Birds of Galapagos (London, 1974),
the most recent treatment of these birds. The only point bearing on Darwin's speci-
mens where Harris's grouping of the birds differs from that of Gould is with respect
to the mockingbird of James Island. Harris places the mockingbirds on James Island
with those of Albemarle Island; Gould placed them with the group on Chatham
Island. For further discussion of all six mockingbirds described in this note, including
plates on the three Galapagos species, see Gould, The Zoology of the Voyage of H. M.S.
Beagle. Part III: Birds, pp. 60-64. Also see 'Darwin's Ornithological Notes'; jfR,
pp. 62-63, 461 ; and Gould's report on the three Galapagos species in Proceedings of the
Zoological Society of London, vol. 5 (1837), p. 27.

160 jjjg 'C of 'Crust' is written over an 'f.

161 William J. Burchell (1782-1863), English naturalist; personal communication.
Burchell's Travels in the Interior of Southern Africa, vol. 2, p. 207 is quoted on the
subject of the large size of South African animals compared to animals from other
continents in J7?, p. 101.

'^^ William J. Burchell (note 161), personal communication. See GSA, p. 3:
"Mr. Burchell informs me, that he collected at Santos (lat. 24° S.) oyster-shells,
apparently recent, some miles from the shore, and quite above the tidal action."
During his South American travels of 1825-1829 Burchell made extensive zoological
and botanical collections but never published significantly on them in later life. In this
paragraph Burchell's name is written in light brown ink above the line, which would
indicate a later dating than other entries on the page.

^^^ Capt. Robert Fitzroy (note 27), personal communication. See also 7^, pp. 266-
267: "I have heard Captain FitzRoy remark, that on entering any of these channels
[at Tierra del Fuego] from the outer coast, it is always necessary to look out directly
for anchorage; for further inland the depth soon becomes extremely great."

^^* Charles Lyell (note 3), personal communication. The reference is to Leopold
von Buch, Description physique des iles Canaries (Paris, 1836), p. 428: "Ces emanations
sulfureuses paraissent donner aux volcans de Java un caractere tout particulier qui
n'appartient certainement pas avec le meme degre d'intensite et de frequence a la
plupart des autres volcans de la surface du globe." See GSA, pp. 238-239.

118 SANDRA HERBERT

^^^ See Edward Kendal, 'Account of the Island of Deception, one of the New
Shetland Isles. Extracted from the private Journal of Lieutenant Kendal, R.N.,
embarked on board his Majesty's sloop Chanticleer, Captain Forstcr, on a scientific
voyage. . .\ Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. 1 (1832), p. 64: "Possession
Cape is situated in 63° 46' S., and 61° 45' W. We procured specimens of its rock. ..."
Also p. 63 where the land is described as being composed "of a collection of needle-
like pinnacles of sienite." Capt. Henry Foster, F.R.S. (1796-1831) commanded the
Chanticleer from 1828-1831, Darwin's misspelling of his name deriving from an
identical misspelling in the title of the article cited here.

'^® Darwin's estimate of the dimensions of Deception Island is taken from the
map facing p. 64 of Kendal, 'Account of the Island of Deception' (note 165).

^^'^ See Edward Kendal, 'Account of the Island of Deception' (note 165), p. 65:
"There was nothing in the shape of vegetation except a small kind of lichen, whose
efforts are almost ineffectual to maintain its existence amongst the scanty soil afforded
by the penguins' dung." P. 66: "Having observed a mound on the hill immediately
above this cove, and thinking that something of interest might be deposited there, I
opened it; and found a rude coffin, the rotten state of which bespoke its having been
long consigned to the earth, but the body had undergone scarcelv any decomposition.
The legs were doubled up, and it was dressed in the jacket and cap of a sailor, but
neither they nor the countenance were similar to those of an Englishman." Also p. 66:
"We took the hint of the freezing over of the cove, and effected our retreat. . . . We
quitted it on the 8th of March " See JR, p. 613.

'^^ James Cook, A Voyage towards the South Pole, and round the World. . . 1772-
1775 (London, 1777), vol. 2. There is, facing p. 177, a full page map of Christmas
Sound with numerous soundings included. On p. 200 Cook commented of the entire
south-western coast of Tierra del Fuego: " For to judge of the whole by the parts we
have sounded, it is more than probable that there are soundings all along the coast,
and for several leagues out to sea. Upon the whole, this is, by no means, the dangerous
coast it has been represented."

^^^ James Cook, A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean. Undertaken. . .for Making
Discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere. . .1776-1780 (London, 1784), vol. 1, pp. 78-
79 records that at Kerguelen Land : " A prodigious quantitv of seaweed grows all over
it, which seemed to be the same sort of weed that Mr. Banks distinguished by the name
of fuais giganteus. Some of this weed is of a most enormous length, though the
stem is not much thicker than a man's thumb. I have mentioned, that on some of the
shoals upon which it grows, we did not strike ground with a line of twenty-four
fathoms. The depth of water, therefore, must have been greater. And as this weed
does not grow in a perpendicular direction, but makes a very acute angle with the
bottom, and much of it afterwards spreads many fathoms on the surface of the sea, I
am well warranted to say, that some of it grows to the length of sixty fathoms and

NOTES 119

upward." See JR, pp. 303-304, where Darwin quoted from this passage but errone-
ously credited it to the narrative of Cook's second rather than his third voyage. In

Darwin's notebook entry the expression '24' would seem to be a variant of '24'. See

note 25.

^™ Benjamin Bynoe (1804-1868), Assistant and later Acting Surgeon aboard
H.M.S. Beagle; personal communication. From the use of the present tense in this
entry it would seem that Darwin saw or corresponded with Bynoe after the voyage.
If so, this would not be the first occasion on which Darwin discussed geological issues
with Bynoe. See, for example, Darwin MSS, Cambridge University Library, vol. 34
(ii), fol. 182 for Darwin's notes on a conversation with Bynoe during the voyage on
geological topics.

^''^ Woodbine Parish (note 143), personal communication. Later published in
Parish, Buenos Ayres and the Provinces of the Rio de la Plata (London, 1839), p. 242:
"It is related that for many years after its foundation, the inhabitants [of Cordoba]
were subjected to much inconvenience from the occasional overflowings of a lake in
the neighbouring hills, until an earthquake swallowed up its waters, and drained it
apparently forever."

"2 Sir Roderick Impey Murchison, F.R.S. (1792-1871), British geologist,
fellow of the Geological Society of London, twice its president (1831-1833; 1841-1843)
and in 1837 a vice-president; personal communication. In the 1830s Murchison was
engaged in his great work on the stratigraphy of palaeozoic rocks, which culminated in
his identification of the Silurian system, which he named and described. See Murchi-
son, The Silurian System (London, 1839), chapter 18, pp. 216-222 on "Lower
Silurian Rocks. — 3rd Formation of ' Caradoc Sandstone'. " Also p. 583, "There is ... a
phenomenon of the highest importance, connected with the distribution of organic
remains in the older strata, which has not been adverted to; namely, that the same
forms of crustaceans, mollusks and corals, are said to be found in rocks of the same
age, not only in England, Norway, Russia, and various parts of Europe, but also in
Southern Africa, and even at the Falkland Islands, the very antipodes of Britain. This
fact accords, indeed, with what has been ascertained concerning the wide range of
animal remains in deposits equivalent to our oolite and lias; for in the Himalaya
Mountains, at Fernando Po, in the region north of the Cape of Good Hope, and in the
Run of Cutch and other parts of Hindostan, fossils have been discovered, which, as
far as the English naturalists who have seen them can determine, are undistinguishable
from certain oolite and lias fossils of Europe." To this remark Murchison added in a
footnote: "The fossils from the Falkland Islands were discovered by Mr. C. Darwin,
and they appear to me to belong to the Lower Silurian Rocks." Also setjfR, p. 253.

^''^ Rev. William Daniel Conybeare, F.R.S. (1787-1857), English geologist, early
member (1811) of the Geological Society of London; later dean of Llandaff. In his

120 SANDRA HERBERT

'Report on the Progress, Actual State, and Ulterior Prospects of Geological Science'
{Report of the First and Second Meetings of the British Association for the Advancement
of Science [London, 1833], p. 396), Conybeare had expressed a high opinion of
Silliman's Journal as a source for North American geology. This journal, formally
entitled the American Journal of Science and the Arts, contained the following full-
length articles on North American geology for the year 1835: (vol. 27) JuUus T.
Ducatel and John H. Alexander, 'Report on a projected Geological and Topo-
graphical Survey of the State of Maryland', pp. 1-38; A. B. Chapin, 'Junction of
Trap and Sandstone, Wallingford, Conn.', pp. 104—112; Henry D. Rogers, 'On the
Falls of Niagara and the reasonings of some authors respecting them', pp. 326-335;
' Notice of the Transactions of the Geological Society of Pennsylvania, Part I ', pp.
347-355; Charles U. Shepard, 'On the Strontianite of Schoharie, (N.Y.) with a
Notice of the Limestone Cavern in the same place', pp. 363-370; (vol. 28) John Ball,
'Geology, and physical features of the country west of the Rocky Mountains, &c.',
pp. 1-16; T. A. Conrad, 'Observations on the Tertiary Strata of the Atlantic Coast',
pp. 104-1 1 1 , 280-282 ; John Gebhard, ' On the Geology and Mineralogy of Schoharie,
N. Y.', pp. 172-177; Samuel George Morton, 'Notice of the fossil teeth of Fishes of
the United States, the discovery of the Gait in Alabama, and a proposed division of
the American Cretaceous Group', pp. 276-278; and Joseph G. Totten, 'Descriptions
of some Shells, belonging to the Coast of New England', pp. 347-353. Briefer reports
on aspects of North American geology appear under the heading of 'Miscellanies —
Foreign and Domestic ' in both volumes.

'"^ Review of 'A Collection of Memoirs and Documents Relative to the History,
Ancient and Modern, of the Provinces of the Rio de la Plata. — [Coleccion de obras, &c.]
by Pedro de Angelis', Athenaum, no. 496 (29 April 1837), p. 302: "La Cruz [Luis de
la Cruz] volunteered to conduct the expedition [for the purpose of surveying a carriage
road between Concepci6n and Buenos Aires] at his own expense, and being accom-
panied by some Chilian traders, well acquainted with the Pampas, and also by some
caciques of the Pehuenche Indians, he started from the fort of Ballenar, near the
volcano of Antuco, in the Andes, in the beginning of April — the autumn of that
climate. . .The length of the road which he surveyed, and actually measured with
the chain, was 172 Spanish leagues and a few yards [894.4 km (555 miles)]. The
expense of rendering it practicable for carts was estimated by him at 46,000 pesos, the
greater part of which sum was required for the passage through the mountains. In
many places the large stones which covered the ground were to be cleared away; but
the chief obstacles were the cracked streams of lava to be crossed in the Andes, and
the numerous banks of rough scoriae or ashes occurring in the plains as well as the
mountains." Darwin misdated his reference to this review in the Athenaum by a year.

^''^ Pedro de .\ngelis, Coleccion de obras y documentos relativos a la historia
antigua y moderna de las provincias del Rio de la Plata (Buenos Aires, 1836-1837), 6

NOTES 121

vols. Darwin's reference is to the first two volumes of this series which were pubhshed
in 1836.

^'® Angelis, Coleccion de obras (note 175). Woodbine Parish (note 143) was
certainly mentioned in this context because of his association with Buenos Ayres and
the United Provinces of La Plata. Parish would have been a likely owner, and thus a
possible lender, of Angelis's work.

^'''' [W. D. Cooley], Review of Coleccion de obras y documentos relatives a la
historia antigua y tnoderna de las provincias del Rio de la Plata, ilustrados con notas y
disertaciones by Pedro de Angelis, Edinburgh Review, vol. 65 (1837), pp. 87-109. The
Wellesley Index to Victorian Periodicals, 1824-1900 is the source of the reviewer's
name. The 'March 1835' notation in this entry is puzzling since the date is rather far
removed from either the date of publication of Angelis's work or the date of the
' present Edinburgh '.

^''^ Woodbine Parish (note 143), personal communication. The distance between
Quilmes and Punta Indio is approximately 70 miles (112.63 km). The two points are
found along the coastline south of Buenos Aires. In his book Parish discussed a larger
area covered by beds of sea shells beginning at Santa Fe two hundred and forty miles
northwest of Buenos Aires {Buenos Ayres, p. 168): "Travelling south from Santa Fe,
along the shores of the Plata, which bounds these pampas on the east, we find, at
distances varying from one to six leagues inland from the river, and from fifty to one
hundred and fifty miles from the sea, large beds of marine shells, which the people of
those parts quarry for lime. From these deposits I have myself specimens of Voluta
Colocynthis, Voluta Angulata, Buccinum Globulosum, Buccinum Nov. Spe., Oliva
Patula; Cytheraa Flexuosa? Mactral Venus Flexuosa, Ostrea, &c." Also see Darwin,
GSA, pp. 2-3 for lists of shells collected along the coastline near Buenos Aires by
Parish and described by Alcide Dessalines d'Orbigny (note 149) and the conchologist
and fellow of the Linnean Society of London, George Brettingham Sowerby (2nd)
(1812-1884).

^''^ James de Carle Sowerby (1787-1871), accomplished fossil conchologist, a
fellow of the Zoological Society of London and the Linnean Society of London;
personal communication. See JR, p. 253: "Mr. Murchison, who has had the kindness
to look at my specimens [of fossil shells from the Falkland Islands], says that they have
a close general resemblance to those belonging to the lower division of his Silurian
system; and Mr. James Sowerby is of [the] opinion that some of the species are
identical." For a complete description of one group of the shells see John Morris and
Daniel Sharpe, 'Description of Eight Species of Brachiopodous Shells from the
Palaeozoic Rocks of the Falkland Islands, Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society
of London, vol. 2 (1846), pp. 274—278: George Brettingham Sowerby (note 178)
produced the two plates. The Journal of the Society for the Bibliography of Natural

122 SANDRA HERBERT

History, vol. 6, pt. 6, 1974, is devoted to papers on the Sowerby family and includes:
J. B. MacDonald, 'The Sowerby Collection at the British Museum (Natural History)'
and R. J. Cleevely, 'A provisional bibliography of natural history works by the
Sowerby family'.

^^° Charles Lyell (note 3), personal communication.

^*^ James Bird, 'Observations on the Manners of the Inhabitants who occupy the
Southern Coast of Arabia and Shores of the Red Sea; with Remarks on the Ancient
and Modern Geography of that quarter, and the Route, through the Desert, from
Kosir to Keneh', Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, vol. 4 (1834),
pp. 192-206. The passage from which Darwin made the inference that the land in
question had been elevated is the following (p. 202): "I visited old Kosir, six miles
N.W. of the modern town. The town of old Kosir is situated on the north side of an
inlet of the sea, which formerly extended westward into the land about a mile, but is
now crossed by a bar of sand, that prevents the ingress of the water into the former
channel. The ruins of the houses are chiefly found on the north side of the channel,
which is still swampy in some parts of the bottom, where, in former times, the sea
formed a kind of backwater to the point of land on which the town stood.. . .The
banks which bounded the former inlet, are formed of white calcareous tuffa and sand,
as is also the whole of the shore of the Red Sea at this part. The sea appears to have
gradually retired from the land, and left a considerable beach between its present
limits and the base of the mountains westward."

^^'^ See Darwin, VI, pp. 120-121. Citing Leopold von Buch (note 56), among
others, Darwin wrote: "Lavas are chiefly composed of three varieties of feldspar,
varying in specific gravity from 2.4 to 2.74; of hornblende and augite, varying from
3.0 to 3.4; of olivine, varying from 3.3 to 3.4; and lastly, of oxides of iron, with
specific gravities from 4.8 to 5.2. Hence crystals of feldspar, enveloped in a mass of
liquefied, but not highly vesicular lava, would tend to rise to the upper parts; and
crystals or granules of the other minerals, thus enveloped, would tend to sink...
Trachyte, which consists chiefly of feldspar, with some hornblende and oxide of iron,
has a specific gravity of about 2.45 ; whilst basalt composed chiefly of augite and
feldspar, often with much iron and olivine, has a gravity of about 3.0. Accordingly we
find, that where both trachytic and basaltic streams have proceeded from the same
orifice, the trachytic streams have generally been first erupted, owing, as we must
suppose, to the molten lava of this series having accumulated in the upper parts of
the volcanic focus.. . .As the later eruptions, however, from most volcanic mountains,
burst through their basal parts, owing to the increased height and weight of the
internal column of molten rock, we see why, in most cases, only the lower flanks of
the central, trachytic masses, arc enveloped by basaltic streams. The separation of
the ingredients of a mass of lava would, perhaps, sometimes take place within the
body of a volcanic mountain, if lofty and of great dimensions, instead of within the

NOTES 123

underground focus; in which case, trachytic streams might be poured forth, almost
contemporaneously, or at short recurrent intervals, from its summit, and basaltic
streams from its base: this seems to have taken place at Teneriffe." To this last point
Darwin added a footnote: "Consult von Buch's well-known and admirable Description
Physique of this island [Teneriffe], which might serve as a model of descriptive
geology." See von Buch, Description physique des ties Canaries, the entire section
pp. 153-228.

^°'' The ' Avestruz' was the local name for the rhea. See notes 149 and 153.

^°* 'Mr Brown' was obviously a guest with Darwin at the house of Woodbine
Parish (note 143), and someone with first-hand knowledge of South American
geography. Lacking a first name for Brown, and a good cross-reference, one can only
speculate on his identity. He may have been William Brown (1777-1857), an admiral
in the navy of Buenos Aires, a native of Ireland, and the only Brown mentioned in
Nina L. Kay Shuttleworth, A Life of Sir Woodbine Parish (London, 1910). See also
Michael G. Mulhall, The English in South America (Buenos Aires and London, 1878),
p. 166 for information which places Brown in Ireland in 1836 and therefore plausibly
in London in 1837.

185 Woodbine Parish (note 143) referring to Anthony Zachariah Helms, Travels
from Buenos Ayres, by Potosi, to Lima (2nd ed.; London, 1807); personal communi-
cation. Helms associated the granitic boulders he found around Potosi, Bolivia, which
is situated in the Cordillera proper, with granite found in Tucuman, a province in
northwestern Argentina. Parish considered Tucuman to lie in the upper parts of the
Sierra de Cordoba, a low range of pampean mountains. (Buenos Ayres, p. 254) On
the subject of the travelled boulders, see Helms, p. 45 : " It in a particular manner
excited my astonishment here, to find the highest snow-capt mountains within nine
miles from Potosi, covered with a pretty thick stratum of granitic stones, rounded by
the action of water. How could these masses of granite be deposited here, as there is a
continual descent to Tucuman, where the granitic ridge ends, and from Tucuman to
Potosi it consists of simple argillaceous shistus? Have they been rolled hither by a
general deluge, or some later partial revolution of nature ? " Darwin quoted from this
passage in the JR (p. 290), and added, " He [Helms] supposes they [the boulders] must
have come from Tucuman, which is several hundred miles distant: yet at p. 55 he says,
at localla (a few leagues only from Potosi), 'a mass of granite many miles in length,
rises in huge weatherbeaten rocks:' the whole account is to me quite unintelligible."
Unlike Darwin, Parish did not quarrel with Helms' account. See Buenos Ayres, p. 254.

^^^ 'Signor Rozales' would also seem to have been a guest with Darwin at the
house of Sir Woodbine Parish (note 143). Again, lacking a first name or a good cross-
reference, one can only speculate as to his identity. From his last name and the nature
of his remarks, one may presume that he was South American, likely Chilean. If he
were sufiiciently well known to be included in standard biographical dictionaries, he

124 SANDRA HERBERT

was most likely related to Juan Enrique Rosales (d. 1825), a hero of Chile's struggle
for independence. One member of that family who can definitely be placed in Europe
in 1837 was Francisco Javier Rosales (d. 1875), Chilean charge d'affaires to Paris
from 1836-1853. Another member of the family probably in Europe at the time was
Vicente Perez Rosales (1807-1886), subsequently a well-known author and coloniza-
tion agent for the Chilean government in Europe.

i^'' Edward Turner, F.R.S. (1798-1837), the chemist, as quoted in Thomas
Allan, 'On a Mass of Native Iron from the Desert of .\tamaca [sic] in Peru', Trans-
actions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, vol. 11 (1831), p. 226: "Externally it [the
specimen] has all the characters of meteoric iron. The metal in the specimen is tough,
of a whiter colour than common iron, and is covered on most parts with a thin film
of the oxide of iron. The interstices contain olivine." The proportions of iron, nickel
and cobalt in the specimen are given as follows (p. 228):

Iron 93.4

Nickel 6.618

Cobalt 0.535

100.553

Undoubtedly Darwin obtained this reference by way of Woodbine Parish. See Parish,
Buenos Ayres, pp. 257-263 for a discussion of the specimen, which Parish had
collected, and of Turner's conclusions. Parish doubted the meteoric origin of the
specimen.

^^° For such a map see Alexander von Humboldt, Atlas geographique et physique
des regions equinoxiales du nouveau continent (Paris [F. Schoell], 1814), plate 5 entitled
"Esquisse hyposometrique des noeuds de montagnes et des ramifications de la
Cordillera des Andes depuis le Cap de Horn jusqu'a I'lsthme de Panama. . ." The
library of the Geological Society of London does not presently hold a copy of this
atlas, although, according to the librarian, it once may have. It does hold a presentation
copy of the first four volumes of an octavo edition of Humboldt's voyage published in
Paris by Librairie grecque-latine-allemande. Volumes 1 and 2 are dated 1816; volumes
3 and 4, 1817. The title pages of these volumes refer to an accompanying atlas, but,
from the evidence of library catalogues, it is questionable whether one was published
specifically for this edition.

189 Woodbine Parish (note 143), personal communication. Parish did not include
this account in Buenos Ayres.

'^^ Edmond Temple, Travels in Various Parts of Peru, Including A Year's
Residence in Potosi, vol. 1, p. 1 16: "[January] 19th [1826], when about to rise with the
sun, as was our custom, we suddenly felt ourselves shaken in our beds, and thought it

NOTES 125

was occasioned by a dog or a pig, frequent visitors prowling about for the fragments
of the last meal; we therefore all, at the same moment, looked under our beds, with
the intention of chasing away the intruder." And, p. 146: "Did you feel the earth-
quake?— At what hour? — Where were you at the time? — What did you fancy? —
What did you do ? — These are questions I am putting to every body I chance to
converse with, and I do not think I ever felt greater interest on any subject than in the
various accounts I hear respecting this phenomenon." Temple's description of his
route (p. 109) places him in the province of Santiago del Estero, just over the border
of the province of Cordoba, at the time when the earthquake occurred. For the
account of an earthquake in Cordoba causing the disappearance of a lake see note 171.

^^^ Arsene Isabelle, Voyage a Buenos-Ayres et a Porta- Alegre. . .1830-1834
(Havre, 1835), pp. 454-455: " Au nord-est dupasso, a distance de quatre a cinq lieues,
est une montagne boisee, appelee Serra do Butucarahy, s'etendant un peu a sa base, a
Test et a I'ouest, formant comme un chainon de monts eleves independans de la
Serra-Grande, et d'ailleurs place dans une direction parallele a celle-ci. Vue de loin (on
I'aper^oit du Jacuy), elle ne parait etre qu'un pic tres eleve, mais en approchant on
voit que le mamelon du centre se termine par une plate forme assez grande. Je suis
porte a croire que cette montagne est volcanique, parce queles moradores du lieu m'ont
assure avoir entendu des detonations tres fortes dans son interieur; ils pretendent
encore qu'il y a un lac a la cime, dont les eaux, en filtrant ou en debordant, produisent
des eboulemens qui mettent a nu la roche qu'elle semble avoir pour noyau; aussi la
partie superieure est — elle devenue inaccessible a cause de sa denudation. Apres les
grandes pluies d'orage, et pendant les gelees, I'eau se trouvant dans les fissures du
rocher en detache des fragmens qui tombent avec fracas; sa grande hauteur, ou
plutot son isolement attire le tonnerre, ce qui fait que cette montagne est souvent
foudroyee." The hill described is probably Coxilha which lies to the northeast of the
Rio Botucarai [30° 0' S., 52° 46' W.] in Brazil. It is not an active volcano, nor are there
any in the area.

^^^ Jean Baptiste Joseph Boussingault, ' Sur les tremblemens de terre des Andes',
Bulletin de la Societe geologique de France, vol. 6 (1834—1835), pp. 54—56, as cited in
Charles Lyell, Principles of Geology (4th ed. ; London, 1835), vol. 2, p. 96: "In
Quito, many important revolutions in the physical features of the country are said to
have resulted, within the memory of man, from the earthquakes by which it has been
convulsed. M. Boussingault declares his belief, that if a full register had been kept of
all the convulsions experienced here and in other populous districts of the Andes, it
would be found that the trembling of the earth had been incessant. The frequency of
the movement, he thinks, is not due to volcanic explosions, but to the continual
falling in of masses of rock which have been fractured and upheaved in a solid form
at a comparatively recent epoch. According to the same author, the height of several
mountains of the Andes has diminished in modern times." This passage also occurred
in the 5th or (March) 1837 edition of the Principles (vol. 2, p. 44), where Darwin may

126 SANDRA HERBERT

have encountered it first in print. Darwin did not own a personal copy of the 4th
edition.

'^^ George Steuart Mackenzie (note 110) as quoted in John Barrow, Jr., A Visit
to Iceland. . .1834 (London, 1835), p. 224: "This supposition [of lava blistering, see
note 110] would appear to afford a better solution of the difficult problem of accounting
for those blocks of lava that are perched on high ridges, than that given by Sir George
Mackenzie, who imagines this lava to have flowed from the lower ground, and calls it
the 'ascending lava.' He says — ' It is caused by the formation of a crust on the coating
of the surface, and a case or tube being thus produced, the lava runs in the same
manner as water in a pipe.'" The quotation is from Mackenzie, Travels in the Island
of Iceland, p. 108.

19* Sir Henry Holland, F.R.S. (1788-1873), fashionable London physician,
traveller, essayist, and a distant relative to Charles Darwin through Josiah Wedgwood
the potter. Holland accompanied Sir George Steuart Mackenzie (note 110) to Iceland
in 1810 and was the author of the 'Preliminary Dissertation on the History and Litera-
ture of Iceland' in Mackenzie, Travels in the Island of Iceland, pp. 1-70. Apparently
Darwin intended to consult him on the subject of blistered lava. On this see Barrow,
A Visit to Iceland, p. 223 : " Dr. Holland, in his account of the Mineralogy of Iceland,
seems to countenance the opinion of these masses having been thrown up on the very
spot they occupy, observing there was one formation of lava which had every appear-
ance of not having flowed. Speaking of these masses of lava, he says : — 'It was
heaved up into large bubbles or blisters, some of which were round, and from a few
feet to forty or fifty in diameter; others were long, some straight, and some waved. A
great many of these bubbles had burst open, and displayed caverns of considerable
depth.'" However, this description, which Barrow attributed to Holland, is rather to
be found in Mackenzie's chapter entitled 'Mineralogy' in Travels in the Island of
Iceland, p. 390. Barrow's error seems to have stemmed from a mistaken belief that
Holland rather than Mackenzie wrote the chapter on mineralogy. See also VI, pp.
95-96, and 103.

'9' Barrow, A Visit to Iceland, pp. 276-277: "Here, then, we have the plain and
undeniable evidence of subterranean or sub-marine fire, exerting its influence under
the sea, almost in a direct line, to the extent of 16 1/2 degrees of latitude, or more than
1 100 statute miles. If we are to suppose that one and the same efficient cause has been
exerted in heaving up this extended line of igneous formations, from Fairhead to Jan
Meyen, we may form some vague notion how deep-seated the fiery focus must be to
impart iis force, perhaps through numerous apertures, in a line of so great an extent,
and nearly in the same direction. It may probably be considered the more remarkable,
that no indication whatever is found of volcanic fire on the coast-line of Old Green-
land, close to the westward of the last-mentioned island, and also to Iceland, nor on
that of Norway on the opposite side, nor on that of Spitzbergen; on these places all is
granite, porphyry, gneiss, mica-slate, clay-slate, lime, marble, and sandstone."

NOTES 127

''® 'Bosh' is written in the margin in pencil. Other entries on the page are in ink.

^^' Alexander von Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain
(London, 1811), vol. 3, p. 113. Quoted correctly with minor variations in capitalization,
punctuation, and the insertion of ' & ' for ' and '.

1^8 Robert Brown, F.R.S. (1773-1858), pre-eminent British botanist of his day,
from 1806 to 1822 librarian to and thereafter a fellow of the Linnean Society of
London. In 1827 Brown arranged for the transfer of the botanical collection of Sir
Joseph Banks, F.R.S. (1743-1820) to the British Museum, and from 1827 to his death
Brown supervised the botanical collections of the Museum. Brown also assembled a
valuable collection of fossil woods ('F.W.') which he bequeathed to the Museum.

^^^ Darwin was referring here to the opinion of James Hutton (note 130) respect-
ing the formation of fossil wood. In Hutton's view 'undulations' in silicified fossil
wood would be traced to the action of exterior heat and pressure. See Playfair, Illus-
trations of the Huttonian Theory of the Earth, pp. 24—25: ". . .wherever they [fossils]
bear marks of having been fluid, these marks are such as characterize the fluidity of
fusion [caused by igneous consolidation], and distinguish it from that which is pro-
duced by solution in a menstruum. . . . Fossil-wood, penetrated by siliceous matter, is a
substance well known to mineralogists; it is found in great abundance in various
situations, and frequently in the heart of great bodies of rock. On examination, the
siliceous matter is often observed to have penetrated the wood very unequally, so that
the vegetable structure remains in some places entire ; and in other places is lost in a
homogeneous mass of agate or jasper. Where this happens, it may be remarked, that the
line which separates these two parts is quite sharp and distinct, altogether different from
what must have taken place, had the flinty matter been introduced into the body of the
wood, by any fluid in which it was dissolved, as it would then have pervaded the whole,
if not uniformly, yet with a regular gradation. In those specimens of fossil-wood that
are partly penetrated by agate, and partly not penetrated at all, the same sharpness of
termination may be remarked, and is an appearance highly characteristic of the fluidity
produced by fusion."

'^°° Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of Nezv Spain, vol. 3, p. 113. The
original quotation begins, 'The true native iron, . . . ' and varies slightly from Darwin's
citation in punctuation and in the spelling out of the word 'and'.

^°^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, pp. 129-130:
"The Mexican veins are to be found for the most part in primitive and transition rocks
. . .and rarely in the rocks of secondary formation. . .In the old continent granite,
gneiss and micaceous slate [glimmer -schiefer) constitute the crest of high chains of
mountains. But these rocks seldom appear outwardly on the ridge of the Cordilleras
of America, particularly in the central part contained between the 18° and 22° of
north latitude. Beds of amphibolic porphyry, greenstone, amygdaloid, basalt and

128 SANDRA HERBERT

Other trap formations of an enormous thickness cover the granite and conceal it from
the geologist. The coast of Acapulco is formed of granite rock. Ascending towards the
table land of Mexico we see the granite pierce through the porphyry for the last time
between Zumpango and Sopilote. Farther to the east in the province of Oaxaca the
granite and gneiss are visible in table lands of considerable extent traversed by veins
of gold."

^"^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 131. The
original sentence reads "The porphyries . . ."

^"^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, pp. 131-132:
"They [the Mexican porphyries] are all characterized by the constant presence of
amphibole and the absence of quartz, so common in the primitive porphyries of
Europe, and especially in those which form beds in gneiss. The common felspar is
rarely to be seen in the Mexican porphyries; and it belongs only to the most antient
formations, those of Pachuca, Real del Monte and Moran, where the veins furnish
twice as much silver as all Saxony. We frequently discover only vitreous felspar in the
porphvries of Spanish America. The rock which is intersected by the rich gold vein
of Villalpando near Guanaxuato is a porphyry of which the basis is somewhat a kin to
klingstein (phonolite), and in which amphibole is extremely rare. Several of these parts
of New Spain bear a great analogy to the problematical rocks of Hungary, designated
by M. Born by the very vague denomination of saxum metalliferum. The veins of
Zimapan which are the most instructive in respect to the theory of the stratification of
minerals are intersected by porphyries of a greenstone base which appear to belong to
trap rocks of new formation. These veins of Zimapan offer to oryctognostic collections
a great variety of interesting minerals such as the fibrous zeolith, the stilbite, the
grammalite, the pyenite, native sulphur, spar fluor, baryte suberiform asbestos, green
grenats, carbonate and chromate of lead, orpiment, chrysoprase, and a new species of
opal of the rarest beauty, which I made known in Europe, and which M. M. Karsten
and Klaproth have described under the name of (feuer-opal)."

^°^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, pp. 133-134:
" In proportion as the north of Mexico shall be examined by intelligent geologists, it
will be perceived that the metallick wealth of Mexico does not exclusively belong to
primitive earths and mountains of transition, but extend also to those of secondary
formation. I know not whether the lead which is procured in the eastern parts of the
intendancy of San Luis Potosi is found in veins or beds, but it appears certain, that the
veins of silver of the real de Catorce, as well as those of the Doctor and Xaschi near
Zimapan, traverse the alpine lime-stone (alpenkalkstein); and this rock reposes on a
poudingue with silicious cement which may be considered as the most antient of
secondary formations. The alpine lime-stone and the jura lime-stone (jurakalkstein)
contain the celebrated silver mines of Tasco and Teuilotepec in the intendancy of
Mexico; and it is in these calcareous rocks that the numerous veins which in this

NOTES 129

country have been very early wrought, display the greatest wealth.. . .The result of
this general view of the metalliferous depositories (erzfiihrende lagerstatte) is that the
Cordilleras of Mexico contain veins in a great variety of rocks, and that those rocks
which at present furnish almost the whole silver annually exported from Vera Cruz,
are the primitive slate, the grauwakke, and the alpine lime-stone, intersected by the
principal veins of Guanaxuato, Zacatecas and Catorce."

^"^ Friedrich Hoffmann, Geschichte der Geognosie (Berlin, 1838), the section
'Dampfe verandern die vulkanischen Gesteine', pp. 480^81. This entry is written in
small handwriting in light brown ink, as are all other bracketed entries on page 165e.

^"^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 128 : " How
can he [the naturalist] draw general results from the observation of a multitude of
small phenomena [regarding metalliferous deposits], modified by causes of a purely
local nature, and appearing to be the effects of an action of chemical affinities, circum-
scribed to a very narrow space?"

^"^ Eilhert Mitscherlich, 'On Artificial Crystals of Oxide of Iron', Edinburgh
Journal of Natural and Geographic Science, vol. 2 (1830), p. 302: "So greatly do these
[crystals of oxide of iron in a pottery furnace] resemble the crystals [of specular iron]
from volcanoes, that the same theory of formation may be applied to both. The first are
formed in a pottery furnace, in which the vessels, when baked, are glazed by means of
common salt. The clay used consists principally of silica, alumina, and a little oxide of
iron. The salt is volatilized, and water coming in contact with the surface of the vessels,
new compounds are produced, the water is decomposed, muriatic acid is formed, and
the soda produced unites with the silica to make the necessary glass. As to the oxide
of iron, its history will be best understood by an experiment or two. If a mixture of
salt, oxide of iron, and silica, be heated to redness in a tube, and water in vapour be
passed over it, much muriatic acid is formed, but very little chloride of iron, and crys-
tallized oxide of iron will be found in the mass: but if muriatic acid be brought in
contact with ignited oxide of iron, water and chloride of iron are formed, and sublime;
if the chloride of iron come in contact with more water, muriatic acid is first developed,
then chloride of iron, and a residue of crystallized oxide of iron remains. The formation
of chloride of iron by the action of muriatic acid upon oxide of iron appears, therefore,
to depend upon the proportion of water present. M. Mitscherlich applies these experi-
ments and principles in explanation of the manner in which volcanic crystallized
oxide of iron is formed — all the conditions necessary, according to the above view,
being present in those cases, where heretofore it had been supposed the oxide of iron,
as such, had been actually sublimed."

^"^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 1 34, " Thus
it is in a primitive slate (ur-thon schiefer) on which a clavey porphyry containing
grenats reposes, that the wealth of Potosi in the kingdom of Buenos- Ayres is contained.

130 SANDRA HERBERT

On the other hand, in Peru the mines of Gualgayoc or Chota and that of Yauricocha
or Pasco which together yield annually double the quantity of all the German mines,
are found in an alpine lime-stone. The more we study the geological constitution of the
globe on a large scale the more we perceive that there is scarcely a rock which has not
in certain countries been found eminently metalliferous. The wealth of the veins is for
the most part totally independent of the nature of the beds which they intersect." And
pp. 142-143; "The province of Quito, and the Eastern part of the kingdom of New
Granada, from the 3° of South latitude, to the 7° of North latitude; the Isthmus of
Panama, and the mountains of Guatimala, contain for a length of 600 leagues, vast
extents of ground in which no vein has hitherto been wrought with any degree of
success. It would not, however, be accurate to advance that these countries which
have in a degree, been convulsed with volcanos are entirely destitute of gold and silver
ore. Numerous metalliferous depositories may be concealed by the super-position of
strata of basalt, amygdaloid, porphyry with greenstone base, and other rocks compre-
hended by geologists, under the general name of trapp-formation."

^°^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, pp. 152-153 ;
" In Peru, the greatest part of the silver extracted from the bowels of the earth is
furnished by the pacos, a sort of ores of an earthy appearance, which M. [Martin
Heinrich] Klaproth was so good as to analyse at my request, and which consist of a
mixture of almost imperceptible parcels of native silver, with the brown oxyde of iron.
In Mexico on the other hand, the greatest quantity of silver annually brought into
circulation, is derived from those ores which the Saxon miner calls by the name of
diirre erze especially from sulfuretted silver, (or \\xrQus glaserz) from arsenical grey-
copper (Jahlerz) and antimony, {grau or schwarzgiltigerz) from muriated silver, (hnrnerz)
from prismatic black silver, [spodglaserz), and from red silver (rothgiltiges). We do not
name native silver among these ores, because it is not found in sufficient abundance to
admit of any very considerable part of the total produce of the mines of New Spain
being attributed to it." Also p. 154;" The muriated silver which is so seldom found in the
veins of Europe, is very abundant in the mines of Catorce, Fresnillo, and the Cerro
San Pedro, near the town of San Luis Potosi. ... In the veins of Catorce, the muriated
silver is accompanied with molybated lead, [gelb-blei-erz) and phosphated lead
(griinblei-erz)." And p. 155; "The true mine of white silver (weissgiltig-erz) is very
rare in Mexico. Its variety greyish white, very rich in lead, is to be found however in
the intendancy of Sonora, in the veins of Cosala, where it is accompanied with
argentiferous galena, red silver, brown blende, quartz and sulfated barytes. This last
substance which is very uncommon among the gangues of Mexico, is to be also found
at the Real del Doctor, near Baranca de las Tinajas, and at Sombrerete, particularly in
the mine called Campechana. Spar-fluor has been only found hitherto in the veins of
Lomo del Toro, near Zimapan, at Bolanos and Guadalcazar, near Catorce."

NOTES 131

^^° Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 156.
Quoted exactly e.xcept for the abbreviation of ' and ' to ' & ' and the deletion of a comma
after 'silver'.

^^^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 157:
"Native Silver, which is much less abundant in America, than is generally supposed,
has been found in considerable masses, sometimes weighing more than 200 killo-
grammes [441 lbs], in the seams of Batopilas in New Biscay. These mines, which are
not very briskly wrought at present, are among the most northern of New Spain.
Nature exhibits the same minerals there, that are found in the vein of Kongsberg in
Norway. Those of Batopilas contain filiform dendritic and silver, which intersects
with that of carbonated lime."

^^^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, pp. 157-158:
"Native silver is constantly accompanied hy glaserz [sulfuretted silver] in the seams
of Mexico, as well as in those of the mountains of Europe. . .From time to time
small branches, or cylindrical filaments of native silver, are also discovered in the
celebrated vein of Guanaxuato ; but these masses have never been so considerable as
those which were formerly drawn from the mine del Encino near Pachuca and Tasco,
where native silver is sometimes contained in folia of selenite."

^'^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 158: "A
great part of the silver annually produced in Europe, is derived from the argentiferous
sulfuretted lead {silberhaltiger bleiglanz) which is sometimes found in the veins which
intersect primitive and transition mountains, and sometimes on particular beds (erzfloze)
in rocks of secondary formation. In the kingdom of New Spain, the greatest part of the
veins contain very little argentiferous galena; but there are very few mines in which
lead ore is a particular object of their operations."

^^^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 159: "A
very considerable quantity of silver is produced from the smelting of the martial
pyrites (gemeine schwefelkiese) of which New Spain sometimes exhibits varieties richer
than the glaserz itself. . .It is a very common prejudice in Europe, that great masses
of native silver are extremelv common in Mexico and Peru. . ..\lso pp. 160-161 : "It
appears that at the formation of veins in every climate, the distribution of silver has
been very unequal; sometimes concentrated in one point, and at other times dissemi-
nated in the gangue, and allied with other metals." And p. 162: "Although the New
Continent, however, has not hitherto exhibited native silver in such considerable
blocks as the Old, this metal is found more abundantly in a state of perfect purity in
Peru and Mexico, than in any other quarter of the globe."

"^^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 176: "What
is the nature of the metalliferous depository, which has furnished these immense riches,
and which may be considered as the Potosi of the northern hemisphere ? What is the

132 SANDRA HERBERT

position of the rock which crosses the veins of Guanaxuato ? These questions are
of so great importance that I must here give a geological view of so remarkable a
country. The most ancient rock known in the district of Guanaxuato, is the clay
slate {than schiefer). ... It is of an ash-grey or greyish-black frequently intersected by an
infinity of small quartz veins, which frequently pass into talk-state [sic] (talk schiefer)
and mlo schistous chlorite." Also, pp. 177-178: "On digging the great pit {tiro general)
of Valenciana, they discovered banks of syenite of Hornblend slate (Hornblend schiefer)
and true serpentine, altering with one another, and forming subordinate beds, in the
clay slate.. . .These strata [of clay slate] are very regularly directed h. 8 to 9 of the
miner's compass; they are inclined from 45 to 50 degrees to the south west.. . .Two
very different formations repose on the clay slate: the one of porphyry. . .and the
other, of o\d freestone in the ravins, and table lands of small elevation." And pp. 179-
1 80 : " This porphyry ... is generally of a greenish colour. . . . The most recent [beds] . . .
contain vitreous felspar, inchased in a mass, w'hich sometimes passes into the
petrosilex jadien, and sometimes into the pholonite [sic] or klingstein of Werner. . . .
All the porphyries of the district of Guanaxuato possess this in common, that amphibole
is almost as rare in them as quartz and mica."

21^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of Netv Spain, vol. 3, pp. 180-183:
"This free-stone {urfelsconglomerat) is a brescia with clayey cement, mixed with oxide
of iron, in which are imbedded angulous fragments of quartz, Lydian stone, syenite,
porphyry, and splintery hornstone. . . .This formation of old free-stone is the same
with that which appears at the surface in the plains of the river Amazon, in South
America. . . . We must not confound the brescia which contains imbedded fragments
of primitive and transition rock, with another freestone, which may be designated by
the name of felspar agglomeration. . . . This agglomeration ... is composed of grains of
quartz, small fragments of slate, and felspar chrystals, partly broken, and partly
remaining untouched.. . .Probably the destruction of porphyries has had the greatest
influence on the formation of this felspar freestone. It contrasts with the freestone of
the Old Continent, in which some chrvstals of grenats and amphibole have been
found, but never. . .felspar in anv abundance. The most experienced mineralogist,
after examining the position of the lozero [agglomeration] of Guanaxuato, would be
tempted to take it at first view, for a porphyry with clayey base, or for a porphyritic
brescia (triimmer-porphyr). . . . These formations of old freestone of Guanaxuato, serve
as bases to other secondary beds, which in their position, that is to say in the order
of their superposition, exhibit the greatest analogy with the secondary rocks of central
Europe. In the plains of Temascatio. . .there is a compact limestone. . ."

'^'' Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 185: "The
vein (veto madre) [of Guanaxuato] traverses both clay slate and porphyry. In both of
these rocks, very considerable wealth has been found. Its mean direction is. . . [N. 52°
W.j and is nearly the same with that of the zeta grande of Zacatecas, and of the veins

NOTES 133

of Tasco and Moran, which are all western veins (spathgange). The inclination of the
vein of Guanaxuato, is 45 or 48 degrees to the south west." Also pp. 186-187: "The
veto madre of Guanaxuato, bears a good deal of resemblance to the celebrated vein of
Spital of Schemnitz, in Hungary. The European miners who have had occasion to
examine both these depositories of minerals, have been in doubt whether to consider
them as true veins, or as metalliferous beds (erzlager). ... If the reta madre was really a
bed, we should not find angular fragments of its roof contained in its mass, as we
generally observe on points where the roof is a slate charged with carbone, and the wall
a talc slate. In a vein, the roof and the wall are deemed anterior to the formation of the
crevice, and to the minerals which have successfully filled it; but a bed has undoubtedly
pre-existed to the strata of the rock which compose its roof. [Hence] we may discover
in a bed fragments of the wall, but never pieces detached from the roof."

^^^ Erasmus Darwin, The Botanic Garden (4th ed.; London, 1799), vol. 1, p. 18:
"The air, like all other bad conductors of electricity, is known to be a bad conductor
of heat.. . ." Also see p. 11 on the subject of shooting stars and fireballs and pp. 249-
258 for a discussion of meteors.

^■'^ Woodbine Parish (note 143). See note 187 and see also Parish, 'Notice as to
the supposed Identity of the large Mass of Meteoric Iron now in the British Museum,
with the celebrated Otumpa Iron described by Rubin de Cells in the Philosophical
Transactions for 1786', Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London,
vol. 124(1834), pp. 53-54.

^^° Ernst Florenz Friedrich Chladni, 'Supplement au catalogue des meteores, a la
suite desquels des pierres ou des masses de fer sont toxnh€t&' , Journal des mines, vol. 26
(1809), pp. 79-80. Speaking of meteorites Chladni wrote (p. 80), " II parait qu'on doit
aussi ranger parmi les masses dont il s'agit, celle d'un fer malleable, du poids de 97
myriagrammes, qu'un mineralogiste saxon, M. Sonnenschmidt, a trouvee dans la
ville de Zacatecas, dans la Nouvelle-Espagne, ou il etait directeur des mines."
Alexander von Humboldt (note 38) also reported the existence of this stone. See
Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 2, p. 293.

^^^ Alcide Dessalines d'Orbigny, Voyage dans I'Amerique meridionale ... 1826-
1833, vol. 5, part 1 (Paris and Strasbourg, 1847), pp. 140-144 and plate 10. Individual
sections of this volume were published separately earlier. According to a typewritten
list compiled in 1933 by Charles Davies Sherborn of the British Museum (Natural
History), the section which includes pp. 140-144 was published in 1835 and plate 10
in 1834. The three species described by d'Orbigny were Sagitta triptera, Sagitta
exaptera, and Sagitta diptera. In this entry Darwin was noting the similarity of one of
his unidentified specimens to Sagitta triptera. The genus Sagitta or ' Fleche' had been
established by Jean Rene Constantin Quoy and Paul Gaimard in their 'Observations
zoologiques faites a bord de 1' Astrolabe, en Mai 1826, dans le Detroit de Gilbraltar',

134 SANDRA HERBERT

Annates des sciences naturelles, vol. 10 (1827), p. 232-233. Presumably Darwin's
'additional information' on the genus appeared in his later article, 'Observations on
the Structure and Propagation of the genus Sagitta', Annals and Magazine of Natural
History, vol. 8 (1844), pp. 1-6 with plate.

^^^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 189.
Quoted exactly except for minor variations in punctuation, the abbreviation of 'and'
to '&' and the lack of emphasis on foreign words by way of underlining.

^^' Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 205 : " The
veta grande, or principal vein [at Zacatecas], has the same direction as the veta madre
of Guanaxuato; the others are generally in a direction from east to west." And p. 207:
"This wealth is displayed. . .not in the ravins, and where the veins run along the
gentle slope of the mountains, but most frequently on the most elevated summits, on
points where the surface appears to have been tumultuously torn, in the antient
revolutions of the globe."

-^* Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 210: "The
greatest number of these veins [at Catorce] are western {spathgdnge); and their
inclination is from 25° to 30° towards the north east." P. 223: ". . .the vein of Moran
. . .inclined 84° to the north east. . ." P. 226: "The oldest rock which appears at the
surface in this district of mines [at Tasco], is the primitive slate. ... Its direction is
hor. 3-4; and its inclination 40° to the north-west.. . ." Also p. 227: "The district of
mines of Tasco. . .contains a great number of veins. . .all directed from the north-
w'est to the south-east, hor. 7-9."

-^^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 215:
"What relation exists between these last beds [of porphyry], which several distin-
guished mineralogists consider as volcanic productions, and the porphyries of Pachuca,
Real del Monte, and Moran, in which nature has deposited enormous masses of
sulfuretted silver and argentiferous pyrites ? This problem which is one of the most
difficult in geology, will only be resolved when a great number of zealous and intelli-
gent travellers, shall have gone over the Mexican Cordilleras, and carefully studied the
immense variety of porphyries which are destitute of quartz, and which abound both
in hornblend and vitreous felspar."

^^^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 227:
" These veins [in the mining districts of Tasco and the Real de Tehuilotepec], like
those of Catorce, traverse both the limestone and the micaceous slate which serves for
its base; and they exhibit the same metals in both rocks."

^^" Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, p. 230: " This
formation [of veins, one of four types existing at Tasco and Tehuilotepec] which is the
richest of all, displays the remarkable phenomenon, that the minerals the most abun-
dant in silver, form spheroidal balls, from ten to twelve centimetres in diameter. ..."

NOTES 135

^^^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 3, pp. 347-348:
"The mines of Huantajaya, surrounded with beds of rock salt are particularly
celebrated on account of the great masses of native silver which they contain in a
decomposed gangue; and they furnish annually between 70 and 80 thousand marcs of
silver. The muriate of conchoidal silver, sulphuretted silver, galena with small grains,
quartz, carbonate of lime, accompany the native silver." Also pp. 348-349: "[Antonio
de] Ulloa after travelling over a great part of the Andes, affirms that silver is peculiar
to the high table lands of the Cordilleras, called Punas or Paramos, and that gold on the
other hand abounds in the lowest, and consequently warmest regions; but this learned
traveller appears to have forgot that in Peru the richest provinces in gold are the
partidos of Pataz and Huailas, which are on the ridge of the Cordilleras. ... It [gold]
has also been extracted from the right bank of the Rio de Micuipampa, between the
Cerro de San Jose, and the plain called by the natives, Choropampa or plain of shells,
on account of an enormous quantity of ostracites, cardium and other petrifications of
sea shells contained in the formation of alpine limestone of Gualgayoc."

^^^ Louis Antoine de Bougainville, Voyage autoiir du monde . . .1766-1769, (2nd
ed.; Paris, 1772), vol. 1, p. 291 : "Ces hommes bruts [the Fuegians] traitoient les chefs-
d-ceuvre de I'industrie humaine, comme ils traitent les loix de la nature & ses pheno-
menes." See J/?, p. 242.

^^° Juan and Ulloa, A Voyage to South America, vol. 1, pp. 168-169: "On the
coast [at Guayaquil]. . .is found that exquisite purple, so highly esteemed among the
ancients; but the fish from which it was taken, having been either unknown or for-
gotten, many moderns have imagined the species to be extinct. This colour, however,
is found in a species of shell-fish growing on rocks washed by the sea. Thev are some-
thing larger than a nut, and are replete with a juice, probably the blood, which, when
expressed, is the true purple; for if a thread of cotton, or any thing of a similar kind,
be dipt in this liquor, it becomes of a most vivid colour, which repeated washings
are so far from obliterating, that they rather improve it; nor does it fade by wearing.
. . .Stuffs died with this purple are also highly valued. This precious juice is extracted
by different methods. Some take the fish out of its shell, and laying it on the back of
their hand, press it with a knife from the head to the tail, separating that part of the
body into which the compression has forced the juice, and throw away the rest. In
this manner they proceed till they have provided themselves with a sufficient quantity.
Then they draw the threads through the liquor, which is the whole process. But the
purple tinge does not immediately appear, the juice being at first of a milky colour;
it then changes to green; and, lastly, into this celebrated purple. Others pursue a diff-
erent method in extracting the colour; for they neither kill the fish, nor take it en-
tirely out of its shell; but squeeze it so hard as to express a juice, with which they
die the thread, and afterwards replace the fish on the rock whence it was taken."

^^' Juan and Ulloa, A Voyage to South America, vol. 1 , p. 281 : " As the pestilence,
whose ravages among the human species in Europe, and other parts, are so dreadful,

136 SANDRA HERBERT

is unknown both at Quito and throughout all America, so is also the madness in dogs.
And though they have some idea of the pestilence, and call those diseases similar in
their effects by that name, they are entirely ignorant of the canine madness; and
express their astonishment when an European [sic] relates the melancholy effects of
it."

232 T'jjis entry is written in light brow n ink.

^^^ Humboldt, Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, vol. 4, p. 58: "It is
observed at .Acapulco that the shakes take three different directions, sometimes
coming from the west by the isthmus [which separates Acapulco from the Bay de la
Langosta de la .\bra de San Nicolas] . . . sometimes from the north west as if they were
from the volcano de Colima, and sometimes coming from the south. The earthquakes
which are felt in the direction of the south are attributed to submarine volcanoes; for
they see here, what I often observed at night in the Callao of Lima, that the sea
becomes suddenly agitated in a most alarming manner in calm and serene weather
when not a breath of wind is blowing." This entry is written in light brown ink.

^''* Of the petrified trees he found on the Uspallata range Darwin wrote {JR, p.
406): "Mr. Robert Brown [note 198] has been kind enough to examine the wood: he
says it is coniferous, and that it partakes of the character of the .\raucarian tribe (to
which the common South Chilian pine belongs), but with some curious points of
affinity with the yew." Also see GSA, p. 202 for repetition of the same information.
From Darwin's correspondence it is clear that Brown described the specimens of
silicified wood sometime during the period from the end of March to mid-May 1837.
On 28 March Darwin wrote to J. S. Henslow (note 148) telling of Brown's general
interests in specimens from the Beagle voyage ; on 10 April Darwin wrote to the English
naturalist Leonard Jenyns [later Leonard Blomefield] (1800-1893): "Tell Henslow,
I think my silicified wood has unflintified Mr. Brown's heart"; and on 18 May
Darwin wrote to Henslow with Brown's identification of the specimens. For the
Darwin-Henslow letters see Nora Barlow, ed., Darwin and Henslow, pp. 125, 127. For
the letter to Jenyns see Francis Darwin, ed., The Life and Letters of Charles Darwin
(3rd ed. rev.; London, 1888), vol. 1, p. 282.

^^^ Jean Andre Deluc, Geological Travels. 3 vols. (London, 1810-1811).

^^^ Francis Beaufort, Karamania; or, A Brief Description of the South Coast of
Asia-Minor and of the Remains of Antiquity, with Plans, Views, &c., Collected during a
Survey of That Coast. . .in. ..1811-1812 (London, 1817).

^^'' Ross, A Voyage of Discovery . . .for the Purpose of Exploring Baffin's Ray,
Appendix No. 3, 'Table of Soundings obtained in Davis' Strait and Baffin's Bay'.

238 William Scoresby, Jr., An Account of the Arctic Regions, with a History and
Description of the Northern Whale-fishery (Edinburgh, 1820), vol. 1, pp. 184-194

NOTES 137

entitled, 'Temperature, Depth, and Pressure of the Greenland Sea, with a Descrip-
tion of an Apparatus for bringing up Water from great Depths, and an Account of
Experiments made with it'.

^^^ Gilbert Farquhar Mathison, Narrative of a Visit to Brazil, Chile, Peru, and the
Sandwich Islands. . .1821-1822 (London, 1825).

^^° John Mawe, Travels in the Gold and Diamond Districts of Brazil (A new ed.;
London, 1825). The first two editions of this work had been entitled Travels in the
Interior of Brazil. This was, however, the edition which Darwin owned.

^^^ Alessandro Malaspina (1754—1809), Spanish navigator of Italian birth. From
1789-1794 Malaspina led a major Spanish scientific expedition to circumnavigate the
earth. However, on his return to Spain, Malaspina fell from favour, partly owing to
court intrigue and partly to Malaspina's critical attitude towards Spain's treatment of
her colonies. Malaspina was imprisoned and the full account of his work, which was
to run to seven volumes, was never completed. His own narrative of the voyage was
finally published in 1885 under the title I'iaje politico-cientifico alrededor del mundo por
las corbetas Descubierta v Atrevida . . .1789-1794 (Madrid, 1885). Earlier Malaspina's
navigational work appeared in official Spanish charts, where it was much praised (see,
for example. Parish, Buenos Ayres, pp. 96-98), although Malaspina was not credited
for his contribution. A few of his observations were eventually published under his
own name as 'Tablas de latitudes y longitudes de los principales puntos del Rio de la
Plata', in Pedro de Angelis, Coleccion de obras y documentos relativos a la historia
antigua y moderna de las provincias del Rio de la Plata (Buenos- Aires, 1837), vol. 6.

^^^ Faddei Faddeevich Bellinsgauzen, /jByKpaTHbia HSMCKaHia Bb lOsKHOMb JTeAO-
BHTOMb OKcaHB. . .1819-1821 [Dvukratnia izyskaniia v lUzhnom Ledovitom Okeane
. . .1819-1821]. 2 vols, plus atlas. (St. Petersburg, 1831). The original work was pub-
lished in a limited edition of 600 copies. For an English translation see Frank Debenham,
ed.. The Voyage of Captain Bellingshausen to the Antarctic Seas 1819-1821. 2 vols.
(London, 1945).

^*^ Otto von Kotzebue, A Voyage of Discovery, into the South Sea and Beeritig's
Straits. ..1815-1818. 3 vols. (London, 1821).

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Society of London, vol. 11 (1815), pp. 205-206.

Rogers, Henry D. 'On the Falls of Niagara and the reasonings of some authors
respecting them.' American Journal of Science and the Arts. vol. 27 (1835), pp. 326-
335.

Ross, John. A Voyage of Discovery, Made under the Orders of the Admiralty, in His
Majesty's Ships Isabella and Alexander, for the Purpose of Exploring Baffin's Bay,
and Inquiring into the Probability of a North-West Passage. London, 1819.

Roussin, Albin-Reine. Le Pilote du Bresil, ou Description des cotes de I'Amerique
meridionale, situees entre Vile Santa-Catharina et celle de Maranhao ; cartes et
plans de ces cotes et instructions pour nariguer dans les mers du Bresil, compose sur
les documents recueillis dans la compagne hydrographique . . . e.xecutee en 1819 et 1820
sur la corvette la Bayadere et le brig le Favori. . .par M. le B"" Roussin,. . .Paris,
1826.

Scoresby, Jr., William. An Account of the Arctic Regions, with a History and
Description of the Northern Whale-fishery. 2 vols. Edinburgh, 1820.

Scrope, George Poulett. Considerations on Volcanos, the Probable Causes of Their
Phenomena, the Laws Which Determine Their March, the Disposition of Their
Products, and Their Connexion with the Present State and Past Historv of the
Globe; Leading to the Establishment of a New Theory of the Earth. London, 1825.

Shepard, Charles U. 'On the Strontianite of Schoharie, (N.Y.) with a Notice of the
Limestone Cavern in the same place.' American Journal of Science and Arts. vol.
27 (1835), pp. 363-370.

Shuttleworth, Nina L. Kay. A Life of Sir Woodbine Parish, K.C.H., F.R.S., 1796-
1882.... London, 1910.

Smith, Andrew. Illustrations of the Zoology of South Africa; Consisting Chiefly of
Figures and Descriptions of the Objects of Natural Historv Collected during an
Expedition into the Interior of South Africa, in the Years 1834, 1835, and 1836;
Fitted Out by " The Cape of Good Hope Association for Exploring Central Africa:"
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Ranges of Species in that Quarter of the Globe. 5 parts. London, 1838-1849.

Sturt, Charles. Two Expeditions into the Interior of Southern Australia during the
Years 1828, 1829, 1830, and 1831: With Observations on the Soil, Climate, and

152 SANDRA HERBERT

General Resources of the Colony of New South Wales. By Capt. Charles Sturt,
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Webster, William H. B. Xarrative of a Voyage to the Southern Atlantic Ocean, in the
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of the Admiralty. 2 vols. London, 1834.

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New Haven and London, 1972.

Index to persons named in
the Red Notebook

Page references are to the original notebook

Acosta, Jose de, 116

Angelis, Pedro de, 143e

Aubuisson de Voisins, Jean Francois d',

inside front cover
Azara, Felix d', 126

Bailiy, Joseph-Charles, 118, 119, 120

Barrow, Jr., John, 159

Beaufort, Francis, 181

Beechey, Frederick William, 15e, 45e, 97e

Bellinsgauzen, Faddei Faddeevich, 181

Bolingbroke, Henry, 124

Bory de Saint-Vincent, Jean Baptiste, 71

Bougainville, Louis Antoine de, 177e

Boussingault, Jean Baptiste Joseph, 158e

Brown, Mr, 155

Brown, Robert, 161

Buch, Leopold von, 44e, 137e, 150

Burchell, William J., 86, 134e

Bynoe, Benjamin, 141e

Carne, Joseph, 20e

Chladni, Ernst Florenz Friedrich, 170e

[172e]
Conybeare, William D., 22, 46e, 47, 142e
Cook, James, 140e

Dampier, William, 8e, 10, 15e

Darby, William, 84

Darwin, Caroline [?], 125

Darwin, Erasmus (brother), 115

Darwin, Erasmus (grandfather), 170e [172e]

Daubeny, Charles, 38e, 43e, 44e, 47, 51, 89

Davy, Humphry, 95

De La Beche, Henry Thomas, 19e, 20e, 67e

Deluc, Jean Andre, 181

Falkner, Thomas, 67e
Fitton, William, 6e, 38e, 101
FitzRoy, Captain Robert, 67e, 135e
Foster, Henry, 138
Fox, Robert Were, 20e

Gaimard, Paul, 174e
Gay, Claude, 65e

Helms, Anthony Zachariah, 155

Henry, Samuel P., 12

Henslow, John Stevens, 5e, 7e, 127

Herschel, John, 32, 115

Hoffman, Friedrich, 165e

Holland, Henry, 159

Humboldt, Alexander von, 24, 43e, 70, 72,

73, lOOe, 157e, 160, 163e, 164e, 165e,

166e, 171e, 176e, 177e
Hutton. James, 112, 161

Isabelle, Arsene, 158e

Klaproth, Martin Heinrich, 167e
Kotzebue, Otto von, 181

Labillardiere, Jacques Julien Houtou de,

5e, 12
La Condamine, Charles Marie de, 56e
La Perouse, Jean Francois Galaup de, 15e
Lesson, Rene Primevere, 62, 101, 102
Lister, Joseph Jackson ['L. Jackson'], 24
Lyell, Charles, inside front cover, 44e, 52,
57, 60, 61, 63, 65e, 67e, 68e, 70, 79, 82,
83, 84, 88e, lOOe, 137e, 145e, 158e

Mackenzie, George Steuart, 90, 159
Malaspina, Alessandro, 181

154

SANDRA HERBERT

Marsden, Thomas, 90

Mathison, Gilbert Farquhar, 181

JNIawe, John, 181

Michell, John, 80

Miers, John, 56e, lOOe

Mitscherlich, Eilhert, 165e

Molina, Juan Ignacio, inside front cover, 63

Moreau de Jonnes, Alexandre, 90

Murchison, Roderick, 142e

Orbigny, Alcide Dessalines d', 174e
Owen, Richard, 113e, 127
Owen, William F. W., 64

Parish, Woodbine, 126, 142e, 143e, 155,

157e, 170e [172ei
Pernety, Antoine Joseph, 102
Phillip, Arthur, 126
Phillips, William, 89
Playfair, John, 110
Powers, Mrs, 17

Quoy, Jean Rene Constantin, 174e

Ross, John, 114e, 181
Roussin, Albin-Reinc, 22, 91
Rozales, Signor, 155

Scoresby, William, 181
Scrope, George Poulett, 77
Smith, Andrew, 32
Sorrell, Thomas, 99e
Sowerby, James de Carle, 144e
Sturt, Charles, 126

Temple, Edmond, 125, 157e

Ulloa, Antonio de, 75, 105e, 125, 176e, 177e

Volney, Constantin Franc^ois, 8e, 52

Webster, John W., 126
Webster, William H. B., 125

Subject index to the Red Notebook

Page references are to the original notebook

Adaptation of species in relation to extinc-
tion, 133-134e
Algae. See Confervae
Alluvial plains not always most favourable

to wild animals, 86
Andes, quantity of matter from crevice of,

136e
Anglesea, geological strata of, 5e-7e
Animal : effects of puncturing one with

dead body of another, 178 ; with sets

described by d'Orbigny, 174e
Animals: preservation of, 115; at Spitz-

bergen, 159
Antarctic vegetation, 125
Ascension Island : lamins in rocks, 45e ;

vegetation and animal life, 79
Ash, volcanic, 67e
Avestruz (rhea), 127, 130, 153

Basalt, columnar and orbicular structure of,
153

Bones, preservation of, 45e

Boulders : none on South African plains or
in Sydney, 32 ; travelled in Cordovise
range, 155 : in upper strata in Europe in
accordance with ice theory, 114e. See
also Erratic blocks

Breccia between primary and secondary
formations, 110

Brecciated white stone of Chiloe, 42

Callao, country north of formerly covered

by sea, 105e-106e
Carcasses of animals floating to the sea, 65e
Casts : preservation of, 42 ; of shells, 61
Channels, submarine, 86-87e

Cleavage : cases of symmetrical structure,
38e ;crystalsof felspar arranged in planes,
21 ; Fitton's Australian case, 101 ; not
explained by rotation of fluid in earth's
interior, 41 ; of strata at Anglesea, 5e ; and
veins, 21

Cliffs : origin of at St Helena, 38e-41 ; in
relation to elevations, 60 ; at St Helena,
Ascension, Azores, 107

Climate : changes in related to occurrences
in earth's interior, 41 ; and horse. See
also Species change ; Vegetation

Coal, formation of, 34e-36e

Cocos fish, 36e-37e

Concepcion, strata at, 102

Concretionary action and chemical laws,
165e

Concretionary structure in pitchstone, 121

Concretions : origin of form of at Chiloe,
160 ; in shells, 6Se

Conductors of heat and electricity. 170e
[172e]

Confervae, floating marine, 5e

Conglomerate(s) : of Amazon and Orinoco
perhaps same as that of Pernambuco,
lOOe ; formed in shallow water, 19e ; at
Ischia, 90 ; removal of by ocean at
Peuquenes, Portillo ranges, 151 ; trans-
portal between two ranges, 152

Continents in relation to great movements,
117

Coral : germination of, 24 ; hypothesis, 117 ;
reefs and limestone in N. Wales, 93e

Cordillera : extent of, 155 ; gypseous forma-
tion of, 137e; and horizontal movement
of fluid matter, 149 ; lakes of, 155 ; lavas

156

SANDRA HERBERT

Cordillera (continued)
of, 87e ; lines of elevation connecting
points of eruption, 137e ; map by Hum-
boldt of, lS7e ; porphyry of, 87e

Craters of elevation : and degradation of
landlocked harbors, 144e ; in relation to
inland bays, 139

Creation of new species : in relation to
adaptation, 130 ; on volcanic islands, 127.
See also Species change

Crustacean living in brine, 127

Crust of earth, thinness of, 131, 154

Crystals arranging themselves in planes,
115

Cuba, serpentine form of, 24

Cuttlefish bones on surface of ocean near
Abrolhos shoals, 10

Death of species, 129-130. See also Extinc-
tion of species ; Loss of species

Desert life, 52

Die, purple : from species of shellfish, 177e

Dikes : carbonate of lime in Plas Xewydd
dike, 7e ; chemical and physical aspects
of, 78-79 ; chlorite in at Anglesea, 7e ; in
Cordillera, 37e ; frequency of in granitic
countries, 56e ; in Galapagos Archi-
pelago, 31 ; pitchstone parting in at
Vesuvius compared to St Helena, 63 ; in
relation to volcanos, 58-59 ; variety in
nature of, 7e

Dogs, mad : none in Azores, 126. See also
Hydrophobia

Droughts : effect on animals in Buenos
Ayres and Africa, 64— 65e list of, 126

Earth, fluid nucleus of, 111-112. See also
Geology of world

Earthquake(s) : at Acapulco, 177e; accom-
panied by rains, 76-77 ; at Calabria, 75 ;
cause of, 158e; at Concepcion, 155;
connection between those of Sumatra and
Priamang, 90; at Cordoba, 144e; at
Cordova where lake absorbed, 157e-158e;
at Dcmerara connected with shooting
upwards of land, 124 ; drying up a lake.

142e ; of 1812, 70 ; elevation subsequent
to more easily discovered inland than on
coast, 75 ; fields of in Chili, 70 ; fissures
of ground accompanving, 75 ; as part of
necessary process of terrestrial renova-
tion, 112 ; at Pasto, 144e ; present absence
of at Mendoza, 158e ; at Quito, 158e ; in
Radack and Ralix Islands, 101 ; report of
one at sea, 33e ; at St Helena, 125;
travelling 500 leagues, 116 ; travelling in
order, 116; near Tucman and Salta, 1 57e ;
Wager's the most southern, 17 ; waves
accompanying at sea, 80-83 Electricity :
affecting arrangement of crystals, 115;
conducting of in slate vs unstratified
rocks 6e
Elevation : accompanied by partial shrink-
ing of crust, 83 ; analogy of movement on
West coast and plains of South America,
61 ; fluid rock as cause, 61 ; insensible at
Concepcion, 149 ; of land near Red Sea,
148 ; operated more equably in South
America than in France, 69 ; of Patagon-
ian plains, 83 ; recent in South America,
60-61 ; of sea bottom at Concepcion,
106e; at Tierra del Fuego, 140e ; waves
obliterating signs of, 115-116. See also
Oscillations of level
Elevations as constantly going on, 117
Epidote : in Anglesea, 6e ; in Australia, 6e
Erratic blocks : angular vs rounded, 20e.

See also Boulders
European geology showing limited volcanic
action and earthquakes, local elevation,
135e. See also Geology of world
Extinction of species : in relation to adapta-
tion, 133 ; in relation to death of individ-
ual, 133. See also Death of species

Falkland Islands: broken hill at, 102;

cleavage at, 102 ; .Silurian fossils of, 144e ;

stream of stones at, 102
Faults in South America, 37e
Figure of earth. See Geology of world
Fossil bones : of Miocene period blackened,

68e ; at St Julian, 113e

SUBJECT INDEX

157

Fossil remains, sharks distributing, 12
Fossils of Falkland Islands, 142e
Fossil wood : in collection of R. Brown, 161 ;
as described by Hutton, 161 ; preserva-
tion of dicotyledonous vs coniferous, 156
Fuegians, Bougainville's observation on,
177e

Geographical distribution : of birds and
animals in South America, 128; and
occurrence of allied species, 153 ; of
plants in Chili, 52; of rats, 129; of
waders, 128

Geological forces, arguments for slow
acting, 108-109

Geology of world : analogy between Weal-
den and Bolivia, 152 ; conclusions drawn
from Europe and America applicable, 18 ;
powers acting from great depths, 123 ;
question of relation between rising and
falling areas, 77; reference to, 180; as
related to rotation in fluid matter of
globe, 41 ; simplicity of, 72 ; South
America and Europe compared, 125 ; and
vertical movements, 73

Glaciers most abundant in interior channels
135e

Gold mines of Cordillera, 176e

Gradualism, arguments for, 108-109

Granite : metalliferous in contact with sedi-
mentary rocks in Alps, lOOe ; orbicular
structure of, 153; in relation to breccia
between primary and secondary forma-
tions, 110

Gravel as origin of white beds in Patagonia
114e

Greenstone cones, origin of, 88e-89

Greywacke generally absent in Tierra del
Fuego, 99e

Guanuaxuato, geology of, 170e-171e, 175e

Habitation in perpetual snow, subterranean
lakes, near volcanos, and in lakes of brine,
128

Hippopotamus bones, preservation of in
shark's belly, 8e-9

H.M.S. Beagle, dates relating to voyage,

inside front cover
Horse not perished because climate too

cold, 113e
Hydrophobia, absence of at various places,

177e. See also Dogs, mad

Ice, 14Ie ; and columnar structure of com-
pared to granite and basalt, 153

Icebergs stranded on shores of Georgia, 99e

Ice theory and boulders, 114e

Indians and use of arrows, 156

Infusoria, inside front cover

Inosculation of species, 130

Iron : in combination resisting oxidation,
170e[172e]; masses of as described by
Humboldt, 160-161 ; specimen of from
Atacama, 156

Lava : bubbles in, 1 59 ; in Cordillera and on

Eastern plains by Antuco, 143e ; flowing

up hill, 159 ; freshness of at Ascension,

17 ; in Iceland, 90
Life at 1,000 fathoms below freezing point,

114e
Limestone(s) : formed in shallow water,

19e ; origin of in N. Wales, 93e
Llama, cause of extinction of one form of,

129
Loss of species, causes of in South America,

85

Mastodon inhabiting plains of Patagonia as

Rhinoceros inhabits S. Africa, 85-86
Mauritius : main skeleton of mountains of,

118-120; volcanic cone of, 119-120
Megatherium, loss of in South America,

85
Metals : absent in Polynesian Islands, 145e ;

in Mexico, Humboldt on, 160-171e,

175e-176e ; transportationof by chemical

means, 16Se
Metamorphic action coming near surface,

156
Metamorphism of shales, 63

158

SANDRA HERBERT

Meteoric iron, 160-162

Meteoric stone(s) : magnetic quality of in
relation to origin, 162; Mexican, 170e
[172e]

Meteorology', information on in Dampier's
and Volney's travels, 8e

Mountains : as fractures consequent on
grand rise, 48 ; as lines of effect of expan-
sions acting at great depths, 101 ; of
Mauritius, 118-120

New South Wales, sandstone and granite
districts in, 101

New Zeeland (Zealand) : north part of
volcanic, 102 ; rich in particular genera
of plants, 62, 102

Nodules in clay slate and gneiss, 5e

North American geology in Silliman's
Journal, 142e

Notes by author on content of Red Note-
book,'180

Ocean bottom : changes in, 97e ; deepening
on E. coast Africa as at Brazil, 91 ; deep
off Pacifick coast, 97e ; life at, 19e, 1 14e ;
and preservation of animals, 115 ; slope
of at shore, 97e-98e

Ocean surf and organic productions, 93e-
95e

Organic productions and ocean surf, 93e-
95e

Oscillations of level of land : as caused by
movement of viscid nucleus, 48 ; as
correlated with beds, 46e-48 ; in Europe
as compared to Cordillera, 22 ; as regard
formations described by Convbeare, 23 ;
with respect to Secondary formation, 51 ;
in the upheaval of Andes, 64. See also
Geology of world

Oysters above reach of tides at Santos,
134e

Patagonian shingle interstratificd with

sediment, lOOe
Pearlstones, layers of, 89

Pebbles : blended by travelling in swell,
67e ; in Cordillera as mark of elevation,
99e ; distribution of, 50 ; on Pampas and
near Amazon, 56 ;of porphyry at Falkland
Islands, 140e ; in relation to white matter
beneath them, 62 ; at St Helena coated
with Tosca, 84 ; white matter beneath
them destructive to animal life, 62

Petrifaction of limestone, 23

Pitchstone, origin of brecciated structure of,
121

Porphyry : of Mexican Cordillera, 176e ; of
Mexico rich in gold and silver, 163e; in
Valle del Yeso upheaved in dry form, 68e.
See also Rocks, porphyritic

Preservation of a man's body at Deception
Island, 139

Primitive formations, 110, 163e

Propagation of species compared to individ-
uals, 132

Pumice, scarcity of at Auvergne and in
Galapagos, 38e

Quadrupeds in connection with movement
of land at Tierra del Fuego, 140e

Rains accompanying earthquakes, 76-77

Representation of species, 130

Rhinoceros, nature of the country it inhab-
its, 85-86

Rise of land as evidenced by shells at Rio de
Janeiro, 65e

Rocks : brought home by Capt. Foster
expedition, 138; buoyed with kelp, 52;
calcareous, 120-121 ; difference of plu-
tonic and volcanic metalliferous, 136e;
grooves in, 69; igneous, 123 ; porphyri-
tic, 86 ; volcanic, 67e, 144e ; volcanic and
plutonic, 79

Rubber, Indian, 178

Sagitta triptera, 174e

St Helena, native mounse of, 79

Sand, movement of causing sound, 50-51

Sandstone from Falkland Islands, 142e

SUBJECT INDEX

159

Sea : action of on coast, 93e ; as agency in
the formation of minerals, 28-31 ; power
of in altering land, 148

Seaweed at Kerguelen Island, 140-141e

Secondary formation(s), 33e, 47, 51, 110,
163e-164e

Sharks, range of, front cover

Shells : as argument for rise, 37e ; on banks
of Red River, 84 ; at Concepcion, 106e ;
frequency of in concretions and in flints,
27 ; inland from Quilmes to Punta Indio,
143e; at Quillota, lOOe

Shoaling of coast(s) : 4Se, 180; in Brazil,
16e; around globe, 15e; and ratio of
gravel, sand deposits, 91. See also Ocean
bottom

Silicified bones, 22

Silicified wood : preservation of, 46e ;
specimen of, 178

Silurian rocks at Falkland Islands, 142e,
144e

Silver: mines of, 166e, 168e-169e, 175e-
176e ; ores of in Peru, Mexico, and
Europe, 167e

Solfataras, products of, 162

Solution and deposition under pressure,
laws of, 170e[172e]

South American geology : character of, 71 ;
and vulcanism, 145e

Space as a relation between species, 130

Species change : and adaptation, 133-134e ;
affected by neighbouring continent, 127-
128 ; and allied species, 153 ; and changes
undergone by simple vs complex animals,
inside front cover ; and common parents,
153 ; and life-span of species, 129 ; not
gradual, 130; not progressive, 127; and
propagation, 131 ; and the relation of
species over time, space, 130 ; and repre-
sentative species, 130; and volcanic
islands, 127

Springs : life in, 127 ; in relation to rain
water, 31 ; at S. Cruz, 140e

Strata : dislocation of, 147 ; formation of in
England, 45e ; at Hobart town compared
to Tierra del Fuego, 21 ; in Patagonia,

86 ; secondary, accumulating off Galap-
agos, 55e ; subsidence of in Chiloe, 87e

Submarine tilting, 68e

Subsidence : at Ascension, 60 ; caused by
movement fluid matter, 77 ; indicated by
silicified trees, 152, 154; at Tierra del
Fuego, 140e

Terraces : in Chili compared to St. Jago,

99e ; preservation of in valleys, 63
Tertiary formations 20e, 36e, 47, 102
Tierra del Fuego : origin of form of land at,

140e ; soundings off, 140e
Time as a relation between species, 130
Trachytes, steam acting on, 165e
Transmutation. See Species change

Valleys, transverse : role of tides in forming,
141e

Van Diemen Land, granite of, 120

Vegetation : of Antarctic, 125 ; and climate
on islands, 138; correlation of with
animal life, 134e; at Deception Island,
139 ; limits of at South Shetland, 128 ; in
relation to Indian habitation, 125 ; on
two sides of Cordillera, 128

Veins : described by Lyell, 88e ; ferruginous
in sandstone, 66e ; metallic, 20e, 164e-
166e ; at Monte Video, 87e ; of quartz
rare, 7e ; richest for mining at Potosi,
106e ; containing silver, 168e-171e, I75e-
176e

Volcanic action : Barrow's opinion of line
of, 159 ; none on coastline of Old Green-
land, 159; against Sir J. Herschel's
explanation of, 32

Volcanic activity, origin of in relation to
dislocation of strata, 146-147

Volcanic ash, pisolitic balls in, 72

Volcanic craters : chimney shape of, 1 10 ; in
relation to cliffs, 107

Volcanic eruptions : as accidents which are
part of a regular system, 76 ; difficulty of
gaining information on, 75 ; distribution
of, 70 ; effects accompanying when sub-
marine, 74 ; periods of, 70 ; at Mauritius,

160

SANDRA HERBERT

Volcanic eruptions (continued)

71 ; simultaneous with Lima earthquake,
75

Volcanic islands and species change, 127

Volcanic theon,-, 79

Volcanos : as chemical retorts, 78 ; construc-
tion of, 43e^He ; described by Isabelle,
158e ; distribution of, 43e ; interior
structure of, 57-59 ; as linked with
elevations in long duration, 117; origin
of in Cordillera, 10-1 1 ; in Pampas, 144e ;

as platforms for coral reefs, 90-91 ;
sulphureous of Java, 137e; as useful
chemical instruments, 112; vapours of,
44e
Voyages : Chanticleer's, 33e ; to read, 181 ;
Roussin's, 22

Waves, form of accompanving earthquakes,

80-83
Wood, conversion of to siliceous, pyritous

and coaly matter, 28

Geographical index to the Red Notebook

Page references are to the original notebook

Abrolhos shoals, 10, 16e

Acapulco, 163e, 177e

Africa, 64-65e, 91, 97e

Aleutian Archipelago, 38e

Alps, lOOe

Amazon River, 56e, lOOe, 170e

America, 18, 97e, 105e, 169e

America, northwest coastline of, 15e, 45e,

97e
Andes mountains, 7e, 11, 44e, 52, 64, 69,

125, 136e. See also Cordillera
Anglesea (Anglesey), 5e-7e
Antarctic (Antarctica), 125
Antuco, 143e

Araucaria (Araucania), 178
Arequipa, 116
Ascension Island, 17, 42, 45e, 60, 72, 79,

89-90, 93e, 107, 129
Atacama, 156
Auckland Islands, 138
Australia, 6e, 9, 30, 38e, 66e, 72, 73, 97e,

101, 127, 177e
Auvergne, 38e
Azores, 107, 126, 165e, 177e

Bahama Islands, 27, 180
Bahia (Salvador), 16e, 56e, 66e, 93e-94e
Bahia Blanca, 67e-68e, 113e
Banda Oriental, 56e
Banska Stiavnica. See Schemnitz
Batopilas, 168e
Beagle Channel, 148
Bermejo, Rio. See Vermejo
Bolivia, 152

Brazil, 15e-16e, 33e, 63, 91, 98e, 131, 143e,
181

Britain, 22, 50

Buenos Ayres (Buenos Aires), 64

Calabria, 75, 83

California, Gulf of, 148

Callao, 95e, 105e-106e

Cape of Good Hope, 15e, 56e, 134e, 177e

Cape Verde Islands, 99e. See also St Jago

Carelmapu, 34e

Caracas, 70, 110

Catorce, 175e

Chesil Bank [Portland, England], 67e

Chili (Chile), 31, 34e, 36e, 40e, 52, 56e, 68e,

70, 75, 76, 80, 99e, 116
Chilioe (Chiloe), 20e, 28, 34e, 42, 46e, 66e,

69,71, 87e, 130, 160, 165e-166e
Chonos Archipelago, 7e, 36e, 56e, 63
Chota, 166e
Christmas Sound, 140e
Chupat, River (Ri'o Chubat), 67e
Chuquisaca, 155
Cocos Islands (Keeling Islands), 105e. See

also Keeling Islands
Concepcion (Concepcion), 7e, 22, 24, 34e,

36e, 71, 75, 82, 102, 106e, 115, 149,

154-155
Copiap6, 40e, 50, 56e, 71, 155
Coquimbo, 24, 42, 61, 102
Cordillera, 10, 22, 32, 37e, 41, 46e, 74, 76,

87e-88e, 99e, 128, 131, 136e-137e, 143e-

144e, 149-152, 155, 157e, 163e, 176e.

See also Andes
Cordoba, Cordova (Cordoba), 142e, 144e,

157e-158e
Cordivise range (Sierra de Cordoba), 155
Cornwall, 59

162

SA>rDRA HERBERT

Corstorphine hills. See Costorphine hills
Corstorphine hills (Corstorphine hills)

[Edinburgh], 69
Cotopaxi, 43e
Crozet Islands, 138
Cuba, 24

Deception Island, 139
Defonsos. See II Defonsos
Demerara (Guyana), 33e, 124
Desaguadero, 155

East Indian Archipelago (Malay Archi-
pelago), 5e, 9, 38e

England, 34e, 37e, 45e-47, 50-51, 55e, lOOe

Etna, 57, 137e

Europe, 18, 22, 38e, 49, 73, 110, 114e, 125,
135e, 167e, 169e

Famine, Port (Puerto del Hambre) [Tierra

del Fuego], 99e
France, 68e-69
Friendly Islands (Tonga), 12
Falkland Islands, 98e, 102, 140e, 142e, 144e
Frio, Cape (Cabo Frio), 16e

Galapagos Islands (Galapagos Islands), 31,
38e, 43e, 55e, 60, 69, 72, 90, 105e, 110,
165e, 177e

Garcia de Avila [Brazil], 16e

Georgia. See South Georgia Island

Germany, 68e

Greenland. See Old Greenland

Guacho (Quebrado del Guacho.?) [Chile],
36e

Gualgayoc (Hualgayoc), 166e

Guantajaya. See Huantajaia

Guanaxuato, 170e-171e, 175e

Guasco [Chile], 71

Guatemala, 166e

Guayaquil, 177e

Guyana. See Demerara

Hambre, Puerto del. See Famine, Port
Hawaiian Islands. See Sandwich Islands
Hobart town (Hobart), 21

Hualgayoc. See Gualgayoc

Huantajaia (Huantajaya, or Guantajaya),

176e
Hungary, 164e, 171e

Iceland, 90, 159

II Defonsos (Islas Ildefonso) [Tierra del

Fuego], 94e
India, 72
Indus River, 68e
Iquiqui (Iquique) [Chile], 31
Ireland, 159
Ischia, 90

Isle of White (Isle of Wight), 87e
Italy, 117
Itapicuru, Rio (Rio Itapecuru), 16e

James Island (Santiago Island) [GaUpagos

Islands], 43e
Jan Meyen Island (Jan Mayen Island),

159
Java, 9, 44e, 137e

Joatingua (Ponta de Juatinga) [Brazil], 16e
Juan Fernandez (Juan Fernandez Islands),

80, 105e

Karamania, 181

Keeling Islands, 129. See also Cocos Islands

Kerguelen Land (Kerguelen Islands), 138,

140e-141e
King George Sound, 56e
Kongsberg, 168e
Kosir (Kosseir), 148

Legrand, Bay of (obsolete) [Austraha], 12

Lima, 75, 116

Lisbon, 80

Loch Lomond, 80

London, 33e

Macqueries (Macquarie Islands), 138
Madagascar, 98e
Madeira, 82

Maipo, Ri'o. See Maypo River
Malay Archipelago. See East Indian Archi-
pelago

GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX

163

Maldonado, 7e

Marfil [Mexico], 171e

Marion Island, 138

Marques (Marquez), 105e

Marshall Islands. See Radack, Ralix Islands

Maypo River (Ri'o Maipo), 20e

Mauritius, 71, 118-120

Mendoza, 155, 158e

Mexico, 160, 163e, 167e-168e, 171e-[172e],

176e. See also New Spain
Mineral del Monte. See Real del Monte
Mississippi River, 70
Mocha Island, 15e, 34e
Monte Video (Montevideo), 56e, 87e, 144e
Moran [abandoned mining district near

Real del Monte], 171e, 175e
Mount Hermoso (Monte Hernioso), 69,

113e

New Biscay, 168e

New Holland (Australia), Be, 15e

New Madrid, 70

New Providence Island, 27

New Spain (Mexico), 164e, 169e

New Zealand, 38e, 62, 102, 129

North America, 72, 142e

Norway, 159, 168e

Obstruction Sound (Estero Obstruccion)

[Tierra del Fuego], 141e
Old Greenland (Greenland), 159
Olinda, 16e
Orinoco River, lOOe

Pacifick Ocean (Pacific Ocean), 11, 73, 77,

81, 97e, 158e
Pampas, 56e, 144e
Paramillos, Sierra de los. See Uspallata

range
Paranagua (Paranagua), 16e
Pasco, 166e
Pasto, 144e
Patagonia, 36e-37e, 41, 45e, 47, 49-50, 52,

62, 67e, 83, 85-86, 99e-100e, 114e
Pataz, 176e
Payta (Paita) [Peru], 102

Pernambuco (Recife), 33e, 93e-94e, lOOe

Peru, 80, 89, 116, 156, 166e-168e, 181

Plata (Rio de la Plata), 110

Polynesian Islands (Polynesia), 145e

Pompeei (Pompeii), 71

Port Desire (Puerto Deseado), 86, 99e, 1 14e,

139
Portillo line (Cordon del Portillo), 150-151
Portillo Pass (Paso del Portillo), 44e
Port Louis, 17
Portugal, 82
Possession Bay, 114e
Possession, Cape [Hoseason Island], 138
Potosi (Potosi), 106e, 166e
Prince Edward Island, 138
Puerto Deseado. See Port Desire
Peuquenes range (Cordillera de los Piu-

quenes), 151
Piuquenes. See Peuquenes
Point Indio (Punta Indio), 143e
Priamang. (probably Priaman), 90

QuiUota, lOOe, 150
Quilmes, 143e
Quito, 116, 158e, 177e

Radack Islands (Ratak Chain, Marshall

Islands), 101
Ralix Islands (Ralik Chain, Marshall

Islands), 101
Real, Rio, 16e

Real del Monte (Mineral del Monte), 175e
Recife. See Pernambuco
Red River Louisiana, 84
Red Sea, 51, 148
Rialeja, 60 (location.?)
Rio de Janeiro, 16e, 24, 37e, 56e, 65e
Rock, Cape (Capo de Sao Roque), 16e

Salado (Ri'o Salado), 64

Salta, 155, 157e

Salvador, See Bahia

Sandwich Islands (Hawaiian Islands), 138,

181
Rio San Franciso (Rio Sao Francisco do

Norte), 16e

164

SANDRA HERBERT

San Julian. See St Julian

San Lorenzo, 40e

Santa Catarina, Ilha de. See St Catherine

Santa Cruz, Rio, 107, 140e

Santos, 134e

Sao Roque, Capo de. See Rock, Cape

Sao Sebastiao, Ilha de. See St Sebastian

Sao Tiego Island. See St Jago

Schemnitz (Banska Stiavnica), 171e

Scotland, 159

Sergipe, Rio, 16e

Shark's Bay (Shark Bay), 9

Siberia, 85

South .Africa, 32, 72-73, 85-86, 113e

South America, 10, 18, 43e, S6e, 60-61,

68e-69, 71, 73, 77, 85, 125, 128, 143e,

145e, 169e
(South) Georgia Island, 99e
South Shetland Islands, 128, 138-139
S. Paulo, Morro (Morro de Sao Paulo), 16e
Spitzbergen (Spitsbergen), 159
St Catherine (Ilha de Santa Catarina), 16e,

102
St Helena (Saint Helena), 38e-41e, 43e, 59,

62, 63, 79, 84, 94e, 107, 110, 125, 167e,

177e
St Jago (Sao Tiago Island) [Cape V'erde

Islands], 99e, 107
St Julian (San Julian), 62, 113e, 139
St Pauls (Saint Paul Rocks), 24
Straits of Magellan (Strait of Magellan), 87e
Stromboli, 137e
St Sebastian (Ilha de Sao Sebastiao)

[Brazil], 16e

Sumatra, 90

Sydney, 12, 15e, 32, 56e, 101, 126

Syria, 52

Tasco, 171e, 175e-176e

Tasmania. See Van Diemen Land

Teneriffe, 43e

Tierra del Fuego, 17, 21, 88e, 99e, 140e,

148, 177e
Tonga. See Friendly Islands
Tres Montes, Cape, 7e, 88e
Tristan d'Acunha (Tristan da Cunha

Island), 138
Tucuman (Tucuman), 157e
Turn, Cape [Tierra del Fuego], 7e

Uspallata range (Sierra de los Paramillos),
152, 154

Valparaiso, 5e, 71, 81, 88e
Van Diemen Land (Tasmania), 36e, 120
Verds, Cape de (Cape Verde), 99e
Vermejo (Ri'o Bermejo), 157e
Vesuvius, 63, 137e

Wales, 5e-7e, 36e, 93e

Washington (Canal Washington.?) [Tierra

del Fuego], 36e
West Indies, 124

Yeso, Valle del (Valle el Yeso) [Chile], 68e

Zacatecas, 171e, 175e
Zimapan (Zimapan), 164e

Bulletin of the British Museum
(Natural History)

The Earth Generated and Anatomized
by Wilham Hobbs

An early eighteenth century theory of the earth

Roy Porter (Editor)

Historical series Vol 8 26 March 1 981

1 . i'^'

The Bulletin of the British Museum {Natural History) . instituted in 1949, is issued in four
scientific scries. Botany, Entomology, Geology (incorporating Mineralogy) and Zoology, and
an Historical series.

Papers in the Bulletin are primarily the results of research carried out on the unique and
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specialists from elsewhere who make use ot the Museum's resources. Many of the papers are
works of reference that will remain indispensable for years to come.

Parts are published at irregular intervals as they become ready, each is complete in itself,
available separately, and individually priced. Volumes contain about 300 pages and arc not
necessarily completed within one calendar year. Subscriptions mav be placed for one or more
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Publications Sales,

British Museum (Natural History),
Cromwell Road,
London SW7 5BD,
England.

WorWLijr abbreviation: Bull. Br. Mus. mu. Hist. (hist. Ser.

I Trustees of the British Museum (Natural History), 1981

ISSN 0068-2306

British Museum (Natural History) Historical series

Cromwell Road Vol 8: 1-158 (Complete)
London SW7 5BD Issued 26 M.irch lySi

The Earth Generated and Anatomized

by William Hobbs

An early eighteenth century theory oj the earth

Edited with an introduction by

Roy Porter

The Wellcome Institute for the History ot Medicine
183 Euston Road, London NWi 2BP

Bulletin of The British Museum (Natural History)

Historical series Volume 8 (Complete)

London 1981

© Trustees of the British Museum (Natural Histi>rv) 19S1
ISSN 0068 - 2306

Pubhshccl by British Museum (Natural History)
Cromwell Road, London SW7 sBD

Bull. Br. A/»s. iml. Ilisl. (hist. Ser.) 8: r-is« (Complete) Issued 26 March iy«i
Printed m (ireat Britain by Spottiswoode Ballantyne Ltd., C'olthester and London

Contents

liitiodiK tuin ............. i

Biographical ............ 6

William Hohbs m liis local milieu ........ l6

The intellectual milieu nt Hohh'.'s ihr tarlh ^^nierntfii iiiul ,}ii,uoim:rd . . I?

Resume ol the argument ot Hobbs's 77if ciir/i i;ciicrii!iil aiiJ iiii,iioiiii:cil . 19

William Hobbs's other scientific writing's . 21

William Hobbs: an assessment ........ -4

The manuscript ot The earth f;encratij jinl aiialoiiiizeil. with some notes on

editorial practice ........... 29

Notes 32

The CiUlh \;iiii-ralfil ,111,1 iVhUtvnized: Text ........ 35

Notes and retcrenccs ........... 127

Figures and plates ............ 1 44

Introduction

The discovery of new scientihc manuscripts is always exciting: the discovery of a new scientific
author even more so. Hence the appearance in 1973 of a new early eighteenth century theory
oi the Earth, Tlic iwth (;cii(ralal ami anatonu^fd, hv an unknown writer. William Hobbs, was
particularly significant, tor many ot the author's discussions oi the problems of the terraqueous
globe are sutticientlv skilful in themselves to merit his theory being regarded as one of the more
constructive attempts ot its day to interpret the Earth. Hobbs's theory is also ot significance in
that it draws deeply upon long-established traditions ot natural philosophical discourse, such as
alchemy and organic theories ot Nature, to offer a conscious challenge to the fashionable
mechanical philosophy and the Newtonian world-picture. Furthermore, reading between its
lines tells us much about the conditions under which amateurs, across provincial England, were
beginning to develop a taste for scientific inquiry at the beginning of the eighteenth century.
Scholars should hence be grateful to the British Museum (Natural History) tor purchasing this
important manuscript and undertaking to produce a printed version of it tor the first time.

I am only too conscious of the imperfect and provisional state of much of the material m
mv commentary and references. To some degree it is because Wilham Hobbs seems to have
been a genuinely obscure and shadowy figure. Considerable research in a large number ot
archives over the last three years has failed to turn up more than a handful of references to him
(I am still not even totally sure as to the identity of the author, given that there were at least
two William Hobbs — father and son — living in Weymouth at the time the treatise was
written!). I have thought it better to make the text available m print at an early date, 111 order
that Hobbs's treatise could actually be read by a wider audience, rather than pause for perhaps
many further years in the hope of tracking down additional biographical material for a
definitive edition. I hope that the appearance ot this edition m print will actually lead to the
uncovering oi more information about its absorbing author, hi producing this edition I have
built upon a preliminary paper which I dehvered to a conference of the Society for the
Bibliography ot Natural History held in Spring. 1975, and which was published, as 'Wilham
Hobbs ot Weymouth and his The earth (generated and anatomized (?I7I5)' in the journal 0/ the
Society for the Bildiot^rajdiy ol Natural History 7 1976: 333-41; I have here corrected some errors in
that account, dropped some hypotheses and verified others.

The kindness, patience and knowledge of innumerable people have been imposed upon in
the course of my work on this manuscript — far more than I can mention here. I should like
especially to thank the staff of the Department of Palaeontology at the British Museum
(Natural History) tor their unfailing helpfulness: Anthony P. Harvey in particular. The staffs of
many libraries, record offices, museums and repositories have helped me track down materials
and have answered numerous letters of inquiry. I should like particularly to mention the Dorset
County Record Office, the Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society, The Royal
Society, The British Library (especially Dr C. Wright), The Custom House, Weymouth, and
H.M. Customs and Excise.

6 The Fiirlli (jeniraleil JiiJ Atulomiznl

Amongst the manv indivuliials who have helped mc and supplied me with information I
should like to single out Miss M. Weinstock, Mr H. West and Mr V. Adams lor their
knowledge of Dorset; Dr H. Torrens for his unfailing geological help; Mr Peter Croft,
Librarian of King's College, Cambridge for his advice on the calligraphy ot the Manuscript;
Dr S. Conway Morris and my wife. Sue Porter, tor their great help in reconstructing 1 lobbs's
diagrams; Miss M. Deacon tor patiently instructing me in manv aspects ot the science of the sea;
and Mr D. Hrvden, Dr W. E. Knowles Middleton. Mr S. Schaffer, Dr J. Schuster, Professor P.
Gncrson. Dr K. Figlu>. Professor A. R. Hall. Mr. A. Turner, Mr G. L'E. Turner. Dr C.
Webster. Dr Roger French tor helping me to hunt down references. Mr J. B. Morrell. Mr A. P.
Harvev and Mr S. Schaffer kmdlv read earlier drafts of the "hitroduction' and ottered helpful
criticisms. Miss Fiona Mainstone undertook some search work, and Miss Katy Heiikel
admirablv transcribed and tvped the text. I must alone be responsible for the errors and gaps
which still exist.

I should like to thank the toUowmg tor permission to quote from materials m their
possession; The British Library; The Royal Society of London; H.M. C^ustoms and Excise;
Dorset Count\ Record Office; The Roval Greenwich Observatorv.

Biographical

Very little is known about William Hobbs. He published nothing in his lifetime, and little
independent record of him seems to have survived bevond his own unpublished natural
philosophical writings. To some extent his life has to be reconstructed from these writings,
though they contain little direct autobiographical information. The surname Hobbs was
common, and late seventeenth and earlv eighteenth century local records in Wessex and the
south-western counties reveal snippets of information about manv William Hobbs's, it being
impossible, at this stage, positively or negativelv to identity some ot such references with the
author ot Tlw carlh f^vnerateii tu\(i lUhitomizfil.

It is not clear when or where Hobbs was born. In a letter sent to the Royal Society in 1709'
he claimed to have been making natural observations for more than 30 years, which must surely
put the year ot his birth back before 1670, possibly considerably before then. There is no
uiiequivcK ,il clue as to his upbringing, education, or vocational training. It seems very unlikely
that he was universitv educated, partly because he himself draws attention to his Luk ot skill m
languages,- and partly for other reasons which will become apparent.

There were two excise officers with the name William Hobbs — they were father and
son — working m the county of Dorset at the end of the seventeenth and the beginning ot the
eighteenth century.' It seems plausible to suggest that one ot these — almost certainly the
father — was the author of this treatise. An excise officer with an outdoor 'Ride', w-ho would
frequently be moved about the country by the Board of Excise, would have had excellent

Iiilroihiclioii 7

opportiiiutv tor gaiiimt; .1 kno\vlcdi;o ot the structure nt the countr\siJe. Furthermore, .1 Dorset
excise-man would have been expected to possess th.it kind ot knowk-dije ot the tides which the
author proudly displays.

Both William Hobbs's, the excise men, were dismissed trom the service — m |anuarv and
April 1705 respectively — tor dishonesty. One was subsequently reinstated, and posted to
Devonshire.

Mv next — possibly appropriate — piece ot independent biographical evidence dates trom
1 716, when the Weymouth and Melcombc Corporation Records note that a William Hobbs,
'Marriner', married one Rebecca Welst(iod, and socsn lound hiniselt 111 trouble with his inlaws;''

William Hobbs of this Borough and Towne Marriner niaketh Oath that about a weeke
after Easter last past he this deponl intermarried with Rebecca Welstood ot this Borough
and Towne who was then possessed of a Messuage Burgage, or dwelling house in the
[illegible] of Weymouth within this Borough and Towne called and known by the name
of the Compass Alehouse and haveing so intermaried this dcpon'. and his wife lived in and
enjoyed the said house And this depon'. saith that yesterday in the evening Edmund
Welstood of this Borough and Towne Blacksmith Robert Saxton the elder of this Borough
and Towne carrier [ohn Williams of this Borough and Towne labourer and Anne
Welstood of this Borough and Towne spinster ranne into the said House where this depon'.
then were in possession and after calling this depon'. if he [illegible] severall names
threatened to beate this depon'. if he did not go out of the said house and this deponl saith
that he went out accordingly and hath continued out of possession of the said house ever
since and this depon'. saise that he is afraid of going into the said house to feare of being beat
out of the same haveing been threatened to be so used

Jurat 10 ot July 17 16 William

Hobbs

Of course, it is perfectly possible that the "marriner' referred to is a third William Hobbs, who
has no part ot our story. If that is not so. however, it is more likely, 1 believe, that the Hobbs
who fell foul of his new inlaws was Hobbs senior rather than junior, for Hobbs junior later
seems to have had a wife named Hannah (see below). The outcome of the fracas ot 1716 is
unrecorded, but the bad feeling between Hobbs and the Welstood family evidently continued,
for in 1722 we find in the C'orporation Records:

3 April 1722 Ann Welstood. Singlcwoman of this Town maketh Oath that On this present
day Will'." Hobbs. Seaman, inhabiting m this Town came to the House of this Deponent
and Endeavored to Enter it, but she haveing Lock'd the Doore he broke her Windows and
Unhung the Casement and Shook her through ye Window Sev'.' times and swore he would
kill her this Deponent, and then threw severall large Stones into the house at her and called
her Whore & Bitch .md other Scandalous names, w'''out haveing any provocation given

g T/ii' Eirr/i Gent-ralctl jiiil Aii,itomi:fd

Jurat coram majore

", y^pii ,,,2 ''^'1" Wclstood

W" Hobbs tcnetur in
Thos Carter
Marv Hobbs

And then

10 (uly 1722

Marv Hobbs deposes she was assaulted by Anne Welstood

[Marv Hobbs being. I beHeve, William Hobbs, /vre's, daughter by a first marriage and

thus William Hobbs, ^i/i's. sister. |

At about the same time there is a further record m the Wevmouth Corporation Records of
a William Hobbs being employed as a school-teacher.* It seems plausible to suggest that this is
not the same querulous Hobbs who had been described as a mariner and seaman. In tact, we can
be pretty sure that this Hobbs is the William Hobbs who left a will m I74.!. and who was the
brother of Mary Hobbs and the husband of Hannah Hobbs:

This is the last Will and Testament of me William
Hobbs late of Weymouth and Melcomb Regis in the
Countv of Dorset Scho(ilmaster, and now of Osmington,
made and published the fifth day of July in the year
of our Lord one thousand and seaven hundred ftorty and
three And first 1 do make and ordain my Daughter
Ann Hobbs sole Executrix of this my last Will and
Testament, and mv will is that she shall and do pav
unto my Sister Mary the wife ot Nicholas tlar ot
Chatham two Guineas and a half In consideration of
her kindness to me when I was last there, All the
rest residue and remainder of my Goods & Chatties
Rights Creditts Sum and Sums of Money due and owing
unto me on any Account howsoever any personal Estate
whatsoever 1 do give devise and Bequeath unto my said
daughter Ann Hobbs in trust nevertheless and to the
Intent and Purpose that she shall and do joyntly imploy
the same with her Mother, my wife Hannah Hobbs, in the
best and most frugal Manner they can for their joynt
Support and Maintainance during all such Time she
shall and do continue my widow and no longer. But
in case my said daughter shall and do happen to
decease before my said wife that then I will and
hereby give and devise all my said Goods and Chatties
and personal Estate, so bequested in manner aforesaid,
onto inv said Wife. Hannah 1 lobbs. In Witness whereof

hitioihiclioit

I the s.iid William Hdbhs have hereunto set my hand
and Seal the dav and vcar above written.

Signed sealed published and declared
by the said Testator William Hobbs
as and for his last Will and Testament
in the presence of us who as witnesses
hereunto have subscribed our Names in
the presence and at the request of the
said Testator

John Fooks

Joan Watts

Edward Fooks

Wm Hobbs

Hannah Hobbs Executrix m trust was sworn the 19th day of
August before me, J. Preston — as also that the effects of
the deceased did not amount to Twenty Pounds — ''

The late date of the death of this Hobbs — 1743 — probably indicates that it was the son and not
the father. Further evidence is provided bv the signature attached to the will, which is
markedly different from the signatures on the letters to the Royal Society in 1709. Hence,
tempting as it is to believe that the Hobbs who was the author of The earik gencmtctl would have
made a suitable schoolmaster for Weymouth, and with his obvious familiarity with navigation,
geometry and mathematics, it seems far more probable that it was his son who became
Weymouth's schoolmaster, whereas the author perhaps made his living as a mariner, and then
(presumably) as an inn-keeper. It would not be unusual, one imagines, for an ex-excise officer
to marry an inn-keeper's widow.

So far as the evidence allows us to ludge, Hobbs seems to have lived a life of almost
continuous isolation from the learned and philosophical communities of his day. Apart from the
brief contact with the Roval Society and a fleeting correspondence with Flamsteed at the Board
of Longitude, he appears to have kept at a distance from London societies and scientists. I have
found no evidence that he had .any contact with any of the other virtuosi, country gentlemen,
parsons, etc., who lived in Wessex and the south western counties and who pursued similar
interests — men such as William Cole (d. 1701), [ohn Strachey (1671-1743), John Aubrey
(1626-1697), Joseph Glanvill (1636-16S0) or )ohn Beaumont (d. 1731). Similarly, beyond the
treatise, and the shorter papers to the Royal Society on much the same subjects, Hobbs does not
seem to have left record of pursuing any other intellectual interests.

Our first reference to Hobbs's scientific interests comes from two surviving letters of 1709
to the Royal Society, in which he gives his address as 'near the Bear hin, Weymouth'. It would
seem as if Hobbs submitted in person to the premises of the Society at Christmas 170S a lengthy
paper (now preserved by the Royal Society) with sections on the theory of motion, the tides,
trade winds, etc., together with an .accompanying letter, which he had apparently hoped to be
allowed to read to a meeting of the Society. The letter' runs

Hono:''' S''

The Ejrth C2i'ticraliil aihl Analiimi^ed

Read 1 1 May 1 709

Before we proceed ti5 mv Intentions its my indispcnsiblc duty to make an humhk-
Acknowledgemt as well of my unworthyness to appear before, as of my unhttness to spake
in the presence of soe Hon'''' soe Wise and soc Learned a Society; But that mv Presumption
may not be esteemed inexxusable, nor what I have to propose seem altogether needless, I
begg leave to give your Hono; the Reasons that induced me hereunto. In order to which
be pleased to know that for above 30 years I frequented my thought as well in
Mathematical! knowledge As in Mechanicall Curiosities; But observing of Late such Vast
improvements made in the former

[here ends the first page, at foot of which is written 'ordered to be registered]
I became less thoughttul thereof, and diverted my Contemplations to the search of natural
Causes, whereupon those Books that came to my hands relating thereunto. I read with
great delight, and as greatly Admired the Learning and Wisdome of the Authors; But
having compared their Doctrine and Hypotheses with each other, And those again with
the things that Appeared, I found Contradictions therein. That I could not obtain the least
Satisfaction in what 1 sought after; And therefore 1 justly concluded. That the Truths (.){
Nature were not as yet fully discovered.

And this I the rather supposed, because the verry Persons who wntt such Admirable
things m Mathematical! Sciences, And therein Exactly agreed with each other, were the
same that soe much differed in their Apprehensions concerning the things of Nature; From
which Considerations I presumed to lav aside as well what the other had proposed, and to
try if I could hit on any other foundation that might better Answer the Ends designed: hi
order whereunto I took a compendious View of the process of Nature in general!.
Wherein I found (as Yo' Hono; well knows) That v' First Created Bring of which the
Univ" was made was Matter onlv.

2' That this matter was bv the Maker thereof Imprincipled with a Plastuk power or
faculty, to Forme it selfe into Naturall Bodys of Diverse Kindes and Species.
3'' That this Formation could not be Effected without a general! Motion in all its
parts. For it Matter, or any part thereof, had been always devoid of Motion, it had
perpetually remained such. And Consequently, noe natural! Body could have been formed
Wherefore all naturall Bodvs are Educed out of Matter bv Motion.

4'^ That altho' this Motion or plastic Facultv is originallv promiscuously mingled with,
and imprincipled in Matter as aforesaid; Yet the Matter of all such Bodves (how
promiscuously soever originally mingled) is nevertheless in its Forming, Tnpartlv
Divided, or Discriminated; Namely into Active, Passive and Fixed parts.
5'' That the Active part (when formed) gives Motion to the passive part thereof And the
Fixed Contains, Setts bounds unto, and regulates the s' Motion, and also constitutes or
modifies the Body soe produced.

6'' That this Active part being thus Divided or Discriminated, is allways internally
disposed of, or inclosed within the Body soe produced as afores''. And not on its
Superficies, or at a greater distance from it.

From these and other like self-evident Truths I grounded, or discovered my Hypothesis,
By which 1 soon found That the Motion of the Fluid or passive part of the Earth, was not

Itllli'dllllioil I I

Caused hv the Motion, or pretended InHuence ot if- Satellite, but in such manner as in the
tollowing Lines is Assit;ned. Nay it soe well Agreed with the I'henomena's ot Nature,
That it I saw but a Stone in the Street, (having any naturall Vain or Impression m it,) I
could discover when, and how, it was produced or Impressed therein. Being by the same
Doctrine also taught. That as there is a mutuall Harmony in the Powers, Proportions, &
At^ections, of Lines and Numbers in Mathematical! Knowledge, soe there is likewise as
regular and mutuall an Agreement in the Powers Proportions and Affections, in the things
ot Nature; Which when tullv discovered, and a true and Cienuine Foundation Laid, I
doubt not, nay am well assured. That the Doctrines, Corollaries and Consequences,
Drawne from them will (from the Same naturall products and Phenomena's) be as
evidently proved and demonstrated, and Errors as readily Detected, as by any ot the
Problems and Propositions in the Mathematicall Sciences whatsoever. And Consequently
there will be as great concord and agreement amongst those that shall Treat thereof, as is
now amongst those that treat ot the tormer: For it such Regularity and pertection can be
fnind in Art, which had its Originall Irom Humane Inventions and Institutions. How
much more in Nature, whose Ordinances were Established, and whose footsteps were
Imprinted, Long before those Learned Inventions, or humane Arts had their Being; And
whose Laws are immutably the same, as having the Externall Existence for their Author:
But it it has hitherto been otherwise, it's for want of a right Foundation And not from any
deficiency in the Demonstrations that may be drawn from the Appearances or Evidences
aforesaid.

Now bv what hath been already delivered I have plainly intimated That the various
opinions ot those that treated of naturall causes, was what induced me to lav my
Conceptions before yo' Hono; in hopes at least that Something therein may tend to the
Discovery of Such a true and Genuine Foundation as may produce such an Harmony
amongst those that shall build thereon as is before proposed.

I would add a Word or two in particular concerning the tollowing Lines, In which I
have briefly treated of, And Assigned the Causes of the Various Motions in the Elements of
Air & Water, i.e. of the Trade Winds, Monsoons And of the Flux, ami Reflux of the
Ocean.

In accounting tor which (as has been already intimated) I have made some Angles with
what severall ot the Learned and Ingenuous [sic] of this Age have proposed. And altho' 1
am well Assured ot the Truth and Certainty ot what is therein Contained, Yet am never-
theless Soe unwilling to Give the least offence to those Worthy persons that have soe
ingenuously (sic| treated of the same things Or to offer any thing to this Hon'''' Society
that may be judged needless of which they are tullv Assured, the reall Causes are alreadv
Discovered: That I had rather Conceale what I have prepared and presume noe farther,
than by a superfluous proceedure to be CJuilty ot offending in manner aforesaid. But on
the other hand if your Hono" Thinke that any of the Phenomena's m the Motions of
either ot the said Elements, or in the Fixed part ot the Earth, are not as \'et sufficiently
accounted for, and shall please to Admitt of my Endeavours, I shall freely Otter to your
Consideration what I have prepared. And tho' I am not accomplished with such Learning
and capacity as may be necessary for its Verball Justification, Yet inasmuch as they are
not Founded on Speculative Notions, nor Drawn from remote powers and InHuences:

The Earth Generated and Anate'inized

But from the Visible and Tangablc Appearances of Nature and Evidenced and Illustrated
m such Manner as this Royall Society Expects and Requires. I mean bv Experimental
Examples and Observations; I Assure myselfe they'll not only obteyn vo' Hono."
Approbation. But will be improved to a far Greater perfection by the Addition of more
profound Discoveries, Than by mean Capacity can pretend unto. Which that it may is
the hearty Desire of yo' Hono" most humble Serv'

W" Hobbs

Hobbs's letter is followed by his paper. 'An essay concerning Motion', which was read to the
Society at its meeting oi nth May 1709. The Royal Society's Journal Book runs*

Papers of M' Hobbs from Weymouth were Delivered by the President they related to
the Structure of Mountains. Motions of Tides &c M' Hunt was Ordered to take Care of the
Modells and Stones and the Papers were Ordered to be Copied into the Books of the
Society and he was Ordered to be thanked.

Presumably about this time Hobbs was sent the letter oi thanks (of which no trace seems to
remain) to which Hobbs refers in a later letter.

On 25th May William Derham (1657-1735) gave the Society an account of the paper
Hobbs had sent. This paper survives in original and in copy in the Royal Society, but it is
hardly worth transcribing in full here since it duplicates almost totally the ideas set forth in The
earth generated and anatomized (though see later, p. 19 for an analysis of these ideas). Rather it is
convenient to give Derham's account of it, since it is a reasonably accurate resume, and
embodies the judgment — prejudiced obviously, but not unintelligcntly — o( the Society.
Derham's report is headed 'An Account of the Papers Models and Figures which the Society
Received from Mr Hobbs ot Wevmouth in Dorsetshire by the Reverend Mr Derham F.R.S.'"

In pursuance of the Orders of this Most Famous Society I have with as much Care in my
Opinion as they Deserve read over Mr Hobbs's Papers, in which 1 find him to have a Clear
Head, and to be a Person of great Diligence and prettv good Judgment considering his
Want ot Learning. But his Philosophy is much inferior to his Observations of Matters of
Fact, And therefore altho' I don't think him to be Numbered among the Eminent
Philosophers and may have a meaner Opmion of his jjpr,xa; than w'hat he seems to have
himself, yet I imagine he may be of good use to the Society, if they should have any
Queries to be Answered or Notices to be taken in the Place where he lives. Particularly I
think his Observations of the Tydes may well Deserve the Cognisance of the Society, he
havmg Observed them strictly for two years, and no doubt will if desired proceed with
Delight in farther Observing them if it be thought necessary.

As to the particulars of his Papers a short account may Suffice Except where his Models
and Figures may call for Some Enlargement.

The Causes he assigns tor Rain have nothing new or Remarkable except what is
D' Woodward's Centrall heat.

The same for Winds. The generall Trade Winds he ascribes to the Diurnal motion ot the
Earth and heat of the Sun. He is of opinion that the Whirling about of the Terraqueous

Introduction 1 3

Globe causes a Wake or Ditch 111 the Air between the Tropicks Hke that behind a Ship
under Sail in the Waters, That the Hills and Highlands for the Divagations of the
Trade-Winds near the African and the other Shores bordering on the Ocean.

For the Illustration of this he recommends to draw a piece of Wood thro' the Water,
behind which you will not only see the Wake but you may observe also that |ust behind it
the Water runs almost across it. So he says the Highlands next the Ocean whirling thro'
the Air, the Wake in the Air next them is not (as 'tis at greater distance) Easterlv &
Westerly but toward the Northern & Southern points. And tor the Monsoons he
accounteth for them in this manner. He sayeth it instead of One vou take two pieces of
Wood, and brace them to stand at a distance from each other with a Wire bent so as to
stand above them out of the Water, that there will be a Wake behind the hindermost but
none between the two pieces of Wood, after the same Manner he imagineth it is where the
Winds blow one half of the Year One Way, the other halt the Contrary way (viz.') that
the Wake in the Air between two Lands lying near One Another is taken off, as between
Madagascar and Africa, between the Malacca, Sumatra, &:c, which he thinks near enough
even to Africa itself to cause this Quietness or Calm of the Wake ot the Air. The force of
the Trade Winds being thus taken off, he thinks then that the heat ot the Sun takes place,
and as he is either towards the N or S. Tropick, so he saith he drives the Vapours before
him toward that Pole he is nearest unto, and then the Trade Wind Vapours come tumbling
in thereupon, and make either an Easterly or Westerly Monsoon.

His Experiment and Notion I confess seemed to me Ingenious, and altho' I scarce think
that the R(nation ot the Earth has much to do in the Trade Winds, yet it his Notion be
refined and considered upon it may be so far Serviceable as to give some good hints to
Ingenious Persons about the Difficult Phenomena ot the Monsoons, for which reason I
have Enlarged on that head.

The last thing he Treats of, and thinks he has fully resolved, are the Tides, which he
thinks can never be owing to the Influence ot the Moon, or any Cslestiall Body, he knows
nothing ot the business ot the gravitation ot the planets to one another, and makes all
Influence to be no other than the heat of Such Heavenly Body, and that the heat of the
Moon or any Heavenly Body but the Sun cannot reach the Earth he endeavoureth to
prove from the proportions & Distances which he gives of the Earth & Heavenly Bodies in
his 3. Scheme, In which Scheme he makes the Atmosphere and the heat of the Sun to be
the Same, or at least that his Atmosphere Extends as far as his heat, as is represented in that
Scheme by the Yellow Circular Shade about the Sun. and that the Moon hath no Concern
in Agitating the Waters he thinks he has Demonstrated from this.

r.' That no Influences can be conveyed from the Moon to the Earth but by some
Medium or Atmosphere, and consequently the Atmosphere ot those two Globes not
Approaching each other as also they being both Earthy and Cold Bodies no Influence can
be conveyed from one to the other.

2. That the Motion of the Tides doth not Correspond with the Culminations of the
Moon, which he supposes to be every Revolution only about 4X' different according to
which Supposition he has drawn up his Table on the backside ot Fig; i. Whereas he
findeth the daily Variation ot Tydes to be at greatest Spring Tides but about 29' & at the
lowest Nepes 96' and he Savtli he hath tor two Years Observed the Variations ot the Tydes

14 The Earth Generalcd twJ Aikiloiiiist'd

in the Sea near the place where he Hves, and he had very higeniouslv and handsomely
Contrived, and put them into Fig r.' and 2'.'

Having thus as he thinks discarded the Moon trom having to do in the Tydes he assignes
what he takes to be the true Cause, and that is a kind of Respiration within the Earth
owing to some Rarefactions therein, which he proves have been, and thinks therefore
alwavs are & will be in it as being as necessary tor its Conservation as Ainmal Lite and
Motion is to the Conservation ot Annnall Bodies.

That Such Rarefactions have been in the Earth he proves thus, with I)' Woodward he
supposes the Terraqueous Globe to have been once taken to pieces, as the fossile Shells .S:c
import, but he denies this to have been at the Deluge, when this Mish:Mash had subsided
into Various Strata according to the Rules of gravity and become hard, he thinks the Hills
were then raised or pushed out by means ot some Internall Raretactions, These Strata & the
manner ot their being pushed out he hath handsomely (it I mistake not) represented in his
Miidels (NV) I. 2, & 3, which I took but a Transcient View ot at the Society, Having thus
proved an Elevation in the Terraqueous Globe by means of Rarefaction he takes it for
granted that it as necessarily Continues as breathing doth in an Animal, and that this
happens at certain times near the Nepe Tides (like a sort ot Respiration) and that one
Agitation at Nepe Tides is Sutt~icient tor all the tollowing Agitations of the Waters which
are only so many Returns ot that Elevation ot the Ocean.

To illustrate the matter he Instanseth in a long Wooden Tube or Trough with Water put
therem which being litted up at One End will Cast the Water to the Other, and being let
down again the Water will return and Ebb and Flow backward & forward at first more &
bv Degrees less, and the proportion it doth thus in the Tides he hath represented at the
Bottom ot Fig: 2') &: in a Small paper by itselt in a straight line.

Another Illustration he gives us is by a large piece ot Level ground ot half an Acre or an
Acre with a large Map of the Sea and Land drawn thereon the Seas to be represented
hollow lower ground the Dry Land bv rising up higher. An hollow deep pit being sunk in
the Middle &' covered with Leather &' Water poured on the Leather if the Leather be lifted
up in the Middle, 'twill Cast the Water out among the Seas and against the Dry Land and
make such like Variations he thinks in the Ebbings S: Flowing in this Map ot the World as
betalls in the Terraqueous Globe itselt.

And lastly to further prove this Respiration ot the Terraqueous (Jlobe or to put it in his
own Words; "That there may be a Musculous part tormed under the Ocean, where it may
operate by its own principle or be agitated bv some Internall Cause, or Raretaction', As his
IVonis arc p. _?.' — I say to make good this he Instanceth in the Dilation and Contraction ot
the heart of an Eel for some time after 'tis cut out d^' but especially in the Elevation and
Subsiding Motion observable in the Bell Fish which he hath sent a pattern of to the
Society.

As to his Notions about the Motion ot the Heart ot Animals. ^. many other things,
which I have passed bv, I thought them not worth the Cognisance ot the Society neither
indeed should I have said so much ot most ot these as I have done but only to acquaint the
Society with the Design & Meaning of his Models and Figures which are pretty enough to
recommend them to the Desires of the Curious to be satisfied about them.

Iitnoihiitioii I s

But reviewing Ills Papers there is Cue nt his Fii^iires I find I had Hke to have passed over,
and that in his handsome Draught ot the Isle ot Portland, and his Remarks on it's Tvdes. i":'
He Observes when the Tydes in the West Bay set Eastward that in the long Lake or
Lagune (Setting in at the Narrow Passage B) they set to the Westward, and that 'tis full
Sea at C, three hours later than at D tho only a Furlong distant. 2;' that in the Bay A, the
Water ebbs & flows main' times .m hour or two before the proper Flood, which
preliminary Tide they call the Clourder, this he applies to what is reported of the Tvdes
near Negropont. 3'' That at B, the Water oftentimes runs in briskly thro' the Inlet altho' it
be Ebbing Water and Sunk a Foot or more in other places, all which things I think are
easily Accounted for by an intent Inspection and Consideration ot his Scheme.

Derhani s account of Hohbs s papers drew some discussion. 'Doctor Woodward said that his
Observations on the Strata of the Earth were Conformable to his Theory, and that he had
given M' Flamsteed his Observations on the Tides which differed from these given to the
Society.

Mr Derham was desired to compare Doctor Woodward's or M' Flamsteed's Observations
on the Tvdes Delivered from M' Hobbs with those Delivered bv him to the Society.' '"

This then led to a further exchange at the meeting ot 13th |ulv when 'Dr Derham
Delivered the Papers ot M' Hobbs Concerning the Tides and Earth, which were Ordered to be
putt into the Pepositorv after being Copied m the Books and returned from M' Halley who
w.is desired to peruse them and give his thoughts of them to the Society.' ' '

Halley apparently never did so, and no further mention is made of Hobbs m the records ot
the Society.

Hobbs meanwhile was clearly becoming anxious as to the verdict ot the Society on his
works, having h.id but .i bare acknowdedgement ot receipt. Hence he wrote a tew days later. ''

near y' Bear \nn m Weymouth
July 16; 1709
S"

I rec: yo' obliging Letter wherein you were pleased to give me An Account That the
Papers &c; which I left with the Hon'''' Sir Isaac Newton at Christmas last were by the
Hon'''" Society ordered to be Registered: for which I retourn my humble thanks. I should
have been glad of a Line whether any part was approved or it not wherein Rejected. I will
assure your Honours that 'twas neither Profit, applause nor emulation that enganged me
thereunto But the irreconcilableness of what I saw in naturall things, to what I Read in
those that ha\e written thereof And though my Pen be not sufficient to establish what I
therein attempted yet perhaps Posterity may be by some Learned Author convinced that
the Rocks were not Dissolved and the Shells immassed therein at the Deluge 2: ' That the
Moon IS not the Cause of the Flowing of the ocean, and 3:'' That the Diurnall Rotation of
the Earth is the principall Cause of the Trade-Windes, Monsoons, &:c Pardon me S" for
this Freedom tho' you should be one ot those that approves of what has bee |sic] by some
Hono. ' and Learned Authors written to maintain the Contrary. S" I have seen soe many
Thousand Tonus of Stone soe plentifully immassed with Shells, And made such
observations ot the generall Scituation ot the Stratus or (r.ither) Bedds of Earth And kept

i6 The Earth Generated and Anatomized

soe long Account of the Flowing ot the Ocean where noe river hindered That the above
particulcrs are as plainly deducable from these observations at that the Sun is the fountain
of Light &c: (or otherwise I should not have soe presumed.) And this I purposed to have
evidenced by Experim" before yo' Hono'- but was unhappylv prevented bv vour not
meeting in the Hollidavs.

I have herewith sent you 2 or 3 minnerall Impressions ot which I have not seen any till
lately. 1 have others in store and if Acceptible shall freely present them — Please to Hono'
me with a Line of the Receipt and if not too much trouble one line to the first above
mentioned in which vou will oblige.

Hono"* S" Yo' most humble
Servt

W" Hobbs
I took the opportunity of a neighbour to carry it gratis

There Hobbs's contact with the Royal Socierv seems to end. There is no evidence that
when his ideas were read out to the Society, they created any interest. Nor is there much sign
that Hobbs thereafter tried to make further contact with the London intelligentsia during the
rest of his life.

The next record of Hobbs is his treatise itself. The earth generated and cvuitoinized. Of this, the
preface 'To the Reader' is dated 171 s (though this date has almost been scratched out). It is very
difficult to date the original composition of the treatise. Its Postscript leads one to believe that
far the larger part of the treatise was conceived and in some form written several years before
the Postscript. It is possible that Hobbs's failure to interest the Royal Society in his papers led
him to decide to reorganize his materials into a lengthier, more coherent, independent, treatise.
There is no clear indication whether Hobbs had any intention or ambition to publish the
treatise, though it is written as if addressed to an audience (rather than being a series oi
self-addressed notes).

The treatise was composed in Weymouth. Hobbs had clearly been domiciled in
Weymouth in the early years of the eighteenth century, since the treatise contains a register of
the tides at Weymouth kept by him then over a period of three years, which may well indicate
an ambition to compose a theory of the tides and of the Earth over a decade before he contacted
the Royal Society.

William Hobbs in his local milieu

William Hobbs lived at a time before provincial England generated on any regular basis
scientific communities and scientific societies. The period saw o{ course many provincial
naturalists, but they were essentially stii generis.'^ None of the other naturalists operating at this
time in the south western counties of England — men like John Strachey at Chew Magna, and
William Cole at Bristol — lived sufficiently near for Hobbs to be part of their circle. Dorset in
Hobbs's day does not seem to have supported any kinds of gatherings amongst men with
scientific interest.'''

Weymouth itself, being at the very southern tip of Dorset, was particularly isolated. It was
over a hundred miles from Oxford and further from London. Having suffered under siege

huroihiction

17

during the C-ivil War, Wcvniouth was a sriiall, and probablv decaying, sea-port at the turn ot
the eighteenth century. Its growth industry was smuggHng, mainlv from France via the
Channel Isles. Weymouth did not even possess an endowed grammar school. It is hardly
mentioned in the various books of travels which were produced early in the century.'''

Weymouth's rise to some degree of importance as a town dates from the second halt of the
century, when it became popular as a seaside resort as a result ot George III having chosen to
use the town tor sea-bathing.

It Hobbs received little human stimulus, however, from his Dorset milieu, he. like many a
later geologist, must surely have been deeply stimulated by the opportunities offered — indeed
the scenes thrust upon him — by the local natural scenery. Dorset contains a fine succession of
strata from the Chalk of the Cretaceous down to the Lias of the Jurassic, particularly well
exposed by the extensive cliff scenery around Lyme Regis on the coast. The Portland stone
quarries doubtless helped to convince Hobbs not merely of the depth to which tossils were
embedded in solid rock, but also of the fact that the Portland stone was largely composed of
organic remains. The hills and cliff scenery of the county convinced Hobbs ot the tilting ot the
strata in upland areas. Chesil Beach must have focused Hobbs's attention on the interface ot sea
and land, on accumulation of materials and denudation as a crucial process of Earth history.
Hobbs was the tirst ot a long line ot geologists whose work was deeply inspired by the relief
and structures of the county, and — later — by the extraordinary fossils to be found m the
vicinity of Lyme Regis. Indeed, Osmond Fisher, who wrote extensively on Dorset geology,
was born at Osmington, which is where Hobbs — probably f\\s — died.'"

The intellectual milieu of Hobbs's The earth generated and anatomized

1 shall not attempt here a detailed account of the state of the science — or sciences — ot the Earth
in Hobbs's time. Detailed references and bibliography on particular areas of this subject will be
found in the notes appended to the main text. Rather, I should like to bring into tocus certain
aspects ot the ambience ot contemporary science, particularly as it impinged upon a scientific
amateur such as Hobbs.

William Hobbs lived in a world m which the modern divisions of Nature and scientific
inquiry into physics, astronomy, chemistry, biology, geology, etc., did not exist as such. Hobbs
thus characteristically had no generic or specific terms for his science. He saw no conceptual
oddity in writing — nor would any of his contemporaries have had ditficultv in reading and
assimilating — a tract which related together extensive local observations ot the Earth with a
geocosmic philosophy; which attempted to understand the structure of the Earth's crust in
terms ot celestial philosophw and m context ot a total philosophy of Nature. He saw the
terrestial world as analogous to the animate, and indeed believed that all Nature was governed
by laws ot animation, organization and generation. In this respect, Hobb's work does not
represent an antiquated rag-bag ot quaint juxtapositions. Such a con|oint range of interests are
the common ones ot the age, and are utterly typical, for example, ot the work ot Hallev.

Indeed Hobbs had a good grasp of the main contemporary problems within the philosophy
of the geocosni. Amongst the chief debates to which he addressed himself were;

I s The Earth GeneratcJ and Anatomized

(a) The debate over the theory of the Earth, which had been joined in Britain in the works.
above all, of Hooke (163S-17OJ). Burnet (1635-1715), Woodward (1665-1728), Whiston
(1667-1752). Warren, Croft, Arbuthnot (1667-1735) and many others. The chief issues were
whether the Earth had been created, or was eternal: how it had come to assume its present
shape — its landtorms, the divisions of land and sea, mountains and valleys; the questions of its
age and its likely future. Furthermore there were problems of a more specific and technical
kind, such as the nature and history of rivers and fossils, the origin of soil, and the questum oi
an inner heat tor the Earth. On most of these issues, Hobbs felt obliged to argue for a particular
case, and to dismiss others. On some of them, however, e.g., the questions of the origin and
nature of fossils, Hobbs clearly h.ad no doubts, and did not feel anv need to spell out the criteria
tor choosing between different interpretations.

(/)) The debate over the theorv of the tides. This was not vet tullv solved bv the end of the
seventeenth century. Hobbs was not out of date in still puzzling over the issue. The major
seventeenth century theories had been those of Galileo (1564- 1642), who attributed tides to the
Earth's rotation; Rene Descartes (i 596-1650), who saw them as a product of pressure set up
by vortex action; and various theories specificallv of lunar attraction. Some of these latter (as
for e.vample Childrev's (1623— 1670)) were somewhat astrological, or magnetic; some, as
Wallis's. were mainly concerned to establish the empirical regularities between the moon's
phases and the tides; and some, as Newton's, emphasized the agency of gravitation. This clearlv
involved much larger natural philosophical issues with which Hobbs grappled, such as the
problem of ether, and void space; and ot the differential communicabilitv of light, heat, fire,
and power I'iii media through the solar svstem.

As with most of his contemporaries, and especiallv the contemporarv 'common scientist',
Hobbs held a melange of views. Some ot these could be called 'modern', and were destined to
have a future. Hobbs was, tor example, a 'modern' in his extensive commitment to factual
observation, experiment and to the quantification of the tides. He was strongly hostile to
'verbal' science, and to mere book learning; he tiercelv repudiated astrology and other
supposed arts (taking a 'continental' view, as it were, in rejecting Newtonian gravitational
attraction as "astrological).

On the other hand, in the great seventeenth century debate on the order and composition
of Nature, Hobbs's philosophy was obsolescent. The Renaissance had seen a great
recrudescence of philosophies of active Nature; of alchemical and chemical philosophies; of the
belief that Nature was living and organized. Such ideas were being thoroughlv displaced in the
second half of the seventeenth century both by the more orthodox forms of Cartesian
mechanical philosophy, which emphasized th.it Nature was only matter in motion; and bv the
more complex Newtonian philosophv. which retained a far greater role for God's sustaining
activity in Nature and for Providence, withm a general philosophy of atomism and the
downgrading o( matter itself before law-governed forces, hi this climate, Hobbs held to a
philosophy which saw all Nature as alive; a philosophy with some affinities to that of the
C'ambridge I'latonists, but one which owed far more to an alchemical vision of the
potentialities ot Matter for sell-organization ,aiid generation. Hobbs had no concern tor the
providential dimensions of natural law; he had no interest in the ontological and
epistemological problems of primary and secondary qualities, hi a world incre.isingK of
Newtonian forces and Lockean powers, Hobbs's philosophv was left behind.

Iiitroihictit^ii 1 9

Resume of the argument of Hobbs's The earth generated and

anatomized

On tliL- thiitv-tirst page ot his MS (p. >y ut this cditmn) llnhhs states with tiill clarit\ the
scientific prohlem which it was the aim (it his treatise tn solve. 'Our principal design', he
writes, is 'only to tmdc out ve manner how, and when, the Shells, and other Marine
productions, came to be immasssed and mingled m the Rocks and Mountains' of the Earth. For,
as Hobbs endeavours to show from the beginning ot his work, there are certain natural
phenomena, easily visible to the observer, whose verv existence and situation are puzzling, and
which need to be explained. These are the tact that drv land exists, above sea level; that this
terrestrial matter is composed ot rock which is predommantlv tound stratified: that these strata
generallv run parallel to each other and to the horizon, though, where the relict is undulating,
the line ot the strata is generally parallel to the dip ot the land. Furthermore. Hobbs takes it to
be a puzzle that this solid rock contains the remains oi shell-creatures and ot tish and other
marine bodies embedded withm it — and embedded deeplv, not merelv superticiallv; though
scarcely any remains ot land-dwelling creatures are tound similarlv immassed in the rock.
How this came to be so Hobbs takes as the problem ot his work. Furthermore, he states that,
this being a work ot luttuntl philosophv, these problems must be solved luniiriilly.

Hobbs tirst establishes that the present land contains marine materials. It is tor him
inconceivable and unnatural to suppose that the sea could somehow have become raised up all
over the land, and therebv have deposited such materials (above all, fossils). Hence, it is evident
that the present continents must once have formed the seabed. It is also clear that the silts, muds,
clays and other materials which now constitute rocks must have been plastic, tlexible, and soft
while on the seabed; otherwise shells and other organic remains could not have been
introduced into them — tor it is evident that such organic remains were introduced while on the
seabed. (Hobbs ofters a variety of arguments, when tying up loose ends towards the end of his
treatise, to demonstrate that there is no way in Nature whereby the Noachian Deluge could
have mtiltrated organic remains into solid rock.)

Hence, Hobbs notes, the problem is to discover the mechanism wherehv seabed became
land surtace. This process, he avers, must have taken place in two separate stages, as the visible
evidence proves. Firstly, dry land must have appeared while its solid materials were still
flexible, thus explaining the generally horizontal lie ot the strata. But hills and mountains can
only have been raised above the general level ot the land alter the continents had hardened: tor
they show evidence ot fracture, and fluid land materials would not have held their place. In
short, strata are not the product ot a Deluge, or ot precipitation, but ot cli-i'ation: elevation in
two stages.

The natural philosophical viewpoint trom which to understand this process ot the
elevation ot strata is through a general philosophv ot Generation. The generation ot the Earth is
merely one example ot generation at work throughout Nature; and one instance of the
animated character ot all bodies. Hobbs sets out a number ot Postulates which explain his
philosophy ot generation. All bodies are presupposed to move trom an original condition ot
chaos and unditterentiation, into a state ot being organized, ditterentiated, animated, and vital
within a svstem. All animated bodies need, and have, Lite, Heat and Motion. But thev also

20 The Eartli Geiieratal ami Aiun^'nuzed

need as well as these Active Parts. Fixed Parts and Passive Parts. In the case of the Earth these
arc, respectively, its Heart, its Land Masses, and its Waters.

Thus to solve the problem ot the strata and of fossils we must understand the process of the
generation ot the Earth. The Earth began from a chaotic condition. Ciradually differentiation of
its original materials took place, as in the development of different parts of the substance of an
egg and finally the chick. First to develop were an internal pulsating facultv, or heart: and
watery fluids which covered the surface. The pulsation ot the Earth's heart agitated the waters
and gave rise to tides (tides therebv being empirical evidence of the existence of an internal
heart to the Earth).

Hobbs here interposes two notes of warning. Firstly, though the Earth is thus generated,
organized and animated, its organic parts cannot be read off mechanically by a macro-
cosm/microcosm comparison with other animals. The Earth is a verv special animated whole
with its own unique organic functions. Secondlv, Hobbs seeks at considerable length to
demonstrate the falseness of all other theories of the origin and cause ot the tides — the notion
that the rotation of the Earth, or the influence of the Moon (whether magnetical, astrological
or atmospheric-gravitational) produces the tides. All such theories of lunar influence are
empirically false (i.e. . they do not square with the periods of the tides). They arc also physically
erroneous. Lastly, they are ontologicallv absurd, for the tides must be organically and
necessarily related to the economy of the Earth, not an accident of a mere satellite. Indeed, the
rotation of the Moon is itself a product of the rotation of the Earth which is a product of the
action of the tides, which is in turn a manifestation of the animated pulse of the Earth.

The pulse of the tides was (and still is) from the Poles towards the Equator. Gradually, as
the tides drove water across the pristine Earth, some areas of higher, and some of lower, seabed
formed, with stratum super slraltim of loose sedimentary material being heaped up in horizontal
layers. Gradually, some of these strata appeared above the level of the lowest neap tides; and
then eventually above the level of the highest spring tides. Thus land appeared.

This land gradually hardened as a result of the action of the internal heat of the Earth. As
irregular continents of dry land formed, the tides begin to fall into disequilibrium, causing the
Earth tor the first time to begin to rotate on its axis. Thus tmie, as man knows it, began. In
stagnant pools which abounded on the nearly flat surfaces of the land, terrestrial creatures
spontaneously generated (thus explaining why no land creatures are to be found deeply
embedded within the rocks). In due course, the internal heat of the Earth raised up some parts
of the land into hills and mountains, causing disturbance of the strata. The humid, fertile
condition ot the Earth, favourable to spontaneous generation, now gave way to a brisk
circulation of waters on the land surface, with the development of systems of rivers, fed by rain.
The spontaneous generation of large creatures ended — now, only minute bugs generate in that
manner. Thus, the Earth is completely generated, and in a state of perfect preservation.

Hence, concludes Hobbs, by adopting a philosophy of generation, we can understand the
main puzzling terrestrial phenomena, I'iz:

(a) that land surfaces are the product of tidal action;

(/)) that tides created the rotation of the Earth;

(f) that hills and mountains were raised up by the internal heat of the earth;

((/) that the internal heat of the earth, together with the fertility of the original chaotic
materials, brought forth and continue to sustain life;

Introduction 21

(i-) that iiiil\ inaniii' organic remains arc tound fossilized m rocks;
( /') that most rocks arc horizontally bedded;

(jy) whereas in the vicinity of mountains and lulls the strata are not horizontal but rather
broken and ruptured in line with the line ot the hills.
We also understand through this philosophy ot generatuin that the Earth is not eternal, but
rather had a beginning, and hence a Creator who is to be praised and worshipped.

To this treatise Hobbs then adds a Postscript, proving trom empirical materials that the
impulse ot the tides is from the two pole.s of the Earth, thus reinforcing his argument that the
Earth has a heart, or pulsing faculty, situated at both these poles.

William Hobbs: other scientific writings

Apart from The earth fieueriitcd and anatomised, the only extended scientific paper by Hobbs
known to the present editor is 'An Essay concerning Motion'. This Hobbs appended to his first
letter to the Royal Society, read i ith May 1709, and it survives in the original (Royal Society
MS E.\. I. ]}) and in copy (Ro\al Society Letter Book Supplement, G— H, copy, pp. 357-406).
It IS the p.iper suinmarized and criticized by William Derhain on 2Sth May 1709 (see earlier).
Practically all the major arguments and themes developed in the "Essay' are also present in The
earth generated: a discussion ot winds, ot tides (and ot the impossibility ot the Moon being their
cause), and a demonstration that the cause of the tides was an internal pulsation ot the Earth.
For this reason it will not be necessary to discuss the 'Essay' at length here. The 'Essay' contains
a tew examples and experiments which do not appear in The earth generated. Conversely, very
little ot the lengthy discussion ot the philosophy ot generation, withm in alchemical context,
which is such a prominent feature ot The earth generated, finds a place in the 'Essay'.

The most important distinction, however, between the two works is their focus of
organization. The 'Essay' centres on a discussion ot the various types of motion found in
Nature. 77;(' earth gem-rated is expressly concerned with an explication ot the various phenomena
ot the globe in terms ot its own unique history. To what extent this shift in tocus represents a
real change in interests, or simply the reorganization of ideas onto a different plane ot
coherence, is not clear.

The 'Essay concerning Motion' begins with a threefold distinction ot Motion, into
artificial, natural and accidental. It establishes that all motion is produced 'either bv Rarifaction
and Condensation. Sublimation & Precipitation, Dilation and Contraction, or by Causes
derived therefrom or depending thereupon'. Artificial and accidental motion are quickly
dismissed as falling outside his present concerns. Natural motion is then taken and divided into
[a) intriiisick (h) internal .ind (c) local. Intrinsick motion is taken to be the motion ot the Chaos
'during the time of its Incubation' before matter was divided up into three parts, active, passive
and fixed. Internal motion is the motion of the parts of an organized and living body. Local
motion IS the movement of bodies from place to place in the universe.

Hobbs then addresses himself to the problem ot explaining various particular sorts of
motions associated with the terraqueous globe. Ram is briefly dealt with first. It is shown to be
a motion consequent upon the tormation ot clouds, which in turn depends upon the action of
heat in sublimating the 'water\' humidity' of the atmosphere. When clouds achieve sufficient

22 77n' Hanli GeiicralcJ diiJ Aii<itoiiii:cil

'magiiitudf and Fcmdcrosity", they 'begin to precipitate towards the Earth'. Then Hobbs
examines winds. He is interested in the question of whv winds exist at all. He recognizes that
heat (particularly the heat of the Sun) creates a motion in the atmosphere — with the
sublimation ot the watery content of the atmosphere, the formation of clouds, and their
precipitation as rain. But such heat on its own would produce merely vertical movements of
the air, up and down, not winds blowing across the globe.

In part, he concludes, winds are created by the inequalities of land and sea, which cause
certain parts of the Earth's surface and atmosphere to be hotter and cooler, rarer and denser,
than others, leading to movements tending to equalize heat and pressure. But chieflv winds are
the product ot the Earth's motion, both diurnal and annual. Hobbs assumes that the atmosphere
drags and is perturbed as the Earth rotates on its axis. He believes that the Earth's rotation
accounts nicely for the fact that the fiercest winds, such as Monsoons and Tornados, and the
most constant, regular winds, the Trade Winds, are found towards the tropical, rather than the
polar or temperate, regions of the globe.

For in the equatorial regions, the Earth is spinning with greatest velocity on its axis.
Towards the poles the Earth's motion is far less; hence, winds are much weaker. Similarly, the
direction of Trade Winds (towards the Equator, and westerly) is explained by the easterly
rotation of the Earth. In his discussion of winds, Hobbs makes extensive use of Hallev's views
and of his map of the Trade Winds published in the 170s edition ot his Misa-Uanca ciinoia.

Hobbs then proceeds to discuss tides. His argument covers essentially the same ground .is m
The farth (;ciirrtiti'il, but is actually expressed with greater clarity and economy. He sets out his
basic premise thus:

hi the first place, then, I shall lav down this Proposition; namely. That the Waters of the
Great Ocean are by some internal Force or Rarification within the Cavity of the Earth, in
some certain part thereof lifted up or cxsusitated above its Equilibrium, or equal distance
from Its Center, & y' it being so rais'd, does from thence naturally devolve towards the
Shore, whereunto being come, the Waters are there made higher than where they were
first lifted up; and therefore they as naturally return to the place from whence they first
came, which thereby does again become the highest part of the Ocean; on which it again
devolvcth as before. And in this same manner with the first Elevation, it Ebbs and Flows
for fifteen Days successively, at which time by receiving another Elevation, it Ebbs and
Flows again in the same manner as afores''.

hi order to substantiate this view. Hobbs undertakes to prove three turther postulates:

First, That there was, and

Secondly, That there is. such an internal Force within thi- said C,ivit\' or Bowels ot the

Earth.

His proof ot this is largely from the existence of mountains. The only Power in Nature which
could have created mountains is an elevating heat-force located somewhere beneath the Earth's
crust. Such ,1 force, which once existed, presumabK still exists to convey impulse, or wave
motion, to the tides; tor, argues Hobbs, by the analogy of Nature those powers whu h assist in
the jomuu ion of organic beings continue to ensure their sustcthitkm.

hitroiliictioii 23

Despite piipul.ir opinidii. Huhbs avers, tides cannot be caused by lunar, stellar, or solar
attraction (any more, indeed, than mountains could have been raised bv such supposed forces).
Hobbs maintains the point in two ways. Firstly, he asserts that torce can only be communicated
by contact action in a suthcient medium. But no adequate medium exists between the Earth
and the Moon. Secondly, he asserts (referring to his table of the tides kept at Weymouth) that
whereas the theory of the lunar causation of the tides requires that the retardation ot the time of
the tides should keep pace arithmetically with the retardation of the Moon, in tact the
retardation ot the times oi tides obeys a law of its own, which is not at all synchronized with
lunar times.

Hobbs third postulate is th.it

the Ebbing and Flowing of the Ocean is exactly contormcd or assimilated to Water put m
motion by being so lifted up, & agitated as aforesaid.

He seeks to demonstrate this by setting up two experiments. One is the experiment \\ itli the pit
in an orchard covered by a leather tarpaulin, described above in the .account bv Derham (see
above, p. 14). The other is the experiment with the double-ended chute (designed to show how
the height ot waters originally raised at one end ot the chute, and then allowed to pass troin
side to side, diminishes very gradually), which appears in The earlh general cil.

Hobbs lastly attempts to explain anomalous tide phenomena, such as the tact, demonstrated
by Halley, that tides Bowed only once every 35 hours in the gult ot Tonquin. He accounts tor
these by arguing that in enclosed areas (such as the lagoon behind Portland created by Chesil
Bank) the trequencv of tides is totally distorted by the accidents ot the coastline.

The other scientific contact which Hobbs is known to have had is with [ohn Woodward
and John Flamsteed (1646-1719) concerning his register ot tides kept at Weymouth. It is not
clear how Hobbs made contact with either, nor when he did. There are two pieces ot surviving
evidence. One is a three page note 111 Hobbs's hand, headed 'A True Register ot y' Time when
Full Sea at Weymouth an" Do""~ 1700 by W"' Hobbs communicated bv D' Woodward' which
is now in the Flamsteed Papers at the Royal Greenwich Observatory (vol. 41, t. I29'— 130').
The first two pages ot this record Hobbs's observations ot the times ot the tides from April 1700
to October 1700. With a few exceptions — which I assume are slips ot the pen — the data
correspond to those in The earth generated and aualomized. The third sheet analyses the retardation
ot the times of the ticies, and concludes 'By these diurnal Observations it appeareth that the
mean Day!)' difference ot y' Coming ot y' Tydes 2 or 3 days after y' New and Full Moon is but
27 or 2S Mill. But 2 or 3 days after y' Full and last Quarter is |sic] 90 or 91 Mm Difference
W'.H'.

The other is also in the Flamsteed Papers (Royal Greenwich Observatory, vol. 69, fol.
2S9'-26o'). It IS headed "M' Hobbs ot Weymouth's Tables of the Tides observed by him there'.
It is in the hand of Flamsteed's assistant, Thomas Faber (alias Smith). It consists of three
geometrical diagrams graphically representing Hobbs's claim that his register showed that the
time of high tide retarded b\' .1 logarithmic rather than an arithmetKal law . The diagrams are
headed:

'This scheme drawn from above two years observations shews how the Howmg ot the
Oce.ui dos il.i\ 1\ increase and decre.ise from one Spring tide to another.'

24 The Earth GeneraWil aiut Aiiatcmized

"This scheme shew; how the Tides should Flow it Governed bv the Moon, which is
contrary to Observation, as by the next Scheme appeareth', 'This Scheme drawn from above
two years Observation sheweth that the daylv difference in the Flowing of the Tides is in a
Logarithmicall, He not in an equall progressive Difference, as hath been in the past .accounted.'

The only surviving indication of relations between Hobbs, Woodward and Flamsteed is a
note m the Journal Book of the Roval Society which reads: 'Doctor Woodward said that his
Observations on the Strata ot the Earth were Conformable to his Theory, and that he had
given M' Flamsteed his Observations on the Tides which differed from these given to the
Society' (vol. X, 1702-14, May 25, 1709).

William Hobbs: an assessment

(a) Hobbs's general vision of nature

It is difficult — and perhaps unnecessary — to try and pin down the exact sources or tendencies
of Hobbs's fundamental vision ot Nature. Its distinguishing feature is to see Nature as organic
through and through. Hobbs places special emphasis upon Natures vitality, its 'Vivifying, or
self forming Quality", its 'plastick Qualification'. 'Nature is never idle', he writes. The power
to generate is one of Nature's 'essential properties'. This general insistence on the essential
quality of life possessed by Nature distances Hobbs utterlv from the tendency of contemporary
mechanical philosophy in England. It is also apparent in his stance over particular issues, such as
his defence of Nature's capacity for spontaneous generation, and his hostility to the
preformation theories which fitted m so well with the mechanical philosophy.

Hobbs's natural philosophy allowed no sharp distinctions between animate and inanimate.
Y et his view of the activity and agency of Nature was hardly mystical, Hermetic, or built on
the basis of a magical, or primarily symbolic philosophy — despite occasional mention of the
mysteries and the symbolical characters of Nature. Hobbs was deeply hostile to 'vulgar'
manifestations ot mystical and magical views, such as astrology, or belief in fairy rings, just as
he was hostile to introducing supernatural explanations into natural philosophy.

Rather, Hobbs was committed to what is essentially a chemical, or alchemical — the
distinction IS not material — view of the cosmos. His main concern was to see Nature in terms
of such substances as Salt, Sulphur and Mercury, fermenting liquors, and menstrua. He was
interested in states such as Heat, MoticMi. Fire. He perceived throughout Nature processes such
as fermentation, germination, generation, incubation, concoction, separation, putrefaction,
calcination, digestion, incorporation, vivification, and solidification.

In these respects, Hobbs's theory of the Earth addresses itself to quite different problems
from the majority of the theories of the Earth ot the late seventeenth and early eighteenth
centuries. Hobbs for example did not at all share the common fear that a philosophy of Nature
seen as active was the thin end of a wedge of full-scale hylarchism and hvlozoism, which would
lead to etcrnalism and atheism. Hobbs did not share the Newtonians' overriding desire to
demonstrate the existence both of universal Law and Providence throughout Nature.

In many respects, Hobbs's theory was simply old-fashioned. In many others, it was
desperately ignorant, wrong, ill-informed, naive, and muddled in its views. For example, his
arguments that the rotation ot the Earth is the cause of the orbit of the Moon seem directly to

hnroihicnon 25

contradict his cl.uni — which he advances while when disproving lunar theories ol the
tides — that power anci motion cannot effectively be communicated between the two bodies for
lack of an adequate medium. It is not clear to what extent he was ignorant ot many of the
developments of contemporary astro-physics, or to what extent he merely ignored them. Thus,
he did not explicitly discuss the Newtonian theory of the nature ot the motion of the tides.

But we must not be hastily dismissive ot the provincial's natural philosophy. For in many
ways it was, in fact, highly appropriate as a tool for understanding the nature oi the Earth,
viewed as a system, as a complex economy, in which each aspect had its functions and
structures, its part to play in the complex maintenance of the whole. Hobbs's was a philosophy
excellently fitted for coming to grips with the phenomena of gradual change on the Earth's
surface; highly appropriate for understanding the actions of the tides, the importance ot central
heat, of elevation, of denudation, of stratification — many of which phenomena Cartesian
mechanical philosophy, or a Newtonian emphasis on particles and gravitation, were ill-suited
to explain.

hideed, it is important to point out that several of the theories which were to shape the
development of geology in the eighteenth century shared many of Hobbs's own concerns and
patterns ot explanation. French writers such as de Maillet (1056-173X), le Cat, Boullanger
(1722— 1759) and Button (1707-178X) all. like Hobbs, stressed the importance of the tides as an
agent in the formation of land masses. Like him thev thereby naturalistically explained fossils
and the elevation of land. As did G. H. Toulmin. m his Antiquity ami duration of the world (1780)
and Lamarck (1744-1829) in his Hydrogeologie (1S02). Hobbs insisted on the synergistic unity in
Nature of the organic and inorganic, with the organic having ontological priority. Like Buffon
and Lamarck, Hobbs supported belief m spontaneous generation as a way of showing how the
forms of life at any time were dependent upon the conditions obtaining on the earth.

It IS easy to scoff at Hobbs's insistence that the Earth was an animal, and to dismiss his
thinking for being crudely animistic. But it is important to remember that Hobbs himself
reminds the reader that he does not thereby mean (unlike, say, Thomas Robinson) that the
earth actually has ears, eyes, a mouth, hair, etc., but rather that the Earth is an organized
system, in which functions correspond to structures, and which is essentially selt-maintaming.
When James Hutton (1726-1797) wrote m 17XS that the Earth was more than a machine — it
was an organism as well — he was expressing, though m a rather more metaphorical form,
essentially the same idea as Hobbs's.

(b) Hobbs, religion, and the aims of his treatise

Hobbs more than once affirmed that he was writing a tract of natural philosophy, to solve
specific natural problems. This tact has two important correlates.

Firstly, Hobbs was throughout concerned with what was rationally and naturally possible
in Nature. He termed himself on his title page 'a Lover ot Truths drawn from Nature and
Reason". He did not of course absolutely exclude the possibility ot miraculous, divine
intervention. But he announced his hostility to invoking divine miracle (such as the Deluge) as
a blanket cxpliavtdum of events which could be explained by natural causes. By implication and
association, Hobbs linked the Deluge with the credence given by the 'vulgar' to such
phenomena as fairies, and with Popish superstition. When Hobbs cites the Bible, it is to

26 The Etirth Gcmrjlfil jrul AikUoinized

contorm that God works bv gradual, natural causation (ci,'. , through the process of
generation).

Secondly, Hobbs's treatise has no pretensions to be a total, man-centred cosmogonv and
cosmology, justifying the ways ot God to man. as were, for example, the treatises of Burnet.
Whiston. Ray (1627—170^). Woodward and other contemporaries. Throughout the work.
Man IS never mentioned in a context ot design and teleology. Hobbs barely touches upon Clods
purposes in Creation. Moses, he asserts, did not seek in the Book of Genesis to offer a
comprehensive natural philosophy of Creation. The aim of the Bible in respect of the natural
world was merely to demonstrate that the Earth was not eternal; that it was God's Creation.

Nevertheless, Hobbs"s world-view is C'hristian, and he seeks to show that the first chapters
of Genesis (and also other Books ot the Bible, such as Psalms and Job) do contain, when
properly interpreted, natural truths. Yet his theory is in no sense merely an explication de texte.
Far from it. For Hobbs declines to take a literal view of the Genesis cosmopoeia. He is insistent
that the various processes of creation which are described in the first chapter of Genesis did not
occur in six days, as the term 'day' is at present understood. They were rather gradual processes
and must have taken a great deal longer. Furthermore. Hobbs offers a daringly unconventional
interpretation of the tirst chapter of Genesis in which the six days of Creation do not even stand
for six successive periods, but rather six synchronic aspects of Creation, all occurring essentially
simultaneously, or at least being not significantly differentiated by succession. The difficulty of
interpreting the six days as successive stages is that they show the differentiation of land and sea
occurring hejcre the creation of life. This seemed to exclude the most direct and simplest
explanation of the entombment of fossils (taken as organic remains) in the strata, namely that
the seas had been teeming with tish and shell creatures before the continents had come into
existence. By asserting that the 'days' of creation were merely metaphors for different aspects of
the creation process, Hobbs could employ this easy and natural solution to an old problem.

(c) Hobbs as a theorist of the Earth

The quality ot Hobbs's insights into the structure and history ot the Earth vanes almost exactly
in inverse ratio to the magnitude of the problem he was tackling. When he is discussing large
geophysical and astronomical problems such as the rotation of the Earth on its axis, or the
source ot the tides, his own provincial ignorance of recent work, and gaucheness at handling
complicated — and often mathematical — notions, and his inability to grasp objections to his
own views, stand out most noticeably. When dealing with large issues he regularly
oversimplifies and begs questions. (Though this is not to deny that he has some sharp and
pertinent criticisms to offer of other contempiirary theorists ot the Earth such as Burnet and
Woodward.)

Furthermore, even when dealing with more immediate, concrete realities such as the strata,
rocks, fossils, and the like, Hobbs is sometmies hindered by being ignorant ot published w'ork
publicly available. For instance, he too readily assumes that all rocks are to be found stratified,
or that the remains of terrestrial creatures are not to be found in a properly fossilized condition.
And he is apt to ignore or oversimplify issues w-hich greater naturalists — such as John
Ray — had contemplated for years. He could, tor instance, simply assume without argument
that fossils were organic remains; or dismiss peremptorily all other tliei)ries ot the origin
of rivers than that thev took their origin from ranuvater — both issues being ones which

liilroihiiUon 27

had genuinely taxed scientific minds in his own time. One has the impression of a mind unused
and impervious to criticism, creating a system which was suspiciously self-contirming, because
It had never had to think probabilistically about problematic evidence.

Likewise, it is prima facie strange that Hobbs makes no explicit use ot natural history data
potentiallv available to him m the form ot articles in the PliiLiiophical Trivisaclions of the Royal
Society, and the natural histories ot Plot (1640—1696), Lhwyd (1660— 1709), Leigh (1662— 1701),
Ray etc. It is not clear in most cases whether he read such authors or not or whether he believed
his own methodology ot strict observation and induction required him to desist troni making
use of the observations of others.

All in all, these habits lent to Hobbs's theory a rather assertive and oiie-dimensional
character. He set out his beliefs in the form ot postulata. He rarely supported geological
references with detailed local evidence. His diagrams (sadly lost) must have been abstract and
idealized. He made no attempt to meet hostile criticism or to deal with anomalous cases.

Yet, where Hobbs had observed tor himself, he appears both as a sharp observer, and as an
intelligent interpreter of the significance of phenomena he had seen. He claimed to have
viewed strata in halt the counties of England, though he mentioned by name only Dorset,
Devon and Cornwall, and was vague about particular geographical locations. He was probably
exceptional rather than typical in his generation m being a naturalist who was both highly
familiar with the structure, distribution and composition ot rocks m a particular locahtv, and
,dso concerned to generalize that knowledge into a theory ot the Earth, whose universal
validity would explain local phenomena.

Hobbs's geological intelligence is apparent m the toUowmg areas: firstly, tnr Hobbs. the
key tact, and the key explicandum. about the terrestial parts oi the globe is th.it they are
stratified. The f.ict of stratification, and the need to explain it, is the hub around which all other
aspects ot his ideas about the Earth revolve. This is itself highly interesting, since observation
and analysis of the strata ccmiprised only a rather minor part ot contemporary theories of the
Earth and ot local natural histories. In this prespect, Hobbs's interest m the strata is more typical
of geology two or three generations later, rather than of his own time.

Hobbs's way of handling the strata is also distinctive. Unlike a theorist such as Woodward,
he v\as not concerned to show that the strata are universally found m the same situation. Unlike
natural historians like Plot, Leigh, and Morton, he does not concern himself with compiling
lists ot the order ot the strata in particular geographical locations, naming the particular rocks.
He has none of the ambition ot later geologists like William Smith (1769-1X39) to establish the
general order ot the strata, and to trace it across the British Isles.

Radier, Hobbs's concerns were twofold. Firstly, to establish the range ot typical
characteristic /v.t/ricH.f of strata. That is to say, under what circumstances they were to be found
parallel to the horizon, or parallel to the line ot the countryside, or in no apparent order at all;
or where they were broken etc. And then secondly to establish — to deduce, in a wav which
reminds one of the thought ot Hutton — what this necessarily demonstrated about the agency
v\ hu li had created the strata m the first place, and brought them to their current positions.

hi other words, he was concerned with forces, pressures of a 'tectonic' nature. Thus for
Hobbs, in a way not at all characteristic of contemporary geology, strata were the key to Earth
history (cf. for example, his highly .acute remarks on the significance of the phenomenon ot
stratification as such as a clue to Earth history).

28 The Earth GenerauJ ami Anatiimisal

Almost alone in his generation. Hobbs grasped clearly that the verv lact that strata existed
{i.e.. that rocks were found bedded, and that thev contained the remains of organic creatures)
demonstrated bevond dispute a marine origin for them. And the tact that the normal condition
of strata was to lie horizontally demonstrated that natural, gradual, and relatively calm
processes had placed them there — not Burnet's crustal collapse, or a Deluge, or Hooke's massive
eirthquake and volcanic movements. Similarly, the angle at which the strata of hills ranged to
the horizon demonstrated the reality of subsequent upthrust from below. Hobbs's tidal origin
theory ot the strata is similar to those of many French naturalists ot the period and the later
eighteenth century such as de Maillet, Le Cat and Buffon, all of whom attributed stratification
to the action of the tides. Of course, unlike those naturalists, Hobbs had no desire to advance
such a theory in order to attack Genesis. But it is nevertheless true that Hobbs's theory of the
formation of strata was possible only heatuse he had taken such a liberal reading of (Genesis, and
because he was so committed to the constancy of Nature and to natural causation. He would
hear nothing of any cataclysmic theory of the origins of fossils.

Clearly Hobbs also advances his theory of the gradual formation of stratified land by the
sea precisely because this is the phenomenon which he had been actually observing gradually
occurring on the Dorset coasts — above all in the vicinity of Chesil Bank — for many years of
his life. Hobbs show^s, in his theory of the formation of strata, a closer integration of extensive
personal observation — above all of current processes — with theorizing than is characteristic of
more famous theorists of the Earth ot his age — men such as Burnet. Whiston, and, perhaps.
Woodward. The power of Hobbs as a geological theorist lies in the fact that he lived on the
coast. The relations betw-een Land and sea, water and matter, are crucial to all good theories of
the Earth.

The other related feature of Hobbs's analysis of the Earth which was important and
pioneering was his construction of a number of sections of the strata (though clearly it is
difficult to write about them, they being now missing). Not only were they the first and most
extensive series of sections accompanying a late seventeenth century or early eighteenth century
theory, but in type thev seem to have been of a kind not commonly found again till the
nineteenth century. For they were not sections of particular locations, as one finds in Strachcy
and Whitehurst (1713—1788), but rather generalized ideal types, highly stylized and
conceptualized, illustrative of typical situations (possibly a little like the block diagrams of
faults which Farev inserted in his General I'iew of the agriculture ami minerals ot Derbyshire). They
embodied and illustrated a theory of how the strata had been formed. Such a graphic technique
was not absolutely new — Steno's diagrams" are of very much the same kind (though Hobbs
seems to owe nothing to Steno). But it is for that reason ot no less interest as a sign of how a
man o{ some intellect and much observation had been able — possessed as Derham said, of "a
clear head' — to concepaiahze the typical and exceptional in terms of a significant history.

To place greatest stress on Hobbs's analysis of the strata while relatively neglecting his
theory of the pulsation of the tides due to the inner heart of the earth or his astronomy, is not
simply to select for attention and praise the most 'progressive' parts of his work; nor is it to fall
victim to modern disciplinary boundaries which would separate Hobbs's 'geology' from his
"astronomy', his 'oceanography' and so forth. It is rather to point out that on Hobbs's own
statement of his intentions, the problem of the strata and of the fossils they contained was his
chief concern. After all, his own title page announces: The Eirih i;eiicr,itiil ami analonii:e<l,

Ititrotlmlion

29

wherein is sheii'ii what the Chaos was; hoti> and when the Oyster-shells, cockle-shells ami all other Marine
productions were hrmight upon, and incorporated in the rocks and mountains of the Earth.

Fur this, his natural philosophy of generation was to be invoked as a general tramework
within which his specific mechanisms for explaining strata made sense, and his discussion ot the
tides was a necessary digression. Moreover, when he came to reorganize the paper he had
submitted to the Royal Society into his treatise, turther reHection clearly caused hini to decide
to place the problem of the strata, and the formation of the present condition ot the
Earth — problems which had been relatively unimportant in his Royal Society paper — to the
forefront, as the organizing principle which was the intellectual thread running through all his
work. And, turther, it was within his discussion of formation ot the Earth that Hobbs,
confessedly an unlettered man, could speak from most experience and with greatest interest.

Hobbs was swimmmg against the tide in his day (as the quick dismissal of this theories by
the Royal Society clearly shows). He was putting forward a philosophy of an active, hving
Nature at a time when Newtonianism was stressing God's activity, and the passivity of Matter
itself He was offering a liberal view of the Biblical creation at a time which piety required
more orthodox readings. He was seeing Nature in terms of process, through alchemical
philosophies, at a time when the mechanical philosophy was replacing the chemical
philosophy. It is not surprising that Hobbs's paper was virtually neglected by the Royal
Society. Had The earth generated and anatomized been published it would probably have received
rather less attention than, say. John Hutchinson's (1674-1737) anti-Newtonian Moses's Principia.

Yet there is much in his natural phiKisophv which is an indispensable background for his
observations and technical mechanisms, and much in his specific notions which back up his
philosophy. Not until new natural philosophies came into vogue associated with men such as
Hutton, which were not precisely like Hobbs's, but which carried many of the same
burdens — the stress upon the ,rctivit\-, and organization of the Earth, upon its being
transformed gradually and continuously, the demotion of Biblical literalism and of miraculous
agency — could the study ot the Earth actually rediscover many of the important foci of
Hobbs's interest.

The manuscript of The earth generated and anatomized, with some
notes on editorial practice

The manuscript ot Hobbs's treatise from which I have worked appears to be the only one in
existence. It has never before been printed. It was purchased by the British Museum (Natural
History) from Messrs Dawson's ot Pall Mall who had advertised it tor sale in their catalogue
no. 240 (1973). The history of the manuscript is obscure. Certainly the William Hobbs will of
'743 (p- X), which I take to be the will of the son ot the author, makes no mention of any
scientific papers. Written on the vellum cover of the manuscript are the words 'Hobbs
Animadversiens' which suggest that at some stage it tell into French hands. On the first sheet of
the manuscript are the words:

JO 7 Vii' £irf/i Gciicrjlcil jiiJ Aihiii'tiii:ed

\. H.uliv

August lS2S

1 bought tills MS. in the borciugh ot Scuithw.uk.

Shortly after 1 liad made the purchase, mention was made ot it. the Title quoted partially,

&e. in the Times newspaper.

The manuscript is a folio of seventv-hve sheets, bound in contemporary limp vellum. It
measures 33 cm x 2I3 cm. The text comprises three main sections;

(a) To The Reader (unpaginated)

(fc) The main body of the text (paginated 1—54. recto only)

(c) Postscript (paginated i-iS recto and verso).
It seems to have been written in two hands. The hrst two thirds or so of the main treatise is in a
neat, polished, mature hand, and considerable care was obviously taken in the production ot
the manuscript. Many passages of the rest of the treatise and the Postscript are also m this hand.
This hand can be identified with confidence as that of the William Hobbs who wrote and
signed the two letters to the Royal Societ\- in 1709 (though these two letters were penned less
tormallv). It is perhaps not surprising that Hohbs. a sometime excise officer, could write a
handsiime hand.

The rest of the treatise and the Postscript are in a different hand, which appears less mature,
less confident, less fluent and less regular. It would seem as thi)Ugh Hobbs obtained the help of a
second hand in aiding him to complete the copying out of the manuscript — possibly a member
of his family (this second hand may well be that of a juvenile). This might indicate that Hobbs
showed a certain impatience during the later stages to complete the work. In many places the
two hands succeed each other every few paragraphs. Errors m tiie second hand are often
corrected by Hobbs's original hand.

Hobbs signed his manuscript, at the end of the section 'To The Reader'. His name has been
scratched out and almost obliterated. The signature — so far as it still appears — seems to be in
the same hand as the earlier part of the treatise, and rather different in style from the signatures
as appear on Hobbs's letters to the Royal Society. It is not clear whether Hobbs himself
scratched out his name, or whether that was done subsequently, or. indeed, why this was done.
At no other place m the manuscript did Hobbs sign his name. The title page refers to the
author as 'W.H.". Identifying books by initials w^as. of course, common practice in Hobbs's
day. It is not clear why Hobbs chose to appear simply as W.H. It is conceivable that he did it to
avoid all connexion with Thomas Hobbes. It is rather more likely that, as an unknown author,
he might expect more notice to be taken oi' his tract it it were virtually anonymous than if
known to be by an antlior who had no other work m print. This assumes that Hobbs intended
his treatise to be printed, or at least circulated.

The manuscript bears one date: 'Julv lyis'. This is at the end of the section 'To The
Reader'. The numerals 'is' have been scratched out. Since we have no rough drafts of the
treatise it is difficult to base a reconstruction of the chronology of the composition and penning
of the treatise upon more than plausible guesswork. Hobbs had presumably been making
observations and having ideas about the structure of the Earth from the late 1670s, since he
wrote in his letters to the Royal Society that his experience in these matters was of more than
thirty years.

Iiilroilui'lion 3 1

It scftin til iiic most probable that Hobbs first set out the m.i|or ideas of his treatise soon
after he eoiiipleted his register of the tides, i.e.. from about 1704 onwards (assuming that he was
dismissed troni the excise service at about this time, this might have given him the requisite
leisure). Presumably, as he himselt claimed, he had kept his tide record in order to conhrm a
hypothesis about the independence ot the tides from the Moon; and having demonstrated that,
he would wish to write up such an interpretation. He then seems to have taken no further steps,
until he made contact with the Roval .Society in 1709, sending them two letters (at least), the
first of which spelt out his arguments about Motion and the Moon, and including his 'An essay
concerning Motion', which set out main of the ideas {a;., about trade winds) to be found in
The eartli f;eiienUeil.

Why Hobbs decided, after his 'snub' from the Royal Society, to write up his ideas into the
form in which they at present stand, is unclear. It may have happened exacth as Hobbs himselt
states in his 'Postscript', which I .issunie was penned with the rest ot the treatise m 1715. At the
beginning ot the 'Postscript' Hobbs wrote: "Tis almost ten years Since 1 composed what is
generally contained in the foregoing Treatise', indicating perhaps that that was written about
170(1. and that he had put the work aside beciuse he had despaired ot being able to demonstrate
the global movements and times ot the tides. However, as he went on to say, he had recently
come across a work, the l.ii^lilniin; colKtitii. which solved such problems tor hini, and opened the
way forward. Having re,id the L/i;/if»mi; column, Hobbs presumably telt 111 a position to
expound Ills chief ideas in the body of his treatise, confirming them from deductions from the
global pattern ot the tides in the 'Postscript'.

Comparison between the papers Hobbs sent to the Royal Society in 1709 and /7/c eailh
i^eiienneil suggests a considerable amount of reworking in the interim. tA-rtain areas ot Hobbs's
thought appear much more strongly 111 the later treatise (cij. . his alchemical ideas), and what
had been separate and isolated sectors ot his theories (c.i;. , his interpretations ot Monsoon
winds) had by 171 5 been worked into a comprehensive philosophy ot the globe. One assumes
that had the manuscript o( The earth (;eiicriilcil been in existence, in a reasonably complete
condition, in 1709, he would have sent that to the Royal Society.

A Note on editorial practice

In rendering Hobbs's manuscript into print, I have tried to strike a compromise between two
desiderata: (ii) the aim of providing an exact transcript ot the manuscript, (h) the aim ot
presenting an easily read version. To the first end, I have retained the spelling, capitalization
and punctuation of the manuscript. I have also indicated deletions, alterations and other
emendations in the manuscript, where these might have some intellectual significance, rather
than being mere slips ot the pen. I have tried to do this inconspicuously, distracting the eve as
little as possible from the flow ot the line. At the same time I have chosen not to try to
reproduce every idiosyncracy of the manuscript, since that would have been to hinder general
readability. Any reader wishing to hunt among such idiosyncracies tor further clues m the
appearance of the manuscript may consult it on the permission ot the Librarian, in the
Palaeontology Librar\, of the British Museum (Natural History). On a number of occasions,
Hobbs deleted a word or phrase and substituted one nearly identical. I have chosen not to
burden the present text with these variants, since in my judgment the variations are ot no
intellectual significance, and I have simply transcribed Hobbs's final intention.

32 The Etirth Getienitfil .»;./ Aitiilomized

Hobbs had a highly elaborate practice ot representing relative degrees oi emphasis tor
different words and phrases by the use ot distinctive sizes and thicknesses ot script and ditterent
degrees ot italic and gothic script. In a rather simplified manner I have tried to retain Hobbs's
emphases, largely by the use of bold type. I have used square brackets for the occasional |sic]
and to mark the page numbers of the original manuscript. All other uses of square and round
brackets are Hobbs's.

An impressive feature ot Hobbs's original manuscript must have been the diagrams — some
twelve in all, probably contained on about tive or six sheets. Of these only one sheet survives,
containing four diagrams (nos 9, 10, 11, 12). These have been reproduced here. For the
convenience of the reader I have attempted to reconstruct the remaining diagrams. 1 wish to
thank Dr S. Conway Morris tor his great help m this task.

Hobbs's scientific drawings were clearlv prized in his day. He had sent similar drawings
and models to the Royal Societv in 1709. including a map of the Isle of Portland. William
Derham remarked on their quality. At least some ot these survived through to the
mid-eighteenth century, for notice ot them appears in manuscript catalogues of the collections
possessed by the Roval Society ('An inventorv of the subjects ot natural history in the
Repository of the Roval Society, Nov. 21, 1763' contains a rcterence to 'Representations of the
Earth's Strata: 4 pieces, and also ot the Bell tish 111 a box' which are clearly Hobbs's). When or
how they were tmally lost is not known.

Notes

1 Original in Royal Society Archives, MS Ex i. 13; copy in Letter Book Supplement, d-H,
copy. pp. 357-406.

2 At the end ot his 'An Essay concerning Motion', op. cit. (note i).

3 The following section is based chiefiv on the surviving minutes of the Excise Board,
preserved at the library of the Custom House in London, and to a small extent on the minutes
and correspondence of the Customs Board, also preserved there. Since these records date only
from the 1690s, it has been impossible to trace the origins of Hobbs's connexions with the excise
authorities. It appears from these that William Hobbs, Sr, was already excise officer at
Weymouth in 1698, when, for a short period of time, his son substituted for him while he was
sick. The younger Hobbs was posted frequently to new 'Rides' in such places at Taunton and
Worcester, moving it seems to Hindon in Dorset probably in 1703. Meanwhile his father
continued as officer at Weymouth, becoming officer at Bridport in November 1704. In [anuary
1704/5 Hobbs, Jr, was dismissed for dishonest returns. The same fate befell his father m April
1705. In August 1705 one of the Hobbs's — I presume the younger — was reinstated to a Devon
collection. He served other Devon collections in the next few years. The last mention of him I
have found in the minutes is in 1707. The other Hobbs does not figure in the minutes at all after
his dismissal. I am grateful to H.M. Customs and Excise for permission to use and quote from
their archives, and in particular to Mr F. R. Blanchard for his courteous help in explaining the
archives, and the structure ot the excise service to me. See also E. Carson, The aiKicnl ami rii^hlful
customs (London, 1972).

Inlroductioti 3 3

]'nma jiuic there might sconi to he some connection between William Hobbs ot
Weymouth, author ot The earth gent'ratcil ami ivuitoinizfd, and the man ot the very same name
who in 1714 published a tract, A new discoi'ery for finJiii^ the longitude, printed for the author who
was tound at the sign ot the Porter in Baismg Hall Street, London. Apart trom their almost
exact contemporaneitv, both works show interest in broadly similar problems — ot navigation
,at sea and its ditticiilties. But it is .ijmust certain that these William Hobbs's are in tact ditterent
men. The author ot the longitude tract was a clockmaker (quite probablv the man ot that
name apprenticed in 1672 in London). There is no intellectual cross-referencing between the
two works. The London Hobbs was chietly interested in solving the longitude problem
through fancv pieces of clock work; the Weymouth Hobbs was deeply interested in the much
more philosophic.il problems ot the figure and motion ot the earth.

4 Weymouth and Melcombe Regis Corporation Records, 1699-1724, no. 259, iSs verso.

5 The Weymouth and Melcombe Regis Corporation Records (Item S 259 Minute Book,
1699-1724, p. 2366, Xth March 1722/23) mention a Mr William Hobbs as a school master. Dr
Hugh Torrens has kindly drawn mv attention to the tact that |oshua Childrey was in contact in
1669 with a 'triend' from Weymouth who taught 'mariner's art' and was interested in tides. See
A. R. Hall and M. B. Hall, The correspondem-e of Henry Oldenburg (Madison, 1969, 6: 109). It is
just conceivable that this was the elder Hobbs. but there is no need to suppose this, since the
teaching ot mariner's art must have been an important and integral part ot the economy ot a
town such as Weymouth. In 1753 ■' school was set up for training boys who would go to sea;
see M. Weinstock Old Dorset (Newton Abbot, 19*57).

6 The will IS at the Dorset t'ountv Record Office, Dorset Archdeaconry Records,
DA/Wi743/.!^-

7 Op. tit. (note i).

8 Royal Society Journal Book, X 1702-14, p. 215.

9 Royal Society Register Book, IX, pp. 268-73.

10 Royal Society Journal B<5ok, X, 1702-14, 25th May, 1709. I assume that on both occasions
'his' in Woodward's sentence refer to Hobbs not to Woodward.

11 Royal Society [ournal Book, X, 1702—14, 13th [uly 1709.

12 This letter is Sloane Mss, 4042, t. 13, in the Department ot Manuscripts, British Library.
There is a copy in the Royal Society archives, LBC 14 276. The Bear Inn was m St Mary's
Street.

13 A similar provincial, contemporary with Hobbs, was Conyers Purshall. a country
physician (? at Bromsgrove). who wrote .-in essay at the mechanism of the macrocosm (London,
1705). Purshall complained ot his isolation trom learned .society. His book shows a mixture,
similar to Hobbs's, of rather acute criticism of fashionable mechanical and Newtonian
philosophy, with some extremely eccentric and old-fashioned views {e.g., an apparent denial of
Copernicanism). Like Hobbs, Purshall believed that the pressure of the aether accounted for all
heavenly motions, but there the similarity ends.

14 See D. E. Allen. The naturalist ui Britain (London. 1976), tor an account ot the social
development ot the natural history sciences in Britain.

34 The Earth GenemleJ Jiid AmtcinUed

15 This account is derived from sources such as J. Coker, .-1 mrvcy cj Donclsliirc. ivriliuiiini; the
antiquities and muural history of thai ammy (London, 1732); John Hutchins, The history and
anliijtiilics of the county of Dorset (2 vols, London. 1774): H.J. Moulc, Old Dorset (London. 1893);
T. Perkins and H. Pentin. Memorials of old Dorset (London, 1907); and G. A. Elhs, The history
and antiquities of the horough and town of H'eymouth and Melcomhe Reikis (Weymouth, 1829). For a
rich guide to the literature on Dorset see R. Douch. A handbook of local history: Dorset
(University of Bristol. Bristol. I9.s2, revised and corrected ed.. 1962).

16 For a good bibliography ot books and articles on Dorset geology see (i. M. Davies. 77if
Dorset coast, a geological (;uide (London. 193^. 1 13-22).

17 M. [. S. Rudwick. "The emergence ot a visual language for geological science'. History of
science 14 1976: 149-9S.

The earth generated and anatomized:
Text

The

^ and A\L\TOMirED

Cif/ler. f/WtCi. . (h^cAf^jhW/li , and ail elite r llhi rnic ^

tb ., , .

hrf^ mo

thln'nij S^j^loivin^ c^> I tdcS A'^'t'^^" f^'^ Two
pinccj^vhciV tiuiiare once tii XV /)«y(y Ori'ji'ii'il'/ -
'inmVLi , ami lolwrc fhi'if iihi'mnfrli/ nuctetuh^vnicr-

of tlw IJloOnX ^/"vrMi/i^ tftcfit.ii/iM,i conJu»d .

futnble tofuch a ^iitbfcc't ; not bcjviv ndut'iu'c'il ■
,T}le lohote betna cicdtured^jivni f/ieyfibl<^ '^"<^

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" /r.?m ,\aturc .Ml./ \f\cctfon . ^'

PI.ATF. I Pliiitiigrapliic reproduction ol the titli- p.iuc ol I lobhs\ treatise.

THE EARTH GENERATED AND ANATOMIZED

wherein is shewn
What the Chaos was; How and when the
Oyster-Shells, Cockle-Shells, and all other Marine
productions, were brought upon, and incorporated
in the Rocks and Mountains of the Earth. Proving
that It was not at, or by the Deluge, as is Vulgarly
Supposed.

Also
Why and When the Said Hills and Mountains were raised.
As also shewing not onlv the certain Cause of the
Ebbing and Flowing of the Tides. But even the Two
places where they are once in XV Dayes originaly
Moved; and where they ultimately meet each other.
By which, as also by diverse Arguments, the Vulgar Notion
of the Moon's Governing them, is fully confuted.

Together with
Many other Philosophical Doctrines and Discoveries;
Suitable to such a Subject; not before advanced.

The whole being deduced from the Visible and
Tangible Phxnomena's ot unerring Nature, and
proved by plain and tanuliar Experiments; and not
from the uncertain Opinions of humane Authors;
who, in things ot this Nature, trequentlv disagree

and contradict each other.

By W. H. a Lover (it truths drawn

from Nature and Reason

3? The Etirth Geiieratcd and Anatomized

— Wine arc in their Feasts; But they regard not

the works of the Lord; neither consider the operation

ot his Hands. Isai 5 v. 12.

The hivisihle things ot God from the Creation of
the World, are clearlv seen by the things that
are made. Rom. I v. 20.

For he hath Given me the true knowledge
of the things that are; So that I know how
the World was made, and the Power of
the Elements. Wisdome 7 v. 17'

The Eiuth Ct'iii-rali-J aiiJ Aihiloiiii:<;l: TcM 39

To the Reader

It ina\ be discovered by the Title Page, That the ensuing Lines, do not onK'
dilter, ti'oni the opinion ot manv Learned Writers, of This and the former Ages; but
alsoe assert other Propositions, not before advanced: And though this may be a
presumption in the Author, yet if it be duly considered, 'twill apear highly needfull to
have been done, for manv Ages past; For tho' the Mathematicall Sciences, are Treated
ot, with Such Nicitv and unaniinit\'; as that there seems no Room to correct what has
been Written; not but Little tor anv turther Advancement; Yet in those Sciences, 'tis
quite otherwise; For there are Such Diversitv ot Opmnions concerning, even the
Visible Appearances m Nature; that a man knows not which is true, or which is talse;
From the Consideration whereot, 1 was induced to Lav those opinions, vvholy aside;
Not tor want ot Ciratitude to Some and due Respect to the Rest ot those Authors: But
to try what I could Discover, as well bv observing the Said Ph<TnoiTiena's; as by
Searching into the Causes thereof; in hopes that Some Right Foundation might be Laid
tor this, as well as other Sciences." In Which Enquiry, haveing had the advantage ot
makeing my observations in near half the Countys of this Kingdom, as well in the
hiland parts, as on the Sea Coasts' I allways found; That in all Deep Roads, Pitts,
Quarries, Mines; etc. the Constant Position of the Stratas, or rather Beds of Earth;
whether it was Level, Hillv, or Mountainious; were exactly parrallel to each other; as
in the r': 3 and 4:" Fig:''' is described: Which Position I never before found treated of,
tho' It Teacheth, as much or more, than anv Terrestriall Phenomenon whatever.''

After this I observed the Position ot the tish=Shells^ and found them to be
immassed, as well in the Solid Rocks & Stones, as in earth, and looser matter, and tho'
they are not generalK' So, — m all places, — yet what is described in the following
Figures, is no more than I have actuallv seen, especialK- on the Sea Coasts, tor Severall
Furlongs; and Sometimes for Miles together; and in Some places, even to the depth of 2
or 300 foot perpendicular;^ So that you may certainly depend, upon what you [p. 2)
See therein decyphered. Now when I had made these observations; I further observed.
That it a greater or Lesser Tree (or any of their branches) be Sawn a Sunder; At the
Ends thereof, the Veins will appear as exactlv parrallel as they do Circular; and well
knowing, that the Generateing, the Sphericall Earth; was the Same, in its Kind, with
any of these cilindncall Vegetables; I was thereby taught, that the Beds ot Stone Cley,
earth, ike. were at first, not only as is Said parrellcl, and Circular, but also Levell, and
Honzontalb' posited: as in Fig: S:' is described. Whence I plamlv discovered. That the
shells, were then; to wit. when the matter ot the Earth was plain. Soft, and Levell
and no Hills raised, brought upon the Earth; and incorporated, and mingled therewith:
And that when the Earth was tittlv hardened, the Hills were thrust up; together
with the Shells ,uid other M.irine productions that were then incorporated, and are
now remaimni; therein. And this we mav be assured, was the real Means wherebv thev

^0 7^'"' fiirf'i Getwriilcil jml AiijliniiizeJ

became Posited, (as we frequently tinii them,) so many hundred teet higher than
the Ocean, in which their Species do now reside. All which is evidenced, by their
verv Position in the Rocks; as is described in Fig: z/." Because the Matter must be
both soft and level when they were thereinto admitted. For every Fiousewite can
tcstifie, that the Fruit, must be put into the Cake or puding before, and not after
it is baked or hardened:' And as the Earth was then undeniablv soft and tender; so
'tis as evident that it was level and that there could not. then be any Hills or Mountains
raised; For if they Should in that State, the Soft Matter Would Subside, as fast as it
was Elevated; as davlv Experience teachcth and Conhrmeth.

Now having delineated and transcribed these Visible Symbollicall Characters,
imprinted by nature in the Earth, and incerted the hiferences. that did naturallv How
from them, upon the following Sheets, I found them to difter from other opinions,
as aforesaid: Whereupon I presumed to Examine them by that admirable Compendium
of the Creation, Contained in the two hrst Chapters, ot the Book ot Cienesis;
wherein We have a more true, and profound Account thereof; than in all the
philosophical Books vet extant; And haveing thus done, I found my mean Endeavours,
were therebv So far Justified: |p. 3) as that thev seemed to be, but as a Naturall
Comment, or Paraphrase upon the Said Chapters; And that this may the better appear,
we will here incert an Abstract thereof: hi which it !■- to be noted; That When Moses
had given an Account, of the Creating the first Matter, out of Nothing; He then
intimates or tell us — '"

First, That it was a deformed Mass of Water; and that the Spirrit ot Cod nioveing
thereupon produced Light.*

2^'" That God Seperated the waters designed for the Earth from those of which
"the heavens were made.

3^'' That after the Waters were gathered together, the dry Land was Raised up, or
"appeared above the Waters. Whereupon the Earth broght forth Grass &c.
"abundantly.

4;''''' He formed or made the Sun, moon, and Stars.
5'.' He commanded the waters to Bring forth Fish, and Fowles and
6'" "He commanded the Earth to bring forth Horses, Cows, Sheep Lyons, Dogs,
&c. and all other Living Creatures Whatsoever"

And when he had given us this Brief Account of WHAT, was done, he then in
the 4'.'' Verse of the 2' Chapter'' tells us the Maner HOW, or by what Means it was
Effected, (namely)

* Note this Light was doubtless the Same m kind (or to which he aludcs) with that wc now
finde on the Surface of the Ocean; for, Especially at Some Seasons of the year, and m hot
countries, if a Vessell of salt Water be carried into any Close Roome, in the darkest Night, it
will, if stirred, produce Such a light as that I have Seen an hair, by that Light only.

The Earth Gaicratcd ,niil AihUomi:eil: Text 41

"That the Heavens, and the Earth, were made, by GENERATION; In which
Emphaticall, and comprehensive Word, We have the Whole Process ot Nature, in
tormmg the Universe, tullv described; So that it we know, but what it is to
GENERATE, or ANIMATE, we mav know the manner how, all Naturall Bodies,
from the first Matter, were formed, and produced; And whether I have pursued the
Foot=steps, or process, of GENERATEING in the tolKiwing Lines, I leave to be
determined by the fudicious Reader.

[p. 4] But iK-itwithstanding the Excellency of this Account it is to be observed That
It has not past unsensured; fir some (haplv not from their knowledge in the Works ot
Nature, but for Reasons best known to themselves) have objected. That the Space of
one day, was too Little, lor makeing the Heavens, when the Earth required y. Others
that the Order in which they are Said to be made, was Sometimes inverted; as in the 4'''
Verse The Heavens are Said to be made, before the Earth; and in the Close of the
Same, the Earth is said to be made before the Heavens; so likewise in the tirst Words,
'tis said the Heavens and the Earth were Created; and yet atter that, we have an
Account of the Makeing them both: so also in the Middle ot the Week (to Wit) on the
4''^ day, 'tis observed that the Heavens were made; during which some would infer.
That the forming ot the Earth was laid by; and reasumed the day tollowing &c.

Now that these seeming Contradictions may be reconciled, I shall presume to
Shew, that there can be no Methodicall account given of the Process ot Nature in
Generateing or makeing the universe, or of that part called the Terrestriall Globe, or
any Generated, or Animated Bodv Whatsoever." 2":"' That the pretended Contradic-
tions; are no other, than Such, as in all probability, the Authur designed; and what
Nature, Reason, and our davlv Observations, do allow; or may be justly reconciled
unto. And to explvcate the Matter; Lett us Suppose that a Statuarist should carve a
Figure, (e.g) ot an Apple Tree or another person, should make such a Machine as a
watch; of which let the tirst, (as it resembles), be compared to a Vegetable; and the
Latter to an Animall: Now tho" these Bodies, when tinished, may bear Some
Resemblance in Respect of the form, or Regularity in composure; or in Respect of
Power in moveing &c; to the Bodies with which they are Compared; yet the Order or
Method in forming, or composing them, is far difterent, from the Gradations or
Proceedings of Nature in forming Naturall Bodies: For when the Artist, in one day, is
giving Shape, Suppose to the Body; or but to any Leaf of the Tree; during that time,
all the rest <if the designed Leaves and Fruit |p. s] will remame formeless and wholy
unfashioned: and so of the Severall parts of the Watch or other Machine. But in the
process of Nature 'tis quite otherwise; For "tis well known. That no part ot any
generated Bodv is at a Stand, or unaffected, whilst the other Parts, are composing; But
that the whole, and all its Parts, are carryed on, h\ a common Coagitation, and
Generall Gradation: So that 'tis impossible to say, this day the Foot of the Head; and
that day the Bones &c: in any Fa-tus, was formed, or that any part or Member thereof

^2 ""' Eiirili Ciciicratfii ivul Aihiiomii^ed

was perfected: betore the whole is tull\- AminateJ: (And the Same may be understood
of a vegetable) Which being well-known to this Wise and Learned Author, he
accordintjiv treated o( the Creation promiscuously; by inverting and counterchanging
the Order or Method thereof: as is behire observed: In which he so Signalised his
Wisdome, that instead ot being censured or exploded, he highly deserves the greater
Admiration.'''

Now Seeing "tis Evident, that the Heavens and the Earth were Generated, and that
therefore, there could be no Methodicall account Given, of the perfect order in which
they were made: We may from these considerations, justly conclude, That the Process
of Nature, in Generateing that Part ot the Universe called the Heavens; was as
certainly carryed on, in the i!' 2'.' and 3'.' Days (to wit) whilst the Earth was forming: as
it was on the 4* Day; notwithstanding they are not till then, said to be made: And also
That the Waters, did as Certainly bring forth all Sorts offish, if not Fowles, (at least) as
well on the 3'.' and 4''' Days; as they did. both fish, and Fowles on the 5" Day. For it
appears, by the foregoing Abstract that as soon as the dry Land, was raised above the
Waters; it immediately became fruitfull and most plentifully brought forth Grass, and
other Vegetables. With what Shadow of Reason then can it be supposed, that the
Waters, which had their Being from the first Beginning of the Creation, should be
fruitless and barren untill the s'.'' Day (to wit) 'till after the Heavens and the Earth were
made?''' For 'tis but naturall to conclude That at the same instant in which matter was
Created or produced, it was likewise elemented and imprincipled with its productive
Nature, or plastick Qualification: It being absurd to Suppose. That the said matter or
either of the Elements, could Exist before, or without, its essentiall properties. And this
the Father of Solomon fully affirmes when he tells us. That by the Very word of the
Lord, the Heavens and all their host were made psal : 33. v. 6"' (i.e) Matter was thereby
Created, and [p. 6| imprincipled in order to generate them, as aforesaid. So that in all
probability the designe of Moses, was not so much to ascertaine, an exact Mechanick,
or literall Order, for makemg the Heavens, and the Earth: as to convince and Assure
us. That they were made, (S^ Ncn Eternall: And therefore what I have said in the
following lines concerning the Shell=Fish &c. being brought forth, or generated before
the Fifth da\': (to wit) before the Hills were raised, (which some perhaps may object
against.) is not so contrary to the said Compendium but that it is comtormable to the
designe of its Autlu>r; And is fullv warranted, from the process of Nature, 111
Clenerateing or Animateing of Matter: and also abundantly confirmed by the Shells
being Visibly found incorporated m the Rocks as aforesaid. And what is more by this
Hypothosis, Nature, Reason, and our dayly Observations, will be mutually reconciled:
and the Manifold Absurdities, so inevitably arising from the contrary: be dessipated \'
prevented.

And forasmuch as diverse other things contained in the following lines are either
New. or at least but rarely treated of; I am not unsensible, That there are Two things

The Earth Gcnfr,ucil iiiul Aihitomiztii: Text 43

wanting, which might rccoininciul it tci the Readers approbation; (Namelv) First, That
it proceeds not troni the Pen ot Some famous Learned Author: And SecondK' That it is
not confirmed by the Concurrent Testimonies ot Such.

As to the first ot these, I readily grant, that it it had been promulgated bv the
Learned Crrotius, or DesCartes, or bv our adjacent neighbour [two words
undecyphered] I mean the Author ot the tamous or rather mtamous Leviathan their
very names might have given it such a Sanction as would perhaps Silence Objections
But insomuch as I am not endowed with the learning ot the tormer, so I think titt tor
some Reasons to acknowledge that notwithstanding the Vicinity before mentioned I
am not anv wav related to the latter. I must therefore commit it, as it is, destitute ot the
said advantages to the Censures of the Judicious Reader."

But however to Shew, that it ought not to be rejected, barely tor want ot these
accomplishments, in the Author; I shall endeavour to prove. That Learning especially
of Languages;'" conduceth but little, to enquiries ot the Nature; For 'tis evident That
[p. 7) Learning (I speak not to lessen its Excellency, tor 'tis what I highly honour and
admire;) may teach us what is ii/rciii/y known |to others;] But 'tis not that alone, that
will tiiide out new Discoveries; or intalliblv unfold the deep mistenes, imprinted in the
Volumes ot Nature. For know in Musick, he that learns the Theoretic Part of Contra
Puntum can play but onlv what is first composed. Whereas he that knows the latter can
perform what the tormer never played,'' though he that implovs his time, in Reading
what is alreadv published; mav know what other men have known; Yet 'tis the Setting
one thing against another, by Contemplation , that finds out what his Authors never
knew. Had what I have herein after treated ot, or discovered, depended only upon
Mathematical! Sciences, or Orientall Languages; it had not been a Secret so long,
as 'till the Da\s ot Euclid, or Aristotle; But as it is derived, from a Dilligent Searching
into Natures Symbolical! CFiaracters, the bare knowledge of a multitude of Words,
can contribute but little thereunto. How absurd would it be to thinke That Columbus's
dark and Midnight conceptions of the Western World, that had lain so many
Thousand Years in Obscurity, and undiscovered, Should proceed from Learning
Spanish, Welch, or Irish; Whv then Should we undervalue our selves or Language, so
as to thinke the knowledge ot CSreek, or Hebrew; as the Vulgar doe, to whom I am
now Speaking, will teach us the Secret Misteries ot Art or Nature? Is every Native ot
Greece, a Philosopher by Virtue ot his Language? or every Jew, a Mathematician by
means ot his? Nay I'll appeal to Reason, Whether the more a man Spends his time in
attaining Such knowledge, he be not thereby the more hindred and diverted, from
Contemplation? by which, as is said, all new discoveries are attained. And that they are
so, will appear by the following instances; For

Was it not by Contemplation, that Pythagoras found out the 47'.'' Problem in the
I Book of Euclide's Elements.'" at the Discovery of which so many Oxen were slain in
Sacrifice; and on which so great a part of Mathematicall Learning depends. Twas

44 The Earth GeiieratfJ jtiJ Aiijtinitized

[p. S] also by thinking and not onlv bv Reading, (for whatsoever is predicated or
published, is already known,) that the Reverend Bishop, in the age of ignorance, lost
his Life: for Asserting. The E,irth tiul not Rest on the Sky heneath them}^ And "twas bv the
same, that the aforesaid Columbus, found out that Vast Continent oi America, tor those
who after he returned, most ungratefully Slighted, and afronted him. 'Twas also by
thinking. T\\m Archimedes found how to Discover, the fraudulent compounding of
Mettles;-- at which he was transported as to forgett his Cloaths when Naked. And of
later Ages, 'twas that bv which the Hon: "^ L: Napier^^ of North-Bnttam. bv his
profound and famous Invention of Logarithms, converted Multiplication and Division,
into Addition & Subtraction. And. Pardon mv presumption, "Twas also bv thinking
that I obtained the Discoveries: with which you are presented, in the following Lines.
In a Word, Learning produceth Knowledge: Knowledge fitts man for Contemplation:
and Contemplation, finds out new Discoveries: From whence Learning was primarilv
educed: and is still improved and increased. To conclude therefore seeing what is
herein advanced was principally obtained by Contemplation; it may nevertheless be
true, though it does not proceed from such an Author, as these before mentioned.
2'." The next thing that's wanting to recommend what is herein Writen; is because,
it is not confirmed bv the concurrent Testimonies, of such Authors; Which indeed I
have very rarely mentioned: But my reasons for so omitting, are First because they
could not be obtained: And secondly, Because they are either Needless or useless and.

First, That thev could not be obtained, is manifest; Because a great Part of What's
herein Advanced, was not before discovered:^'' As the Time When, and manner how,
and places where, the Waters are originially moved; with Divers other things of like
Nature; as in the ensueing treatise will more fully appear. And being, as is said, not
before Discovered, 'tis therefore impossible to obtain concurrent Testimonies for their
Confirmation. And truly had I not been Assured of their Verity, as well as of [p. 9]
their Novelty. I would not have given my self the trouble of Writing, Nor you of
Reading, what is herein contained: But would even now tho' finished, burv it in
Obscurity. Seeing therefore you finde me wholy averse to publish what has been
already, rifthtly treated of by others; I hope my endeavours herein will be the more
acceptable: and the rather because there are so many that have Writtin, even on the
uncontreverted Mathematicall Science who might, (as Mr. Lilly-^ has done, in his
treatise on that imaginary and imperfect Art o{ Astrclijiie) who might I say, have
terminated their Labours, with a i\'i7n7 dictum quod iion dictum prius: as haveing left the
Science whereon thev treated, but in the same state wherein thev found it.

And since I have here, as well as in Section the Second, &c. taken Occasion
to mention the said Art o(Astrolo(;ie. I must beg leave, tho it be a digression, to show
That 'tis even such, as I have Deemed it to be.'''

And r' That it is but imaginary is evident, in that it is founded on an imaginary,
and invisible Influence, of the Planets and Fixed=Stars: of which, as is Shewn in the said

The F.artli Giiifrali-iLiiiil Aihiloinizfd: Text 45

Section thc-y arc wholy destitute; .iiid therefore cannot m the least attcct us therewith;
Whereas m other Sciences there are real and Visible objects. Whereby to demonstrate,
the Rules and Propositions depending thereupon: As for instance, in the Noble Science
o( AftwiioDiy. There are histruments, and the Visible Bodvs ot the Stars: by the use, and
Observations whereof, their Position, Motion, and Revolutions, are plainly Discovered
and computed.

2'.' In Geometry and other parts ot the Mathematicks, there are real and Visible
Lines, Circles and Numbers, to Demonstrate the Powers, Proportions, and affections,
that they bear each other. And 3'.' in the Pluloso[>liiuill Science now before us. We have
the Visible and tangible Phoenomena's in Nature, to guide us in our enquiries, after the
Causes thereof; as also for the Inferences and deductions |p, io| drawn therefrom; l^ut,
injudiciall A,strologie, ther's nothing but Arbitrary Rules, and imaginary Aphorisms,
to Guide them in all their Enquiries; So-that if M'. Lilly had thought fitt, he might have
changed, even the PtiiLviuiick Table, of the pretended Essential Dignities of the
Plannets; by putting Taurus, for the dav or night house oiMars, instead of Aries; for the
like house of I 'anis, instead of Taurus: and so of the rest, at his pleasure; and
accordingly their Effect or InHueuce, would be equally the same, to the Native or
Querent. For the whole art, unless what Relates to AstroiioniN', proceeds but from the
Arbitrary Rules and Assertions, of their first, or procceedent Authors, as aforesaid.//

And 2'."' That the said Art is but Iiiipcrfctl. is evident. Because that in, and near, 66
Degrees of N':' and S';' Lattitude (Viz.') in Norway Finland, and the north part oiTartaria
and other like places; the Art is as it were wholy Extinct; For if any Native be born, or
any Question asked, at, or near the time of the Suns (or any other planets,) Setting
from the n''' of June to the 13''' of December. Or, at the Suns (or anv Plannets) Rising;
for the other halfe of the year; all the signes and Plannets, will be then and there in the
First &■ Seaventh House, and all the rest of the Houses will be void and Tenantless; So
that all the Astoligers in Europe, cannot Determine What Plannet, Such a Native, of
Such a place is borne under; or what is Lord, or Lady, of the Ascendant; or any other,
of their imaginary Houses; By which it appears, that the said Art is imperfect and
Deficient; And in those parts of the world; even according to their own pretended
Rules, wholy useless; as could te further demonstrated; But I must return.

Haveing already Shewn, That the Concurrent Testimonies of Authors, cannot be
obtained, for the Confirmation of new Discoveries; I shall now proceed to Shew; that
they are Needless, or useless, to confirm, or confute; what is herein [p. 11] Advanced.
And fust that thev are Needless is evident Because, that which Relates to the
Discribmg, the Ph;cnomena's imprinted in the Rocks, and Mountains, of the Earth; are
in them so conspicious, that all persons ma\' Satisfie themselves, of their being Such,
and so posited as is described; even by Visibly beholding the Same: And as for that
common Phemomencn in the waters, I mean the flowing of the Tides, it is so generally
known and granted. That it would be, not only needless, but even ridiculous, to spend

46 The Eiirlh Generated ivul AiiaicniizeJ

time to conform, that there is such a motion therein. Froin whence it is manifest. That
Such Testimonies, are altogether needless, for contirniing the Being, and Position, of
the said Pheiwrnena 's. And as they are therein Needless, so they are also Useless, for
conhrming the Inferences, and Deductions drawn therefrom: For should we depend
upon such Testimonies: to prove what we have assigned, for the Causes why. the manner
how. and the Time when: those Characters or Svmbols of Nature, were imprinted in the
hxed parts ot the Earth: Or kni\ & where, those in the Marine parts thereof (to wit, the
Tides) are originially moved; I say, Should we endeavour to prove, what we have
Advanced by Such testimonies: we should have spent time to no Porpose: For as we
have already hinted, there are Such DiversitN' and Variet\- ot Opinnions, concerning
many ot those Things whereot we have treated: That sliould the\- he enumerated, it
would Seem to be: Tot homines, ijiiot Sentciitia-;- So that neither ot them, how Learned
Soever can be depended upon, tor contirmmg or Contuteing what is herein Asserted.
For a Conclusion there=fore. Seeing it is manifest That Such Testimonies, are not
only Uncertain: but even needless and useless: And forasmuch as what I have asserted
was deduced and Established trom the Visible, and Tangihie. Ph.rnomena's ot Unerring
Nature: My request therefore is; [p. 12] That what I have Written, mav be Approved,
or Rejected; but as it shall, or shall not be Warranted by, and from, the same
Svmbolicall hnpressions from whence it was Derived; without haveing respect to the
Opinion, of any Author whatsoever. And bv Such a Trvall, or Examination, I doubt
not ot being Justified, in what is presented in the Following lines:

Bv yours'*
July 171 s William Hobbs

We\niouth

The generating the Earth, &c."'

Sect: r:

That tishzshclls arc tound plcntitull in the Earth as dcscriheJ in the figures
hereunto annexed. That the matter ot the Earth was soft and even, when the said shells
were admitted thereintn. What the Chaos, or tirst matter was. An Account of the
Generatemg an animal; and that apply'd to the Animatemg the Earth. Whv Creatures
ditter 111 their shapes, and Why they were not all Orbicular.

WHEN, the Almighty Crciitor, formed Man after his own hnage, tho' he did not
endow him w'.'' that perfect Oniiscicncf which is one of his ownc peculiar Attributes,
Yet he gave him Such a share of Knowledge, in his innocency; that he was then but a
little beneath the Angells of Heaven: And if he had So continued might doubtless, with
facility, have given us, an exact Account of the Works of Creation; But his
disobediently Aspiring after Knowledge, defaced the Image of his Maker, enstamped
upon him, and thereby, clouding his understanding, made his Iffiioiivuc dayly Increase
with his >/);; so that we have, now, no more knowledge of that great Work, than
which God has been pleased to reveal in his secret Writing. Or else what bv our
investigateing, and prying into the Secrets ofNiilurc, we are able thence to Collect; But
the Account thereof in the Scriptures, being designed, to let Man know. That as he
himself; So all things else,, had their beiiii^. from that one God which we are
commanded to adore; And not to teach us PliYlcsoplncall Systems of the Creation; or to
till us with Metaphisiaill Notions of things Created;"' the latter way, has, with
Various Success, been followed by the most Ingenuous, and Inquisitive Persons
of all Ages; Most of whom, tho' their Conceptions have been Deep and Regular; and
their Methods and Reasonings, Elegant and Admirable; Yet by their not closely
following Nature's foot=steps; have therefore Given us but lame Accounts, of its
Operations; And more puzled us, with multiplicity of Idea's, than cleared our
Understandings;

|p. 14I Now tho' I know my self 111 divers respects, very untitt for Such an
Undertakemg as has been thus attended; Yet haveing tor many Years," diligently
Observed, and enquired into the Various Phiviioiiieiiii 's of Nature; and from thence
Collected the following Hypothesis; am the more willing to Communicate the Same;
Because 'tis founded and Evidenced, /')' and /r<i»i, such Observations and appearances m
nature, as are even Visible therein; And therefore Subjected, to the Censure, or
Approbation, of the meanest Enquirer; They being chiefly Such as these.

I. First That a multitude of Shells, (to wit,) ofOysters. Miisells. CocUrs. and
severall Marine Productions, both in their Maturity, and some even m their Enibno,

48 The Earth i'iciii-r,itrii ami Anatomizfil

arc dayly tound in almost all the parts ot the Earth; not only on, and near its
Superticies: but also to the greatest depth we have as yet, been able to arrive; As is
evident from the works of many Learned Authors;'- and also to all Such, as shall please
to enquire thereinto, from the said Productions, in the Volunis ot Nature.

II. Secondly, That these Shells, are not only dispersed in Loose Earth, and the
less Solid parts of the Glob; but also in the hardest Rocks, as well of Marble, and Flints,
as of other common Stones; and also in Chalk, Copperas=Stones; and all other
Terrestrial] Fossils;^' unless Minerals, coiTion coals,''' and Cornish slate, or Tiles; in
which I could never vet see any; tho' I have dihgentlv caught them, in the latter, in
divers parts, ot the South o{ Depoiishire . and Cornwall: where the Deep Roads, do
expose such Rocks to publick View, in many places, to <S. or lo. Foot in Depth, for
Severall Miles together; besides the many Quarries that are there, to be seen. However,
that they are not tound therein; is not to be admired; if we consider, how unfitt Such
black, and Sulpherious matter was, when tluid, either tor the production of such
Animals, or tor their Sustentation when produced. But tho they are not found in these
particular things; yet in the said Stones, and Rocks, and all other matter, before
mentioned; They are nevertheless, immassed and incorporated, in such a plentiful
manner, as that I have seen some stones, ot 50. or lOO. Tunns in Measure, to appear
almost mtirely Shells, or their Impressions:" And these lying in severall Beds or ranges
ot the Earth, to the depth ot 60. or 100 Foot: And. on the sea Coast, as well some
hundred teet above, as at. and under, the Waters; even tor Furlongs, and sometimes,
for miles Together. Being there, as well as in the lnnland=parts. [p. i 5] generally
posited as in the tollowmg Figures is described. From whence we inav iiiterr, as it
cannot be denved; That the Rocks or whatever contains those Shells, or their
Impressions; were, at the time ot Receiving them, ot a thin. soft, fluid, substance; And that
the hills and Mountains, wherein those Shells are now tound, were not raised, till after
the said shells were immassed and mingled therein; (see Prov. 8: 24: 25)"* And this is
plain because the earth being soft it must therefore then be smooth and even; Tho' it is
since condenced and hardned into Clay. Stones, Mineralls &c; and the Mountains and
hills r<iised, as we now behold them.

III. Thirdlv, That the bodv ot the Earth, dos now, consist of Severall Beds or
Ranges ot Clay, Stone, Mineralls &c. Runing alwayes exactly /xirrc/Ze/ to each other As
in Fig. n'" The bed or stratum of Clay D.D. is parrallel to that of stone E.E. and that
again parrellel to F.F. and soe of the rest, as the Figure, do plainlv intimate; which I
desire mav be well noted, as being a principall Thing herein to be considered.

IIII. FiiurthK That tho' these stratas are parrellel to each other. Yet where Hills
are raised they are not parallel to the Honzone, but do sometimes c utt the same Angles
of 20. or 40. degrees, more or Less as is plainlv intimated bv Fig: 3.''"

V. That is the\' run parellel to one side ot the hill, (as the Side A. A. Fig: 3.')
then the other side A.B.C". is butted against h\ the l-juls ot those Beds which are shuting

The Earth Geiu-raicil ,vhl Analomi^cil: Tcxl 49

out against the Surface ot the Hill, as at A. B.C. aforesaid. And tli.it it is thus Scituate. is
I'i.^iWe to all persons travelling in any hillv Country, where the Roads are washed into
Hollow-wayes; unless perchance, at the time ot the Raising such hills; or since, some ot
them have accuienttall)' fallen from A. towards B. and remaining m such a position liave
made them seem otherwise. But diligent Enquiry will convince, that their luituraU
Position is exactly parallel as described and accordingly thev are generally found.

VI. That if the Elevation of an hill, is caused by an cquall force at the same tune;
thrusting up all it's Parts alike; then in such hills [p. 16] the Beds do continue their
naturall and primitive Scituation (that is) parrellel to the Honzone, and to each other;
and their Ends coming or pointing forth, against the surface, on all the sides of such
hills; as in Fig: 4''' '"

VII. My last Observations, are Nc^iilii'c (Viz.') First, that we can neyer tmde, m
any Hill whatsoevever, the Beds or stratas, to be equally parallel to hoih. or dll the sides
thereof; as described m Fig: 5;' but alwaves Scituate, as is before described in Fig: i : 2:
3: &: 4. and not otherwise.'"' 2'."' That the hills and Mountains of the Earth could not be
formed as the matter prccipitiileJ as is commonly Supposed; Because if soe, the hills
would be allwayes found posited as in Fig: 5'.''^' or else confusedly without order, as in
Fig: 7'.''''' In neither of which Positions we ne\'er tmde them; and therefore they were

not so formed and raised; but were certainly thrust up, by some internall force, after
the Matter was hardned as aforesaid. And seeing these things are the Basis, on which I
build my Hypothesis; 'tis not amiss to add a word or two tor their further
confirmation.

First then That the Matter was scfl when these Shells were immassed therein, is
manifest, even from the very walls ot our houses; tor we all know that the hair and
straw, that's found therein, must be mingled therewith, when it was soft and tender,
and not afterward: soe in like manner, the mettle ot which any Molten Stattue is made,
must be thin, and fluul; when cast into the Mould: And the Wax alsoe, must be melted;
before it can receive the Impression. All which being soe plain and evident, I need
do no more, but leave it to the Reader to make the application.

Secondly, That the Earth was Smooth and ci'ch, and no Hills raised when these
shells were incorporated therein, or mixed therewith; will be likewise evident. From
what is Visible to common Experience (Viz!) Because the hills and Mountains in
which they are found, are now much higher than the Ocean, wherein such fish are Now
bred; and being soe posited, 'tis naturally impossible, that the Water and shells should
come up thither, for the latter to be [p. 17] immassed therein:

And therefore the Hills at that time, must ot necessity, be noe higher than the
Waters then were, or now are; as was before proposed. But to be more particular; we
have an Instance in the lie of Pt'rf/ii»(/;"" where, near the Surface of the Earth, and to the
depth of 60. or 100. Feet, may be seen Thousands ot stones, (some of 40. or 50. Tunns a
peece) soe full of shells throughout the wh<ile Mass, and some soe full of their

^0 The Earth GenemleJ ami Ajialcinized

Impressions (onlv) as that it seems dithcult to judge, how more shells coukl be miiiijled
therewith, or hnpressions formed therein; As appears by Fig. 2'. from one ot which, I
deline,ated the Rock therein described.

Now whether from these considerations, it be not more Reasonable to conclude.
That the matter ot this Island (and soe ot all the rest ot the Hills and Mountains ot the
Earth) was, at that Time, (to wit) when the Shells were mingled therein noe higher
than the Bottom, or at most, than the Surface, of y' Water; Than it is to conclude that
the shells, and water, were soe unnaturallv raised 420. Foot (for soe much I found its
perpendicular height) higher, than the greatest Tide or Flood, dos ever rise up to: You
know the story. That the dirtv Rattter in the Roof ot the Barn, might formerly be down
with the Cow, tho' the Cow, could not then gett up, to dung upon the Raffter: soe the
Matter ot the Mountains, could, and must ot necessity, when sott, be even or Level
with the Bottome, or at least with the Surface of the Water; tho' the Waters were
never so high as the Mountains now are, since they were hardned, and raised; unless at
the Dehigc.^' and then the Rocks were too hard to admitt them thereinto, as Will be
tullv evidenced, when we come to spake thereot.

And being describing the Position ot the Bedds or Ranges ot the Earth, there is one
thing in these Observations that 1 have frequently thought might be of publique use, in
the Digging ot Quarries; or mining tor coals, or Lead, ike.*' And it is trom Fig. \\ 3'.
hi which it you suppose the Top ot the Hill at A. to be 300. toot high And supposing
at G. you should digg 130. foot deep (to wit) to 2.B. [p. 18] and there tinde a Mine or
Quarrv. Now vou see by \'. said Figure That if vou open the Earth but 3. or 4. foot, at
B.I. (on the side A. B.C.) you will then be in the same Debth with respect to the side of
the Hill A.G.A. as vou were, when 130. toot under ground, at G.2.B. And very
probablv vou will there (to wit) at B.i . meet with the .dime Quarrv or Mine, as at G.
when at the debth aforesaid. And soe in like manner, that which is Level with the
Horizone, as at C. and A. is nevertheless in respect of the side AGA above 300. toot
Deep at C. tho it be there, but the verv surface of y'. Hill, and Levell with the Horizon
as aforesaid.

Haveing thus described the tigures, and also drawn and confirmed the hiterences, I
shall Add these few natural! Propositions; as Postulata's, to the following Discourse,

r.' All Matter being without life, or not Modified or imbodyed; is now, and at
all Times, in its Caotick Estate only; and is to be soe deemed and taken, untill it is
assumeing, or hath assumed, a Life, either Animall, I'egetable, or Minerall.

11'.' As no Animall or Vegetable, can naturally be generated, but from (.".aotiik
matter onlv; so neither can they be Sustained; but by and from the same.

III. As all Matter, bv Generation &; vivitication. dos cease to be C'aotick; soe all
Bodyes, by Mortification and putrefaction, are thereunto again returned.

nil. As there can be no Lite continued, without a Rct^iiLir Motion; soe there can
be no Motion, without more or less degrees of Heat; and as heat and motion, are

Tlic Earth Griurau-ii ami Auatofni:al: Tc.vr 5 1

Inscpcrablc; soc is tliat which is produced bv v'. violence ot Excess of Motion,
(Namely) Fire, and li^ht.

V. As no Gn\i< cu Fixed matter, (only) can admitt ot Intnnsick Motion; soe
neither can any Thiit or Fluid matter, (only) admitt of any regulated Motion; Therefore
all animated Matter; (or Bodyes) doe and must (besides the Active part) consist oi fliiiJ
and fixtil parts; the first to admitt ot Motion; and the latter to regulate v' . same.

I p. 1 1) I VI. As the N.iturall Motion, that is com i unci in a livein^ Bod\', is the same
in kiiide, with that which give' its first tonne or Mod\ tication: soe that which ^ave it
i ts tirst tonne must needs be ot the same kinde, with that which is coiiliiiiicil therein, tor
its Subsist: or Sustenta: v

VII. As all things m the Chaos (as shall be afterwards manifested) were thin and
fluid, soe being imbodyed, that universall body, must consist of some parts more dense,
and others more fluid, or raritied; And as the coagulated and uncoagulated, doe make
theLrtffcrt Materia: soe the Dense and fluid, or the Celestiall and Terrestriall orbs, and
transparent y^ther, doe make or constitute, y' whole universe. ec]uall to the Cluws.
Nothing can be added to, or taken from the prima Materia, tor it can only be converted
or discriminated, into matter or Bodvs of ditterent Denominations.

VIII. As all Putrefaction is but a Languid and gentle Fire, so all Fire is but a more
switt and violent Putrefaction; \'. end ot both being to seperate y'. three principles of
Matter, in order to titt them again tor Generation.

IX. As the C'loudes, or any other Chaotick Matter, cannot imbody itself into
Vegetables or Animalls, whilst it is moved by y' Air S<c. but must be at rest before it can
putntie. and become ot a Viscous Nature, soe neither could y'. earth and plannetts ike,
viviticate. untill they had t.iken up dieir Centre ot Rest; and become Viscous and
Mucilaginous likewise. —

X. To Sume up all in liriett; All matter in its Forming is divided into these three
grand, or Universall Principles (viz'.) Mercury. Sulplmr. and Salt, or Active, l-'assive, and
Fixed, or Musculous Matter;^*" ot which the Active part is aliwayes Inclosed withm the
Interiour Part ot the Body Animated; and doth Naturally consist ot an Intrinsick
selfimoveing, varifying and condensing, or dilateing and contracting Nature; by
which, it is capacitated, to act upon the fluid or passive part thereof; soe that the s':
active part can be no less than the lite, Spirrit, or soul of that body wherin it is inclosed
as is [p. 2o| evident by the Motion of the heart whence life, or the circulation of our
Blood, is produced. I might add many more ot this kmde but designing Brevity shall
proceed.

Haveing thus premised and intimated, trom what Terrestriall iiluenomeiia s, and
phik>sophic.ill I'ostulatiis. the ensuemg discourse, is drawn and Established; I now come
to consider. \\ h,u th.it Materiall substance was, whereot the Heavens, or at le.ist the
Earth, were made; and ot what it did Originally consist; according to the words ot
Moses, and our observations m naturall things to this Day.

52 The Ruth Geiu'ratcct ami AiMlomizeii

By the account then which Moses has given us ot the Chaos, or first matter, it
plainly appears, that it consisted only of Water.; for he tells us, "That the spirrit of God
"moved upon the Face of the waters; and Ciod divided the Waters, from the Waters;
"and that he separated the waters, that were under the Firmament; from the Waters,
"that were above the Firmament; (!<^c. Gene: Chap; i.'" And that this has also been the
"Opinion of divers Philosophers, is also evident: In particular, from the words oi Basil
"I 'aleiitiitc. m his last will .md Testament page: gs-'"* in which he tells us. That God hath
"made the hrst seperation, according to his Word; "The Spirrit of v. Lord, moved
"upon the Waters; The whole Elementall Bodv. hath been Water; But the spirrit of the
"Lord Zehoatli. hath divided it, and tashoned the Earth, from the Mudvness of the
"[r<if(T; And therein all Metalline Fruits, that ever were created, and generated under
"ground. All These were tirst Watter. and may be reduced again to Water: All other
"Creatures, be they Animalls, Vegetables or Minerall, are produced from v^ first Water
"&c.

Seeing then it is evident as well from these testimonies, as from the P:rnomena"s
now Visible m the Earth, That the Matter thereof (as has & will be manifested) was at
tirst sott and Fluid: And since Fxperieiice confirms what is asserted, (Viz'.) That all
things may, by a proper Calcination, be converted again into Fluiditv; We mav
therefore reasonably conclude. That the first Created Matter or Substance whereof the
Heavens and the Earth, and all things therein Contained, were made. Was not from
seeds, or Solid Attoms of different weights &c. [p. 21] But from a Similar. Rare, and
insiped Liquor . or Water; consisting of a Vast and incomprehensible Orb, as to its form
and Quantity; and of a Crude Lifeless or indigested Nature, in respect of its Quallity.
And as y'. simple Water of a Cloud, dos to this day, potentiallv Contain the Bones,
flesh. Forme, Substance, spirrits, and senses; of all Animalls, and Vegetables, thence
produced; soe this first Chaotick Liquor, did potentially containe, all the Ctvlestiall and
Terrestriall orbs, and other Created Bodies, of what nature or kinde soever; which
matter being by God the maker thereof, imprincipled with an indispcnsible Nature.
Faculty, or Power, of imbodying or Animateing it self; it did by virtue thereof; first
Engender and begett therein a Germinateing Heat, whereupon Motion ensued; and
from thence proceeded a Secretion or discrimination of thc/'n»i(i Materia. And to
Illustrate our meaning herein; This Seperation, (as it relates to the whole Chaos or
Universe,) may be resembled to Milk actuated bv any acid Quallity; which will
thereupon, (by ascending & descending,) soe divide or Seperate it self, as that one part
will become more Opake. and Gross; and v. other more rare, and transparent; as by the
Vir.'' Postuhitum IS more fullv declared; To which Job. in Chap: 10. V. lo'*'' rightly
alludes when he spakcs of the Cienerateing of that Amniall which is v'. Epitome of the
whole Creation.

And as this Germinateing Heat, attained greater Power, and Energie; according to
the Process, of Naturall Heat, and Motion; it formed and disposed those discriminated

Tlu- Earth Generated iitui Anatomized: Text 53

Parts of matter, whilst Hind, into such Globtihir shapes, as doe spontaniously result from
all Suspended Liquids; (as may be evidenced bv throwing a Bason ot Water into the
open Air; from whence many hundred Globular Sphers will be mstantlv produced,)
and from thence Namely, from y's!! propensity in all fluid matter, the Bodyes of the
Earth, Sun, Moon, and Numberless Host of Heaven, Attained their Naturall, and most
selfsubsisting Formes of Roumhiess: of which we see them Universally consisting untii
this day: Being also disposed, and suspended in [p. 22] that Transparent, unmoveable,
Cristalline, and imperceptible .'Ether, or remaining Water; which hlls or posesseth, all
that Vast Roome or Space, which the said hrst matter occupied or possessed, before yl
separation was made; as may be inferred from the former Similitude; for the Lacteall
Matter, is the same in its Dimensions, after v'. seperation, or Discrimination of its Parts,
as when promiscuously mingled together; as is also asserted in Propos: VII.
beforegoeing.

But for asmuch as those Civlesticill Bodyes are too remote, for our Observation to
Anatomise; and seeing y". Process of Nature, in Generating y': smallest Animall, is the
same, or applicable, to that of the Greatest; I shall therefore proceed to what I chiefly
intended, being more particularly to treat ot this Globe of Earth whereon we Live.
And supposing, (as we reasonably may) That at its first Forming out of the Grand
Chaos; It did then consist of a round, smooth, opacous. Liquid. Forme & subsistance,
(see Prov: 8. V. 24. 25. &c.)'" I shall in the following lines attempt to shew, how it
came to be generated, & converted into that Diversity of matter; I mean of stones.
Rocks, Water, Cley, &c. into which it is now, so visibly Changed. And for the
Foundation ot my Discourse shall lay down this proposition (vis.').

That the Matter of which all thinqs were made, hein<^ hy the Author thereof iwprei^nated (af
aforesaid,) with a I 'ivifiyng or selfjormeiiiq Qiiallity; That Part thereof which ii'as assii;iied, to
constitute this Terrestriall Globe whereon we live, teas generated and coiwerted into a
Liveing Body; couformahle, in respect of its Vitality unto that of a Lii'eiiii; Animal: And that y'.
Converting the said fluid matter; into Rocks, Stones, &c. was gradually carryed on, &
accomplished , as the Body attained, its maturity and perfection.

Now for the Illustrating and Explaining this Proposition I have transcribed the
Generating of an Animall from .S"'; Keiiehn Di^hy's Treatise of bodyes. Page. 275;''' that
the same may be applyed to the Generating the Earth.

"To Satisfie our selves in the Generation of Animals, it were well (says he) if we
"made our remarks in some Creatures that might be continually in our power, to
"observe in them, the [p. 23] course of Nature every day &c. Which may be done bv
"meanes of a Furnace, so made as to imitate the warmeth of a sitting Henn."*. In

*. / made my Observations more easie (i'i;.'| By putting S. or 10. Eggs under such a henn, and
taheing thence one at a time.

54 The Earth Generated and Anat^^mi:al

"which \ou may lav scvcrall Eggs to Hatch; and bv Breaking them at scvcrall Ages,
"you may distinctly obser\'e, every hourly Mutation in them: The hrst will be that on
"one side vou will tinde a great resplendent clearness in the white: after a while a Little
"spot ot red matter like Blood will appear, in the middle ot that clearness tastned to the
"Yelk, which will have a Motion ofo/'f'"i»(,' and .</ii(fi/i(_', soe as sometimes you will see
"it, and Straight again it will vanish trom vour sight: And indeed at hrst it is so little
"that you cannot see it but by the Motion ot it; For at every Pulse as it openeneth [sic|
"vou may see it; and immediately again it shutts in such sort as is not to be
"discerned — From this red Speck after a while, there will Stream out a Number of
"little almost imperceptable red Veins; at the end ot some of which in time there will
"be gathered together a Knott of matter, which by little and little, will take the torme
"of an Head: and you will ere long discern Eyes and a Beak in it: All this while the red
"spott of Blood grows bigger and Solider, 'till at length it becomes a flcssly Substance,
"and bv its Figure mav be easily-discerned to be the heart, which as yet hath no other
"Inclosure, but the substance of the Egg, But by little and little, the rest ot the Body ot
"an Animal is formed out of these red Veins, which stream out all about from the
"Heart; And in process of time. That Bodv incloses the heart within it, by the Chest
"which grows over on both Sides, and in the End meets and Closes its self tast
"together. After which this little Creature soon tills the shell, by converting into
"severall parts of its self all the substance ot the Egg. and then Growing wearv of so
"Streight an Habitation, it breaks Prison and comes iiut a pertect tormed Chick.

"To this may be added an account to the same Purpose, from the Works ot the
"Hon':' ' Rcih':Biiylc Epitomized, page 73 (viz.'):'^ "That the Rudiments of the Chick,
"Lodged in the Ciaitriaihi, are nourished only by the White, till it becomes a great
"Chick: the Yelk being reserved, as a stronger Nourishment, till the white is spent; and
"then the Chick is able to digest it, and in Etfect the Chick seems to be furnished with
"Head, Wings, Beak, and Claws, before the yelk is touched. Lastly (says he,) it is not ,1
"Little to be admired, that so scfl and simiLn a Liqour as that ot an Egg, should be in so
"short a time, changed into a Chick, endued with Organicall Parts, ot dittercnt
"Fabricks, and, Similar ones, different in Feasture very much one trom the other itc.

Now that it mav not be objected that these Changes and Pulsations, are wrought
in the matter ot the Egg, by means ot this artiticiall way ot hatching, or bv anv Virtue
derived from the hen, when therein Enganged; anv otherwise than oiiK bv the
applvcation of heat thereunto; It is to be noted that the same Operations, are wrought
in the Eggs ot an <.)strich: which being bv them laid in the Sand and warmed onlv bv
the Heat of the sun. is as naturallv hatched, as anv Eggs under an\' Fowle whatsoever. 1
shall therefore in the ensueing Discourse, mention the Ostrich instead thereof, and shall
conclude this head, with a short Relation ot what, I have mv self further Observed
(viz.').. That in the spring and summer seasons , near y'. sea shore, there is frequently found , a
certain mailer or substance called, in these parts hy the name ot Bulls: much like y'. 1 1 'hite of an

77/c' n,utli GnirnitfiUvhl Athtlomi:cd: T<:\t 55

Egg in Taste ami Colour; and in Bigness, ahout the Breadth of a mans hand, in Forme Circular,
and thin oil the Edges; hut in the middle, on the uper side thereof, which is fiati, there appears as
they float in /. salt water, a (Circle somewhat whiter than y'. said matter. This Circle I have seen
to dilate and contract it self in a constant Motion; someu'hat swifter than the Beating; of our Pulse;
But into what Bodv this matter is therebv Engendered, or Animated I know not;
however it is not to be doubted, but some sea Animall or other, is thereby. Especially,
at such a season produced.'''

Haveing given you an Account, ot the Generating, [p. 25] Oviperons and other
Animalls, and indeed therein of the Generating all other Animated Bodyes whatsoever,
tor as certain as the least line BD. fhg: 6'.''''' is equall in Power, to the greatest Line A.C.
(see Eu; li: 3. pro; 35.)" soe certain it is, that the least Animall, is Equall. in its
selt=moveing, selt=preserveing and scli=Multiplying tacultyes. as the (^'rcij/c.vf Animall
whatsoever, I sav, haveing thus done we will now proceed to apply the Same to y'.
Generating the heat and motion, within the Body ot the Earth which we told you was
vivified with a Life resembling that of an Animall; whose vitallity we all know, dos
principally consist in y'. Motion or circulation ot its fluid parts; as the Effects of its
internall Pulsation.

Now inasmuch as y'. Earth, is one ot those Bodyes, that were Generated without y'
applycated heat, or Assistance of any other Natural! Body; It will therefore follow,
that she must by the infused plastick Power before mentioned, accomodate herself,
with such an intrinsick Heat; or otherwise it could not Naturally (for we are only so
speaking) be Quickned and Vivified, as is before proposed And that such liquid,
indijested, or unanimated Mater, will gradually Engender and produce, such an
intrinsick Heat and Motion, is Evident from all Mucculent or Slimv Filth, whence
wonnes and Vermms are to this day, trequencv Engendred; as alsii trom Worts or lieer
(though cold) put together m a (niik-Tunn; and moreover m Stacks, or lleeks of Hey,
which are therebv. Sometimes, burnt to Ashes. ^''

Now this gentle Heat, and therewith Motion, being (Like the said Moving speck
in the Egg) Engendred in the interiour Part of this liquid Globe; it had the same Effect
thereon which is common in the Works of Generation to this day; (viz.') to
Discriminate, and Conjoyne; the three then promiscuous parts of matter, to themselves
respectively; tor although this Orb, was at first (as is said) somewhat like the Water of
a Cloud, which to Appearances, seems of one homogeneall Nature; yet after it had lain
Brooding or compressed together, and |p. 26] therebv Engendred the said Heat, and
Motion, It did there=witha!l. not only Viscate, and Coagulate; but also Segregate
Discriminate, and Dispose; the Active, Passive, and fixed Parts; that are potentially
inherent m all such Matter, (according to the V':' and X'.'' Aphorisme before mentioned)
in manner following; (that is to sav,).

Those that were coagulated and Converted into Fixed particles (i.e.) stone iVc.
were disposed, and transposed, in Mich manner as to Clive Shape and tonne, to the

56 The Earth Genertilcil anil AthUoniized

Extcriour and interiour parts ot the Body ot the Earth; (being then in its Generating or
Animateing Estate).

Those that were bv Nature, designed for y'l Actii'e part; were collected and
transposed in such sort as to Constitute the Cordious part, or (it it might be see called)
the Spirit or Soul thereof. And at y^ same time, (for the universall or constant process
of Nature, is to carry on the forming of all the parts of an Animall together,)

Those that were designed tor the FhiU or jhissh'e part; were so disposed of, as that
y'. Active part might give a regular Motion thereunto; Which being tully Etfccted the
Body was compleatlv Animated. And this will turther appear by duly considering the
aforesaid Example of Hatching the Osiri(^e; For as the Naturall Heat of the.fHM, Begetts
an internal] Motion in the Glutenuous matter ot the Egg, which formes the heart, and
therewithal! the whole Bodv. with a Cai'ity wherein the heart may Dilate and contract
it self: see in like manner, the Motion that was Generated in the said Orb, did convert,
transpose and conjovne, the said conglaminated matter in such sort, as to forme this
hidependent Bodv ot the Earth;* with a sphencall Cavitv wherebv the Active or
Cordious part, might be capacilated to Pulsate; [p. 17] and retexerate the then whole
fluiil Mass, and therebv Vivificate or animate the whole Bodv; as betore asserted. And
truelv were there not such a Cavitv graduallv tornied; there could be no Motion, and
Consequently no Life. For if the Body was (according to the 5.* Postulata,) All Solid
and compact, there could be no Dilation and Contraction: which are the onlv Svmptoms
ot Lite, in all animated Bodves whatsoever.

But to be more particular as y" said viscous Matter ot the egg, is converted into
Bciics Flesh Siniies &c; And the yelk into the Bhud; soe in like manner, part ot the liquid
Matter ot the Earth was as is said, converted into a viscous Substance, and afterwards
turned into Clcy, which 111 process of Time, was hardned into Rocks, stones. Flints, sands,
tkc: which constitutes the Fixed or exteriour Part, or Forme ot v'. Earth; as is intimated,
and Sett torth in the Foregoeing Figures and their Descriptions; One other part
thereof, was congregated or converted into a Cordious Active matter, and was disposed
of, as aforesaid. And the third part thereof was converted into Passit'e Matter; being
that which to this day constitutes the salt fluid Ocean: And that the Ocean is only
passive, and not selfmoveing, is evident; in that, if any Lake or other Quantity, be
sepcrated therefrom, it has no more power to move it self, than any Dead or Liteless
matter whatsoever; as is evident by the Caspian sea, and other Lakes. And now we are
speaking concerning the disposing ot the ditterent matter ot the Earth: It is to be noted,
that It was not according to the strict Rules ot Specitick Gravity,'" as many in times
past, and ot late, would have it to be; For if soe y':' Minerall and most ponderous

* I call that an Independent ]iod\ which is generated ot an Orbicular Funiie, .iiul is not
radicated in any other Body, Nor doth depend upon any food for its subsistance; yi contrary
may be called dependent Bodves.

flu- Earth (jnii-rati-ii iwd Aihitoinized: Text 57

Matter, would have been next unto, or used tor; tlie Selling, ot the Sphcricall Cavity in
the Earth; and consequently, would have been soe deep m it. as that we should never
have known what Gold. Silver, or Brass had been. But tor=asmuch as daylv experience
shews; that Bedds of Chalk, are under Bedds of stone; and Bedds ot Chalk. Cley, Sand,
and [p. 28| stones; are under Bedds or Mines of Lead, Tin. silver ike: I hope there is no
Roome tor such Notions, as are so visibly confuted. And theretore we may reasonably
conclude that the said matter was disposed and conjoyned according to the Course and
Process ot Nature, used in generateing the Ostrige, or in the torming ot any other
Animall; as before porposcd. But perhaps it may be objected; That it the Earth, be an
(Vtiiiiiiteil Bodv; whv was it not converted into I 'ciiif. Lc(;{;s, Botics. Mctnhcrs tkc: as well
as other AninialK.-'* To Which.

I answer, the Author ot all Things, havemg made some creatures to be
independent, or not needing the Assistance ot other matter tor their preservation, has
theretore made such; ot a pertect orhiciiLir torme; and as it were Hermitically sealed up
their Spirrits. or active parts, within themselves, tor their perpetuall Preservation: But
haveing on the contrarv made other Creatures, soe porous; as that their Heat and
Fluidity, are perpetually avapourating or Hying away trom their Bodys; (which
renders them always needing a supply, tor their preservation.) has therefore ordained,
that these Avapourations. Decayes and Volitions, shall be supplved and Compensated,
by the Heat and Nourishment, a rising trom the piitrcttu-tioti ot other liveing Bodyes;
(or such like Matter.) in its being converted or turned into a Caotick Estate; and by the re=
incorporateing or re=animateing, part of y' same Matter again, into the very Essence
or Existance of that Body whereinto. and whereby, such matter is Received, and
Concocted. And this appears bv his haveing tormed Various sorts ot Creatures, and
furnishing them, respectivelv. with members. Caveties. and Capacities; for obtaining,
receiving, concocting, and converting, such Bodyes, or matter, to, and tor, their own
peculiar nourishment, and Procreation. And hence it is, that all Terrene Animalls, and
Vegetables; (being dependent Creatures) As the\' had their Ceneration, Lite, and
[p. 29J Being, from the Earth; soe thev must also unavoidablv have their tood and
nourishment, trom V. same likewise; but as these parts are thus necessarv tor the
Existance. and support ot those Bodyes; soe they are altogether as superHuous and
needless, tor such as are independent; as the Ecuth. ftiti. Mcoii. and Starrs are: And seeing
he that is infinite in wisdome and Power, has made Nothing in vain, It cannot
rationally be supposed. That he should make any thing, either to Long, or to short,
deticient or superfluous; and theretore it would be absuridity in us to imagine, he
should have tormed the Earth with Veins, Bowells, Leggs &c. Because thev are
altogether needless in respect of its being, or future Sustentation: For it we should
imagine her to have Leggs, Whereon should she tread? Seeing the Lord hath Stretched out
the North oi'er the empty places, and hanged tlie Earth upon iVof/nng Job. 26. 7.''" It a Moutli,
whence should she receive food or whereinto should she eject it: and soe ot the rest;

58 The Eiirih (."n-iieratvii jihl Anatomizal

The consideration of which independancy. will lead us to see the natural! Cause, Why
the Earth, and the other Orbs have that perfect Forme ot Roundness; which thev do so
visibly retaine: But the Cause why the forme ot all other Annnalls, are soe different
from y'. of the Earth; will more tuUy appear, it we compare the manner of the
.Si(/i.<iifance of one Creature, with another; which may be done in this wise:

No common Animall can Subsist or receive nourishment trom the Earth in one
place only; As a Vegetable by the tall ot Raiiie. naturally dos. But must remove
themselves, to seek their Food in divers places; and theretore they are Variously
furnished with parts. Members, and abilities; as their wants &. necessitves. do Severally
requir. And hence it is, That a ll'cniic tho' in respect ot its internall Heat and Motion,
or Vitality is as has been said the same in proportion with the great Lex'iathan ,'" or any
other Animall; Yet the Roots of Vegetables, or the humidity of the Earth, being
assigned tor its tood; and she also placed therein, [p. 30) is theretore formed without
Leggs. or Whings. as being needless for obteyning its Subsistance. But oviparous and
other Animalls, being such as are unable to subsist, in one place, or on any one thing;
are therefore accomodated, not only with Leggs to Walk, but respectively with Wings
to fly; as well for self=subsistance, as for self=preservation; soe in like manner, Do^p,
IVoolves, Lyons , Hawhs, and such other Creatures, as are appointed to Live by Preying
on other Animalls; have their Agillity, strenght, and Swiftness ot Motion,
proportionably assigned them. And as we thus fmde, the Causes or Reasons of the
Ditterence, in the Formes, and members ot Creatures in generall, are only Such as
theire Self=Subsistence, and Self=preservation doe necessarily require; Soe in like
Manner we may find. That the Severall Senses (and the Degrees thereof, where with
they are Soe variously furnished, is only on the Same consideration likewise; For it the
Beasts of prev. had not Sif<lit, and Smell, added to their Agillitw they could not obtame
Food For their Subsistance; nor distinguish what was titt to be Eaten or what to be
refused; From the want whereof, theire Species, would unavoidably cease, and be
discontinued; and soe of the rest of the Senses. Nay this is also manifest, even from Man
himself; who in Respect of the Forme of his Body, (he walking Erect, and his Head,
tho' not his Thoughts,) raised So far from the Earth, is thereby the most uiifitt of all
Land Creatures to feed on Vegetables; and by the paucity ot his Feet, the same, in
respect of his Obteyning Animalls; and therefore to supply these Defects, he's soe
admireably furnished not only with senses, common to other Creatures, but also, with
crafty Wisdome and Knowledge; insomuch, that they are therein soe inferiour to hiin.
as to become a prey, not only to his hungry Appetite; but also, many Times, to his
Shamefult Excess and Ryott.'"'

[p. 3 1 ] And thus might we finde. the Naturall Cause of the Forme. Mcinhers. senses.
H'isilome. Ignorance ike: of one C-reature. compared with another; and also, that if thev
had (like y'. Earth) been formed perfectly round; they would not have needed or
required any such Members, or senses for their Subsistance. lint the Reason why they
were not soe formed is because the liquid matter that produced them, (by its being

The Eiirlli Gnicratfd aihi Au,Uomizi-d: Text ^9

posited m divers Lakes and Ponds upon the Earth, And not Suspended (as y'. Orbs are,)
in the open .■Ether,) could not be Globular; and Therefore Nature generated them,
with diversity ot Shapes, and Magnitudes; according to the Nature and Quantity ot the
Menstruum, whereof thev were Engendred or produced; As also with Selt=moving
powers; because Locall Motion is indispensibly necessary, for all Animalls. that are not
orbicularlv formed; as has already and will in Sect. IV. be more fullv confirmed.

But though we have Shewn that such Members, Senses, and Faculties, are
Needless, in the Body of the Earth; Yet the Heat & Motwn, or Pulsation; as also the
Cavity found in all Animalls; are so essentially necessary to the Subsistance of the Earth
likewise; as That it cannot be a Living animated Body without them; We will
therefore in the next place shew, that these Qualifications and Capacities, are to be
found therein. But before we enter thereupon. It may not be amiss to Acqaint the
Reader; That altho' we have frequently proposed, the Earth to be an Animated Body;
Yet our principal design, was only to finde out v'. manner how. and when, the Shells,
and other Marine productions, came to be immassed and mingled in the I^ocks and
Mountains thereof; As also what is the Originall or Naturall Cause, of the Flowing of
the Tides: so that as. what we have intimated, m respect of the Earths being an Aitiiiuill,
is cheiflv, to illustrate our conceptions, in Relation to the Said Enquiry: soe the Earths
appearing to be Such. |p. 32] is but only as a Corollary, arising from the same
Enquirie; and therefore what is otherwise Asserted, in relation to the premisses; may be
granted as inie. Whether the Earths being an Animall, be believed or rejected. But
however this I must Assure You; That although I had Spent Severall years, in
Contemplating and Reasoning, upon the said Phasnomena's; Yet untill I had, (at a
certain time, and place well remembred) clearly discovered the Body of the Earth, to
be an Aiiinuill; I always found it impossible to conceive, how the Said Shells, Could,
(without a Miracle,) be posited in the Rocks, and the Waters made to El>b and/ii'ic;
Though Niiw, not only the before mentioned Piuviioiiiena i, but all others, relating to
the Earth, are. by supposing it to be an Animall. made plain and evident, and very easie
to be accounted tor: Seeing therefore, it dos so naturally, and unavoidably arise from,
and depend upon, the said Enquiry; I should not speak the thing that is rif^ht, concerning
the Work ot Creation Qob: 42. V. 7.)"- should I avoid calling it. what it so plainly
appears to be; haveing then already shewn, that there is a perfect resemblance, between
the Earth, and its Inhabitants, in respects of their Vitality, and Essentiall parts; I shall
further Shew, that there is the Same, in respect of their Natures, and Productive
faculties.

And 111 the first place, it is to be noted. That as the Heat, and Serous Sweat of the
Earth; did naturally produce Horses, Sheep, Siidiie, Doqgs, and other Creatures: So the
like Sweat of Those Creatures do Still produce. Fleas, Tiks, Lice, and other like
Animalls; . . . and Some ot them (like the Earth), even of more than one Speices: And
by the Same Analogic, no Doubt, but many of these lesser creatures do in like manner,
produce and lunirish others |p. 33] that are, to us. unknown and imperceptible.

6o The Earth Gciifratfd mid Aiuuomized

Secondlv. As the Earth, by its Sweat, (or what is thence produced), dos teed all
Creatures, that did, or do proceed Irom if. So in like manner, the Said Animalls, do
naturally feed and Nourish, all those that are produc'd by them. And as all those lesser
Creatures, that are externally produced by the Sweat of common Annimals are ot
different Species, trom those bv whome thev are produced: So those greater Auiinalls,
that were Externallv produced by the Earth; were, and are, of a different Speices trom
the Earth: But those Creatures, that are now internally generated; bv, and from. Such a
Menstruum, as that by which the Earth at tirst produc'd the said greater Animalls:
(Namelv) Bv. and trom, the same matter, that is bv Nature Concocted and
Assimulated, to that Body, By which they are to be produced; I sav. These are alwavs,
(Naturally) brought forth, of the same species with the Producer: and not otherwise.
And therefore, as we have alreadv Shewn, Whv all Animalls were not tormed
Orbicular: so we mav trom hence turther learn: That the Reason Whv, thev were not
ot the Same torme and Species with the Earth: was because thev were ExternalK
brought torth; and, it not wholv, vet perhaps, cheiriv, bv its own Serous Sweat only;
and not b\- the Same numericall Matter ot which its own Bodv was produced. And
therefore it could not produce them, as is said, but of a different Species; altho' the
producer, and Produced, were both of them, perfect Animalls: And this is Confirmed,
trom the Production of such Creatures to this day, (Viz.') hi that a Flea, is an Animall;
tho" It be not a Dogg: And a Dcgg is an Animall; tho' it be not a Flea: and the same may
be understood of the Earth: For as the Earth's Inhabitants, are Animalls, tho' not
shap'd, as it is: so the Earth, is an Animall, tho' not shap'd as they are. [p. 34] Bv which
it is evident. That comon Animalls and the Earth are both alike, or Assimulated to each
other; as before porposed.

And as they are thus Assimulated in respect ot the productions Upon their Bodies;
so thev are likewise m those that are Radicated within their Superficies: For as the
Earth produceth Vegetables and Mineralls, (to wit) Trees, Grass, Coals, Lead. Tin.
Sulphur,''^ and other living and Growing Excresciences: So the other Animalls, do in
like manner produce. Hair. Nailcs. Feathers, Hooffs, Teeth, and other Excrescencies,
Radicated in and upon their Bodv'es likewise; and as these Vegetables, and Mineralls,
are perpetuated, the first of them, bv their Seeds, to supply the Species of those that
will perish through Cold or otherwise And the latter, (to wit) the Mineralls, by their
Roots onlv; so the Hair, Nailes, Teeth, Hoofts, &c. of these lesser Animalls are
perpetuated, (Not only during the Lives of the said Animalls, but even after Death,)
onlv by their Roots, likewise. Because seeds, are altogether needless, and useless, to
such Excresciences, as have no Menstruum provided for them, as the Vegetables and
Mineralls have; nor being exposed to Cold; as aforesaid. From all which it is evident.
That the Earth, and its hihabitants, are Assimulated to each other, as well in respect of
their Natures, and Productions; as in their Vitality, and Essentiall parts. I shall now
proceed to speak ot The Earths Internall Heat and Pulsation before proposed.

Sect: ir.

That Heat. Motion, and Pulsation are in the Body
of the Earth; as well as in other Animalls. Divers
Arguments from Nature, Reason, and Experiments proving
That the Moon hath not the least Influence over the
waters; Nor any Planet (besides the sun) over any
Terrestriall Animalls; As by a Register of the Tides,
Kept by the Author, for above two years Successively;
By which it appears, that they Flow in a Roganthmeticall [sic]
Motion, and not according to the Moon's; That the Flowing
of the Ocean, is y' Cause of the Earths Rotation; and
that That, is the Cause of the moons Revolution;
illustrated bv an Experiment. That the Moon has no
attractive power over the waters. And that the
Gravitating power, lately ascribed to her, when in her
Perigason, is but an imaginary Supposition.

IT appearing, by what has been Said, That the Earth cannot be an animated Body,
without an internall Hent and motion, or pulsation; we Shall therefore endeavour to

prove that those Properties or Quallitications, are to be found in the Earth, as

certainly as in any other Animall; and the First ot these to wit its internall Heat will
appear First, From the hardned Cley and Rocks, that are Scituate at the Bottome of the
Sea, and many hundred Fathoms deep in the Earth, where the Suns Heat, nor anv
other, but that ot the Eath, can be pretended, to harden the Same. 2"': From the
Sulpherous Heat, frequently occuring m Mines, and other Subterraneous Depths; as
also from hot Baths, and the manny Sudden and constant Eruptions of Fire, which are
mett with, in manny Parts of the Globe. But this Heat in the Earth being [p. 36]
generally granted I shall ncn Spend time lor Its Confirmation; butt proceed to what I
cheifly intend; being, in the Second place. To Shew, That the Earth, hath an internall
Motion or Pulsation; And though this is evident, from the IIII''.' PostiiLitiiw or Aphorism,
(viz.') because heat and motion, are inseparable; yet I shall attempt to prove it more
fully, from the visible Effects it has in moveing the Waters in the great Ocean; and
Shall, in order there unto. Lay down this Proposition; namely,

"Tlhit the Ehhifi\; and Flowing; of the Ocean, called the Tides, is caused hy the internall
motion or Pnlsation, always a(;itatin^; within the Body of the Earth, or tinder the Ocean; Atid that
it is, with Respect to the Earth 's nia(;nitiide, in a naturall proportwn , to the Pulsing, in the Bodys
of all other Animalls: Which motion, as it is observed, in lesser, more swift; and in greater, more

icr

62 The Earth Geitcrjted and AihUomized

slow; soc in this i',i.;f Body ot Earth, it piiheth only oner in 15: Davs: hcin^ (as the effect
thereof approachetli on the Respective Coasts) then commonly called Sprin(i-'Iules: All othei
Ebbmgs and Flowings therein, hein'^ Inn only from the the [sic] Sur^e, or consequents, of the
said fifteenth Days Pulsation. And this I propose to proi'e, both NcgativcK- and positivcK and.

First, Negatively, That the Moon, is not the Cause, of the Ebbing ami Flowing,

oj the Tides.

Forasmuch as my chieff designe, in this Negative parts; is intended to unhing,
an Antient, and almost universall Opinion; I cannot expect, but that the taske will
be the same, with what is common to persons concerned in rebuildnig antient
Edehcies (to wit) prove more [p. 37] Labour to remove the old than to Lay the
Foundation of the new. I must therefore begg leave to be more large on this head,
than otherwise might be required. Now what this Opinion is, we cannot be
ignorant: For we all know. Tis a common Notion That because the Ehhint^ and
Flowing oJ the Sea; {dos, (as is pretended) exactly corespond with the Motion of the
moon; Therefore she is presumed, to he the only cause thereof. Which I conceive to be
more irrationall. than to ascribe the Motion of the Moon, to the Ebbing and
flowing ot the sea; and that, tor these several! Reasons tollowing.

First the Moon.''" is by Astronomy tound to be fortv-five times less than the
Earth; and but a Secondarv Planet; and allowed to be ot an Earthv Nature; and
theretore destitute ot any such ignious Rays as do usually proceed trom the sun;
And being but a Sattellite to the Earth, is therefore, (according to the Rule of the
Major governing the Minor) more liable to be influenced bv the Earth; if there
was such a thing as hifluence in any ot the Orbs, (besides the sun.) than to be
presumed the Lady Governess of the greatest Part of the Earths Superficies: And
indeed ot that part, which keeps it, from returning to its tirst chaotick and lifeless
Existence, for Experience tells us, that if the Blood in our bodves, be wholv
stagnated; the Lite is therebv tullv extinguished; nav I would appeal to an\-
rationall Person; whether it may not be more probably concluded that the vast
Bodyes of Saturn. Jupiter, and the Earth, do give motion, to their respective
Satellites, (of which the moon is the Earths') than that such small Bodves. should
hifluence, or give Motion unto them, or anv ot such their essentiall Parts.

The second Argument is this, (Viz'.) That the Being. End. and Eftect. ot all
internall motion, in all animated Bodvs; is appointed and appr<ipriated to. and tor.
y\ proper use and Subsistence ot the same Body onlv. Hence the flowms; of the sea.
the pulsing of our Blood, the igneous Vapours or Rays of the sun &:c. are necessary
Effects ot their (p. 38] internall Motion; and are peculiar to the use, and
Subsistance of these Respective bodyes only; for the Sun. dos not Send torth his
burning rayes on purpose to Vegetate the fruits of the Earth; as some may imagine;
But as it is an Effect of its own internall, and ambustuous Nature: It being the
Same to the Sun, whether the Spring or fall, dos, or dos not, correspond with his

The F.iUtli Gciiciiilril diicl Aiuitoiiiiztcl: Tc.vf 63

presence or absence; or whether his Rais, do or do not touch the Earth; (for there
are as it were infinitly more that do not come near it; than those that are darted
therupon as appears by Fig: 10:)''' Soe m hke manner; tis the Same to the Bowmg
ot'the Sea; and to the Motion ot the moon; whether they doe; or doe not
correstpond with each other: And here it is also to be Noted. That altho' the Sun
has Power (bv insinuating its Ravs. or rather ignious Vapours into the Terrestriall
Waters) to rarihe it, even almost m a parpendicular Elevation, as is common m
Raising Wjllcr-Spoiils. and Vapours both at Sea and Land; Yet there is no power
or hiHuence in the Sun. (nor \et Volgarly ascribed to him) whereby it can m the
Least, incline the Sea to Ebb. or Flow towards any point ot the Compass
whatsoever. And it the Sun that has Such visible Influence, to Exhale the Watter,
in Such wise; has no power to cause the Ebbing or Flowing ot the Ocean; How
the Moon, that has not power to Send the least Ray ot Ignious Influence upon, or to
draw the least Vapour from the Earth; not to keep it up by Night, when the Sun
in the Da\' time has rarifv'd it; 1 sav, how the Moon should have power, to move so
vast a Body ot water, is to me a seeming impossibility, and very unreasonable to
beleive.

And as these things are verv improbable, it not impossible: soe is also that
common received Opinion of the Moons atlr,iclin(; the Ocean as the Load=Stone dos
Iron: or as others; That the Waters do naturallv move towards the moon. For the
weakness ot both these Supp<isitions, will plainly appear, bv comparemg the constant,
and regular Influence ot the Madnci, over the Needle; with what is talsely ascribed to
the Moon, over the Ocean:''" In which 'tis manitest. I'. That that |p. 39] LoadStone
which will litt up, but halt a pound ot Iron, will it joyned to halte a Dozen pound,
hung bv a string, or posited in Equihbrio, (as the Ocean is) will, I say, draw it which
way you please; either backwards or forwards, or retain it, where you tix or posite the
stone, (withm its influence) and not otherwise. But the motion ot the Moon, it
compared with the Tides, will be found far otherwise, (Viz.') to be one halt, like
(ittntaion: and the other halt like Rejection; For 'tis well known, The very Tides of
Flood, do, as constantly, twice in 25 hours, runn up the English Channell. (and else
where) as Swiftly, [trom] that point ot the Compass which the moon is on; as they do
alternatly [towards it] whereas it the moon had any Magnetick Virtue, it could not
adinitt ot such manitest contrarietves. And as there is not a Similar C]ontorniity in their
Motions, in this particular; soe it dos as evidentK' appear, bv the Waters ot y'. (Aiipitiii
Scii: (which in Quallitv. is like the Ocean, in saltness; and in Quality, above 2000.
miles, in Compass.) For if she had such Influence; or it the Waters did naturalK' move
or Incline, towards the Moon; thev would in that vast Lake; either be carryed round,
or move themselves, to every point ot the Compass, according as the Moon was
posited: But instead ot Such a Conformity, or IiiHuenceing, there is not the least
Mntiiin tounil therein; (other than what is accidentK' given it. b\ the Winds) .dtlinugh

64 Tin- Earth Geucralcd and Anatomized

the Moon be at tull, or Change, or what other Estate soever. And what is here said of
the Ciispiiiii it'll, would be also found in Poiitus Ettxiiitis and the whole Mcditcrancan sea:
were it not for the small connections, made by the Streiglits Mouth and the Helespoiii.
Now that these (comparatively) small seperated Quantities, should not be moved, nor
hifluenced bv the Moon; and, at the same Time, the vast Ocean, allowed to be agitated
by her; can be no otherwise granted; than that the same gust [p. 40] ot Winde, which
can drive, the largest Vessell, has not power to move the Smallest Feather: Or That
that Magnet, which has power to hft up a pound of Iron, has not power to take up a
diminutive Needle: The Absurdity of both which daylv Experience manifesteth. And
as to the great and vulgar Argument, (Viz.t) That the Moim must Got'cni the Tiiies,
because they do exactly corresponil with her Motion, (tho" I hope h\ and by, to convince
those who have taken this upon Trust, that there is no such exact Correspondence
between them;) Yet in the mean Time; I answear, that it there were such a contormity,
it dos not thence follow, that the moon is the cause thereof; and to Illustrate the matter,
Lett It be supposed, that an Ingineer at Brisloll. should make a pair of Chimes; soe, as
to goe every Time, it was full sea at London Bridge: Another at London, should make a
Clock soe, as to strike every Time, it is tull sea, at the same Bridge; surely it cannot
follow, from this Correspondence, that either of these Movements, had any Influence,
or were dependent upon each other; but that they were Severally agitated by their
own respective Causes: And the same may be understood ot the Motion ot the Tides if
compared with the Moon: From whence I presume it dos plainly appear, that the
moon, has no maqnetick virtue, or Influence over the Waters, notwithstanding the said
conformity if allowed: And tho this may be Sufficient, to convince some persons, yet,
that a full confutation, may be given to this generally received Error: I shall also shew,
that she has no Soler=Uke (or other) Influence whatsoever, by which she can in the least
affect this Globe of Earth, or any part thereof; and in the tirst place, shall lay down this
self=evident Postulatum or Proposition, (viz.')

"That no Plannet or Fixed Star, hit any other naturall Body whatsoever, (tlevoyil ol
"sense) can influence or affect another like Body; unless such Bodys, or their Atmosphers,
"do actually [p. 41) touch each other: or else both of them, dt) tt>uch some proper
"Medium, that can convey the action, or Influence of one, of them, to the other.*"^

Now that this Globe ot Earth, not its Atmosphere, is not touched. h\ the Bodv ot
the Moon, or any other starr, nor by any ot their Respective Atmospheres, (unless the
suns';) and that the Sun's Atmosphere, is not a proper Medium, to convey any
Influence, to the Earth, from any other Celestiall created Body; is what I purpose to
demonstrate; and in order thereunto, that things may be plainly evidenced, I have, (as
the Room would admitt,) Subjovned a Scheme, m Fig: 10':' ot the Position oi the
Planets, and the proportion of their Magnitudes, compared to each other; according to
that naturall, and well approved System, oi Copernicus: Bv which it plainly appears.

Till' Eiirlli GcncriUciLiiiil Atuuoinizeil: Text 65

That the Biidy ot the Moon, tho' she be ten tnnes nearer the Earth, than any other
Planet; is nevertheless, allowed to be above 1 14000. Miles distant tVom it; And their
Atniosphers but very littleless. For tho' that ot the Sun, is so vastly great as to extend
from B. to A. in Fig: 10'.'' (viz.t) from its own Body, to the Body o( Siitiini, and
perhaps much hirther. Yet the Sublimations ot the Earth, as has been, by M'. Hiilly,
ingenuously ciimputed;"" do not extend above 4s. miles m height: And the Moons, as
by M'. Hufigais, much less.*"" From whence it plainly appears. That y'. Body of the
Earth, not its Atmosphere, cannot be touched by y'. Atmosphere of the Moon; nor by
any other Planet, or their respective Atmospheres (unless the Sun's) and consequently
they cannot, by reason of their remote bodilv position, 111 the least affect, or InHuence
each other; as was before asserted.

I now come to prove, That the Sun's Atmosphere, is not a proper Medium . to
convey that which is called the Influence ot the Cadestiall Orbs, to the Body of the
Earth. But in the First place Lett us explain. What is to be understood, by what is
Vulgarly called Influenced" and to Which, there has, in all Ages, been so Secret, and so
Occult Vertiie ignorantly and talslv ascribed: Now to guide us herein we have the reall
and Sensible Influence, ot one ot the Planets; namely, the Sun s; Bv which, it we rightly
understand, wh.it his Influence is; we may, by comparing it, truly tmde out, what is
meant, by that ascribed to the rest ot the Planets.

The Influence then ot the Sun, is, (in breitt) nothing but the ignious Vapours or
Sublimations, arising from that burning Globe ot Fire; which perpetually ascend from
and, (like our Watry and Airy Vapours,) precipitates again upon its own Body.

Now inasmuch as this reall and Sensible Influence ot the sun, is nothing but the
said Vapours, &; Sublimations thence arising; and forasmuch as we have Watry
Vapours, in like manner, perpetually ascending from, and returning upon our Earthly
Globe, (which in imitation of the Sun's might be called the Earths Influence:) And
Seeing the Moon and the rest of the Planets, are found by Observation, to resemble the
Body ot the Earth; as well m their Nature, as in their Forme. What may be justly
concluded from this Analogies. But that by the Influence ascribed to the Planets, we
ought, (in a Word), to understand nothing else, but the Watry, or Firy Wipcurs, arising
from their respective Bodys: Since then it is evident, that those Vapours, or
Sublimations, must be what is meant, and to be taken, tor the Influence of the Planets;
And Seeing those respective Vapours, cannot, as aforesaid, touch each other; we will
examine, whether the Sun's Atmosphers, be a proper Mci/iudi, to convey them to the
Body ot the Earth, or to its Sublimations, and

In the first place, it is to be remembred. That we have m the Scheme annexed,
(See Fig: 10:') already Shewn; That the nearest of the Planets (namely) the Moon, is by
Satuation, distant from the Earth above 1 14000. miles; [p. 43] what is further evident,
is from their Position in the Line ^^ y cf &:c." wherein it is to be noted. That if the
Vapours, ot any of thePlannetts, could be conveyed, by the Sun's Sublimations; yet

66 The Earth Generated and Aiuuoinizvd

those that bclcmg to the Moon, (when in Opposition, to the Sun) as also to Man.
Jiipitir. and Saturn, would, instead ot being conveyed lo the Earth, be carryed farther ott
from If. as the Ignious Vapours ot the Sun, ascends towards the bounds of its
Atmosphere, at A. A. ike. soe that there is onlv the Vapours of the Moon. Venus, and
.Mercury, (and those but only when they are in conjunction with the Sun) that can be
pretended, to be convey'd to the Body of the Earth: For when the said Plannetts, are
removed, but 4. or 5 Degrees, from the Conjunction; their Vapours, if conveyed, in the
Said ^-Ethcriall matter, would not touch, or come near the Body of the Earth; as is
manifest by the said Diagram; where the Speck, or the planett Venus, is removed to the
Letter D. in which position, its Vapours could not, in the least, be conveyed bv the sun
beams, to the Earth, to influence the same; and so of the/y when removed to F. as is
before asserted. n\_

But besides all this, tis verv ridiculous to think that the Vapours of any of those
Earthly Bodyes, if, even (when thev were in a right line, as at SE in Fig; 10'.'') should
be convevd or carrved, for soe manv hundred thousand Miles, in such a different
Sublimation, as the Sun's is; and after all. he brought back again, m the same Quantity,
to their respective Bodvs; (which must be done, or else such a (ilobe would be
destroyed;) I say these Things are soe improbable, nay impossible, that the\- ought not
any Longer to be mentioned or believed by us. Wherefore, for a Conclusion, I shall
only acquaint, (as I am fully perswaded,) That the Sense of the reall hitluence ot the
Sun; has, tor want of the aforesaid, or a [p. 44] Like Examination, induced soe manv.
Wise and Learned, to believe; that there was in Like manner, a respective Influence
peculiar to. and communicable frcni, the rest of the Planetts; and thereupon, the Moon
(contrary to Nature and Reason) has, from time to time, been allowed, to be the
Governess ot the Waters of our Earth; and, (with the Rest of the Seaven,) foolishlv and
unreasonably, deemed the Authors, of the good or ill fate of its hihabitants. But should
we conclude, because this vast Globe of Fire (Viz.t) the Sun, (the proportion of which
to the rest of the Planets is, in some sort, in the said Diagram exhibited) dos, at a great
Distance, bv its heat and Sublimations, Sensiblv warme and Influence us; That
therefore others, that are not onlv verv Small, as bv the said Scheme appeareth, but also
EarthK' and Cold, have Influence likewise; & do thereby affect us. at a like, or far
greater distance; I say thus to conclude, would be, as if a Man should pretend to warm
his hands at an Iron Bullet that is frigidly Cold, because he may do it, at one that is red
hot; Which to Suppose, or effect, would be contrary to Nature, sense. Reason, and
Experience; and therefore I hope this may Sufficiently evidence, that the waters in the
Ocean cannot be Influenced, or agitated, bv the Moon or any other, cold, eartliK
Planriett, or by any natural! cause or causes whatsoever; other then what is before and
will be herein after Assigned.

And now I come to what was before proposed, (Namely) to Shew, That there is
noe such (A^rrespondence. between the CAinsequentiall Tides, and the Motion of the

The F.arlli Gciifr,UfcLviil AihUoinizal: Text 67

Moon, as is Vulgarly pretended. And ni the hrst place, tis to be noted. That because the
dayly difference of the Moon's comemg to the South, (as by the common Tide Tables
appeareth)^-^ is 48. Minutes. Therefore they pretend. That the Dayly Difference from
one Tide to another, is the same likewise — And SccoiiJIy, That on what point of the
Compass soever the Moon is; when it is full Sea in any port; on her comeing to the
Same point, and its oi>i>osilc; She causeth full Sea (p. 4s) again, in the same place, at all
Times Both which I have found by observations to be utterly false; For on my
apprehending the Moon, to have no power over the Waters, I kept the following
Regester'-', of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Tides, (with some intermissions,) for two
or three years Successively; By which I found the true difference , and Nature of their
Flowing; Observing, with all. the point of the compas, or Azimuth, on which the
Moon was at such times.

And, as to the first I allwayes found, That about Three Dayes after the new and
Full moon, (it being then the greatest Spring=Tides; and not at the New and full, as is
commonly reckoned) the dayly difference in their comeing (unless the Windes
interupted them,) to be about 28. or 30. Minutes And, about three Days after the first
and Last Quarter, (it being then the greatest Neap Tides) I allwayes found the dayly
difference to be 90. 95. or 100. Minutes Whereas, the said difference in the Motion of
the Moon, is 48. Minutes onlv: Bv which 'tis Manifest, That there is noc such
Correspondence 111 their Motion, as is Vulgarly reputed; Neither can, as I humbly
conceive, the said unequail differences, in the comeing or flowing of the Tides, be any
ways accounted for, in the Motion of the moon; The inequality of which will more
plainly appear by the following Register and by the Tide-Table from thence ^Equated,
and deduced.

A REGISTER

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Tlif Earth Gctifriiiiil and AihitoDiized: Text 77

By the Line F.G. is shewn. How the Tides would flow (to wit) equally) if they
were Governed by the Mmii

By the Line DE. is shewn, how they do flow; as 'tis found by Observation, and
experience; By which it appears. That the Difference in their Flowing; is in an
Unequall, LofiarithmcticaU proportum; and not in an Eijuall pro{;resfii'e difference; as has
been Vulgarly accounted. Which the dayly ditterence in the two last Tables, |p. $<,\
from whence these Lines were Extracted, will also evidence; And will more fully
appear by the following Explanation.

By these Tables, it appeareth. That when the Mocii is 4. or 19. Dayes old, 'tis
Full=Sea, according to truth or Observation, at 2. oi the Clock and 01. Minute. But the
Same Dayes, by the Vulgar account, at 3. of the Clock and 12. Miti: udiicli is yf. Min:or
1. Innir and J.v miniiiles Difference; as hy the Collumn between the two Tables appeareth;
and so of the rest. And on the other hand, it is also to be Noted; That 3. or 4. Dayes
after the New, and Full Moon; the Dayly difference in the comeing ot the Tides, is
about 28. or 30 Minuites. But about three Dayes after the first and last Quarter, 'tis
found to be 90. 94. or 100. Mmuites; as is before observed. To which the common Tide=
Tables, ought to be conformed; That the disappointments, that may happen, for want
of knowing the true State of the Tides, may be prevented. And that this is the naturall
Motion of the waters, is the more certain; because a great part, of these Observations,
were made in the year 1700. when by reason of the Dryness of that Sumer, the naturall
Motion of the Sea, was not interupted by Windes, as usuall. Nor is it here, at any time,
by any River: For this is very small, and riseth, but about two miles distant, from the sea=
Coast.'-*

And as to the Second part of the Assertion, wherein 'tis Vulgarly Said, That on
what point of the Compass Soever, the moon dos make tfull Sea, m any Harbour; on
her coming to the Same point, and its Oposite, she there maketh full Sea again; This (as
is said,) (p. 56) I have frequently found to be false, by two or three points at a time. But
that which dos fully confute the said Error; is. That whensoever the Mccn is said to be
in the Latter Degrees of Gemini, and in a great part of the Signe Cancer, she dos then
pass, from the East, to the West point of the horizon; in about 8. or 9. Houres; and from
IVest to East again; in about 15 or 16 Hours; in our Lattitude; and farther South, she
dos the like in 4. or 5; and in 19. or 20. hours: Now according to this Account, the
coming of the Tides at such times, would be but 4. or 5. houres distance in one Tide;
and 8. or 9. Ho; distance in another; which dayly Experience dos fully confute. The
comon distance in the coming of the Tides, being allwayes between 12: and 13. Hours.
But tho' I observed this difference, in their inter:meditate Motions: Yet I found no
such. 111 their Monthly Revolutions; For I alwayes Observed, That whensoever the
Moon was about 3. Dayes past the full, and as many past the Change, (falsely so-called
for she's at the Full, to a trifle, equally enlightned, (unless when Eclipsed,) at all times,)
it was constantly the (jrt'iifwf Spring=tides; unless violent Windes interrupt-rupted the

78 The Earth QcnvraU'ii ,uiii Aihiii'mized

Same; Nnw this Discord in one Part nt their Motions, and contormity in the other, I
confess, was for some time, the Subject ot my thoughts; Till at last I considered, That
the Waters in the Ocean; were, by the pulsing ol the Earth, thrust farther off, from the
Earth's Center; than otherwise it would be; From whence I Conceived That Such an
Elation might naturally bring the Earth out ot its Eqiiilihrily: (tho I then, nor till Some
years after, knew or conceived the/»ii«' or places where [p. 57] thev were soe moved)
and thereby cause its Diurnall Rotation; as shall herein atter be further evidenced.
Which haveing I say, thus conceived I farther traced its Effects; And well knowing that
the Earth, and the Moon; are both Suspended in the open /£r/;er, or Sublimations of the
Sun; and not fixed in any Grosser matter; I thence collected. First, That the Earth's
Rotation, dos, (as experience confirmeth.) Give motion to its own Atmosphere —
Secondly, That this Atmosphere, being (as is said) Suspended in, and enclosed bv the
Said .-Ether, must unavoidably give motion thereunto: And lastly, the said ^ther being
moved as aforesaid, and also touching the Bodv of the Moon, and she haveing no
Rotation of her own (the Earth being the Center of her Orbit;) I sav this /Ether might,
bv the coiingut\- of its Matter, move, or draw round, the Bod\' ot the Moon, after the
Earth; and therebv cause her. to make one Revolution, m the time that the Earth
maketh 27 & ^.'

Now seeing what is herein advanced, is, (I presume,) in some respects wholv new
or at least, but rarelv treated of; It cannot therefore be expected, I should confirm it bv
the Testomony of former Writers; Yet that I mav not be found arbitrarv in mv
Assertions; Will therefore Indeavour to prove them, by an easie and familhar
Experiment; which in deed is what has too frequently been wanting in those who have
Written on things of this Nature. As for histance, one Author affirms,™ That the Earth
at the Deluge, iras broken into pieces , and the four Qitarteres thereof, raised hy tlie Tiltim^ up of
some of tliose peiccs. Another Supposeth and Asserts, other things; [p. 58] But neither of
them gives us any Experiment, to prove their Propositions; and therefore thev mav be,
all of them, as well false, as true; For Speculative Notions, without practical!
Experiments, or Visible Pha'nomena's, are not Sufficient foundations, for an Hypothesis
of this kmde. I shall therefore bv the following Experiment prove or illustrate the
particul.irs before mentioned. And in order thereunto, it is to be OKscrved,

Tiiat if any Gross Bodv, he nioveJ round, in any Fluid Matter; it ii'ill not only, ^ive a
like Motion, to the Said matter; Bui also move, anv other Gross Body, swimming on or
Suspended in tlie Same fluid: llio ' it he posited at a I \i<t distance from the Roily first
moved.

Now th.it this is true, will visibK' appear, bv putmg a Round Tubb. or other like
'Vessel!, mto a Pond or C'istern ot Water; Wherein if vou move it circularK'; or turn it
but a Little time on its Center, as a Mill=Stone is (to wit) parellel to the Horizon; You
will See the whole quantity of Water; as also my thing floating tho' at a distance in it.

Tlh- Fiirih Ccm-nitfd ,iihl Aii,il>'iin:ed: Text 79

gradually, & naturalK', to move Round therewith — In which, the Revolution ot the
Bodv so drawn round; will be in a just proportion to its distance from the Bodv first
moved7' Which so exactly agrees, not only with the proposition above mentioned.
But also with the worthy Keplcrs late Discovery (Viz.') "That the time Spent in The
[['. ."Jpl Revohttioii of the Phvietts, are in a Fixl, certain proportion, to their Distance from the
Center of their Orbit; as that it even Demonstrates the same." Now that the Earth has a
Diurnall Rotation, is (especially of late years,) So generally granted; that 1 shall only
refer you to the Post=Script, hereunto annexed, for its Confirmation, and

Secondly, That the Diurnall Rotation of the Earth, dos Give Motion to its
Atmosphere, is evident; in that its Atmosphere, dos always turn round, and accompany
the Earth, in its Rotation; and that even in all parts of the world; unless about 30. degr:'
on each side the Eqtiinoction: and 111 that part too, in the Continents; where the Hills and
Mountains Stand up in the .-Ether, to further the said Motion. So that the Trade-}]'inJs,
which are those that do not quite keep an even pace with the Earth, are onlv found on
the Smooth Ocean, between Africa, and America, and thence to Asia: where, we know,
there can be no Mountains Standing up, to interupt the Said Windes: or to Cause the
Atmosphere, to turn with; and accompannv the Earth, as it dos at Land: And if you
would have this turning of the Earth, in its Atmosphere; (whence the said windes are
produced,) plainly represented, and illustrated by an Experiment; It is but to draw a
peice of Board, or the Like, on the Surface of a Cistern of Barly when the water is first
fiird up, about 2. or 3. Inches above the Corne; or on any Shallow water, haveing
Dust or Chaft Strawed thereon; And you may see the Floating Dust, turn in, on each
side, as you draw it along; just as the Said windes do, on each Side the y^quinoctiall
Line: [p. 6o| And (it drawn from West, to East.) the waters will turn in on the Same
points likewise; And by the uncertain or irregular ruftlings, and Calmness, of the
Watercs; at and near the End of the said Board; will in like manner be plainly
Shewn; the Calms, and intermitting Concussions, of the windes; on the West Side of
Africa, and else where; called the lornedoes. And what is more, if Two Boards, be cut
in the Forme of the two Mapps. (or rather, only of the Forme and breadth, of that part
of them which is between the two Tropicks) and fastned, or jovned bv two or 3 Wires,
standing up, arching over the waters; I say you will, in drawing them as aforesaid,
evedently see the Cause, Whv the said Windes turns in, on the South side of the said
Line, on the Coast o( India: and not on the North: As also the constant Calms, that are
found in those and other parts of the World. All which I have with pleasure beheld by
the Said Experiment. And as the turning of the Earth, is the Cause of the said windes;
so the very Being of these Winds, dos plainlv Demonstrate the said Rotatioti of the
Earth; For if the Earth did not sii turn; it would be naturally impossible, that those
Windes should be Produced.' "

Now seeing it is evident that the Rotation ot the Earth, dos so move its Atmosphere.
(or at least that part which toucheth, or is nearest to the Earth,) as to cause it almost in

go The Earth Generated ami Aiiatcmized

all places, to keep an even pace with its own Body. And seemg it cannot be denyed,
but that the fluid ^tlier or Sublimations of the Sun, dos touch and incompas the Earth,
and Its Atmosphere: and also the Moon & Her's, as by Fig: io'''appeareth: And seeing
also, in the said Experiment, [p. 6i] the fluid matter that toucheth, or is nearest to the
Body^irif moved; dos almost accompany y' Same: Whilst that at a greater distance,
will in proportion, move more Slowly: How can it be denyed from the conformity of
those Motions, and the contiguity of the Said /Etherall Matter: But that the Earth, by
its Diurnall Rotation, dos move its Atmcspherc; and that this Atmosphere, dos move the
Azthcr. and consequently That the said /Ether, dos give motion to the Body ot the
Mi\m: altho', by reason of her Distance, her Motion is about 27. times Slower than that
of the Earth; as is before observed — So that by what has been Said. I hope it is evident;
That the Moon is so farr. from being the C<ii(«- of the Flowing ot the Tides; as that
instead thereof, the lifting up of the Ocean, (whence the Tides are produced, as will
herein after be shewn.) is the originall Cause of the Motion of the Earth; And
consequentlv. that the Rotation of the Earth, is the very Efficient Cause, ot the Motion
of the Moon: Which I presume may Suffice to Shew; why the .S;)riH(j=Tides do agree
with the full and Change thereof: as was before observed. I Shall now proceed to Some
other Pa-mmieihi 's that are Vulgarly said to be caused by the Moons pretended Influence:
And herein shall instance only in three Sorts, because I conceive, that most, it not all
the rest, may be thereunto referred, and the First shall be o{ Lunacy which by reason ot
its revolving with the Motion of the moon, as is pretended, may seem to be governed
by her. and vet notwithstanding is not. The Second sort Shall be of Such as do really
depend upon the Moon for its Cause, in respects of its Light, but not otherwise. And
mv third and last, shall be of Such as are not reall, but only imaginary or at best [p. 62]
but uncertain Phenomena's.

And First, as to that humane Int'irmity called Lunacy*" we all know the Earth is the
Mother or Originall of all living Creatures, man himself not excepted. And inasmuch
as all Creatures, do generally resemble or partake of the nature of the Dam or Root,
from whence they had their Being, whether they be produced ot the Same or of
another Species (as is manifest in the Smaller Animalls. bred by the Heat, and sweat, of
Doggs and Sheep &c. The pulse or circulation of the Bloud, being the very same,
proportionablv, in the lesser, as in the greater that produceth them.) And Seeing there is
in such persons at such times, as they are so affected; a greater flowing, or a ditferent
Motion, or Circulation of the Blood, than at others Seasons, or States of the Tides; it is
but naturall and reasonable to conclude. That the cause of this Infirmity dos proceed
from the said superaboundmg of the Blood, or of its motion, in the Lesser Animalls; at
the same time, and in conformity to. the Like grand or Monthly fluxing ot the Waters.
in thcgreater Animall; I mean to the pulsing or flowing of the Ocean, at or near, the
new and full Moon; upon which the coming of this Distemper, is said to depend: And.
if soc, whether this inference; be not more reasonable (S. Naturall; than to allow the

Tlir F.iUlli GfiicniicJ cvul AihUoiiiizrtl: Text 8i

Moon; at so maiiv thousand Miles distance; to be the Cause ot such a Phcnouiciia \n
humane Nature; I leave the Reader to Dertermine; as also ot all others, that mav' be
thereunto referred.

The Sccoiui, is the MonthK' increasing & decreasing the Flesh ot Some Fowles; (and
perhaps other Animalls;) which indeed at First, would seem an irresistable Argument;
But I p. f)^] when we consider That the Heron, the Oii'lc, Ike. (being those in which the
I'luviiotiieiui IS tound) are such Creatures as doe cheitly seek their prey by night; Tis no
Mistery to conceive, that the L;\'/if ot the Moon, when at and near, the tull; should
contribute to their more plentituU Feeding; as also That the darkness ot the Nights, at
the Change, should prevent them therein: From which vicissitudes, ot Light and
Darkness, their Bodves must gradually, be increased or diminished accordingly: But
nevertheless, the moon cannot be the Cause of this Pha;nomena; (other than by its
reflecting the Light ot the Sun upon the Earth;) tor if see, it may be as well said, that
the Candle threads the Needle, and not the Man; or the Sun dos Catch the Hare, and
not the Dogg: because they doe, in like manner; comunicate their Lights to the
performance of these respective Actions.

The third and last Instance is concerning the Times and Seasons, that are esteemed
propitious for letting Blood, cutting haire, killing Swine, and the like; to which, my
Answear in generall is. That I presume they are only traditionall and groundless
Imaginations; derived to us from the Antients, and not reall Ph;enomena's in Nature:
And that the first is such, is evident from experience; For 'tis well known, that 'tis as
Safe Letting Bloiid, when the moon is in the Sign Gemini, or in any other such
fabulous* position wherein vou propose to Bleed; as if she was opposite thereunto; or
at an\' other distance whatsoever. But however for people to observe the tull, and
Change, in cutting of Hair, and the Like. I confess; may be very usetuU; (tho' not in
respect of the Moons Influence;) Because 'tis evident [p. 64] that the Constant, and
regular cutting, and pruning of Trees, Herbs or other Vegetables, (which is the same
with the Hair in an Animall) will Cause them, to take Root and flourish the Better:
And m this Respects, a like regular, or constant observing of that, or any other Season,
for cutting hair; mav further its Growth and Increase; whereas by a careless Neglect;
the Effect mav be otherwise. But tho' this be So Yet inasmuch as we all know, that
those Vegetables are produced, and nourished; only bv the heat, and humidity of the
Earth, (intermingled with the accidentall Sublimations ot the Sun:) and knowing tis
the Same with the Hair, m respect of the humidity and heat of the Animalls that do
produce it; There can therefore be no Room for the Moon 's pretended Influence: And as

* / call rliem Fabulous lieciu^r llu'ir nry lieiiig, as well ,u ihcir pretended Natures, are only feigned, and
imaginary Institutions, or Aslrologicall hnposilioiis. and i,;roundless hdachinations: .-ind loere it not soe yet
according to the C.opernican System, uou' approi'ed: it may as icr// he said, that the (Clouds, when nio\'eil in
the .-lir, doe pass from one (i'ijk 10 another, ,ii it may he the Moon, or any the reit ol the I'hnietts {as could
easily he demonstrated.)

^2 The Earth Gcncmli'i/ iiml Aruilomiied

Little Occasion, tor observing her 30. Days Revolution: For the event will be the Sitnic.
if you Observe, but 5. or 6. and twenty; or 7. or 8. and forty, dayes Distance, in Such
Cutting or pruning: as if you ahouid keep exactly to the Revolution aforesaid. And as
for the Seasons vulgarly appropriated for killing of .Sicmf ; 1 must acknowledge, 1 have
soe little Esteem for Liiiuiism, that I leave it to Such as are Judicious therein, to tinde mit
a Reason; Why one State of the Moon, should be more propitious, than another, tor
killing tku Creature; and not tor Cows, Oxen, Sheep, or other Aninialls.

There is one other Argument that I would have omitted, had it not been lately
urged against me; (viz.t) The Moon (says they) dos certainly govern y'. Tides, because
it Governs y'. Fluxions in the Body of Vemis, and her offspring: To which I answear.
That 'tis rather an Argument to the contrary; And that, because tis Manifest, that "tis
onlv when Nature dispiiseth thereunto: For it you consult Madam — she can tell yt)U
that in 20. of them it will be hnind at twenty Severall Times, or States of the Moon;
and not onl\- at the new and full as is pretended: And that even [p. 6s] in those whom
YOU would deem to be one and the Same CoiistelliUon or Coinple.xu-'n.

Thus have I attempted to Shew the invalidity, ot all the old and vulgar
Armiments, now accruing to memory, which are offered, to prove. That the ,\/c'ii// has
Iiifiuciice. over the Terrestriall waters; or over the Animalls that were thence produced;
but vet I finde one other ot a Fresher Date, which I cannot pass; For altho' Some ot
these Authers seem to lav aside the old Notion ot the Moon's Governing y'. Waters by
a Magnetick Influence;*' (which I was pleased to hear, in expectation, that between the
two Stools, both Errors would have tallen to v Ground) vet instead thereof, they
affirme the same motion, to be produced or effected, by the pretended Squcesing or
pressing power of the Moon,"^ which they would demonstrate by the following
Observation; (viz.') "That heavy Botlyes, iiiaimheiit on the Center of their Gravity; the
"nearer they approach thereunto; the more they Gravitate: From whence 'tis interred. That
" when the Moon is in her PerigcTiini, or nearest to v'. Earth; She dos press harder, (I
"suppose on the y^ther) than when in her Apogivum, or greatest Distance from it: And
"soe consequentlv, according as the Degrees ot Pressure is made; the Tides are either
"Increased or diminished.

Now that the Bodyes soe approaching, may gravitate as aforesaid, when removed
from their naturall position; I will not dispute; for 'tis very probable, that if one of the
Rocks of the Moon at N. (see Fig: 1 1':")*' could be remcwed thence towards the Earth,
it would before it came to B. have the Same Inclination to the Earth, as to the Moon;
and soe on the Contrary; And therefore at such a Distance it would precipitate more
Shwiy than in its nearer Approaches, unless when arrived to our [p. 66] Atmosphere
where its grossness, would doubtless somewhat retard its motion: But tho' this
Observation may be True, yet it dos not follow, that the Inference thence drawn, is soe
likewise. For we See in other Examples. That Erroneous Notions may be derived from
reall Phxnomenas; As for Example, in the ToresceUian Experiment."^ The Pressure i>t a

The F.iirth Gnu'riUi'il ijiul Aii,itoini:al: Text 83

Collumn nt Air, being the Assigned Cause oi the Rising and Sinking ot the Mercury in
the Tube; stnne will therefore Infer, That the Motion of the Thoni.w and consequently
our Lives, are owing to the Like pressure;"^ But that this is a groundless supposition, is
evident from our Liveing soe long underwater, in those Sort oi diving Engines*"'
Wherein the Said Collum. and its pressure, is wholv interrupted whereby, it it were
So, Death would nnediatelv ensue; But we hneie by experience the Contrary.

Another like Notion is that ot Monsiur"' when he traveled with one ot the Asiiiii
Princes; wherein he pretends, with the Said histruinent, to Measure the Height ot a
very high Mountaine, or rising Ground, tho' it required Severall Dayes Journey to
Ascend it; hi which Time, 'tis well known; that the very Change ot Weather might
naturally Cause a great difference, in the Hight ot the Mercury; and thereby render
Such a Calculation very uncertain and Erroneous — And as tis thus uncertain, soe
likewise needless; For by a Chain,'"* Or the Wheell of his Coach, and a Land Quadrant,
he might have |p. 67] taken the Hypotheinisd, and the Angle at the Base, and thereby
have obtevned his desire, to a moral pertectum. From which histances as also trom
others ot like nature, it is evident; that Erroneous hiterences mav be derived trom reall
Pheiioiiieihi's. we will theretore now Enquir whether the pretended /'ro«i/r<' ot the moon
betore mentioned be not one ot that number.

And in the first place, I humblv conceive. That such .\ pressiiii;. or Gravitatemg
Power is not to be tound in any ot the Celestiall Orbs; Specially whilst they are
naturally posited, as the moon is (tho it mav be supposed ot Commetts, or of Bodyes
occasionally removed as aforesaid:) And my Reason is. Because it soe, whensoever
either Satiinie. ]iipiter. or Mars, should approach towards, or come in opposition to the
Sun (which is their assigned Centre of Gravity,) they would then Gravitate towards the
Earth, as well as towards the Sun (seing the Earth is at such times alwayes between the
Sun and them; as will plainly appear by Figure the tenth; and the better ii you turn up
the Book, so as that Saturn may be at the top of the Said Figure,) Whereupon I say, if
there were such a pressing Power in them, they would then cause Such great Tides,
That we Should be induced to conclude; That the universall Deluge, was as soon atter
the Creation, as those Three Vast Bodys, (or but any two of them) came, in some
proper Signe, to such an opposition ot the sun; as is described in y' Line S.E. m the
Fig: atoresaid.**" And it you would know what Signe that was; To be Sure the
Scheine=Makers, will tell us, 'twas in Aquarius, or the water bearer; (tho" others would
have it m Gemini), And some reconciling Naturillist, perhaps D': N.""' will [p. 68] refer
us to the Rainbow, tor the Reason why their Gravitatemg power is now restrained. But
how improbable, and inconsistent with Experience; these conjectures are, I leave to be
determined by the judicious Reader; and proceed (2'?'*) To the Moons causing (as is
pretended) tull sea, when in her Perii^ivum, or nearest distance from the Earth: And this
I conceive is not in the least to be regarded neither; for it you consult but a common
Almanack, you may in one years Time, tind her in that position, at all States ot the

84 The Earth CjcneratfJ jtui Aiuloiiii^ed

Moon; as well ;it the Qiwrfcr.T, as at the tull and Change; and consequently \i that was
the reall Cause; it would accordingly be spring=Tydes; some times at the Quarters of
the Moon; and again, at other times, at the hill and Change; which common
Experience dos dayly confute. Nay what is more, it there was such a pressing power as
is pretended; How the Apoga'cn, and the Pcrigxon of the moon; should both produce,
one and the Siimc EfFect. (as by their account it must) is a self=confuting Misterv, as
great, if not greater than the former."

By what has been said, it may reasonably be granted. That there is noe such
Gravitateing Inclination in the moon, or anv of the Planets (whilest naturally posited)
as is pretended; For it twa's; what should hinder them from executing their propensity?
seeing the Commetts can precipitate, soe near the Sun without hiteruption, as to be sett
on tire by it. But however, that I may not seem to begg the Thing in Question; \ye will
Suppose there is such a Nature in them as is proposed; Yet nevertheless, I conceive it is
impossible. That the Body of the Moon should soe press the .'Ef/icr, as to cause it to
produce the Ebbing and Flowing ot the Ocean: And that my Reasons for Such a
conception, may the better appear; I shall lay down these two Propositions or
Postulata's.

"First if two, or more Grosf Boilyes {ofequall Mtii^itilitiie ,) doc iiio\>e, or prccipitiilc, in iiiiy
" iiiiconfinrd fiiiid niiittcr; The Quantity i'/ .<i(f/i matter, hy litem respectively moved, will
"he ill a jii<t proportion, to the Rarity, or Density; of the FliiiJ matter, in irhich they
"move.

I p. 6y| Therefore any such Body nwving m .-Ether, or Air, will moye many
Thousand times Less in Quantity of those thin fluids; than if moved in Mercury or in
Water.

"2'."' If any Gross hodyes sltoiihi press down, or precipitate into any fittid matter, confined,
"or circumscribed, [in a Tuhe or the Like) so clo.<;c to all the sides, of what contains it,, as
"to permit! none to press out; such hody must then (.gradually f;i\'e motion, to the whole
"mass of matter therein inclosed, or Conteyned.

Therefore (e.g.) If a Tube of Air (see Fig: ii.)"*' be 7. or 17. fiiot Long; and if but
5. or 6. inches be pressed down at the Top; That pressure will affect and give motion to
the whole: Because the Air, or matter therein contained, will gradually seek to restore
an unitormitv, in its consistency.

Now to explicate these Propositions It is to be noted: First. That the proportion of
Air xo Water, is found to be, as 840. is to i.: soe that if S40. (Jalluif our Cross Air, be
condenced; twill make but one Gallon of Water; and if the Top of the Atmosphere
(allowing it, as 'tis lately found, to be 45. Miles, high) be equated with the Bottome;
'twill require 6700. Gallons, to produce that Quantity; And as the Air is thus Thiner,
and Lighter than Water, soe tis so much the more feeble and yielding. For though

Tlic Eiuih GeneriUid ivul AthUomiznl: Text X5

I'ss;

Water cannot be compressed yet Air will adniitt ot being condenced to 60. Times Les
and also ot being rarihed, to 70. Times more, than its common consistency. Now
seeing "tis evident. That the Air is 6700. times thinner and Lighter than Water; we need
not doubt but thers the Same, it not a greater Disparity between the Air and ^■Ellicr;
and consequently the ^ther is above thirty Six Millions ot Times. Thinner, than water;
and I p. 70] therefore, according to the i';' Postulatum. soe many Tunes the more yielding
and less liable to be moved or attected, by the Motion ot the Moon, or ot any Gross
Bodv pressing downe, or moveing in it.

2'.* That the Bodyes of the Earth, and Moon, are both ot them openly suspended in
this unconfined, and as it were, intmite Space of thinn fluid, transparent ALther. And
that it is ot such a vast Extent, is evident trom Fig: 10''' betore goemg (tho" we should
therein suppose it to be extended, but Little tarther, than trom the Body ot the Sun. to
the Orbit ai Mtuni. only.)

Thirdly That there is also a vast Disparity between the Bodv of the moon and her
Orbit, and also between her Orbit and v". Body ot the Earth; as appears by Fig: 1 1''':'^'
(Wherein I have laid them down in as just proportion as the Circumstances would
admitt) From whence we may also conceive. That the Bodves of the Moon, and the
Earth, are but as it were soe many Attomes, it compared with the Vastiiess ot their
Distance as aforesaid. And 4'.'' (as is also evident by the said Diagram). That the moons
Perigeon, or approaching towards the Earth, (to which there is of late,^"* as is said, soe
much weight or Virtue ascribed;) is altogether as inconsiderable, as their Magnitudes,
For, if from the 114000. Miles of their mean distance, be deducted the 5000. Miles that's
allowed tor the Equant, or Ecceiilricity ot the Moons Orbit; there will Still remaine
above looooo. Miles for their nearest distance. From whence we may justly conclude.
That it all these Things be duelv and impartiallv compared, and considered; it will
appear to be as impossible, that such an Alloin as the Moon, at soe vast a Distance,
Should give Motion to such a thin yielding Medium as the ther is; and thereby, cause it
to press upon another like Attorn, as the Earth is, so as to give Motion to the Ocean, or
its fluid part, and not thrust the whole Globe out ot its Orbit; as that the Man in the
Moon should hear, what I am now Saving ot his antient Habitation: Especially, seeing
we finde. That a Cannon Bullet in [p. 71) its Swittest Motion, in a many thousand
Times Grosser Matter, will not move a Father (excluding the Motion ot the common
Air, made by the Explosion of the powder at the Mouth ot the Cannon) perhaps halt a
Dozen Yards betore it comes to it, much less at its tirst approaching (to wit) at 2. or 3.
thousand yards distance.

But, it what has been said, be not yet thought Sufticient; we will Illustrate the
Matter by another Example. And herein it is to be noted, as has been intimated. That
the Magnitude ot the Moon, is to her Orbit near as 2. is to 100. and her Pcn'tjifi'/; as 5. 15
to 100: Theretore, according to such proportion, Lett us suppose, (as in Fig: the 9'.'' at
A.)'''^ That a Sphere ot 2. Foot Diameter, be hung up at one End of a very lofty Room,

86 The Eitrlh GfticratfJ jnJ AihiionnzeJ

that's 130. or 140. Foot long; and at the other end thereof, (at 100. toot Distance)
another Sphere of 4. Foot Diameter be in hke manner Suspended, representing the
Earth; before which. Lett there be a Feather hinig bv a small Thread as at D. Now if the
Sphere at A. (in Immitation ot the moons pretended pressure) should in 12. or 13.
dayes, according to the moons Semi=Revolution, (or if you will have it, in halfe a
Minuite) he moved S- foot (viz.t) from A. to B. I sav can it be Supposed. That that
motion, at such a Distance, and m such a wide Room will, by moveing the Air, press
the Feather against the Earth at E. And if this cannot be affected; How much less can
the Moon at looooo Miles Distance press the Water, bv a Medium that's 6000. times
thinner than our Air; and therefore, (according to the first Proposition) so many
thousand times the more invalid, and less liable to be moved by the moon to produce
such an imaginary Effect as is pretended.

I could likewise show the impossibilitv ot this Lunar Notion, bv Experiments in
water; But I pass to the second Postulatum or observation.

[p. 72] Wherein we have supposed the Body ot the Earth to be inclosed in a Tube,
as in Fig: 12'.'' and the moim at A. pressing or precipitating towards it: In which respect
we allow That such a Pressure, (if the moon touched the Sides of v' Tube so as that no
Air or ^ther could pass out.) might attect the Huid part of the Earth at B. But the
Supposition being soe inconsistent with Nature. Reason, and Experience; 'twould be
even ridiculous to spend time about it: shall therefore conclude, as we justlv mav. That
the moon by this pretended pressure, has no more power to Cause the Ebbing and
Flowing of the Ocean: Than the Noise of the Frying=panns. formerlv rung bv the Old
Women, when the moon was Eclipsed; could, as thev intended, prevent the moon
from being perpetually darkened, or from being removed out of its Orbit.

I shall close this Negative part with onlv reminding you. That the Davlv
difference in the coming of the Tides, on the third day after the ffull and Change, is
naturally, but about 30. minuites; Where as on the third day after the first and last
Quarters, it is found to 90 or 100 minuts Bv which it is Evident, That the motion of the
Tides is three times swifter (or slower.) at one time, than at another. And to confirm
that this Phenomena or Observation is soe unequall as herein Asserted, (seeing I finde
some very fond of the pretended Lunar Regimencv) I therefore presume to Challenge,
not only such, but also all the Mathematitians and Naturallists in Europe, to confuse
the Said: Observation. — As also to prove. That the motion of the moon dos,
(especially at its full and Change) correspond with the said hiequallitves; For the small
Difference, that is in the moon's dayly motion, (viz.t) from 1 1. Degrees to 15. cannot
in the least be applicable [p. 73] hereunto; Because the said Swift Flowing of the Tides,
are in this respect; promiscuous; (to wit) as well when the moon is in her Slowest, as
when in her Swiftest. Motion; and therefore has no relation thereunto. But Supposeing
it were not Soe. The said Difference of 11. Degrees to 15. is but nearly as \\. is to 1 .
which can never correspond with 30. to 90. (being as I. to 3.) And therefore seeing the

77ic Eiirlh GciH-r,iti-il aiiJ Aucilivni:al: Text 87

pretended Ciiisc, dos Not correspond with t!ie Visible Eftcct: we may tuUv conclude.
That neither the Moon's Motion, her pretended pressure, nor her InHuence, is the
Efficient Cause <if the Motion of the Tides. From the whole then, ot what has been
said. I'll appeal! to the im/itiall Reader, Whether it be not as reasonable to Allow. That
the great man in the moon; dos breath only twice in a Moneth; and then blow upon
the Ocean; and thereby cause it to Ebb and Flow; As it is to allow, of the pretended
Pressure, or influence before mentioned. —

Sect: III

Sect: III^

That the Flowing of the ocean is duiseii hy its being
hfted up from an Horizontal! position, once in 15. dayes
by the pulsing within the Cat'ity of the Earth which is
compared to, and confirmed by the Systole and Diastole of the
heart of an Animial. That the Waters being so raised, will
exactly Answear to all the Pha'iiomena's fvind in the flowing
of the Tides, proved & Demonstrated by Experiments. And
the places assigned where the Tides are first Moved. By
which the I 'iiriciiK Ebbmgs C" Flowings may be accounted for.

HAVING in the precedent Lines, by divers Arguments, Negatii'ely proved, that
the moon is not the cause of the Ebbing and Flowing of the Ocean We now come to
The positive Cause thereof; Namely to Shew,

"That the grand Fluxes and Refluxes of the Ocean, called Spring=Tides, are cau.sed
"hy the pulsation, within the Interiour parts of the Earth, and,

"Secondly, That the intermeditate Fluxes, are only derived from thence,
as the necessary Consequents thereof.

Now although we have frequently hinted, at the 1-irst ot these Propositions; yet it
will more plainlv appear, by comparing the said pulsing of the Earth, with that of
other hving Animalls In which it is to be observed. That as the active or Cordious part
of an Animall, causeth pulsation or flowing of the Blood; in some fifty or Sixty, and in
others, an hundred times, in a Minuite [p. ys] (somewhat according to the magnitude
of their respective Bodyes; as before intimated;) soe the Vast Body of the Earth, by its
Cordious Motion, dos lift up the Waters, and cause a pulsing, or flowing of the Tides,
in a time (naturally) proportionable thereunto; (namely,) once in 15 Dayes; as is before
asserted. Now altho thiipulsing of the Earth, is near in proportion to that of the
humane Bodyes, as 1296000. is to i. and seeing her Body if compared with such; dos
farr exceed that proportion; From whence it may be argued, that her pulsing, should
be much Slower, than 'tis found to be; yet inasmuch as all Animalls, (when formed) do
consist, of different matter from the Earth; And one Animall exceeds another, in
Swiftness of pulsing; according to a proportion peculiar to their respective Natures, as
well as to their magnitudes: As for Instance, if the pulse of a Sparrow should be to that of
an Elephant, as the disparity of their magnitudes would produce it. the Violence in its
pulsing, would unavoidably convert the matter, whereof the Sparrow was to be
hatched into Ashes; even whilst it was in its Embrio; From whence we may conclude;
that the pulsing of the Earth, once in ) i. dayes, is as natuarall, to the Life or Existance,

The Earth Geiiemtfii and Aiuttomized: Text 89

ot that great Aiiimall; as the other pulsings are to the least Animall whatsoever; tho
Such an Arithmeticall propotion cannot be found between them.'"'

Nay 'tis manitest to Sense. That the Motion of the Tides, is So diminished between
one pulsation, or Sprmg=tide, and another: That Should the time be suspended [p. 76]
for 10. or 15. Dayes Longer, ni all probability. The ocean would be quite destitute of
any Motion, other than what is accidentally caused by the Windes; and what the
consequences of such a Stagnation would be, is not difficult to guess; seeing all
Animated Bodies, doc sustain their very being; by, and from, the constant and regular
Motion ot their fluid parts.

Seeing therefore it is evident, as well by the motion, in the Waters, as by what we
have said, that there is a naturall, constant, and Proportionable Pulsation, peculiar to
the Body of the£iirf/(; And forasmuch as we cannot have access, into the interiour parts
thereof; to finde out the Means whereby, or the manner how, it is effected,; We will
endeavour to show it, by considering and comparing the Hke Motion, in other
Animalls; for we may be well assured: That it the Earth, was to its Inhabitants; as [they]
are, to the Ticks, Fleas, and other Animated Creatures, that are generated or produced
by them: It would be as easie to know how the Pulsing, is caused in the Earth; as to
know how it is agitated in our own Bodyes: Because (as is before observed) it is the
same in its kinde, in the Greater, as in the Lesser Animalls. But inasmuch as the Earth is
a selt=cxisting, or as independant Body and these are not. We cannot expect to finde,
such ajust anologie between them: And therefore it must be obteyned, by a more
genearall searching into the Works of Nature; and, (in order thereunto) as we have
already shewn how the Earth and its Inhabitants, are Assimuled, in respect of their
Externall parts; soe we will now.

First shew IVhereiii the Earth dcs internally differ from ether Animalls; and, [p. 77]
Secondly, in what respect it is assimulated to them and.

As to the^Kr of these, It is to be observed; That although Nature has So variously
formed, the Severall Species of Dependant Animalls; As that some of them, (viz.t)
Crabhs, Lobsters, Oysters, and almost all Shell=Fish, have their Bones (i.e.) their shells,
posited without their Bodyes, and their Flesh within: and on the contrary, other
Animalls have their Bones, posited within, and their Flesh without; Yet I say,
notwithstanding these and many other Varieties; all ot them are furnished, with
Mouths, Entrals, and other Capacities, for Receiving Food into their Bodyes; to supply
the Decayes, that are incident thereunto: And not only Soe, But all ot them, have their
Bloud or fluid part, inclosed and agitated, in Veins, uHthin their Bodyes: Where as the
Earth is not only destitute of these Capacities, but hath its Bloud or fluid Part Excluded,
and, (in all probabihty,) agitated on its Superficies only; So that in these two respects,
the Earth dos plainly differ from all common Animalls.

Now when I had observed these Varieties in those Animalls and tound them thus
to differ from the Earth: I thought. If there were any Animalls Orbicularly formed; such

90 Thf Earth Generated and Anatomized

might, from their umtormitv with the Earth, Guide us m this Enquiry, better than
those before mentioned; and accordingly, I obteyned the Sight of a Fish, (whilst hving.
for it liveth Severall Dayes out of Water,) called an Orfcii = Afinor;'" or Sea=Egg;
Which indeed, is soe well assimulated to its first [p. 78] Name, That it was needless to
add any other;

But in this Animall, as well as in the former, I observed a Mouth, (tho indeed so
uniforme, or Circular, as that it met every way, like the Meridians, at the Poles;) Yet it
has no Head, nor anv Finns or Claws, to move it self withall: Then 1 examined the
mteriour parts; Wherein I observed the Cavity of the Body or Shell, to be Smooth and
even; and equally Spherical! with its Superficies; And the greatest part thereof, being
filled with Air; the Rest contained the white milky liquor, in which this Oister=like
Body, was posited, and Sustained by Severall t 'eiries leadmg thereunto, from the Inside
of the Shell; Which was no thicker than a Sixpence, tho it was 4 or 5 Inches Diameter

How forasmuch as this Orbicular Creature, as well as those irregular or divcrslv
Shaped, is furnished with a Mouth, and concequently with Bovvells, and other Entrails
And Seeing tis well known, that the use of all these members, is only to Receive Food
whereby to Supply the decays, and Volitians, that are naturely incident, to the Bloud
or fluid part of these Animals: And seeing the Earth hath no mouth, (unless you'll have
the I'lilcaiio's to be Such, which rather sends forth, than receives matter thereinto;) Nor
any need to receive any thing within it self, to Supply Such or any other detects;
because there can be none, by any dimunition of its fluid parts; For whatsoever is
Sublimed in Vapours, dos precipitate on its Bodv again bv Raines; Whereas thev
ccmtinually fly from other Animalls into the open Air, and thence fall to the Ground;
And Seeing tis generally granted. That the God of Nature, never [p. 79J made any
Thing in Vain; I sav from these, and other Like Considerations, it will naturally
follow. That the Earth has not anv Entraills, inclosed within its Bodv; as other
Animalls generally have; For if it had, it must certainly have a Mouth likewise;
Because they Doc inseperably depend upon each other.

Having thus Shown wherein the Earth dos internally differ, from other Animalls;
I shall now show, wherein it is assimulated to them; And herein it is to be noted. That
although the Earth is wholy destitute of the said parts and Members; Yet it cannot be
destitute, of that more nobler part of an Animall, (Viz.t) of an Heart, or pulsing
facultv which we have ascribed thereunto; for we finde in the Hatching the Oftri^e
before mentioned; not only. That the heart is the first, which is formed, in all Animalls;
But also, that such a Cordious motion, h potentially in all Matter, even before the Heart,
or Entrals are then Educed; as well as continued (bv the heart.) after the Body is
compleatly Animated; And experience teacheth. That the very Office thereof, in all
Animalls; is principally, to give motion to their fluid parts. Wherefore seeing the
Fluiditv of the Earth, (i.e.) the Ocean, is Visiblv agitated on its Superficies, (whereby
its motU)n is much more conspicuous, than that of our Bloud;) It is but naturall to

The Earth Cfiii-raled iVkl Aiuttomized: Text 91

conclude. That the Waters, are by the same, or Such hke corduous power as
constantly, and regularly, sett in Motion, i//v// the Earth; as our blood is [by the heart]
caused to Circulate within our own Bodyes. And therefore, ni this respect, the Earth is
assimulated to other Animalls; as was before proposed; and accordingly I purpose to
Explicate the said Motion. And herein I shall [p. 80] shew, in what manner it is
effected, as well Negatively, as Positively. And,

In the First, place we may observe. That if the waters, (as the Bloud m all
dependent Animalls,) were agitated, and circulated, by an Aorta, and Vena cava.
(Viz.t) by two, or more, Great Veins, leading [ /tckm] the two poles ot the Earth, (being
the places where the waters are first moved as is fully shewn in the Postscript herunto
annexed,) \niitc] two Ventricles of an Heart, posited in the Center of the Earth; and by
the Systolation and Diastolation thereof, Drawn into and driven from thence, to the
said Poles; the Waters would, (besides the prodigious, and inconceivable force, that
must be exerted to raise it so unnaturally, for above three thousand miles in a
parpendicular height, (to wit) from the Earths Center to its Superficies,) I say it would,
if soe driven, be much Warmer, at, and round about the two Poles of the Earth; than it
would be, an any other parts of the Ocean: Because the Earths interiour part, must
needs, (and is found to) be, much hotter, than the Exteriour part thereof But inasmuch
as this Phenomena, is not found or allowed; and seeing the same Motion, may be
effected, by a more easie and naturall means, (as shall herein soon be described) we
may justly conclude. That the heart, or Active part of the Earth, is not posited in the
Centre thereof; notwithstanding it is generally soe seated in all dependent Animalls;
And now I proceed to the positive part of the Proposition, Namely, to shew Where, or
in what places of the Earth, its [p. 81] Heart, or Active part is posited; by which the
Tides, or fluidity of the Earth, is originally and constantly Set in motion.

And in the first place, by the way we may learn, from the Forme, and proportion
ot the aforesaid Sphericall sea Animall; (its Shell being in thickness to its Diameter . but
as one is to about 250.) That the shell, or ffixed part of the Earth; is not, according to
this Computation, above 10. or 12. Miles in thickness: Which is soe small in proportion
to its Diameter, as that it cannot be Scaled or Represented; unless by the Smallest of the
Circular Strokes before inscribed, in Fig: the VIII.''* For which reason I could have no
regard to the proportion ot the Earths thickness; and as little, to the debth of the
Waters; in delmeating the same; only I have made the latter, much less than the
former; as being most certainly so: For I am well assured, (notwithstanding the Vulgar
Notion of the Sea's immensity,) That its Debth in any place, is very inconsiderable; if
compared, with the wideness ot its Superficies: For I finde, between S'.Malo and Torbav.
and in most other places of the English Channell, that the Depth of the Waters, is but
50 or 60 Fathom;" though 'tis there an 100 Miles broad; Which is in proportion to each
other But as one foot, is to about 2000: And if compared with the Earths Superficies
would be but as I. is to 360000, and therefore 'tis (as is said) impossible to represent the

92 The Earth Generated and Anatomized

said Dehili, in proportion to the Earths Superficies; tho in a much larger figure than that
before mentioned. And from this Instance we may further Learn; That the Debth of the
Enghsh Channell, is soe inconsiderable to its Breadth; That [p. Hi] There are many
hundred Vahes, in Great Briitaiii: which are deeper, in respect of the Hills round about
them; than the Waters are in any part of the said Channell: Insomuch as that if any of
these Hills were pared off and sunk therein; they would stand up, severall Yards above
the Water, tho' Sunk in the deepest places. And as we have thus shewn the disparity of
the debth of the Waters if compared with their Superficies: so we may finde the Lifting
them up at the Poles; to be much less in respect of the Earths Diameter; For 'tis found by
Experience: That at all Islands in the Open Ocean, which are the properest places for
these Observations; the Water riseth but about 6. or 8. Foot: And therefore, doubtless,
at the very places where it is tirst moved not above lo. or ii. Which is soe httle, that it
cannot be described, by the Smallest Line in the said Diagram; Though I have therein
made it tar otherwise, for explanation's sake. And therefore we may justly conclude,
from the said forme, and proporportion of this Or/)i.( minor; if compared with the Great
Orb of Earth; That its Crust or Fixed part is not above lo. or I2. Miles in thickness, as
before proposed.

Secondly, That the Earth, like the said Sphericall or Microcosmick Animall, is
formed internally, with a Smooth Obicular Cavity, and ffilled with ^^theriall matter;
which haply, is soe much thinner than the Sublimations of the Sun, as that it is thereby
capacitated, to Float therein;'"" as we see the said Fish dos, in the Waters of the Ocean;
or as a Buble, when Blown up, and suspended in the open Air. And also that the said
/Ether being thin; will therefore, like other Air, or y^ther, admitt of being compressed
and Extended; according as the Motion, of the Earths Cordious part, dos every 15. daycs
require; but to return to what we proposed.

Thirdly That the Active, or Cordius part of the Earth; is of a Flexable or
musculous nature; and withall capacitated to dilate and contract it Selfe, as the Heart of
all other Animalls are; And seeing this Cordious Substance of the Earth, as we have
already Shewn, is not posited in its Center; We may reasonably conclude and Assert,
That it is Scituate, next under the Ocean; at, and to the distance, of an hundred Miles,
more or less, round about the two poles of the Earth; Being the places were we now
finde, the Walters are first lifted up; as is clearlv manifested in the following postscript;
and is accordingly intimated at AA. in Fig: VIII.'"' where I have Made it full Sea, at
both places, in the said Figure, to shew that tis so (and also Low watter) at one and the
same time, at both the Poles of the world, and

Fourthly That by the Diastolations , and Systolations; (or Lifting up, and Sinking
downe,) of the said Cordius Substance; the Visible motion of the watters, which we
commonly call the Flowing of the Tides; is constantly agitated and produced; As has,
and shall be herein further described.

Lastly that the said Waters of the Ocean being thus raised from their Hquilibrity Do
thereupon repair, as well towards the yEquinoctiall, as to the severall Shears: In which

The Eiirth Genvraled and Anatomized: Text 93

interim, (Viz:t) after it has been abinit 6 ho; and 12 mmuits in raising; the said Active
part, in the same quantity (if time contracteth it self again; and the Waters therewith
Subsiding, [p. 84] makes these places gradually become the lowest; whereupon they
naturally returns to the said places where they were first lifted up; By which returning
the watters there, becomes almost as high as when they received their first Elation; on
which they repairs again towards the ,'EqiiinoctiaU as aforesaid; and so it continueth, in a
diminishing manner to Ehh and Flew with this once lifting up, for about 15. Dayes or
zg. times Successively (viz.t) untill it receiveth a new Elation; and by this means in all
probabillity is that admired motion ot the watters caused and continued.

Now to confirm what I have before Asserted, I shall prove: First, That there are
such Active, Passive, and Fixed parts, in all other Animalls, which doe act upon each
other, in like manner, as those discribed in the Earth. And Secondly, That the before
mentioned, Consequentiall or Succeeding Tides, do depend upon every 15'.'' Dayes
pulsation, or lifting up; as before proposed.

And to prove the First, We have an Instance in the Body of an Eele, in which it is
to be observ'd. That if you Cut out the Heart, and Entraills; and thence Sqeese the
Blood; yet the Heart, notwithstanding this seperation, will dilate and contract it self,
for the Space of two or three Hours, after it is soe Seperated; and that even though it
seemeth, to be as cold as a Stone; as my self with many others have experienced: So
that in this Animall, The said three principall parts (viz.t) The active Heart, the passive
Blood, and the fixed Body: are manifest, even to Sense. And what is here said of the
Eele, may be fullv understood, of all other Animalls whatsoever; Specially of H'ormes,
and all such, as in like manner, live (p. 85) under the Earth; to whome the Air is of
little use, or can have but little or no access. For a conclusion therefore, From what has
been said, we may fairly Assert, That 'tis more Reasonable to allow. That the Waters
are moved m manner aforesaid; Than it is to allow, the Heart ot an Animall. to be the
Cause of the Circulation of the Bloud in its own Body; For we only teell the Cause,
(i.e. the Pulse of the Heart.) and supjiose the Effect; in the one; Whereas we visibly
behold the Effect, (i.e. the Flowing of the Waters,) and >i(/'/)i'«' the Cause; in the other.
And that too from what is likewise visible in the Eele before mentioned; All of which
being soe plain, 'tis needless to Spend time, for the further Confirmation thereof.
Wherefore seeing 'tis evident, that there are, these Active, Passive, and fixed parts, in
all Animalls; And inasmuch as the two latter, to wit, the Flowing passive Waters of the
Ocean; and the fixed Rocks, Cley, sand, &c; of the Earth; are visible in its Superficies;
How can it be denied but that the First, to wit its Active part, is posited, under the
Waters to give motion thereunto at the two Poles of the World, as was before
proposed: And consequently. That this Globe, whereon we live, is a perfect Aiiiinaled
Body, or a Living Animall.

I shall now proceed to the Second part of the proposition. Namely, to shew, That
the Succeding Tides doc depend upon the first lifting up of the Waters; And herein
you may remember, we have asserted the pulsing of the Earth to be only once in about

94 7"'"' E,irtli GcHiTiifci/ jtui Aihiromi:fd

15. davcs. If so, it niav be [p. S6] askcii. How it comes to pass. That there are Nine and
twenty Ebbings, and as many flowings, in that Space of time. To which I answear, that
these intermediate Motions, are naturall, unavoidable, and common, to all Huid (and
other) matter, putt, or posited, in ^'Equilibrici, (as the Water in the Ocean is;)
whensoever it is therefrom, anv waves moved, and.

To prove this we have verrv familiar Examples in Nature (e.g.) hi a Plunimett of
Lead tyed to a String, and hung at large on a pin: or in an equall poized Biwii. or
Scales: For if you Swing the one, or lift up the other, they will either of them, (in a
diminishing Manner,) move 20. 40. or 100. times with that once moveing only; much
like the Motion in the Waters of the Ocean. But that which I found exactly agreeable
thereunto, was from an Experim'. which I tryed with Water it self: being put into two
Wooden Shoots or Spouts, one about 22. the other about 4. toot long; Which being
respectively at one end, gently moved up, and lett down again, the Water in cither of
them, did thereupon naturally run to the other end; and being there Stopt, as the tides
arc, by the Land or bv meeting each other in the Ocean, I observed that m its turning,
and returning, it would Ebb and flow 15 or 20 times, more or less, with that iVice liking
up: In which it allwaves kept to that naturall and remarkable Phenomena in the Tides,
(viz'.) of Raising higher, and running S witter, at the time and place, of its being first
lifted up, and soe gradually decreasing and diminishing, both in height, and Motion,
rill it quite ceased; which exactly corresponds with what is (p. 87] allwayes observed in
the Motion ot the great Ocean; as is before asserted, and illustrated, by the T)hic
Tables, and their explaination: Now the reason of the diminishing difference of its
flowing and returning is plain; Because at its first lifting up, it is raised farthest, iroxn its
Horizontall position; and hath thereby more advantage to hasten thereunto, than when
'tis allmost in Equilibrio: As water will run Swifter down a steep place, than it will
down a Stream with a small descent: And as it will then run Swifter, So it will also
float any thing faster, and farther, than when the Motion is become more faint and
languid. All which doe plainly Indicate that the deep Waters (being posited as
aforesaid) are moved up. Only once in 15. Dayes; and that their other iiilernu'Mate
Motions are only the products or Consequents of the Said Original Motion: or
otherwise, thev could not decrease and increase, the Difference in their Ebbing ^
Flowing as before described: For the Davly difference, m the southing i^c: ot the
Moon, if that governed the waters, is, as it were, allwayed Equall; And the Magnitude,
and Light of its Body, unless when Eclipsed, is allwayes the same//

I could now proceed to prove, that the places where the Waters are first, moved,
are as we have hinted at the two Poles of the World: And that they do ultimately meet,
in, and near the Eqiiinoctiall line: as also how they make (in the wide Ocean) a FhuJ,
and Ehh; at about every 700. Miles Distance; by means whereof there are severall Ebbs,
and Flouds, alwaves existing between the Poles, and their Equinoctiall meeting; (it
being 5400. miles asunder. 2'."' That the Disparity or great Quantity ot water, brought.

The Earth Gt-m-rali;Luid Anatomized: Text 95

by the Said Flowmgs; between Aincricti, and Asia c^■)mpared with the Parvity so
brought, between [p. 88] .4/rini and Niva HoLvuUa: is the Cause of the Earths Rotation:
And that the said Rotation is the Cause ot the Trade^Whities; as also of the Toniaihes ik
Moiisociis thereunto belonging. But inasmuch as I have, as is Said already hititcJ at some
of these; and fully Aiscriheii the others, in the Post Script hereunto annexed; I shall
thereunto refer, and proceed to the Raisiiit; the tour Quarters ot the Earth//.

Sect: IV.

showing The time When the fishes were Generated; and the
Veins made in the Rocks & stones; also, when the
sca^Fowles were Generated. That the fowr Quarters
of the Earth were raised, hy its Pulsing: That
u'hen these, were raising, the shells were then
itnnuissed or niin(;led therein: As soon as the Earth
iiuis hardned the Animalls were gradually Generated;
and whv it dos not now produce such great Aniiiialls:
That they were nourished hy the Umbilicus. Whv and
When, the hills were raised. How, and when, the
Earths Rotation ii-as produced. Why Trees have no
Females; & why some Animalls hring forth many young
and others hut tew. That the Rii'ers are caused hy
Rains. That the Earth was probably, what we now
call, many years in Forming. That twa s naturally
impossible for the Deluge to imnia.'^s the shells in
the Rocks. And lastly that the Earth, was not
from Eternity.

It being evident that the Earth h3.i. pulsation as well as other Amimalls; I shall now
shew some further Eftects thereof in the forming its own Body. And in order thereunto
you may remember; when we at first Spake of Generateing the Earth, we then left it
consisting ot a [p. 89] smooth, round tonne; and ot a liquid Substance; with its
internall heat and Motion, agitatemg within the interiour part thereof. Our buisness in
the next place shall be to shew, m a more particular manner, how from this liquid
Substance; the tour terrean parts of the Earth, were raised or increased: But Betore we
proceed thereupon, must Acquaint, That the Several! Species of Fishes, were Generated
[before] and [in] die raising thereof; or otherwise they could not be incorporated
therein, and mingled therewith; as we now generally tinde them. And in order to
evidence the same; It is to be observed. That whilst the Earth existed in this almost Huid
State, the Superticies thereof must then, be naturally soft and tender: Whilst that which

96 The Earth Generated ami AiialomizeJ

was nearer the Center, was by the Earths internall Heat, made more Gross and
compact: And Forasmuch as the Waters were, as has been said, at the first Creation,
Fresh or incipid. and also unprincipled with i pLislkk or Generating Nature; and being
(as the form of the Earth was educed,) gradually made more cleer, than when the
whole mass was promiscuously mingled together; I say this Water being by these
Quallitications, become more htt for Generation; The Great Command ot the
Almighty, (wherein the said. Let the Waters briiii^Jorlh abimdanth Fish. Fott'les &c.)
vyas then (to wit) betore the Superficies ot the Earth was hardned, or any Hills raised;
most admirably and effectually put in Execution; And thereupon, not only the great,
and small sorts of Swimming Fishes; as the IVkilc. Porpoise Sahiioti &c. But also
those crawling, and other almost immoycable shell=tishes; as the Miisle, Oyster, Sdilloi',
Cockle, and the like; were [p. 90) most numerously generated and brought forth;
and the Waters thereby most plentifully replenished; as is evident, in respect of the
matter that produced them, from Gen: i. V: 20.21.22.'"' And that this was the
Time, wherein they vyere soe produced: is also Evident, from their being to this
day visibly immassed in the Rocks, as has been frequently asserted; and will further
appear by the following Lines.

The Fishes being thus generated, and, according to their Species; either Swimming
in the fluid Ocean; (Which then incompassed the whole Earth;) or lying in the
Bottome thereof We shall therein leave them, and proceed to Shew, how the four
Terrean parts of the Earth were formed, or raised above the Waters: And herein we
must reminde you of the VI'.'' Postulatum before mentioned. Namely, Tktt the same
Motion, that dos gii'c

Lite, ami Forme, to any Creature; is continued therein for its Sustentation: And so, on the

Contrary, Tliat Motion, Which is continued tcr its Sustentation, is y". same with that,

which gave it its first Forme, or Modification.

From whence we may plainly discover; That the Motion which is now continued
in the Ocean, is the same; with that by which the Earth, was first formed into a Living
Body: Which being granted (as it cannot be denyed.) We may thence infer. That as
the Waters doe now bv pulsation, rowl and overflow the Marine parts of the Earth; soe
in like manner, whilst it was forming, it then being smooth &. even, and no Land raised
to hinder the Same, the Waters did then Ebb and Flow, over the whole Surface of the
Earth; even over what is now the Land part; as well as the sea. And as in the
Generating of other Animalls, their perfection is gradually [p. 91 ] educed; by the
disposing and transposing of the respective matter, whereof their severall parts are
formed, by means of Pulsation only: So in Like manner the Body ot the Earth in the
multiplicity of its fluxings and overflowings; Did transport, or cast up; not only the
thin, but also the argilacious and Grosser water, which was in the Bottome of the
(now) marine parts of her Body, upon what is (now) the terrean parts thereof. Makeing
then, and thereby, the Beds or Ranges in the Earth, exactly parelel to the Horizon, and

The Eiirili Geiifratal iVhl Athnomizal: Text 97

to each other, as is described by Fig: T.' &' 8'.''"" hi which naturall pulsings and rowUngs
of the said Gross Matter; these Fishes especially that were incapacitated for Locall
Motion, (as the Oysters. Wriiicles, Cockles &:c.) and were then, as before premised,
Engendred on that part of the said fluid Mass, which is now the terrean part thereof.
Were I say, by and with the said soft Matter, covered over, mingled, immassed and
incorporated; in such a manner as we have before described, in Fig: the i 2 and 3:'"^ As
also Cley, rowled into round formes and hardened into Pebles &c. All which Fishes,
shells. Pehles, sami. and the like, are now generally found, as well in the Rocks under the
salt Ocean, as in and on, the terrean parts of the Earths Superhcies: and that in many
places of the latter to the Debth of 40. 50. or 100. Foot; as I have frequently observed,
and is before asserted and discribed: And that the shells &.'c. were thus frequently
covered over, is evident, because, there are many ranges of them, in the said Debth,
one above another, with Rocks and Earth between them; which have noe shells
therein, as the Figures doe plainly exhibit: (see Fig: 2.)"" in which [p. 92] that part
marked with F.F.F. have m? Shels, tho" under and above they are plentifully
immassed. Where as, if the forming of the Earth had been otherwise (to wit) by the
precipitating of shells and Attomes of Gravell, and Earth together, or such like means;
(as some would have it,) The shells, being Lightest, would have been all uppermost; or
at Least the Matter, would have been promiscuously mingled; as in Fig: the 7; """ and
Not have been parelel, and evenly seperated, as we now hnde them. And this may
suffice to Confirme That the time when, and manner how, the shells were immassed in the
Rocks; was whilst the matter was soft, and no hills raised, as has before been frequently
mentioned. And the Reason why the said shell=Fish, are found in the Rocks, more
plentitull than other Fishes; Is because they were not capacitated to extricate themselves
out of the said Muddv matter, as the other Fishes were.'"'

And further to put it out of all doubt. That the mucilaginous Water, was thus
transposed or emtyed, out of the Marine parts of the Earth; and cast upon, or Fluxed
over the four Quarters thereof; will plainly appear; Not only in that the said Strtitii 's.
or rather fluxmgs, are all parellel to each other, in the Bedds or Ranges of the Earth;
but also because, that in all cornish Slate or Tyles; as also in almost all sorts of thin
Stones; you may see the said flti.\in(^s of the sea. that were roled over, or cast up in
forming them; soe plain, that Nothing but a Confirmation is to be found therein. For
as we all know, a small Rush by frequent diping into a tatt, fluid matter, is increased
into a Candle: soe in some stones, [p. 93] if but 2. or 3. inches thick, we may finde halfe
a Dozen, or halfe a Score, severall fluxings, in the makeing thereof; And some of them
may be split, into thin Shivers answerable thereunto: as I have frequently seen and
performed. In which it is further to be noted; That as long as the matter thus cast upon
the Earth, was homogeneiil: or was not dryed between each Fluxing; there was no
partitions, or Beds made in the great Rocks, nor in some lesser Stones; as is shewn by
Fig: 2, But when different Matter, was cast upon the former; or the former matter was

98 The EiUth Generated and Anahvnized

Dryed between tile riuxmgs; it then caused those Horizontal! Ranges, or partitions in
the said thin Stones, and in the Rocks and Beds of the Earth, which at this day are
visible therein; as in Fig: 1.2. 3. & 4:' is described; and is also evident even bv many of
the stones in the walls, ot the Rovall Exchange'"" London; and b\' manv thousands of
Buildings else where: And from this Fluxing of the Ocean; and at this time, (to wit)
before the hills were raised; (for after it could not be;) it was, that the sand, as also the
Pcbles & other Marine productions, that we frequently finde, as well on the
Mountains, as on the more Leavell Parts of the main Land, were cast up and in.ide: For
by the Rowling of Lumps of soft Cley, the Pebles were made; and by the Washing of
the Earth, the sand was and is still produced, and that this is true, is evident to our
visible Observatiiin; For on the sea Coast, where anv Clev^Hill adjovneth, in particular
about a Furlong to the East |p. 94] ot the Passage leading into the Isle ot Portlaid,'"'' I
have seen thousands of Smooth Pebles. that have been made, of irregular Lumps of
Cley. tumbled from the adjacent hills into the sea and by its Motion, rowled into
smooth Pebles; which in tew years have been hardned, into as pertect Stones as those
that you would judge to be made a Thousand years before. So that I have frequently
with Ease thrust a Stick through some of them; and at the same time with difficulty
broke others by reason of their hardness: And that the sand was produced as aforesaid is
visible to dayly Experience; All Which may serve as a further Confirmation, That the
hard Rocks were produced from a soft Substance as aforesaid: And haveing defended to
particulars in this; I would also Acquaint, That if any Person is desirous to satistie his
Curiosity, concerning the Position, of the Bedds or Ranges of the Earth before
mentioned; It is but to walke by the watters side, at Low Water from the said Passage,
to Whitenore=Fort, near IVcyniotith;"" (which is but about a Mile Distance.) or on the
Sea coast in the Isle ot Portland &:c. And he mav there see, what I have before asserted,
concerning the Position ot the Rocks, and Bedds or Strata's ot the Earth, and of the
shells being immassed therein; as plainly Demonstrated, as anv ot the Propositions in
Eiiclids Elements are. by the Lines and Circles therein contained and Described: And
indeed more fully, and far better, that any Words by me devised can express the Same.

The Marine part of the Earth being by the said fluxing, and transposing of the
Terraqueous Matter, (together with the tendancv. intention, and generall dcsigne of
Natures Proceess) in some measure emptved upon the Land; it will follow. That as one
part was thus Sunk lower; the other |p. 95] must thereby be made Somewhat higher:
And hereupon it was that the Waters began first to be gathered together, and the Dry
Land to appear; as we Read Gen: i. v. 9. 2. Peter 3. v'" Now seeing the Waters were
in some measure, thus confined within their bounds; and thereby prevented, from
constantly overflowing the Earths whole Surface, as before they had done, we may
naturally infer (amongst others) these Three Things (viz:)

Fint That the Earth, did thereupon begin to Dry and harden into Rocks, and stones,
&c. And that in this hardening it C]racked into divers small irregular Joynts or Fissures;

77ii' F.iirili C,i-iur,it(d mill Aihiloini^cJ: Text 99

as wc sec aiu' incnst CAc\ or niuJdv Earth m hut seasons will doe to this dav
Secondly That when the waters, Howed over the whole Surface ot the Earth, they must
then, (to wit.) when the Earth was solt; be more gross and Muddy, than when the
Earth v\as hardned. .uid the waters gathered together as aforesaid.
And Thirdly, That although the Waters after they were thus Collected did not
constantly, overflow the Earth, vet masmuch as it was then, and is now. at
Sprmg=Tiilcs; severall feet higher, than at other times. I sav, it did. at such Tides,
nevertheless, overflow its whole surface. untiU the Earth was gradually raised soe much
higher, as to prevent it there=from:

Now it being evidentt That the Matter of the Earth, must naturally be Crack'd as
abovesaid; and that the Waters at the same time did intermitingly flow over it; It will
as naturally follow. That the waters or other Clear Glutenous and Cristalined matter,
did, and must unavoidablv. run into the said Cracks or fissures, and therby fill them up;
Whence, it will also follow, that this must certainly be the |p. 96] Time n'hcti, and the
Manner how. the transparent, ,md other different coloured Matter,"' entered into the
said Crackled Fissures; and therebv made those irregular, and Various coloured I 'ciiis,
in the Rocks of Marble and other Stone, that we now see incorporated therein. And
from thence it was, (iiamelv) From the cleerness ot the Matter, That those Veins are
commonly more transparent; than the rest of the Stone wherein they are finmd; As also
from whence Diamonds, Flints, Marble, and all other transparent Stones are, or were,
produced.

And It is further to be noted. That although those Fissures, and other like Cavities,
that were made m the Earth . . . during the time that these Spring=Tides did thus flow
over It Were thereby, and therewith, filled up and incorporated as afore=said. Yet
nevertheless, such of the said foynts. Fissures, or Cavities, as were Made by the Drying
of the Earth; (for that was the only means whereby they were produced,) after it was
raised so high as to prevent any Fluxing over it at all; I say such Cracks and Fissures
did, and do still remain, open and unfilled: Except those that were Since fill'd up, by
the loose Earth, or by the Factitious earthlv Matter, that was, in process of time made
by the Rotting of Vegetables, and Animalls; and has been Since washed or carried
thereinto, b)' the Rains, and Flouds. running upon the Earth; as is visible to our dayly
Obser\'ation.//

Neither is this all the Inferences, that mav be Drawn from the premises; For
seeing it is evident, by the precedent Lines. That before the Waters were thus gathered
together, they did constantly, (tho' at first but taint and languidlv) [p. 97] Flow ewer
the whole surface of the Earth: And seeing it is but naturall. to conceive, that whilst
they did so flow. There could be but little or no inequallity m their Flowing, to Cause
the Earth (at first) to ponderate, more one wav. than another; (For the surface of every
drop of Water, suspended in the open Air, is visibly, at an equall distance from its
Center,) And forasmuch as, especially at every Spring=tide, there was, and is (as is said)

100 The Earth Generated ami Atialinni<:ed

more Water brought trom the Poles to the ^quinoctiall, than at other times. And
seeing bv the raising ot the Land, the waters were gradually and now are, constantly
prevented trom commg equally round the Globe to the ytqumoctiall; as by consulting
the following, or any other Map of the world, and Postscript hereunto annexed, will
more plainly appear: I say. What may we hence infer. But that this inequallity in the
Flowing and Meetting ot the Tides, at the place atoresaid. atter the Land was raised;
(tho not before,) must naturally bring the Earth, out ot its j^quilihrity; and thereby
cause it to ponderate either from the East, or from the West; in order to Seek another
Center, or place of residence. And being thus Set in Motion: We may reasonably inter.
That the Diitrnall Rotation of the Earth, was trom thence first produced; and (by the
constant repeating ot the same unequall Flowings) is still continued; And consequently
trom thence, (to wit,) From this Gradual Rotation of the Earth, the Dayes and Nights;
and even, what we now call, time it selt. had its Original! and Denonaination. Which I
presume may suftice to shew, how, and when, the irregular, and transparent Veines,
and perpendicular Fissures, were made; that we now see remaining in and Between
the Rocks and Stones, that are upon, and under [p. 98] the Earths Superticies: As also
how, and when, the Earths Rotation was tirst produced.

But before we pass, trom the Waters flowing over the whole Surtace of the Earth;
to its being fully Drved, and hardned; it is to be Observed, That the great mountains,
and some high Tracks ot Land; Must first, (though gradually) be thrust forth, and stand
up, (as S'. Peter tells us Chap. 3: V. 5.)"^ m the Waters, and out of the waters: Whilst all the
rest of the Earth, was covered over therewith. And seeing Nature is never Idle, we may
Well conceive. That when the Earth was in this State, The mucelagenous Water,
which remained in Lakes and Ponds, on these higher tracks ot Land, did putrify and
Generate, all these Fcwles whose Feet are formed with Fann=likes Claws, to row
themselves withall: And that the Land=Fowles, whose Claws are Seperated; were
Generated with the Animalls next to be mentioned. And that y'. first, were then
Generated is plain. Because, the' they Live on Fish; yet, they could not propagate their
Species on the waters only, without some Land to rest upon; as dayly experience
confirmeth. Haveing thus shewn some of the Events; that hapned, before, in and upon
the gathering together ot the Waters; I shall now proceed to some others, that
followed, when the Dry Land more perfectly appeared.

The four Quarters of the Earth (viz.') Europe. Asia, Africa, and America, being
gradually raised so much higher than the Ocean, as that the Waters, (even at
Spring=Tides) could no longer overflow the Land; it had thereby the advantage in
process of time, by the Earths internall heat and otherwise, to be so hardned, as to
become a fit Stage or habitation, for Such Creatures as God, in [p. 99] his eternall
purpose, had designed it should bring forth; (for before its hardening, as twa's untitt
for them to tread upon, soe it would be in vain to produce them.) Wherefore the Earth
being now hardened, and the hills but as yet buding forth, it is but natural! to conceive;

The Eiirlh Gctichtlcil aiiil Aih!tomi:i'il: Text lOi

That the mistv Vapours anti Rains (i.e.) the Sweat ot the Earth, that did return and tall
thereupon, whilst it was thus almost level, must, (together with the water and Slimy
matter that was left upon the Earth by the late (werHowing ot the ocean) unavoidably
remain, m the shallow Lakes and Ponds, that were made by the boding torth of the said
hills and Mountains, m soe many thousand Miles, ot almost levell Ground: Which said
slimy Water, and Rainy Vapours, being then at rest, and void ot Motion, (tho' now the
hills are raised it cannot so remain) it must, I say, by reason of this Stagnation (as dayly
experience teacheth,) corrupt and putrify; by means whereof, it becames a
mucelaginous. Viscous, and Chvle=Like Meuslmuin;^''* Whereupon, (as God had before
Commanded the Earth to bring forth Grass, tor the use of Cattle; And the waters to
bring torth tish and towles,) so he then further Commanded, Saying, Let the Earth hrinq
forth Lii'ing"^ Creatures after their hiiiJe: And it was See. From whence it is evident, that
the Bodv ot the earth; from this, its Viscous or Sweaty Menstruum (bv virtue of the
Spontanious Nature, intused into Matter, betore or upon the said Command;) Did
then, and thereby, naturally engender, and bring torth; First those great Creatures; and
afterwards, as the Hills advanced, those lesser Animalls that do now mhabite the same;
or at least, what is equall thereunto; (namely) their Several! Species. And that this
Sjhvilaiiious nature, tho' but m a lesser degree, is still m all liquid [p. ioo| matter when
Putntyed; is evident (among other Arguments that mav be produced) Because he that
.said. Let there he Light: and Let the Earth bring forth, tkc. hath not, in either ot these
respects reversed his Commands, Nor have the Ettects thereot hitherto ceased; For the
first (viz'.) The Light, is Visible, as well on the Surtacc of the Great Waters, (as has
before been hinted,) as in the Celestiall Luminaries, to this day: And the Latter also,
unless to such as will not see the same: For what is a more evident protf, ot this
Spontanious Nature, in all liquid Matter; than that the whole Species, oi Froqgs, Tadpols,
Flyes, and divers Sorts ot Insects, are Annually destroyed; and as frequently, generated
or produced again; And although this cannot be denyed;'"" Yet I am not unsensible,
that the manner ot their production is Variously assigned; For Some will have it. That
because all great Fowles are Now produced and propagated, by, and trom, their
respective Eggs, alter copulation; Theretore they infer. That the Eggs which are
produced by these Insects and Lesser Animalls, in one year, are Hatched and brought to
Life, (I suppose bv the sun tor it cannot be by themselves because they are destroyed,)
in the year ensuing. Now that all Animalls are multiplyed by their Eggs, I readily
grant; For though they were originally, generated without Eggs, or Copulation; yet
being grown to maturity, we tinde, that every Vegetable and Animal, has, (as Moses
saith) their seed within themselves; or other like means, to propagate their species by; And
therefore doubtless, in the summer Seasons, these small Animalls, and insects, do
accordingly multiplv their kinde: But though this be soe in respect ot the great
Animalls, and also, with respect to the lesser whilst the summer heat remaineth,
I p. 101 ] Yet the Inference will not follow, for the re=production of those that are so

102 The Earth Generiitdhviii Aiuitomizt'd

small, as to be destroyed, bv their incapacity, to bear the Accidents ot the Wniter; And
my reason is Because, If the Eggs of those small Insects; or any other Eggs whatsoever,
should be exposed, (as they must then be) to Rain, and Cold; So as the matter therein
contained should become frozen; for so many weeks, or Moneths, as the season
commonly exposeth them; thev would thereby, be made wholy untitt, to propagate
their own Species; Altho we should Suppose them, to remain where they were tirst
posited; and not carried into the Rivers; and thence to the Ocean; by the Winter
Flouds; as 'tis very probable thev are: Which if these, or either of these accidents
should happen; All the severall Species betore mentioned, must totally cease; should
they not, (as nature disposeth matter,) be Sponlaniously generated again; as they, and all
other Aiiimalls originally were. To conclude therefore, untill it can be fuUv proved.
That the Eggs ot tame Fowles, (for others it cannot be so well tryed,) will produce
their Species, after they have been so frozen, and exposed as aforesaid: it is but in vain to
deny the Spontanious Nature in Matter; or the plastick power, that has been herein so
frequently ascribed thereunto: For the very Vermine in the Noses of some persons; and
the Various Sorts of Wormes in the Bodyes of others; will plainly Demonstrate the
same, by their being therein produced without Eggs, or otherwise from their like
Species.

I shall not further, at present, enlarge hereupon — only mention one Ohserihilion
that I finde no notice taken of; and it is this,

|p. ioa| That the £^^5 of all Animals; Do, in a great measure, bear a due
proportion, to the Magnitude of the Bodyes from them pruduced: As by the Eggs of an
Ostrige. Hen. Bird, &c. (if compared) it may plainly be Discovered and conceived.

From whence, by the way, we may be well assured. That the greater Animalls, (as
has been frequently hinted,) Were the first that were produced after the Creation:'"
Because as the aforesaid Lakes, or Menstruums on the Earth were at the Creation,
Largest: so the Magnitude of the Creatures thence produced, were, and (according to
the said Observation) must be the Greatest likewise: And as we may thus infer in
respect ot the Greater; soe we may on the other hand conceive. That the Lesser Species
were generated as the Hills were raised higher: Because the said Lakes, must be thereby
gradually diminished; and also put in motion, (which prevents Generation) by being
changed into running Springs and Rivers; neither of which could be, when the Earth
was almost level; as Reason, and davly Experience teacheth but.

What 1 further intend by the said Observation, is to shew, that Persons, (how
curious soever in the Works of Nature.) may Err, in things that are even Visible
therein; and therefore much more, in such as are drawn from SiijtpositiiVis only; as is
that relating to the Insects betore mentioned. And my Instance herein Shall be. That

nice Observation, made by the Worthy '" wherein he pretends that the I'lrtiis. (and

Consequently that of an Elephant,) is Generated from an Egg, which is no bigger
[p. 103 1 than a Grain ot Wheat or Musterd seed. Now that this is inconsistant with

The Earth Gencratcii ami Aiuilomized: Text 103

Nature, as well as contrary to the Said Observation, is evident to Sense: For every
Naturallist must acknowledge. That the very Forme ot the IJtriailns together with the two=
fould matter or menstruum, thereunto, as nature requireth, constantly coveyed, by the
Vasa pra-paranthi and Hypogastrick I'eines &c; is the same in its kinde and proportion;
with the Shell, White, and Yelk of any Egg whatsoever: And that the internall heat, of
Viviparous Animalls, is also ot the same use, in generating any Fatus, in this internall
Egg; as the applycated Heat of the Sun, or Fowl, is to the Hatching any of their
externall Eggs before mentioned. And therefore unless another diminutive Egg, or
Hans 111 A'cWrr,"'' can be found within the common Shell=Eggs; 'tis very probable, the
aforesaid Nicky, ought not in this respect to be regarded: For you see 'tis manifest, that
the reall Egg, which produceth the Animall, is the Utnculus, and the said Menstruum,
thereinto constantly conveyed; and not the Attome before mentioned: And is also that,
by the said constant Supply, which beareth the due proportion to the Body thereby
produced, according to the Observation before mentioned. And this I hope may
Suffice to Shew, That inasmuch as very curious and inquisitive persons, have I presume
erred, in things so visible in Nature; they may much more be deceived in the
re^prnhiciion of the Insects &c: before mentioned.

And being now Speaking of these things it may perhaps be Enquired. First, Why
Trees, and other Vegetables are produced, but in the Mak-kimk only;''" without any
Female, to multiply their Species by, as Animalls [p. 104] have: And Secondly Why
most four Footed Beasts, and other Animalls; have each of them, but onlv one comon
Shell or Egg, (respectively) to multiply their Species in; Wherehas most Fowles have
many Eggs, to propagate theirs.

As to the/im of these I breifly Answear; That these Vegetables, (tho they are
generaly of the male kinde, ) yet they have no need of any such Female to propagate
their Species with: For when their seeds are fallen upon the Earth; The Earth is then of
the same use to them; as the shell and heat of the Female, is to the Eggs of an Aium.dl:
And the rainy Vapours which fall on the Earth, are also (when putrified and turned
into Leffas,)''' of the Same use as the Menstruum contavned in anv of the Eggs before
mentioned is to the Animals thereby produced. And lastly, the Roots of these
Vegetables are likewise of the same use to them, as the Umbilicum is to all Animalls;
For thereby the said rainny Vapoures are, not only at first, but also constantly
conveyed; for the Nourishment and increase, of their respective Bodyes: Whereas all
Animalls, are so Nourished, but only whilst they are in their respective Shells, or
Vtriculi; and being from thence seperated; they are allwayes Receiving & carrying the
like facticious Earth, and Water, (tho' more feculent in its kinde) about with them; m
their Bowells, and other internall parts; as well for their Sustentation, as for their
procreation.

And tor the Second Enquiry (viz.t) Why most four footed Creatures, and others,
have respectively but one comon Egg or Utnculus, and Fowles so many; Is because the

104 ^''^ Earth Generated and Analcmi: ed

Fretus's ot the hrst are very large; And seeing they must all ot them be hatched or
brought to Maturity, within their Bodyes; it will necessarily follow. That if they should
be [p. 105] so numerous, as the Fowles are; it would be naturallv impossible for their
Bodyes to Conteyn them; And therefore providence has accordmgly dmiinished their
Number: and not only So, but hath also proportioned the Lenth, or Shortness, of their
Lives, according to the production, of their Severall Species. And hence it is. That
those large Creatures, are not only 9. 10. or 18 Moneths, m hatchmg their young; (if
we may so call it) But when produced, many of them Lives to the Age of 30. 40. or 100
years; Whereas manv Fowles, do hatch their Yoimg, in a few Weeks, or Dayes; and
when brought forth they Live not perhaps, one hfth, or one tenth, ot the Age before
mentioned; and therefore, as is said, their productions are so much ther fore more quick
and Numerous; to the end their Species might be thereby preserved. And accordingly it
happeneth Annually, with respect to the multitude of Gnatts, and other Small Insects,
vi'hose Age, manv times is but tor a few Moneths. or daves; and their production
doubtless, in as tew Howres.

But seeing we have in the Precedent Lines, allowed almost all Creatures, to be
multiplyed by their Seeds; it may be objected, that some Vegetables; as the I Itie.
Elem-tree, Fern.'-' &c have no Seeds, to multiply their Species by. To which I answear.
That such as are not there^with accomadated, do commonly, propagate themselves by
their Branches or their Roots; as I suppose these before mentioned naturallv do; But
tho it be So, with respect to these, and such like; Yet I presume, the reason why Some
Vegetables, do not in some Contrys, produce seed; is only for want of an hotter

Clymett, to bring them to maturity For it is evident, that not only divers sorts of

Vegetables here; but also the wild or fruitless Oran^e^tree, in Polonia: and (p. 106] also
some Animalls, as Snails &c: do plentifully multiply their Species by seeding and by
Copulation; in extream hot and Dry Sumers; which in hot, and wet ones: (viz.t) when
y'. Earth Spontaniously produceth them, they do not So propagate themselves; Nor can
we but rarely tinde, and such Actions, or productions, by, or amongst them. From
whence we may learn. That it the Earth, could have continued, in its primitive
fertility; There would not have been, (nor needed) a Male and Female, or any other
means, to propagate the Severall Species, that the Earth, at first produced; but the said
Spontanious nature only, and

Secondly, That if the said Fruitless, or Seedless Orange=tree, or a plant of Fern: or
any other such seedless Body: that dos live, or propagate it selfe, under the Earth, tho' it
be but as it were a lifeless Excresence thereof; I say it any such, were removed into an
Hotter Climet; and therein gradually, and naturallv cherished (and not abused hy heat.)
with the proper l.effas. that its Mother the Earth, to them respectively aforded; it
would doubtless, as the [lieat) or the Sumer approacheth, be so brought to Maturity, as
to yeild such seed, as would multiply its own Species: Specially if the said seed should
be in like manner sown again, in the same, or alike Menstruum, wherein the plant.

The Earth Geiicraled and Analomi^fil: Test 105

Excresence, or Miitcrall, was at first, ripened, and brought to maturity, as before
proposed. We might further enlarge hereupon, but I only speak this as an intimation to
some persons and return, to the Earth's generating, the Great Animalls before
mentioned. And altho, we have already shewn, why the Earth's Productions were
more numerous and copious, soon after the Creation; than at this Day; Yet for the
further Explication thereof we will Suppose, it may be thus Enquired.

I p. 107] Seeing the Earth did at first Spontaniously bring forth such great Creatures;
as the Eli'phiVU. Camel Horse, Sheej'. &c. And seeing she dos now, by such means, bring
forth only lesser Animalls; as Frogi^s, Wormes, similes, Flys, ike. (sometimes) without
Copolation: How comes it to pass, or for what reason, is She become more deficient
therein, than She was, at her first forming. To this,

I Answear, that there are, as we at first Asserted, only two things in Nature,
required for the Generating, or producting all Animated or Vegetated Bodyes;
(Namely) Moisture or Water, and Motion or heat; And as a greater or Lesser Quantity
or degree of both these are harmoniously joyned together; the Bodyes thereby
produced, are accordingly either greater, or lesser: Inasmuch therefore as the Earth,
in the time of its forming, was furnished, as has been shewn, with a greater quantity
of Water, (which in putrifying must naturally produce an Heat proportionable
thereunto,) than it now affordeth; it will from thence necessarily follow, that she had
then, in both respects, greater Advantages conducing to such productions, than it now
has: And therefore the want thereof must be the Cause, of the Earth's present
Deficiency.

But you will say there's Water enough in the Ocean, and Why is not that, soe
productive, as to Generate Whales, Porpices, Salmons, &c. without Spawning or
i^quivocall Generation, seeing it did so, when the Superficies of the Earth was all fluid.
To this,

I Answer, That it is because, the Nature of yl Waters of the Ocean, is now
changed; For when those Fishes were first Generated, it was then, as is shewn at the
tenth Pustulatwn , of an incipid or fresh, indijested nature; [p. 108) But now 'tis
throughly Animated; it is so far from generating; as that by its Saline Quality, now
acquired (together with its constant Motion,) it even preserveth things from
putrefaction; and thereby preventeth Generathion; as dayly experience teacheth; And
that Matter is so changed, in its being animated, is evident in that the Miscelanious
Menstruum, of the Stomack, is first converted into Chyle, and thence into the Bloud,
which being put in Motion is thereby prevented from putrefaction and Generation,
from Whence it is plain, and evident, that the Ocean, being converted and Animated
as aforesaid; cannot further any such Generation; other than by the Serous
Sublimations or Exhalations thence arising: For nothing but a Chaos or Caotick matter;
(as was at first Asserted,) can generate a Living Body; And therefore, no Living part of
the Body of the Earth, of which the salt Ocean is one, can conduce thereunto; as being

jQg Thf Earth Generated ami Anatomized

now, noe Caotick matter: Whatsoever is dissected, or Sepcrated, by Exhalation,
Subhmation, or otherwise, /Knii a Liveing Body; is the proper Subject or matter, for
Generation. And hence it is that the Sweat or Vapours of the Earth (i.e.) Rain; as also
the Raves or Vapours of the sun, mingled with those of the Earth; or the Sweat of any
other Aniinall; or anv other matter mortifyed, or dissected; as the Earth is by
ploughing, or otherwise Seperated /Kkm a Body; as the Slimy water before mentioned
was; (being then in its Caotick State) I say, these, and such like, and no other, are the
only proper Subjects or matter, for generating living Bodyes; on the Earth, in the
Water, or on the Bodves of any Ammalls whatsoever: And this is manifest, because.
That as the abundant Heat and Moisture of the Earth, did first produce greater
Animals: so the heat and moisture, of the same Animals; do produce lesser (namely,
pedicular) Ammalls to this Day. [p. 109] From what has been said, we may plainly
perceive. First, That the Great Quantity of Water lying uninterrupted, and thereby
putrifying, on the Surface of the Earth, (being also joyned with the luvemal heat
thereof) had then and thereby, the advantage and power, to bring forth those great
and divers kindes of Ammalls; which now, by reason of the raising of the Hills, and
thereby the Speedv tuning off of the Said Caotick Water, it can in no wise bring ionh;
but in a much Smaller Species: And truly, although the Elpluvii. Rlunocenis. &c. are
very Large Creatures, compared with others; Yet if we compare them, with that
Vastly great Animall the Earth, which first produced them; And then compute the
magnitude of the sheep-tickr, and other pedicular Creatures and intemall Vermin, with
the Ammalls bv Which they are produced; We may have cause to Admire, That the
Elephant. Camel, Sheep. &c. were not many Thousand times bigger than they are. But
the reason thereof is not difficult to determine, if we consider the Heat and Sweat of
the Earth; For we finde the Atmosphers of some of those comparitivly, little
Creatures, to be 40, 50, and some 100. times greater in proportion, than that of the
Earth is.

And in the Seavtd place we may learn. That as the Earth did, and dos to this day,
produce all Vegetables, but of the male kinde only; so if the Adamick Menstruum, which
produced, the said Ammalls. had been intended to remain alwaNs upon the Earth, in
the same prolifick State; it would then have produced them, ot neither Cieuder. For as
Nature never made any Thing in Vain; so it never ordains, fico effectual! [p. no]
Means, for one and the Same End: But the all-knowing God; foreseeing. That the
raising the hills, would prevent such productions; Did therefore Cause the Earth, to
produce the Severall Species of Animalls; as well m the Female, as in the Masculine
Gender; (tho' the latter first,) to the End the like Menslruiinis might, (between them.)
be perpetuated; untill the f'mall Desolution of all Things; iir at least, till the Earth dos
cease to send forth its Rainy Sweat; for the Production of Vegetables for the use and
Subsistance of such Animalls.

Now the manner of Generating and Nourishing those great and lesser Creatures,
was at first, doubtless the same, with what we now fmde in generating other Animalls

The F.artli Gciicritlfd aiul Aihitoini^a^: Text 107

by .-Eiyi/ii'('ui// gcneratiim to this Dav: (viz.') The abovcsaid Heat, being EngenJered 111
the putritved Mciislniiiiii. or liquid matter, lying in Ponds or Lakes on the Earths
Supticies, and giving motion thereunto, as is before observed in the hatching
Oviparous Creatures; It began to torme or generate the Heart, and therewith the Body
and members; and by the f huhilicall Veins, (as experience tells us, all oviparous, and
other Animalls have;) it administred and conveyed, the atoresaid Chylous Water of the
Earth, wherein the\' were generated, tor their increase and Nourishment; (tor that
alone is the Mentruum, which produceth the Body; and the Earth but the Matrix; as is
evident in the Maturating, the Seed of all Vegetables.) untill they were grown to such
Maturity, as to break ott, the said Umbilical continement; And being then, and
thereupon, capacitated tor LoatI motion, they frequently returned to their respective
Menstruous Lakes, to Suck (or drink,) thereof; Untill they, (to wit) The Horse, Cow,
Sheep, tkc. could Sufficiently feed on Grass, which God had before commanded to be
brought forth, tor their use, or Sustentation; After [p. 111] which the Lyons, Beiires,
Eagles &:c. were brought to maturity and capacitated to pursue, and take their prey; as
being First, brought forth for them; and so of the Lesser Species in their order, for there
was then, no other Damm to give them Suck; and therefore they must be nourished (as
well as produced) in the order, and manner atoresaid; And, (as has been hinted,) we
may also from thence, reasonably conclude. That the Beasts of Prey, were the last
Creatures, that were produced; (respect being had to the magnitude of their Severall
species:) For as the greater Animalls, of what Species Soever, were generated when the
Earth was almost level; So were the lesser, proportionably, as the Hills, were raising;
only Man exxepted, unto whose Wisdome or Authority and for whose Subsistance, the
greater, as well as the Lesser of every Species, were, and are Subjected, & made a Prey.

And seeing it is, by the precedent lines, made evident. That the Earth was almost
Level when the great Animalls were generated; And that the hills and Mountains, that
we now see thereupon, were raised afterwards; (as by the following lines will more
fully appear,) we may from hence mferr; That those thinn Stones, or Slates, that are
now posited in any hill, how Steep Soever; Did (then, (to wit) when the said Animalls
were Generated, and the hills not raised,) all of them lay Levell and parelell to the
Horizon; as is discribed in Fig; the T; and 8;'''' From whence we have this as a
Corollary, (namely) That if we should be required; to take any such stone or Slate;
(though its position whilst in, (or out of) such a Steep hill, should now make an Angle
with the Horizon, of 20. or 30. Degrees, more or [p. 112] Less.) Yet I say should we be
required to take, any such flatt Stone, and put it in the Same, position, as it was two or
three Dayes, before Adam was Created; it is but to place it parelell to the Horizon, and
it will then be posited again; in the same position, as it was, so many thousand years
Ago:'''' And this is evident, because the Bedds of Earth and Rocks; were at first, all of
them Horizontally Levell, as before Asserted. Haveing, by the way, made this
Observation, I pass on, to the raising of the Hills & Mountains Now Visible on the
Earths Superficies.

io8 The Earth Generated and Anatomized

God Omnipotent bv his previous quallifying of Matter having thus farr, formed
the Earth; and replenished it, with Vanetv of Ve(;eiahles, and Aiiiiiuills: and by his
Omnicience fore=knowing the Effects that would ensue; it the hnn Quarters of the
Earth, should continue in their prestine Smoothness, and fertility; Did therefore cause
the internall Animateing heat and Motion, within the Earth, after it was hardned, (as
the matter of the Egg must be before the Leggs, Wings, Bones ike. can hud ionh;)
graduallv to raise up, and proturbate, these numerous Hills and Mountains, wherewith
it is now, almost generally Bestudded, and htdented: Which being fully Effected, the
Earth was thereby compleatly Formed; and its Animation wholy Accomplished: And
hereupon it was. That the Waters were generallv gathered together, and the Drv Land
appeared; ^i Moses has, most Philosophically, and as elegantly, expressed the same.

Now that those Hills and Mountains may not be esteemed needless, or (as a
Worthv Person, in his Theory of the Earth,'-' lately deemed it;) a Deformity, or an
accidentall chance; I will therefore presume, tho' it has been already [p. 113] hinted, to
give a Reason for the necessity thereof. For if the Hairs of our Heads, are all numbered;
and a Sparrow cannot fall to the Ground; without our Heavenly Fathers pleasure;
surelv much less, can the least of those Hills or mountains, be raised; without the like
providentiall appointment. God has not made any thing in Vain; But if we cannot sec
the Cause: 'tis most certainly ours, but not the makers ignorance; One Naturall Reason
therefore, Whv the Hills were raised. Was because the God of Nature, foreknowing
That the heat of the sun, and the internall Heat of the Earth, would constantly cause a
Respiration of its humidity, as all other Animalls in sweating do; and that. That
Humidity, by not returning to the Ocean, (as our blood to the heart, to be kept in
Motion,) would therefore continue, to Exert its plastick faculty; in Generating, and
forming such great Creatures, as were at first brought forth; so that in process of time,
by the Continuall Generation, and putrefaction, (or rotting) of these great bodys; both
Vegetable and Animal; the Land part would have been Increased, and the Sea, by the
not returning of the said Exhalations, (or rather Respirations,) so diminished, as to be
turned into a fixed Salt; whereupon its motion would totally cease; and an unavoidable
destruction thereupon ensue. To prevent which the Hills and Mountains of the Earth;
were, as is said, bv the internal Energie of its plastick or Sclt^forming power, gradually
thrust forth, and raised up; as naturall as the Biidds, Limbs, and Knots, are thrust fc^rth in
anv liveing Tree, or other Vegetable or Animall whatsoever; That thereby, through
the Vallys, the said Exhalations, might fmde a more facile, and expedite passage, to
return to the Ocean, to be therewith kept in Motion; and the said Fatal Consequences
thereby prevented, [p. 1 14) For doubtless, if the Waters of this Globe or Earth, should
Sustain such a Stagnation; or the Earth be any way deprived of its pulsation, and
thereby, of its Diurnall Motion; (Seeing they depend upon each other) it would
thereupon precipitate towards the Sim, and by it be sett on Fire, in like manner as we
saw, it happned to the Great Commet that appeared in 16S0.'-" Whose brush of inisty
Raies, or Vapours, (arising from its Calcination,) did, to appearance, when setting.

The Earth Generated and Aiuitomized: Text 109

extend to at least, forty degrees in height above the Horizon; And doubtless,
whensoever the generall Conflagration mentioned in Malachi 4:'^' shall be accom-
phshed; (If it be not miraculously effected,) it must be, by such means, as we have now
described.'-"

And that this encreasing the Land, and diminishing the Sea; by the means aforesaid, is
no groundless Supposition, will appear even to a visible Demonstration (namely)
because the Earths Surface, is generally to the debth of 2. or 3. Foot more or Less,
covered over, with a kinde ot Black or other coloured Garden^^hke Mould, though it
be Rocks, Cley, and other different matter immediately under it: Whereas the four
terreane parts of the Earth were raised, by transposing or emtying its Marine Parts
thereupon; And therefore it cannot be supposed, nor is it found by experience, That
the Bottome of the sea did, or dos, consist of, or could afford, such sort of Mould to
cover its Superficies withall: And therefore it must be otherwise acquired, which we
conceive was in this wise, (vizt) The Earth being at first covered over, in some parts,
with such matter as produced Cley; which in drying Crackled into small peices, and
were afterwards hardned into Stones; In other parts, with such matter as is now
become sand, and Gravell; a Third Flint, Pebles, &c. [p. 115] I say the Earth being at
first thus formed, and, as has been shewn, also covered over with divers Lakes and
ponds of Water, which then plentifully produced divers sorts of large Vegetables and
Animalls; who liveing but for a Time, and so decaying; were afterwards rotted and
turned into such Mould iir Earth as is before decribed: and by its soe plentifully doeing
at first, and still continuing, (though in a much lesser degree) in generating and
decaying; for so many thousand years;'^' the said mould is thereby increased, to the
debth of 2. or 3. foot as we now behold it. And that it was bv this means Increased, is
further evident, not only because to this day, the more fertile the Ground, the thicker
the mould: But also, in that the Grass, Corne, Wood, Bones, shells, &c; (all which, is
but only Water fixed.) that is produced, in one year, by the said Serous Vapours ot the
Earth and exhalations ot the Ocean, (of which who knows how many Ton is required
to make one Ton of Timber;) is not, or naturally cannot, in the same year be rotted and
turned again into its originall fBuidity; without which, it cannott return again to the
Ocean, from whence it dos constantly proceed: And therefore. Whatsoever was or is,
Anually left remaining; either of Animalls, or Vegetables; did, and do, still encrease the
Debth of the Earths surface in manner aforesaid. Whence we may well conceive, that
the Cause, why the Hills were raised, was to hasten the returning of the Water; to the
End it might be prevented from being embodyed. into such large Creatures, as would
have encreased the Earth and diminished the Ocean, even to such [p. 1 16] a Degree, as
would have exposed it, and us. to the destructive consequences before mentioned, and.

Havcing now hinted, that the waters do originally proceed from the sea, it is to be
observed. That many have affirmed,"" That the Springs and Rivers are produced, by
means of the Waters passing from the Ocean, through the Earth; And Not bv the

1 10 Thr Earth Generated ami Arialiimiseti

Clouds, and Rains, falling thereupon. Which Doctrine I conceive to be inconsistent
with Reason and Experience; For, as the Wise man aftirmeth and our Experience
teacheth; till the Rivers run into the Sea: Therefore their Springs (S^ Hountains must needs
be higher than the Ocean is, whereinto the Rivers disgorge themselves; or otherwise
they could not desend and fall thereinto: And inasmuch as it is manifest, that water
cannot raise its self, above an horizontal! position; and the spring head, must, as is said,
be higher than such a position; the sea can by no naturall means, be the Author thereof,
otherwise then by affording its Respirations, or Raine, to fall upon the Earth as
aforesaid. Nay, I would desire the wisest Pholosopher, or Naturallist; to Shew a Reason,
wh\' the Waters of the Sea mav not more easily run to the head of the spring, by the
open mouth of the River; than to press thro the Pores of the Eearth; and unnaturally
raise its self, above its Horizontall Levell; that thereby it might be capacitated, as is
falsely pretended, to return again to the Ocean; I could further confute this Doctrine
but a Word to the Wise is sufficient.

It being in the foregoeing lines made evident that the Earth was hardened into
stones &:c. before the Hills were raised, and the Cause of their raising being likewise
declared. |p. 117] We now come to Speake of the Time, that (according to probabillity
may naturally, be required or spent in forming the Earth; And herein it is to be
observed. That an Aniimill (the largest whereof, is but as an Attome, if compared with
the Earth) is not, out of a lifeless liquid matter, converted into a Liveing Body, in an
histant; but in some measure, a Time proportionable to its Magnitude is required, for
its Generation; as some of lesser kinde in one Month; some of greater in eleven, and the
Elephant in eighteen; so neither must we imagine. That this vast body of the Earth,
consisting of 21600. Miles in Circumference, could, according to the course of Nature
(which is the only means that we doe herein pursue, and not the power of the
Creator,) be thus converted from a soft tiuid Substance into hard Rocks, Cley, sands,
&'c. in a Moment: but that some natural! proportion of Time, according to its
Magnitude, might be thereunto required.'^' For if soe small a Creature as an Horse,
Cow, &'c. dos, as IS said, require almost one year for its forming and hardening into
Bones &c: surely the Earth which is soe many Thousand tunes greater, might probably
require what is now equal! to many Years for its forming; And tlierefore the Words of
Moses, when he speake of the six dayes Labour, must (as I humbly conceive) be
understood as when parts, passions, and Members are ascribed, to the Creator of all
Things; (viz:") but only to Sute or adapt Things, to the weak capacity of humane
understanding: For seeing it is evident from the Words of sacred Scripture, That a
Thousand years with the Lord,'^^ are but as one Day, [p. 1 18] why may not the first four
Dayes, (to wit) until! the Sun and Moon were made; (see Gene: i. V. 16.)'" or till the
dry Land appeared, and the Earth attained its Diurnal! Rotation; or at least whilest the
Light was produced by the spirit of Clod moveitig upon the face of the Waters: 1 say,
why may not one such day, be ei]ua!l to many years: For seeing, as has and will be

Tlic F.itrtli Cetifrjtid ivul Aihitoini:t,l ill

shewn, The Rotation ot the Earth, is caused bv the Disparity in the Flowing ol the
Ocean, And inasmuch, as whilset the Earth was all Fluid, (to wit) till the four Quarters
were raised, there could be no such inequallity, or Disparity in its Flowing; And
therefore no Rotation; and Consequently no measure of time: (Because tluit. is
measured only bv the Earths Rotation,) From all which, I say it is very probable. That
the hrst Three DaNx's, might at least be many hundred times Longer than now they are;
Therefore &c; And this sloic, or uwit of Motion in the Earth, will in some measure
appear, from the Motion mention in the said Egg; which at hrst is so languid, as to be
Scarce discernable: Nor is there a perfect Locall Motion attained; untill the Bodv is as
it were, Maturelv Generated; But that which makes it further evident is from the great
Oyster shells, and others. That are found immassed in the Rocks; which though they doe
naturally require several! years to attaine such largeness;"" yet they must be fully
grown whilest the Earth was generating; or otherwise, they could not be incorporated
therewith, & immassed in the Rocks as aforesaid; And, (which is more,) The Fishes that
were in the Shells, at the forming ot the Earth, must be quite Rotted, before the thin,
cleyish, Stoiicy. and Mcttallkk Matter could enter into the shells to fill up the Cavity
wherein the Fish formerly lived; (thereby makeing the [p. 1 19] Forme of the said
Fishes, of perfect stone &c:) as we now plentifully finde them: And how Long Time
such rotting (or as it were annihilating) would naturally require, when soe covered
from the Air, Who is he that can determine? Nevertheless, seeing the truth of what I
have, (m Generall) advanced, dos not depend upon this particular; I leave the reader to
judge thereof as he pleaseth: Now if the Earth, was, as is verv probable, many hundred
years (or rather what was equall thereunto) before it was fully formed: And inasmuch
as all great Animalls were generated before the Hills were raised, (tho' not before the
four Quarters of the Earth, were raised some what higher than the Ocean, as before is
shewn;) It will necessarily follow. That whilest the hills & Mountains were i^radiially
buding forth, (for Nature abhorreth Violence) there must be in that long space of time,
a very plentifull hicrease of Land Animalls and Vegetables, (as well by Copulation and
seed, as otherwise;) as we finde by the Rocks Ike. there were of fish=animalls before the
four Quarters of the Earth were raised; Which being granted; we may easily learn, that
the Bones and Trees, that are yet to be found buried and mingled with the Earth, (tho'
not immassed therein; because they were not brought forth till after the Earth was
hardened,) were such bones, and Trees, as happened to grow or stand upon the Edges
of the Hills, at the Time when they were almost or fully lifted up; Which Hills being
raised to such an height; as some of them to make an Angle with the Horizon of 50. or
60. degrees in Altitude; I say for such Hills as were soe very high raised, some part of
them, when come up to such an height must unavoidably tumble down; and haveing
then Trees, or Animalls, standing thereupon, (tho the Trees stood perpendicular before
the falling of the Hills) must of necessity fall down with them, and be buried; with
whatsoever Rocks or Rubbish, did accompany the same; as the Trees &c: standing on

112 The Earth Generated and Anaicmized

the hill at A.C. Fig: 3'"-' do plainly intimate. And that the Rocks, and Earth, did thus
tumble down, you may sec Visibly manifested, (as you Ride [p. 120] on the Rodes) in
almost all Steep hills whatsoever, which I desire may be accordingly Noted: For at that
End Which the Ranges or Strata's cuts the surface, (as at A.C.) the Rocks (!V Rubbish,
that have so fallen, do in many places, yet remain in that tallen, or irregular position, to
this day, though the strata's in the remaining part ot the Hills are still exactly parellel to
each other, as before described.

And for further Confirmation, That the Earth was not replenished with the larger
sort of Animalls and Vegetables, untill after the Matter was hardened and fit to be raised
into hills, as has before been shewn, is evident from this Phivnotnena in Nature; namely.
That notwithstanding there are, as is said, such plentitull Numbers of shells, immassed
in the midst of those vast Rocks; yet we can rarely tinde, any such Trees or Animalls
incorporated in them in such manner as the Fishes are; Whence 'tis plain, that these
Trees and Land Animalls must be generated after the Rocks were hardened: And
Consequently were tumbled down by the raising of the Hills as aforesaid; or otherwise
they could not be found, only mingled with the Rubbish, that fell from thence, and not
incorporated in the Rocks as the Fish shells are. and.

As for the Manner how the said Land Animalls, and Vegetables were preserved; It
must either be, from their being covered up in the said Rubish, and soe allwayes kept in
one State of Moisture; or else, their sap being exhausted, the then petryfving humidity
of the Earth, filling their pares, preserved them, by converting them into a Stoney
Substance: And for the Confirmation hereof, we have an histance of the first. Way of
preserving them, at the Bottome of a very steep Hill near Shaston in Dorsetshire,''"'
where I lately saw severall Trees that were digged out of the ground, adjovning to the
Foot of such a steep Hill, (one whereof was 20. or 30. Foot long, and about a Foot
Diameter, which doubtless was [p. 121] tumbled down and preserved, by being
covered over some depth under the Earth, as was before proposed; And of the Second
sort {luimely) Petrafied W'lioJ,'" may be seen in severall places in this Kingdonie, in
particular amongst the Curiosities of Grasham Collage: And doubtless in this manner
especially by the first were the Bones of Animalls, (being of equall or greater duration)
likewise burved and preserved.

Having thus given you my Thoughts concerning the forming of the Earth, and
how the Shell=Fishes and other Animalls, and Vegetables, were produced therefrom,
and involued and preserved therein, I now come to Speake a word or two concerning
the DELUGE'^' of Water that was brought upon the Earth, in the Dayes oiNcah: And
herein you may observe, that I have wholly exxluded, that Flood, from haveing any
share, in bringing the said shells into, or upon the Earth; and that notwithstanding the
Opinion of many learned, and otherwise ingenuous persons to the contrary; who I
perceive finding the shells in and upon the Earth; and haveing been told, either by
Philosophers or common Fame; that the Said Ueluge brought them thereupon; have

The Eiuth Geiu'ra(cii ,iiid AihUomi:eii: Text 113

therefore taken the same ior Truth; And to Reconcile their observations to the said
Report, or to their own Opinions; have Rack'd their Braines, and as it were unhinged
Nature; to make the said Flood the naturall Cause thereof: But if because there are
shells found in, and upon the Earth; and only because common report tells us, that the
Flood brought them thereupon; when the Sacred Writings, are silent therein; and
Nature, and Reason, will not adniitt thereof: I say it we must believe it, only because it is
see reported; we may as well be imposed upon to beleive the fabulous Stones ot a
Generation ol Faries, and their circular Danceings: For as we have shells found in and
upon the Earth; soe we have likewise green Circles, frequently found in the [p. 122]
Grass, which common Report, tells us were made by the Foot Steps ot that pretended
Generation. Whereas it we examine into the Cause thereof, we shall finde (If it were
but onlv bv cutting up a Turt, in the said Circle) that their onginiall, is not from the
footsteps of those or anv other Creatures. And not only from thence but inasmuch as
the Cause thereof has been otherwise fully accounted for, by D; P/iUf'" and some
others, we may therefore reasonably conclude. That the very being and pretended
footsteeps of such a Generation, was at first, only a Poeticall or Fabulous Invention;
and perhaps designedly continued, by the popish Priests, before the Reformation (for
since tis not generally believed, tho' the Circles are as common as before;) to amuse the
Vulgar; That thereby, they might carry on their Cheats with the greater security:
fforasmuch therefore as this common saying, was Certainly Entertained, through
Ignorance, and too much credulity; soe the opinion ot the Antient, and modern
Philosophers, concerning the time when the shells were incorporated, did in like
manner proceed from a like credulity; or at least, from the want of a due Examination
into the Reason ot their being posited, as before Described. But tho' I disallow the
Flood to bring the shells &c. into the Rocks, and the very being ot such a people; Yet I
would not have it thence inferrd, that I disbelieve the being ot such a Deluge, as might
Destroy the Inhabitants of the Earth; it being not my Intention to disallow thereof, or
to intermedle therein: What I chiefly contend for is this, (viz') That the waters of the
Deluge, if they were what we now call waters, could not naturally, (for we pursue no
other means) at that Time, nor at any other, dissolve the Rocks and Mountains ot the
Earth, and mingle and immass the shells thereinto, as we now tmde them;
notwithstanding it is so generally allowed by others, and that [p. 123] for these further
Reasons following, amongst others that may be offered.

First. Because if so. The water must then, be much stronger, and more Corrosive
in its nature, than Aqua fortis or anv other Liquor, of what nature or kinde soever,; For
otherwise it could not have such an Effect, as to dissolve the Rocks c\ Mountains as is
Vulgarly Supposed.""

Secondly!. If the waters at the I3eluge, were of such a nature. Then the whole Species
of Fishes, how large soever, must unavoidably have been thereby totally destroyed:
And forasmuch as no Whales, nor other Fishes, were preserved in the Ark; There must

1 14 The Earth Generateii atiJ Athiloini::fJ

have been, If not a new Creation ot them, at least a new plastick Nature, iir forming
power, infused into the waters; or otherwise it could not have produced the Variety of
Fishes that we now Finde living in the Ocean, and

Thirdly If the waters did then so dissolve the Rocks and Mountains; there could
have been no Mountain standing at the Deluge, for the Ark to rest upon; as we finde
there was, even whilest the waters were upon the Earth: see Gene: 8:' V. 4.''" and

Fourthly. It may be thus argued;
iV Either it u\is. in the nature of Water,")

or
2'?'' It was not in the nature of Water,

to dissolve the Rocks

and mountains of the
Earth.

\(thefirst, then tis no less than a Miracle, that they were not dissolved a Thousand
years before the Floud: or else some Thousand years since: As also that they are not so
dissolved, at this very Instant, and,

If the second. Then tis as great a Miracle. That thev should (as is pretended) be
thereby Dissolved, at the time of the [p. 124] Deluge. But that they were not
Dissolved, before the Floud; Nor at any Time Since; Is not, nor cannot be denved. And
That thev were not Dissolved, in the Floud is Evident from the third Proposition
beforcgocing.

H'lierefore the said Rocks, and Mountains; have not, either Naturallv or
Miracuously, been Dissolved, ever since they were first hardened iii.dt. and after the
Creation.'''^ And therefore the shells could not be admitted thereinto, at the Deluge, or
at any other time. But only before the Earth was hardened, as is before described and
Asserted: I shall not further enlarge hereupon, other than Appeal to the impartial!
Reader, Whether from what is contained in the foregoeing Lines, it be not more
Reasonable, and Naturall, to conclude. That the Earth was Generated from an Aquous
fluid matter, and thence hardened, into Rocks, sand. Cley, &:c; and the mountaines
raised after it was soe hardened: And That the shells were immassed or incorporated in
the Rocks, at the Geneating of the Earth, when the matter was soft and tender; and no
Mountains raised; as is before Asserted: Than it is to allow it to be done after the Earth
was hardened (to wit) at the time of the Deluge: which must leade us into so many
improbable Consequences, and unavoidable Absurdities.

Having thus shewn, how the Earth was from a fluid matter formed, and
converted into a Living Animall: and how the shells were brought thereupon, and
immassed therein; as also hinted at the naturall Cause, of the Ebbing and Flowing of
the ocean, Hoiv and when, the Mountaines were raisetl, &c. I shall at present conclude,
with this one Theologicall Use, drawn from the premises (viz.')

There are, as in times past, many who say, (at least,) in their Hearts, Tliere is no
God; Psa; 14 V. i.,'"^ That the Earth, was not Created, nor had any beginning; but was
ever the same as it now is, and will soe [p. 125] continue, even to all Eternity.'"

The Earth GencratCii ami Analonu::eii: Text 1 15

Now altho what is before delivered is sufficient to prove. That the Earth had a
beginning, and is Therefore not eternall; yet for the further Conhrmation thereof, I
will endeavor to prove the same, by puttnig my Argument, into this Sylhi(;isiiic.

Whatsoever was, or is, from Eterniiy, or had no beginning; was or is, eternally the
same, without the least Variableness, or changing whatsoever; either in Nature, forme,
or substance.

But the Earth was once, a smooth, soft fluui matter; and is now converted or changed;
into harii Rocks, stones, sand. Mountains, Hills, &c.
Ergo; the Earth was not from Eternity.
The Major, being undeniable, and the Minor, demonstrable; even to I'isihilit}', (from
the fish=shells &c. being immassed in the Rocks as aforesaid,) The Conclusion must be
unavoidably granted.

Wherefore, to that Eternall Existence, that Created, commanded, or brought forth
Matter, out of nothing; and also infused thereinto its plastick, or selt=forming power; and
thereby Generated or made, not only this Globe of Earth, but even the whole Vnii'erse,
and all Things therein contained; be Glory, Honour, and Adoration, for ever and ever.
Amen.//

Finis:

1 16 The Earth Generated and Anatomized

(.)[,26|

A Postscript

Shewing the two places where the Tvdes are originalv
moved, and where they meet; as also the maiier ot their
Flowing.

Tis almost ten years Since I composed what is generaly contained in the foregoing
Treatise:'''^ and although I was well assured from observations and reason, before I
entred thereupon, y' y" waters in y'' Ocean were made to Ebb & Flow, by being lifted
up, in some certain place or places thereof, as is before Asserted, & not by any Lunar
Attraction or Pressure Whatsoever: vet when I came to treat of the Said places [ic/ktc]
they might be So moved; I then found, That that Discovery could not be attained,
unless a Generall Account of the Setting of the Tides, in the Severall parts of the
Ocean, could be pr(5cured; w'.'' I then dispaired ot; 6.; therefore proceeded to y'. other
Sections; Leaving v' sd place or places, where %' waters were moved undetermined,
and y' whole, in that respect. Imperfect; Tho' since I have Conformed it, as Occasion
required, to y' following Discovery, But notwithstanding I then, as is said, thought it
Unattainable; yet I frequently wished & Endeavoured, for Such a Rei^ister: And y"
rather, because during all this hitervale I could never see any Phivnomena in y'' Tides;
Nor any Character imprinted by nature in y' earth; but w' Ecco'd to & Confirmed, w'. I
had conceived thereof, & is before delivered; Now haveing, I say, thus Endeavoured. I
accordingly. Some few months Since, met w''' a large Folio, entitled y"' Lightning
Collumne or Sea Mirour; Printed [p. 127] at Amsterdam Anno Doiii; 1701.''"' In which
I found a full account of the Setting of the Tides, tor almost all the Sea Coasts, in the
Westren or Atlantick ocean and North Sea, plainly entreed and Recorded: Which
Volumn you will find to be industriously compiled, from the Observations and
Experince of Divers Mariners; (especially of the Dutch.) as they had in many Ages, in
their Severall Voyages entred the Same. But when I came to read these Various
Accounts: I still found a great Difficulty m this Enquiry; For although they were plain
and perfect; Yet were they so numerous and promiscuously placed, as that it was
imposible to forme or concive, anv Canonical or Regular Idea, ot their (.General Setting,
by the bare reading Thereof: Because as fast as we Read of their Setting on one Coast,
those of the others, would be either forgotten; or at Least become confused.
Whereupon after some thought and Reasonings on these Difficulties, I conceived there
might be some Device to Supply the Said Defects; and in Order thereunto, I prepared
a Large Mapp of the World,''" of which this annexed is a Compendium, whose
By=Section I made under the Meridan of Natal in Africa; and placed the Continents, in
respect of Longitude, according to M': Afc/V^" and others, late I^iscoveries; as
conceiving Such a By=Section most proper for Exhibiting the Marine parts of the Earth:
And when I had thus done, I look the said Volumn, and what was incertcd therein.

Thr Eiirlh Gi'mrttltil iiiiil Athttomized: Text 1 17

Relating tn the Course or Setting ot the Tides, I forthwith Dehneated, and entred into
the said Mapp, by only placing the Characters ot small Arrows, with their heads
pointing which way, and on what point of the Compass the Flouds do sett, on the
Several Coasts, as fast as I read them: Whereupon I had by means ot the said Arrows, at
one View, or cast of the Eye [p. 128] whatsoever was contained in the whole Volumn,
relating as aforesaid, plainly represented and Described. And haveing thus Succesfully
obtained. So Compendious a contraction, and made such an instantanious Represen-
tation, ot what was So Volummously Treated ot, and So many Ages in Collecting; I
resolved to prosecute the same in other parts ot the world; And accordingly I procured
other Lightning Sea Columns, and Severall other Volumns ot Navigation, as M:
Sellers,''*'' and other, English Pilots: M': Thornton's"" Oriental Navigation in Folio, M;
Dampiers,'" M': Roger's"^ — and other Voyages round the World; and after I had in
Like manner entred the Characters, according to what was recorded in those Volumns:
I Visibly perceived; by the pointing ot the Said Arrows, that the waters in the North
Hemisphere; do generaly Set or Flow towards the South: And on the other hand,
those ot the South Hemisphere; do in like manner. Generally tlow towards the north:
From which Visible and undeniable Phaenomina (with a kinde of admiring
Speculation,) I plainly discovered. That the watters of the Oceiiti, are oriiiinally moved at the
Two Poki of the worhh And do iihiinalely meet, in or near the Aiquinoctiall Line. '''' Now that
this is the genuine and Natural motion thereof, is, in Some measure, confirmed, troiii
the very shape m which the Earth was originally formed. (Viz';) in that the two grand
Continents ot Land, and the two great Oceans of water, do all of them, range a long
with the meridians, from North to South; which was doubtless, by nature. So
designed, on purpose to admitt, and further the Said Motion: For if they Should have
trended, from East to West; it would have interupted, or wholy prevented the Same.
And what dos further Confirm this Doctrine, is. In that the many great mountains, or Island=
like sholes of Ice, that are annually found Swiming in the North part of the Atlantick
Ocean, are always observed to Soar along, and make their way good, as 'tis called,
from the North to (p. 129] the Southward; even till the heat of the Sun has totally
dissolved the same; as the mariners, treading to those parts, do generally testifie; And
doubtless, the like Sholes would be found, coming from the South Pole, towards the
North, if our Navigation did lead us there, to make the like observations. Another
Instance which confirms the Said Doctrine is, in that the Tydes, do generally run much
Swifter, and rise much higher, in these and the more Nothern parts of the world, than
they do between the Tropicks, and near y' j^quinoctial Line:'''' Now that this dos
priwe the Said Proposition is evidenced by the Experiment ot the water in the Sute;
mentioned in Sect; III, whereby it appears. That water will naturaly Run Swifter and
rise Higher, at, and near the place where it is first Sett in Motion, than it will at a
greater distance; From whence it is evident. That as the knowledge of the place where
it IS first moved, dos now show us the Ciih.«' ot the Said Phafnomena, to wit, of its

1 18 The Earth Generated aiui Anatomized

rising highest in the Nothern parts; So the said Phaenomena, dos as plainly
demonstrate. That that must be y" place where the Tydes are tirst moved in the
Nothern (and, doubtless, in the Southern) Hemispheres: By all which it is manifest that
the motion of the water is such as is herein before and after described.

But if notwithstanding what has been Said, any person (through their attection to
the immaginary and medly hifluence of the Sun and Moon,) shall object. That I might
be partial, and not Sincere, in those deliniations; and consequently, disbelieve the truth
of this discovery; my Answer to such is. That I refer to the Said Vollumns tor my
Justification; with this confidence, as to challenge all the Philosophers & Mathema-
ticians in Europe, to Confute the Said Doctrine; either bv the Vollumns before
mentioned, or by any other, (if such there be,) of like nature. And as tor the Sincerity
of the Mariners, that recorded those observations, it being done in So many Ages; and
by Such Variety of persons, it would be absur'd to Suggest, that they should be
fraudulent therein; as not knowing [p. 130] What they had entred, would ever be used,
to produce or warrant Such a Discovery: And therefore, if it should be Suppos'd, th,u I
have been Misled in any particular, it must proceed from their taking a
Trade=wind=Current, or the like, for a Natural Tide; & not from the Partiality or
designe of the Said Authors, or mv Selfe. And as tor the Objection that mav arise, on
account of the waters Setting with the Trade=Winds, Monsoons, &c: I shall briefly
Answere, That that Motion, is only on the Surface of the Ocean; and that under its
Surface, the Tvdes have their natural Course, as before described: and accordingly M:
Dampier'" has told us. That he found, under the Surface, a different motion therein,
(by his observations) when under the Clymet, where the said winds prevail. Inasmuch
therefore, as the Vollumns before mentioned are impartially compiled, and the
Delianiations m the Mapps, accordingly Drawn; and consequently the aforesaid
Proposition, thence arising, fully confirmed: I shall now pass on to the further
Explicatiiin thereof. And as for that part of the Mapps which relates to the general
Setting of the Tides; it is So visible. That 'tis need less to Sav more, than only acquaint;
That as the Arrows heads, do shew which way the Water flows, 'tis but naturall to
conceive. That it general v Ebbs, on the opposite point of the Compas: And where you
See them pointing one against another, as on the East of Ireland, and on the SouthEast
of England; there the Tides do accordingly meet each other. And as we know, there is
no concussion at their meeting, in these, and other like places; So wee may be assured
that there is none, at their returnings or meetings under the Equinoctial, or at y!
Respective Poles of the world; and consequently the waters are there as Navigable, as
in other places of [p. 131] y'' Ocean: And this I hope may Suffice in brief, tor the
Original, Course, and Meeting of the Great Waters; as also to Shew by what means I
obtained the Discovery thereof: (to wit) From what is Recorded bv Mariners, in their
Several Observations as aforesaid: And Seeing this Method wherein I proceeded; is the
Same by which M': Halley, m his Late Mapps, '^'' has delineated the Variation of the

The Earth Gi-iieratiil and Anatomized: Tiwl 1 19

Compass, and the Trade Winds; I See no Reason, whv this Should not be equally
accepted and approved. 1 Shall now proceed to Some other Observations, that
Succeeded as Corollaries form the trist Discovery; For as in Algebraical and other like
operations after the Aquation is discovered and the Solution brought to Light; there
trequentlv ariseth, Such Consectarys and Aphorisms, as before were not expected; and
Sometimes Such as could not be preconceived: So when I had discovered the places of
the Tides original!, and meeting: 1 likewise found the Cause of the manner of their
Flowing; which could not So well be known, or conceived, before this Discouery was
made: As will plainly appear by the following Lines.

And in the First place it is to be observed, that almost on all the Sea Coasts, from
Usluint to Cape S; I 'iiiceiit, and thence even to the Canary Isles; (as you will find by the
Said Register,) a S:W: and a N: East moon, makes, (as tis called,) full Sea, for above a
thousand Miles together: And not itnly So, but tis always full Sea, all along these
Coasts, Severall hours (hcfon-) tis So, further up in the Rivers thereunto belonging;
whereas m the English CJuwinll, as also in the Mcdilfrraiicaii Sea and cither like places;
where the waters runns (bv) the Land, tis in both these respects quite otherwise; for 'tis
not onlv ten or Twelve hours difference, in the time of full Sea, 111 the space of but 3.
or 400. miles, in the Said Channell: But "tis also full Sea m the Rivers iS: Ports thereof,
Severall hours, l/ic/iirc] tis So in the Offin or channell it selfe: all which will plainlv
appear, bv the hours shewing the time of full Sea in figure III Plate 3.'''' or if compared
with the Register before mentioned.

Now the Reason of this great Difference in the flowing of the Tides, will easily be
accounted for by this Doctrine, and by the Delineations in the Said Mapp; For tis there
made evident even to inspection. That the Flouds on the Said Coasts of Portugal! &c;
do generally Sett, or devolve, directly upon and against the Land; as it were at One
and the Same Instant; For tis not above a point or two Difference, in the 1000 Miles
before Mentioned; Whereas on our Coasts, it runns along [hy] the Land; and is
therefore 10. or 12. hours (i.e.) 14. or 16. Points, before it can run up, from one end of
the Channel, to the other; as before Observed. Whence we have this as an Aphorisme,
That wheresoever you See the Waters Setting [upon or against] any Coast; and
running |bv] another; vou mav certainly Conclude, That the manner, and Difference
i)f tune in their Flowing; is such as before described. And this will hold true, even in
the midst of the Oceans, as well as else where. The Second Pha'iioinctia to be Observed,
is the Violent Cciurse or Setting of the waters, in the Giilph 0/ Florida: Where it runns
So Strong to the Northward, for Some hundred miles together, that ther's no Sailing
against it, though favoured by the Strongest Winds conducing thereunto: Which has
Seemed to Some a inistery in Nature; But by this Hypothesis "twill also be easily Solved,
&■ appear to be only naturall: In order to which it is to be Noted, that That part of the
Ocean being Scituate within the compass & energie of the Trades Winds; and they, in
those parts more especially, Blowing almost full West, (as appears by M: Hally's &

120 The Earth Generateil luul Aiuihvnizeii

other mapps of the Said Winds;) do, as 'tis naturall, drive the Waters the same way
with themselves; And forasmuch as the Naturall Course of the Tides as appears by
Plate the 3, Figure I. do there Likewise, Set the Same Way with the Said Current: It is
as it were visibly evident, that the force of both these Motions, being thus United
together, must violentlv drive the Wattcrs against the Land: by which it being Stop'd;
It forthwith Setts to the North; (as you may See it cannot do otherwise,) with that
Rapidity as to cause the Phaenomena in the Waters before mentioned: And did not the
Said Winds become calme on the East Side of x4.tM, there would [p. 133] be the like
Phenomena on that Coast, as on the Coast of ^4meriai now described.

The next thing to be noted from Fig: I. and II,"* Plate the third; Is the great
quantity of Water, that meets under the ^Equinoctial Line: Between 170 and 270,
Degrees of Longitude, (to wit) in the South Sea; compared with the parvity thereof
that meets in the opposite part of the Globe; (Viz';) between 20 and 150 Degrees; it
being there prevented by the EURO:AFRI=ASIAN Continent. Now forasmuch as
this inequality in the meeting of the Tydes is Visibly manifest; and Seeing God made
nothing in Vain we will therefore propose what Effect this may have upon the Body of
the Earth: And in the First place it is to be Noted (as in Sect: III.) That Seeing the
Waters are moved at the two Poles of the World, at one and the Same instant and
doubtless, to one and the Same heighth or distance from the Center: That motion,
being Equall, cannot therefore cause the Earth to Ponderate or devolve, either towards
the north, or towards the South: But when those Flouds, shall come and meet each other
under the Equinoctiall line, for at least 5000 miles together, m that great ocean, and not
perhaps the Moiety thereof, on the opposite parts of the Earth, (though it riseth near
the Said Line but 2 or 3 foot in heigth;) yet I say, being for So many thousands of miles
together, it must of necessity bring the Earth out of its j^quilibnty; and thereby cause
it to ponderate, either to the East, or West which being constantly repeated, must
unavoidably give it that naturall diurnall Rotation, that has, especially of late years,
been justly ascribed thereunto: For it is evident, that if a Wheell or Sphere, be equally
poized, and its Superficies equally distanced from its Center, as the Earth was in its
aforesaid fluidity; and if after that, any thing be (tho but intermitingly) added to one
Side thereof and not to the other; yet if that addition, be perpetually repeated, it must
of necesity cause it in like manner, constantly to move round upon its center: And the
same may be understood of the Earth, from the causes before [p. 1 34] mentioned: (And
doubtless if ever the Perpetual motion be found, it must be m imitation thereof.) C)nly
with this difference. That whatsoever Spherical Body, is suspended in y' open j^ther
Unfixed, and therein moved as the Earth is. That primary or centrall Motion, must
unavoidably cause it to Seek a new Center; which being likewise, pepetually repeated.,
must., as Could be easily demonstrated, produce a Secondary, or Orbitall motion;
probably, round the Center or place where it first rested, at the Seperatit)n of the
Chaos before those Orbs were Vivified; as is Shewn in Sect: I, in the preccedent

T]ic Earth Geiieratt'd ami Anatomized: Text I2I

Having Solved Some of the Phsnomena's in the Ocean; and also Shewn that the
Disparity, in the Meeting of the Waters ni the >4-qinnoctiall is the Cause ot the Earths
Rotation; I now come to Explam the Lines P, JE, P, and P, N, P; Wherein it is to be
understood; That forasmuch as the places of the Originall Rising and ultimate Meeting
of y" Tides, are 5400. Miles asunder; it cannot reasonably be supos'd. That the Flouds
made at either of the Poles, do runn from thence directly to the Said Line, without any
Ebbing, in any place, 'till thereunto arrived: I shall therefore, not only Shew, That
they do not So pass; but also propose. How many Several Flouds and Ebbs, may,
according to the Pha?nomena's in the Tydes, be at all times existing between the Said
places, as they pass on in the open Ocean; And to guide us herein we have these two
things that are certainly known.

First, That the Distance from the respective Poles, to the i4^quinoctial, is, as is
Said S400. Miles.

Secondly, That the certain Mmw time, tor one Ebbing, and once Flowing of
the Tydes; is alwayes but 12 Hours and 24 Minuits; (though the difference of
Spring & Neap^Tydes is alwayes more or less as by the Tyde Table in Sect: II,
appeareth.)

Now forasmuch as one halfe of this time is almost in all places ot the World, taken
up for the Floud; and [p. 135] the other half for the Ebb; it will evidently follow, that
when it has flowed 6. Iwurs & 12. minutes; it must, as Experience confirmeth, begin to
ebb again wheresoever it was then full Sea; though perhaps, in that time it has not run
above 6. or 700. miles forward from the place where it was first moved; not in Some
places half So much; Whence 'tis plain, from these known truths, that as the flouds do
pass from the Poles, to the Line; there must unavoidably, be Severall Flowmgs and
ebbings, following each other, at Some certain Distance, before it can Run the 5400.
Miles before Mentioned: Nevertheless tis the first Floud, by pushing forward the
Ocean, that causeth it to flow on, till 'tis Stop'd either by the Waters meeting each
other in the Line, or by the land on the respective Coasts; as in the foregoing Treatice is
more fully Shewn: And therefore Supposing, as it is but reasonable, that at about every
700. miles Distance, there is an Ehh as well as a Floiuh we may justly represent the
Severall Ebbings, & Flowings, as you see them described by the Lines P. JE. P., &
P. N. P, before mentioned; in w':'' yo may conceive the waters in one Latitude, Ebbing
towards P, P; And at the Same time in another Latitude Flowing towards JE, &' N: For
as Soon as it has flow'd the Said 6. hours & 12. Minutes in any Latitude; it thereupon
generally Ebbs, or returns again towards the Poles, or place from whence it came; Or
to speak more properly, to the next place where it is become Low water; So that it it
be full Sea under the Poles, or in any other Latitude, at noon; In about 6 hours and 12
Minutes after, it will be Low water, in all the Same places; as by comparing the hours,
in y'' Said two weaving Lines with any Tide=tables will more fully appear.

122 The Earth Caierah-il atui Aiialomizeii

Now to prove that these things are not groundless Notions nor Speculative
Assertions, but agreeable to Truth & Experience; I have annexed a Compendium of the
Flowing of the Tydes, m the English Channel, in Fig; III, Plate j;""" by which it
appears. That between the Laiids^End and Vshaiit. it is full Sea at 6 of the Clock (e.g.) in
the Morning; But between Flanders and the Dcwtis. (which is but 300 Miles from the
place first mentioned,) 'tis not So, 'till 3 in the Afternoon; the Difference of which
time, being 9 Hours; It must (and Experience testifies the Same,) have been Low=water
at the first place, and the Tyde returning thither again with halfe^Floud, by Such time
as it is full Sea in the Downs: Which fully proves, (p. 1 36] That there must be Several
Ebbings and Flowings, before the flouds can pass from the respective poles to the
Equmoctiall, because ot the great Distances before mentioned; and that the said
Compendium is impartially drawn, I refer to the common Tide=tables; as also to M;
Hally's accurate map of the English chaiTel;"'' where you'll find it undeniably verified.
Another instance to the same purpose, is what mv self observed, when I kept the
foregoing Register (Viz') That in the Lake or Lai^iinc Lying between y' Isle of
Portland, and the town o^Ahhottshiiry:"'- I found it to be full Sea; at the mouth or Inlett
of the said Lake, at Least three hours before it was So, at the other end thereof; As by
the Said Register appeareth; For the full=sea at the Inn=lett is very near the same as at
WcYinoutli. th'o the said Lake is not 7 miles in Length in the Whole. Now the reason of
this great Difference, in So Short a space; is partly owing, to the winding about of the
water, round the said Island: but cheitly to the narrowness of the Inlett; that Leasds into
the Said Lake; It being not above 4. or 5. perches broad. Forasmuch therefore as it
apeareth that the Tides are hastened or retarded in their Course; in Some Proportion
according the narrowness of wideness of their Inlets (For we finde that in the first
Instance, where the mouth ot the Chanel is large, they run about 300 miles in 9 hours
which is above ten times faster than 111 the said Lake.) I therefore reasonably concluded,
that in the wide ocean where its Course is not interupted bv winding about or
otherwise; it might there Flow, 6 or 700 miles in 6 hinirs and 12 nimuts; and ebb as
much in the Same time: Which is the reason that induced me to asigne So manv miles,
tor one ebbing and one flowing in the great ocean. From which Instances, together
with divers other appearances in Nature, we may reasonably conclude, that in all
probability, there is not less than nine or ten Flouds, and as many Ebbs, alwayes
Existing between the respective Poles, and Place of meeting; and accordingly we have
represented the Same, by y' weaving Lines before mentioned; And tho we cannot
pretend fully to demonstrate, their certain number; yet wee can further prove that there
are severall (p. 137] of them So Existing, by what we further Experience, in th English
Chanel before Mentioned, For you See at the Entrance thereof in Fig; III, Plate 3,"'^ 'Tis
full sea at XII a Clock, (e.g.) at Noon; But between Calis, and Dover, (by the coming
up of that Floud, as the Hours between the said places do manifest,) it is ntit So, till XII
at night; Yet at that very XII at night, there is anothei full Sea again, at the said

The Earth Gein-ratfii and Analoini:cd: Text 123

entrance of the channel, which is made by the Floud coming triim the West; and the
Ebb returning from the East: And according to this manner ot Ebbing and Flowmg the
Waters are there, and elsewhere, agitated from one full Sea to another; Whence 'tis
evident. That there is constantly no less than two tflouds existmg, at one and the Same
Instant, in the Said Channel, withni the Space of 500 Miles; and theretore there must be
many more within the distance ot S400 Miles, as was before Asserted.

The next thing intimated h\ the Said Weaving=Lines, is. That the Tydes or Flouds
do loose their Energie; and gradualy dimmish their Heighth, and Swiftness in Runing;
and also the distance in their approaches to each other, according to the distance, as
well in respect of TiHif, as of the Place; when and where they are tirst moved. From
whence we may plainly discover the Cause why the Waters do generally Flow So faint
and inconsiderable, between the Tropicks and near the i^iquinoctial; to what they do
near the Poles, where they are first moved: Which Faintness M: Dampier,"''' and
others, have well observed and entred, in their respective Voyages. For although 'tis
Observed, That where the Tydes of floud do pass through any narrow Streight or
In=lett, to Supply any large Bay or Lagune; the Flouds at Such hi^letts, do comonly
Run very Swift, and rise very high; and also flow longer, than what is usual elsewhere:
Yet nevertheless at the bottome, or further end of Such Bayes, the Motion is in all these
respects quite otherwise: For in Baffins and Hudsons Bayes, m Lat: 70 deg: North;
Where it runs So Swift at [p. 138) the In=lett, as that it riseth 50 Foot parpendicular;
and Flows about 9 Hours, and Ebbs three, (both making the mean time before
mentioned; as it dos likewise at the Port of Weymouth, where 'tis 4 Hours Floud, 4 ho:
Ebb, and the remainder dead Water;) Yet I Say, notwithstanding this great Swiftness,
and rising at the hi=lett, we finde that at the farther end of those Bayes, especially
where it Runs to a great distance, as in the Mediterranean Sea, and other places; the
Motion becomes So faint and Languid, as that it riseth not above one or two foot in
heighth; and in Some places, as in the latter, the motion becomes So Slow, as to be
Scarce discernable: The time in Flowing, and Swiftness in Runing, being also
diminished accordingly. From whence, as also from the Logarithmetical Motion, which I
discovered in the Tydes, mentioned in Sect: III, I was taught to make the Weaving
Lines P, /E, P, and P, N, P; [Decreasing] in heighth, and distance from each Floud; as
they [increased] in distance, from the time, and place; when, and where, they were first
moved: And according to this Weaving forme or Motion, we ought to conceive, all the
Waters in the Ocean generally to Flow, or to be alwayes agitated; as before declared.
And It is further to be observed, That if any of these, though but faint Flouds, do
flow against, or before the Mouth of any, considerable Rivers It will So Stop their
Course as to cause great Risings in Such Rivers though the Waters in the Bays do rise
but very little; As appears by the Flowing 15. Foot at Port Nelson on the S:W: of
Hudsons Bay, (and divers other Rivers), tho' the Flouds are there So faint as before
Observed.

1 24 The Earlh Generated ami A iiatom iieil

And here it must be also remembrcd. That none ot these Occasionall, or particular
great Risings, or Long Ht)wings; Ought to be regarded, or had in competition, with the
true genuine or naturall Motion of the Tides, in the wide Ocean: For although, (even
towards the Equinoctial.) there are almost [p. 139] Such Flowings. at Such In=letts; as
at the Lagune ot Trist in the Bay ot Campeche"'' Lat; 17 deg: North; where it riseth 6 or
7 ffoot: And at S': Michael,""' on the West Side of America Lat: 5 Deg: North; where it
riseth 20 Foot: As also at the Streights between Nova Holaiidia. and the Maliicca Ish-f. Lat
15 Deg: South; where it riseth 30 Foot: Yet I Say, notwith^standing these great Risings,
at the Entrance into Such Bayes, at a Smal distance from them in the wide Ocean,
especially near the Line, it riseth but 2, 3, 4, or 5 Foot; as the Authors before
mentioned, and divers Mariners have observed & Recorded: So that we may be well
assured; That the natural and general Rising ot the Tydes, in the wide Ocean, even
near the places where they are first moved is not more than about 7 or 8 Foot; and so
down to 3 or 4 Foot as they approach the j4:quinoctal Line: as will doubtless more fully
appear it observations be turther made, at Some distance trom Small Islands in the
midst ot the ocean; being the properest places for that purpose.

Nor is the time of full Sea to be truly reckoned, without having respect to the
general! Currant or Setting of the tides as you see them Delineated in the said mapp: For
suppose a S. S. West and N. N. East Moon Should, as is pretended, make Full Sea at
one of the Isles oi Azores; Latitude 40, Deg: No; and alike S. S. West; and N. N. East
Moon, Should also make Full Sea at the Isle S':/lnfc)Hic),'^' in the Lat: 19 degrees North:
Yet you see, by the course or setting ot the Tides, as thev are described in the said
Mapps, That it must be FulUsea at the Isles oi Azores, (If it was full=sea at such moons,)
12 Hours and 24 Minuts; or perhaps 24 ho: 48 before it can be So, [hy that Floud] at the
Isle S': Antonio: And So more or less, in all other places; as you therein See, the nature
of their Flowing will produce them.

I might here proceed to other Phanomena 's, as well relating to the trade=winds, as
to the Marine parts of the Earth (for I tind none, ifgericrall, but what may be accounted
for by the precedent Doctrine:) But I Shall at present only Shew, That the [p. 140]
Waters, by their thus meeting in the Line, do fully confute the Old Notion, of their
being Governed by the Moon.

And herein Let us Suppose, That they are Moved bv the Mt)on's pretended
Attraction.

Then it will appear, from the two first Mapps, That whensoever the Moon comes
into the Sign Cancer, (as She dos once in less than every 8. and twenty days.) That
Quantity or moiety of water, which belongs to the South Hemisphere, to wit, from
the South pole to the Equinoctiall; would be drawn 40. or 50. degrees. Further
Northward; by which means, all the Waters between the South Pole and the
yCqumoctiall would not only be greatly attenuated and diminished in its Debth; but

The F.arth Gi-nennt-d luul AiiiUotnized: Text

125

also at the Same time, the other moiety belonging to our North Hemisphere, to wit,
from the /Etjuinoctiall, to the North pole; would, on the contrary, be as much
accumulated, and increased in height: From whence it would necessarily follow, that
once everv Moneth, whether the moon was at full or change, at hrst or last Quarter; it
would make the Tides 2. or 3. times higher, than when, on the contrary, they were
drawn to the Tropick ot Capricorne; which would be as frequent as the tornier; Near
both which places, it would alternatly remain in that position, tor 6. or 8. days
together. But inasmuch as this Ph;vnomena, nor any thing like it, is ever tound; We
may Justly inter, and Assert, that as there is noe Such Ettects, there can be no Such
Cause; Therefore the moon dos not Attract &c:

Nor is this all the Consequences, that would attend Such a Supposition; For Seeing
the davly Rotation of the Earth as has been Shewn, is caused by the Excess, or
inequallity ot the waters meeting in the yEquinoctiall, compared with the parvity
thereof meeting on the opposite part of the Said Line; It will as naturally follow. That
if they Should, in like manner, be made unequall, bv being, as is [p. 141] Said, drawn
from one Pole towards the other; and made to meet in the Tropicks, as aforesaid,
instead of the i^quinoctiall; they would unavoidably bring the Earth out ot
y4;quilibrity in respect of its Poles and thereby, cause, it, alternatly, to turn from North
to South, and so trom South to North again. The absurdity ot both which
Suppositions, every Moneths Experience, dos visibly testify.
Wherefore the Waters are not drawn
bv the Moon, as aforesaid.

And what is here Said ot its attractions, may be also understood. Mutatis Mutandis,
of its Supp>5sed Pressure.

From both which, observations, being So fully confirmed by Experience, tis
Sufficiently evident. That tho there is, as has been Said, Some Conformity in respect of
[Time] between the Motion of the Moon, and that ot y' Tides; Yet I Say
notwithstanding this; The Moon has no power or Influence to draw or Attract; nor by
pressure, to Repel or drive back, the least drop or part of y' Ocean, in any manner
whatsoever. For although a thousand Clocks, and as many Watches, may in like
manner agree with each other, as is Said, in respect of time: Yet we all know. That
neither of them is the Cause of the others Motion.

For a Conclusion therefore. Seeing it appears by the I, and II, Fig: Plate 3;'"" (Or
at least by the Volumns from whence they were derived,) That the Tydes do Originaly
proceed from the two Poles of the World: And that the mean Time for one Floud, and
one Ebb, jointly taken, is but 12 ho: and 24 Minuts: And Seeing (p. 14.2] also the Tydes
do certainly require a constant Resusitation or lifting up, to continue their Motion of
Ebbing and Flowing: What may we Infer from these and many other appearances in
Nature: (for the very invisible things of God, are manifest, by the things that are made
and do appear,) but that the Waters are at first, by a kinde ot Systolation, and

J 2(3 The Earth Generated and A natomized

Diastolation, gradualy thrust up or put m Motion at and riniiul about the two Poles of
the World, as we have before Asserted.

Secondly, That the Semi=Diameter of the Quantity of Water that is there first
moved, before it begins to Subside again, is Somewhat more than the aforesaid
Distance of its flowing in the Ocean, when it comes under our Latitude (Viz:') above
700 Miles; because it runs faster & farther at the places and times, of its frist Moving
than it does afterwards: Nevertheless the Semidiameter of the Musculous parts of the
Earth that gives Motion thereunto, are not respectively, perhaps one titth or one tenth
of that Measure.

Thirdlv That the time Spent in its fnst Raising up. is not only less than the mean

time of 6 ho: and 12-^'" But also less than 6 ho: and 7"'" Because you may See in

the frist table beforegoing; the Distance in flowing at Spring=tides; is but 2S"'" in 24.
hours which is for two flouds and two Ebbings: and therefore it can be but iine fourth

part thereof (Viz') 6 ho: and 7"'" for the bare flowing or raiseing up of one floud

when it comes on our Coast: and Consequently, it must be less than that |p. 143 1 where
it is frist moved; as the nature of their Flowing dos Demonstrate.

Fourth, that the like time is Spent in its Sinking down again.

Fifthly that this motion is constantly repeated or renewed, at the End of every 29
Ebbings and as many Flowings there being no more in the 1 5 Days that are comonly
reckoned from one Spring^tide to another.

Sixthlv that the time when this Lifting up is first begun, is about 31. Hours before
they begin to lift; (as 'tis rightly called) here; (which the Hours in the first Weaving
Line at our Latitude do plainly intimate;) Namely, When the Moon is about 8. Dayes
&■ \. and 23. Dayes and { Old.

Lastlv, that by and from these two first Flouds, and the Energie thereot; All the
Ebbings and Flowings in y' Oceans, are Constantly agitated and produced, and
thereunto Justly conformed Assimulated and continued.

Finis.

Notes and references

My practice in these notes has been first and foremost to identify proper names, places, and
references to works cited by Hobbs. To some degree the notes contain a commentary on the
more geological aspects of Hobbs's thought. I have thought this worthwhile because discussion
of the crust of the Earth is the central subject of Hobbs's tract, and is the most intellectually
interesting feature of his work. I have not attempted an analytical commentary on Hobbs's
broader astronomical and cosmic speculations.

The recto of the first blank sheet of the MS before the title page carries the following note in
ink

J. Bailey
August iXis

1 bought this MS 111 the borough of Southwark. Shortly after 1 had made the purchase
mention was made of it. The Title quoted partially &:c, in the Times newspaper.

J.B.

Also on this page m ink there is the jotting

Parkinson's Organic Remains of a former world. 3 vols.
Sowerbv's Conchology 4 vols

and m pencil

The Earth Generated

Brilsclhi nearly new, complete & for ready use. Is only to be seen at 93 Long Acre

opposite Bow St Times Sept ig 1S2S

I have not been able to ascertain with certainty the identity of John Bailey. |aines l^arkmson's
Organic remains was published in three volumes between 1X04 and iSii (London). James
Sowerbv's The mineral cotwliology of Great Britain appeared in seven volumes between 1812 and
1846. A Britscha is an open-air carriage.

TITLE PAGE

The five words which constitute the mam title are on a slip of paper pasted over the original
title, which is

'The Generating & Anatomizing the Earth'

I The complete verse — in the King fames version — of Isaiah s: 12 runs: "And the harp, and
the viol, the tabret, and pipe, and wine, are in their feasts: but they regard nut the work of the
Lord, neither consider the operation of his hands'.

The complete verse of Romans i: 20 is: 'For the invisible things of him from the creation of
the world are clearly seen, being understood bv the things that are made, even his eternal
power and Godhead; so that thev are without excuse'.

128 7"'''' Eiirtli (ii'nenitfd tiiiii Aiuttcmis:ed

The complete verse of Wisdom 7: 17 is; 'For he hath given me certain knowledge of the
things that are, namely, to know how the world was made, and the operation of the elements'.

Hohbs seems to have used the King James Bible, but does not alwavs quote completely
accurately.

2 It is worth noting that Hobbs nowhere gives a technical name to the science he is pursuing.

3 It IS unclear which counties. The only ones mentioned bv name are Dorset, Devon and
Cornwall. Hobbs's experience of strata seems to have been chieriv ot sediinentarv rocks, from
which one can assume chieBv a familiarity with the geologv ot the more southeriv and easterly
parts ot the British Isles.

4 Figures i, 3, 4, S, are all missing. They are here conjecturallv reconstructed at the end of this
edition.

5 Hobbs's remark is perceptive, though it is strange that he says he has met it nowhere, since it
is a dictum ot John Woodward, with whose Essay lowards a natural history of the earth (London,
1695) Hobbs was obviously familiar.

6 Note that Hobbs has no technical, generic term tor 'fossils'. He never uses terms such as
'extraneous fossil' or 'formed stones'.

7 Hobbs is here most likely referring to the coastline between Weymouth and Poole. Cf.
ti. M. Davies, The Dorset coast; a geological guide (London, 1935); A. W. Rowe, The ii'hite chalk
of the Dorset coast (London, 1901); W. J. Arkell, The geology of the country around Weymouth,
Swanage, Corfe and Lulworth (Geological Survey Memoir) (London, 1947).

8 Figure 2 is lost, and has been reconstructed.

9 This IS typical ot the homely, popular inet.iphors which Hobbs uses throuijhout. It also
embodies his overall alchemical interest in processes such as termentation and baking.

10 Hobbs here summarizes Genesis i.

11 Note the omission of any mention of Man. The entire tract is remarkable in respect of how
little It discu.sses the history and functions of the Earth in terms of Man.

12 Genesis 2: 4 reads; 'These are the generations of the heavens and of the earth, when they
were created, in the day that the Lord God made the earth and the heavens'.

Hobbs's philosophy of generation fused together two main currents of seventeenth century
scientific thought. On the one hand there was a tradition of analysis of living bodies, which
would include William Harvey's Exercitationes de generatione aninialium (London, 1651); Sir
Kenelm Digby's Two treatises, of bodies (London, 1650, see especially pp. 201-65, 290-302);
N. Highmore, The history oj generation (London, 1651). For commentary on these see Joseph
Needham, A history of embryology (second edition, Cambridge, 1959), pp. 120-39; Philip C.
Ritterbush, Opertures to biology (New Haven and London, 1964); Elizabeth B. (iasking.
Investigations into generation 16U-1S2S (London, 1967, especially pp. 56-65); T. S. Hall, Ideas of
life and matter, vo\. i (Chicago and London, 1970).

At the same time, there was also a tradition ot comprehensive alchemical philosophy,
which interpreted N.ature in terms of proce,sscs such as generation, organization, distillation,
fermentation, corruption and putrefaction. For some guidance to seventeenth century works in

Notes and Releremes 129

tills tr.ulitmn sl-o H. |. T. Dcibhs. 77ic foiimLjlii^tis oj Nni'ton'i alchciny (C.imbridgc, 1975,
especially pp. 44—60 and bibliograph\'); Allen (1. Debus. Tlic Eii(;lish Pimuclsiaiis (London,
lOfi^); Owen Hannawav. Tlir Chcinisn ami llif Word (Baltmiore and London. 1975); Walter
Pagel. rlir m7i(Jiii;i\ and jdiilosophical aspals of I'aii Hchiiom 's scioncc and nicdicino (Supplement to the
Bnllrlin of the history of nu-diiino. no. 1. Baltnnore, 1944).

Here, as elsewhere, it is verv dithcult to grasp how widely Hobbs had read in these
tr.iditions. He occasionallv quotes directly (c.i;. , from Digby and Basil Valentine), but his
overall philosophy is an eclectic amalgam, not directly or tiitally dependent on any one source.
As a former excise ofticer, Hobbs must have had considerable hrst-hand experience of brewing,
distilling and rehning. This might help to account tor his chemical philosophy of the world.

13 This kind of interest in God's creativity is characteristic ot seventeenth century exponents
ot alchemical philosophv such as Robert Fludd and Gabriel Plattes. C(. the works by Debus and
Hannawav cited in the previous note, and Debus's 'Gabriel Plattes and his chemical theory of
the torniatlon ot the earth's crust', Amhix 9 1961: 162-5.

14 in other words, Hobbs was claiming that, as in the tormation ot a toetus all parts generate
and grow simultaneously, so likewise the tormation ot ditierent teatures ot the Earth is a
synchronous process. The "days' of Creation are not successive stages m time, but rather
different aspects ot an organic, synchronic whole, 'a common Coagulation, and General
Graduation".

This IS a radical solution lo the issue ot the order ot the Mosaic days. Not only does it
forestall the problems which arise trom treating the days literally as periods ot t\yentv-four
hours. It also avoids the ditticulties which ensue trom the Biblical order of creation, m which
for instance land and sea are supposed separated before the creation of life, thus making it
obscure for many naturalists to explain how fossils had become embodied in the rocks.

15 Note Hobbs's stress on the fecundity ot Nature. Here as elsewhere Hobbs stressed that it
was N.iture which brought forth creatures, not G<id directly and miraculously. Hobbs
strenuously drtended spontaneous generation. For late seventeenth century debates on the
wihditv ot spontaneous generation see John Farley, 'The spontaneous generation controversy
(1700-1S60): the origin of parasitic worms'. Journal of the history of biology 5 1972: 95-125;
E. Mendelsohn, "Philosophical biology vs experimental biology: spontaneous generation in the
seventeenth century', Actrs dii XII' Congris InlcrnalionaU- d'Hisloirf dcs Sciences I 1968: 201—26;
Edward ]. Foote, 'Harvey: spontaneous generation and the egg'. Annals of scicnci' 25 1969:
139-63; F. |. Cole, Early theories of sexual (generation (Oxford, 1930). For a contemporary
discussion see Matthew Hale, The primitive origination oj mankind (London, 1677, section iii,
ch. iv, 266f).

Hobbs's belief that it was part ot the essential nature of matter to be productive of lite was
contrary to the trend of the mechanical philosophy of his day — which he clearly opposed. Cf.
M. C. Jacob, The Neirtonians and the English revolution i6$g-i720 (Hassocks, Sussex, 1976); R. L.
Colie, Tight and Enlightenment (C'ambridge, 1957).

16 I's.ilm 33: 6. 'By the word of the Lord, were the heavens made; and all the host ot them bv
the bre.ith of his mouth .

I JO The Eiirtli Gciieratfd anJ Aimtomi^ed

17 The passage trom "As to the fact' down to "the Judicious Reader' has been deleted in the
MS. The two undeciphered words do not appear to be 'Thomas Hobbes". Presumably Hobbs
means 'neighbour' both in the sense of geographical vicinity — Thomas Hobbes hailed from
Malmesburv m Wiltshire — and also in the sense ot the similarity of names. William Hobbs's
disclaimer of anv relation with Thomas Hobbes shows the continuing reputation of the latter as
a bogey-man. The deleted passage reflects Hobbs's deep awareness that he was an unknown
provincial scholar.

18 hi his letter to the Roval Society (read nth May 1709), Hobbs admitted his deficiency in
learning in languages, hi the present work he cites a tew Latin tags. There is no conclusive
evidence whether he could read Latin fluently and extensively.

19 From 'know in musick' to 'never played' is deleted.

20 The 47th problem is Pvthagoras's theorem.

21 Hobbs was probably here thinking of Bishop Virgil ot Salzburg (710-84), whose
unorthodox views about the Earth {'quod alius mundus et alii homines sub terra sunt') have often
been construed in this sense. It is not clear exactly what the bishop had in mind. For his views
he was upbraided, but neither deposed nor put to death. C/. G. Sarton, Introduction to the history
of science, vol. i (Baltimore, 1927: 516).

22 For Archimedes's work on water displacement and specific gravity see E. J. Dijksterhuis,
Archimedes (Copenhagen, 1956; 18). The story of Archimedes running through the streets
without his clothes was passed down in Vitruvius's De architectura, book ix.

23 John Napier, 1550—1617, inventor of logarithms.

24 Hobbs seems here to overestimate his own originality 111 matters relating to the strata, in
which the work of Woodward — with which he was familiar — and Steno had certainly paved
the way. This remark may perhaps indicate Hobbs's relative lack of familiarity with scientific
treatises on the Earth already published.

25 William Lillv, 1602—81, was the most famous and prolific astrologer of his day. for whom
see D. Parker, Familiar to all: William Lilly and astrology in the seventeenth century (London, 1975).
It is not clear precisely to which of his treatises Hobbs was here referring. Astrology still had
many supporters amongst naturalists in England in the latter part of the seventeenth century,
such as Hobbs's fellow Dorset man, Joshua Childrey (see the Preface to his Britannia Baconica
(London, 1661)) and John Aubrey {cf. Michael Hunter, Jo/in Auhrey and the realm of learning
(London, 1975: 117—30, 140—6). For attacks on astrology see K. Thomas, Religion and the decline
of magic (London, 1971) and John Redwood, Reason, ridicule and religion (London, 1976; ch. 6).

26 Hobbs's attack on astrologv is consonant with his opposition to all forms of action at a
distance, as being occult and lacking foundation in Nature.

27 'There are as many opinions as there are men.'

28 The words 'Weymouth' and 'William Hobbs', and the '15' ot 171 5 have been scratched
out.

29 This head calls us back to the original title of the work.

Notes and References 131

30 Hdhbs's opinion that Scripture was not tci teach natural philosophy was a more liberal
view than was common amongst such contemporaries as [ohn Woodward and John Keill
(1671-1721).

31 hi his letter to the Royal Society (read iith May 1709) Hohbs specifically stated 'above-
thirty years'.

32 Hobbs cited rather few authors by name. He seems to have had a general knowledge of
currents and natural philosophy in the second half ot the seventeenth century, lacking, perhaps,
a sharp and critical intellect, particularly in his discussions ot the more mathematical sciences.

33 'Fossils' here means rocks or minerals in general.

34 hi suggesting that coal contains no organic remains Hobbs seems to show he was ignorant
of the work ot John Beaumont, whose papers had pointed to the presence of plant fossils in
coal. Cf. 'On rock plants, and their growth', P/ii7. trans R. Soc. Lomi. 9 1676: 724—42; idem, 'A
further account ot some rock plants of Mendip Hills', Phil, trans R. Soc. Land. 13 1683: 276—9.
Hobbs's deep interest in the transformation of sea-bed into solid land was obviously
strengthened bv his actual observations of processes occurring on the Dorset coasts.

35 Hobbs was presumably highly familiar with the Portland quarries, for which see F. H.
Edmunds and R. J. Schatter, 'Portland stone, its geology and properties as a building stone'.
Proceedings of the Geologists Association 43 1932; 225—40: A. M. Wallis, 'The Portland Stone
Quarries', Proceedings of the Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society 12 1891; 187—94;
W. |. Arkell, The geology of the country around Weymouth, Swanage, Corfe and Luhi'orth (London,
1947); J. C. Mansell-Pleydell, 'Geological notes on the Isle of Portland', Proceedings of the Dorset
Natural History and Archaeological Society 6 1884: 58-65; W.J. Arkell, 'The Names of the strata in
the Purbeck and Portland stone quarries'. Proceedings of the Dorset Natural History and
Archaeological Society 66 1944: 158—68. Sir Christopher Wren was highly familiar with the
Portland stone quarries — much of the rebuilding ot London after the Great Fire ot 1666 was
accomplished using Portland stone, which Wren championed. Wren became M.P. for
Melcombe Regis in 1701. It is interesting to speculate whether Hobbs may have met Wren. See
B. Little, Sir Christopher Wren, A historical biography (London, 1975: especially pp. 199-232).

36 Proverbs 8: 24, 25: 'When there were no depths, I was brought forth; when there were no
fountains abounding with water. Before the mountains were settled, before the hills was I
brought forth'.

37 Figure i has been lost, and is here reconstructed.

38 Figure 3 is lost, and is here reconstructed. Hobbs's observation that there is a conformity
between relief and the angle of the strata is one presumably stimulated by the scenery of east
Dorset, and perhaps especially its cliffs.

39 Figure 4 is lost, and is here reconstructed.

40 This passage is a little obscure, perhaps largely because of the loss ot the original diagrams.
Hobbs's main point seems to be that wherever there are hills, there has been elevation; and
elevation entails that at certain points — e.g. , the exposed scarp edges of hills — the strata have
been visibly fractured. He was denying the possibility of what is pictured in Figure 5, i.e., the
line of strata everywhere perfectly following the contours of the countryside.

] j2 The Earth Generated and Anatomized

41 Figure 5 is lost, and is here reconstructed.

42 Figure 2 is lost, and is here reconstructed.

43 In i-'oy Hobbs sent some 'models' to the Royal Society. These included a map of the Isle of
Portland. It is now lost. For the properties of Portland stone see J. Smeaton, A narrative of the
hiiiUing ot and a description of the construction of the Eddystone lighthouse ivith stone (London, 1791).

44 Hobbs recognized that no ordinary deluge of water could conceivably raise marine shells
and deposit them deeply within already existing consolidated strata. Nor could the Biblical
Deluge have had that effect, since it could have no power to soften or dissolve the rocks and
admit the fossils. Hobbs's statement is almost certainly an attack on John Woodward's An essay
towards a natural history of the earth (London. 1695).

45 This is not a commonplace contemporary perception. For example there is no mention of
this device in J. C, The compleat collier (London. T70S). Hobbs's point is however made in
considerable detail in George Sinclair. The hydrostalicks (Edinburgh. 1672: esp. 258—80).

46 The division ot matter into these three principles is an essential part of the Paracelsian
tradition ot chemistrv and alchemy. Cf A. G. Debus. The Ent;lish Paracebians (London, 1965).
For a roughly comparable attempt to integrate an alchemical philosphy of organic creation
harmoniouslv with the Bible cosmogonv see the work oi Thomas Robinson (d. 1719): The
anatomy of the earth (London, 1694), and An essay towards a natural history of Westmorland and
Cumherland (London, 1709).

47 The Bible quotation is from Genesis i: 2: 'And the Spirit of God moved upon the face of
the waters': v. 7: "And God made the tirmament, and divided the waters which were under the
tirmamcnt from the waters which were above the tirmament; and it was so'. For alchemical
interpretations of Genesis, cf. note 46.

48 For the works of the so-called Basil Valentine see the article [suh Valentine) by A. G.
Debus in the Dictionary oj scientific biography 13 1976: 558—60. Basil Valentine's work is a
compendium of sixteenth century and seventeenth century alchemical ideas. Hobbs is quoting
from The last will and testament of Basil Valentine (London, 1670). The quotation is accurate,
except tor minor errors of punctuation, etc. Part of this work is readily accessible in The
Hermetic Museum restored and enlarged, ed. A. E. Waitc, 2 vols (London, 1893 I: 330—45).

49 |ob 10: 10: 'Hast thou not poured me out as milk, and curdled me like cheese'.
The epitome is of course Man.

50 Proverbs 8: 24, 25; here quoted for a second time.

51 The quotation is from Sir Kenelm Digby, 7'»'c) treatises, in the one of udiich the nature of
Bodies; in the other, the nature of mans soule; is looked into, in way of discovery of the immortality of
reasonable souls (London, 1645; 275). The quotation is substantially accurate. Many of Hobbs's
ideas bear a quite close resemblance to Digby 's beliefs about the chemistry of bodies, as set out
in this work. For an account of Digbv's life and work see R. T. Petersson, .S'ir Kenelm Digby, the
ornament of England, i(iOi—i66'i (London, 1956). For interpretation of Digby's experiments, see
Needham, i>/i. cit. (note 12) pp. 124-7, 135-40.

Notes and R eferences 1 3 3

52 I.e. . The u'orks of the Hon. Roherl Boyk, Estj. , Epitomiz W hy Richard Boultoii (3 vols, London,
1699— 1700, I: 73). Hobbs's quotation is substantially accurate.

53 This is certainly a jellyfish, most probably Amelia aurita. The whiter parts are probably the
sex organs. The dilations and contractions are its mode of propulsion. I have not come across
any other usage of the local term 'Bulls'. Hobbs sent a drawing of 'Bulls' to the Royal Society
in 1709. It has been lost.

54 Figure 6 is lost, and is here reconstructed.

55 The Euclid reference can be found in Euclid's Elements oj geometry published by John Leeke
and George Serle (London, 1661), iio thus: 'It in a circle ABC, two right lines AB and CD
divide one another (in the point E), the Rectangle contained under the two parts of the one AE
and EB is equal to the Rectangle conteined under the two parts CE and ED of the other'.

56 For histories of spontaneous generation, see above, note I2.

57 This represents a clear attack on the beliefs of John Woodward as set out in his Essay
towards a natural history of the earth (London, 1695). Woodward's belief that strata were arranged
in order of their specific gravity met almost uniform opposition. It is not clear what Hobbs has
in mind a little lower down when he asserts that beds (if chalk etc. are found under mines or
beds of lead, tin, silver, etc.

58 This IS an important juncture of Hobbs's philosophy of the Earth. Most writers who
accepted the organic analogy of micro- and macrocosm attributed to the Earth, as to other
living bodies, hair, veins, bones, warts, a mouth, an anus, etc. — as in particular did Hobbs's
contemporary Thomas Robinson in his The anatomy oj the earth (London, 1694). Hobbs
perceptively rejected this one-to-one equivalency of physical and physiological attributes. For
Hobbs, the organic analogy served chiefly to guarantee the belief that the Earth's economy was
an integrated system, with each part functional to the sustenance of the whole. Generally on
such analogies see G. L. Davies, The earth in decay (London 1969: ch. i). For Robinson, see F.J,
North, 'The Anatomy of the earth — a seventeenth century cosmology'. Geological magazine 71
1934: .S4I-7-

59 Job, 26: 7: 'the Lord hath stretched out the North over the emptv places, and hanged the
Earth upon Nothing'.

Hobbs's conviction that the Earth was a perfect, self-contained economy — a belief he
carried even to the length of asserting that the Earth's intrinsic heat was far more important
than the Sun's heat in the generation and sustenance of terrestrial life — was unusual for this
period. Far more common was the view either that the Earth was senescent and in decay, or
that it had been in some wav flawed bv the Universal Deluge. Most contemporaries of Hobbs
believed that the Earth would in time fall into an uninhabitable condition. Hobbs on the other
hand stressed the perfect organic adaptation of the Earth, a view which was hardly found till
James Hutton's vision of the Earth as a scene of 'life, death and circulation'.

60 /.('., the great whale or sea monster referred to in Job 41: i; Psalm 74: 14; Psalm 104: 26;
Isaiah, 27; i.

1 34 Notes and References

61 One of Hobbs's rare references to the place of man on the scale of existence and in the
scheme of history. Hobbs was almost silent on human destiny, or on the relation of Man to the
rest of Creation as set out in the Bible.

62 Job 42: 7: 'And it was so, that after the Lord had spoken these words unto Job, the Lord
said to Eliphaz, the Temanite, My wrath is kindled against thee, and against they two friends,
for ye have not spoken to me the thing that is right, as my servant Job hath'.

63 For theories as to how the Earth generates minerals, see F. D. Adams The hirtli and
development of the geological sciences (reprint. New York, 1954: chsiv, v, vi, ix). Hobbs's ideas
here somewhat resemble those of Gabriel Plattes's A discovery of suhtcrranrnll treasure (London,
1639) (for which see A. G. Debus, 'Gabriel Plattes and his chemical theory of the formation of

the earth's crust', Amhix 9 1961: 162-5), and Thomas Robinson, The anatomy of the earth

(London, 1694).

64 For a guide to contemporary lunar theory, see 1. B. Cohen, Isaac !\'eii'ton's "Theory of the
Moon's Motion" icith a biographical historical introduction (Dawson's, Folkestone. 1975).

65 Figure 10 survives.

66 'Magnetic' theories of the pull ot the Moon on the tides were quite common up to the late
part of the seventeenth century, being associated with such writers as William Gilbert, Simon
Steven, Johannes Kepler and Joshua Childrey. For a contemporary survey of theories of the
tides (and an important contribution in its own right) see John Wallis, 'An essay exhibiting the
hypothesis about the flux and reflux of the sea', Phil, trans R. Soc. Land. I 1666; 263-89. For
modern assessments of the range of tidal theories available see M. Deacon, Scientists and the sea
(London, 1971 : 93-1 16), and E. J. Aiton, 'Galileo's theory of the tides'. Annals of science 10 1954;
44—57; and also the article by John D. North on Childrey in the Dictionary of scieniific hio^traphy 3
1971; 248. Childrey lived at Upwey. half a dozen miles from Weymouth; but since he died in
1670 it is unlikely that he knew Hobbs personally, unless Hobbs was very old when he wrote
his treatise. For Childrey s comments on the unusual tides of the Weymouth area see A. R. and
M. B. Hall, eds. The correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, 5 1668—9 (Madison, 1968: 384-6 and (on
tide theory) 455-6).

The Royal Society's Philosophical transactions carried an important debate on tidal theory
during Hobbs's lifetime, as well as publishing tide tables. Newton's theory of the tides was
made most easily available by Halley in 'The true theory of the tides', Phil, trans R. Soc. Land.
19 1697: 445-57. Whether or not Hobbs read such articles actually in the Philosophical
transactions, we do know — from his citation in his 'Essay concerning Motion' — that he had read
the 1705 edition of Halley's Afi.«a'//iiH(Vj mriosa. in which many ot these papers were reprinted.

67 It IS unclear here whether Hobbs was here specifically attacking Newton, or campaigning
generally against all forms of action at a distance envisaged as quasi-astrological.

68 For Halley 's views on the Atmosphere, see the following articles in the P/ii7. trans R. Soc.
Land.: 'An historical account of the trade-winds and monsoons'. 16 1686: 153-6S; idem. 'An
account of the circulatiim of the watery vapours of the sea', 16 1687: 468-73: 'An account of
Dr. R. Hook's invention o( the marine barometer, with its description and uses', 22 1701:
791-4; and see A. Armitage, Edmond Halley (London. 1966: 75-83). See also the informative

Notes and Rtierences

135

article, 'Atmosphere . 111 |ohii Harris's Lexicon toibnicuin. 2. vols (London, 1708—10). Halley's
comput.itions of the height ot the 'sublimations' ot the Earth (4s miles) are to be found in his 'A
discourse of the rule ot the decrease of the hight of the mercury in the barometer', Phil trans R.
Soc. Lond. 16 16S6: 104-16. For a further discussion of Hobbs's use of Halley's ideas on the
atmosphere, see below note 92.

69 For Huygens see A. E. Bell, Chrisiiaaii Hiiyt^cns and tin: dcvolopniont of sctcncc in thf sci'onti'ciilh
century (London, 1947: 161-4), and the article by H. J. M. Bos in the Dictionary of scientific
hiot;raphy. 6 1972: 610. It is almost certain that Hobbs obtained his information about Huygens
b\' re.idmg the English translation of his Cosniolheoros, i.e.. The celestial ti'orlds discover'd (London,
169S:,;/: p. 131 ff").

70 Further evidence that Hohbs saw all forms of action at a distance as instances ot phoney
astrological powers.

71 /.(■. . Saturn, jupiter and Mars.

72 Almanacs carrying tables of tides appeared annually in Hobbs's lifetime. Flamsteed
published a good manv in the Phil, trans.

73 Hobbs's register of the tides is one of the most impressive surviving provincial records of
the ticies of its time, tor by the earlv eighteenth century the enthusiastic wave of tide recording
which had followed on the founding of the Royal Society had abated somewhat (see
M. Deacon, Scientists and the sea (London, 1971; ch. v). It fully justifies Derham's comment to
the Royal Society: 'Particularly I think his Observations of the Tydes may well Deserve the
Cognisance of the Society, he having Observed them strictly for two years, and no doubt will
if desired proceed with Delight m further Observing them if it be thought necessary". The form
in which Hobbs kept his register is standard enough. The gaps in the record might be explained
by prolonged visits which Hobbs had to make on his Excise business. The purpose for which
Hobbs kept the register was to demonstrate empirically that the retardation of the time of high
tide was not by a fixed number of minutes per day after full moon, but rather by a
progressively increasing interval. He sought thereby to show that the intervals of the tides were
not governed by the moon, but were governed by wave motions set up by the pulse of the
'heart' of the Earth every fifteen days, motions that gradually diminished in speed and intensity.
In fact, tide patterns in the part of the English Channel around Weymouth are so complex as to
render any general deductions from Hobbs's record meaningless.

74 /.(■.. the River Wev. For a brief account of the geography of the area see R. Good,
W'eylaiiil: the story of IVeymouth atid its countryside (Dorchester, 194s).

75 In other words, Hobbs reversed the normal causal arrow, and suggested that the rotation of
the Moon was governed by the motion of the tides, not t'ice versa.

76 /.('., Thomas Burnet. Telliiris theoria sacra (London, 16S1 and l6Sg; English translation. 16S4
and 1690).

77 Hobbs was here developing a view of the relation of the Moon to the Earth which depends
ultimately on a Cartesian vortex theory. The theory as set out by Hobbs, however, certainly is
not Descartes's. See E.J. Aiton, The vortex theory of planetary motions (London, 1972).

78 I.e., Kepler's second so-called law.

1 36 The Earth Generated ami Anatomized

79 For contemporary theories ot winds see E. Halley, 'An historical account ot the
trade-winds and monsoons', P/ii7. trans R. Soc. Land. 16 16S6; 153-68; E. G. R. Taylor, The
haven-finding art (London, 1971: 239-40); A. Aimit^gc, Edmcnd HaUey (London, 1966: 83-6),
and C A. Ronan, Edmotid Halley, genius in eclipse (London, 1969: 79-80). Hobbs's notion that
winds are a product of the combination ot the Earth's rotation with terrestrial obstacles is tjuite
similar to Galileo's theory, and distinct from those ot Hooke and Halley, who attributed winds
much more to differentials in density and temperature.

This passage is a good example of the transformation of Hobbs's thought between the time
of the papers submitted to the Roval Society and this present treatise. In the former, his
thoughts on trade winds, etc., were presented as a relatively selt-contained speculation. Here
they have been organized and subordinated within a more comprehensive and digested view of
the relationship of the surface ot the Earth to the Moon and the tides.

80 Hobbs's views on madness once again convey his hostility to all kinds of astrology. For the
following popular superstitions regarding the Moon see J. Brand, (.^seri'ations on popular
antiquities, with the additions of Sir Henry Ellis (new imp., London, 191 3: 657—63); Keith Thomas,
Religion and the decline of magic (London, 1971: 239, 296-7, 333-5, 610, 620, 649); R. Hunter and
I. Macalpine, Three hundred years of psychiatry, i^3S—l86o (London, 1963: 285, 459, 480); and
C. Plinius Secundus, The historie of the world, translated by Philemon Holland (London, 1635, l:
163, 488—9; 44; 2; 397). Such beliets had recently been satirized m Samuel 15utler's Hiidihras.

For a contemporary survey of theories of the cause of menstruation in women secj. Fremd,
Emmenologia (London, 1729; first, Latin, ed., Oxford, 1703: ch. ii, pp. 4-13).

81 For magnetic theories of the tides, see note 66.

82 A reference to the Cartesian theory of the tides, for which see M. Deacon, Scientists and the
sea (London, 1971: 50, 52).

83 Figure 1 1 is lost, and has been reconstructed.

84 For Torricelli's (1608-47) experiment see the article by Mario Gliozzi in the Dictionary of
scientific biography 12 [976: 438.

85 Hooke and Boyle were both involved in experiments ot this kind. Cf. The ivorks of the hon.
Robert Boyle epitomiz'd bv Robert Boulton (London, 1709. 1: 384-5), and E. Mendelsohn, Heat
and life (London 1964: 52-3). It is very likely that Hobbs's source here was J. I^rake, 'A
discourse concerning some influence of respiration on the motion of the heart hitherto
unobserved', which he would have read in Hallev's Miscellanea curiosa (3 vols, London, 1705, I:
173-204, 187-90.)

86 For a contemporary example of a diving bell, see the work ot Halley, especially 'The art ot
living under water: or a discourse concerning the means ot turnishing air at the bottom of the
sea, in any ordinary depths', Phil, trans R. Soc. Lond. 29 1716: 492-9- Hobbs is of course
mistaken in believing that contemporary diving-bells cut oft the pressure ot the atmospheric
column.

87 I have not been able to trace Hobbs's 'Monsiur'. For the development ot the barometer, see
W. E. Knowles Middleton, The history of the barometer (Baltimore, 1964).

Notes and References 137

88 Measuring chains had been standardized in seventeenth century England. The most (amous
was Gunter's chain which was made of hard wire, and was lour poles in length, consisting of a
hundred links. It was used tor surveying. The provision ot a count-wheel device tor a coach to
measure distance travelled has a long history, being traceable back to Vitruvius. See A. W.
Richardson, English land measuritig to iSoo; instruments and practices (Cambridge, Mass., and
London, 1966: 109) and, for a contemporary account, James Moxon and Thomas Tuttell, A
mathematical dictionary (Lond<in, 1700), which is an appendix to Joseph Moxon, Mathematics made
easie (ird ed., London, 1700).

89 /.('., Figure 10.

90 Dr N. may be Dr William Nicholls, D.D. (1664-1712), a prolific theological writer in the
deist disputes of the late seventeenth century, who discusses most of the problems of
contemporary theories ot the earth in his A conference with a Theist, trherein are shewn the
absurdities in the pretended Eternity ot tlie H'orki 2. The Difficuhies in the Mosaick Creation are cleared
3. The Lapse of mankind is defended, against the Objections of Archaeologiae Philosophicae, The oracles of
Reason, etc. (Lond<in, 1696). This work however, docs not contain reterences to rainbows.

It is much more likely, however, that Hobbs intends Sir Isaac Newton, though Hobbs had
called Newton 'Sir Isaac' in his earlier letter to the Royal Society. Newton was never 'Dr'
(Hobbs's usage may be ironic), and it is not clear what Hobbs means in calling Newton a
'reconciling Naturillist'. Hobbs's close association of gravity and the rainbow strongly suggests
Newton (whose Optichs had appeared in 1704). Hobbs cannot have been unaware that his ideas
diftcred markedlv trom those ot Newton, and he may have felt some animus against Newton
on account of his slighting treatment by the Royal Society. Hobbs may well have read 'A letter
of Mr Isaac Newton, Professor of the Mathematicks in the University of Cambridge,
containing his new theory about light and colours' in Halley'sMii(:e//ii«e'(i ctiriosa (London, 1705,
I: 97—1 17), where rainbows are mentioned p. 109.

91 The idea that the changing distance of the Moon from the Earth (as between the apogee
and perigee) signiticantly altered the power ot the tides is largely connected with Joshua
Childrey. Cf M. Deacon Scientists and the sea (London, 1971: 103—4) and Childrey's Syzgiasticon
instauratum (London, 1653) and his Britannia Baconica (London, 1661: 96— X). Newton elaborated
the idea (Deacon note 109). Notwithstanding Hobbs's ignorance and misapprehensions about
the philosophy of the tides, he is of course justified in pointing out that the harmonies of the
tides in any particular location in fact bear little close and immediate relation to the phases of
the moon. For contemporary lunar theory see E. G. Forbes, Greenii'ich Ohsematory , 3 vols
(London, 1975), vol. 1, Origins and early history, 1675-1835; and idem, ed.. The Gresliam Lectures
of John Flamsteed (London, 1975).

92 Figure 12 survives. For an experiment which may have suggested Hobbs's feather
experiment see Sir Kenelm Digby, Two treatises (London, 1645 ch. viii, 74—6). The suppositions
in the tollowing paragraphs concerning atmospheric pressure and the density of the aether arc
somewhat arbitrary and difticult to follow. Many ot the data on which they depend are to be
found in E. Halley, 'A discourse ot the rule ot the decrease of the hight ot the mercury in the
barometer', Phil, trans R. Soc. Lond. 16 1686: 104-16. Hobbs seeks to use Halley's work to
support his claim that air pressure would be utterly teeble at the edge of the atmosphere. His

J . j( Tin- Earth Gencnited ciiul Aiuuomi^cd

argument is that water is 840 times denser than the air at the surtace ot the earth. A column of
this air 45 miles high would contain 840 X 6700 gallons; so the air at 45 miles high is 6700 times
less dense than water. But water is incompressible, whereas air is very compressible, and aether
must be even less dense than air. Hence the air at 45 miles is very feeble indeed.

93 Figure 1 1 survives.

94 Sec note 91.

95 Figure 9 has survived.

96 The seventeenth centurv saw, of course, a massive debate on the place of the heart in the
organism. Cf. for example W. Pagel, William Harvey's biological ideas (Basel, 1967);
G. Whittcridge, William Han'ey am) the cirailalicn of the hlooJ (London, 1971); E. Mendelsohn,
Heat and life (London, 1964), and for a fundamental discussion of seventeenth century theories
of life and generation which serves as a background to this entire section, H. B. Adelmann.
Marcello Malpigbi and the evolution of embryology (5 vols, Ithaca, 1966: especially vol, 11,
pp. 7.S2-81).

97 The orbis minor is a sea urchin probably Echinus esciikntis. Note how the very name echoes
the macrocosm 'microcosm analogies which are central to Hobbs's thought. For a contem-
porary account see N. Grew, Musacum Regalis Socielalis (London, 16H1: 106-7). Hobbs's
description is clear and accurate. It is surprising, however, that it should live several days out of
water.

98 Figure 8 is lost and has been reconstructed.

99 The shallowness of the Enghsh Channel was well-known from soundings and would have
been elementarv knowledge to one living in a harbour town such as Weymouth. Hobbs uses
this information to argue for the general shallowness of the sea, taken as a fraction of the radius
of the Earth. He wishes to establish that the Earth has a thin crust, to demonstrate that the crust
around the poles is Hexible and 'muscular' rather than rigid.

For admirable discussions of contemporary knowledge of the depth of the English Channel
sec A. H. 'W. Robinson, Marine cartography in Britain: A history of the sea chart to 1 5.5.5 (Leicester,
1962: especially pp. 28-31); and Norman J. "W. Thrower, 'Edmond Halley and thematic
geo-cartographv' in N.J. "W. Thrower and C.J. Glacken, The terraqueous globe (Los Angeles,
1969). Thrower points out how liberally Halley sprinkled his 1702 'Chart of the tides in the
Channeir (reproduced m this edition) with fathom markings.

100 Hobbs's speculations as to the internal composition of the Earth are distinctive, but
speculations on that subject were commonplace. For Halley's, see "An account of the cause of
the change of the variation of the magnetic needle; with an hypothesis ot the structure ot the
internal parts of the earth', Phil, trans R. Soc. Lond. 16 1691: 563-78. and A. Armitage, Edmond
Halley (London, 1966: 72-4).

101 Figure 8 has been lost and reconstructed.

102 Genesis 1: 20, 21, 22:

'Let the waters bring forth abundantlv fish, fowls, the moving creature that hath lite, and
fowl that may tlv above the earth in the open firm.inent <.->i heaven. And God created great

Notes ami Rejereitces 139

whales, and everv living creature that moveth which the waters brought forth abundantly after
their kind and evcrv winged tow! after his kind and God saw that it was good.

And God blessed them, saying. Be fruitful and multiply and fill the waters in the seas, and
let fowl multiply in the earth'.

103 Figures i and S have been lost and reconstructed.

104 Figures i, 2, and 3 have been lost and reconstructed.

105 Figure 2 has been lost and reconstructed.

106 Figure 7 has been lost and reconstructed.

107 Hobbs's theory of the origin of strata on the sea bed as a result of natural processes bears
some relation to Hooke's theory as set out in his Posthumous works (ed. R. Waller, London,
1705).

108 The Royal Exchange was built of Portland Stone. See T. F. Reddaway, The rehuiUin^ of
London after the Great Fire (London, 1951: 124-7, 266—77). It was designed by Edward Jarman,
built 1667-9, ind destroyed by fire in 1838. It is possible that Hobbs took particular notice of
the Exchange while visiting the adjacent Gresham College.

109 Cf. the map of Weymouth and district which I have appended. Hobbs's remark about the
pebbles formed from lumps of clay fallen from the cliffs is observant and accurate. The clay in
question is very probably Oxford Clay.

no Whitenore Fort most likely refers to the Nothe Fort, or The Knoll, or North Point, at the
end of Weymouth Harbour, where fortifications had existed at least since Elizabethan times. It
is unlikely that Hobbs is referring to the White Nose, or White Nothe, which is a head almost
equidistant between Weymouth and Lulworth, and hence about seven miles away from
Weymouth.

111 Genesis i; 9: 'And God said Let the waters under the heaven be gathered together into
one place, and let the drv land appear, and it was so'.

2 Peter 3:5; 'For this they willinglv are ignorant of, that by the word of God the heavens
were of old, and the earth standing out of the water and in the water'.

112 A reference to Purbeck Marble.

113 2 Peter 3: s quoted once more.

114 For contemporary debates on spontaneous generation see note 12.

115 Genesis i; 24.

116 About here there is a marginal note in a later hand: 'Stowes Annals'. The reference is to
John Stow, Annates of England (London, 1592), probably referring to p. 1219. For the late
seventeenth century debate on spontaneous generation, sec note 12.

117 Many writers who asserted spontaneous generation believed that the Earth was more
fertile for bringing forth creatures in its earlier days, and that the first species were larger
than current ones. Similar beliefs are present throughout Buff on 's Histoirc tiaturelle (Paris,

1 749- 1 804).

140 The Earth Generated and Anatomized

118 The worthy is almost certainly Wilham Harvey, who has a passage similar to this at

the end of Exercise 3 of his Exercitationes de generatione animalium (London, 165 1). For
explication f/! K. D. Keele, William Harvey, the man, the physician and the scientist (London, 1965;
I92f). It is very likely that Hobbs obtained much ot his knowledge about contemporarv
generation theory from Dr George Garden 'A discourse concerning the modern theory of
generation' which he would have read in Halley's Afca-//.iHf.j airiosa (London, 1705, l; 142-54).

119 Hans in Kclder: Dutch for 'Jack in the cellar', i.e.. colloquial tor an unborn child. Hobbs
is of course utterly opposed to preformationism. His discussion of doctrines ot generation seems
to echo Dr G. Garden, 'A discourse concerning the modern theory of generation', reprinted in
Ha.\\ey'% Miscellanea curiosa (London, 1705, l: 142-54).

120 Cf. P. C. Ritterbush, Opertiires to hiology (New Haven and London, 1964: 88—99). 3nd
N. E. Nordenskiiild, The history of hiology (New York, 1929: 197).

121 Lettas: not identified. For the debate about the nutrition of plants and spontaneous
generation see J. Woodward, 'Some thoughts and experiments concerning vegetation', which
Hobbs would have read in Hallcy's Afet'/ZiiHca airiosa (London, 1705, I: 205—44).

122 Hobbs had evidentlv not seen the letter on this subject to William Cole printed at the end
ot Robert Hooke's Lampas, or description of some mechanical improvements of lamps and waterpoises
(London, 1677). Cole's letter was entitled 'An observation about the seed of moss'. His
reference to ferns is pp. 47—48.

123 Figures i and 8 are missing and have been reconstructed.

124 One of many indications that Hobbs does not accept the short time-scale entailed by a
literal reading of the Bible.

125 An obvious attack on Thomas Burnet's Telhiris theoria sacra (London, 1681 and 1689:
English translation, 1684 and 1690). For the problem of the function of mountains in the system
of nature as understood in the late seventeenth century see G. L. Davies, The earth in decay
(London. 1969: chs i and ii); M. H. Nicolson. Mountain gloom and mountain ^lory (Ithaca, New
York, 1959: chs i-iii). Yi-fu Tuan, The hydrologic cych- and the wi.dom of (jod (Toronto, 1968).

126 For the great comet of 1680, see C. A. Ronan, Edmond Halley: genius in eclipse (London,
1969; 59f.). For Halley's views of comets as possible agents of geological destruction, see E. F.
MacPike, The correspondence and papers of Edmond Halley (London, 1932: 234), and for
W. Whiston's similar ideas, see his New theory of the earth (London, 1696).

127 Malachi 4: i: 'For behold, the day cometh, that shall burn as an oven'.

128 For contemporary debate about the likely end of the earth see E. L. Tuveson, .Millennium
and Utopia (Berkeley, 1949).

129 Note again the implication of a high time scale.

130 For contemporarv debate on the problem of the origins of rivers see A. K. Biswas. History
of hydrology (Amsterdam, 1972); G. L. Davies, The earth in decay (London, 1969: chs i— ii; and for
a contemporary account see above all R. Plot's De origine fontium (Oxford, 1685).

131 For contemporary debate on the problem of the age of the Earth see S. E. Toulmm and
J. Goodfield. The discovery of time (Harmondsworth, 1967: chs iii and iv); H. Meyer, The age of

Notes and References 1 4 1

the world (Allcntown, Pa, 195 1); F. Haber, The age of the world: Moses to Darwin (Baltimore,
1959; chs i-iii).

132 2 Peter 3: S.

133 Genesis r. 16: 'And Gcxl made the two great lights; the greater light to rule the day, and
the lesser light to rule the night; he made the stars also'.

134 Hooke had employed similar arguments from fossils to press for a high antiquity for the
Earth. See his Posthumous u'orhs (ed. R. Waller, London, 1705).

135 Figure 3 is missing and has been reconstructed.

136 Shaston is Shaftesbury. In fact the trees were presumably not petrified, but rather dated
from historical times. For although fragments of lignite would be found in the Kinimeridge
Clay near Shaftesbury (which is often carbonaceous), trunks of trees of the size quoted by
Hobbs would not be found in the rock beds themselves. Joshua Childrey and John Aubrey had
visited in 166S a hill near Shaftesbury which contained plenty of Cocklestones. See A. R. and
M. B. Hall, eds, Tlie correspondence of Henry OUenhiirg (Madison, 1968, 5: 456).

137 It IS not clear whether Hobbs had visited the repository of Gresham College {i.e., the
Royal Society), or had merely seen Nehemiah Grew's Mnsaeutn Regalis ■'^ocietatis (London,
1A81) where petrified wood is mentioned on pp. 265-74.

138 For background to the problem of the Deluge, see D. C. Allen, 'The legend of Noah',
University of lUinois studies in language and literature 33 1949. Hobbs's almost total dismissal of
discussion of the Deluge is most unusual for its time.

139 Robert Plot's discussion of Fairy Rings is in his Natural history of Stafford-shire (Oxford,
1686: 9-20). John Aubrey's Natural history of Wiltshire (ed. J. Britton, London, 1857: 37)
contains a similar discussion.

140 The chief theorist of the view that all rocks were dissolved at the Deluge was John
Woodward in his An essay towards a natural history of the earth (London, 1695).

141 Genesis 8; 4: 'And the Ark rested in the seventh month on the seventeenth day of the
month, upon the mountains of Ararat'.

142 This is a slightly surprising statement, for till now Hobbs has expressly been confining
himself to what is naturally possible. Now he seems also to rule out the possibility that the
Deluge could ever miraculously have had the effects which Woodward and others supposed.

143 Psalm 14: 1. 'The fool hath said in his heart. There is no God. They are corrupt, they have
done abominable works, there is none that doeth good'.

144 For the extensive contemporary argument over the supposed rise of 'atheism' cf. R. L.
Colie, Light and Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1957); M. C.Jacob, The Newtonians and the English
Revolution, 16^0—17,^0 (Hassocks, Sussex, 1976); J. Redwood, Reason, ridicide and rc/iijii'K
(London, 1976).

145 For discussion of the possible date of composition of the Postcript, see p.31.

146 A very large number of maritime manuals were produced in Dutch with the title De
l.ichtende Colomne ofte Zee-Sjdegel throughout the seventeenth century. The tirst 1 have been

14^ Thf Earth Generated and Anjtomi::eJ

able to trace in England (The hghtiiinf; colomne or sea-mirrcur) was prnited in 1654 at Amsterdam
(there is a copy at the National Maritime Museum at Greenwich: I am particularly grateful to
Miss Margaret Deacon for her help in locating and describing this). Thereafter Li^htiiin^
cohimns appeared regularly in English, every few years, and it is perhaps surprisuig that Hobbs
had not seen one earlier. For a listing ot English Lit^htnim; whimns see the detmitive work of
I. C. Koeman, Atlantes neerlamlici (Amsterdam. 1970, 4; xxv-xxxviii). Koeman has not been
able to trace, however, a copv survivnig ot the 1701 edition. The title page of a 1692 edition is
eloquent of the contents:

The / Lightning Columne, / or / Sea-Mirrour, / contaignmg the / Sea Coasts of the
Northern and Eastern / Navigation: Setting forth in divers nccessairc Sea-Cards, all
the Ports, / rivers, haves, roads, depths and sands, very curiously placed on its / due
Polus height furnished. With the discoveris of the chief countries / and on what cours
and distance they lay one from another. Never / theretofore so clearly laid open, and
here and there very diligently / bettered and augmented for the use of all seamen. / As
alsoo the / situation of the northernlv countries, as islands, the Strate Davids, the isle of
Jan Maven, Bears Island, / old Greenland, Spitsbergen and Nova Zembla: adorneth
with many sea-cards and discoveries. / Where unto is added a brief instruction ot the
art of navigation, together with / new tables of the suns declination, with an new
almanach. / Gathered out of the experience and practice of divers pilots and lovers of
the famous art of navigation. / At Amsterdam, Printed bv Casparus Loots-man,
Bookseller in the Loots-man, upon the Water. Anno 1692. With Privilege tor Fiftheen
Jears. (see Koeman 4: 254).
For a good discussion of the evolution of the sea atlas see A. H. W. Robinson, Marine
cartography in Britain (Leicester, 1962: ch. ii).

147 Hobbs's map ot the world is, unfortunately, lost, and his descriptions ot it hardly enable
one to make a hvpothetical reconstruction. Presumably it looked something like a hvbrid
between Halley's map of the trade-wmds and his 'Chart of the tides in the Channel". For the
later development of the attempt to plot the times of tides across the globe, and to understand
their regularities and laws, cf. W. Whewell, Essay towards a first approximation to a map of cotidal
lines (London, 1S33) — see pp. 226—7 for the irregularities of the tides at Wevmouth.

148 Herman Moll (d. 1732) was a Dutch geographer, working mainlv m Britain, who
engraved maps for a large number of early eighteenth century geographical works, abiive all
The compkat geographer, 3rd ed. (London, 1709), and A riew of the Coasts, Countries and Islands
within the limits ot the South Sea Company (London, 1711).

149 John Seller was the author ot several works dealing with the coastal geography of Hritain,
above all the Atlas maritimus (London, 1675) and The coasting pilot (London, 1673). See
A. H. W. Robinson, Marine cartography in England (Leicester, 1962: 38-42 and Appendix J).

150 John Thornton was a geographical and navigational author. His works include the Atlas
maritimus norus (London, 1 708); and A correct table of the latitude and longitude of the most noteable
capes (London, 1706).

Notes ami References I43

151 William Dampicr (1652-1715), bucancer, pirate, navy captain and circumnavigator, and
the most popular writer ot naval voyages of his age; author in particular of A new voyai^e round
the world (London, iftgy).

152 Woodes Rogers (d. 1732), sea captain and governor ot the Bahamas. Author above all of
A cruising voyitge iiround the irorld (London, 1712).

153 This IS of course not true: the motions ot the tides are intmitely more complex, and still
today hardly understood.

154 See Captain William Dampier, I'oyages and descriptions in three parts. Pt. lii. A discourse of
trade winds, breezes, storms, seasons of the year, tides and currents of the Torrid Zone throughout the
world; with an account of Natal in Africk, its products, negro's etc. (London, 1699: gotf.).

155 lhi'^■

156 Hallev's 'maps' referred to here would be his 'Chart of the tides in the Channell'
(London, 1702); 'An historical account of the trade winds and monsoons', Phil, trans R. Soc.
Lond. 16 1686: IS3-68; his 'Isogonic Map of the Atlantic' (London, 1701); his 'Isogonic Map of
the World' (London, 1702). There is an excellent discussion of the theoretical importance of
Halley's maps in Norman J. W. Thrower, 'Edmond Halley and thematic geo-cartographv', m
N. J. W. Thrower and C. Glacken, The terraqueous globe (Los Angeles, 1969), which also
contains an admirable bibluigraphy on Halley. Halley's chart of the English channel is
reproduced and discussed in Derek Howse and Michael Sanderson, Tlie sea chart (Newton
Abbot, 1972; 80-1).

157 Figure IIL Plate 3, is lost, and 1 have not telt confident to reconstruct it.

158 Figures I and IL Plate 3, are lost and I have not been able to reconstruct them.

159 This is necessarilv rather obscure in the absence ot Hobbs's maps.

160 See note 157.

161 See note is6.

162 The tides around Weymouth are notoriciusly complex, partly due to Chesil Bank.

163 See note i,S7.

164 See note 154.

165 hi the Gulf of Mexico.

166 San Miguel m the Gulf ot Panama.

167 In the Cape Verde Islands.

168 See notes 157 and 158.

144

The Earth Generattil iim/ Aiialomiifd

D CLAY ^ (&)^

E STONE

^ ® <& @)

FIGURE I Mentioned in Hobbs's manuscript on page i (in this edition: page 39), 15 (48)
16 (49), 91 (97). and III (107).

The original diagram is lost and has here been reconstructed. It does not seem to refer to
any specific location. Its chief aim is to demonstrate that strata are found parallel to each other
and generally parallel to the horizon. In connection with this diagram. Hobbs mentions
(MS 91; this edition. 97) that fossils of 'Oysters, Wrincles, Cockles Sic' are found within the
strata.

Figures

145

420, or

'several hundred
feef

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F

C3 © 45> (S2o

Sea Level

FIGURE 2 Mentioned in Hobbs's Manuicnpt on pages 2 (this edition: 39). 16 {49), 17 (50),
91 (97). and 93 (97).

The diagram is lost and has been reconstructed. Hobbs is expressly relerring to the cliff
scenery of the Isle ot Portland, 'soe many hundred leet higher than the Ocean', his most precise
estimate being 420'. Hobbs notes that the strata to which he is referring extend downwards
from the surface for between 60' and 100'. He is clearly describing Portland stone, and points
out that it is highly fossiliferous. It is underlain by Portland sand and Kimraeridge clay, neither
of which is well exposed — partly because rubble from the quarries was doubtless obscuring the
lower strata. Landslips caused by the failure of the lower soft beds, thereby bringing down
blocks of Portland stone, were also significant in this effect. The barren bed F.F.F. might refer
to a number of beds within the Portland stone such as the Whit bed (7-15' thick) which is a
limestone largely composed of tiny shell fragments that might have escaped notice.
Identification of the bed F.F.F. as the Whit bed is not certain, and there are other possibilities,
though the Whit is considered an excellent freestone and Hobbs would probably have had
many opportunities for observing it.

At the depth of 60—100' which Hobbs mentions, he is undoubtedly referring mostly to the
Portland stone, but as the Purbeck beds overlie the Portland stone on the Hill, there is little
doubt that Hobbs included them in his estimate.

146

Till- Earth Generated ami Aiialomized

FIGURE 3 Mentioned in Hobbs's Manuscript on pages i (39), 15 (48), 16 (49), 17 (50),
18 (50), 91 (97), 119(112).

This diagram is lost and has been reconstructed. It is designed to show that strata are
generally found parallel to each other, and in hilly country parallel to the line of the hills.
Hobbs notes how strata run unbroken, at an angle of perhaps 20 or 40° along one side of the hill
(i.e., dip slope) but are broken off sharply along the other side {i.e. scarp face). He notes how
materials (including trees) become detached from near the top of the scarp face and tumble
down to form mounds of rubbish.

Presumably this diagram illustrates his discussion on p. 120 (112) of finding tree trunks
having tumbled down from a high hill near Shaston (= Shaftesbury). In the Shaftesbury area
there arc several beds which Hobbs might have had in mind when referring to his hill. The
detachment of bed A suggests that it was a competent (geological speaking) bed such as
limestone underlain bv a softer sand or clay. There seems to be no definite way of discovering
which hill and strata Hobbs had in mind.

In his discussion of how a knowledge of the geometry of stratification can help discovery
of mines, etc., Hobbs argues that if a seam is found at 2B, 130' down from G, one can predict
that the same seam will be found at Bi, three or four feet down from B (by which he
presumably means under the top-soil).

Figures

147

FIGURE 4 Mentioned in Hobbs's manuscript on pages i (39), 16 (49), 93 (9S). This diagram
has been lost and is here reconstructed.

Hobbs uses this diagram to illustrate his contention that strata are basically found parallel
to each other and to the horizon, and that this can be the case even with land considerably
elevated above sea level. I assume that he particularly has in mind the topography of cliffs.
Hobbs does not make it clear what relation he imagines the elevated land to bear to the
surrounding terrain. Whether Hobbs considered that the elevated portion achieved its position
by the action ot faults or the removal of surrounding rocks is uncertain.

148

The Earth Generated ami Anatomized

FIGURE i Mentioned in Hobbs\ manuscript on page 16 (49). This diagram has been lost and
is here reconstructed.

In It Hobbs embodies his denial that m hillv country the strata ever run completely parallel
to the three-dimensional topography. He argues that the structure of hills is always as found in
diagrams 3 and 4. This serves to illustrate his conviction that hills have been created by
elevation from below, rather than by any kind of precipitation from above. Elevation from
below, Hobbs believes, must necessarily result in upland areas possessing at least one jagged end
and broken face (as in a cliff).

Hobbs's denial of this possibility shows that he had lui real awareness i)t the anticlines of
Dorset.

Figures

149

FIGURE 6 Mentioned in Hobbs's manuscript on page 25 (ss). This diagram has been lost and
is here reconstructed.

It illustrates Euclid h. 3, pro. 35. For explanation see footnote 55.

FIGURE 7 Mentioned in Hobbs's manuscript on pages 16 (49) and 92 (97). This diagram is
lost and has been reconstructed.

It is intended bv Hobbs to demonstrate an impossibilit\' 111 Nature — i.e., the strata found m
no order whatever. It is not clear whether Hobbs had in mind a situation in which small
particles of different rock types would be accumulated chaotically, or whether he was thinking
of small wedges ot strata abutting against each other at random angles. His aim is to show that
strata are not the product ot any kind ot chemical precipitation, or the remains ot the Deluge,
or the remnant of some other disordering force in Nature, but rather have been gradually
formed on the sea-bed, and subsequently regularlv and gentlv uplifted.

IjO

The Earth Generatfii ami Anatomized

Crest to crest of wave:
6-700 miles

5400
miles

FIGURE 8 ML'titioncd in Hobbs's manuscript on pages i (39), Si (91). 85 (92), gi (97),
1 1 1 (107). This diagram has been lost and is here reconstructed.

In his text Hobbs reters both to a Figure 8 and to a Figure VIII. I have assumed tli.it he had
in mind the same diagram, and have here combined the information which relates to both of
them. Hobbs is chiefly concerned in this figure to demonstrate two points:

[a) that the shell, or crust, of the globe is very thin indeed as a traction ol the diameter of the
globe itself. His estimate is the — reasonably accurate — one often or twelve miles, which, as he
says, can only properly be represented on his diagram by the thickness of the stroke of a pen.
He is concerned to show that strata within this shell are horizontal. He infers the thinness of the
shell from the shallowness of the sea in the English Channel, and bv analogv with the orhh
minor.

(/)) that at the two poles of the globe are to be touiid niusculous, cordious areas, whose pulse
creates the motion of the tides.

On pages 134-8 of the manuscript (in this edition, pages 120-123) Hobbs discusses the
wave motion by which this pulse of the tides is communicated from the poles to the equator
(being conveyed some 600—700 miles per tide, and diminishing towards the equator). He seems
to have illustrated this bv his map, which I have not endeavoured to reconstruct. I have
however inserted an indication of such a wave motion emanating from the poles as an
indication of what Hobbs mav have had m mind.

151

PLATES

Please note that Plate I is a facsimile ot Hobb's Title Page and is to be found on page
36 opposite the transcription.

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PLATE V 'A New and Correct Chart of the Ch.innel between England and France with
considerable Iniprcwements not extant ni any Draughts hitherto publish d, shewing the Sands,
Shaols, depths of Water and Anchorage, with y' flowing ot the Tydes, and setting of the
Current as ohserv'd by the learned D' Halley. sold by Mount and Page on Tower Hill' [ 1702].

Halley's Chart of the Channel was undoubtedly much used by Hobbs, tor it recorded both
the times ot the tides, and also the depths of the Channel. The legend reads:

In this Channell Draught, the smaller Figures are the Depth in Fathoms, The Litteral
or Roman Figures shew y'^^ Hour of High-Water, or rather y" End of the Stream that
setts to y*^^ Eastward on y*^ Day of y"' New and Full Moon. Add therefore y' time of the
Moons Southing or Northing to y^ Number found near y^ place where yo' Ship is, &:
y' Sum shall show you how long y' Tide will run to y^ Eastward. But if it be more
than 12 subtract 12 therefrom. The Direction ot y^ Darts shew upon what Point of y'
Compass y^ Strength of y' Tide sets = All Masters of Ships, and others, who shall have
opportunity to observe y' Depths, with Certainty m respect of y' Place, are desired to
communicate them to v' Publisher hereof.

156

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Bulletin of the British Museum
(Natural History)

The Journal of Peter Good

Gardener on Matthew Flinders Voyage
to Terra Australis 1801-03

Phyllis I. Edwards (Editor)

Historical series Vol 9 30 July 1981

The- Bulletin of the British Museum [Natural HislcrY) . instituted in 1949. is issued in four
scientific series. Botany, Entomology. Geology (incorporating Mineralogy) and Zoology, and
an Historical series.

Papers in the Bulletin are primarily the results of research carried out on the unique and
ever-growing collections of the Museum, both by the scientific statt ot the Museum and by
specialists trom elsewhere who make use of the Museum's resources. Many of the papers are
works of reference that will remain indispensable for years to come.

Parts are published at irregular intervals as they become ready, each is complete in itself.
available separatelv. and individually priced. Volumes contain about 300 pages and several
volumes mav appear within a calendar year. Subscriptions may be placed for one or more of
the series on either an Annual or Per Volume basis. Prices vary according to the contents of
the individual parts. Orders and enquiries should be sent to:

Publications Sales.

British Museum (Natural History)
Cromwell Road.
London SW7 .sBD,
England.

c

WorU List abbreviation: Bull. Br. Mus. nat. Hist. (hist. Ser.

© Trustees of the British Museum (Natural History), 198 1

ISSN 0068-2306

British Museum (Natural History)

Cromwell Road Historical scries

London SW75BD Vol 9: 1-2 13 (Complete)

Issued 30 July igSi

The Journal of Peter Good

Gardener on Matthew Flinders Voyage
to Terra Aus traits 1801-0 J

Edited with an introduction by

Phyllis I. Edwards

Britisli Museum

(Natural History)

Cromwell Road, London SW7 8BD

Bulletin of The British Museum (Natural History)

Historical series Volume 9 (Complete)

London 1981

© Trustee of the British Museum (Natural History), 1981
ISSN 0068-2306

Published bv British Museum (Natural History)
Cromwell Road, London SW7 5BD

Bull. Br. Mm. Nat. Hut. (hist. Ser.) 9: 1-213 (Complete) Issued :•(() Jidv 198 1
Printed in Great Britain by Spottiswoode Ballantvne Ltd., Colchester and London

Contents

Foreword ........... 5

InirocliKtion .......... 7

Textual iiurodiK'tion ........ 31

Transcript ol main journal 33

Cliriinoliig\' .......... 123

Notes 127

Fatsiniilc ot variani ](iiirnal ....... 133

Facsimile of seed lists ........ 143

Facsimile ol records oi the leceipl ol seed at the Royal

Gardens, Kew 197

Rclciciu cs cuul Bil)li()t;rapliv ....... 207

Index 209

Foreword

The Peter Good Journal came into the possession of tlie British Museum with the
manuscripts of Robert Brown (1773-1858), first Keeper of the Department of
Botany (initially named the Banksian Department). It was transferred, in 1881, to
the newly established British Museum (Natural History) at South Kensington.
Associated with ihe Journal are copies of the seed lists Good sent to Sir Joseph
Banks (1743-1820) and a slightly different version of part oi hhjournal. Although
the Good Journal is mentioned by J. Britten and G. S. Boulger in their A
biographical index of deceased British and Irish botanists (2nd ed., 1931), I have found
no other reference to it. From reading only a few pages of the Good Journal it is
evident that it is of both scientific and historical importance and a valuable
supplement to Matthew Flinders own published account A Voyage to Terra Australis.
1814.

I wish to thank the National Trust of Australia for allowing me to use a
photogiaph ol their portrait of Matthew Flinders; R. T. Sexton to use his artist's
impiession of H.M.S. Investigator; H. K. Austin to reproduce two official plans of
the ship and P. S. Green, Keeper of the Herbarium, to reproduce the records at
the Royal Gardens (Royal Botanic Gardens), Kew and the Society for the
Bibliography ol Natural Histoid to reproduce the map. I wish to acknowledge the
valuable assistance of J. Mahoney, Department of Geology and Geophysics,
University of Sydney; Dr R. W.Johnson, Director, R. Henderson and N. Byrnes,
Queensland Herbarium, Indooroopilly, Brisbane; K. N. Kenneally, Western
Australian Herbarium, Perth; Dr J. H. Calaby, Department of Wildlife Studies,
C.S.I.R.O., Canberra; J. Laycock, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Research,
Canberra; J. R. Rourke, National Botanic Gardens of S. Africa, Cape Town; M.
Deacon and C. Terrell, National Maritime Museum; H. J. Bilcliffe, Royal
Geographical Society; Captain Wemyss, Wemyss Castle, Fife and Dr C. Nelson,
National Botanic Gardens, Glasnevin. I am also much indebted to the following
members of the staff of the British Museum (Natural Histoid): A. Wheeler, D.
Goodwin and I. C. T. Galbraith, Department of Zoology; M.J. Rowlands, Head,
Department of Library Services, and the staffs of the Zoological and Botanical
Libraries.

Goodia iatijolia. Goodta, a genus described in honour of Peter Good by R. A. Salisbury,
and illustrated as Plate 4 1 in his Paradism Londonensh, 1805-08.

Introduction

In the seventeenth centui7 various Dutch navigators had touched the west and
north-west coasts of Australia. Luis Vaez de Torres (d. 1613) had sailed through
the stiait which bears his name. Abel Janszen Tasman (c. 1602-59) had discovered
southern Tasmania. Then as a result of a Royal Society expedition the real
discovery of Australia began when Captain James Cook (1729-79) on his first
voyage sailed along the east coast from Point Hicks to Cape York.

In February 1768, the Royal Society addressed a Memorial to King George III
reciuesting facilities to enable them to observe the transit of the planet Venus on
the 3 June the following year. This phenomenon can only be observed twice in a
century, at an interval of eight years, and the obser\'ations made in 1761 had not
been successful. The Society stressed that accurate observations would greatly
contribute to the improvement of astronomy on which navigation so much
depended. California was the Society's first choice from which to make their
observations but the Court of Spain would not grant the necessary passport to
allcjw a ship and the scientists to go there. The island of Tahiti, discovered by
Samuel Wallis in H.M.S. Dolphin, in 1767, was their second choice. On the 25
August, 1768 H.M.S. Endeavour sailed from Plymouth with Captain Cook in
command. The Admiralty gave Cook secret orders, only to be opened after the
observations of the transit of Venus had been completed. These instructions were
to sail southward, to latitude 40°S, in search of Alexander Dalrymple's great
southern continent.

This Terra Australis Incognita was believed to exist to counterbalance the land
masses in the northern hemisphere. England was not alone in its endeavour to
locate this southern continent, for when Cook arrived at the Cape, he learnt of the
French expedition under the command of Louis Antoine de BougaiuNille
(1728-181 1) in La Boudeuse, which had just left to sail south on what proved to be
another famous voyage of circumnavigation during which Tahiti, the New
Hebrides and the Solomons were visited. The expedition, however, failed to find
the southern continent.

Cook and de Bougainville were fortunate in that new aids to navigation were
being developed. The refined sextant used by de Bougainville's astronc:)mer Pierre
Antoine Veron enabled the immense size of the Pacific Ocean, east to west, to be
reliably estimated. Although the Nautical Almanac, first published in 1767 and
containing tables of lunar distances for evei^ three hours of Greenwich time, was
of assistance in determining longitude, it was John Harrison's chronometer, first
used by Cook on his second voyage, which enabled the precise determination of
longitutle and mcani that the explorer venturing into the Pacific Ocean need no

Plate 1 An <iigi.i\ ing nl .1 |ii)Hi,Mi i>l Sii Joseph Hanks In Sii I hoiiias Lawiciic c, PR. A.
in the British Museum.

INTRODUCTION

longer be lost. He could know where he was, where he had been and could chart
the most complicated of voyages.

In April 1766, the Royal Society elected as a Fellow, a young man of 23, who
was to play a most important role in the years ahead, in the discovery and
economic development of newly discovered territories in the Pacific. His name
was Joseph (later Sir Joseph) Banks (1743-1820). While at Oxford University
Banks studied botany, then through 1766 flexed his naturalist wings on an
expedition to Newfoundland and Labrador aboard H.M.S. Niger, a fishery
protection vessel under the command of an old Etonian friend Captain
Constantine John Phipps (1744-92). Banks returned to England bounding with
enthusiasm for further such adventures; not for him the Grand Tour of Europe,
fashionable among men of his social position. On the 15 February. 1767 he
attended his first Royal Society meeting and perhaps heard, for the first time, of
the projected voyage to observe the transit of Venus. In 1764, Banks had come
into his inheritance with estates which brought him in a yearly income of £6000.
With such an income he no doubt began to dream of some grand natural histoid
expedition to lands as yet unknown. When the Royal Society finally chose Tahiti
as the site for their observations his dreams became clothed in realiry and definite
and detailed plans to participate in the voyage were obviously discussed, for in
June 1768 the Society not only requested the Admiralty to have its observers
conveyed to Tahiti but also to allow Mr Banks and his suite of seven on board the
ship under the cuinniand of Captain Cook. His suite included Svdnev Paikinson
(1745-71) as natural histoi7 painter and Daniel Carl Solander (1733-82), a
brilliant pupil of the famous Swedish naturalist Carl Linnaeus (1707-78), as
naturalist.

The voyages of Cook and de Bougainville were something new in that they were
both voyages of geographical and scientific exploration. The collections brought
back on the Endeavour were the most extensive of any expedition up to that date
and had treinendous scientific impact. Although Phillibert Commerson (1727-
73), the naturalist on board de Bougainville's Boudeuse, was extremelv diligent he
was single handed; further the expedition had far fewer landfalls than those
provided lor Banks and Solander on Cook's first voyage so that Commerson had
tnuch less opportunity to collect.

Although the overall scientific results of de Bougainville's expedition were less
imporiant, it is hard to explain their comparati\e neglcd. The plant specimens
were studied by Antoine Laurent dejussieu (1748-1836) for his famous Genera
plantanim 1789 but have been largely ignored by those scientists involved in the
history of cultivated plants in the Pacific area. The scientific impact made by this
first Cook voyage was without doubt largely due to the dynamic personality of the
young Joseph Banks, the increasingly important herbarium in his London home,
32 Soho Square, and his membership and later Presidency of the Royal Society.

Banks had grandiose ideas for the publication, in folio size, of superbly
illustrated floras of the areas visited. On the voyage Solander described the living
specimens, in Latin, and according to the Linnean Method, and Parkinson made
a rough sketch fiom which a finished drawing was later prepared. Herman

10 JOURNAL OK PETER GOOD

Diedrich Sporing (b. 1730), Banksian amanuensis on the voyage, began the
transcription of Solander's descriptions arranging these in Linnean order to form
floras of the areas visited. After the voyage other amanuenses completed the task.
These floras would have formed the basis for the text. During the earlv part of the
voyage Parkinson made two hundred and eighty finished drawings. The extensive
collection of plant material in New Zealand and Australia did not allow him to
continue to do so. As he died on the return journey Banks had to employ five
artists, over a period extending to 1785, to make some six hundred and sixty
finished drawings from Parkinson's sketches. Banks then had some 742
engravings made of the finished drawings. I have discussed elsewhere (Edwards,
1978) why I consider these volumes never materialised. Naturally for Solander it
was a tragedy. After his sudden death in 1782 others were able to consult and use
his manuscripts and not always with due acknowledgement. Botanical science, so
richly enhanced by the collection of some one thousand three hundred new-
species and one hundred and ten genera, was debarred tfie final fruits of
Solanders painstaking labour.

Captain Cook's second voyage, 1 7 72-75, was designed to prove, one way or the
other, the existence of the supposed Terra Australis. To this end Cook
circumnavigated the globe as far south as human endurance would permit. In his
two sweeps of the Pacific he discovered new islands and for the first time charted
the exact locality of many others. In fact, on Cook's charts were recorded nearly
every anchorage that could be of strategic use to the Admiralty. Further he
demolished everv' shred of evidence for the existence of the great southern
continent.

The natural history exploration associated with this voyage was, in the end,
financed by the Admiralty. Banks, who had engaged an even larger suite of
assistants withdrew at the last moment as the more commodious accommodation
he had demanded on H.M.S. Reiolution had to be removed because it made the
vessel totally unseaworthy. The Admiralty, on the Royal Society's recommen-
dation, appointed as naturalist John Reinhold Forster (1729-98) who took his
eighteen-year-old son George Adam (1754-94) with him as assistant. When they
reached the Cape they decided to engage Anders Sparmann (1748-1820). a
Linnean pupil, who had travelled to China with the .Swedish East India Company
in 1765-67 and who was an able botanist. The botanical collections made on the
voyage were not as extensive as on Cook's first voyage mainly because there were
far fewer landfalls. Sparmann and George Forster were largely responsible for
recording the botanical results, and J. R. Forster the zoological and
ethnographical ones.

A brief stay, in January 1777, was made in Ad\enture Bav, Van Dienien's Land
(Tasmania) on Captain Cook's third voyage. Dr William Anderson ( 1750-78) the
surgeon on the Resolution was an enthusiastic and competent naturalist. He made
descriptions, in Latin, of animals and plants that he considered new to science.
The four new plant genera were later described as Eucalyptus, Goodia, Correa and
Bauera. The other vessel, the H.M.S. Discovery, had on board a voung man
knowledgeable about the plants growing in the London nursery gardens, David

INTRODUCTION 11

Nelson (d. 1789), who Banks employed to collect herbarium speciinens and seeds
for the Royal Gardens. It is interesting to note that Charles Louis L'Heritier de
Brutelle (1746-1800) described the genus Eucalyptus from a tree brought back by
Anderson and grovsni on at the Royal Gardens, Kew and a dried specimen
collected by Nelson. Nelson visited Adventure Bay again in 1789 as the gardener
aboard the ill-tated Bounty expedition of Captain William Bligh (1754—1817).
Anderson's specimens unlike those of Nelson were not incorporated into the
Banksian herbarium and suffered neglect before the worthwhile remnants were
rescued byjames Britten ( 1846-1924).

In 1791 Captain George Vancouver ( 1 758-98), after leaving the Cape of Good
Hope on his voyage in the Discovery to north-west America from 1791-95 sailed
along the southern shore of New Holland (Australia) and named King George
Ill's Sound. His surgeon, Archibald Menzies (1754-1842), an able naturalist,
made the hrst collection of plants from that area. In the following year Admiral
Joseph Antoine Bruni d'Entrecasteaux (1739-93) set sail in the La Recherche in
search of the Fiench expedition, which left France in 1785, under the command
of Jean Fiangois cfc Jalaup La Perouse and likewise made the south-west corner of
Australia and followed the coast of the Great Australian Bight for some hundreds
of miles. Jacques J alien de Labillardiere ( 1755-1834) the botanist on board the La
Recherche inade collections, on two separate occasions, in Van Diemcn's Land.

There were two accounts of the Australian flora published prior to the Matthew
Flinders voyage. A specimen of the botany of New Holland byjames Edward Smith
(1759-1828) published in 1793-95 was an account of the specimens and water
colour drawings sent to him by John White (d. 1831.'), Surgeon General in
Botany Bay, from f 788-95. In some instances he was able to supplement the data
obtained from the herbarium speciinens by consulting living specimens growing
in a number of private gardens. In fact this volume was intended for those
gardeners already cultivating Australian plants. The other work was the Nova
Hollandiae plantarum specimen of Labiilardiere, published in two volumes, 1804-6,
and based both on his own collections and those of David Nelson which had
already been described.

Through the late 1790s Sir Joseph Banks had discussions with the Admiralry
regarding their plan to send a further expedition to New Holland. On 15 May,
1798 Banks wrote to Under SecretaiT King

We have now possessed the country of New South Wales more than ten years,
and so much has the discovei^ of the interior been neglected that not one
article has hithei to been discovered by the importation of which the mother
country can receive any degree of return for the cost of founding and hitherto
maintaining the colony. It is impossible to conceive that such a body of land, as
large as all Europe, does not produce vast rivers, capable of being navigated
into the heart of the interior; or, if properly investigated, that such a country,
situate in a most fruitful climate, should not produce some native raw material
of importance to a manufacturing country as England is. Mr Mungo Park —
lately returned from a journey in Africa, where he penetrated farther into the

12 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

inlaiul than any European before lias done by several hundred miles, and
discovered an immense navigable river running westward, which oHers the
means oi penetrating into the interior of the vast continent . . . — offers himself
asa volunteer to be employed in exploring the interior of New Holland, by its
rivers or otherwise as may in the event be found most expedient ... He knows
geography enough to construct a map of the countries he may visit, draws a
little, has a competent knowledge of botanv and zoology, and has been
educated in the medical line. [Historical Records New South Wales 3 1 895 :
382-383.)

On 10 July, 1799 Governor John Hunter (1738-1821), of Sydney wrote to the
Duke of Portland, Home SecretaiT

Permit me, my Lord, to observe that altho' a thorough knowledge of the
interior of this countiT is much to be desired, the gentleman designed to
explore it would have found difficulties to surmount which I fear his experience
in the interior of Africa could have given but little accjuaintance with. The idea
suggested by Sir Joseph Banks is in my judgment the only practical means of
gaining an early knowledge of this immense country . . . And I am of the
opinion . . . that a knowledge not only of the interior, but of its sea coast, have
been considered by me as objects of consequence ... by entering with a vessel
the innumerable appearances of harbours which were observed and carefully
marked by . . . Cook, excursions could be made from them, particularly where
there mav be extensive rivers or arms of the sea. (Historical Records New South
Wales?, 1895:693.)

A third suggestion came from Matthew Flinders (1774-1814). Flinders had first
arrived in New Holland, on H.M.S. Reliance, in 1795. With the Surgeon, George
Bass (d. 1812), he began to explore the coastline in the vicinity of Port Jackson. In
1798, Bass, in a whale-boat named Tom Thumb, made the epic journev which led
to the discovery of the Straits which bear his name. Later that year and into 1799
Flinders and Bass, in the Norfolk, sailed right round Van Diemen's Land. On
Flinders" return to London he wrote to Sir Joseph Banks on 6 September, 1800,
oudining his plans for completing the discovery of the coastline of New Holland
or Australia as Flinders eventually named this new continent. 'It cannot be
doubted' wrote Flinders, 'but that a very great part of this still extensive country
remains either totally unknown, or has been partially examined at a time when
navigation was much less advanced than at present. The interests of gcogiapliv
and natural histoid in general, and of the British nation in particular, seem to
require, that this only lemaining considerable part of (he globe should he
llioroughly explored". Flinders also suggested the im|)oilance of exploiing
the Strait between New Holland and New Guinea and of investigating the
mineralogy of the country (Mitcfiell Libran, Sydney, Brabourne Papers 20: 59 et
seq.i. By 12 Decemtjer, 1800 Lord George John Spencer ( 1 758-1834), a memfjer
of the Cabinet, agreed the details of such an expedition, to be led by Flinders as
suggested by Banks and which was to include the provision of a naturalist.

Plate 2 A poi irait ot Matthew Flinders by Will Longstall reproduced by kind permission
of the National Trust ol Australia.

14 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

botanical and ?ooI()gical painter, landstape and figure painter, and a gardener
(Mitchell Libran', Sydney, Brabourne Papers 11 A: 79-84). Flinders had proved
his navigational and hvdrographical skills in the expedition in the Norfolk and was
thus Banks" obvious choice lor the coniniand oi the expedition.

Mungo Park had a lengthy argument with the Admiralty over pay and outfit
allowance. This finally ended in Park withdrawing his offer to go as naturalist.
Although he wrote to Banks on the 13 October, 1801 'that he left London
down-hearted because his dream of settling in New Holland had disappeared"
(Correspondence of the Rt Hon Sir Joseph Banks Bart. Copies by the daughters of
Dawson Turner, Botany Library, British Museum (Natural History) 12: 26.5-266),
it would appear that he had an undisclosed reason for his action, namely his
marriage and a temporaiT desire to settle down in Scotland.

Robert Brown (1773-1858) an Ensign in the Fifeshire Regiment of Fencibies
was chosen by Banks as the substitute for Mungo Park. 'Science is the gainer in
this change ot man, Mr Brown being a professional naturalist", thus wrote Abbe
Jose Francisco Correia de Serra (1750-1823) to Banks on the 17 October, 1798
(Correspondence of the Rt Hon Str Joseph Banks Bart. Copies by the daughters of
Dawson Turner, Botany Library, British Museum (Natural History) 11: 111).
Brown who was born in Montrose, Scotland, was educated at Montrose Grammar
School, Marischal College, Aberdeen and finally at Edinburgh University w^here
he obtained his medical diploina. When Banks oflered Brown the post in
December. 1800 he was serving in Ireland, as a Surgeon's mate. In a letter to
Jonas Dryander ( 1748-18 10), Curator/Librarian to Sir Joseph Banks, dated the 20
December, 1800, Brown says 'hardly any situation which could have been devised
would have so completely met my wishes". Possibly the factor which most
recommended Bro\Mi to Banks, was that Brown was an enthusiastic botanist
(Edwards, 1976). Ferdinand Lucas Bauer (1760-1826) was appointed natuial
history draughtsman. He and his brother Franz Andreas Bauer (1758-1840) aie
considered to be the two finest botanical artists of all time. William Westall
(1781-1850) went on the voyage as landscape and figure painter, and Peter Good
(d. 1803), who had been a foreman at the Royal Gardens, Kew and who had
successfully conveyed a selection of living plants to Kew from the Hon East India
Company's garden in Calcutta was chosen as the gardener. John Allen, from
Derbyshire, was appointed as the miner, his duty was 'to take specimens of all
rocks, and particularly of all mineral veins he meets with and bring them home"
(Historical Records oj \'ew South Wales 4 1876: 290-291).

The following undated Memorandum regarding the appointment of the
scientific personnel, their instructions and accommodation was sent to the
Admiralty obviously by Sir Joseph Banks. The Memorandum is not in the
Admiralty archives as stated by Austin (1974) and the Public Records Office have
been unable to trace it, so its current location is unknown.

H.M.S. Investigator
Accommodations will be wanted on board the Investigator for the following
men of science. A naturalist who will have the diicction of the Botanv, etc.

P

o

■3

.^::n'.'

^■.„f^

□-ta

M

^.x^

"L__r

a a

?

Plati-4 Two official plans of H.M.S. Investigator in the National Maritime Museum
Draughts collection (Admiralty) No. 6224. Top: Plan of the Gun deck; Bottom: Plan of
the quarter deck, showing the proposed plant cabin. Reproduced from K. A. Austin
Matthew Flinders on the Victorian coast 1 794, p. 17.

INTRODUCTION 17

A Natural 1^151017 Painter

A Landscape and figure Painter

A Mineralist

An Astronomer

These gentlemen must be contented with the same proportion of personal

accommodation as given to a lieutenant or a master. In point of preference the

Naturalist and the Astronomer should be indulged in it. Each of these

gentlemen should be allowed a boy to keep their cabins clean, brush their

cloths etc.

A gardiner

A practical Miner

These must rough it, they may mess with the warrant officers and be contented

with the same kind of accommodation.

If the Commander chooses it the Naturalist and the Astronomer may mess with

him.

The rest may, if the Gun Room Mess have no objection, join them.

The Commander will perhaps have no objection to let the process of drawing,

etc. be carried out in the Great Cabin, if otherwise, a part of it must be divided

off for that purpose.

A plant cabin sfiould be carried out in frame and a sufficient quantity of spare

glass. The Plant cabin that was used in the Porpoise will sei-ve during the time she

is on discovery, but when she returns she ought to have a larger, as large a one

indeed as can be placed on the quarter deck without too much incommoding

the working of the ship.

If I remember, in the case of the Porpoise six feet was left for the people to work

in who haul in upon the after braces etc. on each side and astern, the cabin

came forward very near the Mizin Mast. If six or seven feet of space is left clear

in the Investigator on each side and astern of the plant cabin, a space will be left

for it fully sufficient to bring home a large collection of plants and such a one as

will be honor to His Majestys Botanic Garden. The great plant cabin need not

be higher than that of the Porpoise.

Commercial support for the voyage was given by the Hon East India Company.
They gave Flinders and his companions £1200 'for their table". The Company's
objective being to encourage the scientific persons to discover things for the trade
with India and that Flinders would seek new passages for their merchantmen
(India Office Librai-y, Court of Directors, Miscellenia No. 41, p. 435). The
Company enjoyed exclusive trading rights in all waters surrounding New
Holland. French privateers, working in the Indies, were threatening the
Company's China trade, therefore they were eager to learn about the seas on the
eastern flank of their Ctiina run.

The Admiralty was aware of tlie French expedition to the South Pacific and
their possible intention of establishing a settlement in Australia, hence all the
haste with the preparations for the voyage. Flinders and H.M.S. Investigator sailed
on 18 July, 1801, and when he reached the Cape he heard that the French

V ^

PACIFIC OCEAN

:Guit o( .- •.

.'Carpentaria

■•a) i

AUSTRALIA

f: Wreck Reef

'■4 w--'' '^ di^orl Jackson

/TV .••■■^ , ■•. .'.'JlSydney)

••. ■, ty .> .••►-... . •■•••■■-. .•■^•.

A ^..y ► >•-.. r^;^

• King George s Sound '-. *. •* ." .'

:^ ■>■• ••>•■■■ •■■.-•>".-^ V
...>•••■■ ■■•••> >-v-'

^ - Van Oieman s Land

(Tasmania)

Plate .5 The ciicuninavigation of 'Terra Australis'. Main collerting areas: 1, King
George's Sound, December, 1801-January', 1802; 2, Port Jackson (Sydney), May-July,
1802; June-November, 1803, September-May, 1805; 3, Gulf of Carpentaria, Novem-
ber, lS02-Marcli, 1803; 4, Van Dieman's Land IsicI (Tasmaniai, |anuaiT-Septembcr
1804. Number of species collect'ed: King George's Sound OOO species; South toast 700
species; East coast "JOO species; North coast 500 species; Port Jackson, 1803-05 1000
species; Van Diemen's Land 700 species. Reproduced bv kind permission ol the Society
lor the Bibliography ot Natural History.

INTRODUCTION 19

expedition under Commander Baudm had sailed South some tliree niontlis
earlier. FUnders was therefore not surprised to meet the French vessels Le
Naturaliste and Le Geographe off the south west coast of Australia on April 7. 1802
and friendly exchanges ensued. In November. 1802, the French ships put into
Port Jackson for repairs and fresh food lor their scunT ridden crew. Although the
expechtions' landlalls were compaiali\cl\ lew | B, L, C-.-l, Lrsi lun.uih ili l.i
Toiu" (1773-1826) made a significant collection oi natural historv specimens.
Li\ing plants and seeds were brought back by the gardener Riedle, to enrich the
Jardin des Plantes, in Paris, and other French Gardens. Riedle is known to have
complained that he was seldom allowed to go on shore (Correspondence of the Rt
Hon Sir Joseph Banks. Bart. Coi^ies bv the daughters of Dawson-Turner, Botany
Librai7, British Museum (Natural f^istoi7) 14: 5.5-57).

The map (Plate 5) shows the route taken by Flinders in his circumnavigation of
Australia. The Peter Good Journal shows the vei^ substantial amount of time
Flinders allowed the naturalists for collecting specimens and Peter Good for
collecting living material and seed.

The disastrous state of the Investigator and the ill health oi the crew after their
stay in Timor, where some repairs to the ship had been made, lorced Flinders to
abandon the charting of the West coast and to make for Port Jackson where the
Investigator was considered beyond repair. The only option open to Flinders was
to return to England to obtain another ship and so continue the survey. Biown
and Bauer decided to remain in Australia to await Flinders return. Flinders left
for England 10 August, 1803 in the Porpoise. Seven hundred and forty miles
N.N.E. of Port Jackson the Porpoise was wrecked on a coral reef. Fortunately food
and other stores were able to be salvaged but a set of Brown's South coast plant
specimens and Good's living inaterial were lost. Flinders, and a small ciew,
returned to Port Jackson in the large cutter named Hope. Flinders boarded the
Cumberland on 21 Septeinber to rescue the survivors on the reef and then proceed
to Knghmd. The Cumberland was forced to |)ul into Maiuitius for repairs whcte
Flinders was arrested as a spy by General Charles Decaen. Repeated efforts were
made by Sir Joseph Banks to secure his release but this did not occur until (uly,
1810.

Although the Flinders voyage achieved most of its objectives, the participants
did not receive ttie acclaim they desei^ed. Brown and Bauer returned, in 1805, to
a London celebrating the Battle of Trafalgar. Sir Joseph Banks in a letter to Sir
John Barrow (1764-1848), Secretai^ to the Admiralty, dated 9 October, 1805
states 'The cases of natural history objects sent home by the naturalists testify to
their diligence and industry: there are 38 cases in all including, eleven of drawings
by Bauer, twelve of dried plants, the rest being animals, minerals" (British Librai^
Add. Ms. 32439: 185). The Department of Botany, British Museum (Natural
History), has two sets of Browns herfjarium specimens, those selected fjy
Dryander and Brown for the British Museuin and the set contained in Brown's
own herbarium. Brown selected two more or less identical sets of bird skins, one
he i)resented to the British Museum and the other to the Linnean Society of
London, which had a museum at that time. In 1863 the Soceity presented their set

20 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

to the Museum. It was this set that was consulted by C.J. Temminck, foi his paper
published in 1822 and by N. A. Vigors and T. Horsfield ibr their pa[)er published
in 1827 and thus the one which contains Brown's bird types. The new species of
insects collected Ijy Brown weic recorded by W. Kirby in 1818. The mineral
collection made on the South coast was lost in the ill-fated Porpoise. The later
collection has recently been sectioned and studied bv Professor Thomas Vallance
ol the L'niversitv of Sydney and D. T. Moore ol the Department oi Mineraokigy,
British Museum i Natural History). A paper by them will be published in the
Bulletin of the British Museum [Natural History), Historical Series. Earliei papers weie
published by W. Buckland, in 1821 and W. H. Fitton, in 1827. Edwards (1976)
gives further details of the natural history collections made on the Flinders voyage
and related manuscripts.

Robert Browir who succeeded Dryander as Curator/Librarian to Sir Joseph
Banks, later became the first Keeper of Botany (styled of the Banksian Herbarium)
at the British Museum and one of the outstanding botanists of his time. Botanical
science was. however, debarred the full fruits of the botanical discoveries made on
the Flinders voyage. The Admiralty decreed that Brown shoidd publish a fiora
and at his own expense! Only twenty-six copies of Volume 1 of his now famous
Prodromus florae Novae Hollandiae et Insulae van Diemen, published in 1810, were
sold. Brown therefore neither completed Volume 2, nor did he write the
introduction. Later, however, he supplemented Volume 1 of the Prodromus with
an important phytogeographical study General remarks geographical and systematic on
the botany of Terra Austratis. This was published as an Appendix to Matthew
Flinder's Voyage to Terra Australis, 1814. Ferdinand Bauer intended to publish a
series of engravings to accompany Brown's Prodromus, but lor him too the time
was inauspicious. The fnst three parts of his Illustraliones flora Novae Hollandiae.
1813 comprising fifteen plates sold only a small number of copies.

In spite of the Napoleonic wars. Sir Joseph Banks succeeded in arranging
special facilities for the safe transport of plants. Few vessels left England for New-
South Wales without supplies of seed, and whenever possible living plants in pots
and boxes, to maintain and to auginent the horticultural and economic wealth of
the new colony. The Investigator, was no exception, it carried some cases of seed,
and in a greenhouse, a number of berry fruit bushes in pots. Among Peter Good's
manuscripts is a 'List of seeds [European vegetables] sown in vacinity of spring
and various other situations of the Island on the 2-4 and 5 April, 1802'. The
consignment of living plants was under the special care of Good, whose
commission was: the collection of seed, the selection and maintenance of a
collection of choice Australian plants in pots and boxes and to give assistance to
Robert Brown. A prefabricated plant cabin as recommended by Banks in his
Memorandum to the Admiraltv ciuoted earlier (p. 17 &: Plate 4) was on board lor
Good's use. On the leturn journey the type of boxes for storing living plants and
for sowing seed, which Brown had made at Port Jackson in 1802, would have
been similar to those recommended by J. C. Lettsom in the third edition of his
The Naturalist's and Traveller's companion, 1799 (Plates 6 & 7). Good's journal
indicates that he took every opportunity to botanise and in fact did a considerable

"'/

BoXr.S /or io//rtyy/n/ Pl-.VNTS /'// .>Vv/ .-,

Fi'tj. I .

J-'/t/. :i .

C7 L-? i;;^ ^l;? q7' q? V

/■' I . F<'//it o/' //ii //(>■>• .

•! . The sii/zic n/i/i /loops ant1 loop.r

It I/. //>r .ffci/ri/Kf ///<• i.hn\'<i,r .
,'i . '//)f .i;i///t //</ff</ .

Plate 6 Boxes for conveying plants by sea, plate 3 in J. C. Lettsoni The Naturalist'^ and
Traveller's companion, 3rd. ed. 1799.

Boxes for converm?; Plants bv Sea.

\

77/, /{f.t 7//M /'A///^ S/////- ,/<7/'// f/'fM gflt- vptYitfti/J

2y..

.. ■ ,■ .', ■ .'^A,

J4f,l^

•■/■"'

///.j:i ,A/i/t</4t/ /■

Wif,

\

4

w^r«»:^:^

u^i^r'^.^*:/.T,i»\t- ,,yyj ,t'r/A /af/,^ >'^ /^t,y</y^>^^y ^ /^^y. m^^,, ~ ~ ~

Plate 7 Boxes for conveying pJants by sea, a plate opposiie p.i^c 24 in |. C. Leiisoni The
Xaturaltit's and Traveller's companion, 3rd. ed. 1 799.

INTRODUCTION 23

amount ol tlu- actual collecting thus enabling Brown, as he states in his diai^ to
remain on board describing and arranging the collection. When the specimens
were permanently mounted they all carried a label indicating that Brown alone
was the collector. Good was thus never given credit for the specimens he
collected. Brown, froin time to time, 'Directed Mr Good to put in the boxes
which with much difficulty I had made on board such plants as I considered
would be most interesting and at the same tiine likelv to endure rough usage and
occasionally spray ot the sea and log line. The plants collected and put into these
boxes amounted to nearly 70' (Brown's Diary, Botany Librai-V', British Museum
(Natuial History), Dec. 28th, 1802).

Good sent Sir Joseph consignments of seed at every opportunity. His lists of
seed, which are reproduced in lacsimile, are in two sequences. An al]ihabetical list
oi the seed in a particular consignment and another list in which habit and
habitat details are given. The latter list gives the kind of information helpful to
William Towiisend Alton ( 1766-1849), head gardener at the Royal Gardens, Kew.
The first Inwards book at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew lecords the arrival of
four boxes of seed collected by Good.

Peter Good collected tlie fcjllowing seeds in New South Wales they were
brought home in tiie Calcutta man ol war and prove to contain the most
valuable acquisition oi Banksia and other rare genera, items 879-1003: seeds
froiB Peter Good 140 papers exclusive of Banksia's, 1004-1 144, Banksia species
1 145-1 179; The following seeds were collected by Mr Peter Good New South
Wales and were part of his great collection, 1803, 1198-2246.

This latter collection of seed although recorded at Kew as being received froin
New South Wales in 1803 was in fact the result of Good's collecting during the
circumnavigation and included material from the East Coast and the Gulf of
Carpentaria; the Kew record indicating that the collection was sent froin New
Scjuth Wales. It would have been the collection salvaged from the Pnrpoue. This,
however, was not the first collection received by Banks. A selection of seed
collected on the south-west coast was sent around, 21 May, 1802 in the whaler.
Speedy. Banks on 24 April, 1803 infcsrms Brown that 'the seeds he had sent have
been planted at Kew and raise high hopes' [Correspondence of Rl Hon Sir Joseph Banks
Bart. Copies by the daughtei s ol Dawson Turner, Botany Libran', Bi itish Museimi
(Natural Histoiy) 14: 43-45). Later, 30 August, 1804 Banks adds 'they have
produced some curious plants' [Correspondence of Rl Hon Sir Joseph Banks Bart.
Copies by the daughters of Dawson Turner, Botany Library, British Museum
(Natural History) 15: 84-86).

W. T. Alton in the second edition of his father's Hortus Kewensis, 1810 only gives
the date 1803 for introductions by Peter Good. Included among the Good
iTianuscripts is a 'List of plants taken on board H.M. Ship Investigator during a
cruise from Portjackson Irom 21 July, 1802' and a 'List of plants in the garden on
board the Investigator the 22 April, 1803'. Both these lists indicate what plants were
selected at the various anchorages. There is a list in Brown's liand ot the plants
growing in the garden 24 April, 1803 (British Librai-y, Add. MS. 32439: 96-97).

24 JOl'RNAL OF PETER GOOD

Brown, on 4 March, 1804, listed the Australian plants growing at Kew 'Plantae
Novae Holiandiae in Horto Regio Kewensis Crecentes', IT, 4 (Botanv Lihrarv',
British Museum (Natural History)).

Flinders suggested to Banks that seed of European fruit and vegetables could be
sown at various anchorages and if successfully established they would be a gieat
advantage to future expeditions. The manuscript list, in Good's hand, of the seed
so distributed is reproduced in iacsimile.

Brown in a letter to Banks dated 30 May, 1802 states that 'In Mr Peter Good I
have a most valuable assistant a more active man in his department could hardly
believe have been met with but has not sufhcient facilities on board for keeping
living plants' {Correspondence of the Rl Hon Sir Joseph Banks Bart. Copies by the
daughters of Dawson Turner, Botany Library, British Museum (Natural History)
13: 141-146). Good himself mentions in his journal that at a particular
anchorage conditions were not suitable for the potting and boxing ot living
specimens. So Good had problems regarding his commitment to select and
maintain a selection of living plants. Brown, on 30 May, 1802, informs Banks that
some plants 'have been sent to be taken care of in the Governor's garden'
[Correspondence of the Rt Hon Sir Joseph Banks Bart. Copies by the daughters of
Dawson Turner, Botany Library, British Museum (Natural Histon) 13: 141-146).
Banks in a letter to Brown dated 8 April, 1803 states that great credit is due to
Captain Flinders for giving so many opportunities for landing and botanising
(British Library', Add. MS. 32439 : 95).

Brown when informing Banks of Good's death, in a letter dated the 6 August,
1803 states '... Poor Peter Good, who while he enjoyed health was most
idefatigable, and whose exertions in his department were without doubt the cause
of his uniimelv fate, died a few days after our arri\al here of dysentn-. contracted
soon after our departure from Timor' {Historical Records of New South Wales. .5:
1897: 181). Banks, had in fact, first heard of Good's death when John Allen, the
miner, arrived home [Correspondence of the Rt Hon .Sir Joseph Banks Bart. Copies by
the daughters of Dawson-Turner, Botanv Libran, Brilish Museum iN.iiui.il
Histon) 15:84-86).

With the Good manuscripts is a notebook in which Brown has recorded the
sale of Good's books and other effects to members of the crew. With the Brown
correspondence at the British LibraiT is a draft of an undated letter Brown wTote
to Banks informing him of this transaction and other matters relating to Good's
death.

Captn. Flinders on whom the task ol disposing oi liis effects an<f
communicating the intelligence to his lelations devolved lequested me to
examine his papers &c. &c. to superintend the sale of such artii les as it might be
judged expedient to dispose of This I accordingly did. The papers both those
relative to the voyage and those of a private nature are still in my possession.
Mr Alton his executor seeming unwilling to receive them while uncertain
whcihci iheremighl beawill later ihan thai left in his hands by Mr Good on his
departure from Englantl. From what I have already stated however it is certain

INTRODUCTION 25

that Captn. Flinders has no paper of any description in his possession, it is
equally so that none of this kind exists aiTiong the papers in my hands. The
effects consisting of articles of clothing and books were sold on board the
Investigator chiefly to seamen whose wages were stopped in the ship's books to
the amount and the money received at the sale was, at the suggestion of Captn.
Flinders, given in small sums to Petty Officers Sec. their wages being stopped in
the books in like manner. These are probably the only circumstances which you
wish to be infoimcd of (British Library, Add. MS. 32439: 100-107)

The 1793-1809 Record Book in the Archives of the Royal Botanic Gardens,
Kew, f 258, contains a copy of a letter froin the Navy Office to the Aitons.

Gentlemen, in answer to your letter of the 6th instant I am directed by the
Commissioners of the Navy to acquaint you that tliey cannot cause a Bill to be
made out for the remainder of the salary due to Mr Peter Good for his services
as a gardener in the voyage of the Investigator without the production of a
certificate froin the Commander of the Investigator of the good conduct in his
station and a proof of the day of his death.

After Good's death Brown whenever possible endeavoured to collect seeds and
brought a valuable collection from Van Diemen's Land when he returned home
in 180'J. With the assistance of George Caley (1770-1829), who was a Banksian
collector resident at Port Jackson 1799-1810, he made another, though different
collection of living specimens for the Royal Gardens at Kew. This collection of
plants in pots and boxes was left in Caley's care to be sent to England at the
earliest opportunity. In fact, it was sent home by Governor King in the Sydney
which sailed from Port Jackson on ,5 October, 1805 (Historical Records of New South
Wales 5: 711).

It has been stated that Peter Good was a Scot. I have been unable to prove or
disprove this statement. The first authenticated detail regarding his life is that he
was a foreman at the Royal Gardens, Kew under William Alton ( 1 73 1-93) and his
son William Townsend Alton (1766-1849). Unfortunately the correspondence
and records of the Aitons were destroyed by the Aiion lamily. While serving at the
Royal Gardens, Sir Joseph Banks engaged Good to assist Christopher Smith (d.
1808), in 1795, to convey a consignment of plants fiom the Royal Gardens to the
Hon East India Company's garden at Calcutta. Good returned alone with a
collection ol plants for the Royal Gardens. The 1793-1809 Record Book in the
aichives ol the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew states

A correct list ol plants rec'd by ine on board the Royal Admiral in Sandar Roads
from Mr Christopher Smith lakcn from the Hon East India Company Gardens
at Calcutta — those marked G. were deliveied alive to His Majesty's Royal
Botanic Garden at Kew by me Februar7 9th 1 796 [signed! Peter Good (ff.
157-159).

Immediately prior to the Flinders voyage. Good was working for General
William Wernyss who lived at Wemyss Castle, near Kilmarnock, Scotland from

26 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

1780-1820, and was not still at Kew as some authors have stated. The following
letter tiom the Geneial dated 1 laniiaiT. 1801 and sent to WilHaiii T. Aiton
indicates Good was his kitchen garciener.

I received vours which I delivered to Mr Good and desire hini to consider it
and give me his answer. He returned it at night and says his obligations to vou
are such if you desire it, he will go but he is seiT well satisfied with his present
situation and 1 think he has been very assiduous in endeavouring to get the
garden into its present order which from the shamefull neglect of Mr Wilson
will cost me a considerable sum of money before he accomplishes it. I have left
him quite at liberrv' on my part as it may be more difficult to find a person for
the present government wants than to find a good kitchen gardener. I therefore
suppose Mr Good will be directed by your orders. He is giving up a certain
settlement for a precarious one. I am much obliged to you for the trouble you
have taken on my account.

Peter Good replied to Aiton on 14th January, 1801:

I have just received your letter and hasten to answer it and to tell you I accept
with cheerfulness your liberal offer of going as Gardener and assistant to the
Naturalist on the Voyage of discovery- and render every assistance in my power
to the expedition. — I can at present only offer my sincere and humble thanks to
you & Sir Joseph for the very great preference and attention which you give me
and assure you that it shall be the business of my life to merit so particular a
distinction.

I am very anxious to know when the Ship is expected to sail and what time it
will be necessary I should make my appearance at Kew — The Geneial has in the
most handsome & libeial manner given me permission to go at anv time I
please. I showed him your letter and he said he could bv no means think of
preventing me from accepting such an advantageous offer to mvseif. He at Ithel
same time bid me tell you that he hopes you are fully aware of the kind oi
person he wants as Gardener, that he does not want a Botanist but a thorough
good Kitchen Gardener, and if one who had a similar charge and who can
conduct extensive plantations and accustomed to the command of a number of
workman & who is not likely to change as every change is attended with
considerable inconvenience. Such is his wish, but I doubt not but W" Allen
would give satisfaction. — I have only to offer mV respectful Compts to all
friends & in hopes of hearing from you soon.

I am with the great respect your truly obliged obedt Serv'

(Mitchell Library, Svdney, Brabourne Papers 1 1 : A 79-4)

He wTote again on the 16th February.

From Peter Good Ito William Townscnd Aiton. 3)

Wemyss 16 February 1801
1 have the pleasuie of informing vou that Mi Bruce is safe arrived at Wemyss
Casde and I propose setting out tor London tomorrow. As the North and

INTRODUCTION 27

easterly Winds are pievailent I think I shall come by Sea and hope to be in
London at least in a week honi this date when I shall have the pleasure of
seeing you & personally express my gratitude. Till then believe me with the
greatest respect.

your truly obliged obed'Serv' . . .
IP. S.I I write hastily to catch the post
(Mitchell Library, Sydney, Brabourne Papers 1 1 : A. 79-4)

On the 6 May he wrote to Sir Joseph Banks to have various points clarified :

From Peter Good

Kew() Mav ISO I
Your condescending Goodness in telling me that if anything occurred to me of
which I wished intormation respecting my preparations or comforts for the
Voyage, I should communicate the same to you in writing has emboldened me
to state to you the following remarks which appear to me of considerable
importance to myself and which I with candour submit to your consideration.

It is with regret I have to state to you a fact that my memoi7 is not sufficient
to retain distinctly all the articles of the appointment which I signed. — Owing
to my not fully comprehending from hearing them once read over the extent of
their meaning, a matter of considerable uneasiness has risen in my mind. To
the best of my recollection one article states that at our return to England
every article of our collections of Natural Histoi-y and curiosiry etc. shall be
given up to a person or persons appointed by the Lords commissioners of the
Admiralty. But with a view to encourage activity and industry in collecting their
Lordships declare that after having selected what they think proper for the
British Museum &c the remainder shall be returned to the persons who
collected them to be disposed of by them at their pleasure. But on reflection I
find that either in another of the same articles or by Verbal information from
you after having read them The Miner [John Alien] and I were told that we
must give up evei^ article of our discovei7 and collections of every kind to Mr
Brown when collected to be by him labeld and stored up &:c. So that it appears
to me that every article of our industi'y and collections shall tjecome the
immediate property of Mr Brown except only so much as may be selected Ijy
the Lords of the Admiralty and also the Seeds and living plants which I
understand to be wholly intended for His Majestys collection, and will entirely
deprive the Miner and me from being able to present the Lords of the
Admiralty with the most trifling Article or deriving any benefit from that article
of indulgence. I earnestly wish an explanation on the subject, as also to know
whether I will be pennitted the honor of being recorded as the introducer of
such plants and seeds as I shall be alale to collect to introduce.

If on perusal any of the Ijefore mentioned remarks appear either trivial or
presuming, I must submit to your Goodness for indulgence, and request you
will impiue it to its true Sourse namely my anxiety to prevent any dispute
arising during the Voyage which might tend to prevent a cordial cooperation of

28 JOIRNAI. OF PETER GOOD

prosecuting with success our various researches. I have the honor to he with
Duty Humihty and Respect

Sir your much obhged

Obedt& Hbl Servant ...
(Mitchell Library, Sydney, Brabourne Papers 1 1 : A 79-4)

The Record book dated 1793-1809 at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kevv
mentions plants sent by Good to the Botanic Garden, Edinburgh on 15 October,
1 800 (f. 1 78) so that he could only have worked at Wemyss Castle for a few months
before returning to London.

It is unfortunate that it has not been possible to establish any details regarding
Peter Good's early life. He had an obvious love of plants and the enthusiasm and
dedication with which he perlormed his duties as a gardener indicated his
intension to make a success of his career in that profession. His journal shows his
willingness to participate in the prosecution of the numerous objectives of the
voyage outside those of his particular commission. Captain Flinders on the
occasion of Good's death records in his own journal, 'Peter Good, botanical
gardener, a zealous, worthy man, who was regretted by all'. On November, 1802
Flinders named a small island after Good. 'We steered between Hammond's
Island and the north-west reef, ... another island appeared bevond Hammonds
to the south-west, which as it had no name, I called it Good's Island, after Mr
Good the botanical gardener.'

From Good's Journal one cannot fail to get the impression that he w'as a kind,
good tempered man and one that got along amicably with his fellows, as Captain
Flinders says his death was regretted by all on board. There is also no railing
about conditions on board and there must have been numerous occasions when it
would have only been reasonable for him to have done so.

His burial is noted in the Records of St Philip, York Street, Sydney '1803 June
13th Mr Peter Good Botanist'. St Philip's now stands where it is believed the main
cemetery was located in the early days of the colony and where Good would have
been buried (Mrs R. Field, Parish Secretary, in lett.). The New South Wales Advertiser
(Volume I, No. 16 for 19June, 1803) records 'On Monday last, Mr Good Botanist
belonging to his Majesty's ship Investigator and who died the preceeding day on
board ship, was brought on shore for internment. A number of Officers attended
in procession to the place of burial, where after the funeral ceremonies were
performed, a party of marines fired three vollies over the grave.'

Peter Good is commemorated by R. A. Salisbury (1761-1829) in the Austialian
genus Coodia. a member of the Leguminoseae, in his Paradnus Londinensis,
1805-08.

No one in my opinion, can put in a stronger claim to have his memory
perjjetuated by a plant being named after him, than the industrious Botanic
Gardener, especially when he falls a sacrifice to his exertions in a distant
climate. I know nothing more of Peter Good than that he left a very lucrative
situation to collect seeds for his Majesty in New South Wales where lie died and
that all ttie Ixst and rarest plants from tliat country, now at Kcw, have his name
attached to them.

Plate 8 A spfcinu'ii oi Acacia leucoderma giown ai ihc Royal Gaidens, Kew, from seed
collctiod bv Pctci Good, and now in the National Botanic Gaidcns. Glasncvin, Eire.

30 lOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

The one hundred and ten feet long Botany Bay House at Kew was in 1837,
crowded with New Holland plants. Sir William J. Hooker (1785-1865), first
Director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, stated that 'since the time of his Majesty
George III this garden has been emminently rich in New Holland plants and now
stands unri\alled in this department."

Although Good was not the only person to intrcjduce plants from Australia the
records at Kew indicate the magnitude of his contribution. The second edition of
William Alton's Hortus Kewensis, 1810 lists some one hiuidred and sixteen
Australian species introduced by Good and fourteen from the 'East Indies': the
latter weie plants he brought from the Hon East India Company's garden, in
Calcutta, in 1796.

Textual introduction

The pKncn.uuc nl Peter Good's manuscripts is undisputed. Tliev came into the

posscssi( I ihe Bi ilisli Museum (Natural History) with the maniiscri])ts ol

Robert Blown, whcj l)ecame Keeper ot the Banksian Department in 1827.
He bet]ucathed his herbarium and manuscripts to his successor |ohn Josepli
Bennett (1801-76) who kept them in the Department where thev could continue
to be consulted. Brown's manuscripts were given to the Museum by Mis Bennett
on her husband's death in 1876. Tlie transcript ot Peter Good's Journal has been
made Irom the most complete \crsion, part of the other variant version is repnj-
duicd in I, u simile. Theyoz^rna/ transcribed is a soft-covered volume of thirty-four
lolios and size 1 2f x 7-175 ''^s (32.4 x 19.6 cm). The paper is watermarked
F. Hayes 1797. It is inscribed 'Remarks &:c. on Board his Majesty's ship
Investigator during a voyage of Discovery h\ Peter Good'. The other version, of
which the title-page and pages 4, ,5, 6, 7 &• 8 are reproduced, in facsimile,
coiTiprises twenty-three unbound folios, size 6| x 3| ins (16.3 x 9. ,5 cm). It is
inscribed 'Remarks &:c. on Board H.M..S. Investigator during a Voyage of
Discoven'. This text is preceded by a lolio headed officers Names, .Stations,
Scieiuihc Assistants. There are also three rough drafts covering 13 May 1801 -
24July(ff4):27 October 1801 -9 December (ff 3) and 1 19 Novcmber-25 December
1802] (ff 3). One of tfie drafts is on paper watermarked i79.5. In the version tran-
scribed Good givesa running head and the date. There is little punctuation in iliis
\eision in comparison to the one, part of which is reproduced, in facsimile. Like
ni,iii\ ol his contemporaries Good uses capitals where we would not use iluni
loda) and the printing of a particular letter as a capital has oftin bien an
arbitrary decision and in some instances may not have been intended bv Good.
X'.iriatioii in the size ol a particular letter, especially of the letters S and M, was
I lie niani cause of dilficuftv. Goocf often used the ampersand and alwavs &:c.
lathei than etc. All contractions have been extended. Peter Good on a lew
occasions has repeated a word, these are therefore not printers errors. Ttie uc cipl
of Peter Good's seed at the Royal Gardens, Kew was entered in an Inwards Booh
dated 1805-09. Folicxs 21, 22, 29, 31, 51, 52, 65 & 66 are reproduced in facsimile.
As some (jl the folios in this book and in the variant journal are not very readable
It was decided to reproduce only a selection of folios. The same is true ol Good
seed lisis liui iluii importance necessitated their reproduction in lull.

31

Transcript of Peter Good's main
Journal

Remarks Sec. on board His Majesty's
Ship Investigator during a voyage
of Discovery
by Peter Good

Froffi Portsmouth to Madeira

1801

July 18 Got under way with a light Breeze Wind North at Noon Wind
veered to West a moderate Breeze

19 Wind Eastward light Breeze Stood right before with all Sail

set — in Evening saw Coast of France very distinctly Cape la Hog'
and also England St. Albans head' — clear warm 8c serene

20 Wind and Course as yesterday — Sailors exercised small Arms —
Land in sight to North distance 12 or 15 Leagues

2 1 Wind course fe weather as yesterday at 4 P.M. came up with a
squadron of Ships of War of 98 Guns each and passed under the
stern of the Windsor Castle Admiral Mitchel who hailed us &
requested for captain to go on Board sent a Boat for him — when
our Captain returned we cheered Ship which was returned &
stood our course West South West exercised Great Guns and
small arms & hred 4 shot & rwo vollies of small arms.

22 Nothing remarkable Lat. observed 47.57N Long 7.47W

23 at 9 A.M. 2 schooners astern distant about a League crowding all
sail alter us — each tired a shot to Leewanl when we turned oM
all hands, took in stunsails mounted swivels and preparation for
action showed English coloui s and pendant — thev showed
English colours spoke each other and hauled their wind — We
then made all sail &: stood on — a Brig^ appeared on Lee Beam
Lat. 46.15 North

24 A strong Breeze North East sending under foresail and Dubbed
reefed Topsails — evening decreasing set Top Gait sails and
carried away fore Top Gait mast

25 Breeze & swell decreasing at 11 P.M. spoke a Brig troin Lisbon
for Stockholm — Nothing remarkable till 30th — saw land West
Wind West

36 lOL'RNAL OF PETER GOOD

July 3 1 Becalmed all day very hot &: sultry, the Ship ha\ ing leaked

considerably the Gig was lowered &: Captain &: Carpentei went
lound the Ship to examine and found that the joints were all
loose above the copper & that it could be repaired in harbour by
caulking — Captain caught a small Turtle^ land in sight— hove
the lead 240 fathoms line found no bottom

At Madeira

August 1 Madeira, Desertas & Porto Santo all in sight — very light airs and
Calms caught a Turtle

2 liecalmed at 10 A.M. Lowered the Cutter and Captain Messrs
Brown' Bawer^ &: Flinders went ashore at Isle Deserta — I was not
permitted to accompany them directly after they left the Shi]) the
Surgeon solicited the gig from Mr Fowler' to row round and
look for Turtle and Birds &: wliich was granted with two of the
Crew I volunteered my service as a rower and was accepted two
Midshipman also accompanied as also Mr Westall' we rowed
about till 1 P.M. when by Signal from the Ship we returned
having caught a fine Turtle and killed one Bird — at 4 P.M . a fine
Breeze sprung at ipast 7 put up lanthorns at Mizen top mast
head and let of a false light — they answered by firing 2 muskets
and proved to be on weather quarter put about Ship and let off
another on spritsail yard at i past 9 they came along side they
had shot 7 Birds and had few articles of Natural History

3 In sight of Funchal in morning and Anchored at 4 P.M. We
found here the Argo of 44 Guns some transports and an English
Regiment in possession of the Loo Fort and encamped near it

4 Went ashore in morning and Collected manv plants in
neibourhood of Town — came aljoard at night

5 Got up at 4 in morning and went ashore in Company of Messrs
Brown, B.iwei . Westall, Bell' and Allen'" and Messi s Brown &
Westalls servants with intent to go to Peak a Riuvo' ' the highest
in the Island and distant 15 or 20 miles, we got a guide in
Town — and had a veiA' fatiguing journey over steep hills and
deep vallies after having walked several hours without anv
appearance of cultivation about 4 P.M. arrived at a neat Chuich
and a Pi iests fiouse wheie all the accommodations we could fmd
was an empty rooin & no provisions of any kind, as we were at a
loss foi ttie language we understood no liouscs weie to be met
with any farther &: we agreed to sleej) all night in this room, after
eating some Bisquits which wc had brought with us we sallied

MAIN JOURNAI. 37

August 5 out in different directions — Mr Brown, Allen and I penetrated
down a remarkable steep Bank to a River in search oi Natuial
Histcjrv, Mr Allen ha\ing met with a path got down belore us
and having followed the Bed ol the River some time and then
attempted to reach the top of the Bank at another place, he
endangered his life having ascended a great way he found
himself so situated that he could neither advance nor return,
however he at last reached the suminit and arrived at the Church
before dark in a very ludicrous appearance, all his cloaths being
wet By perspiiation as if he had been ducked in the River and in
a Violent tremour and agitation. We then i etired to our
apartment and the Priest having procured 2 kind of mattress &
spread on the floor and finding no refreshments were to be had
we lay down to sleept but were much disturbed by fleas and Bugs

6 Got up as soon as Day light appeared Sc were joined by 2 more
guides unsolicited Mr Westall returned for Funchal 8c the rest
jiroceeded foi the Peak — We continued to advance a very
difficuft and fatiguing way tiff 9 o'clock when learning froiri our
guides that it would be 2 or 3 hours before we could reach the
suminit and as long to return to where we were being also
obliged to return on Board the same night we thought proper to
return. On our way back we met a man who was kind enough to
dig some potatoes for us at the church we had them boiled and
two ladies who reside there accommodated us with plates knives
forkes butter & excellent water on which we feasted heartily — on
our departure each made some presents of knives, peiuils &:c.
with which they seemed much pleased at 6 P.M. arrived at
Funchal much fatigued we had some dinner and went to the
Shore and hired a Boat to take us to the Ship for w'hich they
made us pay two Dollars before they would put off as soon as we
got in and the Boat shoved off the violence of the surf dashed us
again on the Beach & beat full over us so that we all got
comjileatly ducked, however we all reached the shore in safety
but most of us lost some articles of apparel finding it was
impossible to get on board that night we returned to the inn and
went to bed but were much disturbed by Bugs and fleas

7 Got up at Day break put on our wet cloaths and went to the shore
where Captain had sent a Boat for us — we had some difficulty to
get into the Boat the surf run so high we were all up to the
middle before we got in but as we had not been D17 since last
night it was not regarded about 8 we got on Board 8c all was
bustle till noon we got under way & as soon as we wei e clear of
land we had a stiff Gale from North East and bote South West
hv South

38 JOIRNAL OF PETER GOOD

From Madeira to the Cape of Good Hope

August 7 As Madeira is so well known, both its natural Histors' and
productions I shall only just remark that it is entirely
Mountaneous interspersed with deep Gullies and dreadful
precipices — the Natives seem particularly industrious in
Cultivating eveiT spot which appear capable of cultivation and
seem perfectly to understand the inethods of bringing water
from the vallies to the more elevated spots to water the
Cultivated ground which then becomes particularly fertile, even
in such a small spot as Madeira the height of the inountains
occasions them to have different seasons at the same time at
Funchal and in the low lands about the sea coast the Grapes
Peaches Figs were ripe and in high perfection whereas among
the mountains near Peak Roiva the Grapes were of the size of
full grown Pease and every thing in proportion at least two
months later than on Shore.

8 Nothing remarkable occurred a steady Trade continued and on
the 12 we entered the Torrid Zone in about 23° of West
longitude — Nothing more remarkable till at Day light very^ near
Stantonio the North Westerly of the Cape Verd Islands — light
airs and calms — we coasted I think one half of the Island it
appeared of the size of Madeira but much more parched and
barren and very mountaneous — some lights weie seen at night
and a boat by Day but no houses or any other appearance of
inhabitants some green spots had the appearance of cultivation

1 6 fine breeze out of sight of Land

1 7 after sun down one of the sailors while drawing water for
Bathing fell over board he caught hold of a rope and was got in
although almost insensible but soon recovered lightning
thunder and rain at night

18 Calm and light airs — Boat was lowered to try the current and
found by a line of 446 fathoms that it set North { East half a knot
caught a shark'' &: sucking fish" — put a conductor to the main
maist

19 Variable winds and Calms — at .5 in the evening saw land vcn'
distinctly bearing North by East Distance 7 or 8 leagues
supposed Brava and Fuego" — the current having carried us
considerably to North East

20 Wind & weather as yesterday — Sailors exercised small arms and
fired several vol lies.

21 At 2 in morning very vivid lightening conlinucd till 4 when it
began to rain with much violence and continued till S wind
dying away caught a shark Lat 1 1.40N.

MAIN JOURNAL 39

August 22 Nearly calm all day hot &: sulti"y — Thermometer for a week past
usually stood at 80 within two degrees more or less by night or
day and in the water very near the same point within one degree
more or less in general the air was hottest however we sometimes
even at noon found the water one degree hotter than the
Air — with such heat it is natural to suppose everything that was
kept, free from water would be very dry and parched — it was
with much difficulty we could keep any lion ware from rust even
the best polished steel or any kind of leather from moulding
there is something in salt which has a peculiar tendency to
corrupt Iron and the great evaporation iiom water kept up to
that heat must occaison a perpetual humidity even though the
air is clear

23 Fresh Breeze fiom South West with excessive heavy rain from 8
in the morning till 4 in the evening

24 Steady Breeze from South West, fine weather — same wind
continued without any thing remarkable till

27 Caught a Bird and a swallow'^ which had followed us since the
22nd this day disappeared and sometime after was found dead in
the State Cabin

28 Wind varying fron South East to South West kept making taks as
wind permitted at 1 1 P.M. saw a Vessel to Leeward bearing
North East

29 South West wind prevailed close bawled on starboard tack saw
several Birds

30 Wind weather and course as yesterday Mustered all hands and
settled their stations and quarters

3 1 Wind and weather as yesterday many Porpoises'^ some rain

September 1 Dull and hazy

2 Still dull weather saw several Man of War Birds" Lat 3°. SON.
Long 13.50W. in evening put about ship and stood West by
South — a stiff Breeze ship made 6 inches water an hour.

3 Fresh Breeze as yesterday — Vast shoals of flying Fish" Caught a
small Albacore", many Man of War Birds came very near the
ship and were repeatedly fired at but none killed. Thermometer
fell to 74

4 Nothing remarkable

5 Caught a Bonito'"

6 Breeze decaying struck two porpoises one of which was taken on
Board and proved a female 9 feet long and 4 feet roimd after
being dissected and sketched and its blubber collected it was by
Captain's orders cut up and distributed among the Ship

40 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

September 6 company and eat as Beefsteaks — many Said is was equal to licsh
Beefalthough it certainly could not be compared even to
Bullock liver, however it was fresh and contributed as a change
from Beet and Pork was not to be dispised it had main worms in
its stomach of 2 inches length and upwards

7 Pertormed the usual Ceremony of Shaving for having Crossed
the Equator and as usual also the Sailors got drunk and
turbulent at night Some were insolent to the officers Steady
breeze and fine weather Thermometer 74

8 Wind and weather as yesterday Latitude Observed 0°. 18 South
Lon 17° West at 1 P.M. Turned the hands out and the Captain
veiA' handsomly and humanelv admonished the Sailors
respecting their conduct the proceeding evening and took the
blame on himself for having permitted theiri to have so much
liquor and that as they had abused that indulgence they must not
expect any more leniency and so dimissed them very much to
their satisfaction — Then made Sail standing West for land said
to have been seen in 1761 by some Dutch Navigators-' in th.u
latitude and a few degrees to West — lay too at nighi

9 fine breeze South East bearing West sometimes North West
many flying fish and Bonitos saw two Birds in the evening,
weather clear and serene Thermometer 76 lay too at night

10 Fresh breeze at sun down hauled our wind and stood South West
having given up the search for land being consinced none was in
the neibourhood as we had no indication of land and the
weather for three days past had been remarkable clear, land of
any height would have been seen 35 or 40 miles distant

1 1 Wind and weather as yesterday, saw several Birds in evening — a
Gannet^^ came very near and followed for sometime it gave
some reason to suppose land was not very distant as these birds
seldom go far from land it appeared fatigued by its manner of
flying, it came from westward and returned in same direction.

12 Strong trade squally with showers

13 Weather etc. as yesterday, a Gannet followed us sonuiimc Imni
this Nothing Reinarkable occured till

20 Having a fine light exersised Great Guns and swi\eK Pul an old
Cask overboard as a mark, and Captain promised double
allowance of Grog to the first man that should hit the mark.
They all fired very near l)ut none hit — Captain pointed a swixcl
and when fired it unfortunately tiit him on inside of the thigh
and hurt him considerably — he soon retired from the Deck
having previously given proper directions to Mi Flinders^' for
finishing the exercise and making sail.

MAIN JOURNAL 41

Septciiihcr 21 very light air and warm at 1 1 A.M. hove the lead with a Biiket
and Valves and at 200 fathoms the water was not near so salt as
at surface at that Depth Thermometer stood at 7 1° at the sui lace
of the water 73° and in the air 76° two bottles of this water were
put by to be examined — Caught a Dolphin-' many birds seen
some Ganets

22 Calms and light airs with rain Dull and lowering many Birds
seen

23 Land in sight h om deck at sun rise right a head, Latitude
ofjserved 20 South in evening about 20 miles North of
Trinidad. ^^ It is a small island and very rocky two very
remarkable Rocks one at East point resembling a Church dome
and one at west end resembling a large massv spire of Tower of a
Chuich^*

25 Sevei al Dolphins about the Ship Thermometer iell to 68°
27 Strong Breezes and Sudden Squalls with heavy rain bearing
South South East Distance run 16.5 miles Carried away two
Stunsail booms much lightning and Thunder in the night in
Noith West cjuanei saw one Albatross^' and many Pintardo
Birds^' also a Small bird with a long Bill apparently a land bii d —
thence weather gloomy and
30 many Birds till Captain shot 3 Pintado biids, and ordered to
keep a good look out for land

October 1 Lat. 30.30 Long 20.20 — Nothing remarkable Dull weather and
rough sea till

S iff ions Bay Cape of Good Hope

4 Wind decreasing to a light air Captain shot 2 Procellaria

capensis'^ and 2 Procellaria equinoctiale weie caught by a hook
also an Albatross which measured from tip to tip of his wings 9
feet 9 inches Long 15 West Lat. 32.20S gave over the search tor
Saxeiiburgh'" land — Strong Breezes and variable winds and
many birds of the Petrel kind about the ship till

7 The Albatross was killed and 1 found thiee distinct insects on it

8 Two men punished for quarrelsome behaviour

9 Crossed the meridian of London.

10 Sailors exercised small arms and fired several vollies
Thermometer 54°

12 One Pintado Bird caught and a whale" seen

42 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

OctoljtM 13 Many Birds and some whales seen

14 Breeze decreasing Caught many Pintado Birds and found three
species of Insects on one

16 At 8 am land in sight from deck Fresh Breeze with showers — in
coming near the land appeared ven,' mountaneous and Barren at
the entrance of the Bay many whales vers' near and what the
sailors call the phresser^^ 2 of which threw themselves entirely
out of the water and such an enormous bulk falling into the
water made a noise like the report from a iTiusket — Drop anchor
at 6 P.M. in Simons Bay and found here 6 Ships of War

1 7 Went ashore in morning in Company with Mr Brown Bawer and
Allen and Collected a great variety of fine plants Some insects
and minerals — The plants for variety and beautv were beyond
description some I had never seen before particularly Oichis
Drosera and Hemimeris and many I had never seen in flower
returned on Board at about 6 P.M. loaded

18 Went ashore in morning with Mr Brown Allen Bell fee. were
joined by Mr Ryley Surgeon of Lancaster flag ship a friendly
intelligent man and had a very long walk over mountains and
sandy deserts and collected a great variety of fine specimens of
plants some insects and Birds. Mr Ryley led us to a house where
we found an assembly of Hottentots dancing Scotch reels to
Scotch Tunes on the Violin — returned on Board about 9 P.M.

19 Went ashore in morning at Mr Browns request over the same
grounds we had examined on the 17th for several rare plants
particularly Ferns which had been spoiled by our eagerness to
collect so many. I procured eveiTthing Mr Brown pointed out in
high perfection as also a few plants neither of us had met with
the two former days and returned on Board about ,5 P.M. very
wet it having rained from noon

20 Went ashore in the morning with Mr Brown Bell Allen etc. and
were found by Mr Ryley and had a long walk over the Mountains
of Pauls Bay'' we came to a Dutch House'^ where we dined
heartily on eggs at 6d each. On returning over the same
mountains by a difTerent way saw many baboons, and a Bock'^
we met with few plants but what we had foimd the tliree
preceeding days came on board about 9

2 1 Went ashore with Mr Allen and had a long walk over the
moimtains nearest to the Harbour — found two Ferns and a
Lichen which we had nf)t met with before also some Stapelias
not in flower

22 Went ashore at 6 A.M. with Mr Brown Bell etc. and had a vei7
long fatiguing walk over the Barren sands and Roc kv iTiountains

MAIN JOURNAL 43

October 22 about Fish Hoecks Bay'^ but met with few or no plants but what
we had found the preceeding days — Mr Bell and Mr Brown's
servant shot several beautihil Birds and I killed a large Serpent^'
of a dangerous kind — next day was appointed to set out for
Table mountain and Cape Town But on coming on Board Mr
Brown complained of having fallen and hurt his leg which would
prevent him for tomorrow

23 Sent some letters for England by the Countess of Sunderland
Indianman Captain Eccleston — and in the evening went ashore
with Mr Allen and had a walk to Coinpany Gardens'* which are
useful but no wise ornamental — on the way found several
orchis among which Carnea which we had not found before

24 Set out early in the morning in Company with Mr Brown, Bell,
Bawer etc. for Cape Town, each carried provisions and a large
tin box for specimens etc. — we missed our way and it rained
considerably — we came to a very elegant house where a young
lady invited us in and presently entertained us with Tea, Bread
Butter Cheese Wine etc. — we learned the House is called Tokay
belonging to a Johann Gasper Loos''* a german who was at this
time in Cape Town — as it continued to rain we accepted the
lady's kind invitation to remain all night.

25 Set out Early in the morning and passed Constantia, Silver
place''" etc., walking through district of Protea Meliflora'" &:
Speciosa and large woods of P. Argentea^^ which is here planted
as Timber — The counti^y in this neighbourhood is extremely
fertile we then ascended a range of Mountains called Stein Berg
adjoining Table Mountain and passed ridge after ridge till about
5 P.M. we got ver>' near the summit of the Table — but it now
came on thick fogg and rain — we had not long to consider our
situation till we fell in with a small path — we followed and soon
arrived at the opening of the Mountain down to Cape

Town — here we consulted whether to remain all night and
examine the Mountain in the morning and save ourselves the
trouble of again ascending it but as we had little provisions and
it continued to rain we all descended and arrived in the Town
about 8 — we enquired for the English Coffee house where they
behaved to us with much civility and procured us lodgings where
we were well accoirimodated at a leasonable rate

26 Mr Brown and I took a walk to the Devil's Mountain'" and
collected a few plants and returned to dinner when we met Mr
Westal who now joined us having left the Ship in Company with
Mr Allen the same day we did but had lost each other on the way
and had fared very indifTerently and slept one night at
Constantia — after dinner walked in Company Gardens'"'' and
about the Town — but it rained very heav7

44 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

Ociobcr 27 Breakfasted at 6 in morning and Mr Brown & 1 set out to ascend
the Table Mountain while Mr Bawer, Bell and Westall set out the
best way for Cape Town. Mr Brown and I ascended to the Top ol
the Table Mountain in two hours — but very unfortunately as we
tame to the Top a thick fogg and rain came on which continued
all the time we were on the top — and we had not descended far
when the day cleared up and became fme — we continued several
hours ranging the skirts of the Mountain and found some fine
heaths — Saxfari*' & obliqua*^ but very few thing but we fiad
before found — we then descended a very steep bank with much
difBculty by a way which probably never was before attempted —
near the bottom we found ourselves in a wood of some extent of
natural Timber of a good size consisting chiefly of Taxus
elongata,'" Royena lucida,'" Rhus lucida, Halleria lucida,
Ceanothus africana,'*'' & Erica trifolia,'"' 12 to 20 ft high &
. . . — In this wood which detained us 3 to 4 hours we found 4 or 5
sp. of Ferns which we had not found before also several Mosses
and Lichens the Polypodium capensis^' grew here with fronds 6
or 8 feet long — at length we fell in with a foot path and set out a
Brisk walk lor Tokav but were benighted some miles distant,
however we found our way though not the most direct arrived
time enough to meet a kind reception and partake of an elegant
supper from Mr Loos

28 When we got up in the morning we found Mr Bell & Mr Wesiall
in bed in an adjoining room having lost their way and with
dilTiculty got to this place at^ past 10 they were also kindly
received and accommodated — having thanked our kind host as
well as we could be understood and got his address on purpose
to send him some seeds he had expressed a wish to have, wc took
our leave expecting to Breakfast at Meusenburg'-' 4 or 5 miles
distant, being eager to preser\e the specimens which we had
collected, when we arrived at Meusenburg we could piocure
nothing either to eat or drink, but were informed one might at a
toll a lew miles further on t>ut when we arrived theic wc were in
the same predicament — there was nothing now left but pioc eed
for the ship when we arrived at the wharf about noon we found
Mi Bawer who had arrived here the night before too late to get
on Board and had passed the night in the Tent with Mr
Crossley^' and ftad not got on board this morning — we then
Begged a passage on Board from the Lancasters boat & got all
safe on Board before one — and was very sorry to learn Mr
Crosslcy was to leave us and leturn to England his health not
permitting him to go the Voyage, he had been confined to his
Cabin by indispostion a great part of the Voyage.

29 Remained on Board securing everything for Sea.

MAIN JOL'RNAL 45

October 30 Went ashore and had a long walk by myself found one species of
orchidea we had not before seen Sc several rare ones as also
various other specimens.

31 As the Ship was expected to sail tomorrow I went ashore with Mr
Brown and had a walk along the shore where we gathered some
specimens of Granite plants Sec. and also made necessary
preparations (or Sea.

From the Cape of Good Hope towards
New Holland

November 1 Remained on Board all day expecting to sail evei7 hour.

Continued in same state of suspense as wind not permit us to sail
till

4 Got under way early in morning with light airs and Calms till
about noon being near the entrance to the Bay a steady light
Breeze from South South West at this time a singular
phenomenon appeared in the water which was tinged with a dull
red for a great distance round the Ship. The lead was hove but
no bottom found, some of the water was taken up and appeared
perfectly clear, but on examination with a microscope it was full
of red Insects.^'' The sea appeared all in stripes of red and its
natural colour, each stripe from 10 to 50 or 100 yards broad and
as far as the eye coufd reach after some hours it gradually
disappeared.

5 Calm and serene in morning a fine View of the Land from the
Table Land to the High Mountains of Hottentots Holland and
even to Cape Angullus'"' — the Land appears to have many fine
deep Bays — at noon a fme Breeze sprung up from North West
bore South East

6 Fresh Breeze as yesterday at noon a Brig seen standing to South
West — out of sight of Land.

Nothing more remarkable strong winds lair but \ariable
12 light breeze hove the lead with a Buket and \alves and 160

fathoms of line the water at that depth sunk the Thermometer to

63 while at surface it was 64 and in the air 68 the experiment w'as

repeated three times without variation &: some bottles of this

water put by for examination.

Nothing more remarkable occured variable weatlui but

westerly winds prevailed till
24 Bent cables and prepared boats fcc. to land at St Pauls or

Amsterdamm'"'' many Birds and some Whales seen in evening

46 JOl'RNAL OF PETER GOOD

November 24 looked well out for land but hazy weather prevented seeing any
distance — lay too from 1 1 pm till

25 4 AM stood on with easy sail, a thick fogg prevented seeing any
distance — at noon inade sail and stood on for King George the
thirds Sound'' having missed these two Islands of St. Pauls and
Amsterdam.

Nothing more reiriarkable occuied strong westerly Winds
prevailed with a long swell and sharp keen air till

December 5 Wind abated became much more mild and smooth sea

6 Gentle Breeze and mild weather — punished one of the marines
for drunkeness and Bent Cables and at 6 pm saw land from the
Fore Top Mast head Sounded 85 fathoms hne white sand —
stood on under easy Sail and sounded from 85 to 25 fathoms
fine sand or small stones.

7 Land right ahead &: on weather &: Lea Bow — stt)od to the
Eastward along the Coast from 2 to four Leagues distant The
Land generally low — many pieces of considerable extent of
Barren white sand in other places entirely covered with (to
appearance) a luxuriant vegetation of a dark green in many
places Trees evidently of a considerable size — The countiT
appeared very flat no mountains of consequence and the highest
covered with Trees. Several reefs of Breakers along the shoie and
some abrupt rocks. — but the general Coast was a tegular ascent
of sand bank and in some places a low flat shore where we could
see soine distance in land where there appeared the greatest
fertility — Towards evening the Coast became more rocky and
the land terminated in Cliffs nearly perpendicular the Summit of
which was covered with a fine low green verdure resembling at a
distance Sheep pastures of England — many Breakers and some
detached Rocks — Sounded repeatedly all day from 20 to 40
fathoms geneially Sand — at night stood too out to Sea

8 Stood in Shore to the place we saw last night — and bore the
Coast past Cape How" — to the East of which was a considerable
Smoak close on the shore — at 1 1 at night Anchored in King
Georges Sound near Seal Island.

9 Early in morning a boat went to Seal Island and soon came off
with 4 Seals'' — after breakfast Mr Brown & party was landed on
South shore where we collected many specimens and Soine
Seeds — we were much at a loss for water this days excursion this
being a sandy rocky barren headland aptly enough named bv
Vancover'"" Bald head — we returned to the Beat h to a place
separated from where we had landed by a mass oi Bare fjranile
rock very steep — it being nearly dark the Gentlemen did not

MAIN JOURNAL 47

December 9 choose to cross to the Boat which came for us to where it had
set us down — I went to direct the Boat to come to where they
were — but coming there being quite dark and a considerable
Surf — they thought it hazardous &: remained on shore all night
by a good fire The Captain went to Princess Royal Harbour &
saw some huts of natives but no traces of their having been lately
in them.

Many of the officers & men had eat ol the flesh ol Seals caught in
morning &: most of them were sick from it.

10 A Bcjat went for the Messrs Brown, Bawer Sc Allen early in
morning another went to Seal Island & got several birds both
old & voung but no Seals — ship got vmderway before 8 and
sailed farther up the Sound & again Anchored the wind
preventing trom going into Princess Royal Harbour and not
having sufficient depth of water to go into Oyster harbour —
which is a much more fertile part of the Country — This day I
took the opportunity of the Boats and made two Short
excursions on the neck of land which separates Princess Royal
Harbour from the Sound & collected several new specimens &
seeds. The Captain went to Oyster Harbour. Sounding &c and
found only 13 feet over the Bar of entrance he found a spot of
ground which had been dug up & a piece of Ships copper fixed
clumsily stamped August 27th 1800 Christopher Dixson Ship
Ellsgood

1 1 Went ashore with Mr Brown & to the Point on right of entrance
of Oyster Harbour where we made a rich harvest of plants &
Seeds.

A party were landed to the left of Oyster Harbour & fell in with a
fine Lake of fresh water — also a spear of Natives — some showers

12 This morning the natives made a fire near the entrance of the
Sound opposite Bald Head — The Ship got underway & sailed
into Princess Royal Harbour where Anchored at 10 in 3 fathoms
water & was soon moored — iininediately on droping Anchor a
party were landed to the North shore to which we were most
contiguous & we ascended a hill of considerable elevation where
we had a fine view of the Country which is low and beautifull
covered with woods & frequent natural meadows — The soil of
the Hills is sandy & full of Stones even of the low country & the
meadows or marshes are black bog with a mixture of Sharp
Sand — The Rock is chieHy Granite but theie is also on some
places much IronsH)ne & also some Calcareous matter — but the
Country appears much better at first sight than on
examination — This day the Observatory was erected

48 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

December 13 Went ashore in neibourhood of Observatory- & collected several
specimens & seeds.

14 Messrs Brown & Westall with ser\'ants & Mr Allen & I went
ashore alter breakfast & seeing a fire at farther end ol the
Harbour which we knew must be kindled by the Natives we
walked to it — before we reached the place the fire was gone out
but we soon perceived a person walking on the Beach at a little
distance we went towards him & he met us vei^ unconcerned till
within about 50 yards fiom us when we discovered some signs of
Sui prise — began to call to us with great lorce and seeing us
persist in advancing to him he brandished his spear &: struck ofT
from the Beach among the bushes calling to us in a threatning
manner & making signs with his hand for us not to advance — we
followed him & soon saw what we supposed to be his family of
women and children — running away as fast as they could — he
dien begun to set fire to the bushes to prevent us from following
him and gain time for his family to escape — we followed some
time to the knees in a marsh but finding we could not overtake
them we went in another direction while he watched our
movements — on our return to the Ship we perceived him
looking at us at no great distance & again went towards him — he
fled as before having previously sent off his lamilv. We then sat
down to eat some Salt beef & Biscuit & one of the partv having
shot a large water Bird Mr Allen carried it halt wav to him and
left it on a bush — he came & took it to his family who seemed
much pleased with it — a handkerchief & knife was then carried
& he perinitted the person to come very near him — he took the
handkerchief fjut left the knife but would not allow anyone to
come close to him

15 Two Natives came along Shore Early in the morning shouting
and making very odd gestures — they came near to the Tents &
were enticed (by carrying Red night Caps &:c and leaving near
them and when they came to take it up carrying another not so
far which they again took up) till they exchanged one of their
Spears & a hatchet of Stone for some of our trinkets &c. They
went awav ven Fi iendlv — and in a lew hours foiu (cinic up
confidently to the Tents and Trafficked fieelv such trifles as they
had to spare — They greatly admired the white Skins of oin
people and prevailed on some of them to satisfy ihem what sex
they were and seemed much pleased with their condescension —
They set no value on anything that was given except night < aps &
handkerchiefs — red was their favourite colour — On going away
they would not permit any body to go with them & thiew away
some rings & Trinkets that had been given them

MAIN JOURNAL 49

Dfteiiiber 15 This day the Boats procured so many oysters that they were
served out to all the Ships Company.

1 7 Set out at 6 in morning with Mr Brown Allen fee tor Oyster

Harbour — we kept mostly along shoie till we reached the River
mentioned by Vancover — we followed the course of this River
which winds Irom West to East we found it very tioublesome
walking sometimes midly deep in mud at other times in thick
brush wood and long grass 5 or 6 feet high and to heighten our
ditficultys we were in great want of water the River being quite
brackish with much latigue at about one o Clock we found the
River divide into two Streams — the one seemed to come from
North to South and the other from North West to South East
and unite here — we followed the last which was least but still
brackish water — we soon came to a small fall in the River which
afforded us much satisfaction having neither eat nor drank this
day before here — we stopt sometime to refresh ourselves &
dui ing out stav the tide rose considerably at the bottom of the
fall and it appears that at high water it is covered by the tide — I
supi^ose this to be 6 or 7 miles Irom the Sea — In tracing the river
we saw many wild Ducks which were not vei7 shy & one
Kangaroo" having refreshed ourselves we set out the nearest
way for the Ship walking by compass through an immense Forest
we walked witli all convenient expedition & occasionally met
with pools of standing water which were very desirable —
however night overtook us while we were 6 or 7 miles distant
from the Ship — we had seen a small Lake in one of our former
excursions at no great distance Irom where we were and as we
had good moonlight we made for it &: reached it afjout 9 — here
we made a Hie eat the remainder of our provisions appointed a
watch and lay down to sleep

18 Got up at Daylight and proceeded for the Ship which we reached
at Breakfast. — In this excursion we found manv fine specimens &
some seeds — a violent scjuall with heavy rain came on about
noon & continued several hours — also Thunder & some Hail.

19 The ground being moist with frequent showers I went ashore
and took up a number of plants to prepare for putting in boxes
which were getting ready.

20 Went ashore Early in morning to South of Harbour & traversed
a wood of very large Timber — chiefly Eucalyptus resinifera —
and directed our Course to the Top of a range of hills to South
West during a verv' heavy rain — on our return we travel sed a
large tract of barren Sand which had a ven singular appearance
being lull ot Coral of various sizes figure & textuie

50 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

December 2 1 Went ashore alone & took up several plants to prepare for boxes
also gathered several seeds & specimens

22 Took a walk in neibourhood of Harbour with Mr Brown and
gathered a few seeds & specimens

23 Went ashore early in morning with a large party of 13 in number
in which were included Captain and first Lieutenant we ( ai i icd
provisions with us for two or 3 days intending to go to the Lakes
to the west seen froin observatory mountain and to ascertain
whether they have any communication with the Sea near Cape
Howe^^ — we had gone but little distance from the Beach when
we perceived a native at some distance before us and soon after
heard the voice of children at a little distance we soon came up
to one which we found to be the oldest of the Natives which
often visited the Tents — he met us unarmed and cordially shook
hands with such as offered and endeavoured to prevent us from
going any farther by taking hold of the foremost of us & when he
saw anothei pass leave that & again run to the first this he
continued to do for soinetime &: making a great noise — when we
had passed his family he permitted us to walk peaceably but
continued with us a considerable time while we were walking
Midly deep in a morass during a heav^ rain — while he was with
us one of the party shot a Parroquet" which was shown to him
he was eager to have it but showed little fear for the report of the
musket — however he expressed some degree of surprise and
seemed to pay much attention to loading the musket again — we
also found a snake^"* which he the native knocked out of the
hand of the person who had taken it up with evident symptoms
of horror giving us to understand it was dangerous — after mid
day we arrived on the borders of the nearest Lake which I think
is about 2 miles long and 1 or more broad with extensive
morasses near it in one of which we had waded some time mote
than knee deep — here we saw fit to take some refreshment and
drank freely the waters of the Lake and proceeded to westward
keeping the Lake on our left when we came to the west
extreamity of this Lake we struck off for another which we had
seen to South West but were again interrupted by another
morass — having exiricaied oiu selves again we soon lell in with

a River of 12 or 14 yards broad and appaiently verv deep ven-
still black water — we traced this River a considerable time
walking among large Trees and excessive thick brush wood 5 or
6 feel high with frecjuent Morasses — we found the River sensibly
to Diminish till at length we forded it with tolerable ease and
then directed our course for the Sea — we soon came to a fine
run ol pure water near the border of an extensive wood and

MAIN JOURNAL 51

December 23 being near night took up our quarters — made a fire fixed our
Centineis &c.

24 Set out early in the morning and soon found ourselves on the
Banks ot a fine River of Brakish water — this we followed,
encountered another Morass and soon found ourselves on the
borders of a fine Lagoon of Brakish water, nearly Circular, of I
think 2 miles or more in Diameter — we weie now ashured this
must communicate with the Sea fiom which we could not be
very distant and that in all probability we should not be able to
cross this River and Lake nearer to the Sea we thought proper to
return the way we came to get to the opposite side ol this
River — to ascend the mountain, on that side where could see all
between us and the Sea and ascertain with certainly their
situation 8c communication — with a continued quick pace about
2 PM we arrived at the place where we had i efreshed ourselves
yesterday on banks of the first Lake — having in our way met with
a path of the natives which we followed several miles and
forwarded us much — here we halted to refresh ourselves — and
soon set off for the hills but before we could get clear of the
morasses which surround the Lake we were obliged to wade
knee deep for some time through a thicket of bushes — but
getting clear of this thicket we soon ascended the hills and had a
fine view of the Lakes and a vast extent of Counti^ — we saw a
Lake nearer to the Sea than we had been and which is united to
the Brackish one we had seen & the Sea by the River which we
had traced for Several hours of both days and on which we had
seen some Black Swans^^ — The Sea forms a deep bight to these
Lakes but appeared Shoal water with a reef of Breakers opposite
the entrance — having rested ourselves and enjoyed this fine
prospect — we returned for the Ship — but soon began to want
water which was not to be had on these moimtains — we had not
returned far when Mr Bawer was so much overcome with fatigue
and want of water that he could not proceed — Mr Brown as also
a Sailor & I continued with him while the others proceeded for
the Ship where they arrived about 9 very much exausted — Mr
Bawer having rested awhile we again proceeded intending at any
rate to search some water if possible of which we were so much
in want — but he was frecquently obliged to sit down — we could
find no water till about midnight we arrived on the Beach &
soon came to known spring which was drank with delight — we
then proceeded to the Tents where we slept sound till morning.

25 Got on Board about 6 o clock & having secured our collections
had the pleasuie of eating a Christmas Dinner with the Captain
the Sailors had holliday & were more regular & orderly than
usual on such occasions however several got compleatly drunk.

52 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

December 26 Employed Turning specimens Sec which i ecjiiii ed nnich
attendance.

27 Went ashore with Mr Brown & collected a few things in the
neibourhood — he told me tomorrow was the last day we could
expect to do anything ashore here &: that some boxes would be
ready for plants &:c.

28 The Boxes were not ready till 1 1 when 1 went ashore and had
some assistance from the Marines to get earth fee I planted as
many and with as much care as time & circumstances would
permit — but the day was stormy and unfavourable — so much
that they could not be taken on Board — Mr Brown & Allen went
ashore on the neck of land which seperates the soinid from the
Harbour where they found a Birds nest of 22 feet circimTference
& 5 feet 6 inches high'"''

29 Got the Plant boxes 3 in number on Board with about 60 species
of plants — They were placed at the Stern directly under the drop
of Log & Leadlines

30 A party of the marines were landed & exercised in presence of
several of the Natives who seemed to admire them they showed
no other emotion than a sudden start at the reports of the
Vollies — Mr Brown & Mr Bell took the demensions of the
different parts of the Body of one of them he gave proof of
considerable patience by the manner of permitting him to
measure him & then begun to name the different parts of the
body from which was collected a few words of a VocabulaiT
Caat-the Head — colit the breast — Nelock cheek — Waart the
Neck — Taa mouth — Geur the arm — Davaal the Thigh — Mat the
leg — Menal the Eyes — Twang Ears — Catta hair — Mite the
privates — Kean Toes — Wurril the skin which they wear over
their shoulders — ^emba sit down — Geant The Sun — This dav
the Tents were struck and carried on Board — wind woidd not
permit us to sail

3 1 Wind being contrary went ashore to South of Harbour and
collected a few things — Captain & partv landed at some place &
on the range of Hills saw three large kangaroos & an Emu"

On the south luest coast of New Holland

1802

JanuaiT 1 T he wind continued to blow in the entrance of the Hai bom — at

Mi Biowns desire I landed on one side of the Harbour while he
with a jiartv landed on the opposite where he saw 4 kangaroos
bill found iioiliing new.

MAIN jOURNAl, 53

At Mr Browns desire I was landed on the same side of the
Harbour which he was yesterday I went alone and saw a very
large black snake" — saw two fine Rivulets ol the finest water I
has seen in the Country & found several new plants seeds &c.,
also some singular Seaweeds — a boat went a fishing and caught
so many that they were served out to the Ship's Company.

At one P.M. the wind shifted to South West a fine Breeze
weighed and sailed into the Sound — Trawled and caught a great
variety of Fish some vet7 curious in form — the Tiawl also
brought up a variety ol marine plants and some Coral. Fish were
served to the ships Company. Anchoi ed in the evening.

Every thing was prepared for Sea — Mr Brown and I went ashore
and collected a few things — & in the evening Captain, Mr Fowler
and Mi Brown went to Seal Island to deposit a bottle containing
a letter and giving information of our progress thus far &: our
intended route &c. fcc. &c.

Mucti rainfall in the night and morning — after 9 got underway
and past between the Islands in entrance and mount Gardner —
when another high mountain appear alter passing which we past
between an Island of consideiable size & the Main — behind the
point was a tire with smooth water — in the evening stood olf a
stiff breeze 8c a considerable swell all day

In the morning stood on to where we had been last night and
ranged along the Coast about 8 hauled up for a deep bight with
an Island in the entrance — but seeing the bottom stood on from
2 or 3 miles to several leagues distant — about 5 hauled up again
between two Islairds and into a spacious Bay with low land to
West & Nortti and 2 high mountains to the East — here the boat
was Icjwei etl and went to Sound the channel between the Islands
and the Main and on finding a ship could not pass theie we
stood on

Nearly Calm till noon when a light Breeze sprung up — at this
time we were 3 or 4 leagues distant from Land at j past one the
Breeze encreasing we stood on for an opening which appeared
between the two high mountains and a lower one on West — on
coming near it proved only a small bight and tfien stood
on — The counti^ now put on a mucli more barien appearance
than to westward of King George III Sound as it appeared
entirely destitute ol Timber — however it is inhabited and we saw
several fires in land — In the evening saw many Breakers ahead
and an Island off a point of very low land.

In the morning past a small Island with many Birds and some
Seals — ,1 vast lange of Breakers streached liom this Island

54 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

Januarv S towards the main & another on the opposite side of us — The

Coast here tor a considerable distance is verv' low and barren —
in evening near a Cluster of Islands laid down bv
Dentrecasteaux*' — stood off for the night — fine weather.

9 Light breeze westerly stood on to East and passed a number of
small Islands & Breakeis which obliged us to keep a distance
from the Main &: still Islands as far as could be seen — The Coast
appeared veiT barren vast Tracts absolutely destitute of
vegetation — The Islands appeared all Granite Rock nearly
destitute of vegetation — however some of the longest were
Covered with wood — Towards evening we were entirely
surrounded with Islands and Breakers in every- Direction so that
it became dangerous to keep to Sea we theiefore stood in for a
Bay on the main and anchored at j past 7 in 8 fathoms of water
sheltered from all Winds but West.

10 Went ashore at Daylight with a large party and collected many
fine specimens &: seeds — In this days excursion we met with a
species of Cycas'" with plenty of green fruit — on cutting it open
and tasting the Seeds were vers palatable & full of juice as water
was scarce we eat heartily then made a fire and roasted them and
eat in that form — but were ver\ soon after taken with a pain on
tlic Stomach a headach and repeated reaching — which
continued all day — this was common to all who eat this Palm
about 20 in number — two only of which experieirced no bad
effects from it — It had no other effect than that of a strong
emetic as every one was well next day — Captain Cook relates a
similar instance which occurred to his crew & on giving the fruit
to the Hogs they swelled and died.

1 1 After Breakfast were landed in a fine snug Bay to North of where
we lay and collected several fine specimens and seeds particularly
Banksia — Came to a fine Lake of freshwater a few yards from the
Sea with plenty of wild Ducks 2 of which were killed.

12 Went ashore in the morning and walked to the mountain where
we had landed yesterday where I found a new Banksia I then
bent iny Course to another high mountain in land with a
singular summit — near the base of which I found an extensive
marsh 8c some new plants also evident marks of the nati\es
having been there very recently — finding I would be benighted if
I ascended the mountain I returned and got on board f)efoic
dark loaded with seveial fine new plants — on Board ihey c aught
an enormous Shark witfi the Carcass of two Seals almost entire
in his stomacfi in one of which was found a piece of natives
spear.

MAINJOIIRNAL 55

January 13 Went ashore with Mr Brown and party to visit the mountain

which I had been at the base of yesterday on ascending near the
Summit and arriving at the entrance of what we had supposed a
Cavern — we were astonished to find it a natural Arch entirely
through the mountain — this arch was 70 yards broad at the base
40 yards through the mountain and 9 or 10 yards high here we
found a tew new plants — when on the Summit we could count
the country set on fire in 9 differeirt places by the Natives and
one of our boats had gone to a large woody Island to which they
had set fire the smoak from so many darkened the air so that we
could not see much of the country — but what we saw is barren
no luxuriant vegetation to be seen several small Lakes and
Marshes — This bay as also the mountains forms a head land
which streaches a considerable way into the Sea which almost
surrounds it — The Bay is situated between 34 and 35° of South
Latitude and 122 & 123 of East Longitude.

14 Got uirderway early with a fine Breeze &: stood on through a
great number ot Islands and Bieakers and past a banen
Coast — about 3 p.m. it was reported liom the masthead shoal
water a head very near and instantly the Ship touched — but
fortunately suffered no damage — at this instant we had not 3
fathoms of water & next cast of the lead 7 fathoms on one side
and 13 on the other — The boat was instantly lowered and sent
ahead and soon made a signal for shoal water hove too and boat
soon after made signal to stand on did so and in evening
stood for a Bay of a large Island where we anchored about Sun
down in a snug well sheltered Bay.

15 Were landed in the morning on the large Island & ranged
through the woods and along the Shore — we fell in with a Lake
of very salt water tinged of a beautiful red colour with a Cjuantity
of fine white Salt on its shoies & also fine chrystals of Salt — This
Lake was separated from the Sea by a high bank covered with
wood about 100 yards broad — this Lake is about f of a mile long
& broad — came on board to dinner having found little varierv'
here — in evening were landed on a small Island which shelters
the anchorage here we found but little variety — the boat had
been here in morning & had set fire to the low bi ush with which
it is coveted the smoak of which annoyed us much — The Boats
crews killed on this Island upwards of 2 Dozen Geese" of a kind
peculiar to this country & are little inferior to English Geese —
they were divided among the Ship's Company

16 Went ashore on the large Island 8c ascended the highest part of
the Island which commands an extensive prospect of Islands and
even the main — from the appearance of the Vegetation the

56 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

jaiuKirv 16 South West winds must be very prevalem lieie — This Island is
chiefly composed of Granite of various degrees of fineness and
colour — some finely streaked with veins of vers pure Quartzc
also some viens of Mica Sc Fehspar — here is also Calcareous
Stone — Mr Thistle'- went sounding the different channels
among the Islands & visited some Islands more distant Sc
brought on Board 30 Geese which were also distributed among
the Crew — which together with the fish caught here proved a
great refreshment.

1 7 Got underway Early in morning and passed many Islands and
breakers &: a deep bight in the main — the Coast was chieflv low
with some hills ol considerable elevation in land in evening came
to an Anchor in 8 fathoms water near some white sand hills on
Shore which was ven- low — the Countrs' rising slow & gradually
to a ridge of moderate height which bounded the prospect of the
countiT.

18 Got underway early with a light air which dyed away to a Cahn
about noon a Breeze sprung up from Eastward at 4 weie very
near the Shore — having passed several hills of white sand of a
singular appearance. The Coast had now a ven different
appeaiance — The land ending abruptly in perpendicular while
rock of which we could distinctly see the strata running
horizontal — This lock streached to East and West of an etjuaf
height — which formed all the prospect of this countrs as no land
could be seen over the apparent wall even from the masthead.

19 Wind more favourable and stood along parralel to the shore
with a fine Breeze — a continuation of the same perpendicular
rock wall all that could be seen of the land.

20 This and folloyving day the wind contrary with a heavv swell — we
made little progress to windward and of course saw little

land — but what we saw was only a continuation ol the same
perpendicular rock of the same height and appearance.

22 Wind still contrary' but more smooth yvater in evening caine very
near the shore in 7 fathoms water — The land had now a ver\
different appearance — being very low land with some liiile i ising
hills of sand and some vegetation hut great ranges of sand
absolutely void of vegetation many Cokmins oi Smoak i ising at
no great distance in land — at night wind variable & hot — rather
squally.

23 Wind more favourable stood along the Coast whi( h was near a
streighl line from West to East — low flat CountiA no hills of
conset|uence.

24 This and following day the same a{)pearance of low fanif Init
rather more fertile.

MAIN JOIIRNAL 57

Januarv 26 Brisk wind from South & South West about noon the Coast
opposite us had the same appearance as horn the 18th to the
22nd the land ending abruptly in a perpendicular ifjck of 30 to
40 yards high runing in a direct line from East to West.

27 The same shore like a wall composed all our view of land till
about noon it changed its appearance to a Sandy Beach and low
counties' — The Rockv Coast 1 think extended about 100 miles as
also the one Irom 18th to the 22nd and the whole shore since the
16 had run nearly from west to East — It now changed its
direction and trended to South East The soundings along this
whole extent of Coast were very regular.

28 The coast was now more irregular — in evening stood in for a
large Bay behind a rock point and anchored in 3 fathoms water.

29 Went ashoie at daylight and ascended the neck of land which
shelters the Bay — finding vei7 few plants there directed our
course to the flat low counti^ more in land — here we found a
large tract which at some seasons inust be inundated with salt
water as the Surface was covered with Salt — a species or two of
Salicornia was all the Vegetation this part affoided we were
obliged to be on Board by noon & finding nothing to protract
our stay were rather before our time and got undei"way soon
after. This is the most miserable part of the Coast we had landed
on — not a drop of fresh water and tittle variety of either animals
or vegetables — we saw in some places the prints of naked feet in
the mud and sand but not recent many veiT recent prints of the
feet of Dogs" — This was the only part of the main where none of
the bushes had been set on fire — but indeed tfiey were so thin
scattered as to render it difficult — The Rock here is Calcarious
and of different colour &: consistence some porous others fine
grained and hard.

30 This and following day the wind contrary and we made little
progress the coast trended much to the South with a vei7 barren
a|)pearance.

February 1 Past to windward of a low Island but made little progress.

2 Wind still contiai^ — in evening came in sight of a number of
Islands and breakers — stood lor a Bay on North side of a large
Island and anchored — a number of Birds of the Peteiel kind on
the wing

3 Went ashore in morning and traversed this Island which we
found to be all burrowed over by a bird of the Peterel kind
which must be very numerous — This Island is chiefly composed
of Calcaieous mattei with a Base of Porphei-y' also some
considerable Rocks of Sandstone — towards noon the heat

58 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

Febi uan 3 became excessive the Thermometer in shade of a Rock on shore
rose to 100 laid down in the Sun it rose to the top of the Tube
which was 130° — a species of Grass" about knee high annoyed
us much, it run into our legs as sharp as needles — we met with
little variety here ever\- thing was parched up — two Boats went
ashore in the evening and brought ofT400 of the Peterels which
burrow here in such quantity and are tolerable eating — the
Sailors call them Mutton birds" — Captain 8c Master were
employed taking bearings & sounding the channels — hazv
weather.

4 Got underway about 1 PM with a fine Breeze from South South
East and stood towards the North — we soon saw the main to
West and land to North & East — in standing to the North for a
deep Bay and attempting to pass between two Islands — we were
very near aground the water having shoaled ven, suddentlv to |
less 3 fathoms — wore Ship directly and lay too for the night.

5 This day was employed in exploring several deep bights to the
Eastward — in every finding the land trend much to South —
stood to the North tor a Bay which had not been sufficientlv
explored — several fires on shore

6 Stood to North and passed to westward of where we had nearlv
grounded on the evening of the 4 then hauled up into a deep Bay
for some time till water shoaling to three fathoins when we put
about at this time we were several leagues, froin the Bottom of
the Bay which had a low^ sandy shore with a flat country^ — smoak
seen in land — In evening anchored in entrance of the straight
between the two Islands which separates this Bay from the others
to Eastward.

7 Went ashore Early on the largest Island which is 4 or 5 leagues in
length — here we saw a great number of ciuadiupeds of the
kangaroo kind about the size of a hare'^ three of which were
killed — we found no variety of plants here came on board about
one PM — the Ship soon got underway and before midnight
Anchored in the same Bay in which we had Anchored on the 2
instant — very hot weather since our arrival here — much
lightning in South quarter.

8 Went ashore and traversed a difTerent part of the Island from
where we had been before but was etjually unsuccessful — In
evening the Boat went ashore and brought oif 7 50 birds whit h
were divided among the Crew — hot weather.

9 Got underway Early with a fine Breeze which giadually increased
we stood South East and in the afternoon made the same point
of land which we had left on evening of the 5 being a high rotkv
point — the Air was now quite cool.

MAIN JOURNAL 59

February 10 In morning stood for a bight behind a point of perpendicular
Ro(i<. — In this bight was an Island and many breakers — but no
safe harboui^ — stood along the Coast which was high and rocky
with a fine Breeze — about noon stood in behind another rocky
point where appeared a fine opening in land — we stood very
near and saw a nairow opening through a low rock and at some
distance beyond a Sandy Beach — from the mast head water was
seen overland — so that it is probably there is either a river or
some Lake here — but the entrance appeared Shoal water with
Breakers — as the wind grew fresh full against the Shore it was
dangerous to go near — stood along Shore South East close
hauled — In evening came in sight of several Islands some of
considerable extent.

1 1 Strong South East wind with Squalls a number of Islands Rocks
and Breakers ahead — about 8 A.M. anchored under the Lee of a
Large Island nearest the Main and soon went on shore but the
whole Island produces little else but Birds and Seals. Cool air.

12 Got underway Early with a strong South East wind and in even
anchored under the Lee of a Large Island far from the Main.

13 Went ashore Early and traversed the greater part of this Island.
It is woody but no large timber and no water — it is stocked with
a species of kangaroo the same as was found on the 7 instant but
here they were in better condition the air is certainly much
cooler — This as all the other Islands we have visited are
composed of a Calcareous Earth on a Base of Granite or
Porphery.

14 Got underway Early with light wind contrary made little advance
along the Coast — strong breeze in the afternoon.

South Coast of New Holland

15 Wind more favourable and fine weather — one high Island Sc 5
bare rocks near it in the South West quarter — The inain high
land with some deep bights &: a number of fires — In evening the
land inclined directly from North to South a rocky Coast with
hills of considerable elevation the summits of which appeared
covered with Trees & more fertile than any we had lately

seen — fires in different directions

16 Early in the morning stood into a large Bay with hills of
considerable elevation on North and low land on South — at 8
a.m. the water which had shoaled gradually was less than 4
fathoms and all shoal ahead — put about — at this time we could

60 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

February 16 not see the bottom ot the Bav which had niiK h the appeal aiue as
the mouth of a river — but no depth of water to admit ships to
enter — hght airs and cahiis it was 7 p.m. before we could pass
the West point of Bay when two Islands appealed ahead — inanv
columns of smoak. rising in different diiections among the hilis
and several Natives seen walking on the beach,

1 7 This day we gained little wind being contrary but passed several
Islands & a very barren Coast.

18 Kept working to windward the Coast consisted of great tracts
entirely void of vegetation & high perpendicular Rocks of a
white colour.

19 Kept working to windward — in evening came opposite a small
Island near a rocky point behind which appeared a deep

Bay — but hazy weather, & strong wind blowing right in kept to
Sea.

20 In the morning stood to examine the Bay seen last night and
about 8 A.M. could trace the Shoie all round — a large open Bay
without shelter — again beat to windward & having weathered
the South East point stood in behind to an opening of which we
could not see the bottom — we passed several Islands and on
entering the narrowest part which was not much above a mile we
observed a very rapid current running out against the wind
which blew fresh from South East right into this Stiaight — which
having passed we still found ourselves in the open Sea 8c that the
high land to the Eastward of us and which we had supposed to
be the Main was only a large Island and that we had doubled a
high Cape of the Main which now trended from South to North
as tar as we could see — we found several small Islands between
the large one and the Main but fji eakers entii elv across except
where we came in — we stood to the Lee o{ the Lai ge Island and
Anchored but on Sounding round found it not safe — up Anchor
& stood to Lee of Sinall Island next & again anchored in a strong
Current which regularly ebbed and flowed.

21 Went ashore Early and ranged among the woods with whi( li ihis
Island is covered — we found a few new plants & three Set peius"
were killed one of which was ver\' large also a spec ies of
opposum'" &• a kangaroo of the same species we had seen on the
13tti ik 7tti inst. came on board at)out noon.

Hitherto we had been very fortunate had no accident of
conseciuence occurring to any of the crew. It is now necessary to
relate a melancholy and distressing accident no less than the
Total loss of the Maslei's Cutter & Crew" consisting of Mr
Thistle Master — a man of iimch experience whose intrinsic merit

MAIN lOl'RNAL 61

Fchi u.irv L' I had raised him Iroin a common Sailor to the Station he then

iicld &r wliich he tilled with Ci edit to himselt and satislattion to
all around him — ol Mr Taylor, Midshipman a vei^ promising
young man &: the Crew ot six choice sailors — which melancholy
accident happened in the following maimer. — It was considered
of some importance to determine exactly the situation of this
remarkaljle part of the Coast & the day fiaving been cloudy had
but a bad observation — Captain theieffjre proposed remaining
another day & as our watei began to run short The Master went
to the Main which is high land to see if any could be got &: to
sound &: observe the coast &c. The wind blew moderately from
South East without any apparent danger — Mr Fowler went with
the other Cutter to the large Island — just alter si^inset the Cutter
was seen coming awav from the main with a stiff bieeze from
South East and a strong current setting against it — The Cutter
appeared close hauled and the current seemed to take her a little
windward of the line she made for the Ship — She was seen
distinctly for about a quarter of an hour when she was halfway
from the Shore to the Ship & just to the Lee of a small Island
which confines the Curient — not the least danger was
apprehended — I was on Deck and lrec]uently looked at her to
observe the effect of the Current — I had not taken my eyes 5
minutes from tlie fjoat when I again looked and (ould not see
it — I immediately said I had lost sight of the Boat, Mr Evans who
had the watch on Deck made the same oljservation, a general
look took place and it was not to be seen, at this time Mr Fowler
with the other Cutter was at the Island — some time was spent
looking with Glasses without effect & it became dark apace — The
distance from the ship to the Main might be from 5 to 7 miles &
the Cutter was seen I think not more than 3 from the Ship. Mr
Fowler soon came on Board — Captain informed him of his
fears, pointed out to him the situation we had last seen the
Cutter & recjuested him to lose no time getting there to assist &c.
but advised him to be very careful not to risk his Ijoat — he sailed
directly to the place wheie the other was last seen but it was now
dark — he continued rowing and sailing in even direction he
thought likely to meet witti them till about 1 1 by signal Irom the
Ship he came on Board without having seen anything of
them — but said that he got into a great reef of bieakers near the
place which was pointed out to him as the last the other Cutter
was seen and that it was with great difficulty he could extricate
himself from it.

22 Got underwav Earlv and stood across the Straight to the Main
and soon perceived the c hain of breakers where the Cutter was

62 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

Febi nan 22 supposed to have upset — Mr Fowler went to sound and (ound
plenty of water &: that it was entirely occassioned by the violence
of the current— where some Islands confine it to a narrow
channel and that it frequently disappears which inakes it more
dangerous for boats — about 7 anchored in a snug little Bay of
the Main sheltered froin every wind except East — Mr Fowler
went with the other Cutter to search the different Islands in case
any had got on them particularly those nearest to where they
were supposed to be lost & where the current might cariT them,
while Captain and party landed on the main &: walked along the
shore in one Direction & Mr Brown & party in another — Mr
Fowler soon found the reinains of the Cutter near the point of
the Main which sheltered the present Anchorage from the South
East winds which seem prevailant here — The Cutter had been on
shore & broke to pieces & no part of the Crew about it — and at
night when all parties had returned on board nothing was found
but broken fragments of the Boat on the Beach &: some
oars — Mr Fowler also found the Compass Sc binnat le floating &:
imhurt — thus all hopes of finding any of the Crew alive
\anished.

23 Captain went with Cutter to search to leeward most fragments
were found in that direction — Mr Brown & I went to the Top of
the hills &: collected a few plants — The Shore was searched in
every diiection &: nothing found but trifling fragments &
Captain found floating a small cask in which Mr Thistle used to
carry his licjuor.

24 I went ashore at Mr Browns desire over the same ground we had
gone the 22 to gather some things which anxiety to search the
shore had then prevented us — Nothing belonging to the Boat
was found this day Mr Fowler in evening drew the Seine and
caught many fine fish which wete distributed among the

Crew — This part of the Country forms a long Neck of land
which streaches South East a great way into the Sea & is
narrow — from the mountains we could see the Sea on both
sides — Its surface is almost entirely covered with a very rough
hard calcareous stone which renders it difficult to walk — The
base is Granite of various degrees of fineness and some \cins of
other substances — The surface is almost entirely covered with
f)ushes chiefly of the Eucalyi)tus kind — with some variety of
other things — there are lew places which have any soil but the
bushes growing among the tiaie loose calcarious stone No water
was found licre altfiough ttiere nuist be water at some seasons
for at the Bay on the Beach were several huts beltei built than
any we found about King George's Sountf — some pans of tlie
counti7 had been lately burnt.

MAIN JOURNAL 63

February 25 Took our departure from this Bay which Captain named Memory
Cove as a small tribute to the memoi7 of the brave fellows who
were lost there — he caused to be fixed on shore a plate of
Copper commemorating this melancholy and disastrous event —
with the date of our anchorage here &c. We stood along the
Coast to the North 8c passed several Bays and Islands and
alterwards stood to West into a large Bav with manv Islands and
anchored to Leeward a small hill — went ashore in afternoon &:
collected a few things among which a new Opposum'" — found
no fresh water.

26 Went ashore Early as also Captain & Draughtsmen & ascended
the nearest hill where we had a fine prospect of the Bay which is
spacious and convenient with numerous places for Anchorage
we saw near the top of the Bay a Lake which we supposed fresh
water came on board at 10 and immediately got undei^way &
stood up the Bay with a fair wind — it is rather shoal from 4 to 6
fathoms water Anchored about one and went ashore directly
with Captain & Mr Brown to go to the Lake on arrival we found
the water slightlv brackish in the marshes near it we found fresh
water — this Lake is near two miles fiom the harboui — on return
we found marshy ground near the Top of the Harbour and
small pools of fine fresh water in which the Captain expected to
be able to water the Ship — In this excursion we collected several
new plants.

27 The launch got out and Ship moored early 8c a party landed to
dig for water Tents erected and instruments taken ashore to try
the late of the Timekeepers — Mr Brown and party went to visit a
high hill to North of Harbour where we had a fine prospect of
the country which consists of hill and valleys — the whole country
had been lately burnt a few spots excepted — there were seveial
fires at no great distance — we saw very distinctly the high hills to
the North of the Bay in which we were the 16th instant — they did
not appear more than 20 miles distant.

28 I went ashore at Mr Brown's desire to South of the harbour but
met with little new — Captain went to the hill we had been on
yesterday also to some Islands in the Mouth of harljour and to a
smaller Lake to south of Ditto which he found to be very Salt
although it has no communication with the Sea — Ship's
Company bussied watering the Ship.

Maixh 1 Landed with Mr Brown and party to walk round Lake seen on

our arrival heie on reaching what we considered the extremity of
this Lake we found that it had two more Arms — each nearly
equal in si?.e to the first — which had been hid by their different
direction and some Islands covered with wood — we found

64 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

M.iK h 1 considerable morasses of fresh water on the North shore oi this
Lake which is but slightly brackish — on arriving al the tai ther
extremity we ascended the low hills & found oiirscKes on tlie
Shore of the main Ocean and the Bay which we had looked into
on 20 instant which is large open and exposed & a dreadful surf
all round — hei e we saw the mainsail of (he Cutter so laieh
lost — two Arms of this Large Lake run each to at)out half a mile
from the Main Ocean and the other extiemily about 2 miles
from the Harbour & seems to have no communication with
either — we found little interesting in this excursion.

2 Employed in preserving former collections — Captain went to the
largest Island in mouth of Harbour & at a Signal agieed on three
Great Guns were fired from the Ship with the view to measuie
the distance.

3 Took a walk in neibourhood with Mr Brown & collected a few
things — In evening Mr Fowler with Cutter provided for two or
three days set out for Memory Cove to look for the body's of the
Crew of the Cutter lost there the Ship ha\ing near compleated
watering.

4 Took a walk in the neibourhood bv mvself and saw 4 large birds
of the Ostrich" kind but was a considerable distance from
them — Two of the natives were seen near the Tents & a hut was
found in which were found 1 7 spears & some other
implements — This day the Captain was on shore with Telescope
attending the Eclipse of the Sun which was almost Total only a
small part of tfie lower limb was not obscured — The dav was
lather cloudy but it was tolerable distinct even to the naked

eye — This day watering the Ship was completed. Tents stiiick.
Launch hoisted in and everything readv for Sea.

5 Unmoored and got underway early Sc stood on to the first Large
Bay in mouth of the harbour and anchored about 10 AM — In
afternoon went ashore on South pcjint but met with little

new — Mr Fowler returned with the Cutter from Memorv Cove
without having foimd any of the wreck of the Cultei or any part
of the Crew — The counti-\' aioimd ttiis large Bav or haibour is
composed chiefly of calcarious matter the greater pai t of the
surface loose rough calcareous Stone — some places it is coveted
with fine light soil in some places red &: ottiers t)la( k — there are
many places which might be rendeied fertile bv Cultixalion but
theie seems to be a geneial want of water everv pai I of tliis
Coiiiitry whicti we had yet visited — but this was probafjly none
inferior to the neihbourhood of King George's Sound^The
country is more open and no Timber equal to what might be got
there — but the soil appeared better adapted for cultivation.

MAIN JOURNAL 65

March 6 Got underway in the morning & stood to North & North East &:
anchored in evening near a small Island — with some others in
sight & one ot considerable size all low and considerably distant
from the Main — strong Current.

7 Went ashore on small Island which is chiefly Granite & vei^
barren — at noon up anchor and stood to the Northward with a
iresh breeze — according to the Custom of the Navy, Yesterday
were sold at auction the ellects ol the Crew ot the Cutter lately
lost which was this day completed & some regulations took place
to fill the vacancy of officers Mr Evans Master's mate was
appointed acting Master Sc Mr Nathaniel Wright Seaman, for his
meritorious conduct was promoted Midshipman.

8 Stood on the North East with a stiff breeze, a hilly coimtry
appeared with some low points on shoie with hills rising behind
hills in land, about noon land trended Eastward and in
aiternoon land appeared (jn both side, in evening we stood to
west shore to Anchor, but water shoaling suddenly to less than
thiee fathoms put about and before dark anchored in the open
Sea without shelter — wind blowing fresh with hazey weather —
high land to the East and hilly counti^ with low shore to the
West some land in appearance of Islands to North.

9 Lip anchor in morning and stood North with a sti ong southerly
wind — after some time stood East and passed a deep bight and
again stood North with a chain ol mountains the most
considerable we had seen in New Hollaiul to the East and a hilly
counti7 to the West with a channel between 8 or 10 miles
broad — the wind blew fresh from the South stood right betore it
about 4 hours when Shoal water appeared ahead, immediately
put about and while in the act of wearing there was about 2
fathoms water while the Ship drew 13 or 14 ft. &: it must have
been owing to the heel which was then considerable or she iriust
have grounded — we soon got into 6 fathoms and anchored — for
tfie last two days we had vei^ regular soundings from 12 to 6
fathoms for the last 50 or 60 miles seldom more than 6 fathoms
till in this channel which deepened to 12 or 14 &• again shoaled
suddenly.

10 Went ashore at day light with Mr Brown and party of 7 in

number to visit the chain of mountains to Eastward of us — we
were obliged to wade knee deep in mud and sea weed for
upwards of a mile at landing low water and the Tide having left
that space — we still foimd the space of several miles the land very
little above the level of the Sea with manv winding Creaks of Salt
water which are filled by the Tides — In these salt marshes & on
banks of Creeks grow a c]uantity of a kind of Mangrove

66 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

M.ii th 10 Trees — The whole country for 10 or 12 miles from the shore
appears to be inundated at some Seasons, the soil is entirely
composed of mud which has been washed down from the
mountains or from the intcriour oi liic countn hv floods we
directed our course for the highest hill which Terminates the
range to the North, the distance was much greater than we
expected & it was past noon before we arrived at the bottom of
the mountains — we had not ascended far when Mr Browns
servant being overcome by fatigue & heat could not proceed,
soon after Mr. Westall's servant was in a similar state we directed
him to go back to Mr Browns servant and to go to a spot at the
bottom of the mountains where was some appearance of water
and there wait for us — It was very near Sunset before we reached
the summit when we had a most extensive view probably the
most extensive ever had in New Holland, being elevated full
3000 feet above the level of the Sea and it may be said 100 miles
in the heart of the CountiT — on the Stnith was the range of
mountains rising behind each other with ravins &r deep gullies
from these mountains to West was a great tract of low land, the
River or Arm of the Sea &: a hilly countrs beyond, fiom which to
North was a level plain as far as the eye could reach with the
continuation of the River gradually diminishing till it was lost in
the low plains to the North froin which to the East & round to
South was a vast plain terminated by a range of hills paralcll to
what we were on riming from North to South — having gratified
ourselves with viewing this extensive and boundless desert we
begun to descend with all expedition, but were soon overtaken
by darkness & some of partv being overcome with fatigue on
arrival at the bottom of a deep Gullie we thought fit to sjiend the
night but it was spent ven' uncomfortably — little fit e wood could
be got the night air was vers cool in this elevated situation — the
ground was full of stones and so uneven that we could not
lay — add to which soine had no water having trusted to finding
water among the mountains & we had not been so fortunate as
to find any — The morning was anxiously expected few of the
party having had any refreshing sleep.

1 1 As soon as day appeared continued om descent fi om these

moiuuains and soon came to where we had diieiled the senants
lo go, and foimd them vers' comfortable with plenty of fine water
and a gootf fire, here we drank with an cxtjuisite relish eal some
musty bisquit & Salt Beel and sufficiently quenched our thirst
with this delicious spring — here we found a species of Tobacco'^
& several new plants — we reached the shore about five in the
evening & soon got on board, having suffered considerably for

MAIN JOURNAL 67

March 1 1 want of water the heat being so great as to cause much want of
that article — In this excursion we found mucli less variety in tlie
Vegetable Kingdom than was expected — This country produces
little Timber — on the mountains many Trees of Cassuarina of a
moderate size and in the Gullies and on banks of rivulets fiom
the mountains which were now dryed up grew some fine Trees of
Eucalyptus These mountains are chiefly composed of a kind of
Schistus or slatestone which are generally loose on surface few
pieces of solid rock being seen There is also Quartz and a
mixture of Quartz with other substances — On arrival on bcsard
we learned that Captain had left the ship soon after us to sail up
the River with the Boat &: that he was not yet returned he
returned before 1 1 at night having sailed 15 or 20 miles up the
River which he found at first brackisfi & near to its Sources quite
salt 8c met with no fresh water — saw many Black Swans but they
were so wild none were killed — some Ducks weie killed — saw a
native Dog — several huts were seen & recent prints of the feet of
Natives in the mud both by Captains party &: ours but no Natives
though their fires were vet^ near us — some decayed bones were
found near the Spi ing which from their structure appeared to be
human — from bearings & obsei-vations the mountain on which
we tiad been was 16 or 20 miles from the Ship

12 Employed securing our collections without anv thing
remarkable

13 U]) anchor at day break & stood to South with a westerly
wind — before 8 got aground on a mud bank with which this
shoie abounds — as it was a gentle breeze got the boat out with a
Kedge Astern & soon hove her off without any damage — The
whole day had shoal water and in great danger of being aground
as it frequentfy shoaled suddenly — particularly near the East
shore it would scarce allow us to near enough to see the shore
from Deck anchored in evening quite exposed

14 Up anchor early but were still obliged to keep a great distance
from the East shore — Anchored in evening several Leagues from
land in sight of the Mountain which we had visited though
distant 70 miles — we could see the chain of Ditto for 100 miles
from North to South

15 Up anchor early & stood along the Coast the soundings were
more regular but never moie than 15 fathoms — Land seen
distinctly on both sides the bay Anchored in evening some
Leagues from East Shore

16 Got underway early wind contrai^ kept working to windward
with land on each side

68 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

March 1 7 Out of sight of land in morning stood to Eastward & soon came
up with it and kept woricing to windward along a ven" barren
Coast — the greatest part of the Surface absokaely bare either
white sand or stone of that colour all low land, having lost sight
of the range of mountains

18 Passed several points which streach considerably to Westward at
before 10 in evening Anchored near a point which was lor
sometime thought to be an Island, so that there is a bight to East
of this point, a fire was burning near the Beach & Natives
walking about it

19 Got underweight in morning with a Southerly wind and stood to
Westward and soon came in sight ol the high Island where we
had anchored on 20 February, we stood in that direction with a
light wind till 4 PM when seeing Breakers ahead &: wind veering
more to West put about — at this time we could see Menioi v
Cove & the Main for a great distance as also several Islands — one
high Island to Eastward had been seen nearly all dav — Moon
Eclipsed.

20 In morning in sight of the Main to South East and neai the high
Island seen yesterday to the East, also in sight of the high Island
near MemoiT Cove, so that the mcjuth of the Bay or Gulph
cannot much exceed 30 or 40 miles — about 10 AM saw an
extensive high land to South & South West at a considerable

, Distance — low land to East Sc a large opening to South East

where no land could be seen. Some rocks or small Island oil the
East point — Becalmed a great part of the Day — in evening a
Breeze springing up from West which increased to a gale &:
varying to South West.

21 Blew a fresh Gale, with high lanci to the Southward, streaching
to East & West as far as we could see on coming near the land we
found ourselves much sheltered, with smooth water imder the
land stood to the Eastward, the whole country covered with
wood, we passed two deep open Bays which rim in to South oi
South West and anchored in the Evening well sheltered by high
land near the East point a high point of land to Eastward
unconnected with that by which we Anchored

22 Went ashore Early and ranged among the woods with w hu h tins
coimtry is covered and collected a few plants. On landing we
lound Seals Sc large Kangaroo's'^ ven plentv and (luite lame, so
much so that in the coinsc of the lorenoon neai 30 Kangaroos
were killed the largest of which weighed 130 lbs and the smallest
70 lb- — this proved a valuable acc|uisition to the Ships Crew as
c'veiT man had as much fiesfi provision as lie could make use
off — this circumstance of finding seals & Kangaroos which

MAIN JOURNAL 69

March 22 appeared never to have bee]i disturbed before convinced us we
were on an Island

23 Went ashore in morning and walked to Eastward where I found
several new plants, came to a spot where fresh water rises in
tolerable plenty from the ci evices of rock near the Shore a party
landed to shoot kangaroos but had bad success only few were
killed they were now very shy, 4 Emoos were seen but none
killed saw fire on what we had supposed a high Island to
Eastward

This Island from what we saw of it cannot be much less than 100
iniles in length — it is entirely covered with wood hilly and in
many places a considerafjie Depth of rich soil Sc vei7 capable of
Cultivation, there seems to he a general want of water here as in
evei-y place we had visited on the Coast ot New Holland, but this
certainly merits the preference for the purposes of Cultivation
from any we had yet seen. The Base of this Island is chiefly
composed of a kind of blue stone laying in strata ot different
thickness and rather irregular direction but generally at an angle
of from sixty to 80 degrees — It is mixed with partial viens of
Quartz & mica in very irregular directions at the shore the rock
is generally hard & rather inclined to a black colour and as it
advances froin the Shore it becomes of a feinter colour till it is
almost white &• high up it becomes more of a Grit stone fcjr
much of that near shore is so soft that it will easily cut with a
knife.

24 Up Anchor early &: stotxl to North West with a Westerly wind
and passed the mouth of two deep Bays in the Island we had just
left at top of these Bays the land appeared low with some little
hills in land raising their summits above the others.

25 In morning near the point where we were on 20th stood to the
Eastward with a low barren looking country to the North in
afternoon wind veerecf to Eastward.

26 This & following day we kept plying to windward with little
success at each tack alternately making the high Island & the low
shore

27 At noon feeing nearly calm & a current taking us to Westward
came too with a Kedge Anchor in 15 fathoms near the large
Island l:)Ut 8 or 10 miles to West of where we had before
anchored, at 3 PM a breeze springing up liom South up anchor
&: stood to Eastward and parallel to the high point ol land which
we had at hrst taken lor an Island about ^ past 7 light was seen
on starljoard bow at a considerable distance which became more
& more distinct till several were seen and continued the greatest
part of the night

70 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

March 28 Becalmed in morning with the land to Eastward of us having a
promising appearance hills of gentle elevation near the Shore &
rising gradually hills beyond hills for some distance the most
distant ol considerable elevation with large vallies or planes
between from some of which smoak issued — about noon a
breeze springing from the South stood along the coast to North
the land soon began to trend to Westward, the land next the
Shore perfectly level Sc low with the waters edge forming a large
plane bounded on the Eastward by a high range of hills whit h in
parts of the ascent appeared broken lock with little vegetation
but towards the bottom of the hills appeared well wooded & the
greatest part of the summits were covered with vegetation, much
smoak rising between the foot of the hills and the shore. The
water shoaled gradually & we were obliged to haul farther fiom
the shore, about sundown anchored in 5 fathoms water sevei al
Leagues from land little current perceptible here — hazey
weather

29 Morning Calm & serene land visible both to East and West & all
round to North except some openings to North West where we
could not see the bottom, Up Anchor and stood in that direction
with a light air from the Southward, about noon water shoaled
to near three fathoms, hauled to Westward when it deepened to
8 or 9 fathoms & again stood to the Northward

The water again shoaled to 3^ fathoms with scjually weather,
again hauled to the West when water deepniiig again stood to
the North and Anchored in the evening about two leagues from
land on either side &: where could see the bottom of the Bay
which seemed to terminate in Shoal water in eveiT direction. All
low land on shore Sc rising gradually in land but no ven high
land in view

30 Captain & Mr Brown went with Cutter Early intending to go to
the top of the highest land in sight which was to the North they
had at least three leagues to Sail before they could reach the
shore in that diiection — the distance from the shoie prevented
any other Boat from gt)ing ashore — The day was very fine and
Cutter returned in ttie dusk — They had not been able to teach
the highest land it was inoi e distant than they expected, found
the Bay to terminate without any river or inlet and a low country
with gently swelling hills — not much wood but plenty of grass
which was parched with drought

3 1 Up anchor early and stood to the Southward with light winds
fine serene weather

April 1 Light variable winds, fjefore midnight anchored a little to
Westward of where we had anchored on 22d Man h

MAIN JOURNAL 71

Anchorage XIV south coast of New Holland

April 2 Went ashore in morning with Mr Brown & party and ranged

along the Shoie to South West making occasional streaches up
among the woods — but found little but what we had before
seen — Captain went early with a party to top of the Bay where 4
Emoos were seen, several partys landed to kill Kangaroos, they
were now so shy that they had not much success however so
many were got that all hands had again fresh provisions

3 Up anchor early when finding the Timekeeper had stopped.
Anchored again & moored — wooding party went ashoie and
some parties in search of kangaroo's. Several Emoos were seen

4 Went ashore Early & took provisions for two Days intending to
penetrate as far as possible through the woods. Messrs Westal &
Allen were of the Party — while Captain & Mr Brown went with
Cutter to the top of the Bay to explore it and to endeavour to
reach the top of a round hill which appeared some distance in
land at top of Bay — I penetrated a considerable distance up a
Gully near the Eastpoint &: from that to the summit of the hills
but the trees were so thick as entirely to prevent any extensive
view of the counti^ — In this excursion I met with a few new
things and returned in evening to the Spring where I found Mr
Westal & Allen and where we spent the night

5 Took a ramble through the woods 8c killed a beautiful bird of
the Parocjuet kind & a kangaroo, a boat came for us and one of
the ci ew attempting to kill a Seal had his leg bit by one in a very
dangerous manner. Mr Westal & Allen had little success in
killing kangaroos & birds saw many Emoos but killed none Got
on board about 6 in the evening, where we learned the Cutter
had come in the morning, that they had found an inlet of the Sea
which took them quite to the foot of the hill they proposed
going to, which proved to be composed of sand and from which
they had an extensive view of the island which composes two
large Peninsula's joined by a narrow Istmus not above two miles
broad from the extreamity of the Inlet to the opposite shore but
they could not see the extent of the land eithei to East or West,
they found an imense number of a singular species of Pelican*'
some of which they brought on Board, a party in evening cutting
Brooms saw 14 Emoos

South coast of New Holland

Unmoored Early, and got underweigh — but wind shifting to and
Current against us anchored again vei7 near where we had

72 JOl'RNAL OF PETER GOOD

A|)i il b Anchored on 22 March — past noon current being more

favourable Weighed and plyed to windward & before 1 1 PM
anchored in a bay of the same Island — in the streight which
seperates it from a high point of the Main — The Streight about 3
leagues broad — rwo small Islands or rather rocks near the
middle of the channel

7 Weighed Early and plved to windward — and cleared ihis fine
Island where we had been so well refreshed and which appears
to me to be the most desirable place we have met with on the
Coast of New Holland from what we saw of it, it cannot be less
than 100 miles in length it is covered almost evenvvhere with a
light red loam very favourable to Vegetation, in manv places a
considerable Depth — The Trees Sc vegetables which are
indigenous to this Island are more varied than any we had
before met with — It produceth 4 or 5 species of Eucalyptus as
many species of Mimosa all with entire leaves — 4 or 5 species of
Melaleuca with some other plants of the Natuial order of Myrtus
2 species of Correa one Alyxia several Syngenesus plants.
Atriplices 4 or 5 species of Fern Dodonea, Casuarina,
Anthericum, several species of Grass, Lichens, with some

others Its Animals also various the most considerable are

the Kangaroo of which it has two species differing chiefiv in size

very large Gouanas*' some lizards'* & with manv insects The

feathered race is here in great variety numbers & beautv and
many have fine notes the night I slept on shore we heard about

1 1 oclock a bird calling exactly like the Cukoo." The first of the
feathered race is the Emoo — a large Eagle" was seen here a large
Sc curious Pelican a brown Pigeon" ver\- numerous. Quails,'"
and great variety of the Parrot tribe some of which are decked in
the most elegant plumage, with a great number of small
birds — the scarcity of water seems a great bar to the cultivation
of this fine Island as we found it only in two places about h<dl a
mile apart & close on the Sea Shore in South Lai. 34.43 Sc East
long. 137.27 nearly — . The wind Sc current being against us the
greatest part of the dav we made little progress, but (ni lent
being favourable in the night

8 In morning found ourselves considerately to Eastward &: the
Coast trended from South West to North East a hillv loimtry —
about 9 moi ning land sireacli to the Southward a low sandy
coimtry, harpooned a Porpoise and kepi plving lo windward at
4 P.M. a Sail was seen to windwaid sl.mding towards us, 8r soon
came so near that we discovered French colours 8c a Union jai k,
about Sun down hailed and Captain Sc Mr Brown went on Board
& learned it was the French National Frigate the Geographe

MAIN JOURNAL 73

A|)i il M Citizen Baudiii" commander, he informed them he had parted
with his Consort Le Naturahst in Basses Streights, that he had
lost a boat there with 8 men which he had sent in search of some
Islands & had never returnd, thev also learned he had lost many
men at Timor by sickness among which was his Gardener who
had been hurried beside Nelson'^ & a monument erected to
their memory — kept company all night.

9 Our commander & Mr Brown went on Board the French Frigate
early and gained some farther information respecting their
discoveries, that they had coasted around Van Diemans Land —
and that he had been on some part of the West Coast, and
hnding they were much in want of wood & water directed him to
where he could find both — at CajJtains return we parted
Company — the frenchman standing to Westward & we to
Eastward, light airs and cloudy all day in evening much
lightning in East & North East, some very heavy showers

10 fine weather and light Breezes stood along the Coast to South
East a low sandy shore very uninteresting, nothing to be seen but
the shore killed a Porpoise

1 1 Light variable winds & hazy weather with some rain — the same
appearance of land as yesterday

12 light variable winds, land trended much to the .South low but
covered with vegetation close to the shore

13 A strong Breeze Irom South East the land trending in that
direction, the land still low but some little hills near the Shore
covered with vegetation passed some ro( ks near Shore verv little
above the water

14 This and following day kept plying to windward with a fresh
breeze fjut gained little an iminteresting Coast

Kirii^s Island in Basses S freight S. coast of New
Holland

16 Becalmed most of the day out of sight of land could get no
bottom with a line of 200 fathoms

1 7 light Breeze land in sight at day light distant 13 or 14 miles,
stood to Eastward along the Coast with a fair wind — in the
afternoon wind shifted to South East the land trending in that
direction, at this time some hills of moderate elevation showed
themselves in land

18 nearly Calm all Day

74 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

April 19 light wind and heavy swell stood along the coast to the South
East

20 A fresh Gale from the Westward with a hea\"y swell and thick
cloudy weather with frequent squalls and heavy showers of rain
and flail, passed several Bays and some Islands & rocks but
weather very unfavourable to trace acurately the Coast

21 The Gale abated a little Ijy 10 AM and the Sea gradually became
less turbulent, little land seen this day

22 Wind from the south standing to South West at 8 AM land seen
to windward appearing Islands, kept plying to Windward

23 In moniing under the Lee of an Island of considerable extent
plyed to windward and about 3 PM anchored a few miles from
Shore Captain & Messrs Brown &: Westal went astiore with
Cutter — they killed two animals of the Opossum kind wliich at
Port Jackson are called Wumots, it has very short legs Hat liead
and round body, also killed a kangaroo, also an Amphibious
Animal which the Sailors killed &: brought the skin on Board it
was probably a Seal but of a different species from any we had
seen

24 Went ashore early with Messrs Brown Bawer, Fowler, Westal and
Bell — penetrated in the woods with which this coimtiT is
covered, fell in with a fine lake of fresh water about a mile in
circumference and some marshes about it where we found some
fine plants among which 9 species of Fern. 8 of which we had not
before met with, two of which were Tree Ferns;" The Island is so
incumbered with wood that it is difficult to penetrate to the
interior, none of us were more than half a mile from the Shore
and at that distance we found a rich vegetable loam over a sandy
bottom, the air was cool & the soil every where appeared
sufficiently moist. The Shore as far as we saw is all sand except
opposite where the Ship Anchored a low Granite i oc k projects a
little way into the Sea & helps to break the Surf which liowe\er
was troublesome. The variety of plants occasioned Mr Brown &: I
to pass more time about the Lake than we had intended & in
making the cirquit of the Lake we met with such a thick brush
that before we reached the Beach the Ship had fired two Guns to
hasten us — we got on board before 1 1 AM immediately made
Sail & stood to the North with a fresh Soiutiei Iv Breeze — tuo
Opossums of the same kind as mentioned vesterdav were killed

this day In evening very high laiuf to the Nortli fiesh Bieezes

& fine weather.

2.5 Stood to the Nortli East along the shore which consisted ol high
mountains covered with Trees & interspersed with Gullies and

MAIN JOURNAL 75

April 25 Steep banks in evening broken land was seen from the North
West round to East and even to the South of East the last of
which appeared an Island fine weather.

26 Stood to the North East and soon came near the land the most
Southerly of which we could not weather, then stood to the
North & North West into a large open Bay with low land all
round — soon after noon an opening appearing to the East
hauled up for it. About 2 past the narrowest part which does not
appear a mile broad with breakers streaching a considei able way
from each Shore & a strong current, we did not find less than 7
fathoms water, stood to the East and opened a large Bay of
which we could not see the extent to the North, Shoal water
being seen in several places to the North made several Tacks and
about 5 ship Grounded & stuck till past six before She was again
in deep water when we Anchored in 10 fathoms with a strong
current from West to East & vice versa

Port Phillip south coast ofNeiu Holland

27 Captain with Mr Brown & Westall went with Cutter to the East
end of the Bay to ascend a considerable hill there to have a view
of the Country, while Mr Bawer Allen & I were landed on the
nearest shore to South which however was several miles from the

Ship We walked in a South West direction till we reached the

opposite Shore which is much exposed to the West winds which

are prevailing here This neck of land has a very pleasing

appearance, having much resemblance to a Gentlemans Park in
England, being covered with fine Green grass and Nuineious
Trees and Bushes in pleasing irregulariry, and so far apart as to
admit the whole surface to be covered with Grass, with Gentle
rising hills and little vallies; The soil is rather sandy but is
probably the best we had seen in New Holland and the only
place we had found the Surface covered with Grass & which had
preserved its verdure entirely through the Dry Season; There was
much Dew on our landing, The Day was very pleasant — We
found plenty of fresh water close on the Beach, saw the print ol
the feet of Dogs on the Sand, The fire places of Natives, and
much of the herbage had been burnt a few months ago, but no
very recent marks of Natives — came on board about 6 in evening
& Cutter came soon after — The Gentlemen having ascended the
hill from whence they saw a large Piece of water to the East &
which supposed to be Westernport discovered f)y Basse,'' but
could not see extent to North of the Bay in which we were — they

76 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

Api il 27 (ound plenty of Oysters and other shellfish on the Beach — (ouiid
Iresh water &: Brackish marshes and brought a very favourable
report of the beauty and fertility of the Countrv — Mr Fowler
went to a low Island opposite the entrance where he saw Black
Swans, Pelicans and an astonishing quantitv of Birds of various
kinds, with plenty of oysters and other shellfish

28 Weighed early and stood to the East with a ven- light aii the

current setting against us about 10 AM came too with the Kedge
about 1 PM Weighed stood to the East & dropt Anchor about 3 a
mile or more from the Shore at bottom of the hill — pleasant
weather

29 Captain went off early with Cutter & Crew with pro\ isions for
two-or three days, intending to examine this Bay — a fresh Breeze
from the Northward — Up Anchor at 7 and stood to the West at 8
grounded but went off immediately. Anchored at half past 8 in 8
fathoms water Boat went to Sound, when it returned Weighed
intending to Drop down to the entrance of the Bay — about 1 PM
wind shifted to the West when we Again anchored — after dinner
went Ashore with Messrs Bell, Westal Sc SeiAants intending to
stay all night — I ranged thiough the woods &: meadows to the
West of the range of hills and meeting with several new plants
induced me to protract mv stay till I with dinicultv reached the
Shore before daylight was quite gone — I walked about the Beach
a considerable time near to where the Gentleinen they had
proposed staying, but could see or hear nothing of them, wtien it
became quite dark I ascended the hill at length heard the report
of a musket and saw a hie which I supposed to be on the Beach.

1 then descended and when I arrived on the beach could see
nothing of the fne — after searching sometime in vain 1 look up
my residence beside a Creak of water slightlv Brackish gathered a
number of boughs of trees for the double purpose of defeiuling
myself from Cold & Dogs, and passed the night tolerably well
two large fires were burning on the opposite Shore.

30 As soon as light would permit begun to put last evenings
collection in Order and before I had finished a Musket was fired
a few yards from me, il proved to be Mr Wesial who informed
me they had slept about a (quarter of a mile from me with a good
fire — I soon repaired to it and eat a heartv bieakfasi of Ovstci s,
and again set out another ramble through the Meadows and
woods — I first t tossed an extensive plane to the bottom ol the
hills and then went South for several hours where I foimd seveial
new plants and met with a fine run of pure water whit h loses
itself before it reaches the Shore in large Swamps and Marshes —
having loaded myself I icturned to the North West and got on

MAIN JOURNAL 77

April 30 board before 4 PM with a fine hai-vest — the wind had remained
westerly since I left the Ship which had not moved — some

showers The Soil near the Sea is composed almost entirly of

sand which however produce vei^ respectable Trees of a species
of Banksia and other sorts of Vegetation less vigorous, on
advancing from the Shore it gradually becomes a misture of
Sand & bmnt or decayed Vegetables, in various proportions,
where di^ sand composes the greatest part & wheie moist
decayed vegetables, of a black colour — I had no opportunity to
examine the soil on the hills but to the West of the Hills and
South of the Bay there is an extensive plane which is chiefly rich
Meadow land, the Soil a considerable Depth of rich black bog
soil which everywhere gives evident proof of great fertility by the
luxuiiant growth of its Vegetables — which if it were not
fretiuentfy cfeared by burning would soon fjecome impenetrable
as was the case witli seveial spots wliich had escaped the last
general conflagration, whicfi it had experienced a few months
before — water was plenty evei^ where in this extensive valley

Mav 1 Fine pleasant weather, about noon wind veered to North a

gentle breeze Weighed and stood for the entiance — Anchored
about 5 some rain

2 Weighed early Dropped down nearer to the entrance and
Anchored about 8 AM within half a mile of the South

Shore — Mr Brown was landed soon after on nearest Shore, but
not finding any tiling new soon returned and was again landed

on tlie Nortfi Stiore Soon after 4 P.M. Captain returned with

tfie Cutter having been 4 Days in ascertaining the full extent of
this large Bay which cannot be less than 50 or 60 miles round
with an entrance of less than a mile broad and a deep channel to
the top — they spoke highly of the coimin' as being fjeautilull
and fertile, saw a vast quantity of Wild Ducks Swans &&& had
interviews with the Natives which they describe as brave and at
the sametime harmless & inoffensive people and readily parted
with their Arms Sc Utensils which are manufactored with more
ingenuity than those about King George the thirds Sound, their
spears were well finished & Fisfiing Utensils which consist of a
long streight Stick well pointed with fjone joined with cement
and thiead — some have two fjones about 6 cjr 8 inches long
which stand parallel about two inches apart well pointed &: fixed
to a long handle by cement & String — In this excursion they met
witti little fresfi water — Mr Brown retiniied about .5 having
found a large inlet at North Shore with many Swans but were so
shy none were killed

3 Weighed early witli the Wind westerly and dropt out of the Bay

JOIRNAL OF PETER GOOD

May 3 by the Current which is rapid in the entrance and meeting the
Main Sea causes a ripple & looks very dangerous, when clear of
the Streight stood South till about noon ha\ ing cleared the land
stood to the Easruard with a strong VVestcrlv Wind and heav'v
Sea and passed a pleasant looking country low near the Sea but
hillv ill land. Passed Western Port

In Basses Streights S. coast of New Holland

The strong Westerly Wind continued with Showers & hazy
weather at times — In morning passed Wilsons Promontory
which is high rocky land with rather a romantic appearance and
some high pointed Islands or rather rocks near it in the course
of the day we passed inany detached Islands and Rocks through
the channel — saw little of the Main all dav and stood on all night
for the first time since our arrival on the Coast o( New Holland

fresh Breeze from the Westward. Stood to the Northward about
noon land seen to the Westward

Port Jackson Xezu South Wales

Fresh breezes nothing remarkable occurred stood to the
Northward and on the evening of the 8 were in sight of the Flag
Staff at Entrance into the Harbour of Port jackson wind being
contrary could not get in

Kept plying to windward & at 1 P.M. got into the eittrance of the
Harfjour where a boat met us and informed us that the French
Frigate the Naturalist was in the Harbour also the Ladv Nelson,
the Porpoise & some Whaler's biu that no Ships had been from
England later than us

The approach to this place is not very promising a perpendicular
rugged cliff of Freestone presents itself to the Ocean and the
entrance is scarce to be seen till quite in when it opens a fine
Spacious Harbour with a veiA' remarkable appearant e a number
of fine Snug Coves & inlets & after passing one fine Bay we open
three or 4 more all as Smooth as a mill Pond whii h with the
natural appearance of the Country, the North &: West Shoie
entrielv uncultivated & the South & East mostly cleared with
pretty Siuig houses &: Gardens appears vers romantic — on
Hearing the Town of Sydney it has a fine appearance ll is Sealed
at the end of a Srmg Cove on a piece of ground which Ships in
three directions, the Centre Slops to the Sea & each Side slops to
the Centre with a gentle de< li\ ily lo the Sea at the same time.

MAIN JOURNAL 79

May 9 each house has a considerable space of Garden ground so that
the Town spreads over a great space — though there is nothing
grand or magnificent in the Construction of anv of the Buildings
ol the Town yet there is a degree of neatness & regularity which
has a fine effect Several of the princijsal houses are built with
Brik and white washed others with wood painted, they are all
covered with wood cut in the form of Tiles which ver\' much
resembles Slate — Art or even imagination can scarce form any
thing more grand than the various windings of the harbour —
Anchored between two & three P.M. at the entrance of Sydney
Cove — Captain immediately waited on the Governor — Several
other Gentlemen went ashore

10 Went ashore in morning and collected a few things in the

neibourhood of Town — This evening came into the harbour the
Venus Whaler and Ijrought the agreable intelligence that Peace
was concluded between France and England in October last. The
Venus had received this intelligence from an American Vessel
from the Cape of Good Hope to India

1 1 Went ashore and had a walk with Mr Brown &: the Frencfi

Botanist'^ & collected many fine plants

1 2 Much rain in morning — went to enquire after Lodging for
convenience of Drying & collecting without being detained for
Boats Sec.

13 Einployed taking some necessaries on Shore to Lodgings

14 from this to the 21 constantly employed collecting when the
weather would permit & in wet weather preserving those
collected

2 1 Went on Board & Brought ashore the Seeds collected on the

south West Coast to separate and send a part h\ the Speedy

whaler for England — this with turning and preserving former

Collections employed me till the 26
26 from this till 30 employed every opportunity collecting in the

vacinity of Sydney
30 Set out for the Hawksburry — passed the night at Constitution

hill and Collected several new things

3 1 Arrived at the HawksburiT &: Richmond hill collecting

June 1 In the morning sallied out into the immense woods alone the

fine morning induced me to go a considerable distance when the
day becoming obscured and at noon set in a heavy rain, the
thickness of the woods and flatness of the Country, I having no
Compass lost my direction, and with gteat difficulty I reached
the house 1 had set out from before 10 at night very much

80 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

Jiini- 1 fatigued having been about 10 hours in a heavy rain which made
the long grass & thick brush vei^ troublesome to walk in and I
had walked a considerable time in a morass knee deep — In this
excursion I found several new things

2 Sailed down the River to the Green hills"" and from thence
proceeded to Constitution hill where I arrived about half past 10
at night much fatigued the roads being ver^- bad in one place for
near two miles knee deep from the heavy rains

3 Arrived at Sydney with my Collection — The distance from
Richmond hill to Svdnev is ,50 miles in all this distance I did not
find such a varietv of new plants as I expected however I foinid
several sufTicient to fill all my boxes —

4 from this to the 1 7 Searching the vicinity of Svdnev which
produceth the greatest variety

1 7 Set out for the HawksburiT with Mr Brown &• partv stoped all
night at Parramata

18 Visited the North Rocks & Collected several things

19 Collected several things in the Vicinity of Castle hill

20 Arrived at the Hawksburi-y

21 Employed in searching the vicinity of Green hills

22 Set out about 2 in the morning & sailed up tlie River to the first
falls when leaving the Boat we proceeded for the Blue mountains
with a guide Ascended a part of the first range and returned to
the Boat before dark and to the Green hills the same night

23 Set out early in a boat for Portland head" and returned to the
Green hills about 12 at night — In these two days excursion we
sailed on the River Between 30 &: 40 miles for about 20 Miles ol
which distance the land is cleared and Cultivated on both sides
and is probably as fertile and productive in wheat &: maiz as any
in the world as they have a Crop of each annually on the same
ground and the general produce of what is 30 bushels an acre
The River about Portland head is very romantic consisting of
low liills abrupt Cliffs of Rock and fine fertile vallies through
which the River winds Majestically bold &: deep with the most
luxuriant Vegetation on its shores among which must be
included the Cabbage Palm a species of Coniplia," a Spei ics of
Passion Hower" Sc many others, the Valleys are generally small
interrupted by sudden difis of Rock or gentle Roi kv hills 7 he
Rock all tree stone

Towards the falls we found in the bed of the River some other
substances particularly coal washed down from the mountains —
The soil rich loam some places beds ol clay on ihc B.iiiks ol ilic
River

MAIN JOURNAL 81

[unc 24 Set out for Sydney and after taking some refreshment at Toon
Gabie""' arrived at Pananiata about 8 P.M.

25 Arrived at Sydney about 4 P.M. — In all this excursion we had
very fine weather, sharp hoar frost in Mornings whir h went off
by thiclc foggs which disappeared about 10 or 1 1 oclocit and
regularly succeeded by fine clear weather with hoar frost and
fogg at night.

26 From this till the 3 July employed in securing former collections
Sc short walks in neighbourhood

July 3 Visited Cooks River and Botany Bay and Collected several new
things, from this till the 13 in taking walks to South head and
neibourhood, where I found several new things and various
things begun to flower which did not appear on our arrival

13 Carried iiiv things on Board from Lodgings & from this till the
18 employed in putting specimens in boxes to remain heie till
our return

1 8 on Shore procuring some necessaries for the Voyage

19 This and following day making evei"y preparation for Sea

21 In morning took a Short walk in the fields and collected a few
things & in afternoon Sailed down to the Heads and Anchored

22 Up Anchor Early and was soon in the open Sea with a heavy
Swell — Stood to the North North East with a fresh breeze fiom
South West and past Broken Bav"" Hunters River and also Port
Stevens.'"^ The country consisted of hills of Model ate elevation

covered with Trees and very fertile The CountiA' in this

neibourhood is certainly veiT different from the South West
Coast much better adapted tor Settling a Colony, on the whole
Coast from King Georges Sound to Port Ptiillip we found very
little grass & what we found was only in tufts but at Port Phillip
& all the neighbourhood of Port Jackson particularly on going
any distance in land the whole counti-y was coveted with fine
grass. The natural composition of the Country is also different at
King Georges Sound The Base appears Granite with some
Calcarious earth and other substances in smaller quantity and
sandy Soil with a greater or less proportion ol decayed
vegetables according to Situation & Circumstances. To the
Eastward of D'entrecausteau Archipelago"" the major pai t
appears Calcareous with a miserably fjarren Sandy soil; most of
the Islands and the main about Memory Cove have Granite or
Porphery for their base, from thence we meet with little
Calcareous or Granite substances — and the whole time ol our
stay at Port Jackson 1 found neithei Granite nor Calcarious
matter The principal Stones 1 saw were Sandstone or Grit

82 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

July 22 stones most pleimluU Slate stone. Iron stone Sc Coal the Soil is
various near the Sea sandy with a mixture of black bog or
decayed vegetables

29 Up Anchor at 4 in morning and got round the Spit the wind
blowing right out of the Bay kept plying to windward &:
Anchoied at 8 P.M. 3 or 4 Leagues from land

30 Weighted at 1 2 at night &: kept plying to windward, about

10 A.M. a Sail seen from the Mast head & at 2 P.M. from Deck
& recognized to be the Lady Nelson. Kept plying to windward
&: anchored between 2 & 3 P.M. — the Brig came through the
passage among the breakers & had onlv 6 feet watei — touched
the bottoin several times in evening went ashore with Mr Brown
& had a short walk & gathered a few new things

3 1 In the night we parted our Cable a fresh Breeze from the South
West Early in morning Captain Mr Brown Sc a large party landed
a great Surf on the Beach made it troublesome — on landing
several natives were looking at us at a little distance & the Brig
came close in Shore to protect us in case of an assault. Mr Biown
& party went along the Beach to the Westward to try to get
beyond the Sand hills which form the proniontoi-s' of the Cape in
hopes of finding a greater variety — but on finding the distance
greater than our limited time would permit we struck into the
woods for several miles, and it is astonishing to see what
Vegetation is produced froin Sand, here were Banksia serrata &
dentata in great plenty Sc it appears the natives set the flowers of
the latter also Banksia latifolia some Cassuarina Sc other Trees of
considerable size — on returning we fell in with a human skelton
which appealed to have been flurried there for some sticks weie
stuck in the ground and many boughs had been laid over the
body all was now decayed except the bones which was tolerably
entire — we found fresh water in pits in seveial places in one
place — near the Shore Sc we found a number of fishing nets
executed with much ingenuity almost equal to european
inanufactor the Cordage seemed to be made from a kind ol i iish
very neatly plaited, one was brought on board but Captain
would not permit any more to be took from the Natives 20 or 30
of which were assembled on the Beach with the Captain Sc boats
Crew at cnir return &: had freelv given or exchanged their Net
ware as I believe no other implements ol theirs were seen — They
did not permit their women Sc children to come near the
Eui opeans but some were seen at a distance Sc it was repoi ted the
women had long hair ived behind. The men were of a middle
stature 'rathei underi well made mild Sc sociable having no
weapons either offensive or defensive thai we saw — BungeiT'"'' (a

MAIN JOURNAL 83

July 3 1 Native of Broken Bay which we had with us) amused them by
throughing his Spear, which seemed to surprise them and it
appears they are unacquainted with the use of the Wumora'"^
they did not differ much in their persons or appearance from the
Natives of Port Jackson but have a diffeient Language for
Bungery could not understand them — They appeared sorry
when we went into the Boat, some came into the water after us &
appeared to wish to accompany us — On board they had been
employed to regain the Anchor (which had been lost in the
night) and which they accomplished

August 1 Up Anchor early & stood across the Bay & were sometime out of
sight of land & in afternoon made the opposite side of the Bay
and stood along Shore to the North West Shoal water obliged us

to stand larther off passed an opening like the mouth of a

small River a low Sandy Shore 8c flat country covered with
herbage but appeared rather barren Anchored before Sundown
in 5 fathoms about 2 leagues from land

2 Weighed at Daylight &: stood to the Northward with a fine
Southerly breeze the country in morning still low in afternoon of
tolerable elevation diversified with hills & vallies — in evening
Anchored in Bustard Bay which is open with breakers near
Shore & a large piece of water in land — the East head consists of
rock of a grey colour, the first rock we had seen for sometime,
much smoak rising from the head & Natives seen on the Beach

3 Weighed at Day light & stood to the Northward with a light
breeze which dyed away to a calm & vei^ hot-afternoon a fresh
Breeze spung up from the Northward — Southerly winds had
been prevalent since we left Port Jackson — The Country
diversifyed with hills of considerable elevation & valleys but does
not appear fertile the hills a great way in land but thinly covered
with Vegetation

4 Wind variable stood a considerable distance from land which is
very hilly & Anchored before dark several leagues from land an
opening appeared opposite where we Anchored. Warm weather

5 Weighed early and stood to the Northward light airs & fine
weather about 1 1 A.M. Anchored opposite an opening into a
vei7 large Bay — several large Canoes on the Beach & some
Natives to the North of entrance. Mr. Brown & party went
ashore on North side of entrance near the Canoes a number of
Natives appeared making Gestures as we approached the Shoie
but on coming near they all run into the woods — We walked on
in Search of Natural Histoid without paying any attention to
them & crossed a neck of land till we found ourselves on an Ann

84 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

August 5 of this large Bay — many Natives before us hui would not permit
us to come near them alwavs retreating as we advanced on
advancing to a Httlc hill covered with Trees they threw a number
of Stones towards us & kept among the Bushes out of sight — on
our advancing up the hill they disappeared — we continued to
advance till we came to the opposite side of the hill & in going
down the bank the Natives gave the War Song & rushed out
among the Bushes in different directions, throwing stones &
sticks at us — they appeared to have no Spears we got into an
open space at the bottom of the hill and fired some Muskets in
the Air when they all run away as fast as they could run — on
returning to the Shore we found the Shell of a veiT large Turtle
which they had been roasting veiT lately, the head & part of the
flesh was still firm — a great part of the flesh of Turtle hung uj) in
a Tree of fhe Pandanus odoratissima so that it appears thev live
in luxuiT — they had many fishing nets & cordage about the
Beach executed in the same manner as at Sandy Cape — Their
Canoes were similar to those at Port Jackson fjut much larger &:
better executed Captain went to Sound in entiance but foun<f
only 5 feet water over the bar a low rocky Island in entrance he
was now persuaded that the low land the whole extent of which
we had sailed in the morning was an Island & directed the Brig
to sail round and endeavour to get in &: ascertain the fact — fine
weather

6 Went ashore early with Mr Brown & party & two Marines at the
right of the Harbour — we walked to the North a considerable
distance fell in with a Creak of water & an extensive open tract of
rich land coveted with grass & no trees which appears at Seasons
to be inundated — The Natives avoided us — The Captain went
off early with Cutter to Survey the Bay particularly an Inlet
which had the appearance of a River &: took provisions for two
or three days — The Brig got into the South entrance and come
round the Island in sight of the Ship &: then Sailed to the

Inlet — Mr Brown &: party leturned on board about 7 P.M. With
tolerable success

7 Went ashore early with a parlv on the large Island whit h ioi ins
the Port & since called Facing Island where I made a fine harvest
& among others an elegant Emijothrium

8 Captain returned about 9 A.M. having been about 14 miles up a
Creek or Arm of the Sea like a River being from 2 to 3 miles
fjroad & earring from 3 to 10 fathoms water — The Brig Sailed
roimd to join the Ship — I went ashore and collet ted a few
things — during our stay heic we had legular land & Sea Bieezes

9 Weighed Early in doing whii h the Anchoi broke & part lost as

MAIN JOURNAL 85

August 9 also the Buoy & Buoy rope Captain would not wait to regain the
Buoy but availed himself of a fine fair wind & stood on round
Cape Capricorn and entered the Torrid Zone and into Keppel
Bay where we Anchored about 3 P.M. — many Islands about the
Mouth ol the Bay Sc many places of Shoal water — very high land
on the West side of the Bay Sc xeiy low to the South near Shore
but high hills in land one ol which was very visible at Port I &
Captain had sailed very near its base the East side near which we
anchored was low land with some gentle hills — went ashore with
Mr Brown & collected many fine plants

10 Captain went off early with Cutter to Survey some deep Inlets to
the West of the Bay as many Creeks & Rivers appeared from a
hill near Anchorage — Mr Brown & Party went ashore early & we
made a tolerable harvest — Master with Cutter went Surveying
and Sounding —

1 1 Went ashore early &: collected several things — Captain returned
on board about noon

1 2 Went ashore early with Messrs Westall & Allen and Crossed the
Creek which surrounds the land where we Anchored and makes
it an Island at Spring Tides — we walked to Cape Keppel where I
found some fine plants — The Countrv is open covered with thin
grass & lew Trees — no good land a lai ge Marsh with fresh water
& many Ducks near Cape Keppel — Captain &: Mr Brown went
off to Survey a Creek which appeared to go very near to where
Captain had sailed from Port I

13 Employed preserving former collections at night Captain & Mr
Brown returned having loimd this Creek to connect at high
Tides with the Creek which Captain had explored on the 6 &: 7th
instant Irom Port I.

14 Mr Blown Sc a party went to Cape Keppel which is now found to
be an Island as also Cape Capricorn — Captain went to explore
another arm which goes inland but returned at night without
having seen the extent of it although he found it deep 8c

wide — Employed presei-v'ing former collections

15 Messrs Brown Bawer Sc Self went to a Small Island at the Arm
where Captain had been yesterday & Collected a few things —

It being Sunday several people went ashore cm liberty no
Natives having been seen here — a partv went Sfiooting towards
Cape Keppel & saw several Eirioos &: having two fine Dogs which
pursued them & got among them but at this instant a number of
Natives made their appearance in a hostile manner, whit h
caused them to neglect the Dogs Sc Emoos & attend to their own
safety — however after a considerable parley they behaved

86 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

August 15 friendly accepted some trifling presents & went away satisfyed —
soon after 14 or 15 came to the Beach among our people in a
friendly manner — when some of the Otficers went ashore &
carried (hem some presents, they were ver\- friendly and had Icit
their Spears — one of the Petty officers & a Seaman were missing
they had been last seen near Cape Keppel their absence as night
approached caused considerable uneasiness a boat remained
ashore till 8 or 9 oclock frecjuently firing a musket but heard
nothing of them

1 6 Early a Great Gun was fired & at 8 another when a musket was
heard towards a Creek with much mangi ove Swamps

The first Lieutenant went there immediately — & returned
without having heard any thing of them while he was preparing
a party to go ashore well armed about noon the two people were
seen coming along the Beach with a number of Natives — The
Boat went ashore immediately & brought them off when they
made a ludicruous figure they had been wading the greater part
ol the night to the middle in mud in mangrove Swamps — theii
cloaths all rags without Shoes or Stockings ha\ing all Stuck in
the mud — Mr Evans the midshipman reported — that ihey were
seen in the morning (while still bewildered with Mangroves 8c
Swamps) by a large party of natives one of which came to them
& presented him with a bough of a tree making Signals for him
to return another which he did as a signal of peace — he then
took our rwo forlorn people to his parry' & offered them roasted
Ducks & fish &: aftei-wards led them to the Beach which thev were
very near although they did not think so till they saw it &
believed they would not have reached it for seveial hours but for
the friendly assistance t)f the Natives, Mr Evans being very
Thirsty made Signal as if to drink the Salt water when thev made
a dolefull noise very expressive of sorrow & immediately led him
to (resh water which was very near &: then followed him to the
Beach — Several Trifles weie given them as presents such as
looking Glasses, Hatchets, red night Cape Sec — they were much
surprised at the looking Glasses — Started suddenly on perceiv-
ing the reflexion of themselves &: could not be brought to look at
it steadily — They were the strongest made Native we had Seen in
New Holland painted with a great variety of figures & colours
wore necklaces of reed & shells & had a great varien,' oi features
some were thought upwards of 6 feet high

1 7 Up Anchor eai ly with a light air — The Tide was so rapid we were
obliged to Drop the Kedge till the Ebb when we again dropi
down till Sun down when we Anchored — The Tides in this Bay
arc considerable rising from 9 to 14 feet during our stay hcie
and overflow innnense tracts which arc left drv at low water.

MAIN JOURNAL 87

August 18 Weighed at Day light & stood on with a fine Breeze, passed near
a high inhabited Island which ajipears barren but covered with
grass Natives at one point looking at us — about noon passed a
small Island not more than a mile in circumfeience on the top of
which two people stood looking at us & calling so loud that we
could distinctly hear them — at this time a great distance from
the main, hawled up for it and in evening passed a Snug bay
which appears to have Shoal water at entrance — Anchored
about Sun Set — serene weather —

19 Weighed early & stood on with light airs & calms thick iogg in
morning — afternoon a brisk breeze from North West kept
plying to windward & Anchoied at 9 PM near the land a Small
fire with Natives close to the Beach opposite us — fired a Gun as
Signal to the Brig who answered by firing another & was a great
distance to Leeward

20 Weighed early with a brisk breeze rather contrary the Lady
Nelson missing & stood along near the Shore past 9 AM. light
airs and Calms the remainder of the day in evening the Brig seen
from the Masthead to Leeward

21 Lady Nelson seen to the Southward wind Irom that quarter kept
plying in for an opening with an Island in entrance & was soon
joined by the Brig and before noon anchored in a fine large Bay
of which we could not sec the extent The Island in entrance and
land near the Shore cloathed with the Norfolk Pine'"^ formed
entire new Scenei^ to us The counti^ hilly — Mr Brown Sc party
went ashore at North head where we collected some fine plants
we ascended a hill of considerable elevation &: supposed
ourselves on an Island & that we should find a passage to the
Northwest into the Ocean or Bay of Inlets

The mountains are chiefly composed of fine Granite, some
sandstone found plenty of fresh water which appears to continue
all the year

22 Mr Brown 8c party went ashore early & we ascended the Highest
lange of hills to the North where we had a fine prospect we
found we were not on an Island — though this bay joins very near
to Sea to the North we Saw an extensive piece of water to the
Westward distinct from this Bay & which we supposed to be
Shoal water Bay of Cook though we could not see its

communication with the Sea The Captain went to the South

Shore where he found sufficient depth of watei &• fine Shelter lor
Shipping — all hands Employed watering the Ship & Carpenters
cutting wood for various purposes &c

23 Wind blowing fresh from Southward a considerable Swell Sc
great Surf prevented getting all the water Casks on board in

88 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

August 23 morning — in afternoon it abated a little & evenihing was got
ready for Sea

24 Weighed Early with a liglit air which soon dyed away to a calm
we got but a few iriiles from our foriner Anchorage & Ant hoied
at 7 P.M.

25 Weighed early with contraiT light airs & Calms in afternoon
passed a Bay or inlet of considerable size but appeared Shoal
water and anchored after Sun down near it

26 Weighed early stood along Shore with a light air and soon came
opposite an opening in the land — the Boat went ahead to Sound
found vei7 unequal Bottom & a rapid Current — Anchoied
about 8 A.M. in the middle of the channel & Captain went
ashore to ascend a high hill to take Bearings &:c Mr Brown &
party also landed & we also ascended the high hill which is the
highest we had been on in New Holland except one — This hill
presented a Noble prospect as recompense for ascending it. an
immense number of Islands of different sizes forms &
elevations — appeared about the entrance of the Bay which has
two entrances one that in which our Ship lay &: is narrow not
exceeding a mile broad, the other more to the West many miles
broad — the Bay is vers' large & appeared to go in Shoal cieeks
very near if not to unite to some of the Arms of Keppel Bav — we
had also a fine view of Port II but no appearance of fresh water
Rivers we found plenty of fresh water in pools & small Creeks &
soine fine new plants in this excursion — we returned on board
about 8 PM when we were informed that one Cutter hati been
swamped along side by the rapiditv of the Current which runs
here at the late of 4 or 5 miles an hour — one man was near being
drowned but picked up by the Brig's boat which was a little
astern of us The Gig was at this time gone in Search of the Cutter

27 The Gig returned in morning without having seen the Cutter —
Weighed in doing which the Anchor fjroke & both flues were left
as also t)oy & boy rope we then dropt down the narrow channel
which is vei7 intricate & several times dropt the stream Anchor
till the Boat could find a passage deep enough and before 9 AM
anchored the flood tide being near done — at 4 P.M. Weighed
again & dropt down and about .5 got agi ound where we stuck for
about \ of an hour when we floated it being flood tide — we then
stood on a lonsideiable way into Shoal water Bav and again
Anchored in (i fathoms Ijelore Sim Down — some Boats
emploved in looking for the Cutlet &: in tr\ ing to gel up tlie
Broken Ant hoi but were unsui i esslull in tioih

28 Captain went lo Some Islands in the Bav lo Sound t lake

MAINJOllRNAL 89

August 28 Bearings Mr Brown & party landed on Cape Townsend Island
but had little success — some partys fishing had tolerable success

29 This day was employed in dropping down the Bay with the Tide
with light airs — Anchored in the evening

30 Early Captain went on board the Brig which immediately got
underway & sailed to explore the extent of the Bay a fresh Breeze
at same time Mr Brown & party went ot( for the South West
Shore where we landed about 9 AM about 3 leagues from the
Shi|) we found from .5 to 10 fathoms water all the way except a
narrtjw Bank with only 4 feet & which must be di^ at low
water — on landing we found a Canoe on the Beach & saw some
Natives who tied on our approach — after being near an hour in
the woods we fell in with a party of Natives who met us
resolutely being well armed with Spears & Heleinans"" — it was
some time before we could bring them to a parley — but after
some time one person going up to them unarmed & cari-ying a
hatchet &• some trifling presents they were pievailed on to admit

us among them & were friendly & good humoured they weie

of modeiate size some I think were 5 feet 9 or 10 inches 8c others

I think scarce exceeded 5 feet — they varied as much in their
featuies some had large bushv beards others had little or no
beard — They had the same general appearance as all the Natives
of New Holland yet seen a hole through the Tendon ol the nose
Teeth flatted &c soine of them had little net

SJioahoatcr Bay east coast Nezu South Wales

bags of neat workmanship hung about their neck 8c over their
back in one of which was a large Gooana — we had a Native of
Port Jackson with us but he could not understand their

language They appeared astonished at Bungei7 throwing

the Spear with the Wumora which it appears they do not
use — Their Spears were strong Sc heavy — having satisfved out
curiosity with them a Musket was fned at a Tree loaded with
Ball"" The report Startled theni vei7 much — however one who
had acted as chief came to look at the wound in the Tree & called
the others to see it — we then seperated thev to join their women
& children & we in Search of Natural histoid' — There were 1 7
men & three boys of the Party Sc they had several Dogs whic h now
come up to join them but stood at a distance making a

disagreeable noise In our walk towards some high hills we

fell in with a Brook at this Season near Dry but which at Some
Seasons must contain considerable torrents The bed is

90 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

August 30 broad with high banks &: the appearance of the ground near

indicates that it frequently overflovves its banks The bed of

the Brook was full ol Stones roinided bv attrition — thev were
chiefly PorphyiT & a blue Whinstone — The Countn is not very
fertile — but we found several new plants

3 1 Preserving former Collections Boats Sounding &c

September 1 Fresh breeze from North Lady Nelson returned & Captain came
on board in the evening — he had gone a considerable distance
up the Bay & found a Deep channel all the way — the Bay he
found to Terminate in 4 branches each of which streaches a great
way in land with mangroves on the banks but Saw no
appearance of fresh water Rivers

2 Fresh Breeze from South up anchor &: stood to North & North
West & West Anchored about noon a few miles from the South
Shore. Boats sounding &c

3 Early Mr BrowTi & party landed with intention to ascend a round
Peak hill at no great distance & ven' conspicuous in the Bay — on
our way we foimd several new plants &: the whole countiT is very
pleasing to the eye The Trees thin & smooth surface with little
brush ha\ing been lately burnt but mucti fine grass and appears
in many places very fertile — plenty ol fresh water in pools &
Creeks & many kangaroos — from the hill which is cloathed with
Pines we had a very indifferent prospect the day being hazev &
the Natives had set fire to the Countr\' in several places which set
up such a smoak as to darken the air This hill is composed
almost entirely of a very hard kind of blue Whinstone on the hill
there was scarce any other stone seen but the beds of the creeks
on the low ground was a kind of Schistus similar to Cape
Townsend Island — when we got off the hill we foimd the day too
far advanced to get on Board so made for fiesh water Sc Spent
the night 2 Ducks were killed bv some of the parrv as also 2 large
fish shot in a Creek near the hill which made us a good Supper

4 As soon as it was light set out for the Ship Collecting by the
way — the Dogs Caught a large kangaroo and afjout noon we got
on l^oard the Ship which lay too far from us & then stood on &
in evening Anchored a few miles from Tliirstv Sound — During
our Stay in Shoal Bay we had fme weather Sc variable

winds — Several large watersnakes"" wete seeti Sc one caught

5 Up Anchor at Day light Sc about 7 A.M. anchored in Thirsty
Sound — Soon afieiAvards I went ashore on the Main & Collected
a few things found fresh water in several places but not
convenient for watering a Ship — Captain went on an Island
named Pier head to take bearings Sec

MAIN JOURNAL 91

September 6 Employed preserving former collections Captain ashore making
observations taking bearings & Mr Brown ashore at Pier head in
evening Captain set out for some Islands in the ofBng 8 or 9
miles distant in hopes of finding Turtle Sc to take bearings &:c

7 A strong breeze right in the entrance of the Sound at day light all
hands turned out up Anchor, but before it could be got up the
Shiji drifted vei-y near the Shore & they Dropt the small Bower
which immediately parted & before the Best Bower could be got
let go &: veered away we were in 2^ fathoms very near the rocks
By great exertions a hawser"" was carried to the Brig which rode
in deep water to windward & we got washed up & took up the
best Bower Anchor & Dropt it in Deep water near the Brig and at
the next high water veered away & took up both anchors Sc
shortened in to a proper length of the Best Bower when we were
out ot Danger. Captain came on board about 4 P.M. with out
any Turtle saw evident marks of the Natives visiting these Islands
at Seasons &: found fresh water on one

8 Weighed in the morning the wind more moderate Sc Passed
Pierhead & stood to the Westward on bawling up to the
Southward to pass a point of long Island & a small Island a few
miles distant we shoaled our water suddenly to 4 fathoiris we
then stood to the Westward across the mouth of the Bay or
Sound a number of small Islands round us — we carried
generally from 7 to 12 fathoms water &: in afternoon came in
sight of the Main to Westward a range of high hills in the
evening bawled up for high round hill which was supposed an
Island where Anchorage might he expected about Sun Set the
round hill appeared to connect with the Main by lowland. &
which formeci a Bay for which we stood but shoaling our water
stood off the land & Anchored about 10 P.M. off the Point of the
round hill.

9 Captain went early with Mr Brown Bawer Westall to the round
hill from whicfi we lay distant about a league — Past noon
Weighed and Stood down the Bay & soon after touched the
ground but soon got off and anchored at Sun down — many
whales playing about the Ship some in the day — but more at
night.

10 Weighed Early & dropt down the Soimd near the West sliore —
Anchored before noon the flood Tide being done — Captain Mr
Brown Bawer Westall & Bell went ashore on a sinall low Island
near the main Collected a few things. 4 P.M. up Anchor & stood
on between the Island & Main and Anchored at Sun Set a reef
appearing to rim across the channel from the Island to the Main.

92 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

September 1 1 Weighed early & stood up the Sound about 7 A.M. dropt Anchor
in 2^ fathoms the Boat & Brig ahead in 2 fathoms &: a ripphng
appearing ail across from Island lo Main, at 9 the Boat having
sounded & the Brig sailed o\er the Bank & back to us up Anchor
& stood on over the Bank & up the Sound and Anchored at
4 P.M. a considerable distance from land a Strong Tide which
rose near 30 feet of perpendicular height.

1 2 Weighed Early & stood on & passed the mouth of a large
opening very Shoal water with some Islands in entrance and a
strong tide canying us further in the Bav which was now
contracted to the appearance of a river — Anchored about 9 A.M.
& went ashore with Captain and Mr Brown — we ascended a
small hill near Anchorage &: had a tolerable view of the

Sound — the Inlet which we had past terminated in flat mangrove
swamps at 10 or 20 miles distant but the other branch had everv'
appeaiance of a fine River as far as the horizon, from this
elivation I went in the direction to the hills near Cape
Keppel — The water very thick & muddy.

13 Weighed about 9 A.M. and dropt up the River with a strong tide
about i past 9 finding the water Shoal very rapidiv dropt Anchor
& before it could bring up. the Ship grounded with Broad Side
to the Current which being so rapid heeled her o\er veiT
much — in about half an hour ship floated and at the ebb Tide
we dropt to where we had Anchored, last night, where we
moored & Captain made preparations to go up the River in the
Brig.

14 In morning Captain and Mr Brown went on Board the Bi ig
which soon got under way & stood up the rivei — soon after the
Tents were landed & Mr Flindei s commenced his requisite
obsenations to ascertain the roles of the Time Keeper — past
noon I went ashore with Mr Bawer and partv with pro\ isiorrs for
two or three days — we directed our course for the highest hills
on the Right bank of the River — ^^on the way we got into a thicket
which entangled us for Several hours but getting clear of it we
found open ground and soon found fresh water and took up our
residence for the night — saw several Kangaroos but could kill
none

1.5 Earlv left our luial hut &: ascended the neatest range of hills
from which we had a fine prospect we saw the Brig it being low
water and Dry mud all round her — The River apjieared to
terminate in low land with mangrove Shores at the distance of 30
or 4 miles from the Ship and the country in the same direction
appeared low as far as the eye could reach without being
terminated by anv high hills — the range on which we were

MAIN JOURNAL 93

Seplcnibcr 15 appeared to Terminate about 20 or 30 miles distant in an
consideiable extent of flat gioimd The countiT in this
neighbourhood is barren covered with loose stones & but thinly
clothed with trees — fresh water was plenty in pools but probably
in a lew weeks it may be a scarce article as it appeared but in
pools which appeared to have no substantial supply — The
Stones of this part are various Granite Porphyi-y & Schistus
& — The Soil a very light red couloured loam mixed with
Stones — Kangaroos are numerous but Shy

Broad Sound New South Wales

1 6 Returned on Board before noon with a tolerable harvest and
employed securing them and former collections

1 7 Early Captain & Mr Brown returned on Board but the Brig had
got aground and could not get out till next high water — they
had gone with the Boat to the extent of the water where they
landed and ascended an ascent where they had a tolerable view
but the country did not appear interesting — at low water the bed
of the River (if it deserves the name) was di"v to within a few miles
of the Stii|5 Mr Brown found several plants chiefly annual but
entirely different from any in the neighbourhood of the Ship in
evening tfie Lady Nelson arrived & anchored near us

18 Went ashore in morning &: spent the day in examining the
vicinity of landing place where collected several new things The
Brig had some water from the Ship — people employed cutting
wood — provisions for a week sent to all the people at the Tents

19 The Brig got underway at high water & run aground tt) be
examined having carried away her main keel & been aground
several times — the Ship unmoored & weighed & stood across the
Sound to examine the East Coast or shore & on to thirsty Sound
and anchored in the evening — During our stay here the rise of
Tide was about 30 feet

20 Weighed early & before noon anchored near long Island —
Captain went surveying & Mr Brown & party landed but little but
inmiense mangrove swamps & discovered that what Captain
Cook denominated Long Isalnd was collection of Islands
seperated by channels of different widths

2 1 Set out early with Mr Brown & party for the main & were landed
at a singular red point being a bank near perpendicular of a kind
of red ochry subslanie — The Boat left irs &; we soon found we
were left on a small Island seperated from the main surrounded

94 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

September 2 1 with mangrove swamps & a deep saltwater Creek — Captain set
out earlv surveying and did not expect to return al night

22 Employed preserving former Collections Captain returned in
evening having found another wide entrance into Thirsty Sound

24 Weighed in morning Sc stood back for the Tents with a light
wind Anchored in evening

25 Weighed Early at about 8 A.M. anchored at our former
anchorage near the Tents — soon after Mr Brown &.- partv went
ashore Sc ranged the neibourhood about Sundown took up our
residence at some fresh water at the edge of a large thicket —
where we were much disturbed with Moskettos.

26 Early renewed our researches about the thick wood and return
on board about 2 PM — fresh breeze & considerable surf This
day Tents were struck boats hoisted in Sc every thing made ready
for Sea

27 Weighed at day light & stood out of the Sound light air
Anchored in evening.

28 Up Anchor Early &: Stood to the North East & in evening
Anchored to some leagues to leeward of the largest of the
Northumberland Islands wind East

29 Early Captain went to the Island to see if water could be
procuied & at a Signal trom the Boat the Ship got undenvav but
light

Northumberland I slands east coast of New
Holland

baffling winds & a consideiable current obliged us to Anchor
befoie we got to the intended station — after noon landed on the
large Island and collected a lew things some people employed
searching for the most convenient place to water the Ship as it
appeared to be very tedious

30 Early a large parrs' landed to clear the way to the water thi oiigh a
thicket of mangroves — Mr Brown &: partv landed at the watei ing
phuc where is a curious bason formed l)v the Sea <u high w.uei
we followed the bed oi the rivulet to the hills which forms a little
run off the Rocks here we found some fine Trees and a species oi
Palm new to us — on returning we were alarmed to See the
CountiT all on fire — by taking a Circular rout we gained the
beach before Sun Set & soon got on Board — we learned the grass
had been set on fire by some of the Servants on Shore

MAIN JOURNAL 95

St'pcembcr 30 washing — & it continued to Spread with great rapidity. In the
night it had a fine appearance from the Ship

October 1 Enipioyed preserving former Collections all stowing the Hold &
watering Ship

2 Early Captain & Mr Brown went off for a distant Island — In
afternoon I went ashore with boxes for earth.

3 This day Captain went to some of the distant Islands. I got
ashore in morning & had some assistance to fill some boxes with
earth & took up some plants for Garden &: then set out to Search
the Island & Traversed most all the high part of the Island & Met
with some variety of fine Trees — but every small plant was
consumed by fire as far as I went — I with several little runs

of water & returned to the Beach just after Sun Set & Found it
deserted however a Boat soon came for me and I got on Board
before Captain returned

4 Weighed early & plyed to the North East wind from that cjuarter
in evening the fire still raging with fury on the Island where we
had watered

5 from this to the 14 in a continual labyrinth of Coral reefs Shoals
and Breakers with water at time as smooth as a mill pond at
other tiines looking like a whirlpool and such an eddy as to
wheel the Ship about during which time we lost an Anchor and
the Lady Nelson lost one and Broke another The Captain with
some of the Gentlemen landed on one reef where they saw some
singular fish and gathered some very large Shellfish'" one of
which weighed 47 lb with the Shell and without the Shell 3 lib
2oz — and a great variety of Coral fine weather all the time — this
evening Anchored at Sun down near Some low Islands and clear
of Breakers

15 Stood to the North with a fresh breeze from South &: Occasion-
ally obliged to haul to the west to avoid Shoals and breakers and
in evening Anchored under the lee of one of the Cumberland
Islands which is cloathed with pines 8cc. fires on several of the
Islands

East coast of New Holland

lb Went ashore in morning and collected a few things returned at

noon
1 7 Weighed early and Stood North by East a fresh breeze Easterly

Anchored in evening & learned that the Lady Nelson would

96 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

October 1 7 return toi Port Jackson tomorrow while we should proceed

alone to presecute the object of the Voyage — The Brig having
only one Anchor fit for use and also having carried awav her keel
that She could not Sail against the wind and we having lost three
anchors could not assist her occasioned this separation

1 8 having settled every thing between the two vessels & exchanged
some hands from their own choice about 8 AM weighted &
stood North while Brig at same time Stood South Sc soon lost
sight of each other by her sent some letters for England &c fresh
Breeze soon cairie in Sight of Breakers — in various directions,
obliged to change our Course almost even hour to avoid them
about Sun down found ourselves almost embaved bv reefs to
Leeward on both sides, hawled close to the wind & stood on till
c]uite dark when we Anchoied fiesh Breeze & considerable swell.

19 Weighed Early & stood to the Northward with a fresh Breeze
from the East Southerly but frequentiv obliged to haul to the
West to avoid Breakers in evening hawled close to the wind
under easy Sail & taked eveiT two hours. Keeping near to the
track we had passed in the afternoon.

20 Made Sail early & stood North but frequently obliged to haul to
the West to avoid Breakers — before noon past betueen two reefs
about a mile distant each — past noon a considerable swell &
heav7 Sea which indicated we were clear of the Reefs — a hea\T
Shower of rain the first since leaving Sydney — Stood on with
easy Sail good part of the night.

2 1 Stood Northward with a tresh breeze Easterly — some breakers
seen from the Mast head to Westward a heavy Swell Some of the
Gentlemen Sea Sick

22 from this to the 26 Stood Northerly without anvthing
remarkable — with fine weather some Showers & veiT hot — on 26
crossed the Sun in the Zenith & at noon had him to the South.

27 Cloudy weather with hea\"y showers & variable wind

28 frequently obliged to change our Course on account of Breakers
sounded Ijut no bottom with 30 fathoms

29 Stood to Westward & finding ourselves near Breakers tacked
several times to weather them — about noon Saw land to South
West Stood for it parallel to a big reef of Breakers &: about 4 PM
Anchored luuler the fine Clav of various colouis and con-
sistences &: in land particularly about the Hawkslnirn River fine
deep rich Brown or Red loam

23 Stood along the coast with a fresh breeze and passed the three
Brothers"^ Smoaky Cape"' & a fine looking Country in
evening Clawed off the land

MAIN lOURNAL 97

October 24 In tnoniiiig missed the Lady Nelson alter waiting sometime
made sail along the Coast and near Shore, a tmr hill\ coiinti7
with a Shore much indented with larger & smaller Bays. Some
bold rocks of a black colour appearing different from any about
Port Jackson

25 Stood on near the Shore with a fair wind. The Counti7 vei7
beautvhdl divcrsilved with vallies and large plains covered with
Trees. Some spots near Shore fine smooth Green Grass without
any Trees in evening passed Mount Warning"*

26 fair wind & fine weather The country less diversilyed ot a
modeiate elevation inany large patches of white sand and white
shore. Saw a Sail to Eastward

27 The Counti7 appealed Sandy & Barren, passed a wide Bav which
has a range ot Breakers right across its entrance, many leaves ot
Trees & much blubber floating opposite this entrance many
Natives seen on the Beach with a great number ot fires all along
the Shore

28 Early in nioi ning passed Indian Head"' &: before noon made
Sand Cape"' — Sent the Cutter to see it there was any passage
thiough the Breakers of Break Sea spit"' — the first place tryd
was near the Cape but did not find sufficient depth — Stood from
the land |iarallel to the Breakers and anchored about
Sundown — The Boat found a passage with 13 or 14 feet water
some leagues fi om the Cape and returned to the Ship about

7 P.M.

Lee of one of Murrays Islands Wind Southerly Saw many Natives
on the Beach & in the water — immediately on Anchoring the
Natives launched 3 Canoes

Endeavour Straits

Canoes which soon reached the Ship one after another — they
were at first shy but being shown some Hatchets at length one
|ilunged olf the Canoe & swam to the Shi]i bringing a piece of
Bamboo filled with very bad water & some plantains — after
which various articles were exchanged &r some Cocoa nuts
plantains Bows arrows & shell ornaments were exchanged

30 Early several Canoes came oiTSc soon commensed a traffic tor
Arms Ornaments & in lieu of hatchets knives cloathing fcThey
were all well made of a good stature & in good condition very
active & expei t swimmers they weie naked but wore various
ornaments, most all had the ears Cut in several places & pieces of
a kind of peat le shell neatly cut &: fixed in the ears of diffeienl

98 JOIRNAL OF PETER GOOD

October 30 shapes — they had various tassells made from fibres of the Bark
of some Tree neatly plait Sc fixed some round the neck others the
Arms some round the middle & some the legs, thev had also
Gorgets"^ for the Breast some neat neck bands 8c some had a
piece of a large Shell with string fastned to to Ive round the
middle which completely covered the pri\T parts but few wore it.
They had Cocoa nuts ripe & green plantains of rwo kinds'" raw
& roasted, Yams"* & a kind of fruit of the size of a love apple of
a beautiful red colour but rather an insipid taste, they were
entirely without seed of any kind but had the remains of stamina
on the top which resembled the Genus Eugenia"' They had also
many Bows arrows Baskets &:c Sec &c They seemed perfectly to
understand traffic &: would not part with their articles without
something that appeared to them of ecjual value, thev knew Iron
well & called it Tooree It was most desired by them, however
they also took clothing looking glasses Sec. — One of them sold a
Bow to Mr Bell which had a piece of blue striped Cotton cloth
tied to it which appeared of European mamifactor — after
trafficking for some time many Swam to the Ship & came on
Board where they looked round in Surprise at every thing but
without fixing their attention to any one thing — at 8 AM we
begun to weigh Anchor & when they were given to understand
they were in the way they readily retired & at desire sat down on
the Deck at the Stern of the Ship and when at last they were
desired to leave the Ship they readily did so & leapt into the Sea
Swam to their canoes Set Sail and Stood for the Shore. Their
Canoes were one large tree hollowed & some pieces fixed on
each end an elevated platform in the middle with outrvger &c
their sails were neat mats & thev set two back in the Bow of the
Canoe which were variously ornamented both in Bow &: Stern
with Shells hair paint — several of the men were much ruptured
and one was blind of an eve was all the bodilv defects

Endeavour Straits

observed among them — The Canoes which came off last night
brought a good (luantity of Water in Bamboos l)ut finding no
demand for it this day they brought none — on leaving this
Island we had an intricate passage frequently obliged to change
our course on accoimt of breakers which were on both sides we
soon came in sight of Tails Island'^" & some others to the North
at about 4 PM Anchored to the Lee of a small low Island covered

MAINJOl'RNAL 99

October 30 witli trees & Captain Messrs Brown Bawer & Westall landed &
collected a few things.

3 1 Weighed at Day light &: stood to the South West with a strong
Breeze, obliged to change our Course several times on account
ot Breakers & Shoals, passed some flat Sands dry &: some Bushes
on them before noon past 4 large Turtles & came in sight of
some high land to Southward past noon strong Breezes & squally
past several small Islands & reefs of Breakers — Anchored before
Sun down to Leeward of a large Island with another large Island
to Leeward of us as also distant land to South either the main or
Islands

November I Fresh Breeze a reef with water breaking occasionally all between
the Ship & Shore Captain with some of the Gentlemen went in
the Boat to go ashore but finding themselves in danger of being
Swamped returned without reaching the Shore Strong Breeeze
all day dull hazy

2 more moderate Weighed early & stood to the West before the
wind past a point of a large Island where some natives were
looking at us Some Islands seen a considerable distance to
North &c in the same direction a long sand bank diT at low
water extending a great length from East to West at 8 A.M.
observing the water Shoal all a head Anchored &: soon after
Messers Fowler Brown Westall & Bell went Ashore & returned
about 2 P.M. at 4 P.M. Captain Mr Bawer & Self went on Shore
& collected a few things. This is one of the Prince of Wales
Islands — from a hill we had a fine prospect. — a number of
Islands with narrow channels as much like artificial ponds Sc
Canals as the Main Ocean — if there is a sufficient depth of water
they form numerous fine Harbours — The Soil is naturallv
barren \er\ rocky & little Soil the rock chiefly Granite — on the
point where we landed the face of the Rock was tinged very green
witfi Copper — but could not observe any Veins of Ore of
consequence but had veiT little time to examine.

3 Weighed early. Wind Easterly modeiate. Stood to the Westward
frequentiv attempted to Stand to the South but Shoal water
obliged us again lo Stand to the west veiT Shoal water a boat
ahead Sounding in afternoon out of Sight of land & earning 7
or 8 fathoms water Stood to the South & Anchored in the dark.

4 Weighed early & Stood South East while the wind would permit
& about 5PM made the land a low flat Shore Stood South
parallel to it with Shoal water & fine weather Anchored in the
Dusk little Tide observable while iti the Straits & at Prince of
Wales Islands — the Tide always run fi om East to West the rise

100 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

November 4 was not considerable and at high &: low watei there was no
current

5 Weighed early fc Stood along to South the Shore low &
uninteresting some fires

Gulf of Carpentarra

Weighed at Day break. & Stood South with vai iable light airs and
Calms Shore Still uniformly low Anchored in evening

Weighed at Day light & stood South wind Dying away to a
Calm — about SAM being opposite an opening Anchored &
Captain Messrs Brown &: Bawer went ashore — about llama
breeze Springing up weighed & Stood ofTand on till about 4PM
Captain returned when we made Sail to South — this opening
proved an extensive Creek ot Salt water but xevy Shoal about 6
or 9 teet, but so extensive that they did not See the exlieamity —
they Saw several natives but could not induce them to come to
an interview — they had Spears &: throwing Sticks in the same
manner as at Port Jackson as also canoes on this Creek of the
Same construction fc materials Some hatchets were left in Such a
manner as they must find them The land was entirely low
covered with Trees & Shrubs the Soil Sandy; as soon as the Boat
returned Stood South and Anchored in the evening.

Weighed at day light & past noon opened a Spacious Bav into
which we Stood the water rather Shoal. Natives on the Beach at
the North point — about 4PM saw three openings one to the
North which probably communicates with the Creek in which
Captain had been yesterday & two others near the extreamiry of
the Bav a few miles apart — we Stood for the two last till the water
which had not exceeded 5 fathoms in the Bay graduallv shoaled
to 15 feet when we hawled to the Wind & worked out &:
Anchoied at 10 PM.

Weighed at Day Break & Stood to the South Still a low

uninteresting Shore not one Spot of rising ground Since

entering the Gulf but the whole countiA' covered with trees, Since

entering the Gulf we had regular land & Sea Biee/es &: fine

weather Anchoied at 10 PM.

Weighed at dav light &: stood Southward in afternoon passed a

deep bighl with Shoal water probably Veeiesiedge River of itie

Duicti'^' Anchored at 8 P M.

Weighed early & stood South in afternoon past a deep flight with

Shoal water Ancfiored at 8 P M.

MAIN JOURNAL 101

November 12 Weighed & Stood South West parallel to the Shore past a small
opening Still Shoal water sott inuddv bottom. Got into two
fathoms water but Standing farther out from the Shore soon
came into 3 fathoms Anchored at night

13 Weighed at Day light &: stood to South South West with a fresh
Bieeze, Shoal water obliged us to Stand off till we lost Sight of
land from the Deck in afternoon came in Sight of land from the
Deck but Still obliged to keep a respectful distance — Anchoied
in the evening

14 Stood South South West along shore as usual very low & Shoal
water

15 Shoal water obliged us to stand so far to the West that land was
scarce seen from the Mast head — in evening seen from the Deck
as usual remarkable low Shore running froiri East to West

16 This day steered most all day to the North West Shoal water
obliged us to keep so far from the land that it was not seen from
the Deck a great part of the Day

GulJofCarpentarra Islands a, b, c.

1 7 Weighed at Day break & stood to North West Sc soon got into
deep water 12 & 14 fathoms which we had not befoie found in
the Gulf^ — we soon came near some low Islands & befor 8 A M
Anchored near the first & sheltered by some rocks streaching to
South East from the Island a Native was seen on the beach near
us tjut on the boats approaching the Shore he disappeared we
ranged this Island till 4PM when we returned on board with a
toleiable harvest This Island appears very recently formed
chiefly of Coral, Sand & Ironstone &: a mixture of Sandstone &
Ironstone — there is no luxiu iant vegetation or soil capable of
producing such on the Island however there is considerafjie
variety of vegetables — The Carpenters weic employed in Calking
&: examining the Ship which had leaked vei7 much lately &
lound seveial planks quite rotten

18 Early two boats went to draw the Seine in a bay between this &
another large Island. Mr Allen Sc I were landed on the large
Island where we saw I 1 Natives who fled from us. here we found
the Stumps of several Cassuarina Trees which had been neat cut
with sharp edge tools & yesterday the Captain h<id picked up a
piece of Teak scjuared as if f^y Euro]iean workmen & this day the
Fishing seineing party lound 6 or 7 human skeletons near each
other where fires had been with roasted Shells Sc many of the

102 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

November 18 human bones appeared to have been in the fire returned on

Board about 3 P M with fishing partv wliich had been tolerable
successful & had fish served out to the Crew. Carpenters
Employed Calking & discovered still more serious defects about
back plank & 1 imbers.

19 Weighed Early & stood westward with light breeze met with
Shoals which obliged us to tack several Times Anchored in
Evening

20 Weighed early & stood to westward & about SAM Anchoi ed
near a low Island in sight of the Main & Soon after two boats
landed on the nearest Island where we collected a few things, this
Island is coinposed similar to the two last mentioned and the
same symptoms of recent formation. The Captain soon left this
Island &: went to another farther from the main where he
surprised some of the Natives on a point from which they t ould
not get away & then they had an interview & picsented them with
some hatches & other trifles and received from ihem some t lunisy
Spears &: thiowing Sticks which they had similar to the Natives of
Port Jackson but much more clumsy & ill finished. They had a
kind of Canoe wfiich consisted simply of several small spars
lashed together with which they manage to go from one Island

to another — The party the Captain met with consisted of three
men all vei^ tall one in particular was allowed to be at least 6 feet
& 2 inches, their language & customs seemed to resemble the
Sydney Natives & three people were seen which were supposed
to be women which went into the water to the neck &: continued
while our people were with the three men who seemed very
desirous our people should not go near them

2 1 Weighed early & stood Eastward & in evening Anchored
opposite the passage between the two Islands where we had been
fishing on the 1 8 fine weather

22 Mr Brown & party were landed on the large Island & dii ected
our course to the west we found plentv of bcsh watei . fresh
water was also found on the small Island in a hole dug Ijy the
Natives & near to wheie the human bones were found,
preparations made for watering the Ship Drew the Seine and

c auglit many fish which were distributed to the Crew — brought
on board some plants for Garden

23 Employed preserving former collections which required miu h
attention fiom tlie heat of the weathei . Ships Companv watering
Ship

24 Landed with Mi Brown on the Spot where we landed on the 1 7 &
crossed the Island to the watering place & collected a few things
we found some large roots like Potatoes profiablv the tools of

MAIN lOURNAI.

103

November 24 ComoKnliis longilloi us'--' lavuii; hv ihe liieplaceof Natives &-in
the lioles dug among tlie sand near Tiees where the Convolvulus
grows — all hands employed watering the Ship & Carpenters
Calking & examining her &: found her to be seriously decayed
near 4 Timbers in 5 quite decayed & many planks rotten

25 Employed preserving former Collections & all hands watering
Ship in afternoon went ashore & strolled to the North East point
ot the Island where I fell in with a large marsh & plenty of fresh
water & collected several new plants. Captain this day Sailed to
the North East point of the Island where he saw some Natives
who fled at sight of him he then Sailed to a distant part of the
large Island where he found a number of Trees cut by Sharp
edge tools & found a broken earthen Jar Strong indications of
Europeans or Indians having been here within these few years as
the marks appear recent. This day Mr Bawer Shot a large
Bustard'"

26 Employed preserving former collections. Ships Crew watering
Ship much Thunder and Lightning in afternoon to West Sc South

27 Went ashore in morning with Mr Brown & walked towards the
North East point of the Island & collected several new plants.
Thunder in afternoon

28 Went Ashore on large Island k collected several plants this day
the Ship compleated watering & took some wood on board
Struck Tents hoisted in boats & made evei7thing ready for Sea

29 In morning the Boats went fishing Mr Flinders landed to take
observations for rates of Timekeeper & about 9AM weighed &
attempted to go through the channel between the two Islands
but soon but water soon came to Shoal that we were obliged to
Anchor & sent the boat to Sound but found no channel deep
enough about 1 P M weighed & worked back to whei e we had
Anchored on the 1 7 when we again Anchored foi the night

30 In morning Mr Flinders landed & took some observations &
about 10 AM weighed & plyed to windward but could not
weather the reef which extends from the South East of the
Island — on these Islands we made a toleraljle harvest of
plants — this Island contained near 200 species many of which
were new

December 1 Weighed early & coasted the East shore of the Islands where we
had watered & in afternoon came near a large point of land
which appeared the main to North with much smoak on it stood
along this shore keeping the land on our Starboard beam &
Anchored in evening
2 Weighed early with light Airs the Land trended to Southvvaid in

104 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

December 2 a direction to meet what we had seen on the 20 November —
Shoal water obhged us to put about Sc stand to Eastward made
Httle progress

3 Weighed early with light & variable winds & Stood to Eastward &
Northward with land to North & some Islands to South.
Anchored about 4PM near a small Island & Captain & party
went ashore & caught three large Turtle & many young
afterwards a party landed to stay all night &: catch Turtle

4 Early a boat went ashore & came offloaded w-ith Turtle with
information the party had been verry successful. Boats employed
most of the day in bringing them on board & in the evening
found we had 46. I took the opportunity of the Boats and landed
& collected a few things, found the Cycas circinalis'^' in great
perfection & the fruit being both pleasant to the taste and sight I
eat some as also Mr Brown & Rawer, on coming on board ,Mr
Bawer and I were taken with a violent reaching with sickness
which continued with short intei-\als the greater part of the night
it had an unpleasant effect with Mr Brown — but several other
people in the Ship eat a little &: most did so were affected in like
manner though not so violent

5 Weighed early & stood to North West with a fresh breeze,
Thunder & hea\T rain which did not continue long, soon came
up with the land but could not weather the East point. Kept
plying to windward & in evening Anchored between the point &
a small woody Island

6 Weighed early & attempted to pass between this Island & the
Cape but found breakers to streach all the way across then stood
round the Island & about one P M wind dying away &: Tide
pulling us towards the Breakers Am hored & Captain with
Messrs. Brown Bawei Westall &: Bell went ashore

7 Weighed early with a fresh breeze from North East past the Cape
& made a firm run parallel to the land about South West till
about 5PM when the water shoaled to 2 fathoms when we juil
about & plyed to windward at this time an opening ap])eared to
South East so that there is reason to think the land we had been
coasting for sometime was an Island &r that the Coast of the
Main Since that 16 November has been unperfectly seen, but the
water is so shoal that it can never be surveyed by Vessels of
burden. Anchored in evening.

8 Weighed early light airs & Calnrs about 10 AM being lalni a
water Spout was seen a few miles distant to Eastwai d which for a
short time raised a great (juanlitv of watei in the air. It soon
stopcd fc appeared to lain veiT heavy about the same place, soon

MAIN JOURNAL 105

December S alter a tresh breeze came along the surface ol the water in a

nan ow space like a river which gradually sjjread broad it at first
brought heavy lain with it which was soon over but the breeze
continued most ol the day we stood westward paralel to a low
woody Shore with veiy Shoal water never in more than 5
lathoins &• Anchored in evening.

9 Weighed early & stood along a low shore wind contrai^ a range
ol hills seen a considerable distance in land Anchored at 8 in
evening

10 Weighed Early & plyed to windward. Shore low & hills in land

1 1 Weighed early & plyed along to windward land as yesterday
about 7PM Ship Struck on a rocky bottom being a gentle breeze
soon got oil without an injury though she touched several times,
this day some small openings appeared in land. Anchored at

8 PM '

1 2 Weighed early 8c plyed along the Shore which appear much to
westward. Shore low Sc gentle rising land a considerable distance
in land passed a small opening & Anchored at 8 P M

13 Weighed Early & plyed to windward to wheie land was seen
North and about noon came up with it but an opening ajapeared
to West stood lor it but found Shoal water &: many rocks plyed to
windward and in evening anchored off a point where much
smoak was rising & some Natives were seen hauling a Canoe on
the Beach

14 Weighed early & jjlyed to windward. Natives to the number of 30
were seen on the Beach belore }ioon a boat was sent in Shore to
look tor Anchorage but lound a very rocky bottom in evening
Anchored of the East point of the Island

15 Captain &: party landed but returned by 1 1 A M when we
Weighed & soon lound that what we had been Coasting for rwo
days was one of Cluster of Islands w iih bioad chaimels betwei'ii
& many detached i ocks. In evening Anchored near a small
Island being the (arthest Ironi the main to the North East

In morning Captain &: Party landed on this small Island &
returned by nine when we weighed and stood between the two
largest Islands in a channel of 2 or 3 leagues broad with some
small Islands about noon stood in a narrow channel between a
small Island & a point of the large North Island Sc found
ourselves in a fine Bay well sheltered Sc Anchored. Soon alter Mr
Brown Sc party went ashore Sc collected seveial fine plants foimd
Iresh water and a singular momument of the Natives. It
consisted ol two Stones rounded one ol which was about 18
inches long the other about 1 loot & about 6 or 8 inches

106 JOLRNAL OF PETER GOOD

December 15 diameter they were fixed in the ground under tlie shade of Trees
&: well covered with bark these stones were covei ed with down of
young Ijiiik white but in stripes &: oval spots oi brown oi dull
black — an old bark Canoe similar to those at Port Jackson lay on
the Beach & some pieces of bamboo & cordage were found
which indicated superior intelligence to any New Hollanders we
had yet met with

1 7 Early a party landed to cut wood. I was landed on a point to the

Wesrward of a deep inlet i ound which I walked &: collected
seveial fine plants among which an elegant Stcrculia and a fine
blue water Lilly'^^ — Thunder & some heavy rain

1 8 Went ashore Early & directed my course to the North East &
round a Lake of fresh water &: considerable marsh &: collected
some new plants — Thunder & much hea\'y rain

19 heav7 rain in morning about A M weighed & stood to Eastward
&: before noon Anchored neai the Island we made on the 13th.
Captain Mr Brown &: Bawer landed — heie they found a small
species of Nutmeg'^^ & a piece of Basket work thrown on the
Beach similar to the Chinese hats — when the Boat returned
Weighed & stood to the South West & in evening Anchored to
the Westward of the Island we had Anchored at on the 16 which
was denominated Island h here we were compleatly land locked
by Islands all round us

20 Went ashore in morning with Mr Brown & party on Island h and
found a fine Stream of fresh water collected several new plants &
Mr Westal saw three or 4 of the Natives a few yards distant Irom
us who ran away as soon as they saw us boats in fishing &
looking for water picked up various pieces of wreck of boats
wooden Anchors & a pair of Trousers of Striped cotton far
above the ingenuity of the Natives of new Holland

2 1 Went with Captain to various coves &: points of land & to a small

rocky Island laying South West distant 3 or 4 leagues but found
little new

22 Ship Early Sailed back & moored where we had am horcd on the
16 — Captain set out with the Boat for three or 4 davs and a paity
landed to water the Ship. Employed preserving former
collections

23 Early Mr Brown & party landed in the deep cove to westwani of
where we lay we traversed the Island to the West North West &
soon came to the cove on the opposite side of Which I had
landed with the Captain on the 21, on tracing this shore a little
distance we found that what he had then supjiosed to be all one
Island lorined three, two of which were scperate Irom what we

MAIN JOURNAL 107

December 23 were now on & both seperations we saw vei~y distinctly on tracing
the shore a little farther we fell in with a place where a great
number ol mangrove Trees had been cut several years ago &
where 38 built fireplaces still reinained'^' all built in divisions of
2, 3 4 or 5 together with an wooden frame over each division as
if intended to lay wood on to heat so as to make it bend to
whatever purpose it was intended and appeared to have been
used as a substitute for the European method of bending wood
by Steam for the purpose of boat building — pieces of bamboo.
Coccoa nut Shells broken earthen Jars & some bits of Striped
Cotton & Shells lay about the place &: evei^ Tree of any Size in
the neightjourhood had fjeen cut with Sharp edge Tools &
carried away — Several conjectures were thought of to have done
this but none seemed satisfactory, the most reasonable appeared
to be the wreck of some vessef probably Indian or chiiiese & that
they had here built boats to transport themselves, but this
appeared suspicious as there appeared to be difference in the
Time of cutting the mangroves & the frames about the fire
places, the remains about the fireplaces appeared not to have
been left more than a year or two at most whereas the
Mangroves appeared to have been cut from 5 to 10 years ago as
evei7 piece of bark was off the stumps &: the cut appealed
decaying htjwever as they are occasionally covered with Salt
water it is probable a much shorter time may be sufficient to gi\e
them that decayed appearance, however it appeared \c\y evident
some people from India or Europe had been here — in the night
a dreadful Storm of Thunder lightning and heavy rain

24 Went ashore & took up some plants for Garden & brought
them C5n Board. This day a Skeleton was found hurried in a
cavern of a rock very carefully rolled up in bark &: lashed w'ith a
neat rope apparantly of Indian manufactory — there was some
hair upon the skull of a brown colour, which as well as the scull
& skeleton agreed perfectly with the European

25 Mr Brown & jiarty Set out early for the large Island to South
distance 2 or 3 leagues — we landed in two places & walked a
considerable distance but found little new — In a small creak
near fresh water we found a nuinber of bamboos exactly siinilar
to what the Natives of Murray's Island brought off to our Ship
full of fresh water here they lay useless & appeared to have been
left as they were out of the reach of the Sea on the Beach some
pieces of Timber of the Wreck of some Vessel but not Eurtipean
Timber and at a point going into a deep cove a pole was fixed in
the ground in the water in a similar method to what we use to try
the rise of the Tide retuined on Boat d about 8 P M &: Captain

108

JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

December 25

26

27

28

29

30

31

had returned before us he had met with a nuniher oi Hieplaces
exactly resembhng what is iiientioiied on the 23

Employed presei"\ ing former collections Sc at noon as Captain
landed on a siriall Island to obser\'e the etlitudc landed wiih hnn
& brought off some plants for Garden

Weighed Early & put to Sea &: left these fine Islands which afford
excellent Shelter wood &: water. The soil is universally Sandy or
rock the Rock chiefly freestone excellent for building, some
Ironstone fjut much less common. These Islands contain
numerous deep coves which form excellent harbours for small
Vessels but the water is generally Shaol, however the Islands give
shelter from any wind in 4 or 3 fathoms water, here we made a
tolerable harvest in the Botanical department — as soon as we
cleared the North point of this Island we stood Wesrward & in
evening Anchored near a low Island in sight of the Main
Weighed Early & plyed to North West along a low uninteiesting
Shore and Anchored in evening

Weighed early & plyed to windward in evening some rising
ground a distance from the Shore. Much Thunder lightning &
some rain in evening Anchored

Weighed earlv & plyed to windward & found Shoal water a great
distance from land which was rising in gentle hills, land seen at a
distance & indistinctly all day

Weighed early and in evening Anchored to the South of an
Island in sight of the high land we had seen yesterday — a smoak
on Shore near to where we Anchoied

1 803
Januai-y

went Ashore early with Mr Brown & party & ranged this Island
tjut found few things returned on board before 9AM weighed
and stood for the high land of ttie main on nearing the land
stood parallel to the Shore North West Anchored at night mu( ti
Thuncler lightning & rain with a sudden gust of wind from
Southward

Weighed early with a fine Southerly Breeze & stood on parallel to
the Shore which trended to the Eastward of North. Shoal water
otjliged us to keep a considerable distance from Shore, at noon
passed a rock and a Santf bank anchored in evening. Thimdet 8c
lightning at night

Weigtied early & stood North in sight of land, atiout noon land
was .seen from West to North East past noon having suddentlv
Shoaled our water from 7 to 4 fathoms with a fresh bieeze the
boat was lowered 8c sent a head to Sound the Breeze increasing

MAIN JOURNAL lOT

Januai-> 3 with a considerable Sea & water again deepened the boat was
called back Sc towing along side with two men to take care of it.
about 4PM by some unaccountable accident the Boat hlled &:
swamped along side The men were both swimmers & both got
under water at first but one soon appeared again & took hold of
the wreck & was soon picked up without having received any
iniui7 the other was never seen when the man was sale the Ship
Anchored & picked up the wreck of the Boat which taken on
Board & repaired some oars &c were lost

4 Weighed early & stood Northward & before SAM Anchored
near the main with a large Island to Eastward distant two or
three leagues. Mr Brown & party went on Shore &: ranged
among the woods &: collected several fine plants we fell in with
some extensive Marshes &: fresh water lakes — near which we
found a burying place of the Natives which consisted of poles or
lather Trees hollowed by age or art & the Corps placed in the
hollow of the Tree pushed in feet first at the Thick end of the
Tree, which is then raised perpendicular & the Small end fixed in
the ground & the Skul just in sight at the Top — Three of these
poles stood together in one place &: some fallen down each of
which contained the Skeleton of a human body these poles were
from 12 to 18 feet high, the sniallest we took down Sc found
some of the bones curiously painted with Streaks of red — five
Skuls were found at the bottom of the poles well covered with
baik — three other poles wete found about 100 yards distant
with each a Skeleton — but had fallen down from age — Theie
were some neat & large bark huts near the Standing poles

5 Weighed Early & Stood Eastward & again South & South West
past some openings & Islands Sc Anchored in evening.

6 Weighed early ply to South West Sc in evening past the South
West point ol a large Island where ttie land Tiendcd Eastward &
Anchored

7 Weighed early & plyed to Eastward but made little progress

8 Weighed early Sc plyed to Eastward the contrary wind made little
progress

9 Weighed early with a light wind from South West Stood easterly
and passed among a number of small rocky islands of a point of
the large Island found a strong current — past noon having past
the East point of the Large Island stood Northerly &: Anchored
in evening between a small rocky Island & the large one

10 Weighed early &: rocky bottom &: great inequality of Depth dejilh
Sc seeing a i ippling on the water very near Anchored again & sent
the Boat ahead to sound soon weighed again & past very near

110 JOLRNAL OF PETER GOOD

Jaiuian 10 some rocks at the waters edge & afterwards some Bays in the
large Island & Anchored in the evening

1 1 Weighed early & plyed to Northward with wind ii om thai
quarter made little progress — fine weather

12 Weighed early & attempted to pass to Westward between some
small Islands & large one but hnding Shoal water put about &
plved to windward wind North made little progress

13 Weighed early and plyed to windward &: Anchored at 10 P M

14 Weighed early & plyed to windward & about 1 1 A M not being
able to weather a rocky point Anchored & Captain Mr Brown
Bawer and Westall went ashore — past noon a Breeze springing
up weighed &: stood past the rocky point Sc Captain & party came
on Board we then stood to the Southwai d into a spacious Bay
which affords good Anchoiage & Anchored. On small rocky
Island where Captain landed they found plentv of Nutmegs and
saw dome paintings done by the Natives with Ochre on the rock
in imitatioir of fish turtle Kangaroo.'^* &c. &:c.

1 5 landed in morning with Mr Brown & parry on the East side of
the Bay &: collected several plants saw^ no fresh water Sc little
traces of Natives & None recent

16 Went ashore in morning in Company with Mr Bawer &: Allen on
West side of Bay & collected several new plants. Mr Westall went
to the Small Island called Cavern Island where Captain had
been on the 14 to examine the drawings of the Natives &
brought many nutmegs on Board — some of the Sailors ashore
for amusement — The Rock here is chiefly free stone of different
degrees of hardness, the Country barren Sc without fresh water as
far as we Saw

1 7 Weighed early but made little progress to Westward Anchored in
evening

18 Weighed early Sc stood Westward & about 11AM anchored to
South of some small Islands in Sight of Groote Eylaiul. Captain
Mr Brown Bawer Sc Westall went ashore — leturned in aiternoon
& a party went ashore to remain all night and Catch Turtle

1 9 Early the Boat returned with party & one Turtle Weighed 8c
stood North West Sc passed several Islands Sc about 4PM
Anchored to South of a small Island Sc land with Captain Mr
Brown Sc Bawer & collected a few |)lants

20 Weighed early & stotjd North West passed some Islands Sc about
4PM Anchored to South of a rocky Island of moderate height
and went ashore with Captain Sc party & collected some new-
plants — found fresh water &: saw the print of the feet of Natives
very recent on the Sand

MAIN JOURNAL I 1 1

January 21 Early a party landed to cut wood, boats also went to fish &c.

about 9AM went ashore with Mr Brown & party with Directions
to return by | past noon — we crossed the Island to the opposite
Shore & collected several plants Seeds & returned to the landing
place one P M The Boats weie then ashore taking on board
wood. The Captain not yet returned from Svn-veying the
Island — we had not been long at the Beach when Mr Westall Sc
Servant came to us with information that they had seen a Canoe
come Ironi the Large Island to Eastward from which 6 Natives
landed ven' near him &: had chased him all the way to verv near
us some ol our people who were getting water which was some
distance from the Shore were chased down by them, & party of
us then went to meet them but Seeing so many they run away
although we attempted to have an interview by one person going
to them unarmed, we followed them to the Top of the Hill &
finding they would not come to an interview returned & the
Boats being ready put off — The wooding party Still remained on
Shore the wood not being all brought off — on the way to the
Ship the report ol some muskets were heard on Shore &: after we
were on Board one of our people was seen coming down to the
Beach supported between rwo other several Muskets fired on the
Beach &c. Two Boats immediately went ofl one in which was the
Surgeon to bring off the wounded man & the other in which Mr
Westall went & if it was found the Natives had made the attack to
go round the point to wheie the Canoe landed and bring it od.
The Boat soon returned with Mr Whitwood Masters Mate who
had received 6 spear wounds in different parts of his body The
other Boat went round the point to where the Canoe landed, in
afternoon the other Boat went ashore &: brought off the wood
and also Bengamin Morgan a Marine who was taken vers ill
Irom heat & latigue he was when taken on board quite senseless
& continued in violent convulsive fits with intervals of ease till
about 9PM he expired, about 10 P M the Boat returned &
brought with it the Natives Canoe which proved of bark but well
executed & strengthened with sticks &: braces Sc large enough to
contain 6 men

From the reports of those concerned it appeared that soon
after the Boats put off for the Ship between I & 2 P M the Natives
to the number of 6 appeared on the hill, that Mr Whitwood
with a loaded musket & Mr Allen unarmed went up to them &
desired the men to keep near 200 yeards distance behind them
with more arms ready Mi Westall &: Allen were about 30 yards
distant & the Natives divided themselves 3 to each, those nearest
Mr Alien had laid down their spears & had exchanged a green
bough with him that next Mr Whitwood (who still kept his
musket) held out a Spear which Mi Whitwood held out his hand

112 JOIIRNAI. OF PETER GOOD

Januan 21 to take hold ol when he run it into his breast he then attempted
lo fire his musket but it missed fire Mr Allen seeing this run
down the hill & Spears flying past him but was fortunate enough
to escape them. Mr VVhitwood also run as last as he could but
several Spears having hit him & one hatiging in his Side he
turned presented his Musket whic h now went off & he Supposed
wounded the man nearest him as thev all retired the panv liom
the Bottom of the hill being also near & one having fired a
musket — The wooding party then Crossed the Island to meet the
Boat where the Canoe had landed but meeting the Boat & not
finding the Canoe they returned to the landing place — They
again went back in the Dusk of the evening when they saw two
Natives cariT the Canoe on their heads to the Beach when they
came up they found three Natives in it paddling awav from the
Shore as fast as they could & saw another man coining to the
Canoe who on seeing our people between him & the Shore ran
back into the Countiy our people immediately fjegan to fire
their Muskets loaded with ball & Buck Shot at the Canoe & soon
perceived one Man to fall down in it & the other two leaped out
8c swam — one of the men then went out to the Canoe & found
one Native in it dead who had on his head the hat of the man
who found him and in pulling his his hat off the head of the
Corpse he upset the Canoe & the corpse dropped out & was not
found

22 Early a Boat went & brought off the Dead fjody of the Native
which was found on Shore at high water mark very near whei e
he was seen in the evening — he was under the usual size
measuring only five feet six inches, he had some resemblance to
the generality of the Natives of New Holland — a long beard,
high forehead, thick lips Nose short thick & turned up — he had
many bracelets on his arms & a band round his middle on whic h
was fastened a piece of bark to ccncr his pi ivates which appeared
to have been circumcised as he had entirely lost his foreskin but
no scar remained. He was dissected & his head put in Spii its &:
the body cjf Bengamin Morgan comitted to the dee|> with the
usual ceremony — about ^ past one P M weighed & stood
westward — Anchored in evening

23 Weighed early &: finding Shoal water & little prospec t of a
passage to North between the Island &.- Main stood lo Eastward
&: about 4PM was suddenlv taken abac k witli a tieavy scjuall
accompanyed with Thunder lightning Sc heavy rain fc so dark
that it was loinid necessan' tcj Anchor as we had land all lound,
rain occasionally although

24 Weighed early & before SAM was taken abac k with a lictvy

MAIN JOURNAL 1 13

Januai7 -4 squall willi rain Anchored — squallv weather &: wind Easterly all
day

25 Weighed early & plyed to windward Eastward & at 8 in the
evening Anchored to Leeward of an Island

26 Weighed early &: stood Eastward Sc about 10 AM Anchored off a
point 1)1 land & soon went on Shore and collected seveial plants
Captain &: party lell in with a fine lake ot tresh water & well
stocked with Ducks — Saw some huts ul Natives made ol Baik —
trom the appearance of the land supposed it a point of the main,
all low land and very sandy

27 Weighed Early & stood North West into a deep Bay with some
little hills on the Westside — in afternoon Anchored near the East
Shore oi Bay and a Boat went ashore with Mr Fowler &: Mr

Bi own about 7PM Mr Fowler retiu ned with the Boat without
Mr Brown who had lost his way he had a Sailor with hini. about

8 a Great gun was fired &c. and at 10 the Boat went ashore but
Mr Brown was not arrived

28 Early the Captain set out for the highest hill on West of Bay
accompany with Messrs Allen & Westall about 7AM Mr Brown
was seen on a jjoiiit to South East & a Boat went tor him — about

9 1 landed with Mr Allen &: Mr Brtiwns Servant & collected
several plants — tell in with a large Marsh &: Iresh water very
Shoal much trec]uented bv Ducks Cranes."'' Saw two Emoos —
Some Showers ot rain

29 Weighed Early Sc plyed to Eastward — wind c outran' with
frequent stjualls and heavy rain made little progress &
Anchored in e\ening very near our last anchorage

30 Weighed early &: plyed to Eastward a heav7 sc]uall obliged us to
Anchor betore 8 A M — In atternoon weighed again &: plyed to
Eastward all night

3 1 Kept plying to the South East wind dving away Sc in evening

trom South West with a heavy Swell in evening Anchored at our
tormer Anchorage on the 26th

February 1 Weighed Early & worked to Eastward & when clear oi the land
Stood South East and afterwards North East with a fresh Breeze
Sc considerable swell

2 plyed to North East alcjiig an indented Shore in Atternoon mio
a large Bav & anchored near Some Islands

3 Earlv Mr Allen went with Boat to look for water — about 11AM
weighed and stood farther in Sc soon met the Boat Mr Allen had
not Seen any watei — Stood on into a fine Sheltered Bav saw-
some Natives on tlie Beach & Anchored before 4 P M & Mi

114 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

Febi uan 3 Fowler went to look lor water — met a parr\- ol Natives about 1 2
who conducted him to water ven,' convenient on the Beach &
were verv friendly

4 Early a Strong party went ashore Tents landed & boats to fish fee
a party of the Natives about 12 in number met us at the Beach
very friendly Mr Brown &: party walked across the Country &
were followed by most of the natives, it appeared evident that
they knew the effect of fire arms — they were all unarmed & very
friendly & rather intelligent compared to the other inhabitants
of the countrs' — in our progress we fell in with a large
Mangrove Swamp & Creek of Salt water which appeared to
extensive for us to go round this dav Sc we begun to return bv a
different way by what we had gone, the Nati\es endeavoured to
persuade us to go round the Mangroves but as we did not
comply with their wishes &: had sat down to put up some
specimens they sat down with us when Suddenly one took an
opportunity &: Snatched a hatched from Mr Westalls Servant &:
run off all the Natives run off but one who sat with his back in
that direction & did not see them, this one carried a hatchet
which has fjeen given him I proposed detaining him Sc securing
the hatchet he had in lieu of the one Stole, but Mr Brown
objected, the man remained with us vers unconcerned & some of
the other being still in sight Mr Brown went towards them Sc
enticed three of them back as we were walking gentiv towards
the Tents, one of them suddenly snatched a Musket from Mr
Browns servant Sc run off with it the others all run off at the
same time. Mr Bawer fired his Musket at the man who Stole the
Musket but it did not take effect &; we soon lost Sight of them, we
then returned to the Tents Sc Messrs Brown &: Bawer went on
Board with the Captain &: afterwards to a point on west side of
the Bav — langccf in the Vicinity of Tents & collected Several
plants Sc tell in with a number of fireplaces similar to what is
mentioned at Island h but hei e tlu\ ajipearetl of an t)ldcr dale

Sc several stacks of Billet wood remained — In the afternoon
some of the Natives came Sculking about the Tent Sc an
interview was obtained and they were given to luiderstand thai if
they woidd return the Musket they would receive a hatchei
which they promised to perform & soon actually did but
somewhat damaged Sc without the ramrod Sc soon became
familiar, they pretended they had beat the man which took ii bui
pretended not to understand any thing of the Stolen hatchei

5 In morning Mr Brown inforincd me I might go on Shore & lake
a box from the Garden lor Some plants. Employed me shifting
plants till Boat was ready & the box could not be got out of the

MAIN JOURNAL 115

Februai'y 5 Garden in time as the Boat would not wait a moment no other
opportunity affected till near 3PM when on landing I learned
the natives had been very friendly at the Tents till about 2 P M
when one had stole a hatchet &: all disappeared our people had
pursued them some time & the Corporal of Marines was missing
& two men in Search of him. he came to the Tents in the evening
having been taken with the cramp very ill & unable to walk & it
was with great difficulty he reached the Tents, he was carried on
Board — In the Morning Mr Brown 8c Bell had been employed
with the Natives in learning their language Customs &c. — and in
afternoon Captain with Mr Brown &: Westall Set out with Boat
set out for Some hills of moderate elevation on South West Side
of the Bay with intention of staying all night

6 In morning went Ashore &c examined the vicinity of the Tents 8c
conipleated the Box of plants for the Garden — I searched the
neighbourhood of the Tents but could not go far for the Natives,
none of which came near the Tents this day. In afternoon the
Captain Sec returned having met with some fine rivulets of fresh
water running from the hills to the Beach

7 In morning the Natives came to the Tents bringing with them
some fruits, honey & some little roots probably of a species of
Grass which eat very pleasant two of them were taken &:
confined, one was soon liberated & given to understand it was
expected he would return & bring with him the Stolen hatchet
which would procure liberty for the other, they continued near
the Tents in considerable numbers till the afternoon when they
all crossed the Creek to the North In the afternoon Captain went
on Shore & took the Native into the Boat & Sailed to the North
ot the Creek near the Natives, when Several of them came to the
Beach 8c made Signs lor our people to land, and to induce them
presented a young woman, called Bungei7 & gave him to
understand he might have her if he would land — They
pretended the inan who had stole the hatchet had carried it a
great distance & that he belonged to a different Tribe. The
Native was then brought on board, he expressed much anxiety
when tore from fiis friends, on Board iie was tofeiable cficerfid
appeared sensibie eat fish 8c bread heartiiy, but refused to drink
Spirits, looked very attentively at evei^ thing he saw & seemed,
quite confounded, on Seeing Sheep 8c Pigs, he took both for
dogs & gave them the same name —

8 It appears they have some knowledge of Botany and distinguish
the different Trees &: vegetables bv distinct naines In morning
the Native eat a hearty Breakfast &: seeing boats prepare to go
ashore, seemed very anxious to go, appiying earnistly to

116 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

Februan 8 Bungen' for that purpose — Mr Brown & Parry of 6 landed on the
North Shore where we saw several natives running among the
Bushes belore we landed & on landing two of thcni kepi in Sight
of us — & letreated as we advanced into the wood which is not
verv thick here — the two continued about Musket Shot from us
while we kept advancing into the woods & finding ourselves
closely watched & likely to be taken suddenlv in some place
where we could not well defend ourselves, as there was reason to
Suppose, they weie collecting their force we returned for the
Beach, immediately on our retreat they gave a Shout which was
answered at Some distance & in a few minutes a number of
about 12 men appeared with great bundles of Spears & throwing
Sticks & came pressing upon us — on presenting a Musket they
retired a little distance but when we walked towards the Beach
they followed us close Sc attempted to surround us & on coming
near the Beach they became so daring as to Ship their Spears &
to disiegard pointing a musket at them. 8c we found it absolutelv
necessary- to fiie on them. Mr Browns Sers'ant & Mr Allen each
fired a musket at two of the most daring & I believe wounded
them they then retired & soon dissappeared, & we returned on
board. The prisoner was taken on Shore & had attempted to
make his escape from the Tents but was soon taken. In afternoon
Captain went on Shore & he was liberated he endeavoured to
prevail on Bungery to go with him, gave us to understand he
would bring back the hatchet & went away well pleased

9 Mr Blown & party landed on the West of the Bay for two hours &:
collected a few things. — this day watering was compleated Tents
Struck Sc evei7 thing made ready for Sea. Thunder 8c Showers of
rain, no Natives came near us — during our Stay here we had
been so much disturbed with the Natives that we could not
examine the Country as we could have wished, as far as we saw
the Soil was Sandy, but the face of the Country finelv diversified
with gentle elevations &: large plains, some Granite rock but
scarce, some Iron Stone 8c a sort of red Grit Stone, at this Season
water was plenty but it is probably not so all the Year

10 Weighed early & Stood out of the Bay with a fine lair wind, at
11AM Captain wih Mr Brown 8c Bawer landetl on a small
Island, returned about one P M when we Stood North with .i
fine Southerly Breeze 8c anchored in the evening

I I Weighed early & siocid North North East &: soon past a point of
land where the Coast trended to Westward, light wintis made
little progress 8c Anchored in evening

The Cape just past being Cape Arnhcim we were now out oi the
Gulf in which we had been since the 2 November during which

MAIN JOURNAL 117

February 1 1 time the wind was never settled in any direction, but the

Northerly winds greatly prevailed, sometiines East &: sometimes
West but rai ely South The Climate hot but not excessive, the
winds were always Cool Sc in general a fine & reheshing bieeze.
the weather generally clear & serene, but laterly as the Sun
approached us more cloudy with Showers The appearance of the
Country is one Continued flat, with no rising ground of any
consequence till near Cape Arnheim & e\en there the rise
is very inconsiderable. It is every where covered with woods &
the appearance of fertility. & although we saw no very fertile Soil
except in small inconsiderable spots, yet it is probable there is
much fertile Soil more in the interior, for except Arnheim Bay
we never landed on the Main during our stay in the Gulf but 4
days in different places. & was never above half a mile from the
Shore & what Soil we then saw was Sandy. Some of the Islands
we had a better o[)portunity of examining & very stony the stone
free stone & some places Iron Stone, at the entrance of the Gulf
on both Shores, viz. on Cape Arnheim & prince of Wales Islands
the Stone is Granite The variety of Vegetables is considerable but
there is much sameness. evei~y time we landed we could count
from 100 at the least to 200 different Species at the Greatest in
any one place

12 Weighed early, light winds made little progress. In afternoon
sailed through a passage between an Island & the Main while a
Native stood on the Beach of the Island waving his hand &
calling to us. Anchored in evening dull hazey weather & some
rain

13 Weighed in morning & soon opened a deep Bay Stood for it and
about 3PM anchored in a very large & well Sheltered haibour
the extream of which to Eastward we could not See. In evening
went ashore on the North Side of Bay &: Collected a few

things — Boats fishing & caught plenty for all hands

14 In morning landed with Mr Brown & party & collected some
plants Captain employed Surveying the harbour, he as also Mr
Bawer & Westall who were with him found some Quartz Crystals
they were found in Caverns in Ironstone &: Granite.

15 Employed preserving former collections Boats Fishing with
success In evening landed with Mr Brown on North Shore &:
collected a few ttiings found fresh water near the Beach in a hole
dug in the Sand by natives. Saw 4 native Dogs wild which made a
singular howling noise

1 6 Early Captain with Messers Brown & Bawer went to Survey the
Eastern pai t of the Harbour, on their return Weighed & stood
out of the harbour &: Anchored in evening

118 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

Februan 1 7 Weighed early & stood Northward & passed a broken & indented
Shore about noon past between some rocky Islands & stood ior
a steep point behind which was an opening, on making the point
we perceived the land to the Right to be Islands &.- and a passage
beuveen & the main we soon obser\ed some vessels laving under
the lee of the Islands & some Canoes paddling about them when
we came within a lew Cables length of them a Boat was sent on
Board well armed & soon returned with Information that thev
were 6 Proas"" being part of a fleet of 60 from Maccassar'""
sent by the King of that Island to collect Trepang a kind of
Marine production of a gelatinous substance & somewhat of the
Shape of a Cucumber, which when dried is a great delicacy with
the Chinese & brings a great price —

Anchored for the night & had a visit from the Captains of the
Malay Proas, who informed us that they had practised coming to
this CountiT for that commodity for these 20 years & the
Commodore of this Squadron Said this was his 7 vovage to the
Gulf

18 In morning Captain went on board the Chiefs Proa & 5 more
Proas came in from the westward & Anchored & begun to take
on Board water Before noon landed with Mr Brown & party 8c
ranged the neibourhood k collected some plants, This Island
is very hilly & full of Stones, which are grit stone & in Some
places a kind of Slate stone — at this Season plenty of water run
down to the Shore in various little rivulets or rills in great
plenty — The Canoes of the Maccassars caine along Side &

ex( hanged Cocoa nuts poultn &:' for hardwarti Cloaihing &'
and weie veiT friendly &: honest in all their Transactions, from
them was collected some useful information relative to the
Winds Sc weather in this part of the Globe, they informed us that
we inight expect rough weather with wind from the North West
for two or three weeks when it would change & South East winds
prevail — Informed us they would Sail in the night

19 In morning the fleet of 1 1 Proas were in Sight Standing to
Eastward Captain went in Boat to Sur\ey the Islands &:' I landed
with a party who went to bring off soine w'ater & collected a few
things

20 landed with Mr Brown &: party on an Island to Eastward of
wheie had been the (\\a former days here we collected a lew
things Sc brought on Board some plants for the Gaiilcn — Since
our arrival here we had irecjuent Gusts of wind atxompanied
with heavy rain. It gave us great satisfaction meeting with the
Maccassars as it satisfied all our doubts relative to appeatances
we had seen in the Gulf, the fire places are to dry the Trepang in

MAIN JOURNAL 119

February 20 tlic Snioak &• thev have no other vessels to earn' their water

but Bamboos the damaged ones of which we had frequently met
with — we learned that they usually make the Voyage in 6 months
from Maccassar, that they meet rhinese Vessels at Timor laut' "
which purchase their Cargo for about 40 Dollars a bag of 1000
insects Sc' we had a Malay on Board who acted as interpreter

2 1 Employed preserving former collections Captain with Messrs
Bawer & Westall went to the North East to take bearings &' they
fell in with a party of Natives who did not See our people till very
near when they fled in great confusion & left an elegant Spear
which was brought on Board &: a hatchet left in its place, the
party consisted of an old irian two women & some children —
frequent Squalls & heavy rain

22 Went with Captain & Mr Westall to an Island at some distance in
North West & collected a few things

23 at day light went ashore & planted 4 Cocoanuts & some Potatoes
in various situations such as appeared most favourable, one of
the Cocoa nuts I have procured at Murrays Island at that time in
a state of Vegetation & it had been growing in the Garden ever
since & was now a fine plant, one of the others was also
beginning to Vegetate & two had no appearance of Vegetation —
In the afternoon weighed & stood West and anchored in evening
near Some Islands in Sight of those we had left

24 landed with Mr Brown & party on the largest Island Z Sc
collected a few things — Captain & Mr. Westall went in morning
to Westward between the large Island & main 8c proposed
returning to dinner — but did not return all day

25 As the Captain had not returned Mr Fowler went with the launch
to look for him. I landed early & brought some things on board
before 7AM about i past One P M the Captains boat was seen
to windward of the Island &: soon came on Board — They found
the Island much larger than was expected & had required all this
time to go round it, The launch came along side soon after

26 landed in morning on the Small Island near Anchorage with Mr
Brown & Bawer & collected a few things

27 Weighed Early & stood westward & soon got aground on a Sand
Bank with a vei7 rapid Tide — some of the Bank at a little
distance from us had only 6 feet water — about noon we got clear
and anchored in deep water

28 Weighed Early & Stood South West in a fine channel between the
Island & the main — at noon anchored opposite a Small opening
between an Island Ik the main behind the island no land could
be Seen boat Sounded & a breeze springing up weighed & stood

120 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

Ffbmarv 28 round the Island when we found a very rapid current running
out of the opening which is broad Sc deep close to the Shore,
about 8 PM having got round the Island Anchord

March 1 Eaily went ashoie on the Island with Mr Brown &: Party also

Captain Sc party, here we collected a tew things &: as the Island is
tolerable high had a fine View ot the Bay which is large so much
so that we could see no land to South West & only in small spots
to South & South East — returned about 1 1 A M weighed &:
Stood Eastward up the Bay anchored in evening

2 Weighed in morning &: stood on near the Eastern extieme ol the
Bay & anchored about 3 P M & soon went on Shore with Mr
Flinders & collected a few things, about 4 Captain with Mr.
Bawer set out to Survey the Bay Sc took provisions for three days

3 Went ashore in morning with Mr Fowler Sc a party — &: collected
several new plants — Saw manv Kangaroos — this part has much
resemblance to the diileienl places we had visited ot the main in
the Cult, but I think moie tertile — many Swampy flats ot
Consideiable extent at this Season Standing some inches deep ol
water which if cleared bids fair to be productive in rice, came on
Board before 3PM weighed &: stood tor the West ol Bay
Anchoied in evening

4 Weighed Early Sc stood lor a Sandv Beach i ound i ed ( ?) clitt &
anchored in afternoon &: soon went ashoie & collected scjme new
plants. Boat went to fish but had no success, before 9PM
Captain returned having Seen no appearance of any river had
caught a Turtle — In this excursion Mr Bawer had found few
New plants

5 Early the Boat went to haul the Seine but had no success about
9AM weighed & stood out of the Bay — wind Sc tide being
contrary about 5PM anchored & saw a Canoe with two natives
close in Shore

6 Weighed early & stood Northward with a fresh Breeze about

1 P M having cleared the land &: Islands stood North West and
at 7 P M. West North West in whi< h course we continued during
the

7 In morning no Lmd in sighi X: nothing ni.uciial onmicd till

1 2 we made some low Islaiuls i .tiled New Years Islands Sc the Ship
hove too while a boat landed on one whit h Mi Fowler &- 1
walked round, saw the shells ol some Turtle whic h Ii.kI been
lately killed

The whole Island is composed ol Coral &; sand & shells and
some lakes ot Salt water with mangro\es. with scarce anv thing

MAIN JOURNAL 121

Manh 12 new in the Botanical department — nothing of consequence
occulted hot sultry weather Calms & light airs till the

19 About 8 A.M. we were surprised to see the bottom as we had for
several days had from 100 to 120 fathoms Soundings on
Sounding we found 10 fathoms sent the Boat ahead &: stood on
& in less than an hour we had 60 fathoms — the least water we
had was 7 fathoms hot sultry weather with light airs and Calms

29 till 29 saw the Island of Timor very high land and on the

3 1 Anchored in Coopang"' roads near the Fort of Concordia here
we learned some of the transactions in Europe since our leaving
it, we found here a Dutch Brig and a sinall American Ship just
come from Europe — we remained here till the 8 April during
which time we made a considerable collection of specimens by
repeated Short walks near the Town but we made no distant
excursions — This Island is peculiarly fertile in comparison to
anything we had seen during this Voyage — as far as we saw it is
entirely coral rock, or at least in the greatest part for in the River
& some parts of its banks there is some primitive Rock but it is in
small proportion to the Calcareous — but the soil consists of a
very rich vegetable Soil of a yellowish or light brown Colour & of
a glutinous consistanie which laid on the very porous Calcareous
rock gives the greatest luxurience to the vegetation particularly
as it appears to f)e freciuently lefreshed by plentifull showers of

rain all the Ships Company were refreshed with fresh

provisions & fruit here and the Svmptoms of Scui vey which
appeared generall were soon dissipated — two men contrived to
leave the Boats and secret themselves on Shore the last night of
our stay here & could not be found when we sailed

April 8 Weighed Early 8c stood Northward light airs kept Standing to
the westward & Southward on the 1 2 in sight of the little Island
of Java from this till the 20 fresh breezes & much rain with

20 with much Thunder & lightning 8c very dull moist atmosphere
many of the Crew Complaining of disorders & dysenteric
attacked several which seemed to increase — from 20 to 23 fresti
steady Breeze from South East cool air

23 from the 23 to 27 in search of the Trial rocks'^^ which we had

not the good fortune to fall in with
27 on the 27 stood to Southward as wind would pennit and on the

May 2 crossed the Tropic of Capricorn — wind & weather variable

14 and nothing material occurred till 14 at Day light the South West
Cape bore North stood Eastward South East with a fine breeze in
sight of land

122 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

May 15 Past King George III"' Sound Mount Gardener '^''&' steering
East

1 () Standing East by North fresh breezes & hazy cloudy weather no
land seen this day

1 7 At day break past Termination Island & about SAM past Bay
No I keeping to the South of all the Islands — past noon
departed this life Charles Douglas Boatswain of a Dysentery with
which he had laboured since the middle of Aprile — Self and
several of the Crew labouring under the Same disorder
In the evening Anchored to Leward of Salt Island or Bay II near
where we Anchored in the middle ofJanuaiT 1802

chronology

The dates given for a particular locality have been compiled from Flinders Voyage
(1814), Good's seed lists and Brown's herbarium labels. Unfortunately these three
sources sometimes differ.

1801

July 18

August 2

October 16

Departure from Spithead

Madeira

Cape of Good Hope

Western A ustralia

December 6 An ived off Cape Leewin
December 8 King George the third Sound
December 12 Princess Royal Harbour

1802

January 4

Januan' 8

January 10

January 1.5

January 16

Seal Island

Archipelago of Recherche

Lucky Bay, Bay 1

Middle Island, Goose Island

Bay II

January 28 Bay III

South A ustralia

Februan,' 2 Nuyts Archipelago

Februaiy 8 Petrel Bay

Februan- 13 Flinders Island, Waldergrave Island, Bay IV

February 2 1 Thistle Island

February 23 Memory Cove, Bay IX

February 24 Bay X

February 26 Port Lincoln

March 8 Spencers Gulf, Bay XII

March 22 Kangaroo Island

March 29 St. Vincent Gulf

April 1 Nepean Bay

April 8 Encounter Bay

124

lOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

Victoria

April 22
April 23
April 26

Bass Strait

King's Island

Port Philip, Bay XVI

New South Wales

May 9 Port Jackson
July 21 Left Port Jackson

Queenslatid

July 30

August 1

August 2

August 5

August 6

August 9

August 20

August 2 1

August 28

September 5

September 12

September 29

October 6

October 16

October 2 1

October 29

November 2

November 3

November 1 7

Sandy Cape

Hei"vey's Bay

Bustard Bay

Port I

Port Curtis

Keppel Bay

Harvey's Isles

Port Bowcn, Port II

Shoal Water Bay, CapeTownshend Island

Thirsty Sound

Broad Sound

Northumberland Islands

Gieat Bai rier Reef

Cumberland Isles

Break-sea Spit

Murrav's Islands

Prince of Wales Islands, Good Island

Endeavour Strait '

Welleslevs Islands (Islands a, b, c.)

Northern Territory

Dccembci 4 Tiirlle Island

Dccemfjer 8 Moriiington Island (Island d)

Dcrcinbcr 16 Pellcu's Isl.nids, Vandcrlin's Isl.md (Island g)

DcK inbci- 25 Noilh Island, i Island 111

CHRONOLOGY

125

1803

Januars' ' Maria Island (Island 1)

January 4 Carpentaria mainland

January 15 Groote Eylandt

JanuaiT 16 Wincht-lsea Island (Island p)

January l.S Bustard Island (Island q)

January 1"^) Burney Island (Island r) &: Morgan Island (Island s)

Januai y 2b Carpentaria mainland

February 2 Caledon Bay

February 1 1 Cape Arnhem

Februai7 12 Melville Isles

February 13 N. Arnhem Bay

Februai7 17 English Coinjiany Islands

March 1 North Coast Bay No. 3

March 5 Arnhem Bay

Match 17 New Year's Isle

Timor

March 3 1
A|iril S

Coepany
Lelt Coepany

Western A ustralia

May 15 Aic hipelago ol Recherche
Mav 17 Middle Island
Jiuie9 Port Jackson

Notes

* where no description is given and the common name applies to several genera
identification is naturally impossible.

1 Cap de la Hague, opposite St. Albans Head, Dorset.

2 Promontory on the south coast of Dorset.

3 Square-rigged vessel with rwo masts.

4 'Ferdinand L. Bauer's sketch not traced (Brown's Diary).

5 Robert Brown (1773-18.58) natuialist.

6 Ferdinand Lucas Bauer ( 1 776-1826), natural history painter.

7 Rear Admiial Robert Merrick Fowler (-d. 1860), entered the Navy in 1793
promoted Lieutenant on joining H.M.S. Inveitigalor (O. Byrne, 1849).

8 William Westall ( 1 776-1850), landscape and figure painter.

9 Hugh Bell, surgeon, obtained a warrant in 1800 (Steel, 1790).

10 John Allen, miner, fiom the Ashover district of Derbyshire, who was
member of a family known to Sir Joseph Banks.

1 1 Pico Riuvo, volcanic mountain of 6056 feet, Madeira.

12 ''Identification impossible.

13 Remoraremora(L. nSS).

14 Fogo, one of the Cape Verde Islands.

15 Probably the common swallow Hiriindo rmttca L. 1758 on migration.

16 The common names porpoise and dolphin were interchangeable at this time
so identification impossible.

17 Sailor's name lor the Frigate bird, Fregata sp.

18 Flying fish — lamily Exocaetidae.

19 This may refer to the albacore or long-finned tunnv [Thunnm alalunga
(Bonnaterre, 1788).

20 ?, The oceanic hon'no Katsuwonm pelamii(h. 1758).

21 Maalstrom Island charted as 16° OON 37° OOW in the early 19th centui^.
Findlay, 1861, gives the Dutch cartographer Van Keulen as the source and
describes it as not found in 1799.

22 Sula sp.

23 Samuel Ward Flinders, 2nd Lieutenant, vounger brother of Matthew
Flinders (-1834 or 5).

24 The common name dolphin usuallv denotes a cetacean but was sometimes
used for the dolphin fish Coryphaena hippiim (L. 1758), species given in Brown's
diar^.

25 A relerence to P. de Auverne's topographical plan oi Isle of Tnnidada, 1787,
though this chart is not mentioned in Some early printed maps of Trinidad and Tobago
(Map Collectors Circle No. 10, 1964).

26 Flinder's {Voyage, 18 14) considered this to be the Nine Pin of Au\erne's chart.

27 Diomedia sp.

128 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

28 Pintardo birds, here refer to the petrels commonly known as Cape Pigeons
Dapitwn capensis L. 1 758 formerly Procellaria capensis.

29 Procellaria aequinoctialu L. 1758, a large dark sheai"vvater commonly known as
the Cape hen.

30 Saxenburg island, a nivtliical island reported bv John Lidcstz, a Dulchnian
in 1670 as 30°45'S 20°00\V. Fluiders (Vogage, 1814) states the position 30°18'S
28°20W.

31 'Identification impossible.

32 Alopias sp, a shark with a long tail.

33 Paulsberg, one of the major mountain peaks in Cape Point nature reser\e.
Cape Town, South Africa (Rourke in letl.)

34 ? The homestead of Viterstehoek in Cape Town, marked as Smith's farm cm
modern maps IRourke in lett.).

35 Variant spelling for buck, male deer.

36 Fish Hoek Bay.

37 Cape Cobra, jVa/a TO wa (L., 1755) (Rourke, 1974).

38 The road from Simons Town to a place called the Company's garden, led
close past the obsenatory (Flinder's Voyage) 'Since the observatory which Flinders
mentions had been set up on the South side of Simons Bay, we may deduce that
the Company's garden was situated somewhere between the present day
Simonstowii and Froggy pond' (Rourke, 1974). Good's remark that the garden
was 'usefull but not ornamental' would suggest that it was used for the cultivation
of vegetables to supply the needs of shipping during the winter months.

39 Loos only occupied Tokai for a short period. The house was built for
A. G. H. Teubes, 1795-96 (Rourkem lett.).

40 ? A reference to the farms Groot Constantia and Silverplace, the latter is,
today, either Silverhurst or Witterboom (Rourke in lett).

41 Protea reperu (L.) (Rourke, 1974).

42 Leucodendron argenteum (L.^ R. Br. (Rourke, 1974).

43 Devil's Peak.

44 Van Riebeck ( 1618-7 7) established a fort at the Cape in 1652, leased a stretch
of forest to Leendert Cornelissen, in 1657, of a garden developed there and
known as Leendertsbos Guy Tachard (1650-17 12) WTote in 1685, 'we were greatly
surprised to find one of the most beautiful and curious gardens which 1 have ever
seen in a country which appears to be most barren and miserable in the world.'
This garden eventually renamed Kirstenbosch is today the National Botanic
Garden of South Africa.

45 £nca -ip.v/ana Ait. (Rourke, 1974).

46 Erica oblitjuaThunh. (Rourke, 1974).

47 Pndocarpm latijolius IThunb.l R. Br. ex Mirb. (Rourke, 1974).

48 D(Oj/)>'rw !i'/i><fa«a (Hiern) F. White (Rourke, 1974).

49 \'oltea ajncana (L.) Reich, f (Rourke, 1974).

50 Erica tnflora L. (Rourke, 1974).

51 /l/jo/jAi/fl C(2/;^nJ!i (L.f) Sm. (Rourke, 1974).

52 Muizenberg.

NOTES 129

53 John Crosley, astronomer, was from 1790 assistant to the Astronomer Royal
N. Maskelyne (1732-1811). Ill health forced him to return to England after
reaching the Cape.

54 Brown (Diai^) examined a water sample under the highest magnification ot
an Ellis aquatic microscope and found it contained a minute animacule. Plankton
bloom is a well known phenomenon in False Bay. The reddish discolouration of
the surface waters in early summer is chiefiy due to rwo dinoflagellates Gonyaulax
polygramma Stein and Noctiliica icintillaru Macartney (Grindley & Taylor, 1964).

55 Cape Agulhas is the southern most tip of .South Africa.

56 St Pauls and Amsterdam Islands 60 miles apart in southern Indian Ocean.

57 Western Australia.

58 West Cape Howe, West of Albany, Western Australia.

59 Arctocephalui donfera (jone'i, 1923).

60 Captain George Vancouver (1758-98), in command of a voyage to the North
Atlantic Ocean and round the world in H.M.S. Dncovery, 1790-95. discovered
King George III Sound, 28 September 1791.

61 Macropus fuliginosm (Desmarest, 1817), Bauer drawing No. 10, Zoology
Librai7, British Museum (Natural History).

62 See No. 58.

63 'Identification impossible.

64 ''Identification impossible.

65 Cygnui atratm (hdii\veLm, 1790).

66 ? Built by the osprey Pandwn haliaelus (L. 1 758).

67 Drommus novaehollandiae (Latham, 1 790).

68 Egernia cunmngharm (Gray, 1843) Bauer drawing No. 27 Zoology Library,
British Museum (Natuial History).

69 Islands shown on a chart publshed in J. A. B. d'Entracasteaux Voyage de
Dentracasteaux on La Recherche . . ., 1807-8.

70 Cycas media R. Br.

71 C3ipe h'dnen Geese, Cereopsis novaehollandiae Ldihdm, 1801.

72 Robert Thistle, Master of the Investigator's cutter.

73 ? The prints of the dingo Cann famihans dingo, (Meyer 1793).

74 .' Bromui arenanm Labill.

75 Mutton bird — sooty petrel, Puffinus tenuirostns Temminck 1835.

76 Tamar wallaby, Marcrnpus eugenii (J. H. Calaby in kit.).

77 ? Carpet python Phython sptlotei or black tiger snake Notechis ater (J. H. Calaby
in lett.).

78 Trichoiarui vuhpecula (J. H. Calaby m let!.).

79 Crew members, Taylor midshipman; Smith, Coxswain, George Lewis,
William Grindall, Little, Hopkins and Williams (Brown's Diai^).

80 ''Identification impossible.

81 Good is probably referring to the emu sc? 63.

82 Nicotinia sp.

83 Macropm fuliginosus (DesmAresl, 1817).

84 Pelecamis conspicullatui,Temn\\nck. 1824.

130 JOIIRNAL OF PETER GOOD

85/86 Good is referring to the monitor lizards of the family Veranidae.

87 Boobook (or Spotted) owl Xinox novae seelandiae (Gmelin, 1 7S8).

88 Aquita audaxiLnYiAm. 1801).

89 ? PhapschalcopterayLdilhAm, 1 790) or P. c/?ga^i (Icmmmik, 1810).

90 "Identification impossible.

91 Nicolas Baudin (1756-1803), Commander of the Le Naturdisle and Le
Geographie who sailed from Le Havre 19 October 1800 ostensively to explore the
south coast of New Holland.

92 David Nelson (d. 1789), botanical collector on H.M.S. Discovery on Captain
Cook's third voyage.

93 .-■ Cyathea sp.

94 George Bass (d. 1812), Surgeon, who in 1798 with Lieutenant Flindeis sailed
round Tasmania in H.M.S. Norfolk and discovered the stiait named after him.

95 Jean Baptiste Louis Claude Theodore Leschenault de la Tour (1773-1826).

96 General use of this name discontinued in the first half of the nineteenth
centun'. It is an area east of Richmond and bounded approximately by Richmond
on the West, the Richmond Road to the South, South Creek down to the
HawkesbuiT on the East i McGillivrav in lett. ).

97 On the Hawksbury- river at the place now known as Wisemans Fcrrv
(McGillivray m /«•«.).

98 Livislonia australis Mart.

99 Passiflora sp.

100 Toomgabbie, Sydney.

101 At the mouth of the Hawkesburv river (McGillivrav in lett.).

102 Port Stephens, Sydney.

103 A misidcntitication, d'Eiuracasteaux's Archipelago is oil Papua.

104 Bongaiee, a native who had sailed with Lieutenant Flinders in H.M.S.
Norfolk.

105 Woomera, a thi owmg stick used by nati\es.

106 Araucaria cunnmghamii Ait.

107 Derived from the Aboriginal word for a shield, originalK in Port Jackson
language but use ot the word spread through New South Wales and Queensland.
E-lee-mong-a shield made of bark (Collins, 1798) E-li-mang-a small sliield made
of bark (Hunter, 1793).

108 Xylocarpus sp.

109 Probably a rcfeience to Sea Snakes.

110 Large rope.

111 Tridaam gigas (L. 1758).

112 Thiee brothers, now known as South Brother, Middle Brother and North
Biother, in the vii initv of 3 r45S. 152°45E (McGillivrav in lell.).

113 SmokvCape30°55S, 153°05E.

114 Mount Warning 20°24S, 153°16E.

115 Indian Head, Sand Cape and Brcaksea spit aif all locations on or neat
Fraser Island, Queensland (McGillivray in lett.).

1 16 Piece of armour for the throat.

NOTES 131

117 ? Musa banksii or M. hilli (N. Byrnes m lett.).

1 18 Dioscorea sp. (N. Byrnes in lett.).

1 19 :' Ficus racemosa L. (N. Byrnes m lett.).

120 Endeavour strait.

121 Jan Cartenz in the Pera, in 1623, discovered the Vereenichde river on the
western end of Cape York between 14°and 15°N (Sharp, 1963).

122 Ipnmoea biloba Forsk.

123 ? Ardeotis australis (]. E. Gray, 1829).

124 Cycas media R. Br.

125 Nymphaea slellata Willd.

126 Myrutica imipida R. Br.

127 Explanation ot fneplaces given in entry for February 20.

128 Macropiti giganteus Shaw 1790.

129 A Malay boat propelled by sails or oars.

130 Grus sp.

131 Traders from Malaya.

132 Holothurians commonly called sea cucumbers, beche de mer. Used by
Chinese to make soup.

133 Timor Laut Islands, East Indies SOS 130. I E.

134 Kupany, capital of Timor.

13,5 The Trial rocks obtained their name from an English ship Trial, which was

lost upon them in 1622, but their exact situation seemed not to be well known

(Flinders, 1814). It remains impossible to give a locaticjn tor these rocks (Wood,

1922).

136 Situated at the eastern end ol King George's Sound, separating it from the

Bale des Deux Pcuples.

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Extant Lists of Seeds

British Museum (Natural History),

Botany Library

142 JOIRNAL OF PETER GOOD

(a) 'List o( seeds collected in the vicinity of George III Sound from December 10
to January- 4 1801-2", 8 folios". There is also an incomplete version of 6
folios* and a further version of 6 folios. In these lists details are given of habit
and habitat of some species and if the flower was described, the latter being a
reference to the descriptions made by Brown. [See pp. 144-158]

(b) 'List of seeds collected on the South West Coast of New Holland. King
George III Sound December 10 1801 Januan' 4 1802: Seeds collected in the
neihbourhood of Bay 1 JanuaiT 10-13 inclusive 1802, Bay III, Bay IV
Anchorage V, Anchorage VII, Anchorage VIII, Meniors' Cove, Bay X,
Anchorage XI, Inlet, Kangaroo Island, Kings Island, Port Philip, Seeds
Collected in the neihbourhood of Port Jackson from 10 May 1802 to 20 July
1802', 1 1 folios*. These are merely alphabetical lists of species collected at the
various anchorages. [Sec pp. 159-1691

(c) 'Seeds collected from 10 to 13 January,- 1802', 4 folios'". 'Seeds collected in the
neihbourhood of Port Jackson from 10 Mav 1802 to July 1802", 7 folios.*
'Seeds collected in neihbourhood of Port Jackson from 10 May to 12 July
1802', 1 folio*. These lists give details of habit and habitat. [See pp. 170-1811

(d) 'List of seeds collected on the East Coast of New Holland Sandv Cape. Julv
30-31- 1802, Port I from 5th to 8th August 1802, Keppel Bav from 9 to 15
August 1802, Port II 21-22 August 1802, Passage III Shoalwater Bav 26
August 1802, CapeTownshend Island 28 August 1802. Shoal BavS.W. Side 30
August and 3 & 4 September 1802, Thirsty Sound 5-6 Septeinber 1802 Broad
Sound 12-26 September 1802, Northumberland Islands from September 29
to October 3-1802, Cumberland Islands 16 Oct. 1802, Prince of Wales Island
Nov. 2 1802, Carpentaria Islands a b c Nov. 17-28- 1802, Turtle Island Dec. 4

1802, Carpentaria Island g h and i 16 to 25 December 1802, Carpentaria
Island 1 1 Januaiy 1803, Carpentaria on the main January 4 1803, Carpentaria
Groots Eyland 15-10 January 1803, Gulf of Carpentaria Islands r and s
January 19-21 1803, Gulf of Carpentaria on the main Januan- 26-28 1803,
Gulf of Carpentaria Arnheim S. Bav Februars- 4-9- 1803, North Coast of New
Holland Arnheim N Bay February'' 3-18 1803, North Coast Islands y to fee
Februan 4-9- 1803, North Coast of New Holland Arnheim N. Bav Februarv
3-18 1803, North Coast Islands y to &c. Febiuan 18-27 1803", 1 folio*, 'N.

1803, N. Coast No 3 Bay March 1-4 1803, North Coast New Teais Day Island
March 12 1803', 17 folios. These lists give details of habii and habitat. Theie is
also an incomplete version of 9 folios. [Sec p. 1821

(e) 'List of seeds collected on the East and North Coasts of New Holland lioiii
the 30th July 1802 to the 4 March 1803', 9 folios*. An alphabetical list giving
the locality where the species was collected and conckuled wiih a list of the
dates at the different anchorages. Many of the species aic picfixed by a +
which indicated where they were included in that particular (onsignment;
those species without a + were duplicates which were to be forwai (led by the
first opportiinity. There are also three extra versions of this list, 8 folios; 13
folios and 9 folios. [.See pp. 183-1921

'Seeds collected on the Island of Timor from 1-8 April 1803', 2 folios*.

'List ol seed sown in vicinity of spring and various other situations of llie

island on the 2-4 & 5 April 1802'*. [See pp. 193-1951

Note: Those marked with an asterisk are here reprodi

Facsimile of Seed Lists

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References and Bibliography

Aiton, W. 1810-1813. Hortus kewensts. Second edition by W. T. Aiton. London. 5 vols.

Austin, K. A. 1974. Matthew Flinders on the Victorian coast. Melbourne.

Bauer, F. L. 1813. Illustratwnes Florcp Novce Hol/andtep, etc. London.

Britten, J. & Boiilger, G. S. 193L A biographical index of deceased British and Irish botanists.

2nd ed. revised and completed by A. B. Rendle. London.
Brown, R. 1810. Prodromus Fierce Novce Hollandice et Insulce van Diemen. London.
. 1814. General remarks geographical and systematical on the Botany of Terra

Australis. In Flinders, M. A voyage to Terra Australis. Vol. 2, appendix no. 3. London.
Bucl<land, W. 1821. Note on the geological structure of a part of the Island of

Madagascar, founded on the collection transmitted to the Right Honourable the Earl

Bathurst, by Governor Farquhar, in the year 1819, with observations on some

specimens from the interior of New South Wales, collected during Mr Oxiey's

Expedition to the River Macquarie, in the year 1818, and transmitted also to Earl

Bathurst. Transactions of the Geological Society of London .5: 476-48 1 .
Burbidge, N. T. 19,56. Robert Brown's collecting localities. Proceedings of the Linnean Society

of New South Wales SO: 229-2S3.
Collins, D. 1 798-1802. An account of the English colony oj New South Wales. London. 2 vols.
Edwards. P. I. 1976. Robert Brown (1773-1858) and the natural history of Matthew

Flinders' voyage in H.M.S. Investigator, 1801-1805. Journal of the Society for the

Bibliography of Natural History 7: 385-407.
. 1978. Sir Joseph Banks and the botany ol Capt. Cook's three voyages ol exploration.

Pacific Studies 2: 20-43.
Ellis, J. 17 70. Directions for bringing over Seeds and plants from the East Indies, ire. London.
Entrecasteaux, J. A. B. d'. 1807-1808. \'oyage de Dentrecasteaux \on La Recherche], envoye a la

recherche de La Perouse. Paris. 2 vols.
Findiay, A. G. 1861. Memoir descriptive and explanatory of the Northern Atlantic Ocean. 1 1th ed.

London.
Fitton, W. H. 1827. An account of some geological specimens collected by Robert Brown.

In King. P. P. Narrative oJ a survey of the . . . coasts of Australia . . . 18 18-1822. Vol. 2,

appendix C.
Flinders, M. I8I4. .4 voyage to Terra .Australis . . . in . , . 1801-180} in H.M.S. Investigator.

London. 2 vols.
Giblin, R. W. 1930. Flinders. Baudin. and Brown at Encounter Bav. Papers and Proceedings

of the Royal Society of Tasmania 1929: 1-6.
Great Britain. Atlniiralty. 1767-. The Nautical Almanac and Astronomical Ephemens. London.
Grindley, J. R. &■ Taylor, F.J. R. 1964. Red water and marine fauna mortalitv near Cape

Town. Transactions of the Royal Society of South Africa 37: 1 1 1-130.
Hunter, J. 1793. .4?! historical journal of the transactions at Port Jackson and Norfolk Island.

London.
Jones, F. W. 1923. The flora and fauna of Nuyts archipelago and the Investigator group.

No. 6. The didelphian mammals. Transactions and Proceedings Royal Society of South

Australia 47 -.$2-94.
Jussieu, A. L. de. 1 789. Genera Plantarum, &c. Paris.
Kinnear, N. B. 1932. Robert Brown's zoological collections made during the voyage of

the Investigator. Proceeding'' of the Linnean Society of London 1931-32: 36-38.

208 JOURNAL OF PETER GOOD

Kiiby. VV. 1818. A (it-scriptioii of several new species of insects collected in New Holland

bv Robert Brown. Transactions of the Linnean Society of London 12: 454—482.
Kirsch,J. A. VV. & Poole, W. E. 1972. Taxonomy and distribution of the grey kangaroos,

MacTopus giganteus Shaw and Macropus futiginosus (Desniarcst), and their subspecies

(Marsupialia; Macropodidael. Australian Journal of Zoology 20: 31,5-339.
Labillaidiere, J. J. de. \S0-i-\$06. Xovte Hollandice Plantarum specimen. Paris. 2vols.
Lee, I. 1925. Early explorers in Australia. London.

Lettsom, J. C. 1 799. The Naturalist 's and Traveller's companion. 3rd ed. London.
Map Collectors Circle. 1964. Some earlv printed maps oi Trinidad and Tobago. Map

Collectors Series 10: variously paged.
New South Wales Government. 1893-1901. Historical records of New South Wales. Sydney. 7

vols.
O'Byrne, VV. R. 1S49. Naval biographical dictionary. London.
Poole, W. E. 1976. Breeding biology and current status ot the giey kangaroo Macropics

fuligmosusfultginosus of Kangaroo Island, South Australia. Australian Journal of Zoology 24:

169-187.
Readers Digest. 1978. Complete book of Australian birds. Sydney.
Rourke, J. P. 1974. Robert Brown at the Cape of Good Hope. Journal oj South African

Bo/am 40:4 7-60.
Salisbury. R. A. 1805-1808. The Paradisus Londtnensis. London 2 vols in one.
Sharp, A. 1963. The discovery of .Australia. Oxlord.

Smith, J. E. 1 793-1 795. A specimen of the Botany of New Holland. London.
Steele. D. No date. Original and correct list of the Royal Naxy. Privately published.
Tachard. G. 1752. Reise . . . nach Siam (1685) Zweyte Reise . . . nach Ostmdien (1687). In

Arkstee &: Merkus .illgemeine Historie der Reisen zu Wasser und Lande 8cc. 10: 122-162,

175-215.
Temminck. C.J. 11821.1 Account of some new species of birds of the genera Psittacus ^nd

Columba in the Museum of the Linnean Society. Transactions of the Linnean Society of

London 13: 107-130.
Vigors. N. A. & Horsfield. T. 1827. A description of the Austialian birds in the collection

in the Linnean Society; with an attempt at arianging them according to their natural

affinities. Transactions of the Linnean Society of London 15: 170-331.
Whitley. G. P. 1970. .More early history of Australian zoology. Sydney.
Wood, G. A. 1922. The discovery of Australia. London.

Index

Aborigines il-iH el se<j.

Bongaree 82

Rock paintings 110

Vocalnilan- 52
Acacia leucuderma Plate 8, 2')
Adniiraltv, The Memdi.indiiin Irniii
Banks I J

Lettei honi Banks 19
Alton, William Townsend 23-26
Albacore 39
Albatioss 4 1
Allen, John (Minei on [\\c- Invesligator) 14,

24, 36
Alopia^sp. 128
Ahoplnla capensn 44, 128
Amstcidam, Island 129
Anderson, William (Smgeon mi HM.S.

Reiohdum) 10
Aquilaaudax 72, 130
Araucana cunnmghamu 130
Arclocephalus donfera 46,129
Aiislralia, see New Holland
Aiiverne P. de 127

Banks, Sir Joseph 5,9, 25

Letters to King 1 1 ; Bairow 19
Mcmorandinii to Admiralty 14
Portiait Plate 1

BaiTovv, John (Secretary to the Admiialty)
Letter lioni Banks 19

Bass, George 12, 73

Bass Strait 78, 124

Baudin, Nicholas (Commandc i I.e
Naturahite) Ti

Baner, Feidinand Lucas (Natuial histoid
paintei on the Investigator) 14, 36 et

Pnljlualion 20
Bauera 1 0

Beche-de-mer, see 1 lepang
Bell, Hugh (Surgeon on the

Investigator) 36

Biographical index «/ de(eii\rd Bnli\li and In\h

holamsh 2nd Kd., 1431 5
Black swans 51
Black tiger snake 129
Bligh, William (Captain) 10
Blue mountains 80
Bongaree 82
Bonito 39
Boobook owl 130
Botany Bay 8 1
Bolide me 7

Bougainxille, Louis Anioine de 7
Braya and Fuego 38
Break-sea spit 97
Bioad Sound 93, 124
Broken Bay 81
Bromus arenarins 129
Brown, Robert ( Natui ahst on the

Investigator) 5, 14, 23, 36, et seq.

Collection ol seed and living plants 25

Letters to Banks 24

Publicatitjns 20
Bruni d'Entictasieaux, |i>sepli

Antoine 1 1
Bustard 103
Bustard Bay 83-84

Cabliage palm 80

Calcutta 23

Caledon Bay 125

Caley, George 25

Cams famiharis 129

CapeAgullias 129

Cape At nheim 1 16

Cape Barren Geese 129

Cape Cobra 128

Cape ol Good Hope 4 1 et \e</.

Cape Hen 128

Cape Howe 46

Cape Kcppel 85

Ca[)e Leewin 123

Cape Pigeons 128

210

JOl RNAl. OF PETER GOOD

Cape Verde Islands 38
Carpet pvthon 129
Castle Hill 80
Cereopii novahollandiae 1 29
Coepang, see Kupang
Commcrson. Pliillibert 9
Constitution Hill 79-80
Cook, James (Captain H.M.S.

Endeavour) 7-10
Coryphaetia Injipum 1 2 7
Correa 10
Crossley. John lAsiionomer on the

Investigator) 1 2')
Cuckoo 72

Cumberland [Schooner] 19
Cumberland Isles 124
Cyalhea 130
Cycas media 54, 131
Cygnus atratus 1 29

Dalryniple, Alexander 7
Deraen, Charles, General 19
D'Eiurarasteau, Rear Admiral Joseph
Antoine Bruny 54
Arc hipelago 8 1
Dezertas 36
Dingo 129
Dionwdia sp. 127
Dioscnrea sp. 131
Diospwos whyteana 128
Diicovery, H.M.S. Id. 11
Dolphin 41, 127
Dolphin, H.M.S. 7
Douglas, Charles, Boatswain 122
Dromaius novaehollandiae 129
Dryaiidcr, Jonas 14

Eagle 72

Egemia cunninghami 129

Emu 52, 7L113

Encounter Bay 123

Endeavour Straits 98,131

English Company Islands 125

Erica sexjana. E. obliqua. E. tnflora 128

Eucalyptus 10

Eurojjcan vegetables sown 20

Evans. Thomas, Master's mate 65

Facing Island 84
Eicus racemosa 1 3 1

Flinders Matthew (Commander H.M.S.
Investigator) 5 et set/.

Circunmavigation ol \an Dienieii's
Land 12

Letiei to Banks 12

Poniait Plate 2
Flinders, Samuel Ward (2nd Lieutenant on

ihc Investigator) 127
Flindei's island 123
Flying lish 39, 127
Forster, George .-XiLim 10
Foister,John Reinhold 10
Fowlci , Robert Merrick (Rear

Admit all 'ibetseq.
Fregnta sp. 39, 127
Frigate bit d 127

Gannet 40

Cavern Island 1 10

General remarks, geographical and systematic, on

the botany oj I'erra ,\ustralis 20
Geographie, Le 19
Gonyaulax polygramma 1 29
Good, Peter (Gardener on the
Investigator) 5 et seq.

Biography

Cominemoialion 28

Good Island 28

Jouiiial 35-122; Variant
journal 133-139

Letters to Alton 26; Banks 27

Plant introductions 23, 30

Seeds and living plants collected 20, 23
f/ .(f^. ; seed lists 5, 23, 144-194
Goodia 10, 28; C. latifolia Frontispiece
Gouanas 72
Great Austialian Bight 1 1
Great Barrier Reef 124
Gieen Hills 80
Groote Eyland 1 10
Grussp. 131
CUiltol Carpentaria and Islands a, b,

I \W)t'tH'q.

Hawkesbuirv 79-80
Helemans 89
Hervev'sBav 124

Isles 124
liirundo rustica 1 2 7

IJA

21

Hull K.lsl lll{|i,l (;illll|l.ui\ 17

Hooker, Sir William J. 311

//"/7f (Cutter) 9

Horsfield, T. 20

Hortus Kewensii 23. 30

Hunter, John. Governoi ofNew South

Wales. Letter to Duke of Portland 12
Hiiniei s River S I

lle-de-Fraiite, see Mauritius
Itluslratwnes florae Novae Hollandiae 20
Indian Head 07
Investigator H.M.S. H, 17, l'»

Accommodation 14

Artists impri-ssion Plate 3

Beyond repair 19

Circumnavigation 3.5-122;
Map Plate 5

Sailed from EnglantI 1 7
Ijinmoeahiloha 131

Jaloup La Perouse.Jean Franc.ois 1 1
[ussieu, Antoine Laurent de 9

Kangaroo i2. bO, (i,S

Kangaroo Island 1 .'3

Katuiwonus pelarms 1 _'7

Keppel Bay 124

King George the third Soinid 4(), 123

King's Island 73, 124

Kiibv, W. 20

Ktipang 121, 125

Labillardieie, Jactjues julieii de 1 1
Lady Nelson {Bi\g} 7S

Retui n to Port JacksiJii ')(>
Leschenault de la Toui, J. B. L. C. 1 . 19
Lettsom, J. C. 20
Leucodendron argenleum 128
L'Heiitier de Brutelle, Charles Louis 1 1
Linnean Society ol Loudon 19
Lwislonia australis 130
Lucky Bay 123

Macassais US

Macrofms eugenu 1 29 ; ,1/ . /uliruwuis 1 L'9 ;

M.giganteus 131
Madeii'a 36, 38
Man or war birds 39

Maslt'i's Cuiiii . loss (lO
Mauiitius 1')
MeKilIc Isles ll.'5
Memorv Co\e 1 23
Men/ies, Anhibald 11
Middle Island 123, 125
Monitoi h/aids 130
Moon eclijjsed hS
Moore, D. T. 20
Morgan, Ben|amiii 1 1.'
Mornington Island 1 _' 1
Mount Warning 97
Muizenbeig 44, 128
Murray's Islands lL'4
Mu\a banhsu. M. hdli 131
Mutton bird 129
Myrislica irmpida 131

Najanniea 128

Natural Histoiy Collections 19

Biids studied by C.J. Teninnnck, N. A.
■Vigors and T. Horsfield: Insects by W.
Kit by; minerals bv T. Vallence and D.
T. Moore; Botain b\ R. Bioun
Xatiiralisle. Le 19, 78
Naturalist 's and Traveller '\

companion 20, Plates 6 and 7
Nelson, Da\id, iBanksian < ollei tori 10-

II, 73-74
Nepean Ba\ 123
New Holland 1 1 el seq.

Anchorage XIV llelseg.

East Coast 95 tV set/.

South Coast 52 el set/.
New Years Island 120
Xinox nuvaseelandiae 1 30
Xoctilaca scmlillaii i 129
Nidlea ajruana 128
;Vor/o/A (sloop) 12
Noilolk pine 87
Noiili Rocks SO
Northumberland Islands 94
Nova Hollandiae Planlarum specimen 1 1
Nuyts Archipelago 123
Nymphaea \lellala 1 3 1

Opposuiii ()0, ()3

I'andioii liiduielii\ 129

212

jOl RNAl. OV I'KTER GOOD

Paradiius Londinemn 28

Park. Mungo 11. 14

Parkinson, Sydney 9

Pairainatta SO

Pasntiora^^. 130

Peak a Riuvo 36

Pelicanui compuullalus 1 29

Pellew's Islands 124

Pctiel Bay 123

Phapschakoplera: P. elegam 130

Phrcsser 42

Pier Head 90

Pigeon 72

Pintado birds 4 1

Plant cabin 20

Plants, conveyance by sea Plates b and 7

Podocarpui lalijolms 128

porpoise 127

Porpoise UM.S. 19,23,78

Portjackson ISetseq.

Port Lincoln 123

Port Philip 75, 124

Port Stevens 8 1

Portland Head 80

Portsmouth to Madeira 35

Prince ofVVales Islands 99

Princes Royal Harbour 47, 123

Procellana capensu 4 1

eqmnoctiale 4 1
Prodromm fiorae \ovae Hollandiae el Imulae

van Diemen 20
Prutea repem 1 28
Pu/finui tenuiroitns 129
Python spiloles 1 29

Quails 72

Red insects 45
Reliance. HM.S. 12
Remora remora 127
Resolution, H.M.S. 10
Richmond Hill 79
Riedle. Anselme 19
Rdval Botanic Gardens, Inwards
Book 23,31

lascimile lolios 21-2, 29, 31, 51-2, 65-6,

198-

Record Book 25

Botany Bav House 30

Rvlev, Surgeon Lancoiter

St. Pauls and Amsterdam 45

St Vincents Gull 123

Salisbury, R. A. 28

.Salt Island 122

Sandy Cape 1J4

Saxenburgh land 4 1

Sea (U( umber 131

Seal Island 46

Seed (ollected etc. 20, 23 el seq.

Lists lascimile. King George 111 Sound.
Dec. 1801-Jan. 1S02. 144-158; South
West Coast of New Holland, Dec.
1801-Jan. 1802, 159-168; Pott
Jackson, Mav-July, 1802, 169-181;
North Coast Islands 1. 2 and 3, 1803,
182; East and North Coasts, July
1802-March 1803, 183-1 92 ;'Tiinor
1-8, 1803, 193-194

Shark 38

Shearwater 128

Shoalwater Bav 87-88

Snioaky Cape 96

Solandei , Daniel Carl ')

Sparmann. Anders 10

Specimen of the botany oj New Holland 1 1

Speedy (Whaler) 23

Spencer, Earl Georgejohn. Fit si Lord oi
the Admiralty 12

Spencers Gull ' 123

Sporing, Herman Diedrith 10

Sucking fish 38

Sulasp. 127

Sun, Eclipse 64

Sydney 25

Table Mountain 44

lahiti 7

Taits Island 98

Tamar wallaby 129

Tasman, Abel Janszen 7

Tasmania, see Van Diemen's Land

Taylor, Midshi])man 61

Temminck, C.J. 20

Teria Austialis incognita 7

Textual introduction 3 1

rhirsty Sound 90

Thistle. )ohn (Masiei ol the Investigator)

Three biot hers 96

213

Thimnus ataliin^a 127 Ciiiuiiin.ix ij^aimii 1 _'

Tinioi IL'I R. BiDwn's lollii ii<in\ 25

Tiinoi-Laut 119,151 Veercsicdgf Rivt-i lOU

Tobacco 66 Venm 71

TomThumb 12 Venus, ii.nisu ol 7

ToonGabie 81 Vigors, N, A^ 2(1

Torres, Luis Vacz <lc 7 Voyage to Ti-rid Ainhalf. 5

Three ferns 74

Trepang IKS VVallis, Sanuiel 7

Trial rocks 131 Watersnakes 90

Tnchosarui vutspecula 129 Weniyss, Williani. General 2.')-26

Tndacna gigas 130 Letter to W. T. Aiion 26

Trinidad, Island 127 Westall, William (Landsiape and ligure

Tunnv, long-lnmcd 127 painter on the /Hiri/(t;<(/ofl 14,36

Turtle 36 Whale 41

White, )iihn LSuigeim General in Bolanv
Bay)' 1 I

Valience, Thomas 20 Whitewood, Masters Tuate 111

Vancouver, George (Cainain) 11 Windwr Casltc J^

Van Dicnien's Land 1(1 Wooniera .S3, 130

Southei II disi(i\crv 7 Wrighl, Nathaniel. Seaman 65

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