i/k to f

THE CAMDEN MISCELLANY,

VOLUME THE SIXTH:

CONTAINING

LIFE OF MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM, DEAN OF DURHAM,
FROM A MS. IN ANTONY WOOD'S COLLECTION, BODLEIAN
LIBRARY.

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE OF HIS NEGOTIATIONS
IN SPAIN. FROM MSS. IN THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY AND
THE PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE.

JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM FROM DECEMBER
1570 TO APRIL 1583. FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT
IN THE POSSESSION OF LIEUT.-COLONEL CAREW.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.LXXI.

•

WESTMINSTER :

PRINTED BY J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS.
25, PARLIAMENT STREET.

[NO. CIV.]

COUNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY

FOR THE YEAR 1870-71.

President,

SIR WILLIAM TITE, M.P., F.R.S., V.P.S.A.
SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, ESQ. Director.
WILLIAM CHAPPELL, ESQ. F.S.A. Treasurer.
J. PAYNE COLLIER, ESQ. F.S.A.
WILLIAM DURRANT COOPER, ESQ. F.S.A.
JOHN FORSTER, ESQ. D.C.L.
EDWARD FOSS, ESQ. F.S.A.
THE VEN. ARCHDEACON HALE, D.D.
JOHN MACLEAN, ESQ. F.S.A.
FREDERIC OUVRY, ESQ. Treas.S.A.
EDWARD RIMBAULT, ESQ. LL.D..
EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ. M.A., F.S.A.
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THE VERY REV. THE DEAN OF WESTMINSTER, F.S.A.
SIR THOMAS E. WINNINGTON, BART.
SIR ALBERT W. WOODS, Garter, F.S.A,

The COUNCIL of the CAMDEN SOCIETY desire it to be under-
stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa-
tions that may appear in the Society's publications ; the Editors
of the several Works "being alone responsible for the same.

LIFE

OF

ME. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM,

DEAN OF DURHAM,

FROM A MS. IN ANTONY WOOD'S COLLECTION, BODLEIAN LIBRARY, OXFORD.

WITH

AN APPENDIX OF ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS FROM
THE RECORD OFFICE.

EDITED

BY MARY ANNE EVEEETT GREEN

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXX.

NOTICE.

The following sketch of the Life of William Whittingham, Dean
of Durham, is from a MS., formerly in the Ashmolean Museum,
Oxford, marked Wood MSS. No. 8650, E. 4, Art. 5, now in
the Bodleian, marked Wood, E. 64, Art. 5. It is in the hand-
writing of Anthony Wood, in a volume of biographies collected by
him for his Athenoe Oxonienses. It is evidently a copy of an earlier
MS. because the marginal notes' (see p. 1, note 1, p. 2, note 1, and
p. 7, note 3), are in the same hand as the rest of the MS., and yet
not written by the author of the Life.

The only clue to the authorship is that the writer was in 1576 a
student at the Temple ; that he frequented Court ; and that he had
access — then rarely granted to men in an unofficial position — to the
State Papers of the period. We may therefore presume that he
was secretary or under- secretary to Lord Burghley, or his son Sir
Robert Cecil, probably the latter, since the most probable date
of the Life is 1603, just after the accession of James I. The
manner in which the writer speaks of Queen Elizabeth (p. 10)
shows that it cannot have been written during her life, and yet
it seems likely that it was written before the Hampton Court
religious controversy of January, 1604, or else this controversy
would probably have been alluded to. An expression on p. 36
also, speaking of the transactions recorded as happening " so long

since," indicates a considerable lapse of time after Whittingham's
death in 1579.

In the annotations, &c. of the MS., I am indebted for valuable
assistance to the Rev. Alfred Hackman of Oxford, who has also
kindly collated the proofs with the MS. ; to the Rev. Canon Raine
of York ; and also to the Rev. Dr. Farrar, of Durham, for eccle-
siastical as well as local information.

M. A. E. G.

100, GOWEE STREET,

November 17tk, 1870.

The Life and Death of Mr. William Whittingham,
Deane of Durham, who departed this life Anno
Domini 1579, June 10.1

He was born in Westchester, and descended -from Whittingham,
of the house of Whittingham in Lancashire, neare Preston, which
Whittingham did marry the daughter of Haughton, of Haughton
Towre, in the same county.2 He became a scholler in the 16. year of

1 In margin of MS.: "This seems to have been written by a Calvinist." The
term Calvinist here, doubtless, is synonymous with Puritan, a favourer of the
Geneva principles, and does not allude 'merely to the Predestinarian controversy,
which, since the Quinquarticular controversy of James the First's time, has been
usually the idea connected with the name Calvinist.

2 The pedigree of the family, as compiled from Harl. MS. 1535, f . 297 5, the
will of Whittingham, Surtees, Durham, vol. ii. pp. 315, 326, 330, &c., is as follows :

Thomas Whittingham of Whittingham, co. Lancaster ,=p . . . dr. to Butler, of Kirkl and.

Roger.

Thomas of Middle-=i=Ellen, dr. of —
wich or Swettow. I Walley of Mid-
dlewich.

Piers,
s.p.

J

Richard, Sheriff of London 1429.
Robert=F

vv 11- =j= . . . Jttobert=f . . .
liani. I or

I Ralph. 4s

Agnes.=Hugh Car-
rington of
Over.

William of Chester.=p

1

dr. of Haughton, of Haughton Tower, co. Lancaster.

William, Dean of Durham, ob. 1579.=f:Katherine, dr. of Louis Jaqueman of Orleans.

Sir Timo-'yKatherine,

Daniel, Sarah,=pGe-

ju.=Wil-

Debo-=Wil-

Eliza-=...Fea-

thy, of

or Eliza-

b. 1571. mar.

rard

dith, Ham

rah, liam

beth. ther-

London,

beth, dr. of

1581.

Birk-

mar. Wear-

mar. Dent.

ston-

and

Bryan

head,

1592. mouth,

1585.

haugh.

Holm-

Askwith

of

Mayor

side, CO.

or Ays-

Bran-

of New-

Durham ;

cough, of

don.

ark,

living

Osgodby,

1598,

1631.

co. Lin-

1603,

coln ; ob.

and

1614.

i

1604.

Timothy.

William, b. 1584.

Elizabeth.

Gerard.

Jane.

Thomas, ob. 1632. Katherine.

Robert.

Sarah.

George.

John, ob. 1614.

Elizabeth.

Anne.

Surtees continues the Pedigree down to 1724.—- History of Durham, vol.

i. p. 330,

CAMD. SOC.

B

2 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

his age at Oxon,1 first of Brasennose College, where lie was under a
tutor soe carefull over him to further him in learning as he hath
bene often heard to bemoane that his tutor lived not till he was able
to requite him for his care and love towards him. From that college he
went to Allsoules college, where he was chosen fellow -probationer
1545. From thence he became a fellow of Cardinal Wolsey's college
in Oxon, 2 where, sifter he had remained a few years, he betooke
himselfe to travell, 3 with purpose to travell through France, and
soe into Italic ; but coming to Lyons in France, in his way towards
Italy, it pleased God to visit him with sicknesse, which he tooke to be
a warning to cause him to alter his purpose, and to divert his course
from that country, from which few returne the godlier ; and soe,
comming back againe, he remayned for divers years in Orleance,4
sometimes in Paris, but ever amongst the students in the Univer-
sities of those cityes.

In Paris, when the Lieger Ambassador for England 5 was to goe
to the Court, he ever desired Mr. Whittingham to accompany him,
for which purpose he had his courtly apparel and ornaments lying

1 Circa an. 1536. Marg. note in MS. The date of his birth given by general
biographers is 1524, at the city of Chester; but if this marginal date be correct, it
must have been 1520.

3 Or Student, more strictly speaking, a Student in Christ Church being equivalent
to a Fellow in other colleges. It is noticeable that the writer still retains the primary
name of the college, Wolsey's, although Henry VIII., after the confiscation of
Wolsey's property, usurped the right of being called founder, and altered the name,
first in 1532 to King Henry VIII.'s college, and after, in 1546, when it became a
cathedral, to that of Christ Church of the foundation of Henry VIII.— Ingram's
Memorials of Oxford, vol. i. pp. 44, 46.

3 His licence bears date 17 May, 1550.— Wood's Athena Oxonienses,vol. i. p. 446.

4 During his residence in Orleans, he married Catherine, daughter of Lewis Jaque-
man, and sister to the wife of John Calvin the reformer, but the date of the mar-
riage is uncertain. Her mother was daughter and heir of Gouteron, lord of Inguir
and Turvyle, near Orleans.— Athen. Oxon. vol. i. p. 447.

8 Dr. Nich. Wotton, Dean of York and Canterbury, was the English resident in
France up to the spring of 1550. He was succeeded by Sir John Mason, who re-
mained till July 1551, when Sir William Pickering was appointed, and remained till
nearly the close of Edward VI.'s reign.

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. o

by him, which at his going to Court he used, and at his returne
became ut prius as a student.

After some years bestowed in those universities, he went to the
universities of Germany,' and thence to Geneva ; and thence, having
spent all King Edward the Sixth's raigne in those transmarine univer-
sities, returned into England in the very latter end of the said King
Edward his raigne. Presently after whose death, Queen Mary being
proclamed, and a tast given of the alteration of religion, he forthwith
resolved to goeagaine beyond the seas,1 and riding over London bridge
in his way to Dover, and thence to take shipping, he mett Mr. Hard-

1 Before deciding to leave the country, he had made an effort to obtain toleration
for his party, as recorded in the following letter from Julius Terentianus to John
ab Ulmis, dated Strasburgh, Nov. 20, 1553 : " Master Peter Martyr is forbidden
to leave his house ; and Sidall, a truly excellent man, is ordered to guard against his
running away; and thus master Peter has had his own house made a prison of these
six weeks. But I, perceiving that the danger was manifest, went to London, to seek
assistance from my friends. They were now reduced to a very small number, and
were so far from being able to assist us, that they were exposed to the greatest peril
themselves. Whittingham and I conceive the project of presenting a petition to the
Queen and Council, in which we embrace the entire circumstances of master Peter ;
how he had been invited over from Strasburgh by the deceased King, and had been
recalled by the magistrates of Strasburgh during the last year, but that the King
would not give him licence to depart; that the correspondence relative to all these
facts was in the royal archives; and that moreover many of the Council could bear
abundant testimony to their truth. We added that master Peter had committed no
offence either against the Queen or the laws of the realm; that, if his enemies chose
to bring any charge against him, he was prepared to meet it ; that he now perceived
that the Queen had no longer occasion for his services, and therefore he petitioned
her for a licence to enable him to leave the kingdom.

" Whittingham and I proceed to Richmond ; he presents the petition respecting
Peter to the secretary, who, as is customary, lays it on the Council table, and bids us
wait. On that day nothing was done ; we are ordered to come again on the mor-
row ; we are there at the hour appointed, but still nothing is done. We feel at last
that we are imposed upon. We agree therefore among ourselves, that Whittingham
should return to Oxford, and remain with master Peter, for he was now almost
entirely by himself, since every one, except only Sidall and master Haddon, had
withdrawn from his society. As to me, I remain in London, to make what interest
I can.
" At length Whittingham returns after some days : we both of us wait upon [Sir

4 THE LIFE AND DEATH OP

ing1 (who wrote against Jewell) on the bridge ; who, after salu-
tations, asked him whether he was agoing ; Mr. Whittingham
answered that he was going beyond the seas. Mr. Harding demanded
of him the cause; he answered, " Did you- not heare the proclama-
tion,2 and how the whore of Koome is againe erected amongst us ?"
To which Mr. Harding replied, " Happy are you that goe for soe
good a cause."

Mr. Whittingham and his company comming to Dover at night,
whilst they were at supper, the hoast of the house told his ghuests
that after supper he must carrie them before the magistrate or major
of the towne to be questioned concerning the cause or errand of
their going beyond the sea, for the magistrate had received strickt
command from the Councell for the examination of every passinger,
and Mr. Maior had as stricktly enjoyned them (the inkepers) to
bring their ghuests to be examined as aforesaid, (wherin the hoast
seemed to be more preremptory and precise ;) it made his news the
more distastfull, and in parte vex his ghuests.

Whilest they were in this anxietie, there being a faire grayhound
waiting on the table for releife, Mr. Whittingham chanced to say,
" Mine hoast, you have here a very fayre greyhound ;" u I," said
the hoast, "this greyhound is a fair greyhound indeed, and is of
the Queen's kind." " Queen's kind ?" said Mr. Whittingham, " what

John] Mason, who at first declined interposing in so disagreeable a case, and said
that he was altogether out of favour ; afterwards however he was urgent that master
Peter might be allowed to come to London, and plead his cause before the Council.
He obtains his request, and we have moreover permission to remove all our goods."
—Zurich.Letters, vol. i. pp. 369-370, published by the Parker Society.

1 Thomas Harding, the well-known controversialist, opponent of Bishop Jewell. He
was Hebrew professor at Oxford, 1542—1548 ; prebendary of Winchester, 1554 ;
deprived by Queen Elizabeth, and died at Louvain, 1572.

3 This proclamation, dated August 17, 1553, is preserved in the Record Office,
Domestic State Papers, Mary, vol. i. No. 7. It exhorts all subjects to observe « the
service of God agreable to God's word and the primitive Church :" but permitting
them to obey existing laws until repealed ; exhorting them not to use the " devilish
terms of Papist or Heretic ;" and forbidding all preaching or public reading of
religious books, without licence of the Queen.

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 5

meane you by that ? This is a strang speech ; what good subject
can endure to heare suche words of his soveraigne^ to have her Ma-
jestie to be compared in kind with the kind of a dogg ?" and said
that the words were very treasonable, and that he could not see how
they could be excused if they should not goe and acquainte the
magistrate with it ; and did further soe aggravate the matter, even
of purpose, as they did drive the hoast into such a fear as he durst
not once mention the carrying of them before the magistrate any
more, but was glad to be soe freed from their incumbrance. By
this meanes, all the company escaping this interruption, they pro-
ceeded on their journey.

And Mr. Whittingham remained in France till he heard of the
coming of sundry English Bishops,1 divines and other good Pro-
testants, who for religion had left their country, and were arrived at
Frankford, where after a while, they getting licence of the magis-
trate to establish a church there, and entring into consideration of
the particular formes and order of discipline to be used in that
church, they did soe farre vary and dissent among themselves as,
after long contentions, noe accord could be made between them,2
but were forced to disjoyne, and those to remayne at Frankford that

1 The Bishops deprived by Mary, beside Cranmer, Eidley, and Latimer burnt,
were William Barlow, Bishop of Bath and Wells ; John Scory, Bishop of Chichester ;
Miles Coverdale, Bishop of Exeter ; John Harley, Bishop of Hereford ; John Tailour,
Bishop of Lincoln ; John Hooper, Bishop of Worcester ; and John Bird, Bishop of
Chester. Paul Bushe, Bishop of Bristol, and John Poynet, Bishop of Winchester,
resigned.

2 On the subject of these disputes, Whittingham thus writes to Calvin : —

" The occasion that ought to bring us the greatest comfort from your most im-
portant letter has, in a manner, thrown us into the greatest anxiety and distress.
For when there seemed likely to be no end to such noisy contentions, and on that
account it was ordered by the magistrate that we should comply with all the rites of
the French church, (unless there should happen to be anything that might justly be
found fault with), this circumstance so much offended some parties that, leaving
the contest about ceremonies, they betook themselves to forensic accusation. For
Master Knox, being most unjustly charged before the magistrate with high treason,
has been ordered to quit the place, not without the regret of all good men, and even
of the magistrate himself.

THE LIFE AND DEATH OP

did best like the formes of the goverment of the church of England
in the dayes of King Edward VI., and those that liked better of the
order and discipline of the church of Geneva did goe to Geneva,
amongst whome Mr. Whittingham was one. l Of which contro-
versie,2 though here be good occasion given to participate, yet

" He is therefore on his way to you, and will explain the whole matter in order.
This only I can speak from experience, that nothing ever occasioned greater distress
and shame to good men than this wickedness has done ; but I cannot now relate
these things by reason of my grief, and he will himself explain them better and
more fully in person, as well as all other matters, of Avhich I will describe the pro-
gress and result more at length after the fair.

" Farewell in Christ, and with your wonted affection, aid us by your prayers and
counsel. WILL. WHITTINGHAM.

« Frankfort, March 25, 1555."

Zurich Letters, vol. ii. p. 764, published by the Parker Society. See also Strype's
Grindal, p. 15 ; Annals of Reformation, vol. i. pt. i. p. 152.

1 This was about Sept. 1555. Shortly before his departure he wrote the following
letter to Calvin :

" Supposing that this letter will scarcely reach you much sooner than I shall
arrive myself, I do not write so fully as the subject itself requires, and as I could
wish ; for I have sent off all my baggage, and am hastening to you as speedily as
possible.

" With respect to those who are at Basle, we are in hopes that, after a mutual
conference, they, together with us, will both enjoy your valuable assistance, and not
only rejoice in that divine benefit, but will embrace and cherish it. I shall very
soon, I hope, converse with you in person about your letter to our friends, and our
own departure, and other matters.

" Master St.Andrew has zealously conducted himself here, and to the great and
common benefit of the churches. Master John a Glauberg has made honourable
mention of you, as he ought to do, and requests me to salute you most diligently in
his name, as, being at this time especially engaged in a multitude of affairs, he is
unable to write to you. All our friends salute you, reverence, and most deservedly
esteem you.

" May Almighty God very long preserve you, both to His own glory and the com-
mon comfort both of ourselves and all others. Frankfort, Sept. 21.

" Your disciple,

" W. WHITTINGHAM."

Zurich Letters, vol. ii. p. 766, published by the Parker Society.

A brief but clear account of this controversy may be found in Carruthers'

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 7

because the whole matter of that controversie is set forth in a larg
discourse, in an antient book printed anno [1575] at [Frankfort],1
I will referre the reader to that book, that he may better informe
his judgment in the state of the differences between them ; and yet
withall I have thought good to acquaint the reader with an epistle
writt to Mr. Whittingham and Mr. Goodman, 2 being at Geneva,
from that worthy, famous, and learned writer Bishop Jewell, wherin
some mention is made of the controversy at Frankford ; the letter
is thus stiled :

Charissimis in Christo fratribus, Domino
Whittinghamo, et Domino Goodmanno, 3

Genevse.

Out of which inscriptions this is referred to the reader's judgment,
that, seeing amongst graduat schollers not distinguished by praefer-
ment, antiquity gives the precedency, yet Mr. Jewell, knowing
that Mr. Goodman was Mr. Whittingham's antient in Oxon by much,
and had bin the divinity lecturer in Oxon in King Edward VI.
raigne, yet doth he, in his directions, give to Mr. Whittingham the
preheminence ; the reader, I say. may judge as he please, whether

History of the Church of England, vol. i. c. xiv. ; Strype's Grindal, p. 170 ; and
also his Annals, Index to vol. iii.

1 The book is entitled " History of Troubles at Frankfort ;" reprinted in 1708 in
a collection called the Phoenix, vol. ii. It is described by Fuller in his Church
History, b. 8, p. 208.

2 Christopher Goodman, a noted Puritan writer ; he and Whittingham were
intimately associated at Frankfort, and again in 1558 at Geneva, where Goodman
published a pamphlet entitled " How superior powers ought to be obeyed of their
subjects, and wherein they may lawfully, by God's word, be disobeyed and resisted,"
which, though written in Mary's time, was offensive to Queen Elizabeth because it
strongly reprobated the government of women, as " a monster in nature," quoting
God's instructions to the Israelites, " From the middle of thy brethren shalt thou
choose thee a king, and not amongst thy sisters. For God is not contrary to him-
self, which at the beginning appointed the woman to be in subjection to her husband,
and the man to be head ofthe woman, (as saith the Apostle) who will not permit so
much to the woman as to speak in the assembly of men, much less to be ruler of a
realm or nation."

8 Goodman, divinity reader Oxon., temp. Edward VI.— Marg. note in MS.

8 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

he will ascribe it to negligence, or if Mr. Jewell had a greater
respect to the difference of their gifts and sufficiencies ; but the
letter followeth :

Salutem plurimum [sic] in Christo.

Si quid1 communem nostram inter nos conjunctionem aut obfus-
cavit aut imminuit inauspicatissima ilia causa et contentio Franco-
fordiana, id spero jam dudum vel pietate exstinctum esse, vel certe
tempore ac diuturnitate consopitum ; quod ego de vobis quidem
duobus nihil dubito, de me autem possum etiam polliceri. Quo-
niam tamen taciturnitas tegere potius solet animorum dissidia quam
extinguere, Christianas pietatis esse duxi, scripto aliquo veterem
nostram amicitiam excitare ; ut si quae adhuc extarent superioris
doloris vestigia, ea prorsus ex omni memoria delerentur. Id hac-
tenus distuli, non animi tumore, quern jam pridem prorsus abjeceram,
aut fraternse charitatis contemptu, aut superbia, sed quod sperarem
aliquando de ea re vobiscum acturum coram: nunc autem, cumcom-
munis hie noster amicus et frater esset ad vos rediturus, non potui
deesse occasioni. Quare, fratres mei, si in ilia causa quam ego ne
adhuc quidem possum condemnare, aut utrumque aut alterum vestrum
anquam laaserim, aut, evectus studio et contentione, dicto vos aliquo
insolentius attigerim, oro obsecroque vos ut earn mihi injuriam con-
donetis, eamque amnestia perpetua sepeliatis, ut ne verbo tanturn et
lingua, sed opere et veritate, inter nos diligamus, et uno animo,
unoque ore, glorificemus Deum et Patrem domini nostri Jesu
Christi. Eram seorsim scripturus de hac re ad dominurn "Wil-
liamuni et dominum Woodum, verum id nunc capitis gravedo non
sinit ; quare orate, quaeso, illos, quod ad vos duos scriptum est, id
ad se quoque scriptum arbitrentur.

Valete, fratres, et Deum pro me orate. Tiguri, ex JEdibus D. P.
Martjris, Calendis Junii,

Vester in Christo,

JO. JUELLUS.2
1 Quis in MS.

8 This letter is printed in the Parker Society's edition of Jewell's works, 4th por-
tion, p. 1192, under the date of 1557, quoting from Ashmolean MS. 8560, 98 E 4.

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 9

Soon after the arrival at Geneva of Mr. Whittingham and the
rest that went from Frankeford, Mr. Jo. Knox, who was a Scotch
man, and then the minister of the English congregation,1 was to
leave that place, and to retourne to his owne country,2 so as that
place was to become void ; and they, not being soe well provided
(for the supply of that place) amongst our countrymen as Mr. Calvin
(who had the principall care of the church goverment in that citie
lying upon him) liked of, moved Mr. Whittingham to take the
ministrie upon him, and to be made minister ; which, notwith-
standing Mr. Calvin his many urgencies and pressures, Mr. Whitting-
ham refused to doe, alleaging that in his former travells and obser-
vations and learning the languages, he had fitted himselfe for State
imployments, and had not bended his intentions that way, neither
would acknowledge his gifts to be such as to be soe worthy as the
calling required. But Mr. Calvin resolved not to accept of any
refusal], but by continuall importunitie, and urging his gifts and
fitnesse, did in the end, rather by conjuring him then perswading
him, prasvaile, and soe he succeeded Mr. Knox in the ministerie of
the English church there ; 3 where, after some two or three years,
the learned that were at Geneva, as Bishop Coverdall, Mr. Good-
man, Mir. Gilbee, 4 Mr. Sampson, 5 Dr. Cole, and Mr. Whittingham
(and who else I cannot relate) did undertake the translation of the

1 In 1557 Knox's son Nathaniel was born at Genera, and baptised on May 23rd,
when Whittingham stood sponsor to the child.

2 Knox's strong vituperations of the English government induced the magistrates
of Geneva to send Whittingham and a Mr. Williams to him, to request him to depart,
or they should be constrained to deliver him to the Emperor. — Strype's Memorials,
vol. i. pt. iii. pp. 407 — 544.

3 In 1578, when the charge of invalidity of ordination was brought against Whit-
tingham, it was stated that he was " not ordained according to Geneva," i.e. he was
only appointed to preach, not ordained by imposition of hands. See* p. 30 infra. But
Wood, in his Athenee, distinctly states that he was " made a minister, according to
the Geneva fashion." Vol. i. p. 447.

4 Anthony Gilby was the author of several controversial and theological treatises,
published between 1547 and 1590 ; one of the most important being his translation of
Beza's paraphrases on the Psalms.

' Thomas Sampson, of whom it was said that it was doubtful whether there was
CAMD. SOC. C

10 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

Geneva Bible j1 which long ere the same was finished, Queen Mary
dying, her sister of never-dying memory succeeded ; whereupon the
banished, as well bishops as others of the church of Frankford,
retourned into England. Soe also did the church of Geneva,
saving some of them only, and not all, that were engaged in the
translation of the Bible ; soe as Mr. Whittingham did tarrie in
Geneva, for the finishing of that translation, a yeare and a halfe
after Queen Elizabeth began her raigne, he also there turned into
ineeter those psalmes of the Geneva psalmes which are inscribed
with W.W.8 And then comming into England, 3 Francis Russell

living " a better man, a greater linguist, a more complete scholar, or a more profound
divine." He was afterwards Dean of Chichester and also of Christchurch, Oxford,
but deprived and imprisoned for non-conformity. Carruthers' English Church
History, vol. i. p. 469 et seq.; Strype's Parker, book ii. ch. 22, and Neale's History
of the Puritans, edit. 1811, vol. i. ch. 4, pp. 114-117.

1 For an account of this Geneva Bible, commonly known from the translation of
Genesis chap. iii. v. 7, as the Breeches Bible, see art. Version Authorized, in Smith's
Dictionary of the Bible, vol. iii. p. 1673. Westcott, in his History of the translation
of the English Bible, pp. 121 — 127, gives the principal share of the New Testament
revision to Whittingham, and supposes him to be the reviser whose address is pre-
fixed, but he also shared the labour of the Old Testament revision. It was probably
at this time that he translated into Latin the Liturgy of the church of Geneva. He
also wrote a preface to Nicholas Kidley's Declaration of the Lord's Supper. —
Athena Oxon., vol. i. p. 449.

2 Though Sternhold died in 1549, his edition of the Psalms was not published till
1562. The first 15 were by Sternhold, 58 more by Hopkins, 5 by Whittingham, 27
by T. Norton, one by K. Wisdom, and 7 bear the initials W. K. and T. C., William
Kethe and Thos. Churchyard. See John Holland's Psalmists of Britain, vol. i. p. 110.

3 The following is an extract from the Council Book of Geneva, in reference
to Whittingham's return to England, dated May 30, 1560 : — " William Whittingham,
citizen, in his own name and that of his company, came to thank the magistrates
for the kind treatment they have received in this city, and to state that they are
required to return to their own country, in order to minister to the church there ;
but that they entreated their worships still to regard them as humble servants of the
republic, and promised that in everything and every place, wherever they might
have the means of doing service, either to the state, or to any inhabitants of this
city, they would exert themselves to the utmost of their power. They requested,
too, a certificate of their life and conversation during their residence in this city,
and gave in a register of those of their countrymen who came to dwell therein, by
way of a perpetual remembrance.

" It was decreed that they should have honourable licence to depart, together with

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 11

Earl of Bedford was sent by Queen Elizabeth into France, to con-
dole the death of [Francis II.], their late deceased King of France,1
and Mr. Whittiugham, as well for his perfection in that language,
as former experience of the French courte, was appointed to attend
the said Earle thertoo. After whose returne into England, presently
the warre between France and England began at Newhaven, 2
where, for the French, the Ringrave 3 was the generall to oppugne
the towne, and Ambrose Dudley, Earle of Warwick,' was sent by
Queen Elizabeth leiutenant of English forces, to defend the same ;
in which expedition the said earl procured that Mr. Whittingham
should goe with him, and be their preacher at Newhaven ; which he
did accordingly, and did soe there demeane himself, both in his
function and in the guise of a soldier's employment, as he, after the
experience of the alarums comminge on the soddaine, even in the
middest of the sermons, he used to preach in his armour continually,
and — as the old captaines and souldiers of Berwick would, many
years after that — when any alarum came whilest he was preaching,
he would be on the towne walls as soone almost as any man.
Nay if the writer herof should set downe all that he hath heard
reported of him in his commendation, not only of the captaines
and soldiers but of the most eminent persons, as Sir Henry Sidney,
since Lord President of Wales,3 and even from the Lord-Leiutenant

a testimonial of the satisfaction we have had in them ; and that they be exhorted to
pray for us, and to act in their turn towards foreigners as we have done to them ;
that they be always disposed to look with affection upon this city ; and that those
who are now citizens or subjects be still regarded as such for the time to come." —
Zurich Letters, vol. ii. p. 765, note.

1 Francis II., husband of Mary Queen of Scots. The Earl went in January, 1561,
and remained till the end of February.

2 Havre, then a new-haven, being founded in 1509, by Louis XII. ; for particulars
of its defence, see Froude, vol. vii. p. 54 ; Calendar of State Papers, Domestic,
1547 — 80, pp. 203 — 220, and Foreign 1562, sub voce Newhaven.

3 Rheingraf Philip Francis, Elector Palatine of the Rhine.

4 Ambrose Dudley, son of John late Duke of Northumberland, and elder brother
of Robert Earl of Leicester.

5 He was President of Wales in 1560, and retained the office till his decease in

12 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

himselfe, l not only in his function for his diligence in preaching,
and vigilancie in discovering a stratagem intended for the surprisal
of the towne, and the hazard he did dayly undergoe, in going to
visit, instruct, and comfort, as need required, so many soldiers dying
and dead in one great roome at once of the plague (the increase
wherof caused the loss of that towne), 2 but also for his valour and
shewing himself to be in all occasions as well tarn Marti quam
Mercuric ; if, I say, I should soe doe, I should but fill up too much
paper, and might be suspected of too much partiality. Yet that the
truth of that that is already alleadged of the good opinion that was
had of him may the better appeare, let it be considered that Mr.
Whittingham got not his preferment to the Deanery of Durham by
following the Court, nor by such reall gratifications as are said to be

1686, but he was at Newhaven during the greater part of the siege. See Foreign
Calendar, 1562.

1 Several honourable notices of Whittingham occur in the correspondence of the
Earl of Warwick, Lord Lieutenant, and others, at the siege of Newhaven, e.g.

" Herewith your honour shall receive the copy of certain articles lately augmented,
which shall to-morrow be eftsoons proclaimed ; God grant they may also be duly
executed. The poor here have been heretofore pitifully spoiled by the Godless
soldiers, and none before this time presented whereby justice might be ministered,
whereunto my lord is most willingly bent, and by Mr. Whittingham and the rest
there wanteth no public admonition in this behalf." — Thomas Wood to Sir William
Cecil, Newhaven, 9th November, 1562. — Foreign Correspondence, Record Office.

" I assure you we may all here think ourselves happy in having such a man
amongst us as Mr. Whittingham is, not only for the great virtues in him, but like-
wise for the care he hath to serve our mistress besides. Wherefore, in my opinion,
he doth well deserve great thanks at Her Majesty's hands."— Warwick to Cecil,
Newhaven, 20th November, 1562.— Ibid.
And again —

" Forasmuch as Bradbridge and Vyron is both gone from hence, by reason of
sickness, so that we have no minister but only Mr. Whittingham, who is so excellent
a man indeed as that I would not for no thing in the world spare him, I have
thought good therefore to put you in remembrance, either to procure Mr. Goodman
to come hither, for the good report I have heard of him, or else Mr. Wyburn, for
that if this man should chance to be shot, then are we utterly destitute."— Warwick
to Cecil, Newhaven, 28th December, 1562. — Ibid.

a See Sir A. Poynings to Cecil, July 6, 1563, and other papers from July 6 to
August 1, 1563, Domestic Calendar of State Papers, 1547— 4580.

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 13

the oyle that doth facilitate the way to preferment, l but only from
the commendation of the Lord Leiutenant to the Queen, by letters
from Neuhaven, 2 as by a letter written from the Earl of Leycester,
brother to the Lord Leiutenant, from the Court, most plainly
appeareth, which letter I have thought good to set downe verbatim,
for the better manifestation of the truth ; directed thus : —
" To my good brother, the Earl of Warwik,

" the Queen's Majesties Leiutenant

" at Neuhaven.
" My good Brother, —

" I have now at last gotten Captain Head's bill dispatched, and
the same being delivered under seal to his man, I thought good
likewise to let you understand of that, so of your request to Mr,
Whittingham for the Deanery of Duresme,3 wheerunto the Queen's

1 In May 1562, an effort was made to obtain for him the parsonage of Lough-
borough, the rector of which, John Wj Hock, was absent in Scotland, attending Thos.
Kandolph, ambassador there, as chaplain. The advowson was in the gift of Lord
Hastings of Loughborough, whose tendencies were popish, and he wished to place
therein Adams, one of his own chaplains. The Earl of Bedford, Lord Robert Dudley,
and Mr. Goodrich used their influence with his lordship in favour of Whitting-
ham, but in vain; and therefore Wyllock, who held the cure, though professing his
willingness to resign in favour of an " honest, learned man like Whittingham, begged
leave to hold the living with a dispensation for five years for non-residence, rather
than relinquish it to a Papist." — Wyllock to Cecil, May 20, and Kandolph to Cecil,
May 30, 1562.— Foreign Correspondence, Record Office.

3 It is probable from the coincidence of dates that the service alluded to is thus
recorded in a letter from Warwick and the Council of War at Newhaven to the
Council :

" You may perceive, by certain examinations herewith enclosed, what late
practices here hath been for the burning of the ships in this haven, which was
revealed by Mr. Whittingham, and the parties also found out by him, upon intel-
ligence given unto him by one Mons. Le Barre, principal minister of this town, and
a man of great learning and no less fidelity towards this cause, being now departed
hence to Caen, with a great number of the burgesses, whom the only bruit of war
hath driven from hence, without any compulsion used therein towards them." — Date
May 18, 1563. — Foreign Correspondence, Record Office.

3 The modern Durham is directly from the Norman Duresme. The coinage of
the episcopal mint, from Bishop Bee (1283— 1310) to Cardinal Langley (Bp. 1406 —
1437), gives the legend indifferently Dureme, or the Latin Dunolm or Dunelm.
Derame first appears on a coin of Bishop Booth (1457 — 1476), and his successors

14 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

majesty hath also condiscended, which shee would not, I assure you,
doe, neither at my or Mr. Secretaries suit ; but upon the last lettres
written on his behalfe, her highness hath granted it unto him ; he
is therefore, next unto her majestic, to thanke you for it. And so
with my most harty commendations, I bid you, as heartily as myself,
farewell. At the Court the 24th of July, 1563.

Your loving brother, R. DUDDLEY.

" Postscript. — I pray you, in your next lettres, give her majestie
thanks for the favour she hath shewed Mr. Whittingham for your
sake ; and look well to your health, my dear brother.5' l

By this lettre it appeareth that the said Queen Elizabeth would
not have given the deanery to Mr. Whittingham, neither at the
request of the said Earle of Leycester, neither of Mr. Secretaire
Cecil (then soe being), but upon the said Lord Leiutenant's
lettres from Neuhaven. The cause was for that she had half pro-
mised it to one who after became one of the secretaries of State,
and after Mr. Whittingham had enjoyed the deanery 16 year and
died, he obtained it, but died within a yeare and a halfe after ;2 so
as he for a short while enjoyed it.

Here, before I proceed any further, I think it meet to mention
.some things which hapned at Neuhaven, which particularly con-
cerne Mr. Whittingham. He being sent from the Lord Leiutenant
with a messuage to the Eingrave,3 who lay encamped before the
towne, the Ringrave seing Mr. Whittingham comming towards
him, he spur'd his horse, drew his sword or rapier, and came towards

have all the varieties of Derham, Dirram, and Durham. In The Siege of Car-
laverock Bishop Bee is described as " le noble Evesque de Doureame." — Surtees's
Durham, vol. i. p. 32 ; vol. iv. p. 2, p. 3.

1 Warwick, in a letter to Dudley, written from. Newhaven, the same day as
the preceding, says : "For that I had in my letter to the Queen's Majesty for-
got my humblest thanks for the behalf of my dear friend Mr. Whittingham, for the
great favour it have pleased her to show him, for my sake, I beseech you therefore do
not forget to render them unto her Majesty."— Foreign Correspond. Record Office.

9 Dr. Thomas Wilson, who was secretary 1577 to 1581, dean of Durham 1579, and
died 1581. » See note 3, p. 11.

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 15

Mr. Whittingham in a bravado, at a full speed, as though he would
have assaulted him ; wherupon Mr. Whittingham tooke out one of
the pistolls he had at his saddle-crutch, and held it out towards
the Ringrave, who asked him in French if he were in earnest ; he
answered " No — only attended to answere what he would put him
unto ;" the Ringrave putt up his rapier, and after kind respects
used — Mr. Whittingham having discharged the messuage — the
Ringrave carried him to his tent and caused him to dine with him.
And the table being full beset with gentlemen that were Frenchmen,
they began to gibe and use broad jests against our nation, which
Mr. Whittingham did soe returne upon them, to the touch of the
French, that one of them that sate at the lower end of the table did
rise in great fury, drew his dagger, and would have stabbed Mr.
Whittingham, if the wayters and some gentlemen rysing from the
table had not hindered. Wherat the Ringrave, after having shewed
great indignation against the Frenchman, caused a great double
gilt bowle to be filled with wine, and dranke it of to Mr. Whit-
tingham, with these termes, " Cup and all." Mr. Whittingham
pledged the wine, but restored the bowle ; which when Mr.
Whittingham would by noe means accept of, the Ringrave sent
it after him to Neuhaven, with this messuage : that if he did
refuse to take it and keep for his sake, he would never esteem of
him. Soe Mr. Whittingham took the cup, and left it to his sequeles
(followers) as a monument of the Bingrave's love, and care the
Ringrave had to salve the wronge he had received at his table.

Next it shall be fit to shew what course and order was taken and
used at Neuhaven in the ecclesiasticall government by Mr. Whit-
tingham, and what cautious lettres were sent to him out of
England concerning the same, and his answer therunto ; two lettres
were sent, the one of caution and reprehension from Mr. Secretary
Cicill, the other of freindly respects and advertisment from him
also. The lettres follow : —

u Mr. Whittingham, —

" I cannot but in my small leisure send my compleint unto you.

16 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

I heare by your meanes the Queen's subjects there forbeare the
observation of that manner and ryte of religion that is here received
by authoritie in this realme. I can surely love you for your good
and vertuous gifts, but in this, if it be true, I must needs blame
you. I will not argue with you, for my parte is much the stronger,
and on your parte small reasons can be made ; but upon singu-
laritie, you nor any borne under this kingdome may be permitted to
break the bond of obedience and uniformitie. The question is not
of doctrine, but of rites and ceremonies ; and this I write lamentably
to you ; I have found more letts and impediments in the course of
the gospell here, in this ecclesiasticall government, by certaine fond
singularities of some men, then the most malice the Papists can
shew. If you knew the crosses I have suffered for stay of religion,
you might pittie me, and ought, for God's cause, to yelde to con-
formitie. I am not learned, but I meane well to learning, and am
not unsensible of as much as is usually said in this matter. I conclude
this varietie may not nor must not be suffered ; and therfore I require
[you] to think and determine thereupon, how it may be amended.
Setting this apart, I acknowledge myselfe much addicted to love
you. Deus est deuspacis, non discordice. ix. December, 1562.

" Your assured, WILL. CECILL."

To which Mr. Whittingham wrote this answere as folio weth : — l
U2I am sorrie that in your great and serious affaires, your honour
should be troubled with the frivoulous complaints of certaine which
shew themselves offended with the manner of ceremonies used here,
as a thing disagreing from the order commanded and observed in
England, soe that they drive me to render a reason of that thing
which I thought to have bin out of controversy, and that your
honor, with zthe rest of the 3 godly and learned 4there, had easily con-
sented unto ;4 and for mine owne part, St. Augustine somewhat

1 The original of this letter is in the Public Kecord Office, Foreign Papers, 1562,
No. 1304. The variations in readings are given in the notes ; the words affected by
them are printed in italics.

2 Insert " Grace, mercy, and peace through Christ Jesus."

' " others." -i " would easily have approved."

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 17

-1 perswadeth l me, who counselleth in such things to accommodate
ourselves to the nature of the place where wee are conversant ; next,
moved 2 by 2 the opinion of this people, who, as they had conceived
evill of the infirmitie of other rites and cold proceedings in religion,
soe if they should have seen us, but in forme,3 though not in sub-
stance, to use the same or like order in ceremonies which the papists
had a little afore observed, (aganst whom they now venture goods
and body), they would, to 4 our 4 great greif, have suspected our
doings,5 and have feared in time 6 to come 6 the losse of that libertie
which after a sort they 7 had recovered, by 7 the blood shedding of
many thousands.

" Moreover, as 1 ever approved this order best, because it is 8more8
agreable to God's word, nearest approaching to the ^example of the
primitive church? and best allowed of the learned and godly,10 so I
perceived11 it wrought12 a marveilous conjunction of minds I3betwixt13
the French and us, and brought a singular comfort to all our
people. Besides this, Mr. Viron told me, that my lord14 of London
warned and charged 15 that wee should use noe other order for cere-
monyes then that which wee should find here ; which in 16 judgment,
considering the place and time, is nothing prejudiciall to our orders
at home ; for reformation wherof all the godly have their eyes and
harts bent and directed to your honour, next under God and the
Queen's majestic ; for alas ! they are far from perfection, though for
gaine and ^advantage 17 they have many patrons who, as I think,

1 " herein persuaded." 5 Insert " as not sincere."

2 " with." 6 Omit " to come.'?

3 Insert " only." 7 " have purchased with."

4 " their." 8 " most."

9 " form that the godly fathers used."

10 Insert " in these days, and according to the example of the best reformed
churches."

11 Insert " that." 15 Insert " us."

12 Insert " here." l6 Insert " my."

13 " between." 17 « vantage."

14 Insert " Bishop."

CAMD. SOC. D

18 THE LIFE AND DEATH OP

might with better conscience susteine the l reproof l of singularitie
then dissemble the matters of soe great importance.

" Thus, being fully perswaded of your good affection towards me,
and for discharge of mine owne conscience, I am bold to write
plainly, trusting your wisdome will not be offended ; for God is my
judge,2 if I knew 3 how to ease you of soe many heavy burdens and
manifold crosses, which wee all acknowledge to lye upon you,4 I
would refuse noe paine or travell ; but my earnest and continuall
prayer to God is that He would send you strength and comfort long
to serve, to the glorie of His holy name, (for whom noe discord is to
be feared, and without whome noe concorde is to be sought,) that,
as you have began to uphold and advance the kingdome of His son
Jesus Christ, soe you may, by His mercies, continue perfect, and
establish the same, to His praise, the Queen's honor, and all our
comforts. Amen!"5

The second lettre before-mentioned, though it concern not this
argument, yet that it may shew the respect and interchange betwixt
them, — and the rather for that both Mr. Secretary's letters were all
of his owne handwriting — I think it not fit to be omitted ; it fol-
loweth, with the direction thus: —

u To my very loving friend Mr. Whittingham, principall
preacher of the word at Neuhaven.

" The peace of God and warr for Him be with you.

1 « reproach." s insert " as well."

2 Insert « that." « insert « as j pity yOu."
* Insert " From Newhaven, this 20th December, 1562.

" Your honour's most humbly to commande,

" W. WHITTINGHAM."

The subject of introducing the English forms into the service at Newhaven was dis-
cussed at length in a letter sent the same day from Cuthbert Vaughan, Comptroller and
Muster-master of the Forces, and one of the Council of war at Newhaven. He strongly
dissuades the enforcing of ceremonies in a country where they would give offence,
and might make the people weary of the English, and hopes the dregs of supersti-
tion yet remaining in the church may be redressed this Parliament.— See Foreign
Calendar 1562, p. 575.

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 19

u How mighty a stroke was towards is a terrible thought to re-
member, but to behold His wrathfull hand was of late here so fear-
full as hitherto I scantly have recovered my heart> to take the joy
of this mercifull benefit ; this I write of the Queen's danger and
-delivery.1 Almighty God be praysed of us all, and give us grace to
remember His intended wrath, and to enjoy His effectual! grace and
mercy ! Happy were you, for that I thinke the ty dings of her
danger were accompanied with the report of her amendment.

" Now that my lord of Warwick is come, I trust every day will
amend another. I hartily thanke you for your gentle lettre, and pray
you, as your leisure may serve, to write sometime to me, which shall
be my comfort, though by my answer I acquite them not, for lack
of leisure. The fortunate death of the unfortunate King of Navarre 2
cannot but induce a great blessing of God. xxiij -of October 1562,
from

" Yours in Christ assured,

" W. CECILL."

Mr. Whittingham's lettre in answer of the former I omitt for
brevity sake, for that it doth not concerne this purpose, but conteins
advertisements of the then State affaires, wherof now there can be
but small use.3

1 The reference here is to a dangerous attack of small-pox, from which Queen
Elizabeth suffered in October 1562.

2 Antoine de Bourbon, King of Navarre, died 7th Nov. 1562, of a wound received
at the siege of Rouen.

3. The letter in question is preserved in the Public Record Office, Foreign Papers,
1562, No. 1771, and is as follows :

" Grace, mercy, and peace through Christ Jesus our Lord. Oh, happy news that
brought life before they threatened death ! Oh our miserable sins, that brought in
danger that life which should have drawn so many thousands to death I Oh, the
unspeakable mercies of our God, who, by prolonging that life, hath revived all true
professors of God's holy word I

" Thus we may see the just judgments of God, and also may behold his wonder-
ful mercys which surmount them. God grant us true repentance for our sins, fervent
minds to prayer, sincere love of his word, and the right practise of our Christian
profession !

20 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

And soe Mr. Whittingham, returning from Neuhaven, and cora-

" But one thing, right honourable, doeth make me to tremble, when I behold God's
plagues in such a readiness, and represented unto us in those blood-thirsty wolves,
which seem to be reserved and kept up to make them more eager and greedy of the
blood of the poor lambs of Jesus Christ/which daily they gape after and threaten.
Certainly an horrible terror to all God's children, a discouraging to all the professors
of true religion, and to the enemy a wonderful encouraging, whereby his heart
toward God is hardened, and against the Queen's Majesty made rebellious. The
Lord God move her heart to remedy this evil, and send her a long and prosperous
reign, to his glory, and the comfort, not only of us her subjects, but of all Christen-
dom ; seeing the whole state thereoff this day depeudeth on her Majesty.

" It would be tedious to repeat to your honour all our news, which my Lord Pre-
sedent can most certainly declair, upon whose relation I doubt not but you will, by
foreseeing the dangers, provide speedy remedy. My Lord-Lieutenant behaveth [him]
self very honourably, and hath the commendation of all sorts. Only it may please
your honour not to suffer him to be destitute of some special wise counsellor, whose
he irt may be sincerely bent to this cause, whose valientness may engender fear in
the enemy, and whose wisdom may with speed remedy dangers ; for now that my
Lord President is departed hence, my Lord shall be almost left destitute. Yea and by
the private dissensions of them whose authority, by concord, might appease all parti-
cular grudges of other men, our state might easily fall into danger.

" The Rhinegrave was within half-a-mile of this town, with a great company of
Almains, pretending no hurt but meaning no goodness, as your honour shall perceive
by my Lord Presedent. The next day afterward, which was the seventh of this
month, he departed toward Guise, leaving 12 ensigns of Almains within two
miles of this place. Guise by report is gone toward Paris. Some say that the
prince hath taken all such plate and treasure as the King had left at Fontaine-
bleau.

" Here is a gentleman called Mons. Beauvoir, left as governor under the Vidame
in such things as shall appertain to the duty of the French towards our state. He
hath married the Vidame's sister, and surely is a godly, valiant, and trusty gentle-:
man, greatly affectioned toward your . honour ; therefore I wish he might be en-
couraged in his well doing. Concerning religion certain orders are drawn, but as
yet not published, for preaching and prayers to be had daily, and for discipline to
be practised for the supressing of vice, which -would otherwise in short time griev-
ously infect this flock. Hither came, with my Lord, one Mr. Broadbridge, minister,
and since their departure from Dieppe, Mr. Viron. The soldiers are for the most part
so void of knowledge and fear of God that I think, considering the number that is
to come, we shall all have occasion to be both well and diligently occupied. Thus I
am bold to trouble your honour, albeit I am not ignorant of your great affairs
otherwise, and of your special care for the furtherance of this cause.

MR WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 21

ming to Durham to reside upon his deanery there, anno 1563,1 after
he had remained there some years, Secretary Cecill was advanced
to be Lord Treasurer,2 in whose place Mr. Whittingham was nomi-
nated, amongst others, to succeede him in place of secretarie, and was
thought fit for that place, in respect of his perfection in the French
tongue, and his experience he had gathered in twelve years beyond
the seas ; but the Lord Burleigh, Lord Treasurer, alleadged that it
was pitty to call him to such imployment, being soe well fitted to
discharge his place in his function, neither did he thinke that he
would except therof, if it were offered him ; aganst which it was
alleadged that he, having noe other church living but the deanery,
and it being sine curd animarum, as deanery es are said to be, it
was only a dignity belonging to the church, rather than a place
tying one to continuall residence ; but that tooke noe effect, in respect
of the incongruitie which it cannot but carrie in all men's judgments.
And, notwithstanding the contents of Mr. Whittingham his former
lettre concerning church discipline,3 after he had remained in the
deanery two or three years,4 and the order of vestures being generally

" The Lord God bless and prosper you, and direct you in this and all other your
Godly enterprises, to His glory, the honour of the Queen's majesty, and all our com-
forts ! Amen. From New Haven this 8 Novembre.

" Your honours most humbly to obey,

" W. WHITTINGHAM.

" To the right honourable Sir William Cecil, Knight,
principal secretary to the Queen's majesty."

1 On his passage through London, he preached before the Queen, at Windsor, on
Sept. 2, 1563.— Strype's Annals, vol. i. pt. 2, p. 88, and Parker, vol. i. p. 268.

2 Sir William Cecil was made Lord Burghley February 25, 1571, and Lord High
Treasurer 15th July, 1572. The secretaryship devolved upon Sir Thomas Smith, and
was shared with him the following year by Sir Francis Walsingham.

3 A long controversial letter from Whittingham to the Earl of Leicester, against
the " old Popish apparel," dated Durham, 1564, is printed in Strype's Parker,
vol. iii. pp. 76—84.

4 The question does not seem to have been so much whether chasubles, &c., should
be retained, as whether the surplice should be worn instead of the black Geneva
gown. The Elizabethan Prayer Book of 1559 contained a rubric retaining vest-
ments ; the Statute 1 Eliz. cap. 2, sec. 25, qualified this, but leaving large discretion-
ary powers in the hands of the Queen.

22 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

established for churchmen,1 and soe pressed as they that would not
use the same should not be permitted to exercise their ministrie, he
then submitted himself thereunto ;2 and, being upbraided therwith
for so doing, by pne that had bin with him at Geneva, he answered
that they knew and had heard Mr. Calvin say, that for these ex-
ternall matters of order they must not neglect their ministrie, for soe
should they, for tything of mint, neglect the greater things of the
law.3 And concerning singing in the church, Mr. Whittingham

1 An account of the controversy may be seen in Collier's Ecclesiastical History ,
vol; ii. p. 495, and in Blunt's Annotated Prayer Book, Introduction p. 67.

2 He and Mr. Beton refused at first, but afterwards consented. Strype's Grindal,
p. 145. Canon Eaine has kindly supplied the following notes from the York
registers, relative to this controversy. The interrogatories are absent, but may be
guessed at from the replies in most cases.

"August 5, 1566. Office against Mr. Wm. Whittingham, Dean of Durham.
Certain articles are administered to him, to which he makes the following replies: —

"1. True.

" 2. He doyth not now well remembre,nor certainly knowe the lawes, statutes, etc.,
articulate, and therfore he doythe referre himeself to the same.

" 3. He doyth not well knowe or remembre — (as before).

" 4. He openly goeth abrode in the cytty of Duresme, and also into the queare in
the cathedrall churche of Duresme, doyth and hayth used to weare a rounde capp,
and sometymes abrode in the country.

" 5. He cometh into the cathedrall churche of Duresme, and into the queare ther,
in a rounde capp and a gowne, withowt a surples above the same, but not to the
offence of any honeste or grave personnes, as he belevethe.

" 6. He one time, upon Christenmas Day nexte comynge shalbe thre yeres, dyd
minister the Communyon withowt ey ther cope or surples, howbeit he dyd not minister
the Communion sence that day, and he receyveth the Communyon neyther syttinge
nor standinge, but bowing his kne towardes the grounde at the receyving therof.

« 7. True.

" He is enjoined henceforth to wear decent apparell in church and elsewhere on
pain of deprivation ; to conform before All Saints' Day next, and to appear to certify
his conformity.

" February 17, 1566-7. Pronounced contamacious for not certifying his conformity.

3 A contemporary rhymer writes : —

"Wood, Williams, Whittingham, and Sutton,
Valued the Prayer Book not a button,
' j gy they grudg'd to say,

And threw the surplice quite away —
Alter'd confession, chang'd the hymns
For old Jack Hopkins' pithy rhymes."

Ward's Reformation Cant, \.

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 23

did soe farre allowe of that as he was very carefull to provide the
best songs and anthems that could be got out of the Queen's chapell,
to furnish the quire with all, himselfe being skillfull in musick.1

After, when he had lived in the deanery of Durham five or six
years more, the rebellion in the North at Durham growing towards,
Mr. Whittingham moved the then Bishop,2 divers weeks before
the rebells broke forth into open act, that he would send for his

" February 18, 1566-7. Does not appear. Ordered to be cited to appear in person.
" March 17. Citation again decreed. If disobeyed he will be deprived.
" March 18. John Broket, public notary, appears for the Dean, alleges his con-
formity and desires dismissal of suit. Ordered to prove conformity.

" May 26, 1567. A letter of James Bishop of Durham, put in by proctor, testify-
ing to the Dean's conformity.

" August 2, 1567. After many delays, the Commissioners release him from the suit."
1 The following letter, printed in Strype's Parker, vol i. pp. 267-8, gives some
account of Whittingham's official labours : —

" Grace, mercy, and peace, through Jesus Christ our Lord !

" Albeit I am not ignorant how unbeseeming it is to trouble your honour with
letters of small importance, yet I colde not, in so long tyme, omit to shew some signi-
fication of my special duety, as wel to yielde unto your honor most humble thanks,
with promise of my service where you shall appoint, as also to certify you of our
doings here.

" First, in the morning at six of the clock, the grammar schoole and song schole,
with all the servants of the house, resort to prayers into the church ; which exercise
continueth almost half-an-hour. At nyne of the clock we have our ordinary service,
and likewise at thre afternone. The Wednesdays and Fridays are appointed to a
general fast, with prayers and preaching of God's word. The Sundaies and holy-
days before none we have sermons, and at after none the catechisme is expounded.

" Because we lak an able scholemaster, I bestow daily three or four hours in
teaching the youth, till God provide us of some that may better suffice.

" The people in the country are very docile, and willing to hear God's word ; but
the towne is very stiff, notwithstanding they be handeled with al lenitie and gentle-
ness. The best hope I have that now of late they begyn to resort more diligently to
the sermons arid service. God make us all profitable setters forth of His glory, and
preserve long, bless, and direct your honour, to His glory and all our comforts ! My
brother Mr. Hallyday most humbly saluteth your honour ; so doth Mr. Benet.
« From Durham, this 19th December.

" Your honour's most humbly to commando,

" W. WHITTINGHAM."
2 James Pilkingtou, elected 20th February, 1561, ob. 23rd January, 1576, aged 55.

24 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

teneants to come to his castell at Durham, with their warlike fur-
niture ; which if he would doe, he could cause all the tenants of
the church to joyne likewise with them, which would be a means
to awe the collecting rebells, and be a stay and refuge for many
gentlemen of the country to repaire unto, for want wherof many
might be drawen to adhsere to the rebells ; which fell out after
according, to the utter ruine of many of the gentlemen and their
posterityes, and the country to this day doe bearre the scares of that
error. But the bishop answered that he had a great deale of the
Queen's money in his hand, and durst not hazard it.

About a weeke before the rebells rose, Mr. Whittingham rid to
Newcastle, and, calling the maior and aldermen togeather, did ac-
quaint them with the then present estate of the country, and how
much it concerned them to look to their owne safety, for they must
needs thinke that, upon the said rising, they would first attempt to
surprise them there, (if they could find them unprovided,) that they
might be lords of their wealth, and that they might be therby the
better enabled to maintayne their undertaken enterprise. Wher-
upon the maior caused the gates of the towne to be presently shutt,
the ordinance to be carried to the wall, and such further courses
for fortifications to be used as Mr. Whittingham , out of his ex-
perience in the seige of Neuhaven, was able to advise them unto ;
by meanes wherof the rebells never dared the attempt of the seige
of that towne, which was then the refuge for the better affected
subjects.

Mr. Whittingham himselfe tarried at Durham till the Thursday
next before the Monday that the rebells rose,1 secret intelligence

1 This must have been Thursday, November 10, 1569. The following Monday,
November 14, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmorland had appeared with
their forces at Durham, and, to inspire the idea that they fought for the Catholic
religion, they began their proceedings by tearing in pieces the Bible and throwing
down the communion table in Durham Cathedral. Earl of Surrey to the Queen,
November 15, 1569.— State Papers, Record Office. See also Froude's Elizabeth,
vol. ix. ch. 18, ppj 515 et seq.

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 25

being brought unto him, if he went not away that night, he could
not passe southwarde, for the bridges would be taken up the next
night, to prevent all intercourses and intelligences ; soe that Mr.
Whittingham going then into the South, the rebells entred into his
house, and spoyled the same, and rent in peices his books in such
sort and abundance as was pityfull to beholde.1

Mr. Whittingham returned within five weeks, with the Queen's
army, conducted under the goverment of the aforenamed Ambrose
Earle of Warwicke and the Earle of Lyncolne ; but the rebells,
hearing of the Lords' comming, fledd, and the Lords, comming noe
further then to Durham, presently returned.2

For eight or nine years after, Mr. Whittingham lived in the great
love and liking of his neighbours, for his affability and bountifull
hospitallity, which was in such a proportion as it is marvelled even
to this day how the naked deanery alone (for he had noe more)
could support his expences.

After those three yeares were expired, the see of York and of
Durham became void both at one time,3 whereupon the Earle of
Leycester (being a great favourite in Court, and he that had for-
merly moved the Queene for the deanery of Durham to be bestowed
on Mr. Whittingham, as appeareth by the lettre herein before re-
cited,) caused Sir Edward Horsey (who was captain of the Isle of

1 This statement does not agree with the testimony even of their enemies, who
said that they paid for all they took, and suffered no spoil, and that a soldier who
had taken a horse of the dean's out of his stable was punished, and compelled to
restore the horse. — Sussex to Cecil, November 16, 1569.

2 The Earl of Warwick and Lord Admiral Clinton, afterwards Earl of Lincoln,
were the leaders. They had reached Wetherby by December 14, and on the 16th the
rebels had dispersed. Full particulars of this rebellion will be found in the Calendar
of State Papers, Addenda, 1569-70, and also in Sir Cuthbert Sharpe's Memorials
of the Rebellion of 1569, in which many of the papers are printed.

3 Edmund Grindal, Archbishop of York, was translated to Canterbury 10th
January, 1576, and Edwin Sandys, his successor, was appointed 25th January, 1577.
James Pilkington, Bishop of Durham, died January 23, 1576, and Richard Barnes
succeeded him 5th April, 1577. By a singular mistake, several authorities name
Pilkington's death as in January, 1575, instead of 1575-6 ; Barnes's elevation as in
April, 1575. «

CAMD. SOC. E

26 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

Wight, a great courtier and one of Mr. Whittingham his Neuhaven
acquaintance,) to write to Mr. Whittingham to come to the Court,
and he should not faile to have one of those places. Whereunto
Mr. Whittingham returned answer by lettre, and sent it to the
writer hereof, he being then of the Temple, to be delivered ; but
the lettre being delivered and read, the writer herof got a sight of it,
and found the effect of the lettre to be, that, touching the motions
conteined in his lettre, he found himselfe soe declined by age and
infirmitie, as that he felt himselfe very imfit to undertake soe great
a place, with the burden that the good discharge of such a place
required ; and that her Majestic had soe gratiously and liberally
already recompenced his services, as he should shew himselfe un-
thankfull if he should not seeme satisfied with soe good a bounty as
he had already received, and therfore desired him that he, with all
thankfullnesse and humble acknowledgment in his behalfe, would
signifie to his honor the deep apprehension he conceived of his love
towards him, soe effectually demonstrated by his lordship's mes-
suage, which should tye him to a perpetuall remembrance of him in
his prayers, being not able by any means in his power otherwise to
requite soe extraordinary a favour.

Then, after a while, the archbishoprick of York and bishoprick
of Durham being bestowed at one time, and both of them preferred by
the meanes of one and the selfe same noble person, as was reported,
the Bishop of Durham yelded that the Archbishop should visit the
church of Durham, not knowing belike, or not regarding, the right of
his owne church j1 soe, after a year or two, the deane and prasbends2
of the church of Durham were cited to appeare at the visitation.3

1 The claim of the Archbishop to visit was of course in capacity of his office as
metropolitan. On the general question whether archbishops have such power except
on appeal, see Stephen's Dictionary of Church Lam, under Visitation and Metro-
politan. In the phrase " the church of Durham," no doubt the diocese is included,
and, as part of the diocese, the cathedral, or rather its clerical officers.

3 The vulgar form for prebendary— the prebend strictly is the property of the stall
held by the prebendary.

3 A brief notice of this visitation occurs in the Injunctions and Ecclesiastical

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 27

The day appointed being come, the Bishop came to Durham, and
after the sermon in the morning, the Bishop going towards the
chapter-house to the visitation, Mr. Whittingham asked the Bishop
whether he would visit in his owne right; he answered, in the right
of the Archbishop ; wherunto Mr. Whittingham answered that
then he wronged his owne- jurisdiction, and the clergie of the country
in general!, and him and the rest of the Church more specially, for
that they being sworne to maintaine the liberties of their Church,
and by their statutes having noe visitour but the Bishop of Durham,
if they should yeild to be visited in the right of the Archbishop,
they should break their oath.1 All which notwithstanding, and
whatsoever could be alleadged by Mr. Deane, the Bishop persisted
in his former resolution ; and by this time, being come neare to the
chapter-house doore, Mr. Whittingham called to the doore keeper
to lock the doore, and to give him the keys, which the doore keeper
did forthwith ; which the Bishop hastning to prevent, Mr. Whit-
tingham did a little interrupt him, taking holt of his gowne, and
soe the business was concluded ; but that accident bred a great in-

Proceedings of Bishop Barnes, edited by Canon Raine, for the Surtees Society,
p. 65 ; the Durham chapter records have several allusions to a later and similar contest
about 1587, when, during the vacancy of the see of Durham, the Archbishop of York
had the care of the spiritualities. The papers relating to this vexata questio are —

A folio labelled " De sede vacante " containing, among other articles, —

A paper of reasons why, supposing the Archbishop had power to visit the prior and
convent, he should not have the same power over the dean and chapter, because they
are not successors of the prior and convent, but grantees from the King.

Paper entitled " Sententia versus Decanum et Capitulum Dunelm. 1590."

Paper on a dispute between the Archbishop of York and Dean and Chapter of
Durham, on the right of visitation.

Paper in Latin on the same subject, with quotations from Latin authors and re-
marks in English.

Summary of reasons in favour of the chapter having the right over the spiritualities.

Four papers relating to the custody of the temporalities and spiritualities.

Selections from the minutes of chapter, entitled JSccles. CatJi. Dunelm. Liber
Actionum, ab anno 1578 ad, 1581.

1 For the chapter statutes, see Hutchinson, vol. ii. p. 118, &c., especially chapters
i. and v.

28 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

dignation, both in the Bishop and Archbishop, against Mr. Whit-
tingham.1

Yet did that action adde (if any thing could be added) to the
love which the towne and country did already beare towards him,2
and did the more aggravate the displeasure conceived against him
by the Archbishop and Bishop, and soe incense them as it appeared,
by many of their speeches and actions, that they tooke it for a dis-
grace offered them, and such as could not be laid aside without a
revenge.

Hereupon one of the prebends, being one alone, and of a singular
factious spirit, and bearing ever a malignitie to Mr. Whittingham,
and spying this opportunity to disgorge himselfe of his long con-
ceived hatred against him, went to the Bishopps, and acquainted
them with a plott that he had devised, which [if] they would pur-
sue, he doubted not but it would eject Mr. Whittingham out of his
deanery, which they gladly harkned unto, and did with all forward-
ness pursue.

The plott was this : that seeing there was one of the secretaries of
the privy counsell, to whome the Queen had halfe given the deanery
of Durham, before she gave it to Mr. Whittingham, and did after
alter her purpose, by the occasion of Mr. Whittingham's preferment

1 It is probably in reference to these and similar proceedings that the Bishop
writes of the Church of Durham as an Augean stable, " whose stink is grievous in
the nose of God and man, and which to purge far passeth Hercules' labours.'*
Strype's Annals, vol. ii. pt. 2, p. 109, Oxford ed. A news-writer of the time, Fleet-
wood, recorder of London, speaks of there being a " broil of excommunication be-
tween the Archbishop and Dean," but plainly says he thinks my Lord Bishop in the
wrong. Ibid. vol. ii. pt. 2, p. 107.

2 The spirit of the county would be with Whittingham, partly because of the
clan-like feeling which had always pervaded the Palatinate, and partly because of
the resistance which had existed for ages on the part of the Northern province to
any needless interference on the part of the Archbishops of York. An account of
Archbishop Wickwaine's attempt to visit the priory of Durham in 1283 is given in
Raine's Lives of the Archbishops of York, p. 320, quoting Hist. Dunelm. Scriptores
tres, Surtees Soc. ed. pp. 58-69, and Prynne's Collections, vol. iii. p. 309. Chron.
Lanercost, p. 120. For a similar case, see Injunctions of Bishop Barnes,
Appendix p. viii.

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 29

therunto, by lettres of commendation from "Neuhaven, as is afore-
said, he doubted not but he would helpe, by any means he could, to
dispossesse him of the deanery, that he might cry quittance with him,
and gaine the deanery to himselfe ; and therfore if their lordshipps
would write, or give leave to him to sollicite that secretarie to procure
a commission from her Majestic/ directed to their lordshipps and
others, to visite the church of Durham, he would preferre such
articles against the Deane as would procure his deprivation.

The Bishop, following the track of his devise, procured a com-
mission directed to the Lord Archbishop of York, the Earl of
Huntingdon then Lord President,1 the Lord Leiutenant of the
North, the Bishop of Durham, the Bishop of Carlisle, the Deane
of York, and Sir Thomas Boynton, Sir Robert Stapleton, Sir William
Mallorye, Sir Christopher Wandsford, both of Yorkshire, and divers
others.2 They all came to Durham to the visitation,3 where they

1 Henry Hastings, third Earl of Huntingdon. He held the office until his death,
31st December, 1595.

2 The commission is printed in Rymer's Fcedera, vol. xv. p. 785, date May 14, 1578.
In the notice of Whittingham, in Hutchinson's Durham, vol. ii. pp. 143-152, a pre-
vious commission is said to have been procured by Whittingham to the Archbishop of
York, the President of the Council in the North, and the Dean of York, to determine
complaints against him, chiefly in reference to the validity of his ordination, on
which Dean Hutton, who inclined to Whittingham, spoke of his ordination as
superior to that of the Archbishop. But this commission does not appear on the
Patent or Close Bolls. Strype {Annals Reform, vol. ii. pt. 2, p. 168) places it in
1576, and records that it had little effect, because of misunderstandings between the
Commissioners.

There is a commission on the Patent Roll, 19 Eliz. pars 12, rnemb. 12 dors., to
the Bishop of Durham, Henry Lord Hunsdon, Warden of the East Marches, Cuth-
bert Lord Ogle, William Lord Eure, Dean Whittingham, and sixteen others, to
enforce within the diocese of Durham obedience to the Acts of Uniformity, and
also of assurance of the Queen's power, of 5 Eliz. ; and to the Act of 15 Eliz., to
suppress all disorders in churches or chapels, or against divine service or the ministers
thereof, impose fines upon such as absent themselves, and enforce obedience to the
Articles of 1562 ; with power to punish disobedience by excommunication, censure,
or fine, the Bishop keeping a register of the proceedings. It is dated Gorhambury,
22nd July, 1576.

3 About July 8, 1578, see Appendix p. 42.

30 THE LIFE AND DEATH OP

sate four dayes, aganst when the busy instrument I spoke of before,
had provided more than 50 articles against Mr. Whittingham, and
presented them to the visitors (amongst whome there were some
that would looke to it that they should want noe due examination);
yet after 4 dayes' sifting, when the rest were found to be frivoulous,
without proofe, and grounded only upon malice, they were all left
as idle and vaine, saving 2 j1 the one that Mr. Whittingham was not
capable of the deanery of Durham, being only a Master of Arts, the
statutes of the house requiring that the deane should be a Bachelour
of Divinity at the least ;3 the second was that Mr. Whittingham was
not capable of the deanery, for that he was not made minister after
the orders o£ the Church of England, but after the forme of Geneva.3
To which point learned Deane Hutton, then of York, afterwards
Bishop of Durham, and lastly Archbishop of York,4 did then
say to those that did most urge against it, that the ministry of
Geneva was better than that ministrie which was made with these
words, accipe potestatem sacrificandi pro vivis et mortals, with which
words it is said the principale objector was made preist,5 and ther-
fore had the lesse cause to except against the ministerie of Geneva.

1 He is also censured for having, in his capacity of Dean of Durham, encouraged
his former friends, Knox and Goodman, to set up Presbyterianism in Scotland, but
this does not seem to have formed one of the articles of his accusation. Hutchinson's
Durham, vol. ii. p. 147.

a The statutes making this proviso are of the date of Mary, and printed in
Hutchinson, vol. ii. p. 118.

» The question does not appear to have been whether the ordination was episcopal
(the high episcopal doctrine dates chiefly from Bancroft, Saravia, and Bilson, about
1590), but whether the recognised form of Geneva ordination had been given to
Whittingham. See for fuller accounts of the case, Appendix Nos. I., II.

It was said that he was " made minister by a few mean men and lay persons in a
private house at Geneva, without the knowledge or consent of Mr. Calvin, chief
minister there." Strype's Annals, vol. iii. pt. 1, p. 468.

4 In ] 595, showing that this life could not have been written earlier than that
date.

8 These words, being employed only in the Romish ordination service, seem to point
out Whittingham's opponent to be W. Bennett, D.D., who held the fourth stall.
He and Kobert Swift, who was ordained at Louvain, were the only members of the
chapter that had received Romish orders, but Bennett seems the more likely, because,

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 31

But to proceede : Mr. Whittingham desired that because those
two articles depended upon points of law, that he might by counsell
make his answere ; which though some of 'the commissioners would
not yeelde unto, yet it was granted by the greater part, and the
visitation adjourned to York j1 aganst which day appointed, Mr.
Whittingham had gott councell from London, to strengthen him
against bothe those former objections, whereunto the non obstante
in his patent sufficed to fre him.

The visitation then at York being ended, without any certeyn
adjournment,2 neither any sentence or matter given or done against

being spiritual chancellor under Bishop Pilkington, and for a short time under Bishop
Barnes, he would have more influence than Swift. Hutchinson, vol. ii. p. 183, et seq.

1 This was in August 1578. About this time, on 30th September, 1578, when
Richard Barnes, Bishop of Durham, assigned the preachers for the diocese for the
year from Michaelmas 1578 to 1579, he gave twelve sermons to Mr. Dean, of which
four were in Durham, one in Chester, and one in Lancaster. Injunctions, $c., of
Richard Barnes, Bishop of Durham, p. 82, $urtees Soc.

2 There was great difference of opinion among the commissioners themselves. The
Earl of Huntingdon, Lord President, refused to agree to Whittingham's dismissal, on
the ground of imperfect ordination, " for it will be ill taken by all the godly and
learned, both at home and abroad, that we should allow of the popish massing priests
in our ministry, and disallow of ministers made in a reformed church." He urged
rectification of the disorders of the chapter, blaming their irregular ways, embezzling
of revenues, &c., and especially censuring Archdeacon Pilkington and young Bunny,
as "precise men who worked all the trouble." Strype, Annals Reform,, vol. ii.
pt. ii. p. 173.

On the other hand, the Archbishop of York writes to the Lord Treasurer on
April 4, 1579, from Bishopthorpe, that " This Durham matter breedeth a great broil.
The Dean hath gotten more friends than the matter deserveth. The discredit of
the church of Geneva is hotly alleged. Verily, my lord, that church is not touched ;
for he hath not received his ministry in that church, or by any authority or order
from that church, so far as yet can appear. Neither was there any English church
in Germany that attempted the like ; neither needed they to have done, having among
themselves sufficient ministers to supply the room. But if his ministry, without au-
thority of God or man, without law, order, or example of any church, may be current,
take heed to the sequel. Who seeth not what is intended ? God deliver his church
from it ! I will never be guilty of it." He concludes with a request not to be further
made a party in this Durham matter. Strype's Annals, vol. ii. pt. ii. pp. 620 — 1,
Oxf . edit. A full account of the affair is given in Strype, vol. ii. pt. ii. pp. 167 — 175.
An indefinite adjournment was the inevitable result of these differences.

32 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

him, Mr. Whittingham went up to the privy councell, to move that
they would call in the commission,1 signifying what had bin done
in the matter already ; but his sure freind that he had of the councell
(as is aforesaid) alleadged that the Bishop had more matter to urge
aganst him ; whereupon lettres were sent to the Archbishop to send
some to alleadge against Mr. Whittingham, or else the commission
would be called in.2 Whereupon two doctors of the civill law,
dependants on the Archbishop, were sent up to object against Mr.
Whittingham, who, after two or three hearings before the Privy
Councell, one of the Lords asked him if their master had nothing
to doe but to send such a couple. &c. to object such ydle matters
against such a man as Mr. Whittingham was knowne to be of the
most of that borde ; and soe the objectors returned as they
came, &c.3

But still his true freind, seeing him dayly to decline more and
more in his health and spirits, and being oppressed with soe long
troubles, great expences, and taedious delays, did even then move
that Mr. Whittingham (there being then occasion to send an
ambassador into France,) might be sent thether ; whereupon Mr.
Whittingham asked the said freind of his if he thought it not suffi-
cient to seeke to bereave him of his livinge, but of his life alsoe, he

1 Strype, in his Annals of the Reformation, vol. ii. pt. 2, p. 173, says that the
Lord President wrote that there was a manifest desire, on the reading of the com-
mission, to deal first with the Dean, but at length the commissioners consented to deal
with general disorders, which took so long that they adjourned to Auckland in
November. This was the date of Whittingham's journey to London, for his second
certificate, sent to the Commissioners, is dated from London, 15 Nov. 1578 (Appendix
p. 42), and had been there three months before Candlemas Day, February 2, 1579.

2 Archbishop Sandys, in legislating upon a similar case several years later, de-
clared that had Whittingham lived he had been deprived, without special grace and
dispensation. Strype's Whitgift, vol. i. p. 481.

3 There were not wantings erious grounds of accusation against the Dean connected
with Durham Cathedral, which his biographer has thought fit to omit.

He made a profit of £20 by taking down and selling the high leaden roof in the
Frater-house (Refectory), and making it a flat roof instead. He intended to take
down and sell a peal of four bells which hung in the Galilee steeple, but was
forestalled by Thomas Spark, the Bishop's suffragan, who removed three of them, at

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 33

seing him in such weaknesse and debility, both of body and spiritt,
altogeather unfitt for such imployment.

But Mr. Whittingham still labouring to gett the commission
called in, (having tarried there alreadie a quarter of a yeare, with
eight serving men and all their horses, and in winter, to his excessive
charge,) his true freind had now found out a new colour of delay ;
to witt, that after Easter (it then being about Candlemas) the
Bishop would come up to the Parlament,1 and soe Mr. Whittingham
might now goe downe, and then come up againe to heare what the
Bishops themselves would object against him, as though the
Bishopps could alleadge more then they had given in instructions to
the doctors, their proxies.

his own cost of £30 or £40, to the gardens, leaving one still standing over the
Galilee. He removed the marble and freestone slabs that covered the graves of the
priors of Durham ; had them used for troughs for horses and hogs, and some em-
ployed to construct a washing-house. By a kind of retributive justice, his own tomb-
stone in Durham Cathedral was destroyed by the Scots in 1640. Greenwell's Notes
on Durham Wills and Inventories) pt. 2, p. 16. Hutchinson's Durham, vol. ii.
p-. 146.

He removed from the cathedral two holy- water stones; one he placed in his own
kitchen, where it was used for steeping beef and salt fish ; the other his widow took
away with her to a house in the North Bailey, whither she removed, and put it in her
kitchen, carrying away also other stones, as gravestones, &c., which she required,
and which remained till a superstitious feeling arising from many deaths in the
house led to their restoration to the abbey-yard.

Worse still, on the pretence of executing the instructions of the Queen's Com-
missioners for the removal of superstitious books and ornaments, the Dean broke up
and defaced in a fit of iconoclastic zeal an image of St. Cuthbert, which he found
standing by the parlour-door (door of the old locutorium) , in the east alley of the
cloisters ; and his wife, getting into her hands the long venerated banner of St. Cuth-
bert, which had more than once been a rallying point in times of conflict, especially
in the battle of the Standard in 1138, " did most injuriously burn and consume the
same in her fire, in the notable contempt and disgrace of all ancient and goodly
reliques." "Wood's AtJience Oxon. vol. i. p. 449. Rites of Durham, pp. 23, 33, 34,
52, 53, 64, 69, Surtees Soc. Surtees's Durham, vol. i. p. Ixxii.

1 No Parliament actually met between that of 18 Eliz., which commenced its sittings
on February 18, 1576, and 1581 ; but there were sundry prorogations, and it was pro-
bably expected to meet earlier.

CAMD. SOC. P

34 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

Thus you may see how Mr. "Whittingham was opprest, though
having proved himselfe innocent after soe many tryalis ; by which
heavy hand soe carried over him, he was forced to come downe
without obteining his just request, which he tooke very greivously.
And though, at his returne to Durham, a great many of the better
sort of the city and country went to meet him, the bells rung,
and the people came running from all parts of the citie, in such
number as the streets were scantly passable for the multitude
who, with doubled and trebled acclamations of joy, strived to
exhilirate his hart after all his troubles, but yet all was in vaine ;
for within four dayes after his returne, he betooke himselfe to
his bed, and never left it till he departed this life, being nine
weeks after.1

And now it is requisite that I should mention what hapned con-
cerning him in the time of his soe long languishing sicknesse ; how
he passed it over, and what was the manner of his death. The
Archbishop, whose malice did not cease to pursue him till death, did
certifie the lords of the counsel that Mr. Whittingham kept his bed
pretending sicknesse, and had used some words of vaunting; whereof
the councell, by their lettre dated 3 May, 1579 (yet to be shewed),
did advertise him. Whereupon he returning his answer to the
lords, Sir Francis Walsingham, the principal secretarie, writt to
him, as followeth : —

" After my harty commendations. I have received your lettres
of the 24 of the last, and, according to your desire, presented your
letters to the lords, who, having seen and read the same, have willed
me to signifie unto you that they take them in good part, allowing
soe far forth of your answer to the hard suggestions made unto
them aganst you, as that they mind to suspend their judgments of
the information of the speeches you were said to have uttered, untill

1 The biographer here regards Whittingham as a martyr to his obedience to the
statutes in resisting the Archbishop of York; whereas the Archbishop probably knew
of the hayoc Whittingham had committed in the cathedral ; and his adversary, if the
Romish prebendary Bennett, might conscientiously consider Whittingham's consecra-
tion invalid.

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 35

your repair up hither, to satisfy them more fully by word of mouth ;
and the delay of your coming they have resolved by your said lettre
to growe of the great weaknesse of your body, which they take to
be noe matter fained, but a truth. Wishing, if it please God, to
send you as perfect recovery as yourself desireth, and soe I bid you
hartily farewell. From the Court, the 1st of June, 1579.

" Your loving freind,

" FRA. WALSINGHAM,
" To the right worshipfull my very

loving freind, Mr. Whittinghain,

Deane of Durham."

This lettre, being dated the „ 1st of June, and he dying the 10th
of June, it preceeded his death but nine dayes ; whence may be
observed, by these lettres above mentioned, that the malice of his
adversaries did soe hotly pursue him as would not afford him a time
of rest from their vexation to dye in. And yet all this storme grew
only of this (as wee have heard), for that he made a conscience to
avoide the breach of his oath, and to maintaine the liberties of the
church wherunto he was sworne ; which case is soe strange (that for
a matter soe good, soe just, soe conscionable, a man should be so
persecuted, and that even by those who by their functions are tied
to instruct and exhort to vertue, and to such actions as a very good
Christian is tied unto,) as it cannot be paraleled ; and therfore who
can heare this and not say with the poet —

" Jupiter, hoc cernis : ne vindice fulmine pugnas ?
Tuque, Astrea, sinis jura sacrata premi ?"

But neither yet was God wanting to punish the malice and wioked-
nesse shewed in this action, neither to take in hand the defence and
revenge of the cause of the innocent ; for that he shewed such
signes of his revenging hand upon five or six of the principall agents
in this businesse against Mr. Whittingham, and that soe soone after
his death, as it grew to be noted of all men, and of the best ranke,
as a heavy judgment of God upon them, for their malicious plotts
and pursuits against him. And as he was first in place of the action,

36 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

whome we have before mentioned, soe was he the first that was
plagued for his iniquityes ; for being att London, farre from home,
fell mad, and in soe high degree as he was espied soe to be in the
streets, as he went up and downe, being at last followed by the
boyes and children with wondermente, as crowes doe after [blank]
and soe he went to Ware, and there died in that pitifull case.1

The rest had great blemishes in their lifetimes, and in their death
some of them had a judgment accompaning them. I doe of purpose
absteine either from particulating those judgments (but of the first
which was soe notorious to all), or nominating of any of the parties,
least the parties should be easily found out ; for I neither desire nor
delight in laying aspersions on them, much lesse on the dead, and
soe long since, but that the necessity of the history hath enforced
me ; and therin have I stryven to be as obscure as I could, not be-
traying the historie, even for charity sake towards the dead, and
soe I desire to be construed, lest, whilest I declare other men^s malice,
I should shew myselfe to want charitie.

To this I may adde, by way of note, that as the former oppo-
site went not scot-free who persecuted Mr. Whittingham, soe Deane
Hutton, ever standing with Mr. Whittingham, was after advanced
to the bishoprick of Durham, and after to be Archbishop of Yorke.2

And having now declared the occasion and proces of the crosses
which Mr. Whittingham susteined in the cause aforementioned, it
is fit and convenient that the manner of his death, and carriage in
his long languishing sicknesse be also declared. Soe soone as he
kept his bed, he sent for some of his freinds, and by their advise
he made his will ;3 which after it was done, he willed those that

1 The conjecture has already been hazarded (note 4, p. 30,) that this chief opponent
of Whittingham was Win. Bennett, prebendary and spiritual chancellor ; and it
derives strength from the fact that Bennett resigned his prebend in 1579, within a few
months after Whittingham's death, probably on account of madness, and died in 1583.

* His favour to Whittingham was afterwards made an article of accusation
against himself. Strype's Annals, vol. iii. pt. i. p. 463.

3 It bears date 18 April, 1579. In it he thanks God for calling him from the
blindness of idolatry and superstition to be partaker of the blessed light of his
Gospel, and making him a preacher of his holy ministry. He divides his goods into

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 37

were about him that none should henceforth troble him with any
worldly matters ; and, though he continued languishing about nine
weeks after in his bed, he would seldome admitt any company
to cone to him, unlesse some speciall freinds, and those also
rarely ; and being diverse times asked of his freinds why he was
soe solitary, and would not delight in company which might help
to alleviat his sicknesse, he would answer them, had he not com-
pany enough there ? and would take up his Bible, and shew it them,
which lay by him continually on his bed. Sometimes in his
sicknesse, and diverse times, he would call all his servants, which
were many, to come into his chamber, and would exhort them for
an houre togeather to the feare of God, and privately would call
them by one and by one, and tell them of such faults as he had
suspected them to be guilty of, and did admonish them to leave
them, shewing with all that he had bin too indulgent or negligent
toward them, in not carrying a stricter hand over them ; for this
he did now find as great a burden in conscience as for any other
his sins that he could remember, and did verily think that that
negligence towards them had as much drawne these his late afflic-
tions and crosses upon him as any other his sins whatsoever.

three equal parts, bequeathing one to his wife, a second to his daughters Sarah,
Judith, Deborah, and Elizabeth, when 24 years old or married ; the portion of any
that die to go to poor divinity students in Oxford or Cambridge. The third portion is
bestowed in numerous legacies: £10 to poor householders in Durham; £6 135. kd. to
poor strangers of the French church in London ; to the Countesses of Huntingdon
and Warwick each a book with a cover silver-gilt, value £10 ; to his two elder
daughters £30 ; his cousin Kich. Whittingham £5 ; the rest in small sums of from
£4 to Is. Sd. to sundry persons, including his nurse and many servants, the petty
canons, choristers, schoolmasters, &c. ; Dr. Pilkington has a legacy of 10s. and his
former coadjutors, Mr. Goodman and Mr. Gilby, each an old ryal. Residue to his
wife, younger son Daniel, and two younger daughters.

Of his landed property, the manor of East and West Baulk, co. York, and
rectory of Mitgarth, he leaves to his son Timothy, with reversion to Daniel and
his daughters, reserving to his wife her thirds, and £400 profits towards the bringing
up of his children, and making her sole tutor of the younger ones, the eldest son
being a ward of the crown. Durham Wills, edited by Rev. W. Grcenwell for the
Surtees Society, pt. ii. pp. 14 — 19.

38 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF

The biography of Dean Whittingham here ends, but his French-
born widow claims a concluding notice. As stated in his will, she
had a fair share of his property, and the guardianship of her younger
children, but the breath could scarcely have been out of his body
when she dispatched a messenger to London, to make two requests;
one for the custody and marriage of her eldest son Timothy, who
had become a Queen's ward, and the other for all debts due to her
late husband at the time of his decease. Both were granted. On
the 15th of June, a patent was issued in London granting her the
wardship of her son,1 and Secretary "Walsingham consented to write
to the vice-dean and chapter on her behalf.

Meanwhile, on the 16th of June, a decree was pronounced by
Francis Bury, the vice-dean, and the chapter, that " Mistress Whit-
tingham shall have answer to her bill touching all dueties that is
behind to her late husband, our Deane deceased, and that she the
same day shall answer the college all such duties as is behind."

On June 30th, at a meeting of the chapter, Mr. Vice-dean read
the letter of Secretary Walsingham, and it was decreed that Mr^
Ralph Lever shall indite ,the answer, as follows : —

The Lorde Jesus assiste your honour with His holye spirite ! We
have receyved your honour's letters in the behalf of Maistres Whitting-
ham and her fatherlesse children. In which lettres your honour prayeth
us to yeld vnto them all that was due to our late Deane at the tyme of his
deathe, and not to withdrawe anye parte of hys quotidians, for the tyme
of his last beinge at London ; vnto which your honour's most godlye
request we doo willinglye yelde, marvelinge whye anye should neede to
procure lettres in this behalf, except it were to lett vs understande that
he was absent from us by comaundement, to attend upon our Lords
of her Majesty's most honorable Privie Councell. And if they were
for that end, then doo we take your honour's lettres to be a sufficient
proofe that he had good cause of absence, and such as by our Statutes is
to be allowed of : notwithstanding if they had lacked such proofe, yett
eche one of us wold have yelded herin, as well at your honour's request,

1 Patent Roll, 21 Eliz.

MR. WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM. 39

as also to lett the worlde see that we never meante to deale hardlye withe
anye, muche lesse withe wedowes and fatherlesse children.

Thus, wishinge to have your honour's healpe that a good man maye be
our Deane, we comitt your honor to the tuition of the Almightye. From
Duresme the last of June, 1579.

Your honor's most humble to commande,

The subdeane and prebendaries of Duresme.

FKA. BURY, Vicedecanus.
JOHN PILKINGTON.
Ho. BELLAMYE.
RAPHE LEVER.
PETER SHAWE.

LEO. PlLKINGTON.

GEO. CLIFFE.

To the right honorable Sir Frances Walsingham, knight, principall
Secretarye to the Queene's Majestic.1

A few months later Whittingham's successor, Thomas Wilson,
•writing to the vice-dean, says — " I understand the widow Whit-
tingham is to be called before you, for some matters of moment,
that not only touch you all in general, but also myself in particular.
For the profits of the deanery due to me since her husband's
departure, which I have by grant from Her Majestie, I pray you
call her to account, and also require her to shew unto you what
leases she hath of the house, without concealment of any of them.
October 22, 1579."

Our next record of Katherine Whittingham is a curious incident
recorded in 1583. She was accused by a neighbour, Margaret Key,
wife of Francis Key, master of the grammar school, of defaming
her character by reporting that she had had a child before marriage.
Margaret first mentioned the report to Mrs. Whittingham in an
evening walk in the dean's garden, in Michaelmas 1583. Mrs. Whit-
tingham's answer was, " I do not say that you had any child before

1 From the Durham Chapter Archives.

40 THE LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM WHITTINGHAM.

you were married, but I say that I have heard that you had a child
before you were married, but I will not say that it is true ; do your
worst, I will not fly the country."

A few days later, the aggrieved Mrs. Key's husband went, and
several others with him, to call upon Mrs. Whittingham at her own
house. He spoke first with her, but when she saw the others, she
exclaimed, " Do ye bring witnesses with you? Then do what you
can, do what you dare ; I said I heard so, but I do not say it is
true. Do ye come to me more than to others ?" She then named
several persons from whom she had heard the report, adding " Ask
of the boys of the grammar school, and sue me at York, sue me at
London, I will answer you." She was sued, but only in Durham,
and the result of the suit does not appear.1

The last mention found of her is her will,2 dated December 9,
1590. She bequeaths her mansion and dwelling-house in the North
Bailey, and also her lands in France near Orleans, inherited from
her father, to her son Timothy. Her houses in Kingsgate, near the
Bow Church, Durham, to Daniel. All her armour and warlike
furniture to her sons, and her grandson Robert Birkhead ; and after
sundry bequests of furniture, plate, books, &c. including the u Actes
and Monuments of the Church,'5 and her "great French Bible," she
divides the rest between her daughter Judith, then the only one
unmarried, and the children of her daughter Birkhead.

1 Depositions from the Courts of Durham, pp. 314—316, Surtees Society.
8 Durham Wills, pp. 15, 16, edited by Eev. W. Greenwell, for the Surtees
Society.

APPENDIX No. I.

Mr. Wplliam] W[hittingham,] now Deane of Durresrae, hath, not
proved that he was orderly made minister at Geneva, accoording
to the order of Geneva, by public authority established there.

In the third article objected against Mr. W. W[hittingham] it is The objection against
affirmed that he is neyther deacon nor minister according to the lawes Mr- W[hittingham.]
of this realme, but a mere lay man.

By way of answere, he confesseth that he is neyther deacon nor minister fi.g angwere to the
according to the order and lawes of this realme, but that he is a mere lay objection, which is
man he denieth. For (saith he) in his answere to the third article, I was tnPartlte-
ordered in Queen Marie's tyme in Geneva, according to the forme ther
used, which I think (saith he) to be one in effect and substance with the
forme now used in England, or allowed of in King Edward's tyme, which
order of myne was as agreeable to the laws of this realme as any other
forme, untyll 8 year of the Queen's Majesty's raigne. This is the sum of
his answere to that article.

To his confession, viz., that he is not deacon nor minister according to The severall conside-

the lawes of this realme, I add her Majesty's letter wrote to the Arch- rations of theparticu-
. . , .. Tr , i T i T ji • • larities of his answere.

bishop of York, my lord and master, commanding us the commissioners,

chifely and above all other things, we should enquire of his ministrey, and
lymiting how, if he be not ordered by some superior authoritie, according
to the lawes and statutes of our realme, " then my express pleasure and
commanding is," (saith her Majesty) &c. What [we] as commissioners,
as her majesty's subjects were to do in this s[ame], her Majesty's laws
being correspondent and redy for the execution of her Majesty's command-
ment, I urge not, but leave to your honourable consideration.

The later part of his answere is wholly untrue, but I impute hit to his
ignorance, which is the less excusable, because hit is "ignorantia iuris." For
in the first year of her Majesty's raigne, in the same moment of tyme and
by the same authoritie that Queen Marie's ordering was repealed, King
Edward's was revived ; and many lerned and godly ministers were made
before the eight yere and synce the first of her Majesty's raigne. Mary
[Marry?], in 8 yere, and uppon some doubte in Bonner's case, a farther

CAMD. SOC. G

42 LIFE AND DEATH OF MR. W. WHITTINGHAM.

additional declaration and confirmation was made of King Edward's statute
State of the question for ordering of ministers and consecrating of bysshops. The middest of
is in facto. his answere conteyneth the state of the question in fact ; whether or no,

lie were made minister in Geneva, according to the order of Geneva.

His first profe. For profe thereof on his behofe and part, he hath exhibited two sertifi-

cates, the first exhibited by himself at Durrisme, dated no where for the
place, for the tyme hit bare the date of the 8 of July, in the twentieth
yere of her Majesty's raigne, subscribed by eight persons. That serti-
The worde of the first ficate had these words of testificacion. Hit pleased God, by lote and
sertificate. election of the whole English congregacion ther, orderly to chuse Mr.

W. W[hittingham] to the office of preaching the word of God, and minister-
ing the sacraments.

The defect of the first With this sertificate 3 fautes were found — first, that hit might
have byn made in Mr' ^[hittingham's] chamber, for anything that
did appear in the sertificate to the contrary e. 2°. That they were
witnesses, but not sworen, and therefore not to be credited. " Testi
non iurato non creditur." Which in common persons as they were,
(under the state of nobilitie, which in this realme onely hathe that privi-
leg) is undoubtedlye true. 3°. — Th'archbishop, my lord and master,
layd hold on these woordes : " by lote and election," offering greatly that
neyther in Geneva, nor in any reformed church in Europe, hit culd be
proved that any such order was ever used or allowed of, first and last only
hit was seen used in Matthias the Apostle. For the confirmacion of his
opinion, he avouched Mr. Calvin, who affirmeth that that election was not
nor is not to be drawen into example. In this poynt Mr. Deane of York
and Mr. Archdecon Eamsden dyd not disagre from my lord.

A second profe by a Agaynst our next meeting at York, a moneth after and moore, Mr.
amendment oTthe * * ^eane exhibited an other sertificate, subscribed with the same persons, one
of the first sertificate. of the eight changed, and an other set in his place, with the amend-
ment of those fautes which were in the first sertificate, as they culd be
amended : for first, hit was dated at London, 15 November then folowing ;
secon(^y> *key were sworn uppon the holy Evangelists, before one
Paule Tilte, a public notary, as he saith of himself ; lastly, lote and elec-
tion was torned in to suffrages. Hit pleased God by the suffrages of the
whole (Englyshe) was left out, orderly to chuse Mr. W. W[hittingham]
unto the office of preaching the woorde of God, and ministering His sacra-

APPENDIX. 43

inents. Farther, they say, that he was admitted minister, and so pub-
lished, with such other seremonies as ther is used and accustomed. Here
is all that Mr. Deane hath brought for the profe of the fact, viz., that he
was made minister at Geneva, according to the order ther.

Briefly, I say, this is no proofe of the fact, especially for three causes : The insufficiency of

First, although I have nothing in specie to object agaynst the witnesses, the second sertificate,

,J „ , . .,. ,. ,.-, in probation of the

for I know them not but Mr. John Bodley, whom for his mtegritie ot lite fact> consisteth also in

and just dealing in the world I beleve to be an honest man, yet in three poyntes.

g[eneral], by their contraritie and diversitie in sertifying, they have

greatly discredited themselves, and diminished the faith that otherwise

might have byn given them. The selfsame men, of the one and selfsame

thing, to depose after one manner in July, and after another in November

folowing, are to be suspected as too affectioned to the cause.

Secondly, your honour's judgment humbly reserved, hit is agaynst all
equitie of law or reason that judges, such especially as were imediately de-
puted from the person of her highnes, " suprema sua authoritate," shuld be
tyed in consciene and knowleg to geve credite and direct our judgments
according to the sayings of men whom we never saw, whom we never knew ;
examined in London, we being in York, withowt our knowleg, withowt our
licenc or authoritie, for the performanc thereof: " Testibus,non testimoniis,
credendum est ; alia est enim authoritas presentium testium, alia testimoni-
orum, qua3 recitari solent." And this is so sure a ground and so agreeable to
reason and nature, that if a cause be delegated "juris solemnitate omissa,"
yet " testimonia," which a man may bring into the curt in his purse or his
poket, are so far from making a proof as they do not so much as make
"indicium probationis;" but " testes prsesentes," whom the judges may
vewe "quo vultu, qua constantia, qua animi trepidatione testificentur,"
and that in the presenc of the avers party, which the law of nature re-
quireth, who might propose exceptions agaynst the persons and sayings
of the witnesses, with interrogatories if he listed, to the easier and better
serch of the truth. If this had byn don, or if this shalbe don, the truth
of this matter shall fall into a more open light and fullness then yet hit
hath done ; especially in the most materiall poyntes wherin the witnesses
yeld no reason of their sayings, and therefore not to be credited ; and
wherin the later sertificate is coningly but yet insufficiently penned : —
" admitted minister," they tell not by whom, which of necessitie ought to

44

LIFE AND DEATH OF MR. W. WHITTIKGHAM.

gument made for the
Deane.

have byn expressed; uand so published, with such other ceremonies as
ther is used and accustomed." Here, under your honor's correction, cere-
monies is referred to publication, and not to admission, but I graunt hit
An answere to the ar- ^e referre(l to k°tn> Jet i* cometh to short. For altho hit be generally
true that a thing ones don is presumed to be don with all due ceremonies,
yet that rule, as all other for the most part, hath his restrictions and
limitations, and namely, in Mr. W[hittingham's] case in this question of
fact. " In ordinibus conferendis plures sunt solemnitates, alias internes,
alias externas." Internae be thre ; " aetas, morum gravitas, literarum
scientia." Externae, be two, " authoritas ordinantis " and " forma ordi-
nationis." If, after a number of years, any man be denied to be a minister,
becaus at his ordering he had not years sufficient, or wanted lerning or
honestie, if he prove the external solemnities " authoritatem ordinantis,"
(which, by Buser's opinion, ought to be a bishop or superintendent,) and
" formam ordinationis," which chifely consisteth in imposition of hands, the
interne ceremonies are to be presumed, and so this doctrine is to be
understanded, under your honor's correction and pardon. But if it be
denied, as hit is by Mr. W[hittingham ,] that he or they that ordered had
any authentic at all to call him, or that he was not ordered according to
the prescript other of the commonwelth wherein he was made minister,
these solemnities becaus they are " facti " are not presumed, unless they
be expressly proved ; " facta non presumantur, nisi expressim probentur."
Agayne, my lord, wher the law doth require a solemnitie to be expressly
proved, as -hit doth in the minister for externe solemnities, the pre-
sumption of law will not suffice. That imposition of hands is, as well by
the judgment of the devines as lawers, of necessitie to be required, Mr.
Calvin is very playne in his 4. booke of his Instit. ca. 3, sect. 16, wher
first he saith that the apostles used no other ceremonies, " non alia
ceremonia usa sunt, cum aliquem ministerio admonebant, quam manuum
irapositione." 2°, he saith, " fuit hie solemnis ritus quoties ad mi-
nisterium ecclesiasticum aliquem vocabant. Sic pastores, et doctores,
sic diaconos consecrabant." And although ther be no certayn and
expresse commandment for imposition of hands; " qui tamen (saith he,)
fuisse in perpetuo usu apostolis, videmus, ilia tarn accurata eorum
observatio praecepti vice nobis esse debet."

There is of late years a book writen in very good laten, very methodi-

Imposition of hands
in the making a mi-
nister required of ne
cessitie.

APPENDIX. 45

cally and lernedlye, the author's name is conceled, it is entitled " De
discipline, ecclesiastica," which saith in these words : " Post designationem
quae electione fit, ceremonia quaedam adhibentur, quibus designatus
tanquam possessionem muneris sui accipiat. Hsec autem ordinatio quam
appellamus, in duobus fere ceremoniis, praecibus ninairum et manuum
impositione consistit, sub quibus etiam et muneris explicatione complector.
Hac enim (manuum viz. impositione) simplicissima ceremonia Evangelium
contentum est ministros suos quasi investire." This was practised by
Paule in making of ministers, " commonefacio te, ut suscites donum Dei
quod in te est, per impositionem manuum mearum." This was com-
manded by Paule to be used by others when they made ministers, " manus
cito ne cui imponas." Mr. W[hittingham] is so far from proving of these Sufficient matter not
materiall poyntes, as he hath not so much as alleged them. And there- •B^fJj^ WThit-
fore, to us as judges, ther is no such matter to be proved. " Idem est, tingham.]
non esse et non apparere."

Mr. W[hittingham] being thus defective in proving the fact in the Mr. W[hittingham's]
question of his ministre obstinately refused to conforme himself to the
order of this realme, as appeareth by his confession to the 6 article of
the positions additionalls ; for whenas he was privately and friendly moved
by my lord of Durrisme, now his ordinary, to conforme himselfe to her
majestie's laws, he first dowbted and required tyme of deliberation ; uppon
deliberation he gave answere he wold not. He that shall witingly and
disobediently (lyving in any nationall church in the world, taking livings
in that church as a member thereof) cut himself from the unitie of that
church, if hit be "in articulis fidei vel in sacramentis, est hasreticus ;" if
" in ritibus et ceremoniis, est scismaticus." The particular application I The peyne of singu-
refer to your honourable consideration. laritie in churchmen-

Lastly, And please your Honour : Ther be ij poyntes in the ministre ij things in every mi-
chifely to be respected, the one relying on God's word, the other on man's ^ ering
authoritie. When a man is called to the ministre, he is authorized to
preach, to minister the sacraments and other things expressed in God's
book, incident to his office, and may do hit without man's law. But he
can not call himself; " quomodo praedicabunt nisi mittantur ? Nemo
assumit sibi honorem, nisi qui vocatus est, tanquam Aaron :" who shall
call him, in what forme, when, how, and such other ceremonies, is not
put down in God's word, but left to the Christian practice. Unless,

46 LIFE AND DEATH OF MK. W. WHITTINGHAM.

therefore, Mr. Whittingham prove he was made minister at Geneva,
according to the law ther, if hit were " ant contra aut praster formam
specificam jure Genevensi publico stabilitam," he was neyther minister
ther, nor here now is, " quod contra legem factum est nullam habet
firmitatem."

The recapitulation of Brifely and humbly to recapitulate to your Honour the sum of this
my rude and simple speeche. How greatly Mr. W[hittingham] hath in-
tangled himself within the danger of her Majestie's lawes generally, and
her highenes' commandment particularly, his owne confession (which is
repugnant to both) doth manifestly declare. The defect of his first ser-
tificate for the truth of the matter, the unsufficiency of the second in the
probation of the fact, the necessitie of imposition of hands omitted, his
contempt in conforming himself, uppon his ordinari's admonition, to her
Majesty's lawes ; his simplicitie in separating himself from the unitie of
this English church, be such matters as my lord and master, placed under
God and her Majestic chifest in the north over ecclesiasticall persons, can
not but greatly fere, as a sparkell of scisine contemned that may grow to
a flame of division. He doubteth not but your Honors will provyd for
hit, and therefore humbly prayeth hit may not be remitted. Domestic
Papers, temp. Eliz. vol. cxxx. No. 23, Public Record Office.

An abstract is printed, but with considerable omissions, in Strype's
Annals, vol. ii. pt. ii. pp. 170 — 175.

APPENDIX. 47

APPENDIX No. II.

A note or breviarie of confessions and proofs against Mr. William
Whittingham, in the Quenes Majesties Visitation of the Church
of Durresme.

1. No lawful minister. That he is no minister, according to the lawes ")

..,. . ( By nimselfe confessed,

or statutes, or ordinances ol this realm e . . J

2. Not graduate as he That he is not graduate, as the deane of that ~\
ought to be. churche ought to be, by the statute of the same, I

viz. : Sacra Theologian professor, Baccalaureus f Confessed as afore-
ne vel Juris Doctor. . . . . J

3. Irregular. That, notwithstanding the premisses, he hath ^

ministered the Holy Communion . . . . J

4. Schismatick. That he is a misliker of the English Church 1

Service } Partlie prored.

Proved by one witness,

5. Seditious. That he was a furtherer to the setting forthe

of the wicked book against the lawfull regiment
of women.

and the book extant,
>with an epistle to it in
his name printed at
large.

6. An adul- ]Sode That he is defamed of adulterie. . . Partly proved.

(famed~- Dronkennes. . Proved.

o- 0 the}Partlie proved.

nisterie. } aj ' ministerie. . .J

8. Of an evill mynde. That he threatened the overthrowe of Durham 1 proye(j
Churche. . J

48

LIFE AND DEATH OF MR. W. WHITTINGHAM.

9 A dilapidator.

10. Perjured

11. His ministerie
unproved.

12.

His testimoniall
not proved.

That he hath bene a dilapidator of the state of
the churche, in leasing his own corpes of the
deanrye, and of other the prebends.1 In taking
the treasure, common rents, many common com-
modities, and converting them to his owne use.
In neglecting to give authoritie to leavy arrerages,
whereby they are growen to be great, and some
of them desperate. In denieng to grant authoritie
to defend sutes, whereby the churche hath latelie
lost xxx11 a yeare. In spoiling the woods. In
prodigall wasting the house-treasure, as cc. marks
in one iorney, beside vijlb for wyne and sugar, and
other spices. .....

That he hathe broken divers statutes of the
said church, whereunto he was sworne, as well in
the premisses, as in keping chapters forth of the
chapter house ; in sealing leases not before re-
gistered; in not distributing the almes-money
and accompting for it ; in omitting negligently
ordinary chapter dayes ; and in evell keping the
registers and evidence of the churche, and so
consequentlie hath committed perjurye.

His pretended priesthoode or ministerie of
Geneva order.

Proved.

Proved.

I Not sufficiently proved.

His reading of the B testimoniall of his assent "
and subscription to th'articles of relligion, accord-
ing to the statute of Anno xiij Dominse Eeginse

Unproved.

nunc

Endorsed— A breviarie of proofs against the Deane of Durham.
Domestic Papers, temp. Elizabeth, vol. cxxx. No. 24.

1 This is the Corpus land— the separate estate specially appointed to the dean and
each prebendary.

THE

EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE

OF HIS

NEGOTIATIONS IN SPAIN.

EDITED,

FROM MSB. IN THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY AND THE PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE

BY

SAMUEL KAWSON GAKDINEE.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXXI.

PREFACE.

IN the Hardwicke State Papers (i. 494) is printed a paper,
entitled : " The answers of the Earl of Bristol to certain interroga-
tories intended for his Majesty's private satisfaction, with a reserve
for a permission of making recourse to such other things as may be
further necessary to his clearing." It consists of twenty questions
put to Bristol after his return from Spain in 1624, together with
his replies. The seventh interrogatory and its answer are as
follows :

"Why did you so confidently inform his Majesty from time to time of their real
and sincere proceeding in Spain, having been acquainted before with the affront
put upon his Majesty with the breach of the treaty concerning the match of Prince
Henry ?

Answer. To the first part of the seventh interrogatory, he saith, he never gave
his Majesty any hopes of their real proceedings in Spain, but the same that were
then given him without adding or diminishing ; neither could he have done other-
wise with honesty and safety. Further, the hopes he gave were neither upon con-
jectures or vain intelligence, but upon all the assurances both in word and writing
that could pass between Princes and Christians. And if the despatch he wrote to
his Majesty, bearing date the 9th of September, 1623, may but be perused, he no
way doubteth but it will appear that he was not deceived, but served his Majesty
with no less care and vigilancy than with truth and fidelity. Lastly, he saith he had
reason to give such hopes as he did of that which he never doubted but that it
would take effect until after the stay of the desposorios. As for the inference con-
cerning the match of Prince Henry, it being ten or twelve years since, we have
many fresh examples that states alter their resolutions in their designs, and many
times their alliances in much shorter time. But for that the giving a due answer
unto this point by deducing business from Prince Henry's time unto this present,
would be greater length than befitteth this answer, he will, in a paper apart, set
down the whole progress of the busines from the year 1611 unto this present time,
wherein he no way doubteth but to make it appear to his Majesty that he hath
served him like a good and faithful servant.

*
This paper apart, probably delivered at the same time, that is to

say, about July 10, 1624, is now printed from Tanner MSS. Ixxiii.
CAMD. SOC. a

li PREFACE.

fol. 449, and containing, as it does, statements of events some of
which are not known upon any other authority, may be regarded
as a valuable accession to our knowledge of the period. The MS.
is not in Bristol's own hand, but is either a contemporary copy, or
at least one of a not much later date than the original. To this
has been added a further explanation given by Bristol to Bucking-
ham on the 16th of March, 1625, which is to be found amongst the
Domestic State Papers (clxxxv. 59, ii.) These two papers, together
with Bristol's answers to the interrogatories printed in the Hard-
wicke State Papers, and his reply to the charges brought against
him when he was impeached in 1626, contain all that he thought
fit to say in defence of his political conduct.

In order, however, that the reader may have present before him
the circumstances under which the defence was made, I have
thought it would be worth while to put together an account of the
treatment which he received after his return from Spain. Unless
I am much mistaken, there will be few, even amongst those who
have no sympathy whatever with Bristol as a politician, who will
not learn to respect the character of the man. If I have allowed
my extracts to run to more than usual length my excuse must be,
that, being almost entirely from unpublished documents in the
Record Office, or in Mr. Digby's collection at Sherborne Castle, I
have reason to believe that they will be for the most part new to
members of the Society, and that it seemed better to let the characters
speak for themselves than to allow them to express themselves
through the medium of my mind.

On the 22nd of January, 1624, soon after receiving his letters of
recall, Bristol wrote from Madrid to Secretary Calvert.1 He was,

1 Bristol to Calvert, Jan. 22. S. P. Spain.

PREFACE. Ill

he said, in a very difficult position. He must travel homewards
with his " wife, children, and a familye of above fourescore persons,
with a necessitye of returning through France, having noe meanes
to passe by sea, and noe kind of care of" him, u nor any one pennye
of moneye," though 6,OOOZ. were due to him from the Exchequer.
He would borrow 4,000£. for his journey, and hoped it might be
repaid from the sum owing to him. In a letter to the King l written
on the same day, after protesting that, if he had erred, it was out
of ignorance, he said: — •

I shall onelie presume to be a most humble suytour unto your Majestic for one
thinge which your Majestic hath beene pleased often gratiouslye to promise me, and
uppon it to give me your hande to kisse — that I shoulde never be condemned by
you or cast out of your favour, untill I should have appeared in your presence, and
had a gratious hearing. I therefore begg it of your Majestie on my knees that I
may appeare before you without prejudice or disfavour, and in leiw2 of this grace
and goodnesse of your Majesties I shall most willinglie submitt myself e to have my
punishment doubbled in anie kinde I shall be fownde faultie.

Would James keep his promise, or rather would Charles and
Buckingham^ by whom the old King was now directed, allow him
to keep it ?

On the 29th of January Bristol took leave of the King of Spain,
Philip giving him a ring " which he took off his finger, wishing
him to wear it in memorie of him who would ever be his friend."3
But Bristol was unable to start at once. The 4,OOOZ. which he in-
tended to borrow were not to be had without better security than

1 Bristol to James I. Jan. 22. S. P. Spain.

2 In lieu of, i.e. in exchange for. So in the Tempest, Act 1, Sc. 2.

This King of Naples, being an enemy
To me inveterate, hearkens my brother's suit ;
Which was, that he, in lieu of the premises
Of homage, and I know not how much tribute,
Should presently extirpate me and mine
Out of the dukedom.

3 Aston to Conway, Feb. 7. S. P. Spain.

a2

IV PREFACE.

his own engagement. It was only by pawning his plate that he
was able to obtain money for his journey, and to set out on the 17th
of March.1

The following letter, written by him on his way home to the
Prince's secretary, shows the temper in which he approached
England : —

Good Mr. Secretary Cottington. Ther is noe man living knoweth better then
yourself e how zealous I have bene unto the Prince's service, and whilest I thought
he desyred the match, I was for it against all the woild ; now the treatye is ended
the world shall see I never hadd nor will have anye affections of myne owne, but
will wholye follow my master's, as I have written unto you in my former letters, and
have not these foure moneths spoken a woorde in the marriadg. If his Majestye
and the Prince will have a warr I will spende my life and fortunes in it without
so much as replying, in what quarrell so ever it be, and agaynst whomsoever it be,
and of thus much I intreate yow lett his High [ness] be informed by vow, and I
intreate yow lett me knowe his directions, what he will have me doe, and how to
behave my selfe at his feete, which I desyre to doe the first thing after my landing,
to the end that understanding his pleasure I may comitt noe errour. I beseech yow
to dispatch this bearer backe unto me with all possible speede, though it be with noe
on word more, but what the Prince wall have me doe, wherwith I shall come muy
consolado.

I understande that I have bene much bownd unto the Prince for the procuring
the foure thowsand powndes to be payd, and for my pension. I prayow present
unto him my most humble thankes, and I confesse I hare bene much more com-
forted with that demonstration of his favour then I can be with the monye.

I doubt not but at this time I shall have the effects of a reall frendship from
yow in this particular ; and so, desyring to have my service remembred unto my
Lady Cottington, I rest

Your faythfull friende to serve yow,

BRISTOL.

I pray yow move the Prince that on of the
Kinges shipps may be presently appointed
to waft me over, for I have a greate cargo2
of the Prince's with me.

Poictiers, the 15th of April, 1624, st° vet.3

1 Abstract of Aston's letter. March 29. S. P. Spain.

* The jewels presented to the Infanta, and now returned. Bristol was obliged,
as he afterwards complained, to cross the sea without any protection.
» Bristol to Cottirgton, April 15, 1624. Harl. MSS. 1580, fol. 138.

PREFACE. V

It is plain that Bristol had no intention of throwing himself into
opposition to the Court. His ideas, on this head, were much the
same as Bacon's. His tongue was his own never to say that to be
right which he thought to be wrong; but his actions were his
master's, and he was ready to carry out to the best of his ability
any policy which might be enjoined upon him.

That James, if he had been left to himself, would have welcomed
back his faithful servant can hardly admit of a doubt. But this
was the very thing which Buckingham dreaded. If Bristol and
James were once together,, he thought, there would soon be an end
of the King's new anti- Spanish policy. At all hazards the two men
must be kept apart. Buckingham's first thought was to have
Bristol sent to the Tower. He talked over the plan with Pembroke
and Hamilton, but Pembroke and Hamilton, though neither of
them were friends of Spain, would hear nothing of it.1 The result
of this conversation was that Buckingham contented himself with
the equally effective measure which is enounced in the next letter,2
written on the 24th of April by Secretary Conway, and sent down
to meet Bristol upon his arrival.

I have receved his Majesty's commandmen[t] to signify his pleasure and com-
mandment to your Lordship, that you come not to Courte, nor to his presence, before
his Majesty's further plesure and leave first obtained and signifyed to you, in
countermand of this, but you retyer yourselfe to your house or lodgeing,3 and
remayne there untell his Majesty's further plesure and directions shall be made
knoweii to you.

The letter was given to the Earl on his landing at Dover. On
the 3d of May he replied from Canterbury in a letter to the King

1 Bristol's answer. State Trials, ii. 1129 ; confirmed by Pembroke (ii. 1298), and
to a great extent admitted by Buckingham (ii. 1298.)

2 S. P. Dom. clxiii. 43.

3 Rushworth (i. 145) erroneously sends Bristol at once to the Tower, having in
his mind the Earl's later imprisonment in 1626.

VI PREFACE.

himself.1 Again reminding James of his promise, he renewed his
request for a personal hearing. With the exception of a letter 2 of
Conway's, referring to a different subject, the correspondence which
immediately followed has not been preserved ; but an extract from
a letter written by the younger Dudley Carleton to his uncle,3 on
the 6th of May, shows that it was not believed at the time that
James was in any way personally incensed against his late am-
bassador : —

My Lord of Bristoll is arrived and confined to his house in St. Giles feilds ; but
the opinion is that he will not fare the Avorse for that, but rather that we shall see
him soone at Court with the King, who hath sent him kind messages, and hath lett
him understand that within a day or two he will speake with him. It is not
conceaved that he will be called to any strickt account, for feare he should discover
matters too much in their owne colours.

This was, no doubt, the true state of the case. Without saying,
as has been often asserted, that the statement upon the conduct of
Charles in Madrid, put forward by the Prince and Buckingham,
was absolutely false, it certainly passed over in silence many things
which, if -they had been divulged, would have put an instantaneous
end to Charles's short-lived popularity. To let Bristol loose upon
the world was dangerous. But then to bring him to trial was
equally dangerous. It is therefore not surprising that on the 12th
we find Chichester writing : — 4

The Earle of Bristoll is directed to retyre himselfe to his lodginge ; he hath
not had as yet anie hearinge, nor anie thinge objected against him that I
knowe off.

The next day5 Chamberlain says that the King had visited
Buckingham, who was at that time sick ;

1 S. P. Dom. clxiv. 13. 2 S. P. Dom. clxiv. 33.

3 S. P. Dom. clxiv. 44. * S. P. Dom. clxiv. 68.

5 S. P. Dom. clxiv. 71.

PREFACE. Vll

And, as I heare, dealt earnestly to reconcile him and the Earle of Bristowe, of
whome we heare litle since his comming, but that he was willed to keepe his house,
but had otherwise gracious messages from his Majestic. He carries himself
boldly, and yt is saide there is a commission apointed to examine his busines, for
into the Parlement yt must not come, because the Prince hath shewed himself
a partie.

On the 15th Nethersole writes1 that the Earl is " wondrous con-
fident, and desireth nothing but to be brought to his triall." This,
however, he added, could hardly be this session, on account of
Buckingham's illness. Two years afterwards Bristol referred to
what had passed on this occasion. " Being at my lodging," he said,
" I petitioned the King that I might answer in the Parliament, and
his Majesty said that the Parliament was so insensed against me
that it was not safe for me to be brought thither, but within a few
days I should have an end of my troubles." 3

Parliament was prorogued on the 29th of May. In the course of
the month — the day is not given— Bristol had made the following
overture to the Prince : —

I infinitely desyred to have come at my arrivall to have cast myselfe at your
H[ighness's] feete, but, having receaved a commandement not to come into [the]
Kinges presence, I dare not presume to offer to attend your Hig[hness] untill
I shall have your particular leave. In the meane [time] I could not forbeare to
make a most faythfull and most humble tender of myself unto your service, assuring
your H[ighness] that, if ever I have deserved your H[ighness's] displeasure, it hath
bene for wante of understanding your will. Neyther shall I comitt any faulte
hereafter, if I may knowe your pleasure. The match with Spayne I faythfully
endevored, as judging it much desyred by his Majestye and your H[ighness], and
theruppon my affection wholy depended. For the treatye of the Palatinate I never
wrote worde but what was sayde unto me, and I shall sufficiently proove. Any
want of performance that shall have bene, the King of Spayne and his ministers
have the faulte ; but I hope it will not be reputed to me as any, for advertising
trewly what they sayde.

To your High [ness's] pleasure in all things I shall conforme myself, and there-

1 Nethersole to Carleton, May 15. S. P. Dom. clxiv. 86.
3 State Trials, ii. 1296.

Vlll PKEFACE.

fore I desyre to be admitted to wayte uppon you, that, by knowing what your H[igh-
ness] would have me doe, I may be sure not err.1

The Prince must have found himself, if he thought about the
matter at all, in an awkward position. Of course he could not
receive Bristol if he still thought badly of him , and yet what success
could he promise himself from the trial which had become almost a
necessity, and which Bristol himself so openly challenged ? If it
turned out that the ambassador had been authorised by the King to
do all that he had done, then the King's reputation would suffer as
much at the bar of public opinion as the Earl's was likely to do. If,
again, all that could be said was, that Bristol, though he had taken
no step of importance without authority, had yet given bad advice,
or had allowed himself to be deceived by the Spanish ministers,
that might be a very good reason for recalling him, but it was no
reason at all for punishing him.

Some thought, at least, of these possible complications seems to
have occurred to the Prince. He sent to advise Bristol to " with-
draw himselfe into the countrey for a space ;"2 and it would seem
from the following letter, and from others printed further on, that
Charles expected Bristol to make some acknowledgment that he was
sorry for what he had done,3 though it is probable that Charles
would now have been content to qualify the offence as a mere error
of judgment. In this way the object of separating Bristol from the
King would be gained, without making James violate his promise
that the Earl should have an end of his troubles.

Good Mr. Secretary. I knowe ther is no man living that is a better witnesse

1 Sherborne MSS.

2 So writes Nethersole to Carleton, June 7. S. P. Dom. clxvii. 28.

3 Bristol was not only ready but willing, as appears from his letter to Conway of
July 15, to let the subject drop altogether, neither party saying anything more
about the matter.

PREFACE. IX

then yourselfe, with how much zeale to the Prince's services and affection to his
person I have ever served him, and therefore I intreate you to take some occasions
to present unto him the particulars following : —

First I intreate you to reade over the capitulo of a letter I wrote unto the King
out of Spayne the last winter, bearing date the 6. of December, and to procure him
to peruse it, in which I cast myself at his feete with so much humilitye and with so
absolute resignation of my selfe and my affections to his will that I knowe not any
thinge that I can add by way of humility and submission. The same I have con-
tinewed towards him ever since by my lettres ; and if I knew how to doe more I
would willingly doe it.

As for my actions, I take God to recorde I do not knowe that in any thinge I
have offended him in all my life, neither can I conjecture at any thing whereby I
may have displeased him, if it be not by having expressed to much zeale to that
which I understoode to be much desyred both by his Majestye and himself e. For
in his letters unto me ever since his retourne into Englande, he was pleased to assure
me that there was no intent of breaking the match.

His Highness hath often promised me and given me his hand uppon it that if I
should uppon any occasion fall into treble he would heare me and my cause, and
then assist me with his favour. He hath now sent me woord that if I will not
follow his advice I must not hereafter looke for his assistance. My humble suite is
that in the first place his Highness willbe trewly possessed of my case and after-
ward according to justice afforde me his assistance, for otherwise he will not know
how to mesure or proportion his favour towards me : for if I shall prove a delinquent,
the favour which his Highness may do me wilbe in one kind by interceeding for me ;
but if I prove in noe kinde faultye, but appeare to have bene a man wronged and
oppressed, I no way doubt but I shall have his Highness favour for the righting of
me and the repayring of myne honor. So that, that which I must most humbly begg
of his Highness in the first place is that I may be hearde, and that he will trewly
understande my cause, and then he will see in what sorte I am capable of his grace
and favour.

I will conclude by desyring you to lett the Prince know that as if I knew how to
use greater meanes of humilitye and submission I would do it, so if I may knowe
his will and pleasure, he may be most assured I will do nothing that shall not be
conformable to them, but will apply my self really and faythfully to serve him in
all thinges ; and therefore I pray move him for his goodnesse and favour towards
me that by the King and himself e I may be heard, which is so just a suite as I
hope shalbe no longer denyed me. And so, desyring you to sende me three or foure
words what his Highness is pleased to answere, I commende you to the holy protec-
tion of God.1

If Charles had ever fancied that he had to deal with a man who

1 Bristol to Cottington, June 1, Sherborne MSS.
CAMD. SOC. &

X PREFACE.

would, for the sake of Koyal favour, renounce the defence of his
own honour, he now found out his mistake. An inquiry of some*
kind, with all its accompanying risks, had become inevitable. A
letter from Charles to Buckingham, evidently written about this
time, depicts the Prince's anxiety. His father, naturally enough,
was against any further proceeding, and Buckingham, struck down
for the moment by sickness, was as yet unable to assist him. This
letter has long been in print,1 but an extract from it may well be
repeated here in its proper connection : —

Now I must crave your pardon to truble you a little : and it is this ; Bristo
stands upon his justification, and will by no means accept of my conncells ; the
King does hait to have him cum to his tryall, and I am affeard that if you be not
with us to helpe to charge him, and to set the King right, he may escape with too
slight a sencure ; therfor I would have you send to the King to put of Bristoes
tryall untill you might waite on him ; but for God's sake doe not venture to cum
suner then ye may with the saf tie of your health ; and with that condition the suner
the better.

The course finally settled on is first mentioned in a letter of the
7th of June : —

My Lord of Bristoll hath had a petition presented by his man Grisley to his
Majesty that he may come to his triall, which is answeared that out of hand he
shall have Commissioners appointed, and such questions proposed to him as shall
draw on the triall he so much desireth. But his frends storme, and are impatient,
as well as himself, at these delay es, saying it is to great injustice to punish a man
with confinement first, and afterwards to seeke for matter against him.2

On t*he same day, June 7, Conway wrote to Bristol, explaining
" the cause of the delay in his business and the course it is now put
into."3 The Commissioners appointed to hear his cause were those
before whom the question of breaking the treaties with Spain had

1 Ellis, Orig. Letters, Ser. i. vol. iii. 167. The date can be approximately fixed
by the mention of Buckingham's illness.

2 Dudley Carleton to Sir D. Carleton, June 7. S. P. Dom. clxvii. 26.

3 Only the minute of this letter has been preserved. Conway's Letter Book,
S. P. Dom. p. 126.

PREFACE, XT

been submitted in the preceding winter.1 From a letter of June 8,
written to Conway by Calvert and Weston,2 it appears that though
certain questions had already been drawn up for the examination by
Conway himself, they had been directed to prepare new ones. To
this task, however, they objected, ostensibly on the ground that
they were perfectly satisfied with the questions which had been
laid before them by Conway. The excuse however was not
allowed, though they were permitted to have Conway's assistance in
their labours.3

In this interval an episode occurred to which Bristol afterwards

bitterly referred. In 1626, he stated: — 4

That the Earl of Bristol's mother lying sick upon her deathbed desired for
her comfort to see her son, and to give him her last blessing ; whereupon the Earl
wrote to the said Lord Conway, to desire him to move the King for his leave ;
which he putting off from day to day told the person employed that, by reason
of the Duke's sickness, he could not find opportunity to get the Duke's leave to
move the King, and having spoken with the Duke, he made a negative answer
in the King's name ; wherewith the Earl acquainting the King by some of his bed-
chamber, his Majesty was in a very great anger, swearing the secretary had never
moved him, and that to deny the said Earl leave was a barbarous part, and there-
upon sent him presently free leave ; which the secretary hearing of, sent likewise
afterwards a letter of leave, but with divers clauses and limitations, differing from
the leave sent him from the King's own mouth.3

On the 30th of June Bristol received the twenty interrogatories,
which, as well as the answers which he made to them, have long

1 Nethersole to Carleton, June 7. S. P. Dom. clxvii. 28.

2 Calvert and Weston to Conway, June 8. S. P. Dom. clxvii. 37.

3 Conway to Calvert and Weston, June 9. S. P. Dom. clxvii. 38.

4 State Trials, ii. 1291.

5 The limiting clause of the letter in question is, " In the meane tyme, because
his Majesty knowes not the extreamity of your noble mother's sicknes, nor what
comfort may be denied to you both bye restraint of visiting her, his Majesty hath
commanded me to signifie his pleasure to you (his Majesty conceiving that your
mother lies in London or Westminster, or neare there,) that you visitt your mother
with this caution and advice, that in time and manner you use it as privately as
conveniently you may." Conway to Bristol, June 24. S. P. Dom. clxviii. 32.

12

Xll PREFACE.

been known from the Hardwicke State Papers. As he had no
difficulty in showing that he had taken no step without the King's
previous knowledge or subsequent approbation, the result was
simply to fix upon James himself the responsibility for all that had
been done.

Bristol's answers were sent in on the 10th or llth of July.1 The
following letter, written a few days later, may serve as an indica-
tion of his state of mind at this time2: —

I hope his Majesty will be pleased before going the progresse to take some
settled course in my bnsinesse, whereunto I shall most willingly submitt my selfe,
whatsoever it be, and am most confident of your favour in all thinges that shall
singly concerne me, as I am of your justice, and being a trew frend to innocency
and cleare through.

I wrote unto you in my last letters to intreate your assistance that this businesse
might be passed over, by your reviving and stirring whereof ther wilbe little added to
his Majestyes service or any other bodyes content, and therefore I do now most
earnestly renew the same sute unto you. I shall no way endeavour to crosse the pre-
sent courses, nor to stand in the way to displease any ; only I labour to appeare an *
honest man, and not to have bene a disloyall or unworthy servante to so gratious a
master, and for this I conceave no man can be offended with me, but that to the
contrary I have obligation to do it, though it were with the losse of a thowsand
lives.

Bristol afterwards asserted,4 and the statement is probably correct,
that (l many of the Commissioners expressed themselves fully satis-
fied " with his answers. The King too, he says,5

" Read them all,6 and was so well satisfied therewith that he sent me word that
he would see me. Whereupon the Duke of Buckingham desired his Majesty that

1 The 10th is the date of an abstract signed by Bristol himself. (S. P. Dom.
clxix. 46.) Mrs. Green dates this, as well as the answers themselves, July 11, having
perhaps some evidence that they were sent in on that day.

2 Bristol to Con way, July 15. S. P. Dom. clxx. 6.

3 « and," MSS.

4 Charge against Conway, Art. 6, State Trials, ii. 1'291.
* State Trials, ii. 1296.

6 See, however, Bristol's letter to Conway of the 27th at p. xv. where he complains
that James had only read the abstract.

PREFACE. • Xlll

I might first answer some four other questions, which being delayed, and I petition-
ing the King for them to be sent me, his Majesty gave order to have them presently
sent. Yet they came not. Divers delays were sought, and at last the Lord Conway
wrote me a letter that they were ready, but he thought it better I did accommodate
the business."

From the following extract1 it appears that " tlie day before the
King removed from Theobalds," i.e. the 17th of July, Bristol
heard that he was to be questioned further : —

The day that the King removed from Theobalds I received by my wife a sadd
message from the Court, being debarred that comfort which I hoped to have received
before the progress of kissing his Majesties hands, for that I was in hope his
Majestic would have received good satisfaction with those aunswers which I sent to
the 20tie questions which were propounded unto me; but I understand his Majesties
pleasure is that I should be further interrogated, and therefore I am an humble
suitor unto you that such farther questions as his Majestic shalbe pleased to have
asked of me may be sent unto me, and I shall not faile to make an honest and trew
aunswer to them ; neyther indeed can I be at quiett untill I have aunswered to all that
I thinke cann be objected against me, for God knoweth that my heart hath been
and is soe free from any want of fidellity and zeale to my master's service that a bare
narration of the truth will serve for a sufficient aunswer.

My wife did likewise bring me his Majesties leave for some months to the setling
of my private estate, which through my long absence and the soddaine death of
Sir Robert Seymor, whoe did solely manage it, is much embroyled ; and I intend, God
willing, on Monday next to begin my journey towards the West, but shall not faile
to have some one or other alwaies attending uppon you, to the end that I may from
tyme to tyme understand his Majesties pleasure, which I shalbe most ready in all
things to obey.

Almost immediately after this letter was written Bristol must
have received intelligence that the threat of further examination
was not to be carried into execution. On the 2 1 st of July Conway
sent him permission2 to go down to his country house at Sherborne ,
and the letter was either accompanied or immediately followed by
a message from the King " to write but a fair letter unto Bucking-

Bristol to Conway, July 25. Sherborne MSS.
Minute. Conway's Letter Book, p. 138. S. P. Dom.

XIV PREFACE.

ham for a reconciliation, and that I should leave the rest unto
him/3 1

On the 22nd of July Cottington wrote thus : — 2

Yesterday morning Mr. Secretary Conway told me that, in a lettre which he had
written to you, your Lordship had now his Majesties leave to goe to Sherborne with
order to returne in September ; and with all Mr. Secretary desired me to wryght
unto your Lordship, and to tell you from him that he had order from his Majestie
to send you other articles replying unto your late answers, which he did deferr, of
purpose to doe you a favor, therby giving you tyme to worke and procure some f ayre
accommodation. Butt in case your Lordship shall desire to have those new articles
sent you, he wyll then make hast to doe soe.

On the 24th Conway wrote to much the same purpose ; 3 and
about the same time, or a little earlier, Buckingham himself made
a forward step in the matter, as appears from Bristol's statement
in 1626 :— 4

The Duke hereupon sent one Mr. Clarke unto me, what fair propositions I should
make only to retire into the country, and not come to the Court ; but permit his
Grace to dispose of the Vice-Chamberlain's place. And I shewing Mr. Clerke, by
way of private conference, what papers I had to produce against the Duke,
his Grace then required a retractation, which I denied, and so all reconcilement
broke off.

The view which Bristol took of the proposal that he should come
to an accommodation appears from the following letter : — 5

Good Mr. Secretary Conway. I have receaved your letters of the 24th of July,
and had receaved one from Sir Francis Cottington before much to the same effect,
written, as I understand, by your order. I give you many thankes for the favor you
are pleased to expresse towards me in seeming to desire a f aire accommodation in
my businesses, which how much I do desire I have lett you know by my severall
letters, and still am a suitor unto you for your assistance and furtherance therin.
But for the particulars specified in your letter, as on the one side it yll befitteth me
to sollicit to have things further urged, so, on the other syde, his Majesties seeming

1 State Trials, ii. 1296.

2 Cottington to Bristol, July 22. Sherborne MSS.

3 Minute. Conway 's Letter Book, p. 138.

4 State Trials, ii. 1296.

5 Bristol to Conway, July 27. S, P. Dom. clxx. 68.

PREFACE. XV

not to be fully satisfied with my answers, I may no way declyne any course his
Majestic wilbe pleased to prescribe for his further satisfaction, for in matter of my.
fidelitye and loyalty towards his Majestie, the Prince and my country, I hope I shall
never see that come into comprimize, but shall rather loose my life and fortunes
then admitt the least stayne to remayne upon me or myne in that kynde ; and the.
same I knowe yourself would do, and so will all men of honor ; and therfore I
pray you, yf his Majestie or the Prince remayne with any the least scruple in that
kynde, lett no further examination or sifting of me or myne actions be forborne, for
I no way doubt but the innocency of my cause will in the end sufficiently justifie
me before God, his Majestie, and the world. But in case his Majestie shall receave
full satisfaction by the reading of my answers (which I understand he hath not done
as yet, but hath only read the abstract, which is very defective), and I am an earnest
suitor unto you to be a meanes that wherin he hath any doubt he may see my
answer at large, for it may be that thereby all further questions may be spared yf
his Majestie shall rest satisfied therwith that I have not fay led in the duties of an
honest, loyall, and faythfull servant, I shall humbly cast my self at his Majesties
feet for matter of weakenesse or want of abilitye in his service ; and then his
Majestie may be pleased to command the stay of any further questions. Otherwise,
I beseeche you, lett me have them as soon as you please ; neither need the preparing
of myne answer be, as I hope, any hinderance to any wayes of accommodation,
which in the interim I will industriously seeke, yf they may be hearkened unto; and,
for that the world taketh notice that my businesses have been much distracted by
somewhat that Mr. Clark should say from my mouth unto my Lord Duke, I will
intreate you to call for Mr. Clarke, and lett him make you a narration of that which
passed betwixt us ; and therby you shall see whether I truly sought his Grace's
favor or not. For I protest to God, I could not have spoken with more tendernesse,
had I spoken unto my Lord's mother, then I did with Mr. Clarke, nor with a greater
earnestnesse and desire to be reconcyled really unto my Lord's favour, and to give
all assurances for the future of being my Lord's true and faithfull servant. But, it
seemeth, things have been much misunderstood, which I so much desired might have
beene rectified, that I was a suitor to have wayted upon my Lord in person, which I
shall be glad to do at any time, and he shall finde that I will omitt nothing that he
can expect from a gentleman and an honest man to winne his good opinion for the
future.

So that I shall conclude that I infinitely and primarily desire an accommodation,
and that these businesses may be passed by, so that it may be with the satisfaction
of his Majestie that I have not fayled towards him in my honesty nor fidelity. But
yf therin his Majesty retayne any doubt, I then declyne no further questioning, but
desire that I may have those enlargements you speake of with convenient speed sent
unto me, and shall prepare myself for any further tryall his Majestie shalbe pleased
to call me unto. But yf you shall retayne the said questions I shall then be in hope
his Majestie resteth satisfied in the poynts of my fidelitye and honesty ; and, for
other errors or omissions, I shall willingly cast myself at his Majesties feet, and it

XVI PREFACE.

shall be seene by the effects how desirous I am to conforme myself in all things that
may give satisfaction.

It only remayneth that I intreat the continuance of your favor, and that you wilbe
pleased to put to your helping hand to assist a gentleman that in former times
faithfully endeavored to serve you, and so really still doth ; and you shall ever finde
him a gratef ull man for the favours you shall do him. So with the remembrance of
my humble service, I committ you to God, and rest

Your affectionate kinsman and servante,

BEISTOL.

London, the 27th of July 1624.

As nothing 1 came of this appeal, Bristol determined to direct a
petition to the King himself, dated August 1 1, pressing for a further
examination : —

Humbly sheweth that upon his arrivall in England he was by a letter from Mr.
Secretary Con way, bearing date the 26th of Aprill, commanded in your Majesties
name to retyre himself to his bowse or lodging and not to come to Court or your
Majesties presence untill he should have answered to some questions and objections
which should be made unto him by such of your Majesties councell as you should
appoynt to that purpose, which Mr. Secretary wrote your Majestic would cause to
be done with all expedition.

That after the space of two monthes he receaved twenty questions to which he
made his humble and present answer in such sort as he hoped would have beene to
your Majesties satisfaction. But since the same restrayut hath beene continued
upon him, and it hath beene intimated unto him that your Majestie would have
some further questions propounded unto him. And your Majesty was pleased to
send him word that they should be sent him before you beganne your progress,
but as yet there have not beene any such questions sent him. He most humbly
beseeches your Majestie that in case there remayne yet any scruple in your
Majestie concerning the fidelity of his service you would be pleased to peruse the
answer at length as well as the abstract, wherewith he hopeth your Majestie will
rest fully satisfied. If not, he then humbly sueth that your Majestie would com-
mand that any such questions as your Majestie shall think fitt further to be pro-
pounded unto him may be sent unto him, to the end he may prepare his humble
and true answer for your Majestie; for that he holdeth it the greatest misfortune
that can befall him in this world to live under the cloud of your Majesties disfavor,
or to have the loyalty and fidelity wherewith he hath ever served your Majestie to
remayne uncleared. And he shall ever, &c.2

1 Mrs. Green has calendared under July ? a paper of notes in Conway's hand
(S. P. Dom. clxx. 69) which is in reality a rough draft of a paper sent Feb. 2, 1625,
properly calendared under that date. S. P. Dom. clxxxiii. 13.

2 Sherborne MSS.

PREFACE. XV11

There the matter seems to have slept for a time. In truth Bristol's
position was logically unassailable. If he had done anything worthy
of punishment, why was his case not to be investigated? If he had
not done any thing worthy of punishment, why was he under
restraint? Buckingham — for it is hardily possible to speak of
James as anything more than a passive tool in his hands — was
forced into the position that it was permissible to punish a man
against whom he could prove nothing, simply because he refused to
acknowledge himself guilty of that of which he believed himself to
be innocent. Except, perhaps, on the occasion of Clerke's visit,1
Bristol had studiously professed his willingness to pay all becoming
deference to the Duke in anything which did not involve the sacri-
fice of his own reputation. That he had any real intention at this
time of bringing those charges against Buckingham which proved
so effective in 1626 is not to be believed. On the 23rd of Septem-
ber he wrote to Conway saying, after preferring a request to be
allowed to take a house at Bristol for the winter :2 —

I most earnestly desire you to continue your favour towards mee in theis my un-
fortunate trebles, and especially in usinge your Industrie and creditt in pacifying of
my Lord Duke, towards whom I shall willingly apply myself with all respect and
service without wronginge my owne innocencie or honor ; which if I did not esteeme
above all earthly things, I should neither bee worthye of my Lord Duke's favour, nor
anie man's els. Herein you shall obliege mee much unto you, and (if I mistake it
not) doe his Majestie some service. For I conceave his service will receave litle
advantage by stirring or revyvinge of those things which seeme contrarie to the
wayes nowe held, only therby the ruine of an ancient faithfull servaunt of his
Majestie may bee aymed at, whoe noe way doubteth but hee shall prove himself a
right honest man.

To the request to pass the winter at Bristol no answer was for

1 Clerke's presence must have been particularly irritating to Bristol, he having
been the instrument used to put a trick on him after the Prince's departure from
Madrid.

1 Bristol to Conway, September 23. S. P. Dom. clxxii. 50.
CAMD. SOC. C

xviii PREFACE.

Some weeks returned. Accordingly, on the 26th of October the
Earl announced his intention of going back to London, begging
Conway that, as he understood that he " should take something ill
at " his " hands," he hoped he would suspend any unkind opinion
of him till he had heard his answer, " for an absent and unharmed
man is very liable to be wronged."1 The reply to this letter 8
brought him permission to remove to Bristol, a permission of which
he does not seem to have taken advantage. At all events, he
was still at Sherborne in the following January, where ,we again
find him, as the two following letters show, asking for what ought
have been the natural consequence of this abandonment of all in-
tention to proceed against him criminally, namely, his immediate
restoration to liberty: —

May it please your Grace.3 My dewty to the King and respect to your Grace
maketh me addresse my suite unto his Majestic by the way which I thinke will
most please him, and therfore I have presumed to send the inclosed letter unto
his Majestic into your Grace's handes, together with a coppye of it, that yow may
see the contence therof, which I doubt not but your Grace will hold so just and
reasonable that, in regard of the place you hold, you would present it to his Majestie
though it were from your greatest enimy, much more from one that hath and doth
seake your favour by so manye meanes : and so, with the humble remembrance of
my service to your Grace, I committ you to God's holy protection.

May it please your Most Excellent Majestie.4 The knowledge that I have had of
your Majesties exact justice, and the assured confidence of your great goodnesse
makes me presume still to be a most humble suitor unto your Majestie that I may
enjoye the benefitt of your gratious promise which you have beene pleased so often
out of your goodnesse to make unto me, vizt. that I should never be condemned by
you, nor sink in your favor and good opinion, untill you should first personally have
heard me. God in heaven knoweth with how much zeale and affection I have
poursued those things which I understood to conduce to your Majesties ends ; and if

1 Bristol to Conway, Oct. 26. S. P. Dom. clxxiii. 98.

* Minute of Coiiway's letter, Nov. 4. Conway's Letter-Book, p. 164. S. P. Dom.

3 Bristol to Buckingham, Jan. 13, 1625. Sherborne MSS.

4 Bristol to James I., Jan. 13, 1625. S. P. Dom. clxxxi. 54.

PREFACE. XIX

I have in any thing beene unfaithfull unto you, I desire not to live. I only crave
after twenty years service to have a gratious hearing by you in your owne due time
and season. And that, in the interim (since your Majestic hath not beene pleased
to admit me in the nature of a delinquent,) I may live with the comfort to knowe
that your Majestic doth suspend your displeasure and any yll opinion of me, untill
you shall have heard me, and that it may be lawfull for me freely, without giving
offence, to followe and sollicitt myne owne occasions ; myne owne private estate
being so much ymbroyled by my long absence and the death of those that mannaged
it for me, that yf I be debarred the personall attending of it, I am like to be much
endangered in my private fortunes. But I submitt all to your Majesties good plea-
sure; and continually praying for your Majesties happinesse and prosperitye, cast
myself at your Majesties feet, and remayne

Your Majesties most humble and most faythfull subject and servant

BRISTOL,
Sherborne, the 13th of January, 1624.

Of Buckingham's reply, written on the 2nd of February, only the
following note has been preserved : —

In answer wherof the Duke in his letter of the 2d of Feb. writeth thus : —
That hee delivered his lordship's letter to the Kinge, who was gratiously pleased to
give him liberty to repayre to London for the ordering of his owne private busi-
nesses.1

The paper2 inclosed, which contains the Duke's demands, is
however of greater importance than the letter itself can possibly
have been : —

A paper sent in a letter bearing date the 2. of Feb. 1626, from the Duke of Buck-
ingham unto the Earl of Bristol, conteyning certeine propositions, the which the
Duke requireth that the sayde Earl would acknowledge.

I protest that what I delivered in the Parliament touching the passages of the
Spanish businesse was without any malicious intent against the Earl of Bristol, but
only to performe in the best and playnest manner I could, according to the truth,
his Majesties command to give satisfaction to his subjects. Since which tyme, if
I have urged that which I then delivered, and other thinges which I knew to bee
trew, but spared them at that tyme, it was uppon the Earl's owne provocation by
framing accusations against mee, which hee cannot blame mee, if for myne owne
justification I retorted them uppon himself e.

1 S. P. Dom. Charles I. xviii. 34, i.
3 S. P. Dom. clxxxiii. 13.
C 2

XX PREFACE.

But now the great desire the Earl of Bristol hath expresse[d] to bee reconciled to
mee, and his profession that hee will omitt nothing in his power that may conduce
unto it, shall bee mett with all the humanitie that can be expected on my part,
admitting a more right construction of the condition and state of the questions.
For it is an assertion not graunted, that the Earl of Bristol by his answers hath
satisfied eyther the King, the Prince, or mee of his innocency. Neyther is it my
duty, nor, though it were, lyeth it in my power to endeavour the Earles reconcilia-
tion with the King and Prince, and to procure his admittance to kisse their haudes,
untill hee shall have freely and ingeniously confessed these undeniable thinges.1
* * * * *

Which errors in judgment and confidence as the Earl doth ingeniously confesse
them, so doth hee protest they came not from malice nor want of fayth, but from
an earnest and misledd zeale to endeavor by all meanes his masters ends (as he
conceived) and therfor prayes his Majesties and the Prince of their grace to passe
by and pardon them.

This beeing donne (without which I cannot presse his Majestic nor his Highness),
to prove I have no personall mislike of the Earl of Bristoll, I will imploy my force
and power with the King and the Prince to admitt the Earl in due tyme to kisse
their handes, and to receive him to their gratious favour.

There is here a distinct withdrawal of any charge except that of
being guilty of an error in judgment, and therefore, it may safely
be concluded, a no less distinct acknowledgment that no charge
could be maintained against him to which any court would be likely
to listen. But in spite of this the restraynt which ought only to be
inflicted either as a punishment for proved crime, or as a precaution
preliminary to investigation, was to be continued until Bristol would
give a certificate to the Duke of the correctness of charges which had
been abandoned.

How Bristol answered the demand, the following letter2 shows : —

May it please your Grace, I have receaved your letter of the 2nd of February, by
my cosen Sir Kenelam Digbye, and am much rejoyced to see in your Grace so for-
ward an inclination to doe me favour uppon the acknowledgment of supposed errours.
For that I am so confident of your noblenesse that you wilbe much more encouraged

1 The five propositions are omitted here, as being inserted in the text of No. II.
3 Bristol to Buckingham, February 8, 1625. Sherborne MSS.

PREFACE. XXI

to imploye your power for me towards his Majesty and the Prince, if you shall see
them apparently cleared. And I understand the paper of propositions which your
Grace hath berie pleased to send me not as faults injoyned me to acknowledge— for
I am confident no such course can be thought of, — but as particulars wherein your
Grace yet resteth unsatisfyed. And therefore I shall speedily endeavour your
Grace's satisfaction, which yf [it] shall not goe beyond all reply, I will most readily
make acknowledgment of any errour, and most humbly begge his Majesty e and the
Prince pardon ; as in the mean tyme I do on my knees for any errour or omission I
may have committed in their service, either through wante of abilitye, or for wante
of a right understanding of their pleasure.

I do most humbly beseech your Grace to poursue this woorke which you have
begunn, to which on my parte I shall contribute all that shall be possible, and shall
receave from your Grace this new obligation with so much thankfulnesse that I
hope your Lordship for the future shall not have cause to repente the favour yon
shall do me.

It only remaineth that I give your Grace humble thankes for your favour in pro-
curing me liberty to attend mayne owne affayres, for that in trewth no man's private
estate in England at present more requireth it, yet I shall make use of it with that
respect unto his Highness and your Grace that, if my forbearing to repayre to
London be more aggreable to you, I shall much rather undergoe any inconveniency in
my particular then to do any thing that in the least manner might be displeasing
unto you. So with my humble service unto your Lordship I commit you to the holy
protection of God.

Of a later letter written by the Duke on the 16th we have only
the following paragraph : —

I have likewise acquainted his Highness with the respect you show towards him
about your comming to London, which hee taketh very well ; and, for the regard you
bear unto me in the same point, I give your Lordship many thankes: but wish you
not .to neglect your own occasions uppon that consideration, but to make use of the
liberty e which his Majestie hath gratiouslye pleased to graunt you.1

To this Bristol replied : —

May it please your Grace,2 1 have received your Grace's letter of the 16th of Feb.,
and am putting myself in a readines to repaire to London, where I am in hope your
Grace will not denye mee leave to attend you, which I muche desire to doe ; for
that I doubt not but in all things to give your Grace much satisfaction.

My stay in London I intend for a verye short tyme, and being unprovided of any

1 S. P. Dom. Charles I. xviii. 34, i.

* Bristol to Buckingham, Feb. 27, 1626. Harl. MSS. 1680, fol. 146

XXll PREFACE.

lodging there, and the taking of a howse for a few daies being verye hard and
inconvenient, I presume to move your Grace to know whether I may not without
offence goe to my lodging at Whitehall,1 whereto I am the more encouraged for
that the last sommer his Majestic would not admitt me in nature of a delinquent
(as he was then gratiously pleased to say) untill I had appeared soe ; and I hope his
Majestic wilbe pleased to have the like gratiouse consideration in this particular,
which I am the more confident of through your Grace's favour, which I earnestly
intreate your Grace to believe that I will really and honestly endeavour to regaine
by all the meanes a gentleman may. And soe, with the remembrance of my humble

service unto your Grace, I remain

Your Grace's most humble servante,

BRISTOL.
Sherborne, the 27th of Feb. 1624.

After some further correspondence, now lost, in which the Duke
continued to insist upon a distinct acknowledgment of error, Bris-
tol sent instead the detailed answer to the propositions to which he
had been asked to subscribe, which is now printed in the text as
No. II.3 It was accompanied by the two following letters, one
addressed to Sir Kenelm Digby,3 who had been acting as inter-
mediary in the affair, the other 4 to Buckingham himself : —

Good Cosen, I give you thankes for your paynes in my businesse, in which what-
soever the success shallbee, my obligation to you shallbee the same.

I was in hope by your letter that ther had bene expected from mee an answer
only to those points which were brought mee by you from my Lord Duke ; but it
seemes by a letter I have receaved from his Grace, as likewise by a message sent
mee since from him by Mr. Gresley, that nothing will serve the turne but that I

1 On the 26th of February Chamberlain writes (S. P. Dom. clxxxiv. 47) :— The
Earle of Bristow comes to towne this night, having taken Sir Thomas Watson's
lodgings, though the common voyce had assigned him another lodging ; but yt is
saide now the King will have him shortly reconciled to the Prince and Duke of
Buckingham, without any repetition of former matters. On the 22nd of March
(S. P. Dom. clxxxiii. 91) Chamberlain again writes :— The Earl of Bristow hath
not yet resigyned (i.e. his Vice-Chamberlainship),nor is not to come to towne — what-
soever I heard or wrote — till he be sent 'for, or till the next term at soonest.

a S. P. Dom. clxxxv. 59, ii.

3 Bristol to Sir K. Digby, March 16, 1625. S. P. Dom. clxxxv. 59.

4 Bristol to Buckingham, March 16, 1625." S. P. Dom. clxxxv. 59 i.

PREFACE, XXlil

make the acknowledgment that is required by subscribing the paper that was sent
mee. And so likewise the libertye which I besought of his Majestic to follow freely
myne owne affayres (for that was my request, and not to come to London), which I
understoode had bene graunted mee by his Majestye, my Lord Duke now sendeth
mee word that if I come to London I must understand myselfe to be a restrained
man, untill I have made such an acknowledgment as is required. My present request
I hope shallbee but modest, which is only that I may know cleerly what his Majesties
pleasure is, to the end I may not fall into errour, and I shall most willingly and
readily obey it whatsoever it shallbee, no way doubting but his Majestic in his owne
dew tyme will afford mee a gratious and an equall hearing. In the interim I have
sent you my answer to the propositions, which I intreat you to present unto his
Majestic and to his Grace, if they may bee accepted, as I can no way doubt but
they will, for I conceave it will seeme to hard and to unjust a course under his
Majesties gratious goverment to have it injoyned to a gentleman to acknowledg
faults hee is no way guilty of.

I shall intreat you further, as you have allready taken much paynes in this
businesse, that you will deliver this message from mee to the Duke, that as I have
(since I applyed myself to bee reconciled unto his Grace's favour) omitted nothing
that mighte expresse my respect unto him, so I doe really still poursue the desire of
regayning his good opinion and friendshipp, and, if I shalbee so happy as to obtayne
it, I will honestly endeavour by my best services to deserve the continewance of it,
and therefore 1 entreat his Grace not to insist or presse mee to those thinges which
would make mee for the future incapable of his Majesties favour and unworthy of
his friendshipp ; but that if hee intende in any kinde to favour mee, that hee would
doe it in a noble manner, whereby I may bee obliged trewly and hartely to love and
serve him, for otherwise I shall in respect of myne honor and defence of myne
innosencye undervalew any earthly regards whatsoever, and trust to God's protection,
his Majesties justice, and thegoodnesse of my cause; and so, desiring to heare from
you with all convenient speed, I recommend you to God, and rest

Your affectionate Cosen to doe you service,

BRISTOL.

Sherborne, the 16th of March, 1624.

May it please your Grace, Hopinge that your'noblenes and equitye wilbe such as a
trew and cleare answere wilbe more acceptable to your Grace then an unjust
acknowledgment, I have entreated Sir Kenelham Digby to deliver unto your Grace
my answers unto the propositions which he brought unto me from you ; and humbly
beseech your Grace to cast your eyes over them, and if there shalbee any thing
wherein your Grace shall rest unsatisfied, I intreat your Grace to give me leave to
attend yow; wher I shall endeavour not onely to satisfie yow in these particulars,
but that I truely and unfainedly seeke your Grace's favour, to which if I may uppon
faire and noble termes be admitted, your Grace shall finde me for the future a
faithfull and reall servaunt to you to the utmost of my power: but if I must be

XXIV PREFACE.

soe unhappy as these my humble seekings of your Grace may not finde acceptance
(although I conceive my ruyne an easie worke for youre greatnes,) I shall with
patience and humility endeavor to beare whatsoever God shalbe pleased to lay
uppon me as punishments for other sinns committed against Him, but not against
my master, whome I take God to record I have served both with exact fidelitye and
affection. And soe, recommending your Grace to His holy protection, I rest

Your Graces most humble servante,

BRISTOL.
Sherborne, this 16th of March, 1624.

What followed may be given in Bristol's own words :* —

Upon this I petitioned the late King that I might be at liberty to follow my
affairs freely, to which his Majesty condescended unto, and signified his pleasure by
the Duke that he was satisfied, and therefore I had my freedom. But when I had
an intent to come to my lodging at Whitehall, and made the Duke acquainted
therewith, he seemed much displeased thereat, and moved his Majesty that I might
firste make an acknowledgment of my fault, which his Majesty refused to compel
me unto ; saying he might then be thought a tyrant to force a man to acknowledge
that which he was not guilty of; and his Majesty sent me word that I should make
no acknowledgment unless I would freely confess myself guilty. Yet the Duke
caused a message to be sent me that his Majesty expected that I should make the
said acknowledgment, and confess myself guilty. And thus it stood with me when
the late King, my blessed master, sickened and died.

It would have been well for Charles if his father's last wishes
had not been overruled by Buckingham. No doubt, in the main
point, Charles and Buckingham were right, and Bristol was wrong.
It was quite true that the Spaniards had not intended, if they could
help it, to marry the Infanta to a Protestant Prince, or to restore
the Palatinate to a Protestant Elector. But when the new King
and his favourite, instead of contenting themselves with insisting on
the correctness of their views, refused to be satisfied with anything
short of an acknowledgment that Bristol had allowed his mistake to
influence his conduct, they were meeting him upon a ground upon
which he was sure to get the better of them. The five answers

1 State Trials, ii. 1297.

PREFACE. XXV

handed in in March had effectually disposed of Buckingham's attack,
and had shown that Bristol had been authorised by the late King in
every step he took, and that unless Charles was prepared to say that
it was a punishable crime for an ambassador to utter his opinion
freely, if that opinion happened to be wrong, he had better carry out
his father's wishes by allowing Bristol to recover his liberty entirely.

Immediately upon James's death Bristol wrote to Charles and
his favourite,1 begging for permission to cast himself at his Majesty's
feet. Charles seemed ready to meet his advances half-way.

Bristol afterwards declared that2: —

When his Majesty that now is came to the Crown, he was pleased to send me a
gracious message upon the occasion of a great sickness I had, and my writ of Par-
liament was freely sent me ; but, out of respect, I desired to know what would best
please the King, my coming, or my stay from the Parliament. And the Duke of
Buckingham did write unto me that his Majesty took that respect very well at my
hands, but would have me excuse my coming, for which I craved a letter of licence
from the Parliament. Instead whereof I recieved from the Lord Conway a letter of
prohibition and restraint and confinement, under the King's own hand, whereas
before I was restrained only by the Lord Conway.

Buckingham's letter here referred to was written on the 2nd of
May, and concluded thus3 : —

I have acquainted his Majestic with your respect towards him touching your
summons to the Parliament, which hee taketh very well, and would rather have you
make some excuse for your absence (notwithstanding your writt) then to come your-
selfe in person.

Upon this Bristol made fresh overtures through Sir Kenelm
Digby , the result of which appears from the following letter 4 : —
May it please your Lordship. Assoone as I came to the towne I went to my Lord

1 Bristol to Charles I. Bristol to Buckingham. Undated Sherborne MSS.

2 State Trials, ii. 1297.

* S. P. Dom. Charles I. xviii. 34, i.

4 Bristol to Sir K. Digby, May 27, 1625. Add. MSS. 9806, fol. 1.
CAMD. SOC. d

XXVI PREFACE.

Chamberlaine,1 and saide unto him what your Lordship bade me. He expressed
much feeling of your Lordship's sicknes, andjnade a seriouse profession of his faith
and frendshipp to your Lordship, and that, yf God should please to call yow, he
would continew it to your sonne. The next morning (to day) he brought me to the
King, whoe gave me a gratiouse and fullj audience, and I delivered to his Majestie
the message that yow gave me as effectually as I could, to draw from him some tes-
timony of his affection towards your Lordship. And truely, my Lord, he did receive
the newes of your ill state with much tendernes and asked me many particulars how
yow were, and bade me hasten to lett your Lordship know he was very sorry for your
sickness ; and protested in the deepest manner that might be that he hadd no per-
sonall displeasure or grudge, — these were his words, — against yonr Lordship ; but
that he held yow to be an honest and sufficient man, and one that loved him, and
had endeavoured his service really, and should be gladd of any good that arrived to
yow. And in the other point concerninge your buisenes, he would not have your
Lordship conceive that he thinketh yow to be a delinquent, and to have offended in
any matter of honesty, or not performance of what was commaunded yow : for, if
that had beene, then this course j that hath been should not have been used with
yow, but yow should have been committed to the Tower, and brought to a publique
tryall ; — but the true cause why your Lordship is thus in suspense and removed from
the Court is because your Lordship in the treaty of the Spanish match (he thinketh)
was so desireous of it and soe passionate for it (as he conf esseth himself was also,
after he hadd scene the lady) that yow trusted more to the Spanish ministers and
theire promises then was fitting in discretion ; and, although your Lordship, on the
other side, carried it soe judiciously that yow can be taxed for nothing in publique
court, but can justifie yourself, and make the Spaniard appeare to be dishonest, and
soe free yourself, yet between him and yow he doubteth not but your Lordship will
acknowledg yow were too forward and confident in it, which if your Lordship doe
lyve and doe make acknowledgment of unto him, yow shall then, without more adoe,
kiss his hands and lyve in peace and with honor ; and, in the meane tyme he would
have your Lordship beleeve he hath a good opinion of yow, and loveth yow, and will
be glad to heare of your recoverye. Then, of himself, he sayde that perad venture
your Lordship might suspect that your freeness with him might prejudice yow ; for,
he sayde, yow had been as free with him as ever any man had been, but he protested
uppon his death and salvation that he never communicated to any body any thing
that your Lordship ever spoke to him in that way of freeness and privacye. And,
for what concerned himself, he was soe farr from taking it in evill part, that, were it
for nothing els, he were obliged to love yow for your honesty, and he ever dealed
plainly and truely with your Lordship. Therefore, whatsoever be at any tyme saide
unto yow, yow may be confident was from his heart, and he approoved of all yow
ever saide to him, but onely once, which he never had told to any one but to me
then, and yow would remember it by these tokens. Your Lordship shewed him a

1 The Earl of Pembroke.

PREFACE. XXVll

little before his goeing out of Spayne a letter, wherein yow writt of the Duke of
Buckingham, which he misliked, and told your Lordship yow expressed much
spleen against the Duke, and therefore would have yow alter it. The letter yow
sent away, without first shewing it unto him ; but when he returned to England he
saw it, and found yow had altered it much after the manner that he badd yow. His
Majestic alsoe told me that, though yow much desired the match, yet he thinketh
yow did not labour soe effectually as yow might have done to effect what he soe
extreamely desired, which was to have the Infanta then along with him ; and
whilest the Duke and Conde de Olivares were good f rends, and that yow were fallen
out with the Conde (which he sayd was indeed for being an honest man to him)
yow were very cold in solliciting that particular ; but that, assoone as the Conde and
Duke were fallen out (which was not personall betwixt them, but cawsed by the
buiseness, and for his Majesties service) your Lordship was instantly frends with the
Conde, without recapitulating any buiseness of the quarrell, or receiving satisfaction
for the wrong he had done yow; wherein, his Majestic sayth, he discovered much yll
will in yow to the Duke, and an aptness in yow to be over confident in the Spaniards,
when theire promises concurred with your desires.

The sum and conclusion of his Majesties discourse was that, personally, he hath a
very good affection to your Lordship, and the error which he conceiveth to be com-
mitted by yow is such that the least acknowledgment shall expiate it, and then yow
shall have his favour againe as before. I hope this relation will bring much content
unto your Lordship, espetially I telling yow that the King seemed to me to speake it
very affectionately, and much resenting ' your sickness, which I pray God soone to
free yow of, that yow may in due tyme take notice to his Majestie of what I write
to your Lordship as yow shall thinke fitt. And soe, with remembraunce of my humble
service to your Lordship, I rest

Your Lordship's most faithfull servaunt,

KENELHMB DIGBY,

London, 27th May, 1625.

Charles had thus reduced his demands to the simplest form.
Bristol was to give a private acknowledgment that he had been
mistaken. But this was precisely what, as a truthful man, he could
not do, as long as he was unconvinced that he had been mistaken.
We have not before us Bristol's reply to his cousin's letter, but
there can be no doubt that it was in the negative, and that it was
this which caused Charles to take the unwise step of once more
inforcing Bristol's confinement.

1 i.e. feeling for.
d2

XXV111 PREFACE.

The following letter,1 which appears in Bristol's narrative as a
thunderbolt in a clear sky, may thus be satisfactorily accounted
for:—

Right trustye and well beeloved Cousin, wee greete you well. Wheras our late
deare Father of most glorious memory did for some causes restraine you to your
house, and that wee have not as yett had tyme to take notice therof, or give order
for disposing of you otherwayes; our pleasure is that you remayne under the same
restraint and confinement as you were ordered to by our late deare Father, untill wee
shall give further direction. And wee doe by these our letters excuse your not
comming to our Parliament, and will that you forbeare to come thither — our writt of
summons, or anything therein contayned to the contrary nottwithstanding — and
these our letters shallbee your sufficient warrant and dischardge in this behalfe.

The letter was characteristic of Charles. It was just like him to
be stung by a refusal to make an acknowledgment of error to him-
self, and just like him to give as a reason for the fresh infliction,
that he had unot as yett had time to take notice of" Bristol's
fault, though he knew perfectly well that Bristol had no intention
of coming up to the Parliament, and that he could therefore have
as much time to consider the matter as he pleased.

The next letter 3 which we have from Bristol refers merely to
the former and more polite request to refrain from coming up to
London : —

*

May it please your Grace. Having received soe positive an answer from your
Grace by your letters of the 2d of May, it may seeme unmannerlines in me further
to importune yow, but that I am contented to incurr that censure, rather then not to
doe the utmost that is in my power to lett your Grace and the world see with how
much earnestnesse and respect I have and doe seeke your Grace's favour, the which
if I may be soe happeie as to obtaine, I will not faile for the future to make good
those professions of thankfulnesse and service I have made unto your Grace. And
soe hoping that your Grace will at last afford him favour whoe ommitteth noe meanes
of seeking it, I recommend your Grace to God's holy protectione, and rest

Your Grace's most humble servant,

Sherborne, the 17th of Julye, 1625.

1 Charles I. to Bristol, June 10, 1625. S. P. Dom. Charles I. xviii. 34, i.

2 Bristol to Buckingham, July 17, 1625. S. P. Dom. iv. 69.

PREFACE. XXIX

Months passed on, and there were no signs that Charles intended
to find time to consider Bristol's case. In January 1626, when
the Coronation was approaching, the Earl made another move. He
" wrote a humble letter to his Majesty and the Duke,"1 accom-
panied by one to Conway, which, with its inclosed extracts, has
alone been preserved.2

My very good Lord, I am loathe to be a trouble to your Lordship with my unfor-
tunate businesse ; yet, in regard that all restraintes that were laid uppon me in his
late Majesties tyme of happie memorie were onlie under your Lordship's hand, and
that by a letter which Sir William Beecher sent unto me 3 the last summer bearing
date the tenth day of June, signed by his Majestic, wherby I was commanded not to
come to the Parliament, and likewise charged to remayne under the same restraints
as I was in the time of the King his father, to no other end but that I may not fall
into errour or blame, the same restrainte having beene enjoined me at severall
tymes, and by severall letters, I have appointed this bearer to attend you with true
coppies of them all, and with a note how I understande them ; and shall receave it as
an especiall favour from your Lordship clearelie to understand in what condition I
stand in pointe of my said restrainte. For beeing resolved not in anie one tittle to
transgresse or sworve from his Majesties royall pleasure, I should be sorrie to
committ anie errour through mistaking, and therefore am bold to crave this curtesie
at your Lordship's hands. I have presumed against this happye tyme of his Majesties
Coronation to bee an humble suitor unto his Majestic for his favour. The coppie of
the letter I have written this bearer will shew unto your Lordship, and I shall therein
crave your helpe and assistance, and shall labour to deserve it by the best services
I shall bee able to do your Lordship, to whome I wish much happines, and remayne
your Lordship's affectionate servante and kinsman.

Sherborne, the 12th of Jenuary 1625.

In point of fact Charles had made a blunder. When in his
letter of June 10 he ordered Bristol to remain " under the same
restraint and confinement as you were ordered by our late deare
Father," he had forgotten that James had, before his death, per-
mitted the Earl to come to London if he pleased. Either, there-
fore, the King must himself impose a new restraint without being

' State Trials, ii. 1297. * S. P. Dom. xviii. 34.

3 The King's letter of June 10, at p~. xxviii., was sent to Beecher by Conway on the
llth. See Conway's Minute Book, p. 218.

XXX PREFACE.

able to allege a shadow of reason for it, or he would have to see
Bristol amongst the peers in the Parliament which could not long
be delayed, a prospect which was all the more annoying, as he
seems to have fancied that Bristol had some hand in instigating the
opposition to the vote of supplies for the expedition to Cadiz in the
preceding year.1

Charles at once flashed into anger. The next letter2 put an end
to all prospect of reconciliation : —

Wee have recyved your letter addrest to us by Buckingham, and we cannot but
wonder that you should, through forgettfulnes, make such a request to us of favour,
as if you stood evenly capable of it, when you knowe what your behaviour in Spaine
deserved of us ; which you are to examine by the observations wee made, and knowe
you will remember how at our first coming into Spaine, taking npon you to bee soe
wise as to foresee our intentions to chaunge our religion, you were soe f arre from
disswading us that you offered your service and secrecy to concurre in it, and in
many other open conferences, pressing to shew how convenient it was for us to bee
a Komaine Catholick, it being impossible, in your opinion, to doe any greate action
otherwise. How much wrong, disadvantage and disservice you did to the treaty,
and to the right and interest of our deare brother and sister, and theire children ;
what disadvantage, inconvenience, and hazard you intangled us in by your artifices,
puttings off, and delaying our returne home ; the great estimation you made of that
State, and the vile price you sett this kingdome at, still mainteyning that wee under
colour of freindshipp to Spaine, did what was in our power against them, which
(you said) they knew very well ; and last of all, your approving of those conditions
that our nephew should bee brought up in the Emperour's Court, to which Sir
Walter Aston then said, he durst not give his consent for feare of his head, you
replying to him that without some such greate action neither marriage nor peace
could bee had. Given at our Pallace at Westminster the 20th of January in the
first year of our raigne.

As might be expected, we find Bristol in his next letter treating
these charges, which he believed himself to be perfectly well able
to answer, to be tantamount to a declaration of the King's intention
to bring him to trial. To Conway he writes 3 : —

1 See Bristol's next letter, p. xxxi.

2 Charles I. to Bristol, January 20, 1626. S. P. Dom. xviii. 106.

3 Bristol to Conway, February 6, 1626. Harl. MSS. 1580, fol. 143.

PREFACE. XXXI

Good Cosen. This bearer, W. Gresly, wilbe able to tell yow all that I can say
of the estate of my unfortunate bussinesse, wherin having done all that I can
thinke of by way of humiliation,1 I must now attend with patience God's will and
his Majestyes : for on my part I can do no more, only defende my innocency the
best I shalbe able, when I shalbe called to any tryall, which I confesse, if my
humble seekings and submissions may not take place, I should be gladd were as
speedye and as publicke as might be ; but, Cosen, I shall continew them, and so
shall my wife at her coming upp. And I intreate yow to doe the like with my
Lord Duke uppon all occasions yow can lay hold of. There is further on2 particular
wherin I shall intreate your kindnesse. I heare my Lord Duke should be informed
that I should plott and combyne with some parlament men that seemed adverse to
his Grace at Oxford, and that theruppon should of late be much incensed agaynst
me. Herein, Cosen, I shall intreate yow to give his Grace satisfaction on my
behalf e, which yow may do as trewly as ever was in any businesse, for I take God
to recorde I never would have to do since I came into Englande with anything
belonging to Parlament, nor never attempted anything to the Duke's prejudice.
The particular W. Gresley will tell yow by woord of mouth, being to long for
a letter ; but I intreate yow to deale very effectually, for although my Lord Duke
should ruyne me to-morrow, yet for trewth sake I should be gladd he were satisfyed
herein. And so, not having wherwith further to treble yow for the present, I
remember my love and service to yow, and remayne

Your most affectionate Cosen to serve you,

BRISTOL.
6th of Feb. 1625.

ConwaVs reply of the 25th has not been preserved. But it may
be gathered from Bristol's answer that the King still hoped to draw
from him, in a roundabout way, some acknowledgment of having
been at fault. The rest of the correspondence speaks for itself, and
may be given without further comment: —

My Lord,3 — I have received your letter of the 25th of Feb, and therin a
commandment in his Majesties name to make acleere and plaine answere, whether
I desire to rest in the security e I am now in, and to acknowledge the gratious favour
of his late Majestic and of his which now is, who have bene pleased not to question
my actions, &c. Hereunto I have laboured exactly to obey, but finde that a playne
and cleere answere cannot possibly be made untill there bee a cleere understanding of
the thing propounded ; so that I must crave pardon if my answeare be not as cleare
as I could wish it, for I must freely acknowledge that I in no way understand what

1 " humiation," MS. * i.e. " one."

3 Bristol to Conway, March 4, 1626. Harl. MSS. 1580, fol. 148.

XXX11 PREFACE.

is meant by the security I am now in, whether it be the present estate I am in or
not. Yf it be soe, I conceave a man cannot be under a harder condition. For your
Lordshipp knoweth that, by order, my person is restrained, and you were pleased
lately to send me word that you would not advise me to make use of the liberty
which his late Majestic had given me of comming to London, allthough it were only
to follow my private affaires, and for the recovery of my decayed health. I stand
likewise prohibited to come to the Court or to the King's presence (I passe by the
being removed from all my places and offices, and whollie depending upon his
Majesties Koyall pleasure), but being a Peere of this realme I have not only by com-
mandment bin formerly staid from the Parliament, but of late by writt have bene
deteyned as though my honour were forfeited. And this is truely the condition
which I am now in ; but I cannot imagine that this is the securitie is intended I
should rest in, but am in hope that the securitie intended is, that I may for the
future in joy the libertie of a free subject, and the priviledges of a Peere of the
Kingdome, which being soe, I shall with all humility acknowledge his Majesties
grace and favour, and be ready to serve him with all fidelitie, even to the laying
downe of my life, not thincking it to stand with the duty of a subject to presse his
being questioned, since such being the pleasure of his soveraigne yt were not in the
power of any subject to avoid it. But in case his Majestic shalbe pleased to bring
me to any legall try all, I shall most willingly and duty fully submitt myself e there-
unto, and doubt not but my innocency in the end willbe my best mediator for his
Majesties future favour. And in that case I am a suitor that my writt of Parliament
as a Peere of the Kealme may be sent unto me, and that my present repaire unto
London may not displease his Majestic.

And as for the pardon of the 21th Regis Jacobi, which you mention I should
renounce, I know that the justest and most cautious man living may through omis-
sion or ignorance offend the lawes, so that, as a subject, I shall not disclaime any
benefitt which commeth in the generall, as it doth usually to all other subjects of
the kingdome. But as for any crime in particular that may trench upon my imploy-
ments in pointe of loyaltie, fidelitie, or want of affection to the King or State, I
know my innocency to be such that I am confident I shall not neede that pardon.

I shall conclude with a most humble suite unto your Lordshipp that out of your
noblenesse, and that friendshipp that hath bene betwixt us, you will use your best
indeavours both with his Majestic and the Duke that these unfortunate businesses
may be passed over, by the renewing whereof I can see little use that can be made
but the adding to a man's misfortunes allready sufficiently humbled ; for I am ready
to doe all that a man of honour and honestie may doe ; but rather then to doe any
thing that may be prejudiciall to me in that kind, to suffer whatsoever it shall
please God to send, and so, with the remembrance of my humble service unto your
Lordshipp, I recommend you to God's holy protection, and rest,

Your Lordshipp's most humble servant,

BRISTOL.

Sherborne Lodge, the 4th of March, 1625.

PREFACE. xxxiii

My Lord.1 I receaved a letter from your Lordship, dated the 4th of this moneth,
written in answere to a former which I directed to your Lordship by his Majesties
commandment. This last lettre, according to my duty, I have shewed unto his
Majestic, whoe hath perused it, and hath commaunded me to write back unto you
again, that he findes himself nothing satisfyed therewith. The question propounded
to your Lordship from his Majestic was plaine and cleere: — Whether you did rather
chuse to sitt still without beeing questioned for any errors passed in your negotiation
in Spaine, and enjoye the benefite of the late gratious pardon graunted in Parlia-
ment, whereof you may have the benefites; or whether, for the cleering of your
innocency (whereof yourself and your freinds and followers are soe confident) you
will bee contented to wave the advantage of that pardon, and putt yourself in a
legal way of examination for the tryal thereof? His Majesties purpose is not to
prevent you of any favours the lawe hath given you ; but, if your assurance be
such as your words and letter import, he conceaveth it stands not with that publique
and, resolute profession of your integrity to decline your trial. His Majesty leaves
the choice to yourself, and requires from you a direct answere without circumlocu-
tion or bargaining with him for future favors beforehand ; but if you have a desire
to make use of that pardon which cannot be denyed to you, nor is any way desired
to bee taken from you, his Majestie expects you should, at the least, forbeare to inag-
nifie your service, and out of an opinion of your owne innocency cast an aspersion
upon his Majesties justice, in not affording you that present fullness of liberty and
favour which cannot be drawn from him but in his owne good time and according
to his good pleasure.

That much I have in commandment to write to your Lordship, and to require
your answer clearly and plainly by this messenger sent on purpose for it, [and so
remain

Your Lordship's humble servant,

. CONWAY.]2
Whitehall, 24th March, 1625.

My Lord.3 I have receaved your letter of the 24th of March, on the 28th ; and I
am infinitely greived to understand that my former answeare to yours of the 4th of
March hath not satisfied his Majestie, which I will endeavour to do by this, to the
best of my understanding ; and to that .end shall answeare to the particular pointes
of your present letter with the greatest cleerenesse I am able.

First, whereas you say in your letter that the question propounded to me was

1 Conway to Bristol, March 21, 1626. S. P. Dom. xxiii. 46. Printed in Rush-
worth, i. 234.

2 The words in brackets are from Eushworth, the remainder is a copy in the hand-
writing of Conway's secretary.

3 Bristol to Conway, March 30. S. P. Dom. xxiii. 102. Printed in Rushworth,
i. 234.

CAMD. SOC. e

XXXIV PREFACE.

plaineand cleere, vizt. :— Whether I would rather choose to sitt still ' without being
questioned for any errours past in my negociation in Spayne, or enjoy the benefitt
of the late gratious pardon, whereof I may take the benefitt, or whether, being con-
tented to wave the advantage of that pardon, I would put myselfe into a legall way
of examination for the triall thereof eta?

1°. Your Lordship may be pleased to remember that your last proposition was : —
Whether I desired to rest in the security e I was in, which you now expresse : —
Whether I will choose to sitt still eta.

2Iie. Your proposition was whether I would acknowledge the gratious favour of
his late Majestic and his Majestie that now is, whoe had bin pleased not to question
my actions, when it is best knowne unto your Lordship that by a commission of the
Lords I was questioned upon 20tie articles, divers involving felonye and treason,
allthough it be true that, when I had soe answeared as I am most confident their
Lordships would have cleered me, I was soe unhappie as theire Lordshipps never mett
more about the businesse.

But now your proposition is :— Whether I will choose to sitt still without being
further questioned for errors past, whereas before it was required I should
acknowledge that I had not bin questioned at all, which is a very different thing.
But conferring both your Lordship's letters together, and gathering the sence and
meaning by making the latter an explication of the former, which I could have
wished your Lordship would have more cleerely explayned, I returne unto your
Lordship this plaine and direct answeare : —

That understanding by the securitie lam in, and sitting still, and. not being
further questioned, that I am restored and lefte to the bare freedome and libertie
of a subject and peere (for a man being called into question by his Majestie, yf
afterwards his Majestie shall be pleased out of his goodnesse that he rest quiett and
secure, and that he shall not be further questioned, I conceave it is most apparent
that his libertie naturally revolve th to him when by his Majesties grace he is
pleased to declare he shall not be further questioned, but may live in securitie,) soe
that understanding your Lordship's letter in this sorte, (for noe direct answeare can
be made untill the sence of the question be truly stated,) I doe most humbly acknow-
ledge and accept his Majesties grace and favour, and shall not wave any benefitt
that may come unto me by the pardon of the 21 Ja. nor of the pardon of his Majesties
happie coronation ; and I am soe farre from bargaining (as you are pleased to expresse
it) for future favour (though I hope my humble and submissive course of petitioning
of his Majestie neither hath nor shall deserve soe hard an expression), that I shall
not presume soe much as to presse his Majestie for any special favour, untill my
dutifull and loyall behaviour may moove his royall and gratious harte thereunto ;
but receave with all humblenesse this my freedome and libertie, the which I shall
likewise only make use of in such sorte, as I shall judge may bee most agreeable to
his Majesties pleasure.

1 The words in italics are underlined in the MS., which is the original letter with
autograph signature.

PREFACE. XXXV

As for the seacond parte of youre letter, wherein yow say: — That if I desire to
make use of that pardon, his Majestic expects that I should, at least, forbeare to mag-
nifie my services, or out of an opinion of my owne innocencye cast any aspersion upon
his Majesties justice, et*. To this pointe I answcare, that, as I hope I shall never erre
in that sort of immodestie of valuing of my services which I acknowledge to have
ben accompanyed with infinite weakenesses and disabilities, soe I hope it shall not
displease that I make use to my owne comfort and the honour of my posteritye of
those many written testemonyes which my late most blessed master hath lefte me of
his gratious acceptance of my services for the space of 20^ yeares. Soe likewise I
hope the modest avowing of my innocencye will not be thought to cast any aspersion
upon his Majesties honour or justice. And I must freely confesse unto your Lord-
ship that I am much afflicted to see inferrencyes of this nature made, both in your
Lordship's last letter and in this. For if it shall be inferred as a thing reflecting
upon the King's honour that a man questioned, before he be convict, shall endeavour
to defend his owne innocencye, it will be impossible for any man to be safe, for the
honour of his Majestic is too sacred a thing for any subject, how innocent soever, to
contest against. Soe likewise, God forbidd that it should be brought into con-
sequence, as in your former letter, as a taxe upon the government and justice of his
late Majestie or of his Majestic that now is, that I should have suffred soe long yf
I were not guiltie. For as I have never bin heard soe much as to repine of injustice
in theire Majesties in all my suffrings, soe I well know that the long continuance of
my troubles may well be attributed unto other causes, as to myne owne errours of
passion or other accidents. And your Lordship may well remember that my affayres
were almost two yeares since upon the pointe of a happie accommodation, had it
not bin interrupted by the unfortunate mistaking of the speeches used to Mr.
Clarke. l

I shall conclude by the intreating of your Lordship's favour that I may understand
from you, as I hope, for my comfort, that this letter hath given his Majestie satisfac-
tion, or if there should yet remayne any scruple, that I may have a cleere and plaine
signification of the King's pleasure, which I shall obey with all humilitie ; and soe I
leave your Lordship to God's most holy proteccion, resting

Your Lordship's humble servant,

BRISTOL.

Sherborne, the 30th of March, 1626.

My very good Lord.3 By his Majesties commandment I herewith send unto your
Lordship your writ of summons for the Parliament ; but withall signify his Majes-
ties pleasure herein further that, howsoever he gives way to the awarding of the writ,
yet his meaning is thereby not to discharge any former directions for restraint of
your Lordship's coming hither, but that you continue under the same restriction as
you did before ; so as your Lordship's personal attendance is to be forborn, and

1 See p. xv.

2 Lord Keeper Coventry to Bristol, March 31, 1626. Printed in Eush worth, i. 238.

e2

XXXVI PREFACE.

therein I doubt not but your Lordship will readily give his Majestic satisfaction ;
and so I commend my service very heartily unto your Lordship, and remain
Your Lordship's assured friend and servant,

THO. COVENTRY, C.S.
Dorset Court, March 31, 1626.

May it please your Lordship.1 I have received your Lordship's letter of the 31 of
March, and with it his Majesties writ of summons for the Parliament. In the one
his Majesty commandeth me that, all excuses set aside, upon my faith and alle-
giance I fail not to come and attend his Majesty; and this under the great seal of
England. In the other, as in a letter missive, his Majesties pleasure is intimated by
your Lordship, that my personal attendance should be forborn. I must crave leave
ingeniously to confess unto your Lordship that I want judgment rightly to direct
myself in this case, as likewise that I am ignorant how far this may trench upon
the privileges of the peers of this land, and upon mine and their safety hereafter.
For, if the writ be not obeyed, the law calleth it a misprision and highly fineable,
whereof we have had late examples; and a missive letter, being avowed or not, is to
be doubted would not be adjudged a sufficient discharge against the Great Seal of
England. On the other side, if the letter be not obeyed, a Peer may de facto be
committed upon a contempt in the interim, and the question cleared afterwards ; so
that in this case it is above mine abilities. I can only answer your Lordship that I
will most exactly obey; and to the end I may understand which obedience will be in
all kinds most suitable to my duty, I will presently repair to my private lodging at
London, and there remain untill in this and other causes I shall have petitioned his
Majesty, and understand his further pleasure. For the second part of your Lord-
ship's letter, where your Lordship saith that "his Majesties meaning is not thereby
to discharge any former directions for restraint of your Lordship's coming hither,
but that you continue under the same restriction as before, so that your Lordship's
personal attendance here is to be forborne," I conceive your Lordship intendeth this
touching my coming to Parliament only; for, as touching my coming to London, I
never had at any time one word of prohibition, or colorable pretence of restraint ;
but, on the contrary, having his late Majesties express leave to come to London to
follow my affairs, out of my respect to his Majesty then Prince, and to the Duke of
Buckingham, I forbore to come until I might know whether my coming would not
be disagreeable unto them ; whereunto his Majesty was pleased to answer both
under the hand of the Duke and of Mr. Secretary Conway2 that he took my respect
unto him herein in very good part, and would wish me to make use of the leave the
King had given me ; since which time I never received any letter or message of
restraint; only his Majesty, by his letter bearing date June last, commandeth me to

1 Bristol to Lord Keeper Coventry, April 12, 1626. Printed in Rush worth, i. 238.
a So the name stands in Rush worth; but the next letter shows that Cottington's
should be substituted for it.

PREFACE. XXXV11

remain as I was in the time of the King his father, which was with liberty to come
to London to follow my own affairs as I pleased, as will appear unto your Lordship,
if you will afford me so much favor as to peruse them. I have writ this much unto
your Lordship, because I would not through misunderstanding fall into displeasure
by my corning up, and to intreat your Lordship to inform his Majesty thereof ; and
that my Lord Conway, by whose warrant I was only restrained in the late King's
time of famous memory, may produce any one word that may have so much as any
colorable pretence of debarring my coming up to London. I beseech your Lordship
to pardon my desire to have things clearly understood, for the want of that formerly
hath caused all my troubles ; and when anything is misinformed concerning me, I
have little or no means to clear it, so that my chief labor is to avoid misunderstand-
ing. I shall conclude with beseeching your Lordship to do me this favor, to let his
Majesty understand that my coining up is onely rightly to understand his pleasure,
whereunto I shall in all things most dutifully and humbly conform myself, and so,
with my humble service to your Lordship, I recommend you to God's holy protection,
and remain

Your Lordship's most humble servant,

BRISTOL.
Sherborne, April 12, 1626.

My Lord.1 I have and shalbe very punctual in obeying all your Lordship's orders
both by word and letter, and therefore, having receaved a message from your Lord-
ship divers monthes since by Mr. Greislye, that when I should come to my house or
lodging in London I should give notice thereof, I have thought fitt to give your
Lordship knowledge that I intend, God willing, for the settling of affaires which
importe my whole estate, and for the recoverye of my decayed health, to repaire
shortly to my private lodging at St. Giles ; and, although I shall not faile presently
upon my arrivall to give your Lordship notice thereof, yet for the avoyding of all
misunderstandings (by which alreadie I have suffred much) I thought fitt to advertise
your Lordship thereof beforehand, least any restrainte in that kinde might be
obtruded upon me, whereby I might incurre displeasure, I assuring your Lordship
that neither from yourself, nor any other, I have receaved at any time so much as
one word of prohibition or coulorable pretence of restrayning me from comming to
London ; but to the contrary having his late Majesties expresse leave to come
to London and to follow my affaires, but out of my due respect to his Majestic,
then Prince, I forbore to come untill I \night knowe whether my comming would not
be disagreeable unto him, whereunto his Majestie was pleased to make answeare
both by the Duke of Buckingham as likewise by Mr. Secretarye Cottington, as will
appeare by theire letters2, that he tooke my respect unto him herein in very good
parte, and would wish me to make use of the liberty his Majestie had given me,

1 Bristol to Conway, April 12, 1626. S. P. Dom. xxiv. 68.

2 See p. xxiv. The letters themselves have not been preserved.

XXXV111 PREFACE.

since which time I never receaved any message or letter of restrainte in any kind ;
only from your Lordship a letter of his Majestic bearing date the 10th of June,
that I should remayne in the same condition I was in the time of the King his
father, which your Lordship best knoweth was farre from any restrainte from
comming to London, for untill the time when, under coulor of giving me leave to be
absent from Parliament upon mine owne suite, a clause of restrainte was inserted
under the King's hand, I never had any kinde of restrainte but what was singly
under your Lordship's hand. And therefore, for the avoyding of all mistakes I have
thought fitt to give you this timely notice, beseeching you that if you conceave that
there be any coulor for any such restrainte that you would signifie unto me by
your letter when or how it was, which I shall readily obey, but I shall be loath by
mistakes and conjectures to be frighted into a confinement. But if it must be, I
pray your Lordship that it may be done cleerely and avowedly, for that my comming
up importeth my whole estate, which is intended to be questioned, and my health,
for which yf I seeke not present remedye, which is not heere to be had, I am told I
shall runne much hazard ; yet I shall most readilie obey all your orders untill God
shalbe pleased to send me redresse ; and soe, not having for the present further where-
with to trouble your Lordship, I most humbly recommend your Lordship to God's
most holy protection, and rest

Your Lordship's most humble servant,

BRISTOL.
Sherborne, the 12th of April, 1626.

What followed upon this correspondence is matter of history. It
is well known that Bristol came up to London and petitioned the
House of Lords. Then followed the charges brought against him
by the Attorney-General, and the counter charges brought by him
against Buckingham and Conway. The whole dispute was brought
to an end by the dissolution of Parliament. Bristol was then sent
to the Tower, and a process was commenced against him in the
Star Chamber. But the case was postponed from time to time,
and at last, when Charles was looking about for support from all
sides before the meeting of a fresh Parliament in 1628, and when
he had almost forgotten his old quarrel with Spain in the heat of
his new quarrel with France, Bristol obtained what he had always
asked for, permission to kiss the King's hands, without making
any acknowledgment whatever.

PREFACE. XXXIX

If it were still necessary to throw light upon Charles's mode of
treating men who differed from him, nothing could serve the pur-
pose better than these letters. No question of any collision
between privilege and prerogative arose here. The Royal authority
for any purpose of government was in no way at stajse. It was
merely a question whether the powers of the Crown were to be put
forth to restrain the liberty of a subject without ever bringing him
to trial, in order to prevent him from opening his mouth to say
that he had been right when the King considered him to have been
wrong. The question between Charles and Bristol was the ques-
tion between Charles and Eliot in its simplest form.

Of Bristol himself it is not necessary here to say much. If he
preceded Eliot in his defence of the subject's liberties, he was far
behind him in his grasp of constitutional theory. He had himself
never been a member of the House of Commons, and it was hardly
likely that he would associate himself with the movement for the
exaltation of that body. The value of the story of his resistance
consists in the fact that he was standing entirely aloof from political
contests, and that he therefore placed it upon grounds which com-
mend themselves to all, whatever their political theories may be.

Errata: p. 9, note ', for " Properly, at that time, Lord Keeper," read " Properly,
at the time of the first appointment of the Commission, Attorney-General."
P. 21, last line, dele "

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

I. STATEMENT MADE BY THE EARL OF BRISTOL OF HIS PRO-
CEEDINGS IN CONNECTION WITH THE SPANISH MARRIAGE
TREATY.

FORASMUCHE [as], in the Interrogatories administred vnto the Earle
of Bristoll by his Majesties commaundement, bearing date the
30. of June, 1624, in his answeare to the second clause of the 7th
Interrogatorye, wherein hee is demaunded : why hee would so
confidently assure his Majestic of theyr reall proceeding in Spayne,
having beene acquainted with the affront putt upon his Majestic in
the Treaty for Prince Henry ; hee sayth : — For the giving a due
answeare to the point in question, by deducing businesses downe
from Prince Henry's tyme untill this present, would bee of greater
lengthe then befitted that his Answeare, he would in a paper aparte
set downe the whole progresse of the treatyes for a match with
Spain from the yeare 1611 untill this present: hee hathe, in
performance of his dutye and his promise made in the sayd
answeare, written the subsequent Discourse, which containethe all
the passages in the treatyes of a marriage since his firste imploy-
raent into Spayne untill the arrivall of his Highnes and my Lord
Duke of Buckinghame in Spayne ; which hee desirethe may bee
presented unto his Majesty and my Lords the Commissioners.
And for the carriage and miscarriage of the busines from that tyme
untill his revocation, hee is likewise ready to give his Majesty a
true account thereof, whensoever his Majesty shall commaund it.

Firste. The Earl of Bristoll desireth that yt may be considered
that the marriage with Spayne was not propounded by him, as will
appeare by his instruction, 1611, when hee went firste into Spayne,
hee being appointed then to propound a marriage for Prince Henry,

CAMD. SOC. A

2 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

but was no way admitted to the consultyve parte of his imployment
then, nor in many yeares after.

And that a matche with Spayne seemed by the ministers of those
tyines so muche to bee desired that the Infanta Dona Ana, that
King's eldest daughter (for whome hee made the firste motion)
being already promised to the Kinge of France, the Earl of
Bristol had order, by a dispatche bearing date the 25th of January,

1611, stilo vet., signed by the Earl of Salisbury in his Majesties
name, to propound that Kinge Phillipp the 3rd would adopt a
niece, one of the daughters of Savoy, and treate a marriage for
Prince Henry, which not being approved in Spayne, and answeare
being made that that King had daughters of his owne, notwith-
standing that there was such a strong disparitie in yeares (Prince
Henry being then neare twenty, and the Infanta Dona Maria
about seven yeares of age), yet the desire of those tymes seemed to
be so muche set upon a matche with Spayne, that the Earl of
Bristol had order by second letters, bearing date the laste of March,

1612, signed by the Lords of Salisbury, Northampton, Lennox,
Suffolk, Worcester, and Pembroke, to propound a matche for
Prince Henry with the sayd youngest daughter. The which ac-
cordingly he did, and received answeare that the King of Spain
would willingly hearken unto the matche, so that Prince Henry
would become a Roman Catholick. To which unequall and dis-
honorable motion the Earl of Bristoll made answer that the King
his master desired to refer it to that King's own judgement, what
censure that King should deserve, both from the hands of God and
the world, that, having so many wayes expressed his constancie
and love to the faythe and religion which he professed, should
showe himselfe so full of impietie and dishonour as to persuade his
sonne to make exchange of his soule for a wife or any earthly
fortune whatsoever. And if the King of Spayne would not for a
world (as hee professed) bee eyther the direct or indirect causer of
the hazard of his daughter's perversion, that that King mighte bee
pleased to consider that yf hee bee therein so exact as befittethe a

THE EAEL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 3

King in point of religion and honour, that the King his master was
likewise in no degree lesse : and therefore had commaunded him
planely to declare, that though hee could not but make a kinde
and princely construction of the offer which that King made of his
daughter (as judging her moste worthy of any prince whatsoever),
yet for his demaund of the Prince his becoming a Romane Catholick,
the King his master held yt unworthy of him, and would absolutely
refuse to bestowe the Prince his sonne upon these conditions, were
the person offred the sole heyre of the monarchic of the world.

After the answeare, the s peach e of any matche was utterly
silenced for a good space. In which interim yt will appeare, by
many testimonies, with how much fidelitie and vigilancie the Earl
of Bristoll served both the King, Churche, and Commonwealthe, by
the particulars following : —

Firste. There being at that tyme an English seminary begun to
bee erected at Madrid, at the charge of one Cassar Boccaccio, concern-
ing which Sir Thomas Lake (by his Majesties order) had written
unto the Earl of Bristoll by his letters of the 14. of November,
1612 (as despayring that yt could bee prevented), that hee should
not strive muche in yt ; yet the Earl of Bristoll prevayled so muche
by his industry e, as after the students were settled there to have
them removed, and Father Ores well himselfe (then of greate power
in Spayne) to bee sent out of that Courte. The particular^ relation
whereof he referreth to those his dispatches of the 4th of January
and 18. of February, 1612, which then seemed to be services so
acceptable, that his Majestie caused the Archbishop of Canterbury,1
in a letter bearing date the- 15. of June, 1613, all written in his
owne hand, to write as followethe, viz.: " Lett him knowe that I
well and very well accept of his service there. I tell you he
hathe donne mee suche service there as never any embassador did
mee before."

And the late Bishopp of Winchester,2 in his of the 6. of

1 Archbishop Abbot. 2 Bishop Montague.

A2

4 THE EAKL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

Aprill, written all likewise with his owne hand, say the — " I am
loathe to write so much to you of his Majesties good opinion
of you, and of his gratious acceptance of your services, as truly
I may. But truly upon your laste dispatche hee tolde mee how
diligent and how industrious a minister you were ; how able
and how honest. I tolde his Majestie I would bee so bolde as to
lett you understand thereof. For I found nothing made you more
willing to serve him than to heare of his Majesties good acceptance
thereof. And withall, his Majestie gave mee the letters of the
King of Spayne to Aquaviva, and the reste of Creswell's to the
Provinciall and theyr Generall, and wondering how that busines
of overthrowing the newe erected seminarye could bee brought
about, saying — that it was the noblest parte and the moste power-
full that ever embassador playd." And the bishopp concludes
with a God bee thanked for yt, and that it will ever remayne a
trophee of your love and service to the Churche, besides King and
State.

That for some yeares togeather there was no consulta nor letter
written in Spayne by that King or counsell whereof the Earl of
Bristoll procured not his Majestie by his industry e a copie, and for
the most parte sent yt before the originall could arrive at the place
to which yt was directed.

That, all his Majesties chief ministers being pensioners then to
Spaine, without regard of person the Earl of Bristoll made a free
and cleare discovery e of them all unto his Majestie, which procured
him a greate enmitie and hatred, which hathe lasted towards him
ever since ; allthough, at the same tyme, the Earl of Bristoll pre-
vayled so muche with his Majestie as to obtayne that no man was
questioned or disgraced thereupon, humbly beseeching his Ma-
jestie to have regard rather to services that mighte be donne him
for the future, by the intelligence which he had settled, than, by
punishing paste disservices, to hazard the discoverye of yt; which
his Majestie was pleased to condescend unto. And the Earl of
Bristoll (as a faythefull servant) disguised nothing from his Majestie,

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 5

yet omitted nothing that could bee done to keepe the parties in
fault from disgrace or question.

That when Scioppius (like another fowle-mouthed Shimei)
scattred a rayling and infamous libell, full of irreverent language
and disrespect unto his Majestic, and that the Earl of Bristoll
could not procure suche exemplary punishment to bee inflicted on
his person as he held fitt for his Majesties greatnes, yt is well
knowen with how muche hazard hee caused his Majesties honour
to be vindicated in the publique face of that courte by a neere
kinsman of his.1

That for the true understanding of the Spaniards intentions, the
Earl of Bristoll procured to gett into his hands all the King of
Spaynes .originall papers, both the secrete instructions and dis-
patches to theyr embassadors, and all consultas concerning England
ever since the peace. And after hee had copyed them, hee made
upon everye one of them a privy secrete-marcke before they were
returned to the Kinges cabinett. To the end that yf hee should
have had occasion to make use of any of those papers by way of
allegation, hee might have tolde them where to find that marke,
to the end they might knowe the originall had beene in his hands.
And with these markes the sayd secrett papers still remayne. And
the copies of them are in the Earl of Bristoll's hands, ever ready
for his Majestyes use and service.

And of all these services, hee can showe suche testimonies of his
Majesties high estimation of them, both under his Majesties owne
hand and from his ministers by his order, that hee conceivethe no
subject can produce greater from the prince his master then the
Earl of Bristol! can.

By that which is hitherto sayd, yt will appeare that the Earl
of Bristoll in the proposition of the matche for Prince Henry had
nothing to doe, but with the parte of obedience ; and that in all
other thinges, eyther touching the King, Churche, or Common-

1 By beating Scioppius.

6

wealthe, hee behaved himselfe with fidelitie and some measure of
vigilancie.

It will now bee fitt to sett downe in the next place how the
matche for Prince Charles began to bee renewed, and what con-
nexion yt had with the former proposition.

After that this demaund of the Spaniards for Prince Henry his
becoming a Romane Catholick was represented into England, the
Prince in all things began to showe himselfe disaffectionate to
Spayne, and a matche for his Highnes was neere upon conclusion
with a daughter of Savoy, when yt pleased God to take unto him-
selfe that noble and worthy Prince.

At the same tyme, those distastes betwixt Spayne and Savoy,
which afterwards broke out to a direct warr touching Monferrato,
were at theyr highthe ; and the Spanish embassadors out of England,
and likewise the ancient counsellors of Spayne, often and seriously
represented unto that King and to the Duke of Lenna (who then
chiefly guided the affayres of that State) how important it was for
the upholding of that monarchic, to bee upon good tearrnes with
England, and that there had been a greate errour committed in that
strict and rigide demaund touching the match with Prince Henry ;
and to this effect the Conde de Gondemar wrote many serious and
pressing dispatches into Spayne upon his firste coming into this
imployment, alleaging that by the deathe of Prince Henry the matche
was become more equall and treatable by reason of the fittnes and
suitablenes of yeares betwixt Prince Charles and the Lady Marie.
Hee alleaged allso besides the ancient and received maxime of
Spayne, " Paz con Inglatierra, y con todo el mundo guerra," many
important advantages for the good of that Crowne, and the advance-
ment of Catholique religion, which by a match and perfect
amitie with England would acrewe; and this his advice was
seconded by the opinion of Don Juan de Idiaques, and all the
ancient counsellours of those tymes. Whereupon the Duke of
Lerma began to have many discourses with the Earle of Bristoll,
who admitted of none, but still gave an account of all secretely

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 7

unto his Majestie, and had order to heare all that should be pro-
pounded, but tolde the] Duke of Lerraa that hee was soe farr
discouraged by that harshe and unreasonable answer to the proposi-
tion for Prince Henry that hee had little hope ever to see the
difference in religion so^reconciled as to make a matche againe
treatable. Whereupon hee assured the Earl of Bristoll that that
King and State so muche desired a matche and perfect alliance with
England that, on theyr parte, they would stretche as farr to accom-
modate differences as they could eyther with honour or conscience ;
and thereupon was there called a junta of the chiefe divines in
Spayne, who were required to deliver theyr opinions, and to sett
downe suche conditions (as being graunted by the King of England)
the King of Spayne mighte safely bestowe his daughter upon a
prince of a different religion ; and that those conditions were to bee
without touching upon the Prince his conversion or tolleration .of
religion. For that the Earl of Bristoll had declared plainely that
no treaty or overture would bee admitted or hearkned unto where
eyther of those points should bee so muche as touched. Whereupon
the Duke of Lerma, in the yeare].1614, delivered unto the Earl of
Bristoll certayne conditions in writing, which had beene agreed
upon by the divines. But the Earl of Bristoll was so farr from
giving hopes or incouragement in the matche that hee absolutely
refused to promise so muche as to send them unto his Majestie,
declaring that hee judged them unworthy of him. Yet underhand
he sent them secretely unto his Majesty, togeather with his opinion
how unfitt they were to bee admitted of, and that he had disavowed
the sending of them. Yet upon them was the matche for Prince
Charles again renewed, and good hopes given to the Spanish embas-
sador. But the firste condition propounded was that the Earl of
Bristoll (then Sir John Digbye) must have nothing to doe with
the match, but that the Spanishe embassador must send for a com-
mission to treate and conclude the matche with the ministers heere ;
and the Spanishe embassador was made acquainted with all that
the Earl of Bristoll had written ; and the very articles that he had

8 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

secretly sent out of Spayne (protesting against the admitting or
sending of them unto his Majestic, as judging them unworthy of
him,) were putt into the Spanishe embassador's hands; and there-
upon the Conde de Gondemar (then Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuna)
wrote unto the Duke of Lerma that it was desired heere that the
Earl of Bristoll should have nothing to doe with the busines, but
that hee rnighte have authoritie to treate the matche with the chiefe
ministers in England; and accordingly order was sent unto the Conde
de Gondemar, and the Duke of Lerma withdrewe from the Earl of
Bristoll all maner of treating or proceeding in the busines, more than
so muche as he conceived would serve to disguise the busines and
holde him in ignorance, whilest in the interim things were seriously
debated and advanced in England untill, by the Earl of Somerset's
misfortune, this negotiation was for some small tyme interrupted.
The which was sone after in a manner renewed by seyerall con-
ferences held betwixt the Spanish embassador and the Earl of Kelly.1
But the Earl of Bristoll was never made acquainted with the for-
mer proceeding, nor with the renewing of yt by the Earl of Kelly.
But yt is true that by his owne industrie and private intelligence hee
gott exact and perfect knowledge of all that passed in England and
of all the embassadour wrote into Spayne. And not knowing
whether these proceedings were by his Majesties approbation, with-
out respect of any person acquainted his Majestic with all that had
passed, as hee doubteth not his Majestic will well remember ; and
so he conceiveth dothe the Earl of Kelly, who, yt should seeme, had
sufficient warrant for all he did from the King ; for that, the next
day after the Earl of Bristoll had acquainted his Majestic with all
the particulars, the Earl of Kelly meeting him in the gallerye, said
merily unto him: "I see, Mr. Vice-Chamberlayne, I had beene
litle beholding unto you yf 1 had been a knave."

In the yeare 1615 the Earl of Bristoll was by his Majestic
recalled and commaunded presently to repayre into England.

1 At that time Viscount Fenton.

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 9

Thereupon the Duke of Lerma acquainted him in some sorte with
the proceedings, and desired him to doe all good offices for the
increasing of amitie and neare alliance at his returne, assuring him
that by that King and his ministers yt was very really desired, and
that they would doe all that was possible on theyr side to accom-
modate differences yf his Majestic would doe the like on his parte ;
whiche the Earl of Bristoll promised to represent unto his Majestic,
as hee did faithfully, and received direction from ' his Majestic to
write severall letters to the Duke of Lerma as from himselfe, which
letters (for his better warrant in all tymes) the Earl of Bristoll
moved his Majestic to sign the copie of them with his owne hand,
warranting him to send them, which his Majestic was pleased to
doe. These letters were showed to the commissioners, as likewise
the Duke of Lerma's answeares, which gave his Majestic all assurance
of theyr reall desiring of the matche in Spayne, and doing all things
on theyr parte that mighte conduce unto yt, as will appeare by the
letters which are ready to bee produced. Upon this assurance of
the Duke of Lerma's, his Majestic was resolved to begin the treaty.
Whereupon the Earl of Bristoll humbly moved his Majestic,
that, before anything were donne, there might be a commission of
Lords nominated, by whose advice all things mighte passe ; where-
upon his Majestie was pleased to nominate for commissioners the
Lord Duke of Lenox ; Sir Francis Bacon, lord chancellor ;x the Earl
of Suffolke, lord treasurer ; the Earl of Nottinghame, lord admiral ;
the Earl of Pembroke, lord chamberlayne ; the now Duke of Buck-
ingham e ; the Earl of Arundell ; the Earl of Worcester ; the Lord
of Kelly ;2 Sir Thomas Lake ; and the Earl of Bristoll ;3 to whome
there was an exact and punctuall account given of all that had
passed, and with theyr advice his Majestie resolved to send an
extraordinary embassage into Spayne, and was pleased to make
choyse of the person of the Earl of Bristoll,3 whose instructions were

1 Properly, at that time, Lord Keeper.

2 Then Viscount Fenton. 3 Then Sir John Digby.
CAMD. SOC. B

10 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

drawen by the sayd commissioners after mature advise and debate,
and then offred unto his Majestic, who, approving of them, signed
them.

The Earl of Bristoll1 began his journey towards Spayne in the
month of Auguste 1617, and returned in Aprill 1618, and gave
unto the lords the commissioners suche an account of his negotia-
tions, that they were pleased to give testimonie of him unto his
Majestic that hee in all thinges had behaved himselfe like a fayth-
full and good servant, having in points of religion not only been
more reserved than by his instructions hee mighte have beene, but
likewise added severall conditions much to his Majesties honor and
advantage, both in religion and the point of portion; and thereof
his Majestic hathe likewise beene pleased to give manie testimonies,
especially when yt pleased God to visitt him with a dangerous
sicknes at Royston, where amongst many other his servants whome
he recommended unto the Prince, hee was pleased in suche sorte to
recommend the Earl of Bristoll, that hee acknowledgethe to meritt
no kind of grace or favour, but to have deserved all rigour, yf hee
hathe beene wanting eyther in his fidelitie or his industrie towards
so gratious a master. 'Amongst other things his Majestic was then
pleased to say that, although the Earl of Bristoll mighte suffer in
the world (as being held Spanish) hee had carefully watched him,
and, if hee should have ever found any minte in him towards
Spayne (more then agreed with his pleasure and directions) he should
have hated him ; but that hee had found him a faythful servant
herein, and not to have gone one stepp without his liking. Ail-
though, for the advancing of his service and ends, yt was fitt for
him to upholde a good opinion and reputation with Spayne.

Before the Earl of Bristoll his departure towards Spayne, hee
craved leave of his Majestic to acquaint the Prince his Highnes
with all particulars of his negotiation, as hee did, and presumed
to give his Highnes in wjiting bothe what his opinion was, and what

1 Then Sir John Digby.

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 11

he held his dutje, firste as a counsellor, secondly as a servant. The
contents whereof is that which followethe : —

" Sir,1 The opinion that I have ever presumed humbly to offer
unto his Majestie concerning your Highnes marriage hathe beene
that, bothe in regard of conscience and satisfaction to his Majesties
people and allies, as likewise for the securitie and quiett of his
Majesties estates, that your Highnes mighte take to wife some
Protestant princesse, although shee were neyther daughter to king,
or had any so ample portion as mighte relieve the King's present
necessities, for that there mighte many meanes bee found for help-
ing of the King's wants, either by some few years' providence, or by
the joining of the affection of the people to the supplying of his
Majestie by the way of subsidies in Parliament. Whereas contrari-
wise, yf the number and power of the Papists shall bee increased, as
undoubtedly yt will bee by your Highnes matching with any
Catholic princesse whatsoever, through the commerce which must
bee of necessitie for the exercise of her religion for herselfe and
familie within your Highnes courte ; and thereby by degrees these
two different religions shall growe to an equalitie of power, which
will bee of greate hazard and disquiett to the State, and not to bee
redressed without greate danger and courses of greater violence
than is proper or usuall for this State to put in practise. But in
case his Majestie, out of his wisdome and considerations, beste
knowen to himselfe, holde yt fittest that your Highnes matche with
France or Spayne, or any other Catholick, eyther for that the present
tyme affordethe no Protestant princesse which is for yeares or blood
suitable to your Highnes, or that can in any considerable measure
by her portion supply his Majesties present want, I then conceive
that the matche by which this State shall suffer leaste inconvenience
and cumber, and whereby your Highnes issue will have the moste
undoubted and unquestionable royall blood, and whereby his

1 This paper is printed in the State Trials (ii. 1408) with some verbal difference,
and the omission of one clause — " and whereby your Highnes issue will have the
most undoubted and unquestionable royal blood."

B 2

12 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

Majesties necessities shall (by the greatness of the portion) bee the
moste relieved, is with Spayne — yf such a matche may bee made
with suche conditions of religion as other Catholick princes will con-
tent themselves withall. Thus muche I thought fitt humbly to
present unto your Highnes, for that I see my imployment lyable to
the censure of many worthy and religious men, — with whom though
I concurre in my opinion, yet I seeme muche to differ from them in
my wayes ; for that yt is more proper for mee to bee true to my
master's ends and service then, by declaring this, to procure theyr
satisfaction. Only to your Highnes I thought fitt to make this
declaration, and shall have a suitor for your favour as you shall see
mee really labour to putt this in effect ; and yf his Majestic shall,
eyther upon motion of Parliament or any other proposition that shall
bee made unto him, thinkeyt fitt to proceede with a Protestant matche,
as I shall wishe as well unto yt as any man living, so I hope in
suche sorte to manage the present busines that I have in hand, as
yt shall rather muche further then any way crosse or hinder yt ; but
in case his Majestie shall not bee drawen to hearken to any propo-
sition for a Protestant matche, I then conceive that your Highnes
bothe dothe and will approve that I really and effectually labour to
procure a matche for your Highnes with Spayne upon suche con-
ditions in point of religion and portion as to his Majestie shall
seeme fit."

Now by this paper yt will appeare that the Earl of Bristoll was
not the mover of the Spanish matche, nor positively for yt; in his
opinion preferring any matche with a Protestant before all others,
and the matche with Spayne butt only comparatively in respect of
other Catholick matches.

But during the tyme of the Earl of Bristoll's absence, notice
being gotten of this paper left with the Prince, the Earl of Bristol
was traduced to the King as a servant that was not true and fayth-
full to his ends and service, but that underhand hee had written
and laboured to disuade the Prince from the matche intended for
him by his father. And heereupon the Earl of Bristoll had like

THE EAKL OF BKISTOL's DEFENCE. 13

to have fallen under a greate cloude of his Majesties displeasure (as
is well knowen to many of my Lords), had not his Majestic beene
pleased then to afforde him a gratious hearing, wherein the Earl
of Bristoll made yt appeare that the substance of the paper was the
same which hee had ever spoken unto his Majestie, that, as a
counsellor, he ever wished a Protestant matche in the firste place.
But yf, for want of a fitting person, or other respects best knowen
unto his Majestie, he should holde yt fitt to bestowe the Prince
otherwise, and therein to employ his service, hee would moste
humbly lay downe his owne opinion, and moste faythfully (to the
uttmoste of his power) pursue his Majesties ends, as in this em-
ployment hee made it appeare unto his Majestie he had done. And
thereupon his Majesties favour cleared agayne, which for some
dayes had been clowded towards him.

And at the same tyrne, there being a hope, not only to bring the
Earl of Bristoll into his Majesties disfavour and discreditt, but
likewise utterly to disgrace and discreditt him with Spayne, the
copie of the sayd paper was sent1 to the Spanish

Embassador to lett him see how faynt a frend the Earl of Bristoll
was to the Spanishe matche ; and how reall and true they were that
sent him this paper. And this hathe beene usuall upon all occasions,
firste in England and since in Spayne (as hee can instance in many
particulars) to give notice unto the Spanishe ministers of whatsoever
the Earl of Bristoll sayd or advertized to the advantage of his
Majestie or religion, and the dis-ser,vice of Spayne. Insomuch that
yt is well knowen to many, in what opinion hee was with the
Spaniards as the only man that was opposite to theyr ends and pre-
tentions by the matche. But the Spanish Embassador having notice
how really the Earl of Bristoll had proceeded in Spayne, and that
this paper was no other in effect than what the Earl of Bristoll
had ever by word of mouth professed unto himselfe, vizt., that

1 Blank in MS. Perhaps the name of the sender had been here inserted in the
original.

14 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

hee primarily and, in the firste place, desired that the Prince mighte
marrye with one of his owne religion ; but, in case that mighte not
bee, of all Catholick matches hee judged a Spanishe matche the
beste, and to that end had in his late negotiation faythefully pursued
his Majesties ends, and so settled and agreed points of religion that
the King of Spayne had undertaken to send presently a person of
purpose to procure the dispensation, the Spanish Embassador,
after some small showe of jealousie and discontent, passed over that
business, which by others was laboured hee should have pressed
against the Earl of Bristoll to have wrought his ruine with his
Majestic.

At the same tyme the Spanishe Embassador avowed firste unto
his Majestic, and afterwards publiquely at the counsell table,
before all the Commissioners, all that the Earl of Bristoll had
treated in Spayne, where all the articles were read, and all suche
promises which had passed by word of mouthe were there averred
and confirmed by him. And he showed the King of Spayne his
master's letters to warrant him in all particulars ; insomuche that
bothe the Lordes Commissioners and his Majestic were then pleased
highly to approve the solidnes and directnes of the Earl of Bristoll's
proceeding. And heere it is to bee remembred that, in this in-
terim, diverse of the Commissioners being by sicknes or accident
hindred from attending the commission, as my Lord of Notting-
hame, my Lord of Suffolke, and Sir Thomas Lake, the Earl of
Bristoll moved his Majestic that in so greate a busines his Majestie
would keepe the commission full, and, particularly, that hee would
bee pleased to add suche as were judged to bee least favourable unto
the matche of Spayne, alleaging to his Majestie (which hee doubteth
not but hee well remembreth) that a matche with Spayne was not
to bee stolne by the pluralitie of votes well inclined, but that it was
to endure the strictest and most adverse examination ; and that, in
case they alleage suche reasons and inconveniences agaynst the
matche as mighte move his Majestie in his wisdome not to pursue
any further, God forbidd but they should bee hearkned unto, and

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 15

that his Majestie should follow theyr advice. But in case they
should see juste cause to approve his Majesties proceedings, and
should unanimously concurre in the further prosecution of this
treaty, yt could not but add muche, both for the justification of the
busines and the satisfaction of the world, when yt should bee scene
to pass the examination and sifting of suche as were rather judged
averse than favourable to the busines, further then they should bee
induced by the strengthe of reason and the good of his Majesties
service. Heereupon his Majesty was pleased to add unto the com-
mission my Lord Marques Hamilton, the Lord of Doncaster, Mr.
Secretary Naiwiton ; and after the Lord President of the Counsell,1
the Lord Keeper,2 and the Chancellor of the Exchequer,3 without
whose advice and mature debating all things that were offred,
nothing was done whilest the treating of the busines remained in
the Earl of Bristoll's hands.

But yt being agreed by the articles which the Earl of Bristoll
had settled, anno 1617, that the dispensation was solely by the
King of Spayne to bee procured, all things were, so disposed of that
the yeare after the Padre Maestro4 was dispatched unto Rome to that
purpose. And the Conde de Gondemar having in the interim made
a journey that yeare5 into Spayne, at his returne6 assured his
Majestie of theyr reall intention in Spayne to proceede with his
Majestie in the matche, and brought order to confirme'all that had
been promised unto the Earl of Bristoll, and particularly for the
advancement of half a million 7 which had beene by the Earl of
Bristoll negotiated beyond any instruction that hee had, which hee
did upon this ground : —

Hee seeing that the recourse which the King of Spayne was to
have unto Rome could not but putt greate disequality upon the

1 Viscount Mandeville. 2 John Williams, Bishop of Lincoln.

3 Sir Richard Weston. 4 Diego de la Fuente, Gondomar's confessor.

5 In 1618. 6 In 1620.

7 Of ducats ; they were to be of twelve reals or 6s. each, the whole sum being
£150,000.

16 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

treaty, for that his Majestie treated absolutely and independently,
but the King of Spayne was only obliged under condition, and
with reference to the Pope's dispensation, thought fitt for a counter-
securitie of the treaty to propound the anticipation of halfe a million
which (after muche debate) hee gott condescended unto in Spayne.
And the Conde de Gondemar brought order (as he declared unto
his Majestie in the presence of diverse) for the advancing of the
sayde halfe million, though it is true that use was not made thereof,
for that (the trouble of Germany and the invasion of the Palatinate
being then hapned,) the King and the Lords held yt not fitt nor
honourable to presse for the King of Spayne's money, when they
were in doubte whether these occasions mighte administer a juste
cause of quarrell.

By these occasions, as likewise by the deathe of the King of
Spayne, Phillipp the 3rd, as allso of the Pope Paulus Quintus, the
treatie of the matche with Spayne was somewhat retarded, and the
Earl of Bristoll in the interim was im ployed in embassage to the
Archdukes and to the Emperour,1 and from thence was to take his
journey into Spayne upon those assurances that were given by his
Majesties ministers in Spayne, Sir Walter Aston and Sir Francis
Cottington, of the professions of reall and sincere proceeding made
unto them there ; they having from tyme to tyme particular charge
to bring the busines to as much assurance as mighte bee before his
Majestie should again send thether any embassage, as will appeare by
dispatches made unto them by the Earl of Bristoll by the King's
order, wherein no other language was ever held unto them but
that they should labour to bring the busines of the matche to /a
speedy and certayne issue ; that yf they should find any coldeness
therein and desire to winne tyme they should labour to disingage
his Majestie, for that it imported his Majestie and these kingdom es
so muche to have the Prince bestowed, that if his Majestie should
eyther finde difficultye or delay, hee should be forced to alter his
resolution for the matching of his sonne, and judge that the beste

1 In 1621.

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 17

matclie that conveniently mighte firste bee had. To these instructions
yt will, by theyr dispatches in answeare of them, appeare what returne
was made by Sir Walter Aston and Sir Francis Cottington, which
were to the effect following: —

That that King and his ministers gave them all assurances of the
proceeding in the matche ; that presently, upon the deathe of
Phillipp the 3rd, Sir Walter Aston received assurance from this
King's owne mouthe, that hee desired the matche as muche as his
father had done, and would pursue the treaty of yt to a conclusion.

And this language was constantly and unanimously used then in
Spayne by all the ministers there, as will appeare by theyr severall
dispatches, and by the Spanishe embassador heere unto his Majestic.
Upon these grounds and assurances from Spayne, as likewise for
the treating of the business of the Palatinate, was the Earl of
Bristoll sent agayne into Spayne in the yeare 1621, the Lords
Commissioners meeting often for the directing of the negotiation ;
and his instructions were (after muche debate and deliberation)
drawen by the Commissioners, who still gave his Majestic an
account of all that they resolved at the end of every meeting, and
received his approbation.

The Earl of Bristoll arrived at Madrid about the beginning of
June 1622, and had his firste audience within fewe dayes after.
And so presently began to propound the busines for which hee was
sent, bothe to the Kinge and Don Bathezar de Cuniga,1 who then
chiefly had hand in busines. For untill after his deathe the Conde
de Olivares only meddled with things of the King's grace and
bountye, but with no business of state, eyther at home or abroade.

The Earl of Bristoll his proposition will appeare by his dis-
patche of the 28. of June, which was to this effect : —

That whereas the treaty had depended some yeares, yt now

imported the King his master highly to see yt brought to some

certayne and speedy issue, having but onely one sonne, and hee

being arrived to the yeares allmoste of twenty-two. That the scope

1 Baltazar de Zuniga, uncle of Olivares.

CAMD. SOC. 0

18 THE EARL OF BRISTOL S DEFENCE.

of his Majesties sending at present was, eyther to bring the sayd
matche to a speedy conclusion, or otherwise, in case hee should
finde the difficulties suche as could not bee well reconciled, hee
mighte, without losse of any more tyme, so cleare the busines as his
Majestic, recalling hia ingagement with *Spayne, mighte dispose
himselfe for the speedy bestowing of the Prince his sonne else-
where.

Heereunto hee received answeare, that this King desired the
matche no lesse then his father, and that his Majestie should finde
reall and speedy proceeding. That the Conde de Gondemar was
sent for of purpose for the concluding of the busines, and was
allready landed in Spayne ; and that the King would give order
for Commissioners presently to be named for the bringing of this
treaty to a speedy conclusion.

And yt will appeare by the same dispatche of the 28. of June
(being the firste that the Earl of Bristoll made after his'^firste audi-
ence,) that he was so farr from wynning tyme, or admitting delayes,
that hee there cravethe his Majesties leave, that in case hee should
finde delatory courses used in the busines, that hee mighte (without
expecting any new order) take his leave and come home.

And whereas yt hathe beene objected agaynst the Earl of Bristoll
that hee still desired to protract and delay the busines, hee humbly
desireth that from this very dispatche (which was the firste hee
made out of Spayne) until his very laste, yt may be truly observed
whether his language to his Majestie and the Prince, on the one
side, were not to admit of no further delay, but rather to thinke on
some other course ; and on the other side, whither hee pressed not
things for a speedy conclusion as farr as eyther tearmes of fayre
negotiation, or of good manners, would beare. And then hee
doubteth not but yt will clearely appeare that that which hathe
beene suggested against him in this kinde will as ill beare the ex-
amination as that other that the hopes given by his letters out of
Spayne caused his Majestie to forbeare the assisting of the Pala-
tinate, and by that meanes all was lost; when the truthe is that

THE EAEL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 19

Heidelberg and all the rest was loste eyther before his firste letters
of that subject out of Spayne beare date, or at leaste -before they
could come unto his Majesties hands; as is particularly made appa-
rent in his answeare to the second interrogatory e.

Upon the arrival of the Conde de Gondemar at Madrid, presently
the Commissioners were named, and the treaty began. And the
Earl of Bristoll delivered unto the King of Spayne and the Com-
missioners his propositions in writing, which are heere sett downe :
" The Baron Digbye, Embassadour extraordinary of the King of
Greate Brittayne, say the, that yt is allmoste six yeares since a mar-
riage betwixt the Prince of Wales and the Infanta Dona Maria.
your Majesties sister, hathe beene in treaty. That yt is five yeares
since the articles in matter of religion were agreed upon heere in
Spayne, his Majestie (of famous memorye) having firste asked the
opinion of many divines, whome hee caused to be assembled about
this busines. That the King of Greate Brittayne his master agreed
readily to all these articles ; and with them, and with that which
was promised by word of mouth, which hath beene all perfourmed.
And in a letter which the King his master wrote of the 27. of Aprill
1620, in which hee particularly declared what hee would doe in
favour of the Catholiques, the busines seemed so well grounded that
the Pope's dispensation mighte well be demaunded ; and thereupon
the fryar Diego de la Fuente was despatched to solicite the same in
Kome. The Pope (without replying hither) hathe sent directly into
England propounding unto the King not only many alterations in
the sayd articles, but some newe things, whereunto his Majestie can
in no sorte condescend ; this hathe seemed unto the King his master
muche differing from that which hee expected.

" First, for that yt is capitulated that the dispensations should be
procured by Spayne. Neyther hathe his Majestie treated anything
with the Pope, so that whatsoever the Pope would reply, hee ought
to have done it to your Majestie by whome the dispensation was
required.

" Secondly, for that hee thought that with the foresayd articles,

c2

20 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

and that winch was further promised, all things in point of religion
had beene fully settled ; and that theyr divines were of opinion
that with these conditions his Holines both mighte and ought to
graunt the dispensation : now to see newe and impossible things
demaunded seemed very strange unto him.

" And hereupon the King his master, desiring a speedy dispatche
of this busines (yt being of so greate importance bothe unto him-
selfe and his kingdomes to have the Prince his only sonne speedily
marryed, he being now neere the age of 22 yeares, and having for
the space of six yeares paste forborne to bestowe him in marriage
(meerely in respect of this treaty), hathe commaunded him planely
to declare unto your Majestic how farr hee can goe in matter of
religion ; and if your Majestie shall therewith bee contented, that
the sayd Embassador without further delay proceede to a conclusion
of the marriage ; and yf this bee not sufficient to give satisfaction to
your Majestie ( as hee hopeth it will ) since there is muche more
graunted than was capitulated in the tyme of the King your
father of famous memorie, your Majestie may bee pleased lyke-
wise that it be so declared on your parte, to the end that, without
losse of more tyme, the King his master may dispose of the Prince
his sonne, and your Majestie of the Infanta your sister, as shall seeme
best unto you."

By this manner of proceeding yt will appeare whether the Earl
of Bristoll fell shorte of his instructions, or whether, yf any errour
were committed, yt were not in the pressing parte beyond what hee
had order for.

To this proposition hee had not only from the Commissioners, by
word of mouthe, all assurance of reall and speedy proceeding, but
likewise received in writing from that King the answeare which
followeth : " That Don Baltazar de Cuniga gave an account unto
his Majestie of what was sayd and propounded unto him ; and that
hee was very gladd to heare yt, for that hee is nott only desirous of
the union of the marriage of the Prince of Wales with the Infanta
Dona Maria, in regard yt was a busines begun, heard, and treated

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 21

by the King his father of famous memorie, but, when that should
not have beene, hee would gladly have beene the beginner and
concluder of yt, for that his Catholic Majestie hopeth that for the
difficulties that can bee heerein (which are matters of religion) the-
King of Greate Brittayne will overcome and dispose them in that
sorte that with the conveniencie of bothe Crownes, and the generall
good of Christendome, the Pope^ not only may but ought to give
this dispensation, and his benediction for the conclusion of yt, yt
being a thing (as yt hathe allwayes beene sayd) is precisely neces-
sary; and wherein (for our parte) there shall bee all expedition
used, for that the speedy effecting of this busines is of as muche
importance and no lesse desired heere then in England : that by
this tyme the Earl of Bristoll will have understood how Mr. Gage
was sent from Rome unto England with certain animadversions
upon the articles ; and that his Majestie would have beene glad to
have understood yt in tyme to have procured him to have taken his
journey by this Courte, that hee mighte have communicated with
the Earl of Bristoll that which hee carryed, and have conferred
with him about yt for the greate confidence which is held of his
person, goodnes, and good intentions, which is suche that obligeth
us to showe unto him in greate secrecie the same papers which by
the Embassadour the Duke of Alburquerque have beene sent from
Rome, to the end that having seene them and the state of things in
England, hee may judge what will bee fitt to write thereupon unto
the King his master, and that from hence Don Carlos de Coloma
may have notice of yt. For yt is heere desired that this busines
may bee proceeded in with conformitie."

And by that yt will appeare that, not only in that which con-
cernethe that King's desire and affection to the matche, there is
made profession of all sinceritie ; but in that which concerned the
Pope they used another kinde of stile then of later tymes they used.
For in this answeare yt is sayd, that not only the Pope " may" but
"ought" to dispense. And Sir Francis Cottington, who returned
about this tyme into England, " can beste testify e the language

22 THE EAKL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

that was then used in Spayne, and the commissions which hee
received from that King and his ministers to deliver unto his
Majestic and the Prince, of theyr intentions to proceede to a reall
and speedy conclusion of the matche, and to use all effectuall
meanes to overcome the difficulties in Rome for the graunting of
the dispensation.

And notwithstanding the hopes then given by these assurances in
Spayne, yt will appeare by the letters of the Earl of Bristoll, then
brought by Sir Francis Cottington to his Majestie and the Prince,
that hee ever, in the firste place, desired that all possible speede
mighte bee used for the bestowing of his Highnes, and therefore
hee wrote unto his Majestie of the 13. of September 1622 as
folio wethe:

" I shall presume to add to that which Mr. Cottington will
deliver unto your Majestie by word of mouth, of the present estate
of the matche, what I conceive to bee the right way to bring yt to
a speedy issue: that your Majestie will bee pleased particularly to
declare what you will doe in point of religion, and that you will
appoint mee a certayne limited tyme by which this King should
procure the dispensation or conclude the matche without yt, and in
case there shall bee any further delay therein that I may then
declare your Majestie to bee free and disingaged to bestowe the
Prince in suche sorte as you shall judge moste convenient."

And to the Prince wrote at the same time in the subsequent
words :

u That which will be necessary" for his Majesties parte, is to
declare himselfe how farr he will be pleased to extend in point of
religion in such forme as Mr. Cottington will propound unto your
Highnes, and that hee sett mee a prefixed limited tyme to breake
or conclude the matche eyther with the dispensation or without yt,
and for the reste yt may be left to my negotiation. But your High-
nes may bee pleased to hasten this his Majesties resolution with all
possible speede."

And hereupon his Majestie was pleased to send him his positive

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 23

answeare in point of religion, and to limit a certayne tyme for the
procuring of the dispensation by Mr. Porter, who arrived at Madrid
in November, 1622, which direction of his Majestic the Earl of
Bristoll was so carefull to obey with all punctualitie that the tyme
limited for the procuring of the dispensation seeming very shorte
to send unto Kome, and to have an answeare from thence, for that
his Majesties letters, by accident, were long upon the way, yet the
Earl of Bristoll would not enlarge the tyme so muche as for a
month, untill hee had firste sent unto his Majestic and received
warrant under his owne hand, as will appeare by his Majesties
letters of the 28. of October, 1622, as followeth :

" Righte trusty and wellbeloved cosen and counsellor. — Wee
greete you hartily well. Whereas by your laste letter written to
our secretary, dated the 29. of September, you are desirous to have
our pleasure signifyed unto you under our owne hand, whether wee
will bee contented or not to graunte one monthe longer tyme for
the coming of the dispensation from Rome then wee have already
limited unto you : in case they shall there conclude all things else
to our contentment, with a resolution to send the Infanta hither the
next spring, wee doe hereby declare unto you, that in that case
you shall not breake with them for a monthe longer delay. Wee also
wishe you not to trouble yourselfe with the rashe censures of other
men, in case your busines should not succeede. Resting in that full
assurance of our justice and wisdome, that wee will never judge a
good and faythefull servant by the effect of things so contingent
and variable, and with this assurance wee bidd you hartily fare-
well/'

In obedience to this letter, the Earl of Bristoll laboured to effect
all that by this letter was directed. Wherein hee insisted so farr
in point of religion, and in opposing the Pope's new demand, which
had beene sent unto England by Mr. Gage, as to give greate dis-
tastes to the Spanish ministers, and particularly to the Conde de
Gondomar ; who in greate anger tolde the Earl of Bristoll that,

24 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

allthoughe hee seemed muche to desire the Spanish matche, yet
really he had beene the greatest hinderer of yt ; and that hee muste
not thinke to doe now as hee had donne in his former imployment,
to stand stiffer in point of religion then was ordred by his in-
structions ; and to have yt alleaged at his returne as a meritt and
good service, that hee had held back part of that grace which his
Majesty intended unto Catholicks ; as yt had been upon his laste
imployment in the report made by the Commissioners of that
negotiation.

However, the Earl of Bristoll was much greived to see his
Majesties service so muche betrayed. And thereupon wrote pre-
sently into England, giving notice thereof, and desiring that for
the future the like mighte bee prevented.

And heerein the Earl of Bristoll appealeth unto the testimony of
Sir Walter Aston, who was present at all that passed with the
Conde de Gondemar and the Spanishe Commissioners, and desirethe
that his dispatche of the 12. of December, 16 22, sent by Mr. Porter,
may bee produced; for that, as hee was present at all the debates of
the busines, so hee conceiveth hee gave an account of that which

And as for the Pope's new demaunds, yt will appeare by his
severall dispatches to his Majestic, that the Earl of Bristoll held
them unreasonable, and tolde the Spanish ministers that hee con-
ceived that, if they insisted upon them, that the busines was at an
end, as will appeare likewise by his despatches bearing date1
and thereupon laboured by all possible meanes to bring them to
content themselves with that which his Majestic had condescended
unto, without any alterations or additions. The which, although
hee did in matter of substance, and that there was no essential differ-
ence, yet not being punctually the same (differing rather in forme
then otherwise) which his Majestic had prescribed by a paper of
introduction, bearing date the 9th of September, under his owne
1 Sentence left unfinished in MS.

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 25

hand, the Earl of Bristoll would not accept of them but only de bene
esse, for the procuring of the dispensation, until hee mighte firste
make his Majestic acquainted with the alteration and receive his
approbation ; and thereupon was Mr. Porter dispatched the 12. of
December 1622, and carryed with him the answeare which was
given to the Earl of Bristol by the King of Spaynes order in
writing, the 12. of December 1622, which was verbatim in that
which folio wethe :

" Lo que su Magesdad Catholica, &c. That which his Catholick
Majestic hathe commaunded to bee given in answeare to the Earl of
Bristoll, Extraordinary Embassador for the King of Greate Brit-
tayne, touching the marriage now in treaty is this that insuethe :
That his Majestie hathe given orders that his resolution bee delivered
unto him in writing, and therein (as the Earl of Bristoll himselfe
hathe scene) hathe indeavoured what hee may to conforme himselfe
with that which the King of Greate Brittayne hathe answeared
unto the Pope's propositions, so desirous hathe his Majestie beene
from the beginning to overcome all difficulties that mighte hinder
this union. That bothe heere and at Rome hee hathe not slacked
to use all possible care to facilitate yt, and will so continewe untill
the conclusion ; and at this present (according to what is agreed
with the foresayd Earle) a poste (to goe and returne with speede) is
dispatched to Rome, to the end that his Holynes, judging what is
agreed upon sufficient (as heere yt is held to bee) may graunt the
dispensation ; and in the interim, while the Pope send yt (the
which his Majestie will procure before the end of Marche, or of Aprill
at the farthest) the remayning temporall articles shall bee treated
and concluded, to the end that no tyme bee loste. But the Infanta,
immediately after the graunting of the dispensation, bee delivered
the next spring, as is the intention of his Majestie."

And in this answeare the Earl of Bristoll desirethe that foure
things may be considered —

1. Firste that the King of Spayne is not only confident that upon
the articles agreed upon the Pope would dispense ; but declarethe

CAMD. soc. D

26 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

that in Spayne the sayd articles are held sufficient for the procuring
of the dispensation.

2. Secondly, Hee limiteth a certayne tyme for the procuring of
yt, vizt., in Marche or Aprill at the farthest.

Thirdly, Hee dothe not only declare yt to bee his intention, but
prornisethe the deliverie of his sister at the spring.

Fourthly, Hee capitulateth, that in the interim all temporall
articles shall bee settled, and all fitting preparation made ready.

And the Earl of Bristoll having procured this positive answeare
in writing, sendethe yt unto his Majestic and the Prince, and
accompanyethe yt with his owne letters bearing date the 26. of
December 1622, in which hee writethe unto his Majestie as
followethe :

" This is the true estate of the busines, as yt now standethe ; yf
your Majestie approve of what is donne, I hope it will have a happy
and shorte conclusion. Yf your Majestie thinkethe yt not fitt to
condescend and allow of these articles, I have donne the uttmoste
of my iridevours, and shall humbly perswade your Majestie not to
loose a day longer in the treaty, so muche yt importethe your
Majestie and your kingdomes that the Prince were bestowed."
And to the Prince in letters of the like date, in this sorte :
" I presume now to write unto his Majesty that which I thinke
my duty to say likewise unto your Highnes, that in case you shall
not approve of what is now conditionally agreed, you permitt not a
day more to bee loste in this treaty. For yt is of so greate con-
sequence that your Highnes were bestowed, that yt importethe all-
moste as much that you were speedily as fittingly marryed. But I
hope that his Majestie and your Highnes will in suche sorte approve
of this laste agreement, as you will speedily bring this long treaty
to a happy conclusion. For you may be pleased in your wisdomes
to consider that yt is impossible in so greate a busines, and whereby
so many goods may be expected, but that yt should not bee accom-
panyed with some things of hard digestion. I am out of hope of
bringing things to any better tearmes, and therefore I deale clearly

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 27

with your Highnes, and doe not only raoste humbly perswade, but
on my knees beg that of you, that you eyther resolve to conclude
this matche as you may, or speedily to breake, and to bestowe your-
selfe elsewhere, for no lesse than the happines of your kingdomes
and the securitie of the King your father and selfe depend upon yt."

And these were the laste letters of any moment that the Earl of
Bristoll wrote to the King or Prince before his Highnes departure
out of England towards Spayne. So that yf yt shall be considered
from the Earl of BristolPs first letters1 of July, to these his

laste, hee wondrethe where those delayes and intertaynments will bee
found wherewith the Earl of Bristoll hathe beene charged.

And according to this answeare the Earl of Bristoll did settle all
the temporall articles in Spayne in suche sorte as all things mighte
punctually have beene perfourmed in conformitie of this agreement,
vizt., that the portion should bee that which appeared to have beene
agreed unto by this King's father ; that the person that should
attend the Infanta into England should bee Don Duarte of Portu-
gall ; that the desposorios per verba de pr&sente should bee per-
fourmed within twenty dayes after the arrivall of the dispensation
at Madrid.

That the Infanta's journey towards England should bee within
twenty dayes after that; which forty dayes were condescended unto,
to the end that yf there should have beene any clogg in the dis-
pensation, and that yt should not have beene cleare, they might
have had forty dayes to have sent and gotten answeare from Rome.
For the Earl of Bristoll solemnly protested that yf that tyme were
exceeded hee would dissolve the treaty and presently returne.

For the porte where the Infanta was to take shipping, yt was
reserved to his Majesties choyse, whether yt should bee Lisbonne,
San Andera, or the Groyne ; and to this purpose was Gresley dis-
patched into England, to knowe his Majesties pleasure, and to
move his Majestic -that all fitting preparations mighte bee likewise

» Blank in MS.
D2

28 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

made in England ; and as hee entred into France with the dis-
patches, hee mett with the Prince and my Lord Duke of Bucking-
hame, who were pleased to open all his letters, and found in the
sayd dispatches the above specified particulars contayned : and in
this disposition, was this greate affayre when they entred into
Madrid, which was the 7th of Marche, stilo Anglice, 1622. And all
that is heere contayned in this discourse, eyther of matter of hope
or assurances, was there made good, and muche more unto them
viva voce by the King of Spayne, and Conde de Olivares and Gon-
demar. Insomuche that the Prince publickly tolde the Earl of
Bristoll that hee would acquitt him of all the hopes hee had given,
and was pleased to write so muche unto his Majestie, and to give
him leave to write likewise himselfe to the same effect, the Prince
and the Duke having seene the Earl of Bristoll's letter of the 10. of
Marche, before hee sent yt unto his Majestie, in which hee writethe,
that " there passed in Spayne suche an expression of joy, and so
greate declaration of gratefull acceptation of this action, as I dare
confidently say unto your Majestie, that whatsoever I have formerly
written of theyr professions, hathe now beene by many degrees
exceeded ; as I doubt not but your Majestie will perceive from my
Lord of Buckinghames pen."

And the Earl of Bristoll remembrethe that on Sunday the 9th of
Marche, being the third day after the Prince his arrivall at Madrid,
the Prince going abroad in a coache to see the King, Queene, and
Infanta, hee was attended in the coache by the Duke of Bucking-
hame, the Conde de Olivares, the Conde de Gondemar, Sir Walter
Aston, and the Earl of Bristoll; where the Conde de Gondemar,
muche magnifying the honor which the Prince had donne Spayne
by this journey, asked the Conde de Olivares whether the King his
master and hee would not avowe him to bee an honest man, by
making good all the hopes and promises hee made unto the King of
Greate Brittayne of theyr reall and sincere desiring of the matche
in Spayne, and that the Conde de Bristoll was an honest man to ;
and that the Prince should finde in effect all that hee had written

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 29

to the King his master. The Conde de Olivares made answeare
that they mighte bothe of them say theyr Nunc dimittis, and
trouble themselves no farther, but to expect honor and reward from
theyr masters for theyr service in having brought businesses unto
those tearmes they were now.

For the King his master and the Prince being mett, and the
Admirall1 and hee, the one having that interest in the King of
Create Brittayne and the Prince his favour, and himselfe in his
master's, and the busines so well disposed to theyr hands by the two
Condes' care and Industrie, yf they did not make bothe a marriage
and perfect amitie and frendshipp, they would acquitt and discharge
the Condes of Gondemar and Bristoll, and would bee content that
the two favorites should beare the blame.

Buckingham .

30 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

.II. THE EARLE OF BRISTOL'S ANSWERE UNTO A PAPER OF

PROPOSITIONS SENT UNTO HIM BY THE DUKE OF BUCK-
INGHAM, THE 2D OF FEBR. 1624.1

The Earl of Bristol willingly accknowledgeth that in former
tymes hee hath had many obligations unto the Duke of Bucking-
ham, and if in the carriadge of the Spanish businesse the Earl of
Bristol hath done any thing that hath bene distastfull unto his
Grace, it meerly proceeded out of his zeale to his Majesties service,
when hee thought that other courses or other councells would more
have conduced to his Majesties endes then those which the Duke
poursued; but not through wante of dew respect unto his Grace's
person ; and as hee freely accknowledgeth past favours, so will hee
omitt nothing on his parte for the regaining of his Grace's love and
good opinion for the future, that may bee done without blemishing
his honor or wronging his innocencye; and so, hoping that his
Grace will accept of this affectionate and humble seeking of him,
the Earl of Bristoll offereth to his Grace the following answers to
those propositions which hee receaved in writing from him this 2.
of Feb. 1624, to the ende that his Grace, beeing by them fully
satisfyed of the Earl's innocencye (as hee is confident his Grace or
any man else willbee that shall read the sayde answers), his Grace
may with the more readinesse and efficacye imploye l his power for
reconciling of the sayd Earl unto his Majesties and the Prince's
favours, when he shall see him an innocent man, as well as desi-
rous for the future to bee his Grace's humble servant and friend.

1 1625, N.S. The heading only and a few interlineations are in Bristol's own
hand.

2 « I imploye " MS.

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 31

THE FIRST PROPOSITION.

That the Earl of Bristol did accept and continew the treaty in
generall tearmes so long without reducing them punctually to par-
ticulars, as by them tyme was lost, and the Spanish ministers tooke
occasion to abuse his Majestic, for which the Earl is sorry e.

ANSWER.

In this first proposition the Earl of Bristol craveth leave to
answer to three particulars : first, that he did not continew the treaty
in generall tearmes one day longer than necessity e inforced ;
secondly, that if tyme were lost, and the treaty reduced to great
length, it was by other accidents, as the death of the King of
Spayne, and of two Popes, ettc. but by no fault of the Earl of
Bristol's ; thirdly, that if the Spanish ministers did abuse his
Majestie at that tyme, as it seemes is supposed, which the Earl
knoweth not, yet ther could no greater assurances passe betwixt
States then hee receaved from Spayne of thier reall intentions,
which hea trewly represented to his Majestie, and it seemeth that
his Majestie, the Prince, the Duke, and all the Commissioners
gave as much beliefe unto them then as the Earl of Bristol did.
As for the first pointe, that the Earl should continew the treaty
uppon generallityes, hee sayth that hee doubteth not but his
Majestie and the Lords Commissioners well remember that his
directions were not to setle nor treat the temporall articles untill
such tyme as the articles of religion were fully agreed of, for that it
was held most proper and honorable for both sides first to see if
the difficulty es of religion might bee reconciled before they passed
to any further engagements. Now the sayde articles of religion by
reason of the Pope's new demaunds sent unto England by Mr. Gage
were not signed nor condiscended unto by his Majestie nor the
Prince untill the 5th day of Jan. 1622, and then were sent away

32 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

post by Mr. Symon Digbie, who arrived at Madrid about the 25th
of the same moneth. But the Earl of Bristol's care was such to
have no tyme lost in the setling of the temporal articles that, before
hee would condiscend only de bene esse unto the articles of religion,
and that they should bee sent backe agayne unto Kome, hee pro-
cured the King of Spayne to promis that within the tyme limited
for the procuring of the dispensation, which was by March or
Aprill at the furthest, all the temporall articles should bee setled
and agreed, to the end that the Infanta might be delivered at the
spring, as by the sayde answer in writing was declared to bee that
Kinges intention ; and accordingly Sir Walter Aston and the Earl
of Bristol did, not in the generall, but most industriously labour
with all particuler articles, as they did most of them, videlicet, that
the portion should bee two millions, it appearing it was so agreed
by this Kinges father ; that, the dispensation comming, the
desposorios should bee within 40 dayes after, and the Infanta's
departure from Madrid should bee within 20 dayes after that ; that
Don Duarte of Portugal should bee the man that should attend the
Infanta in the journey; and all other particulers necessarye for the
conclusion of the sayde treaty were by Sir Walter Aston and the
Earl of Bristol and the Spanish Commissioners drawne upp into
heads in writing, and after many debates they were consulted with
that King, and the 2. of March stilo vet. the Conde of Gondomar
and the Secretary Don Andreas de Prada came home to the house
of the sayd Earl of Bristol to signifye unto Sir Walter Aston and
himselfe, as they did, that the King had declared his resolution in
all the particulers, and given them order to come to a speedy con-
clusion with them of all thinges ; and that the Kinges answer to the
sayde Consulta the Earl of Bristol saw and read all written with
the King of Spaynes owne hand.

On the 7th of March his Highness and my Lord Duke of Buck-
ingham arrived at Madrid, and then the Spaniards tooke new
hopes, and the negotiation was putt into a new forme; so that when
it is objected against the Earl of Bristol that he entertayned and

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 33

continewed the treaty so long uppon generally ties, that certainly
cannot bee meant of the spirituall articles, for they were such as
were sent from Rome to England, and from thence they came to
the Earl of Bristol ; and for the temporal! articles, they not beeing
to bee setled or treated till the articles of religion were concluded,
certainly it cannot bee alleaged with any coulour that in them his
Majestic was intertayned with generallityes ; since from the tyme
that the sayde articles of religion were brought unto the Earl of
Bristol by Mr. Symon Digbie, beeing the 25th of Jan., ther were
but nine weekes untill the 7th of March, when the Prince arrived,
and in the interim all the above specify ed particulers were setled.

2ndly. That the tyme that hath bene lost in this treaty hath not
bene through the Earl of Bristol's fault.

And for as much as it is pretended that much tyme hath bene
spent in this treaty, it is very trew ; but that hath bene by the
difficulty es which the businesse brought with it, as likewise by
exteriour accidents, as the warres of Bohemia, the death of two
Popes, and the King of Spayne, without the least fault of the Earl
of Bristol, who was ever so desirous to see the Prince bestowed,
that hee pressed nothing so much both to the King and Prince, as
that the Prince might loose no more tyme, but rather breake the
matche with Spayne then suffer any further delay es, as will appeare
by his dispatches from his first arrivall at the Court of Spayne
untill the Prince's coming ; for, in his letters of the 28th of Jun[e],
beeing the first that the Earl of Bristol wrote after his first audience,
hee was so desirous that no tyme might bee lost, that in them hee
craveth leave of his Majestic, that in case hee should finde any
delayes in Spayne, hee might, without expecting any new order,
take his leave and come home. And uppon the returne of Sir
Frauncis Cottington in Septem [ber] following, hee writeth both to
the King and Prince as folio weth : —

" I shall presume to add to that which Mr. Cottington will
deliver unto your Majestie by word of mouth of the present estate

CAMD. SOC. E

34 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

of the matche, what I conceave to bee the right way to bring it to
a speedy issue, that your Majestic wilbee pleased possitively to
declare what you will doe in point of religion, and that you will
appoynt mee a certeyne limited tyme by which this King should
procure the dispensation, or conclude the matche without it, and, in
case ther shallbee any further delay therin, that I may then declare
your Majestic to bee free and desengaged to bestowe the Prince in
such sorte as you shall judge most convenient/'

And to the Prince, at the same tyme, hee wrote in the subse-
quent wordes : —

" That which willbee necessary for his Majestic presently to doe
on his Majesties parte, is to declare himselfe how farr hee wilbee
pleased to extend, in pointe of religion, in such forme as Mr. Cot-
tington will propound unto your Highness, and that hee sett mee a
prefixed limited tyme to breake or conclude the match, either with
the dispensation or without it ; and for the rest, it may bee left to
my negotiation. But your Highness may bee pleased to hasten
this his Majesties resolution with all possible speeded

And having receaved from his Majestic his resolution in point
of religion, and a limited tyme according to his desyre, the Earl of
Bristol was so precise and punctuall therein, that, although the
making or breaking of the marriadge depended uppon it, hee would
not give one moneth's longer tyme for the procuring of the dis-
pensation untill hee had first acquainted his Majestic therewith,
and receaved his direction under his owne hande, as will appeare by
his Majesties letter of the 15th of Octo[ber], 1622, as followeth: —

" Eight trustie and wellbeloved Cousin and Councellor, wee greete
you hartily well. Wheras by your last letter written to our secre-
tary, dated the 29 of Septem[ber], you are desirous to have our
pleasure signified unto you under our owne hand, whether wee will
bee contented or not to graunte a moneth longer tyme for the
comming of the dispensation from Kome than wee have allready
limited unto you, in case they shall their conclude all thinges else
to our contentment, with a resolution to send the Infanta hither the

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 35

next spring, wee doe hereby declare unto you that, in that case,
you shall not breake with them for a moneth's longer delay ; wee
also wishe you not to trouble yourselfe with the rashe censure of
other men, in case our businesse should not succeede, resting in that
full assurance of our justice and wisedome, that wee will never judge
a good and faythfull servant by the effects of thinges so contingent
and variable. And with this assurance wee bidd you hartily
farewell."

And when the Earl of Bristol had agreed unto the articles in
religion, and that a settled tyme was appointed for the comming
of the dispensation, and a conclusion of the match, and that hee
would bynde himself e to nothing without his Majesties appro-
bation, yet, for that no tyme might bee lost, he agreed to the pro-
positions de bene esse, to the end the articles might bee sent imme-
diately to Rome, without loosing so much tyme as to hear first from
England, and humbly moved that, in case his Majestie should
approve of the articles, hee would send his approbation directly to
Eome, for the gayning of tyme, which his Majestie was pleased to
doe. And at the same tyme hee wrote both to his Majestie and
the Prince in his lettres of the 10th of Decem[ber], 1622, as
followeth : —

" This is the trew estate of the businesse, as it now standeth. Yf
your Majestie approve of what is done I hope it will have a happy
and short conclusion. Yf your Majestie thinketh it not fitt to con-
discend and allowe of these articles, I have done the uttmost of my
endeavours, and shall humbly perswade your Majestie not to loose
a day longer in the treaty, so much it importeth your Majestie and
your kingdomes that the Prince were bestowed."

And to the Prince, in letters of the like date, in this sorte : —

" I presume now to write unto his Majestie that which I thinke
my duty to say likewise unto your Highness, that in case you shall
not approve of what is now conditionally agreed, you permitt not a
day more to be lost in this treaty, for it is of so great consequence
that your Highness were bestowed, that it importeth almost as much

E 2

36 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

that you were speedily as fittingly matched. But I hope that his
Majestic and your Highness will in such sorte approve of this last
agreement, as you will speedily bring this long treaty to a happy
conclusion. For you may bee pleased in your wisedomes to con-
sider that it is impossible in so great a businesse, and whereby so
many goods may bee expected, but that it should bee accompany ed
with some thinges of hard digestion. I am out of hope of bringing
thinges to any better tearmes, and therefore I deale clearly with
your Highness, and doe not only moste humbly perswade, but on
my knees begg that of you, that you either resolve to conclude the
matche as you may, or speedily to breake it, and to bestowe your-
selfe elsewhere. For no lesse then the happinesse of your kingdomes,
and the security of the Kinge your father and selfe, depend uppon it."
All which thinges being equally considered, the Earl of Bristol
willingly submitteth himself to any censure, whether those delayes
which severall accidents have brought forth in this businesse can be
attributed to his default, since, on the one side, it is apparent that
hee ever moved his Majestie and the Prince to admitt of no delayes,
but rather to thinke of some other course ; and, on the other side,
it will appeare by all his dispatches that hee pressed thinges with
the ministers of Spayne to as speedy a conclusion as the utmost
tearmes of fayre negotiation or good manners would beare.

Srdly. Howsoever it may be supposed that the Spaniards abused
the King, yet the Earl of Bristol did all thinges belonging to a
faythfull and vigilant minister.

And whereas it is pretended that the Spaniards should hereby
take occasion to abuse his Majestie, the Earl of Bristol sayth that he
used all the industry and vigilancy that a carefull minister could
doe, and had from the Spaniards all the assurances by oathes, wordes,
and writing, which could be expected from Christians, the which
hee faythfully, without adding or deminishing, represented unto his
Majestie ; and his Majestie in those tymes was pleased to conceave
uppon those assurances that they dealt really with him, and hee

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 37

conceaveth the Prince and the Duke were pleased to write as much
unto the King at thier first comming to Madrid, and if since his
Majestic hath just reason to conceave the contrary, his Majestic hath
the juster ground of quarrell. But the Earl of Bristol confesseth
that he was so confident that the Spaniards did then meane honestly,
and intended to performe all that was agreed, that he bestowed a
great summ of money in his preparations ; and, although hee was
not furnished with any moneyes out of the Exchequer, yet, because
hee would bee sure to bee in a readinesse, hee returned twelve
thousand pownds in monye out of his owne private estate for the
expence of his journey, so confident was hee that all would have
bin really performed ; and he conceaveth that if his dispatches may
bee perused, it will appeare that hee served his Majestic with some
measure of vigilancy as well as fidelitye.

THE SECOND PROPOSITION.

That in the treaty for restitution of the Palatinate hee, the Earl
of Bristol, hath never made mention, nor comprised in any article,
the restitution of the person of the Prince Palatine, or at least
gave no satisfaction to the Prince, when the Conde of Olivares tould
him he understood it soe.

ANSWERE.

To this proposition the Earl of Bristol sayth that in the treaty
for the restitution of the Palatinate, both with the Archduke, the
Emperor, and afterward with Spayne, hee did ever mention the
individuall person of the Prince Palatine, and further sayth, that hee
never would so much as aclmitt of any proposition that comprised
not the sayd personall restitution, which will appeare by all his
dispatches, and by his memorialls in writing, which, as hee delivered
to the ministers of Spayne, so hee still sent trew coppyes of them to
his Majestic, the which hee assureth himselfe remayne in the custody
of some of his Majesties Secretaries ; and although the producing of

38 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

them alone would fully cleare this pointe, yet, for the shewing with
what zeale and industry hee hath served his Majestie and the Prince
Palatine in this business, he craveth leave to answer it more particu-
larly by setting downe how hee hath carryed himselfe in this busi •
ness.

Presently, after his arrivall at the Court of Spayne, the Earl of
Bristol made unto that King this proposition, which is heere sett
downe verbatim : —

The Earl of Bristol's first proposition] unto the King of Spayne for
the restitution of the Prince Palatine, in writing.

That his Catholique Majestie willbee pleased to bee the meanes
unto the Emperour that hee may receave the Count Palatine into
his favour and grace, and to restore him unto his titles, landes, and
dignityes in the manner as he held them before hee did putt himselfe
unto the businesse of Bohemia, the King of Great Brittaine taking
to his charge to reduce the sayde Count Palatine to dew obedience
to the Emperour ; and that hee shall doe all that shallbee just and
reasonable for the satisfaction of his Emperiall Majestie.

And this proposition after a carefull debate of the present estate
of that businesse was made by the advise of Sir Walter Aston and
Sir Frauncis Cottington, as judging it fitt by engaging that King to
an intyre restitution of the Prince Palatine to secure the mayne
ground of the businesse, which was done accordingly, as will clearly
appeare by the Earl of Bristol's dispatch unto Mr. Secretarie Calvertr
bearing date the 9th of August, 1622. Afterward hee moved and
negotiated uppon every particuler occasion, according as the nature
of each accident requiried, wherin hee doubteth not but it will
playnely appear how vigilant and carefull hee was to lay hold of all
occasions that might advaunce this businesse ; both in the tyme of
Don Baltazar de Zuniga, and afterward with the Conde de Olivaresr
whome hee procured in the moneth of October, 1622, in the presence
of the Conde de Gondomar and Sir Walter Aston to promise that

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 39

the Kinge should procure his Majesties intyre satisfaction, and,
rather then fayle, hee should doe it by his armes ; and this, whatso-
ever may bee sayde that the Conde de Olivares may since have
whispered, shall bee proved undeniably ; and was confirmed twice
out of that Kinges owne mouth, as will appeare, as well by the
dispatches of Sir Walter Aston of the 12th of December, 1622, as
by those of the Earl of Bristol's,1 within few days after that that
King and the Conde de Olivares had made this promise of assisting
with thier armes, if neede were, the newes came to Madrid of taking
of Hidelberg, whereof the Earl of Bristol complayned sharpely to
the Conde de Olivares, and desired present order for the saving of
Manham and Franquendale,2 which the Conde de Olivares promised
him, and sent him that Kinges letters of as effectuall and earnest
mediation to the Emperour, Duke of Bavaria, and the Infanta, as
could be written. But the Earl of Bristol would not accept of them
nor send them away, but protested unto the Spanish ministers, and
particulerly unto the Conde de Olivares (betwixt whom and the
Earl of Bristol ther grew theruppon a great contestation) , that hee
would not accept of any thing lesse then what had bin so lately
promised by that King and himselfe, which was, that if mediation
tooke not place, that King would imploy his armes in his Majesties
assistance ; and the Earl of Bristol prevayled so farr that hee gott that
Kinges order, by his letters bearing date the 29th of October, 1622,
that in case that the Emperour or Duke of Bavaria would not for-
beare those townes wherin his Majestic had his garrisons, that the
King of Spaynes forces in the Palatinate should be imployed in thier
assistance, and that they should not suffer any wrong to bee done
them by any other whatsoever ; and these letters the Earl of Bristol
sent away presently to Brussells by Mr. Gresley, and his Majestie is
pleased in his letters of the 24th of November, 1622, to write o£
them as followeth: — " That howsoever the order given for thereliefe
of Manham arrived to late, and after the town was yeelded into the
handes of Tilly, yett wee must acknowledg it to bee a good effect
1 Marginal note, " A new section." 2 Mannheim and Frankenthal.

40 THE EAEL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

of your negotiation, and an argument of that Kinges sincere and
sound intentions." So just was his Majestie then, and so the Earl
of Bristol knoweth his Majestie will ever bee, to judge of his minis-
ters by their fidelitye and industry, and not by the successe of thinges
.depending uppon accident or other mens faults. One thing further
the Earl of Bristol desireth may be observed in this letter of the
King of Spaynes, videlc,, that in writing as well as by word of
mouth, that promis which the Conde de Olivares made of assisting
by armes, if neede required, is made good so farr as to make it
apparent that it was so promised, and order procured by the Earl of
Bristol for the performing of it accordingly ; but why it hath not
bene performed, that remayneth betwixt the two Kinges, the one
to shew the accident or just reasons that hindred the performance,
the other to resent it in such sorte as hee shall judge fitting if hee
receave not just satisfaction. Afterward the Earl of Bristol pressing
the Conde de Olivares and the Spanish ministers to some finall
resolution, it is trew hee found them growe colder, and to answer
much with recrimination of the Prince Palatine's behaviour, as his
going into Alzatia, his taking prisoner the Landgrave of Darmstate,
&c., wheruppon the Earl of Bristol wrote unto his Majestie in his
letters of the 12th of December, that hee found them now to answer
so farr shorte of what hee was directed to require by his Majesties
letters of the 3rd of October, that hee would presently have left the
court, if hee had not bene expressly commanded the contrary by
his Majesties letters of the 14th of October, 1622, ordering him
that what answer soever hee should receave that hee should not
come away untill hee had first sent it unto his Majestie and receaved
new directions from him ; wheruppon his Majesty, having by the
above specifyed dispatch of the 12th of December scene the trew
estate of the businesse, and how the Earl of Bristol had proceeded,
it is not probable that his Majestie would so farr have approved the
Earl's proceedinges, if hee had, contrary to his instructions, omitted
the person of the Prince Palatine, as his Majestie was pleased to doe
in his letters of the 7th of January, 1622, in which he writeth as

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 41

followethe: — " Concerning that other unfortunate knotty aiFayre of
the Palatinate, to say the trewth, as thinges stand, wee cannot tell
what you could have done more then you have done allready."

The letters last mentioned of his Majestic beare date the 7th of
January, and uppon the 7th of March next following the Prince
and the Duke arrived at Madrid, wher it seemeth they found the
ministers of Spayne well prepared in the treaty of the Palatinate ;
for they tolde them that, in the businesse of the Palatinate, the
Kinge of Spayne should give his Majestic a blanke wherin to
frame his owne conditions, as will appeare by his Majesties letters
written after the Prince's returne into Englande unto the Earl the
8th of October 1623, in which hee writeth as followeth : " Wee
must remember you as a ground to worke uppon, that our sonn did
write unto us out of Spayne that that Kinge would give us a
blanke in which wee might frame our owne conditions concerning
the Palatinate, and the same our sonn confirmeth to us now." If
afterwards the Spaniards altered ther language and manner of
treating both in that and other thinges, whersoere the fault was,
God knoweth the Earl of Bristol deserveth no parte of the blame of
it. Sure hee is that the Spanish ministers, at thier first comming,
gave so great assurances of thier reall intention to procure his
Majestic intyre satisfaction that the Earl of Bristol moved the Duke
to begin to treat that businesse in the interim, whilest the dispensa-
tion came from Rome ; but the Duke answered that it was fitter to
bee left to the negotiation of ambassadors, for that they came
thether, meaning the Prince and himselfe, to woe and make love,
and not to make warr ; wheruppon all further treaty or speeche of
the Palatin was layde aside untill a litle before the Prince's
departure, for which the Earl conceaveth the Duke had his
Majesties speciall order. For his Majestic (judging the matche to
bee fully ended and concluded) commanded then the Duke and the
Earl of Bristol to assume and revyve agayne the businesse of the
Palatinate, as will appeare by his Majesties letters of the 23 of July
1623, directed jointly to the Duke and the Earl of Bristol, in
which his Majestic is pleased to write as followeth : — »

CAMD. SOC. F

Tttlt

a

to

, , / ,

Mt*^ tW v>«vUw*ifY jxiM^^tk^ v>f

W watch* w

it xc\>«Kl

5MKi Spfc

tv>

to M*^ tv»

tY«** tJ^t W
the

x «n4 tW MHbidi KVMJ W

ts> wMumi ttor tfM^lMift in %U tlit^gm t^r tw«*^\V it

it,

***&
fif«t awi sWw^t it wild to

•mi-. UAH!, '/i

Hlfbneif, the which, because hee w full/ perswaded that any man

».:,:»». ::l.:,il M-:,'] t.;.r- :-;,-//' pftpt] „..; ,., v<; ;,- y M ; ;; ,./

concerning At points, W; Uiiflkrth it fitt to insert At Mfdt
here,'— -

" 1*. That all th« commistioBt and faftfiwtioii* that tht Earl of
Bristol hath (or to treat th/j gecomtdirfoa 0f At JMIlifllift tf At
Prince Pftlnti n« do& command pfweMf th»t ktt ilumlJ treat of the
restoring of tta IV irice Palatine^ iri/li vi/Jwall ptw00f «o that hee hath
no ord/?f nor power to treat in any other kinde,

a 2*. lliat the Karl of Briftol well knoweth tW the King hi*
raster i* engaged bjr word and writing to procure to the Prinee
Palatine the restitution Ix/th of hi* patrirri/>;iiali ettote* nod honors
01 to ud« K^EH prfdi ;JJ Ui |OCM% fhoogfa -'. '/':/', t« pan it idrti
tare hii kingdoms,

** 3, Tliat h^ that i* to gift theie powert for At aecomodatiott
of the biMineiM w the Prinee Palatine^ and all that the King hw
maitei esM feratl mtwt bw i/- KM BMM^ AMI Atl \t '.•• bti dbt ii It
fmtt all ill execution, an/1 W; that mu«t make th/? nufan'imon* and
all tli« rent, and it eann/>t U^ imagined that Jw*? Attdd gire hui
power* for the exeltwion of himadf.

" 4, That it ia not likely that either the Prinee Palatine or the
PrinceMe hw wife will ever give thier content for th« b^towing of
thier ionnf if therby they are to remayne thenuelr^ d^prir^i of
thier honoru or €«tatf^,

w 5' That, if the* bee any intention finally to en/I thU btiiiiiiOf
by way of peace an/1 allyancef it willbee re^ukite to oblige entirely
the Prince Paktine in fuch ^rte that not only bet may bee reduced
to the obedience of the Emperour, but that hee may remayne much
obliged for the favour that hee hath receored from the Ilouie of
Austria, and particularly from the King of Spaynef and that bet
may bee ther trew friend, lierafter beeing tyed therunto by ther
obligations, and the King of Great Brittatne will procure that thi*
may bet so, and At Prince Palatine may show it presently with
effects.

44 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

" 6. That against the Duke of Bavaria ther is no opposition
made on the King of Great Brittaines part, but that the Pope and
the Emperour may give him the recompences and titles that they
shallbee pleased, by way of an Electorate, Archdukedome, or title
of King, if they will, so that they doe not give that which is not
their owne, and that which belongeth to the sonn in law of the
King his master.

" 7. That the opinion of the Earl of Bristol is that, since by
way of allyance it is hoped that this businesse shallbee ended, it
beeing presupposed that the Prince Palatine will reduce himselfe
unto the accknowledgment of the grace and favour that hee
receaveth from the House of Austria, and therby will allwayes bee
tyed to remayne thankefull and obliged, the right way willbee not
to leave any roote or braunch of discontent, but that his imperial
Majestic will make his favour compleat, and that, with the allyances
which are hoped will follow betwixt the King of Great Brittaine
and the House of Austria, ther bee made an absolute forgettfull-
nesse of all that is past, that friendshipp and confederation bee in
such sorte setled betwixt them, that therby those goods and benefitts
may bee attayned which are expected from this union/'

A coppye of this paper the Earl of Bristol sent likewise unto his
Majestic, and hee is pleased to take notice of it by his letters of the
8th of October, writing as followeth : " Now wee must remember
you that that wee ever understoode and expected that uppon the
marriadge of our sonne with the Infanta wee should have a cleere
restitution of the Palatinate and Electoral dignitye to our sonne in
lawe, to bee really procured by that King according to the obliga-
tion of our honor, as you have well exprest in your reasons why
the person of our sonne in lawe should not bee left out of the
treaty." And this letter is all written with Mr. Secretary Conwayes
owne hande, and signed by his Majestic, so that it appearing by the
Earl of Bristol's dispatches, by his memorialls in writing, by his
Majesties owne accknowledgment, that the Earl of Bristol did men-
tion and compriz the restitution of the Prince Palatine's person, and

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 45

the accknowledgment that is required from the sayd Earl being
directly contrary therunto, besides that it were to make him guilty
of a most foule cryme to have omitted one of the chiefe points of
his instructions, the Earle referreth it to the Duke's own noblenesse
how much infamy l he should incurr, if for any earthly respect
whatsoever hee should bee so base as to betray his owne innocencye
by making any such accknowledgment.

THIRD PROPOSITION.

That when it was required that the breeding of the Prince Pala-
tine's eldest sonn might bee with the Emperour, the Earl of Bristol
gave advise and consent unto it, and the consideration of the change
of his religion being propounded, the Earl of Bristol declared his
opinion that without some such great thing the peace of Christen-
dom could not bee had.2

ANSWER.

The Earl of Bristol sayth hee never gave any such advise nor
consent that the Prince Palatine's sonn should bee bredd with the
Emperour ; but it is trew that, when the matche for the Prince
Palatine's sonn with the Emperour's daughter was propounded as

1 " infancy " in MS.

2 That Bristol did not use these words with respect to the young Prince's change
of religion is shown, I think, by a paper calendared by Mrs. Green (S. P. Dom.
clxxx. 102) as " Points on which the Earl of Bristol's proceedings were examined."
In reality there is no evidence that Bristol was ever examined upon them at all.
It consists of notes, drawn up by some one who had been in Spain, of Bristol's
conduct, and the language is such as to leave no doubt in my mind that it proceeded
from Buckingham himself. If this is the case, the following extract shows that
Buckingham, at some time or other, gave an account of the conversation sub-
stantially agreeing with that now given by Bristol, as he represented the conversion
of the Prince not as having been mentioned by Bristol, but merely as a consequence
drawn in his own mind from Bristol's language about the boy's education: — "That
when they began to presse new conditions upon us, as the breedinge of the King's
grandchild in the Emperour's Courte, which implyed a conversion, hee liked of
it, and, when the Prince said he had rather breake the match then satisfye them
in that pointe, he answered that, without some such greate matter, the busines would
never be brought to passe."

46 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

the best means to accommodate those great differences, and was so
judged likewise by his Majestic, as hee conceaveth will appeare by
many severall orders and letters, hee did by way of debate and con-
sultation of the businesse honestly and faythfully body those reasons
which were alleaged by the Spanish ministers why the Em per our
should expect to have the breeding of the Prince Palatine's sonn,
vidlt. that, although the Prince Palatine should then have bene at
the height of his fortunes, yet they sayd it could bee no disparage-
ment to his sonn to match with the Emperour's daughter, but now
the Prince Palatine, having justly offended the Emperour, and being
under the Imperial bann and devested of his estates and honors, the
which the Emperour was, out of his grace, to restore, they thought
it would appeare reasonable to all the world that the Emperour
should seeke to secure himselfe for the future of the Prince Pala-
tine's behaviour, especially when hee sought to doe it by so fayre
and honorable a way as not by barely craving the Prince Pala-
tine's sonn as an hostage, as hath bene usuall in like cases, but by
making of him his sonn in law and marrying of him to his daughter.
These reasons the Earl of Bristol sayth, and divers others he con-
ceaveth, hee hath represented unto the King and Prince ; but that
hee ever gave any consent as that, by any act or article, hee hath
any way obliged his Majestie that the Prince Palatine's sonn should
bee bredd with the Emperour, hee is assured it cann never bee
made appeare ; but hee sayth that in case, uppon the above specified
reasons, hee should have delivered his humble opinion and advise
unto the King and Prince according to the best of his understand-
ing, hee conceaveth hee had comitted no fault at all, although hee
had erred in judgment, but had honestly performed the dewty of a
councellor, according to the oath hee had taken, who are ever tyed
to fidelitye, but are not allwayes exempt from errour.

And wheras it is sayde that, when the consideration of the change
of religion was propounded, the Earl of Bristol declared his opinion
that without some such great thing the peace of Christendome could
not bee had, the Earl of Bristol sayth that ther was never any such

THE EAKL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE, 47

thing propounded to him, neither did he ever declare any sucb.
opinion, for if any such proposition should have bene made hee
should have rejected it with indignation ; but hee ever tolde the
Conde de Olivares that, in case his Majestic should condiscend that the
Prince Palatine's sonn should bee bredd with the Emperour, it was
with presupposition that hee should have a familye and such pre-
ceptors for his education as his father and his Majestic should appointe.
It is trew that in the debate of this matche and the present estate
of the affayres of Christendome,both to^his Majestic and the Prince hee
hath written and sayd that it was not to bee thought that the
peace of Christendome could bee restored, and they attayne so many
advantages, but that they must likewise on ther part condiscend
to some thinges of hard digestion, for that so great differences could
never be accomodated but by a reciprocall yeilding of both sides ;
but this could never have any relation or bee understood of anything
that concerned religion.

And as for the inference that is made that the breeding of the
Prince Palatine's sonn in the Emperor's Court should implye his
conversion, hee cannot but marvayle to see it further insisted uppon,
having so fully answered it in his answer to the 2. interrogatorye,
by which it appeareth that in the Emperour's Court all princes,
although they are vassayles of the Empyre — some his prisoners,
others his counsellors, and servants nere about his perso'n — have the
free use of ther religion; and it is not to bee supposed that the sonn
of the Prince Palatine and grandchilde to the Kinge of Great
Brittaine should bee matched and no care had to capitulate the
free use of his religion, beeing ever graunted to the meanest princesse
that is bestowed. Hee knoweth not what others might have done,
but hee is certayne that, if the businesse had bene treated by him,
hee would not have made so grosse an omission, but would have
sufficiently secured that point, as hee ever made profession to the
Conde de Olivares and the Spanish ministers, for which it is well
knowne hee hath had many a byword, and they laboured to shunn
and avoyde the treating therin with him.

48 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

FOURTH PROPOSITION.

When his Majestie had given a peremptory day for the returne
of the Prince, the Earl did advise his stay untill the spring, and did
endeavour to stay him, with more earnestnesse then became him, not
foreseeing the evill consequence, for which he is sorrye.

ANSWER.

First, the Earl of Bristol sayth that hee never heard that his
Majestie had prescribed - the Prince a peremptorye day for his re-
turne, but hee well remembreth that, in the beginning of August,
the Conde de Olivares sent very early in the morning to desire to
speake with him, and tolde him that, contrary to that which had
bene few dayes before promised both unto the Infanta and the
King, the Duke of Buckingham would needes now perswade the
Prince presently to returne, although they understoode both from
thier ambassadors in England that his Majestie would not bee dis-
pleased with the Prince's stay, and that the Duke himselfe had
shewed him a letter from the King all written with the King's owne
hand, that intimated as much, in which the King wrote that if the
Prince beeing inamoured would stay to attend his mistress, hee
might; but that hee would have him with all convenient speede
returne unto him. Hee likewise sayde, that the Kinges owne letter
to the Kinge of Spayn, bearing date the 21st of July 1623,
although it pressed the Kinge to abreviate the tyme as much as
might bee, yet it seemed no way [to] implye any commande unto
the Prince for his present returne, and hee gave unto the Earl of
Bristol a coppye of the sayd letter. The Conde was then pleased
to attribute that suddaine resolution to some personall distastes
which the Duke had taken some few dayes before. From the
Conde de Olivares the Earl of Bristol came unto the Prince's
lodginges, wher, wayting on his Highness, his Highness was pleased
to make knowne unto him that hee had an intention to departe

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 49

within few dayes. The Earl of Bristol then freely acquainted his
Highness with all that had passed with the Conde de Olivares, and
asked of his Highness whether hee would give him leave, as his
father's minister and his humble servant, to debate the businesse
with him, promising that when hee should have spoken his opinion
faythfully as a councellor, hee would as a servant dutifully apply
himselfe and all his indeavours to advance whatsoever hee should
understande to bee the Prince's pleasure. As for the arguments
and reasons which the Earl of Bristol offered unto his Highness
consideration in the debate of his stay, although they are too long
for this answer, yet the Earl of Bristol is most ready and willing to
sett them downe faythfully, that his Majestic may judge whether
therin hee spake not like a faythfull and zealous servant for the
effecting of that hee understoode to bee by them both most desired.
But when the Prince declared his resolution of going, the Earl of
Bristol then instantly swore unto him that hee would from thence-
forward contribute all his industry e and service for the advauncing
of his journey; as hee honestly did, both by advising the best hee
could uppon all occasions, and sollicking daylye to gett in a readi-
nesse the Spanish preparations, and in fitting upp such presents as
the Prince was to give at his departure ; and lastly, by furnishing
the Prince with monye to the som of fiftene thousand pownds
uppon his owne creddit, and Jewells, and sixe thousand pownds
afterward beeing charged uppon him from St. Andera, which by
other meanes was not then to bee had, as Mr. Secretarie Cottington
and Mr. Wiche cannot but bothe of them well remember.

FIFTH PROPOSITION.

And after the departure of the Prince, notwithstanding the
Prince's signification of his pleasure to have the desposorios sus-
pended, and his Majesties direction to deferr them till Christmas,
(the approbation comming of the dispensation,) the Earl of Bristol
doth accknowledge that, out of the judgment hee made of the
integrity of the Spanish ministers, hee passed over the arguments

CAMD. soc. a

50 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

hee might have used more slightly then was requesite, and accepted
that approbation with a more speedye day appoynted for the per-
formance of them then the present conjuncture of the affayres
required ; which though hee did uppon good intention, yet now
seeing the evill consequence that might have depended on it, hee is
sorrye for it.

ANSWER.

The Earl of Bristol sayth that, the day of the Prince's departure
from the Escuriall, the Prince delivered unto him, in the presence
of the Commissioners of both sides, his powers, with publike decla-
ration (which was taken in writing by the Secretarie Ciiiqa) of his
pleasure, and how hee should use them, vidtt : that hee should
deliver them unto the King of Spayne uppon the comming of the
dispensation cleared from Rome, according to that which had bene
agreed, which was to be within ten dayes after the comming of the
sayde dispensation. It is trew that his Highness, by his letters
without date, but sent by Mr. Clarke, commanded the sayde Earl
that hee should not deliver his powers untill such tyme as hee should
have receaved security that the Infanta, after her being betroathed,
should not enter into any religious order, and that, before he pro-
ceeded, hee should send such securitye as should bee offered unto
the Prince, that hee might judge whether it were sufficient or not ;
which letters the Earl of Bristol exactly obeyed, and wrote unto
the Prince that hee might bee sure hee would not proceede untill
hee should have his further order ; and theruppon did accordingly
send unto the King and Prince such reasons and assurances as were
offered unto him for securing of that pointe, which gave unto his
Majestic and the Prince such satisfaction, as they were pleased to
dispatch a post presently backe unto him absolutely discharging him
of that commandement, as will appeare by his Majesties letters of
the 8th of October, in which he writeth : " Wee have receaved
your letters brought by Gresley and the coppye of yours to our
deere sonn, and wee cannot forbeare to lett you know how well wee

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 51

esteeme your dutifull, discreete, and juditious relation and humble
advise to our selfe and our sonn; wheruppon having ripely delibe-
rated with our selfe, and communicated with our deere sonn, wee
have resolved with the liking of our sonn to rest uppon that securitye
in pointe of doubt of the Infanta's taking a. religious order which
your judgment shall thinke fitt." And the Prince, in letters of the
like date, as followeth : — " Your letters to the King and mee con-
cerning that doubt I made, after I came from St. Loren9o, hath so
satisfied us both, that wee thinke it fitt no longer to sticke uppon
it, but leave it to your discretion to take such securitye as you shall
thinke sufficient."

Now the Earl of Bristol beeing set free, and discharged both by
the King and Prince of the commande brought by Mr. Clarke, it
cannot bee doubted but hee remayned under the order which the
Prince had left with him at his departure, which was to have pro-
ceeded according to the capitulations, and the Prince's declaration
when hee delivered his powers to the Earl of Bristol ; which was
that hee intended to have done, untill, by his Highness letters of the
13th of November, hee was directly comanded the contrarye; which
commandment hee readily and punctually obeyed, so that the Earl
of Bristol referreth it to any indifferent judgment, whether ther bee
any probability e that, having obeyed the Prince's commandment so
exactly by Mr. Clarke untill hee was discharged of it, and after-
wards having so readilye obeyed the Prince's order of the 13th of
November, all things beeing in a readinesse, and the marriage beeing
to have bene within three dayes after, whether it bee probable that
hee, that at the first and at the last so readily obeyed, would have
disobeyed in the midle if hee had any commandement to restraine
him ; but the trewth is, hee had none but incouragements rather to
doe as hee intended, for hee could not imagine that his Majestic or
his Highness would have sett him free of the restraynts layed uppon
him by Mr. Clarke, if theire intention had not bene that hee should
have proceeded ; besydes, his Highness was pleased at the same
tyme to write to the Earl of Bristol both that hee much desired the

G 2

52 THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE.

marriadge, and that hee assureth. him ther was no intention to
breake it.

As for his Majesties direction to have the desposorios deferred till
Christmas, hee marvayleth to see it insisted still uppon, having
answered it so fully in the 18th article of his interrogatory es. But
breefely, the Earl of Bristol sayth that his Majesties directions to
proceede to the marriage were possitive, but for the tyme his
Majestic only intimateth a desire it should bee at Christmas, if it
might well bee ; but that was impossible for divers respects, both
that the King of Spayne would not condiscend to the proroguing of
the desposorios, and likewise for that the powers were expired before,
which not beeing made knowne unto the Kinge, was the cause of
his Majesties writing in that sorte, which otherwise hee would not
have done, as hee is pleased to say in his letters of the 13th of
November, 1623, which hee writeth : — " Wee have read your letters
of the 8th of October, and the coppye of that power which was left
by our deere sonn : wee have examined and approved your reasons,
and doe assure you that, if wee had seene the power left by our sonn
befor[e] our last letters, wee had not written to you in the forme
wee had in ours of the 9th of October touching the tyme of Christmas/'

Further, the Earl of Bristol sayth that this article, which is so
much pressed, is not of any fault committed, but only of an inten-
tion of doing that for which hee had had sufficient warrant. But,
if ther had bene errour in the intention, yet the fault had bene pre-
vented by his obedience before the intention were reduced into act,
for so it is in cases towards God himselfe. But the trewth is ther
was no fault in this intention, but the Earl of Bristol could neyther
with discretion, honestye, nor safetye, have proceeded otherwise
then hee intended, unlesse hee had receaved the King and Prince's
direct and cleare order not to proceede to the desposorios, which as
soone as hee receaved was readily and exactly obeyed.

As for the integritye of the Spanish ministers, hee doth inge-
niously confesse that hee verily beleved at the tyme when the day
for the marriadge was agreed they intended really on the part of

THE EARL OF BRISTOL'S DEFENCE. 53

Spayne to have performed all that was capitulated, and, if since
the contrary cometh to bee certeinly knowne, wherof hee is
ignorant, hee confesseth hee was therin deceaved.

As for the evill consequences which are pretended would have
followed if hee had proceeded, hee must confesse hee understood
the cleare contrary : for hee supposed that the King should have
speedily seene the marriadge, which hee had so long sought,
effected, that the Prince should have had a worthye ladie whom hee
loved, that the portion should have bene three tymes as much as
was ever given in monye in Christendome, that the King of Spayne
had engaged himselfe for the restitution of the Palatinate, for
which the Earl of Bristol conceaved a daughter of Spayne and 2
millions had bene no ill pawne, besydes divers other additions of
advantages to the Crowne, all which, if it had not beene obteined,
yet three moneths longer patience would after so many yeares have
discovered the trewth of all thinges, for the first day of March was
appoynted for the journey, wheras on the contrary side hee foresaw
the Prince would bee kept a yeare at the least longer unmarryed, a
thing that so highly concerned these kingdom es, hee doubted that
the recovery of the Palatinate from the Emperor and Duke of
Bavaria by force would prove of great difficultye, and that Christen-
dome was like to fall into a generall combustion ; so that, desiring
on the one side that his master should have obteyfred his ends, and
on the other that his Majestic might have had the honor and happi-
nesse not only to have given peace, plenty, and increase to his owne
subjects and crownes, but to have compounded the greate
differences that had bene these many yeares in Christendome, and
by his pyety and wisdom to have prevented the shedding of so
much Christian blood, as hee feared would ensue if those businesses
were disordered, these reasons, hee confesseth, and his zeale unto
his Majesties service, made him so earnestly desire the effecting. of
this businesse ; and the Earl of Bristol confesseth hee cannot but
thinke himselfe a most unfortunate man that, seeing his Majesties
affayres so neere the beeing setled to his Majesties content as hee

54 THE EARL OF BPJSTOL'S DEFENCE.

conceaved, and hoping to have bene unto his master not only a
faythfull but a successfull servante, to see the whole state of affayres
turned upsyde downe without any the least fault of his, and yet
that he should be the onely minister eyther on the English or
Spanish side that remayneth under disgrace.

And having made unto these propositions this cleere and trew
answer, the Earl of Bristol is confident that the Duke of Buckhing-
ham, seeing his innocencye, will, according to that which hee had
promised in his paper, uppon the accknowledgment of these sup-
posed errours, doe it now more willingly e uppon the seeing of
them cleered, vid^ imploye his power and force with the King and
Prince to admitt the Earl to kisse thier handes and to receave him
to their gratious favour, which if the Duke shallbee pleased to doe,
the Earl will receave it for so high an obligation as hee will fayth-
fully indeavour to deserve it by his best services.

INDEX,

Abbot, George, Archbishop of Canterbury, extract

from his letter, 3
Aston, Sir W., ambassador in Spain, 16 ; receives

assurances from Philip, 17

Bocaccio, Caesar, in charge of a seminary at
Madrid, 3

Bristol, Earl of, negotiates a marriage for Prince
Henry, 1, 5 ; and for Prince Charles, 2 ;
breaks up a seminary at Madrid, 3 ; procures
copies of Spanish papers, 4 ; has Scioppius
beaten, 5 ; receives fresh overtures from Lerma,
6 ; is kept in the dark about the negotiations,
7 ; advises the formation of a commission on
Spanish affairs, 9; is sent back to Spain, 10 ;
on his return receives the King's approval, ] 0 ;
writes to the Prince, 11 ; is accused of defraud-
ing the Prince, 12 ; advises the addition of
fresh members to the commission, 14 ; returns
to Madrid in 1622, 17; urges the hastening
of the conclusion of the treaty, 17 ; his pro-
positions, 19 ; writes to the King and Prince,
22; objects to the Pope's demands, 24; in-
forms the King and Prince of the state of the
business in Dec. 1622, 26 ; defends himself
against the charge of having lost time, 31 ;
explains his conduct about the Palatinate, 37;
and about the Prince Palatine's son, 45 ; gives
an account of his advice to the Prince of
Wales about his remaining in Spain, 48 ;
gives the reasons which induced him to go on
with the marriage, 50; returns to England,
iii ; writes to Cottington on his position, iv ;
is ordered into confinement, v ; desires to be
tried, vii ; begs for the Prince's favour, viii ;
commissioners appointed to examine him, x ;
is allowed to visit his mother, xi ; answers the
twenty interrogatories, xii ; hears of further
questions, xiii ; is allowed to go to Sherborne,
xiii; refuses to acknowledge himself guilty, xiv;
petitions the King, xv ; asks to go to Bristol,

xvi ; asks for restoration to liberty, xviii ; is
allowed to go to London, xix, xxiv ; sends
his answers to Buckingham's propositions,
xxii ; makes overtures to Charles I. xxv ; is
ordered to absent himself from the Parliament
of 1625, xxviii; asks to be present at the
coronation, xxix ; declares that he has never
plotted with Parliament men, xxxi ; his cor-
respondence on the fresh charges brought
against him, xxxi.

Buckingham, Duke of, wishes to send Bristol to
the Tower, v; sends Clerke to Bristol, xiv,
xxxv ; sends proposals to Bristol that he shall
acknowledge the truth of five propositions, xix ;
opposes Bristol's restoration to liberty, xxiv ;
writes to Bristol about his absence from Par-
liament, xxv.

Charles I. accepts Bristol's overtures, xxv ; tells
Sir K. Digby that he is well disposed towards
him, but wishes for a private acknowledgment
of error, xxvi ; orders Bristol to stay away
from the Parliament of 1625, xxviii; brings
fresh charges against Bristol, xxx.

Charles, Prince of Wales, negotiation for his
marriage opened, 2 ; renewal, 7 ; expresses
satisfaction with Bristol, 28 ; advises Bristol
to retire to the country, viii ; begs Bucking-
ham to assist him, x ; listens to Bristol's over-
tures, xxi ; see Charles I.

Clerke, Edward, his message to Bristol, xiv,
xxxv.

Conway, Lord, corresponds with Bristol on the
charges brought against him, xxxiii.

Conway, Sir E., writes to Bristol to confine him-
self to his house, v ; sends permission to Bristol
to go to Sherborne, xiii ; begs him to make
submission, xiv, see Conway, Lord

Commission on Spanish affairs formed, 9 ; fresh
members added to it, 15

Cottington, Sir F., employment of in Spain, 6 ;
proposes to Bristol to arrange matters, xiv

56

INDEX.

Coventry, Sir T., orders Bristol not to come to

Parliament, xxxv
Creswell, Father, sent away from the Spanish

Court, 3

Digby, Sir John, see Bristol, Earl of

Digby, Sir Kenelm, employed as a negotiator

between Bristol and Buckingham, xx, xxii ;

gives an account of his interview with Charles I.

xxvi

Fenton, Viscount, see Kelly, Earl of

Gondomar, Count of, urges a resumption of the
marriage treaty, 6 ; desires that Bristol may
be passed over, 7 ; is dissatisfied with Bristol,
13; finally avows his satisfaction, 14; gives
assurances of the King of Spain's sincerity, 1 5 ;
returns to Madrid, 19 ; is angry with Bristol,
23

Henry, Prince of "Wales, treaty for the marriage
of, 1, 6; his death, 6

Idiaquez, Juan de, favours the marriage treaty, 6

James I. approves of Bristol's proceedings in
Spain, 3; signs Bristol's letters to Lerma, 9;

expresses his satisfaction with his conduct, 10 ;
informs Bristol how far he will go in point of
religion, 23; is favourable to Bristol, vi ; is
satisfied with his answers, xii ; begs him to
write a fair letter to Buckingham, xiii ; permits
Bristol to come to London, xxiv

Kelly, Earl of, his conversation with Bristol,

Lafuente, Diego de, sent to Rome, 15.
Lerma, Duke of, offers to resume the marriage
treaty, 6

Montague, James, Bishop of Winchester, extract
from his letter, 3

Padre Maestro, see Lafuente, Diego de
Philip III. King of Spain, his reception of a
proposal for his daughter's marriage, 2 ; his
death, 16

Philip IV. King of Spain, assures Aston of his
sincerity, 17; his answers to Bristol's proposi-
tions, 20, 25 ; gives Bristol a ring at his de-
parture, iii

Scioppius beaten by Bristol's orders, 5
Spain, King of, see Philip III. and Philip IV.

JOUENAL

OP

SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583.

EDITED,

FROM THE ORIGINAL MS. IN THE POSSESSION OF LIEUTENANT-COLONEL CAREW,

BY

CHARLES TEICE MARTIN, B.A.

FEINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXX.

PREFACE.

The following Journal of Sir Francis Walsingham is extracted
from a manuscript in the possession of Colonel Carew, of Crow-
combe Court, of the discovery of which, with other papers, an
account was given by the late Mr. Bruce, in his preface to Sir John
Borough's notes of the Treaty of Kipon, edited by him for the
Camden Society in 1869.

The diary consists of notices of Walsingham 's movements, and
occasionally of other events of interest, with memoranda for each
day of all letters sent and received. In order to save space, these
memoranda have been omitted, and a list of all the letters sent
and received has been placed at the end.

Although all the entries are in the first person, the manuscript is
not in Walsingham's own hand, but in that of his secretary. The
Diary commences with December 1570, when Walsingham, who
had been already sent during the summer as ambassador to France,
to assist in negotiating an accord between Charles IX. and the
Huguenot party, was again dispatched thither as resident in place
of Sir Henry Norris, with general instructions to preserve amity
between the two realms, and to assist the Huguenot party, and also —
though this was not expressed in his first instructions — to prepare
the way for the marriage of the Queen with the Duke of Anjou.

The last date is April 1583, but there are four breaks in the entries.
The first is from Jan. 157J to Dec. 1573, on the 21st of which

ii PREFACE.

month Walsingham was sworn secretary ; the second is the omission
of May 1575; there is a third break from June 1578 to March
1580; and a fourth for the month of August and part of September
1581, when Walsingham was again sent on an embassy to France,
the chief object of which was to break off the negotiations for the
marriage of the Queen with the younger brother of her former
suitor.

The instructions for these two embassies^ and a large portion of
Walsingham's correspondence, are printed in Digges's Compleat Am-
bassador. The name of the bridge on which the bull against
Queen Elizabeth was set up, mentioned at p. 5, should have been
supplied as St. Estienne, but was unfortunately overlooked until
too late for insertion.

It has not been thought necessary to index the list of names of
senders and receivers of letters.

JOUENAL OP SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583.

DECEMBKE. ANNO 1570

Sunday 3. That the Queen of Scotes shoulde be verie sycke.
Mondaye 4. The Bishop of Rose with D. Astloe and Dr. Good

went to Tutberie. The Counsaylle sat at Mr. Secretaries.

The Cardinall Chastillon departed towards Canterburie.
Wensdaye 6. Lettres from Venize that Nicosia was taken by myne

of the Turkes, that the Pope was greatly appalled at the losse

therof, and that the araiye of the Pope, the Spaniarde, and the

Venetians havinge loste a greate numbre of men by sundrye

diseases, retourned without doing any worthie or notable

entreprise.

Poste from Andwarpe, that the steaple of St. Georges in

Andwarpe was burned by lighteninge the xxixth of No-

vembre.

Thursdaye 14. I wente to the Courte.
Saturdaye 16. I spake with the Queenes Majestic.
Mundaye 18. The Ambassadoure of Fraunce dyned with me.
Tuesdaye 19. I went to the Courte to speake with Sir William

Cicill aboute my dispatche. Lettres sente to Sir H. Norreys

by his sonne.
Wensdaye 20. Certeine newes com oute of Spayne, that the King

of Spaine hath receaved an. overthrowe at the Mores handes,

and that his arme is retired partely for lacke of victualls, and
CAMD. SOC. B

2 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

partely for that the Mores fare excede the Spaniardes in
numbre.

Thursdaye 21. I receaved newes out of Fraunce.
Fridaye 22. I sente my trayne over before to Bullen.
Satturday 23. I received ray instructions from the Courte by Mr.

Secretaries ordre. Lettres from Ferrara bearing date the

xvjth of Novembre, of a terrible earthquacke that shoulde be

there, at Mantua, and in some parte of Romaignia.
Sundaye 24. I wente unto the Courte, and had conference with my

Lord of Lecestre and Mr. Secretarie about a matter of greate

importance.
Mundaye 25. I had conference with the judge of thadmiraltie,

touchinge certeine marchauntes matters.
Wensdaye 27. Poste out of Scotlande, that the Lord Morton

shoulde cum commissioner from the King to the Queenes

Majestie.
Fridaye 29. I myself came from London to Gravesende by barge,

and from thence to bedd, to Citingbourne in poste.
Saturdaye 30. I came to Canterburie, wheare I had conference

with the Cardinal Chastillon, and from thence to bedd to

Dover.

JANUARIE. ANNO 1571.

Mundaye 1. I went from Dover, and so to Bullen. I arrived
aboute ij or thre of the clocke in the afternone.

The Governour, forasmuch as he himselfe was sycklie of
the goute, sent his sonne in lawe, Mounsieur de Bournouzel, a
Knight of the Ordre, Capetanye Mouns, and divers other to
salute me.

Tewsdaie 2. The governour himself came, accompanied with
divers gentlemen, to viset me.

Thursday 4. I departed from Bullen, and came aboute ij or thre
of the clocke in the afternone to Muttrell, wheare the Gover-

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 3

nour, called Monsieur de Mally, came to my lodginge to visit

me, accompanied with Capetayne Mouns and certein other

souldiars.

Satturday 6. I departed from Muttrelle, and so arrived to Abbe-
ville, about iij of the clocke in the afternone.
Monday 8. I departed from Abbeville, and came to bed to

Piquenel,
Twesday 9. I departed from Piquenel, and came to bed to

Amiens.
Wednesday 10. I departed from Amiens, and came to bed to

Berthol.
Thursday 11. I departed from Berthoil, and came to bed to

Clermont.

Friday 12. I departed from Cleremont to Luyfort.
Satturday 13. I departed from Luyfart to St. Denis. Lettres

sent to Sir Henry Norreis, to advertise him of my cumming to

St. Denis, as also that I minde to be at Paris uppon Monday

next.
Tuesday 16. I departed from St. Denis, and by the waye I met

with Sir Henry Norreys and certein other gentlemen that

dwell in Paris, and came to Paris aboute iij of the clocke in

the afternone.
Thursdaye 18. Mr. Lanquet, ambassadour for the Duke of Saxonie,

came to visit me.

Sonday 21. Mr. Briquemault came to visite me.
Twesday 23. Mr. de Briquemault came to visit me.
Thursday 25. I wente to the Courte, and had audience at the

Kinges hand, his mother, and his bretheren.
Friday 26. Taffi, servant to the Prince of Orenge, came to

visit me.
Saturday 27. Castrutzi, the ambassadour for Luc, came to viset

me.
Sunday 28. The Venetian ambassadour came to salute me. Sir

Henry Norreies dyned with me.

4 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Monday 29. The Scottish ambassadour came to viset me.
Twesday 30. I sent to the Court to knowe the certentie of the

Kinges entrie.
Wednesday 31. Mr. Hollingshed came unto me with a lettre from

my Lorde of Buckhurste.

FEBRUARIE. ANNO 1571.

Thursdaye 1. I sent Mr. Beale to the Courte then being at

Madrille.

Sonday 4. Monsieur de Gundi came to viset me.
Twesday 6. I had accesse to the King and to Queen Mother, at

St. Germine.

Wednesday 7. Monsieur de Briquemalt came to viset me.
Thursday 8. The Vidame came to speake with me.
Sunday 11. I dyned with the Vidame.
Monday 12. I conducted Sir Henry Norreys on his waye home-

warde.

Twesday 13. The ambassadour of Florence came to viset me.
Wednesday 14. I wente to Madrille and there had audience at the

King's handes aboute certeine merchantes causes, and there

presented to the King the Earl of Rutlande.
Friday 16. Monsieur Gundi came unto me.

Sundaye 18. I went to St. Dennis to see my Lord of Buckhurste.
Mondaye 19. The Lord Seaton came to me.

Twesdaye 20. I wente to St. Bennies to meet my Lord of Buck-
hurste to conduite him to Paris, and in the midwaye I met

with the Marques of Trantand of Salus, who weare appoynted

by the Kinge to do the like.
Thursday 22. I went to taulke with the Spanish ambassadour.

The Vidame came to speake with me.

Fridaye 23. I wente with my Lord of Buckhurste to the Courte.
Sondaye 25. Mr. Dougles came to speake with me. Mr. de

Bournouzel came to speake with me.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 5

Monday 26. My Lord of Buckhurste with the reste of his gentle-
men came to viset me.

Twesday 27. I wente to dynner to my Lorde of Buckhurste, and
by the waye I met with the Vidame. I sent a memorialle to
Seigneur Gundi by him to be presented to the King.

Wensday 28. I went to my Lord of Buckhurstes. Monsieur de
Briquemault came to viset me.

MARCHE. ANNO 1571.

Thursdaye 1. I went to Monsieur de Foix, and taulked with him

aboute Mr. Benigfeildes matter.
Friday 2. I went with my Lorde of Buckhurste to the Courte of

Kety howse in the faubourge of a wheare the

King laye.

I toke my leave then of the Kinge, his bretheren, Queene

Mother, and the newe Queene.

A bulle set up ageinste the Queen my mystres au pont

de a was brought up by Mr. Dannett.

Saturday 3. My Lord of Buckhurst came to supp and lye in my

howse.
Sunday 4. My Lord of Buckhurste and I dyned at the Duke of

Nevers' howse.
Twesdaye 6. The King made his entrie into Paris accompanied

with Monsieur Duke Alenzon, the Duke of Lorrayne, and

divers others of the nobilitie and gentlemen, the Lordes of

Towne, the Lordes of Parliament, and alle sortes of handy-

craftes men.
Sundaye 11. I wente to speake with Count Olivares, an ambassa-

dour sent from the Kinge of Spayne to congratulate the

Kinges mariage here.
Wednesdaye 14. My Lorde of Buckhurste departed hence with

alle his trayne.

» Blank in MS.

6 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Thursdaye 15. I wente to speake with the Vidame.

Fridaye 16. Foure pasportes made for iiij Scottish men, James

Bogg, George Swinton, Alexander Button, Duncan Balford.
Sunday e 18. I wente to Cleremount to meet my wife.
Mundaye 19. My wife came to Paris aboute ij of the clocke in

the afternone.
Twesday 20. I came from Clearemount.

Five pasports made for Mr. James Clark, Walter Heriot

the elder, Walter Heriot the yonger, James Heriot, and James

Kamsey.
Fridaye 23. I sent a lettre to Roan to Thomas Bricknar.

I sent my secretaire to Monsr. de Foix and Monsr. de

Marmillees, to require redres of certein marchants causes.
Satturday 24. A lettre from the Earle of Bedforde by Rowlande

the Poste.
Sonday 25. The Queen crowned at St. Dennies.

The Archbishop of Cassels came to speake with me.
The Ambassadour of Florence came to viset me.
Mondaye 26. Madame Calliac, the governoures wife of Bullain,

came to viset me.

My Lorde Seaton came to speake with me.
Wednesday 28. Madame Caliac dyned with me.
Thursday 29. The Queen made her entrie into Paris.
Saturday 31. I went to the Palais, and there had audience at

Queen Mother's handes.

APRIL. ANNO 1571.

Twesday 3. The Count Olivares and the Spanish ambassador

came to viset me.

Madam de Mony came to viset me.
Thursday 5. Mr. Blont departed from hence, and Mr. Beale into

Englande.
Friday 6. Mr. Cobham went towardes Spayne.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 7

Saturday 7. Monsr. de Foix secretary came to taulke with me.

Sunday 8. I went to speake with the Vidame.

Monday 9. I went to the Courte to taulke with the Queen, and

there presented to the Queen a supplication for Sir Thomas

Cotton, an other for Roger Haukin, an other for Ric. Thomas.
Thursday 12. I wente to Bois du Vincent with the Earl of Rut-

lande.
Sonday 15. The Archbishop of Cassels came to speake with me in

the forenone.
Twesday 17. The Archbishop of Cassels came to speake with me

in the fornone, and the Scottesh Ambassador in the afternone.
Thursday 19. The Vidame came to speake with me.
Friday 20. The Archbishop of Cassells came to speake with me.
Satturday 21. My wife wente to the Courte, being entertained by

the Queen Mother, the yonge Queen, the Duchese of Lorrayne,

the Lady Margeret, Monsieur, and dyvers others.
Twesday 24. I went to speake with Monsieur de Foix.
Wednesday 25. The Vidame came to speake with me.
Thursday 26. The Vidame carne to speake with me.
Friday 27. I went to St. Clou, wheare I had audience of Queen

Mother.

The Vidame came to speake with me.
Saturday 28. The Vidame dyned with me.

MAY. ANNO 1571.

Twesday 1. The Marques of Tranes dyned with me.
Wednesday 2. A pastporte graunted to one Guion Harry, other-
wise called du Chene of Brittayne.
Friday 4. Monsr. Raning dyned with me.

Thursday 10. The Ambassadour of Scotland came to viset me.
Friday 11. The Vidame came to speake with me.
Saturday 12. The Vidame came to speake with me.
Friday 18. I went from Paris to Poissy to bed.

8 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Saturday 19. I dyned at Mauntes, and went to Vernon to bed.
Monday 21. I went to Gallion, and there had audience of Queen

Mother and Monsieur.

I dyned with the Cardinall of Bourbon.
Twesday 22. I went againe to Gallion from Yernon, and had

audience of the King.

I dyned with Monsr. de Foix.

Wednesday 23. A passeporte graunted to William Cammelle.
Thursday 24. I went from Yernon to Mauntes to diner and to

Poissy to bed.
Friday 25. I went from Poissy to Paris to dinner.

A lettre receaved from the Counselle by a march ant. Two

passeportes graunted to ij S cotes, Alexandre Acskin and

John Drisdalle.

Sonday 27. I went to taulke with the Spanish Ambassadour.
Monday 28. I went to speake with Madame Carnavalet.
Twesday 29. A passeporte graunted unto one Herrie de Conde, a

servant of the Queen of Scotts.
Wednesday 30. Madame de Mony came to viset me.

A lettre sent to my Lord of Leicestre in her doughter's

behalf.

JUNE. ANNO 1571.

Saterdaye 2. A passeport graunted to Barney Will Hanson,
servant to Mr. Henrie Denye. I went from Paris to Corbelle
to bed.

Sondaye 3. I went from Corbelle to Prignye to receave the com-
munion. I went from thence at dynner and came to bed to
Paris.

Mondaye 4. Lanquet dyned with me.

Wednesdaye 6. Lettres sent to the Court to Mr. Cavalcant by
Walter Williams upon the report of the Kinges hurte.

Thursdaye 7. Mr. Lanquet and Mr. Lobetun dyried with me.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 9

A passeport graunted to Florest Brossier, servaunt to the

Queen of Scotes, and workeman in tapistrye.
Frydaye 8. Jacomo came out of England with lettres.
Monday 11. I went from Paris to Poissy to dyner, and taried ther

all that night.
Tewsday 12. I went from Poissy to Vernon by water, and laye

ther that night.

Harcot came out of England with lettres.
Wednesday 13. I went from Vernon to Louviers to dynner.
Frydaye 15. I went to the Court at Gallion and ther had audience

at Queen Mother and the Kinges handes.
Sonday 17, I sent my secretairie to the Court about certayne

marchauntes causes.

Lettres receaved out of Spaigne by Secretairie Pynart from

Mr. Cobham.
Mondaye 18. I went late in the eveninge to the Court, and talked

with the King and Queen Mother.
Thursdaye 21. I sent my secretarie to the Court about certayne

merchauntes causes.
Saterday 23. The Ambassadour of Florence came to speake

with me.

A Scotishe gentleman carne to speake with me.
Sonday 24. I went to see a garden of Monsr. de Bordesire.
Tewsday 26. I sent my secretarie to Paris with lettres to Mr.

de Foix, Monsr. Lanquet, Monsr. de Changy, Captain Tomaso,

Mr. Cobham.
Saterday 30. I came from Loviers to Vernon to bed.

JULY. ANNO 1571.

Sonday 1. I went from Vernon to Manstes to bed.
Monday 2. I went from Mantes to Poissy to bed.
Tewsday 3. I went from Poissy to Paris to bed.

Lettres receaved from Geneva from Mr. Portas, Mr. Cart-
wright.

CAMD. SOC. C

10 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Wednesday 4. Lanquet dyned with me.

Thursday 5. A passeport granted to Henrie Keyre, Scotishman.

Friday 6. I went from Paris to Meaux to bed.

Satterday 7. I sent my secretairie to the Court at Monceaux. I

went to visit the Venetian and Spaingnishe Ambassadours.
Monday 9. I receaved order from the King to go [to] Mellum.
Tewsday 10. I went to the Court at Monceaux, and had audience

at Queen Mother's hand.

Wednesday 11. I sent Mr. Beale to Mr. de Foix.
Thursday 12. I departed from Mieux, Sanniers to dynner, and

from thence to Rosset to bed.
Friday 13. I came to Mellun to bed-
Monday 16. I receaved lettres from the King to go to Montreaul.

I recommended the Englishe men's cause at Marsellus to Mr.

Briquemault.
Friday 20. Monsr. Artus, the Prince of Naverrs secretarie, came

to speake with me.
Sonday 22. I went to St. Jermon to the sermon, beinge accompag-

ned at dinner the same daye with Mr. Bataille, Mares Navires.
Monday 23. Monsr. Briquemault came to visit me the morninge,

and in the after noone Mr. de la Noiie and Mr. Thiligni.
Tewsday 24. The Ambassadours of Tuscans secretarie came to

visit me.
Thursday 26. Mr. Cavalcant sent unto me by Queen Mother to

staye my dispache.

Saterday 28. Sent for to the Court the next daye.
Sonday 29. I repaired to the Court, wher I conferred with the

King, Queen Mother, and Monsieur.

AUGUST. ANNO 1571.

Wednesday 2.a Monsr. de Foix in his jorney towardes England

came to viset me.
Thursday 3. Mr. Telighni came to visit me.

a Sic, instead of Aug. 1. The mistake is continued throughout until Dec. 23.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 11

Satterday 5. I came to Paris from Mellun.

Sonday 6. I conferred with Comte Ludo.

Monday 7. I retourned to Mellun.

Friday 11. I came with my ffamilie to Paris.

Wednesday 16. Monsr. de Cavanes, Monsr. de Piles, came to

se me. Madame de Subise and Madame de No}^on came to

see me.
Fryday 18. I went to visit Madame de Subize. Queen Mother

went from Paris.

Sonday 20. The cochier came unto ine.
Monday 21. The Scotishe Ambassadour came to visit me and

Madame Scipion Sardigni.

Wednesday 23. The Venetian Ambassadour came to visit me.
Thursday 24. Cavanns came to viset me.
Fryday 25. Madame de Noyon came to visit me.

(A leaf is lost here. )

OCTOBER. ANNO 1571.

Tewsday 3. My Lord of Rutland departed from Bloyes.

Sonday 8. Harcot dispached into England.

Monday 9. I accompaigned Monsr. de Lysie when he retorned

homewardes.

Tewsday 10. Monsr. de Foix came and visited me.
Fryday 13. I wrote a lettre in the behalfe of one Fuket, a

merchant of Britany, unto my Lord Burghley. Madame

d' Obinees had a pasport.

Sonday 15. Mr. Cremer, gentille Alman, dyned with me.
Wednesday 18. I had audience of the King, being sent for by

hym. The King departed from Bloys.
Thursday 19. The admirall departed towardes his house, Mr,

Dannet came out of England.
Fryday 20. Digbie dispached toward England.
Satterday 2 1 . Entertaynment of a new cochier.

12 JOUKNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Sonday 22. The Comte Villiclere of the house of Martiningo

came to visit me.

The Ambassador of Tuscan came to visit me. Monsr. du

Pine came to visit me.

Monday 23. Monsr. Cavanes came and visited me.
Tewsday 31. I departed from Bloyes towardes Paris, and loged

that night at St. Lorraines.

NOVEMBRE. ANNO 1571.

Wednesday 1. I came to Orleans.

Thursday 2. I came to Turie to bed.

Fryday 3. I came to Estampes.

Saterday 4. I came to Montherye to bed.

Sonday 5. I came to Paris where I found Mr Killigrewe, by whom

I receaved lettres from her Majestic, my Lord of Burghley, my

Lord of Leycestre, and divers other of my frendes.
Monday 6. The Spanishe Ambassadour's secretairie came to

viset me.
Wednesday 8. Tow of my lord of Oxfordes men came out of

England, Mr. Fant and Mr. Clapton, by whom I receaved

lettres from my Lord of Burghley.

Fryday 10. Mr. Killigrew went to the Court from Paris.
Tewsday 14. Monsr. du Pine came to visit me.
Wednesday 15. Monsr. Tuffin came to visit me. I began my

diet.

Mr. Talbot came to visit me.
Saterday 18. Madame Doure came to viset me.
Tewsday 21. Captain Franchatto came to viset me. Monsr.

Lopus and Martinius came to viset me. Monsr. Baynard carne

to viset me.

Wednesday 22. Monsr. Tuffin came to viset me.
Wednesday 29. Monsr. Baynard came to viset me.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 13

DECEMBER. ANNO 1571.

Sonday 3. Madame de Noyon came to visit me.
Monday 4. Monsr. du Pine came to visit me.
Tewsday 5. Captain Tomaso came to visetme.
Wendsday 6. Madame Cipion came to visit me.
Saterday 9. Madame Chatillon came to viset me.

A passeport made for Rye. Smythe and Rowland Michel.
Fry day 15. Mr. Walday came to visit me. ' Mr. Tuffin came to

visit me.

Tewsday 19. Monsr. Ramus came to viset me.
Thursday 21. The crosse in St. Denis streat was pulled downe at

iij of the clocke in the night.
Monday 24. Sir Thomas Smythe came to Paris.
Tewsday 25. Monsr. du Pine came to viset me. Monsr. Ramus

came to viset me. Mr. Cavalcant came out of England.

A Scotishman servaunt to the first regient brought me

lettres out of England.
Thursday 27. John de Noble came to viset me.

JANUARIE. ANNO 1572.

Monday 7. Monsr. Antoine, an Italien, came to visit me.
Thursday 10. Water Williams and Digbye came out of England.
Saterday 12. Mr. Wood went from Mr. Killigrew into England

with lettres to my Lord of Leycestre and other of my frendes.
Monday 14. The Ambassadeurs man of Tuskan came to visit me.
Tewsday 15. Water Williams went to the Court.
Thursday 17. John de Rosse went into England.

DECEMBER. ANNO 1573.

Mondaye 21. I was sworne secretarie.

I had ordre from the counselle for the answering of the
Deputies lettres.

14 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

The Erie of Leycester and I had conference with the Lord
Tresorer about the Aleman affaires.

Tuesdaie 22. I presented to my Lords of the Counsielle the lettres
translated.

Received from her Majestie the King and Queene Mother's
lettres.

Receyved certain lettres of her Majestie in commendacion of
a certain Aleman.

Reyceyved certain lettres directed unto her Majestie from
Danswicke.

Receyved lettres from the Justices of Norfolke delivered
unto the clerkes of the counseil.

Receved a bill of therle of Leycestre to be signed for a gifte
of a benifice to Rowles.

Received order at the request of therle of Leycester to her
Majestie to make a protection for A. B.

I gave order to the clarkes of the Signet to have the lettres
for the provision of lerland engrossed.

I repaired with the Count Palatin's man to the Lorde
Tresorers.

Wednesday 23. I received lettres from the Lord President of
Yorke directed unto her Majestie and to the Lords of the
Counsel.

I dealte with her Majestie about the lerishe affaires.
Thursdaie 24. My Lords of the counselle met.

The Frenche Ambassadeur had audience. I was appointed
by her Majestie to geve him a note of Mr. Warcopps sute.
Fridaie 25. Mr. Recorder sent from the Lords of the Counseill to

speake with me.

Saterdaie 26. I. was sent by my Lordes of the Counsaylle unto her
Majestie.

1 was sent by her Majestie unto the Lord Tresorer. I re-
ceyved a memoriall from the Frenche Ambassadour to move
her Majestie to sende one unto the Queene of Scottes. I re-

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 15

ceyved a lettre from Monsieur Generall directed unto her

Majestie, I presented unto my Lords of the Counseil lettres

sent from Sir John Foster and from the Bishop of Ely.
Sondaye 27. I gave order for instructions and lettres to be made

for Capten Sute for the disposing of ijc men arry ved at Lastall.
Mondaye 28. I dispatched Mr. Shute to Lestall in Suffolke.

Ireceyved from the master of the requestes, by her Majesties

order, certain billes to be consydered of by my Lords of the

counsell.
Tuesdaye 29. I receyved a lettre from Mr. Shute by post touching

the men arrived at Lastall. I procured at her Majesties handes

the dispatche of the Count Palatin's man.
Wednesdaie 30. I received a packet of lettres directed unto her

Majestie from Flusshing.

I preferred divers requestes in counselle.
Thursdaie 31. I wrote to my Lord Cobham by her Majesties

commaundment for the convoye of the Bishop of Ros. My

Lords of the Counsell referred over the Danswicke causes

untill the second of Januarie. I presented the governers of

Flusshinges lettre unto her Majestie.

JANUARIE. ANNO 1574°. Regni Elizabeths Reginae 16°.

Saterdaie 2. My Lordes sat in counselle.

I dispatched the Count Mongomeris man with lettres to

the Capten of Garnesey.
Mondaye 4. I was sent by her Majestie to the Lord Tresorer to

conferre with him.

I procured divers thinges to be signed by her Majestie.
Tuesdaie 5. I tooke order for the lodging of the Baron de

Obigni. The Lords of the Counsell sat in the afternone about

the Irishe matters.
Wednesdaie 6. The Counsell sat.
Thursdaie 7. The Counsell was held for the supplie-of lerland.

16 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Fridaie 8. The counsell sat about the Irishe affaires.

Saterdaie 9. The counsell assembled. The Frenche Ambassadeur

had audience. I procured a warrant to be signed of 600 li.

for a supplie to be sent into lerland.
Sondaie 10. The counsell sat about the Irishe affaires.
Mondaie 11. I procured her Majestic to signe a warrant of 8000 li.

for lerland.
Tewsdaie 1 2. The Queenes Majestic removed to Hampton Court

from Whight Halle.

I advertised Mr. Secretarie of tharrivall of Monsieur

d'Aubigny.

Thursdaie 14. I came to Hampton Court.
Fridaie 15. The counselle assembled.
Saterdaie 16. I moved her Majestic for lettres to Queene Mother

for the Vidame.
Sondaie 17. The Baron d'Aubigny had audience. I procured

her Majestic to sygne the deputies lettres of lerland. I re-

ceyved certain lettres intercepted by the Maior of Dover,

which I retorned agayne.
Mondaie 18. I procured Waterfisshes bille to be signed for Copper.

I procured a lettre for the Vidame.
Tuesdaie 19. The Frenche Ambassadeur had audience.
Wednesdaie 20. The Baron d'Aubigni tooke his leave. The

counsell sat.
Thursdaie 21. I procured the signing and dispatche of the Baron

d'Aubignie's lettres.
Fridaie 23. Her Majestic signed the Erie of Essex warrant for

supplie of money and victailes as also for the levying of 400

souldiars.

Sondaie 24. The counsell sat.
Tuesdaie 26. The counselle sat.
Wednesdaie 27. The counsell sat. The Frenche Ambassadeur

had audience.
Thursdaie 28. I wroat to the Count Montgomerie for his retire

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 17

out of Garnesey. The counsell sat about Sir John Parret's
matters.

FEBRUARIE. ANNO 1573.

Thursdaie 4. I went to London.

Frydaie 5. I sat in the Starre Chamber.

Saterdaie 6. I came againe to the Court. The Frenche Am-

bassadeur had audience.
Sondaie 7. The Lordes of the Counselle sat.
Tuesdaye 9. I went to London.
Thursdaie 11. I perused certain lettres intercepted sent unto me

by the Lord Tresorer.
Saterdaie 13. My Lorde Grayes matter was harde in the Starre

Chambre. I retorned to the Court.
Sondaie 14. Mr. Secretarie and I examined W.
Mondaie 15. The counsell sat.
Wednesdaie 17. I dispatched lettres to the maiors of Dover and

Eye to suffre no Scotishman to passe without passporte.
Thursdaie 18. Her Majestie removed from Hampton Court to Sir

Thomas Gressams. I went to Fullham.
Saterdaie 20. I retorned to Hampton Court.

Mondaie 22, I receyved lettres from the Prince of Orenge of the
taking of Mydleburge. The counsell sat about Irishe matters.
Thursdaie 25. The counselle sat.

MARCHE. ANNO 1573.

Mondaie 1. I sent lettres to Mr. Waterhouse for the staye of

the men.

Tuesdaie 2. The Queene removed from Hampton to Grenwiche.
Wednesdaie 3. I writ to Mr. Attorney for the staye of Coroners

veredict touching matters betwene the Lord Graye and Mr.

Fortescew.

CAMD. SOC. D

18 JOURNAL OP SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Thursdaie 4. I retorned to the Court to Grenewiche.
Fridaie 5. I fell sycke and went to London.
Tuesdaie 16. I came againe to the Court.
Saterdaie 20. The counsell sat about Irishe matters.
Sondaie 21. The counsell sat about Irishe matters.

MARCHE. ANNO 1574.

Sondaie 28. The counselle sat about the perusing of lettres to be
sent into lerland.

APRIL. ANNO 1574.

Sondaie 4. The counselle sat.
Fridaie 9. The counselle sat.
Fridaie 30. The French Ambassador had audience.

MATE. ANNO 1574.

Mondaie 3. Mr. Layton was despatched into France with her
Majesties lettres to the King and Queen Mother.

Thursdaie 20. The counselle sat.

Mondaie 24. I sat at Westminster about the examinacion of the
wytnesses touching the fraye betwene the garde and Sir John
Perotes men.

Thursdaie 27. I despatched Mr. William Killigrew into France.

Frydaie 28. Mr. Henrie Killigrew was despatched into Scotland.

JUNE. ANNO 1574.

Thursdaie 3. I receaved lettres out of France of the deathe of the

Frenche Kinge.
Thursdaie 10. I sent lettres to the officers of the Admiraltie for

the leviing of mariners.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 19

Mondaie 14. I receaved lettres out of France by young Mr.

Killigrew.
Wednesdaie 23. I sent the Earl of Huntingdon his instructions

and commission.
Mondaie 28. I receaved lettres from Barwicke from Cap ten

Reade.
Wednesdaie 30. I receaved tettres from Mr. Killigrew and from

Barwick with a packet from Mr. Dalle of Montgomeries deathe.

Mr. Leighton came out of Fraunce. Her Majestic removed

from Grenwiche to Richmond.

JULIE. 1574.

Thursdaie 1. I came to Richmonde. The Lords sat in the
Starre Chambre. They conferred with the Frenche Ambas-
sador at the Lord Keper's.

Fridaie 2. I was sent by her Majestic to conferre with Monsieur
Boy sot.

Saturdaie 3. I came again to the Court.

Wednesdaie 7. I despatched Fergeson the Regentf's] man with
lettres to him from the counsell. Her Majestic removed to
Windsore from Richemonde.

Fridaie 9. I went to Fulham.

Sondaie 11. I retorned to the Court from Fulham.

Thursdaie 15. Her Majestic came from Windsore to Reading. I
receaved, being at Sir Henrie Nevells, a packet of lettres from
Sir Valentin Browne.

Fridaie 16. I came to Reading.

Thursdaie 23. Her Majestic removed from Reading to Newellme.

Saterdaie 24. Her Majestic came from Cristofer Browne's to
Woodstocke.

Wednesdaie 28. I receaved lettres from the Lord Cobham of the
arrivall of the Earl of Oxforde at Dover.

20 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

AUGUSTE. ANNO 1574.

Mondaie 2. Her Majestie removed from Woodstocke to Langleye.

I went to Sir William Drewries.
Tuesdaie 3. I came from Sir "William Drewries to Burfourthe.

Her Majestie came to Mr. Button's.
Wednesdaie 4. Her Majestie came to Sewdleye to the Ladie

Shandoies.
Fridaie 6. I receaved lettres from the Lord Tresorer and Par-

menter, being at Sir Thomas Chamberlaines.
Saterdaie 7. I came to Gloucester.
Tuesdaie 10. I removed from Gloucester and went to Mr. Richard

Arnoldes to Churcham.
Thursdaie 12. I came to Barkelaye Hearne to the Court, and

after diner mett my wief at Bristow.
Saterdaie 14. I went to Acton to Sir Nicolas Poines his house.

After diner the counsell sat about the Earle of Oxforde. Her

Majestie came to Bristowe.
Saterdaie 21. The Queen removed from Bristow to Bathe. The

Earl of Oxford came before her Majestie.
Mondaie 23. Her Majestie removed from Bathe to Mr. Bonham's

at Haselburie to diner, and after to Mr. Sherington's.
Saterdaie 28. Her Majestie removed to Mr. Brunkerd's to Stocke.
Sondaie 29. I procured Crayford the Scotishman's pasport at her

Majesties handes.
Tuesdaie 31. Her Majestie removed from Stocke to Mr. Hauker's.

SEPTEMBRE. ANNO 1574.

Fridaie 3. Her Majestie removed from Mr. Haukers and dyned at
my ladie Martein's and came to Wilton. I came to Sarisburie.
I sent a packet to Farm enter with a bill to passe under the
broad seale enclosed.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 21

Sondaie 5. I sent lettres to the Lord Maior in the behalfe of Mr.
Brokenburie.

Mondaie 6. Her Majestie came to Sarisburie.

Thursdaie 9. I went from Sarisburie to my cosin Giffordes. Her
Majestie went to Motsom.

Fridaie 10. Her Majestie came to Winchester.

Sondaie 12. The counsell sat.

Mondaie 13. Her Majestie removed to Aberstam, the house of
the Lord Marques of Winchester. I went to Abington to Mr.
Clarkes.

Tuesdaie 14. I went from Mr. Clarkes to Sir Henrie Wallop's to
bed. Her Majestie removed to Odeam.

Wednesdaie 15. I came from Sir Henrie Wallop's to the Court to
Odeam, and from thence to Farneham to bed. I com-
municated with Mr. Henrie Killigrew, who came out of Scot-
land.

Thursday e 16. Her Majestie came to Farneham.

Mondaie 20. I removed from Farnham to Fulham.

Fridaie 24. Her Majestie removed from Farnham to Bagshot.

Saterdaie 25. Her Majestie removed from Bagshot to Otelondes.
I came from Fulham to Otelandes.

OCTOBRE. ANNO 1574.

Fridaie 1 . Her Majestie came from Otelandes to Hampton Court.

I sent her Majesties lettres to the Earl of Bedford for his re-

vocacion.

Tuesdaie 5. The Lorde Northe was dispatched into France.
Thursdaie 7. I sent lettres to Sir John Foster touching the Lord

of Pharnihurst.

Sondaie 10. I went to Fulham.
Mondaie 11. I came from Fulham.
Tuesdaie 12. I sent the Earl of Leycester's lettre to the Lord

Northe to Dover in post. I sent a lettre to Mr. Swavingham

22 JOURNAL OF SIB FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.

in the behalf of three marchantes of Bristow at the suite of
Thomas Nicolas.
Mondaie 18. I receaved lettres from Mr. Killigre with lettres from

the Countes of Argile touching the Jewells.
Tuesdaie 19. Her Majestic went to Nonsuche.

I went to Fulham with my wief.
Fridaie 22. Her Majestic retorned from Nonsuche.
I came to the Court from Fulham.

NOVEMBRE. ANNO 1574.

Mondaie 1 . Monsr. Swevingham tooke his leave.

Tuesdaie 2. I went to Fullam.

Wednesdaie 3. I went to London.

Thursdaie 4. I came again e to the Court.

Sondaie 7. Mr. Wilson was dispatched towardes Flandres.

Wednesdaie 10. I sent her Majesties lettres and the counsells with

my one privat lettres to the Earl of Essex by Mr. Levenet.

I went to Putney.
Thursdaie 1 1 . My Lords of the counsell dined with the Frenche

Ambassadour.

Fridaie 12. I came to the Court.
Saterdaie 13. I sent a packet to Mr. Egerton to be convayed to

Mr. Wilson, wherein I sent a lettre to the Advocat fiscall.
Tuesdaie 23. Mr. Villiers came to speake with me.

DECEMBRE. ANNO 1574.

Thursdaie 2. I receaved lettres from the Lord Northe, being at

Dover, retorning out of France.
Thursdaie 16. I went to Batersaye.
Fridaie 17. I retorned to the Court.
Fridaie 24. I went from the Court to Batersaie.
Thursday 30. I came to London from Battersey.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 23

APRILL. ANNO 1575.

Friday 1. I went to the Court and came againe.
Monday 18. I went to the Court at St. Jameses.
Thursday 21. I went from the Court to London.
Satterday 23. I went to the Court at Greenwich.

JUNE. ANNO 1575.

Friday 17. I went from Brocket haule to London.
Sonday 19. I went from London to Brocket haule.
Monday 20. I went from Brocket haule to the Court at Grafton.

JULY. ANNO 1575.

Thursday 7. I went to my brother Wentworth's howse.

Friday 8. I went to the Court.

Monday 18. I went to Warwick and came againe.

Tewsday 19. I went to Coventry and came againe.

Wendnesday 27. I went from Killingworth to Kinsbery, Mr.

Knowles his house.
Thursday 28. I went to Tomworth Castell to dinner and from

thence to Lychefield.

AUGUST. ANNO 1575.

Wendnesday 3. I went from Lichefield to Stafford.

Monday 8. I went from Stafford to Wolverhampton.

Friday 12. I went to Beudley.

Satterday 13. I went to Worcester.

Monday 15. I went to Odiham.

Satterday 27. I came to the Court at Langley.

Monday 29. I went to the Court at Wodstock.

24 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Wendnesday 31. Monsieur Mauvissiere had accesse to her Ma-
jestie.

SEPTEMBER. ANNO 1575.

Thursday 1. I was sent to Oxford by her Majesty to confer with

the Frenche Ambassadour.

Friday 2. I came againe from Oxford to the Court.
Satterday 3. I had conference with the French Ambassadours.
Thursday 8. I went to Oxford with my Lord Treasorer and my

Lord of Leycester and came againe.

Sonday 11. I had conference with the French Ambassadours.
Tewsday 13. I went to Mr. Sollicitour's to dinner.

OCTOBER. ANNO 1575.

Tewsday 4. I went from Wodstock to Mr. Sleds howse at Milton.

Satterday 8. I went from Milton to Wikham.

Sonday 9. I went to Sir John Goodwin's.

Monday 10. I went to Odiham.

Tewsday 11. I came from Odiham to Windsore.

Satterday 15. I went to Odiham.

Monday 24. I retorned to the Court.

NOVEMBER. ANNO 1575.

Monday 14. I went to Odiham.
Thursday 17. I came againe to the Court.

DECEMBER. ANNO 1575.

"Wendnesday 14. I went to London.

Tewsday 20. I returned from London to Hampton Court.

FROM DEC'. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 25

FEBRUARIE. ANNO 1575.
Mondaie 6. Her Majestie removed to White Haule.

MARCHE. ANNO 1575.

Mondaie 5. Mr. Harbart was sent by her Majestie to Flussinge.
Sondaie 18. The Deputies of Holland tooke their leave.
Wendnesdaie 21. Champagny tooke his leave.

MARCHE. ANNO 1576.
Satterdaie 3 1 . Mr. Davison was dispatched into the Low Countries.

APRILL. ANNO 1576.

Sondaie 1. Mr. Eandolphe was dispatched to the Frenche Kinge

with a speciall message.

Tewsdaie 17. My brother Beale was dispatched into Holland.
Thursday 26. Her Majesty removid to Grenwich.
Friday 27. I went from my howseto Grenwich.

MAY. ANNO 1576.

Wendnesday 9. Her Majestie went to Leycester Howse. I went

to my howse at London.

Thursday 10. Her Majestie removid to Sir Thomas Gresham's.
Satterday 12. I went to the Courte, and retourned. Her Majesty

removid to my Lord Admirall's.
Tewsday 15. Her Majesty removid to Nonesuch.
Wendnesday 16. I went to the Courte.
Thursday 17. I retourned to my howse. Her Majestie removid to

Mr. Caro's at Bedington.
Friday 18. Mr. Davison came out of Flaunders.

CAMD. SOC. E

26 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Satterday 19. He Majesty retourned to Grenwich.

Sonday 20. I went to Grenwich.

Thursday 24. Mr. Kandolphe came to the Courte out of France.

Friday 25. I went to my howse at London.

Satterday 26. I retourned to Grenwich.

Thursday 31. I went to London.

JUNE. ANNO 1576.

Satterday 2. I returned to the Courte.
Tewsday 5. I went to my howse at London.
Thursday 7. I retourned to the Courte.
Mondaie 11. I went to London.
Tewsday 12. I retourned to the Courte.

Friday 22. Sir William Winter was dispatched to the Prince of
Aurange.

JULYE. ANNO 1576.

Monday 2. I went to my howse at London.

Thursday 5. I retourned to the Courte.

Sonday 8. I went to my howse.

Monday 9. Her Majestie removid to St. James.

Tewsday 10. I went to St. James.

Monday 16. I went to London.

Tewsday 17. I retourned to the Courte.

Thursday 26. Sir William Winter and Mr. Beale came out of

Zelland.

Sonday 29. I went to my howse at London.
Monday 30. Her Majestie removid to Havering, and dyned at

Stratford in Mr. Yonges howse.

I went to Stratford, and retourned to London.
Tewsday 31. I went to my lodging at Mr. Radcliffe's.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 27

AUGUST. 1576.

Tewsday 7. Her Majestie removid to Mr. Stonardes. I went to

London.
Friday 10. Her Majestie removid to Mr. Altom's. I went

to the Courte, dyned at Mr. Butler's, and went to bed to Sir

Thomas Smythes.
Saterday 11. Her Majestie removid to Hallingbury Morley. I

wente to my lodging at Starford.
Tewsday 14. Her Majestie removid to Mr. Bashes. I went to my

lodginge.at Mr. Bashes brothers.
Thursday 16. I went to the Lord Threasorer's at Theobaldes and

lay there all night.

Friday 17. I returned to Mr. Bashes.
Monday 20. Her Majestie removid to Hertford. I went to my

lodging at Mr. Hudson's.
Friday 24. I went to Brocket haule.
Sonday 26. I went to the Courte at Hertford, and returned agayne

to Brocket haule.

Monday 27. Her Majestie removid to Hatfeild.
Thursday 30. Her Majestie went to St. Albon's.
Friday 31. I went to Goramburye to dinner, and to St. Albon's

to bed.

SEPTEMBER. ANNO 1576.

Saterday 1. Her Majestie removid to Mr. Sandes. I went to

Cheyneys.
Monday 3. Her Majestie removid to Windsore. I went to Mr.

Bluntes to bed.

Tewsday 4. I went to Windsore.
Thursday 6. Sir Amyas Poulet tooke his leave to go into Fraunce

to supplie Mr. Dale's roome.
Satterday 8. I sent Sir Amyas his dispatche.

28 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Monday 10. Her Majesty removid to Byflet.
I went to my cosin Bardtes to bed.

Tewsday 11. Her Majesty removid to Purford. I went to Pur-
ford.

Wendnesday 12. Her Majesty removid to Sir William Moore's.
I went to Shaford.

Friday 14. I went to Odyham. •

Saterday 15. Her Majesty removid to Farneham.

Sonday 16. I went to the Courte.

Monday 17. I went to Odiham.

Tewsday 18. I returned to the Courte.

Wendnesday 19. I went to Odyham.

Thursday 20. Her Majesty removid to Odyham.

Satterday 22. Her Majesty removid to Reding.

Monday 24. I went to the Courte.

OCTOBER. ANNO 1576.

Sonday 7. I went to Odiham.

Monday 8. Her Majestie removid to Mr. Cotherer's.

Tewsday 9. I went to Windsore. Her Majestie removid to Wind-
sore.

Friday 12. Her Majestie removid to Hampton Courte. I went
to Mr. Nicasius to bed.

Saterday 13. I went to Hampton Courte.

Thursday 18. Mr. Hoddesdon came out of Germany with lettres
from the Counte Palatyne.

Fridaye 19. Mr. Capten Chester brought lettres out of Holland.

Tewsday 23. Mr. Stafford came out of Fraunce.

Monsieur Du Pin, being sent to her Majestie from the King
of Navarra, came to the Courte.

Wendnesday 24. Doctor Dale came to the Courte.

Thursday 25. Doctor Wilson was dispatched into the low countries.

Friday 26. Monsieur Du Pin tooke his leave.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 29

Sonday 28. I went to London.

Monday 29. I concluded a treatie of truce betwin England and
Portingall for three yeres, with the Ambassadour of Portingall.
Tewsday 30. I retourned to the Courte.

NOVEMBER. ANNO 1576.

•

Sonday 4. The Baron d'Aubigni, sent in ambassadge to her Majestic
from the States of the Lowe Countrye, came to the Courte.

Monday 5. Mr. Dr. Dale was sworne Master of the Requests.

Sondaie 11. The Baron d'Aubigny tooke his leave.

Tewsdaie 13. The Baron d'Aubigny had his dispatche.

Wendnesdaie 21. Mr. Gascoigne came out of the Low Countries
with lettres.

Fridaie 23. Sir John Smyth was dispatched into Spayne.

Sondaie 25. Monsieur Taffin had audience.

DECEMBER. ANNO 1576.

Tewsdaie 4. I went to London.

Fridaie 7. I returned to the Courte.

Saterday 15. Monsieur Swevinghame came to the Courte.

Thursdaie 20. Mr. Capten Horsey was dispatched to Don Juan

d'Austria.
Monday 31. I went to London.

JANUARY. 1576.

Thursday 3. I retourned to the Courte.

Wendnesdaie 16. Mr. Horsey returned out of the Low Countryes-

Friday 18. Mr. Horsey was dispatched again to Don John. Mr.

Davison was dispatched to the Prince of Orange.
Mondaie 21. Monsieur Gastel, sent to her Majestic from Don John

of Austria, came to the Courte.

30 JOUKNAL OP SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Thursday 24. Monsieur Gastell tooke his leave. I went to

London.
Satterday 26. I retourned to the Courte.

FEBRUARY. ANNO 1576.

Tewsday 5. Mr. Horsey returned out of the Low Countries.
Thursday 7. Mr. Philippe Sydney dispatched to Themperor.
Monday 11. I went to my howse at London.
Tewsday 12. Her Majestie removid to Whitehaule.
Wendnesday 13. I retourned to the Courte.
Satterday 16. I went to my howse.

Monday 18. I went to the Courte, and returned to my howse.
Wendnesday 20. Monsieur de Famar, sent from the Prince of

Orange, came to the Courte and had audience. I returned to

the Courte.

Thursday 21. Mr. Sydney departed. I went to my howse.
Friday 22. I retournid to the Courte.
Monday 25. I went to my howse.

Tewsday e 26. I retournid to the Courte. Her Majestie went to
a my Lord of Leycester's howse.

MARCHE. ANNO 1576.
Monday 11. I went to the Courte, I went to Leycester howse.

APRILL. ANNO 1577.

Monday 8. A gentleman came to her Majestie with lettres from

the King of Denmark.

Sondaie 14. The King of Denmarkes gentleman was dispatched.
Mondaie 15. I went to my howse.

a Blank in MS.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 31

MAYE. ANNO 1577.

Mondaie 6. I went to Grenwich.

Tewsdaie 14. I went to my howse at London.

Satterdaie 18. I sent lettres to Doctor Wilson by the merchauntes

poste.
Satterdaie 25. I went to the Courte at Grenwich.

JUNE. ANNO 1577.

Satterday 8. Mr. Philip Sydney came to the Courte.

Sonday 9. Monsieur Prayner thEmperour's ambassadour came to

the Courte.

Tewsday 18. The Baron of Prayner tooke his leave.
Satterday 22. The Viscount of Gant came to the Courte.
Wendnesday 26. Mr. Rogers was dispatched.9

JULYE. ANNO 1577.

Satterday e 6. The Viscount of Gaunt tooke his leave of her

Majestic.

Satterday e 13. Doctor Willson returned out of Flaunders.
Friday 19. The Court removed from Greenwiche to Richemond.
Satterday 20. Mr. D. Rogers and Mr. Jenkinson were dispatched

into Denmarke.
Sondaye 28. Sir John Smithe returned from Spayne unto the

Courte.
Monday e 29. I receaved a lettre from Mr. George Winter beinge

one the seas about the He of Wight.

AUGUST. 1577.

Satterdaye 3, Mr. Davison had his dispatche into the Lowe Coun-
tries.

* There are three unintelligible ciphers here.

32 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Tuesdaye 6. Monsieur Famars came to her Majestic from the Prince

of Orange.

Mondaye 12. Mr. Fremmige came out of Flaunders.
Wednesdaye 21. Mr. Beale dispatched into Germanye.
Fridaye 23. The Queenes Majestie removed from Eichemond to

Otlondes.
Fridaye 30. I went to Mr. Barretes and hunted in Windsor

Parkes.
Satterdaye 31. I returned to Otlandes with my wife.

SEPTEMBER. A.D. 1577.

Wedsondaye 4. The Queen's Majestie went to my Lord AdmiralPs
house.

Thursdaye 12. The Queen's Majestie dyned at the Duchesse of
Somersettes house.

Sondaye 22. The Marques of Havericke, ambassadour from the
States, arrived at the Court and had audience.

Mondaye 23. The Queen's Majestie removed from Oteland to
Windsore Castle. I was sent by her Majesty e to the Am-
bassadour lyinge at Stanes.

Tuesdaye 24. The ambassadour came from Stanes to the Courte at
Windsore, and went from thence to his lodginge at Eaton
Colledge. Capitaine Furbusher arrived at the Court, beinge
returned from Cataia.

Wedsondaye 25. I with certaine of the Councell went to visit the
Marques of Haverike, B[elgian] ambassadour, at his lodging in
Eaton Colledge.

Fridaye 27. The Marques of Havericke, ambassadour, had audi-
ence.

Satterdaye 28. The Ladye Polixena arrived at the Courte. I
with my Lord of Leycester and my Lord Chamberlaine went
from her Majestie to the Marques his lodginge at Eaton
Colledge.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 33

Sondaye 29. The Marques came unto the Courte in the morninge.

OCTOBER. 1577.

Sondaye 6. The Marques had audience, dyned with the Lordes in
the Councell Chamber. The Lord Chauncellour of Ireland
arrived at the Courte.

Mondaye 28. Mr. Jenkinson returned out of Denmarke, and
brought lettres from Doctour Rogers.

NOVEMBER. 1577.

Sondaye 3. The Ambassadour Lebaulxin, come from the Frenche
King, had audience.

Satterdaye 9. I sent lettres with a commission for pyrattes to the
Lord Cobham.

Satterdaye 16. Lebausxin, the Frenohe Ambassadour, was dis-
patched.

The Lord of Hunsden was sworne Counsellour.

Mondaye 18. I sent lettres to Mr. Robert Bowes, with instruc-
tions, beinge dispatched into Scotland to remaine there agente,
with lettres to the Regente.

Satterdaye 23. I went to Odiham.

Fridaye 29. I returned from Odiham.

DECEMBER. 1577.

Sondaye 1. Monsieur Gastell, ambassadour from Don John, arrived
at the Court, and had audience. Monsieur Sigure, Ambas-
sadour from the King of Navarre, had audience the same daye.

Satterdaye 7. Doctor Rogers returned out of Germany e.

Mondaye 9. Monsieur Gastell was dispatched to Don John.

Tuesdaye 10. Her Majestic removed from Windesore to Hampton
Courte.

CAMD. SOC. F

34 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Wedsondaye 11. Monsieur Sigure was dispatched to the Kinge of

Navarre.
Thursdaye 12. The Marques of Havery tooke his leave of her

Majestic and my Lordes.

Satterdaye 21. Mr. "Wilkes was dispatched to the lung of Spaine.
Mondaye 23. Mr. Leighton was dispatched to the States in the

Lowe Countries and to Don John.

Tuesdaye 24. I went from the Court to my house in London.
Satterdaye 28. I returned to the Courte.
Mondaye 30. I went from the Court to my house in London.

JANUARYE. 1577.

Thursdaye 2. I and the Lord Chauncellour did sitt about Iryshe

causes.
Satterdaye 4. I with the Lord Chauncellour of Irland went to

the Lord Keeper about Iryshe causes.
Sondaye 5. I returned to the Courte.
Thursdaye 23. Monsieur Famars came from the States to the

Courte, and to remayne here as agent for the States.

FEBRUARY. 1577.

Satterday 1. Mr. Daniell Rogers returned out of Germanye, and

with him D. Beutrecke, servaunt to Duke Casimyre.
Mondaye 3. Mr. Randolphe was dispatched into Scottlande.
Tuesdaye 4. I went to London.
Wednesday 5. Mr. Captain Leighton returned out of the Lowe

Countries. I returned from London to the Courte.
Thursdaye 6. Mr. Beale returned out of Germanye. Doctour

Beutrecke had audience.
Friday 7. Mr. Leighton was againe dispatched to the Prince of

Orange and States of the Lowe Countries.
Sondaye 9. I returned to the Courte.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 35

Tuesdaye 11. I went from the Court to London.
Sondaye 16. Mr. Wilkes returned out of Spaine.
Satterdaye 22. A messenger came from the Marques of Brande-

burghe to her Majesty.
Sondaye 23. Mr. Captain Leyton returned owt of the Lowe

Countryes.
Tuesday 25. The Courte removed to Puttney. I wente to

London.

Thursdaye 27. The Queen's Majestie removed to Leicester House.
Fridaye 28. I wente to the Courte.

MARCHE. 1578.

Satterdaye 1. I went to the Court at Leycester House.
Monday e 3. The Queen's Majestie removed to Grenwiche.
Wednesdaye 5. I came to the Court, and returned againe that day

to London.
Fridaye 7. Mr. Rogers and D. Bewtreke were dispatched into

the Lowe Countries and into Germanye.
Sondaye 9. I returned to the Courte.
Fridaye 14. I went to London.
Satterdaye 15. I returned from London.
Sondaye 16. Don Bernardino di Mendoza, Ambassador from the

King of Spaine, had audience.
Wednesday 19. Landeschadius, Ambassador from the Duke of

Bipons, had audience.
Thursdaye 20. Don Bernardin Mendoza had audience of the

Lordes.
Fridaye 21. The Marques of Haverech, Ambassadour from the

States, had audience.
Mondaye 24. Don Bernard Mendoza had audience of her Majesty.

I went to London.
Tuesday 25. I returned from London.

36 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Thursdaye 27. Landischadius was dispatched to the Duke of

Bipons.

Fridaye 28. The Marques of Havereck had audience.
Monday 31. I went to London.

APRILL. 1578.

Tuesdaye 1. Don Bernard de Mendoza had audience.

Fridaye 4. Mr. Wilkes dispatched to Don John.

Sondaye 6. I returned to the Courte.

Thursdaye 10. Don Bernard Mendoza had audience. The Marquis

of Haverech tooke his leave of her Majestic.
Sondaye 13. Mr. Randolphe returned out of Scotlande.
Satterday 19. I went to London.
Mondaye 21. I returned from London.
Thursdaye 24. I went to London.
Satterdaye 26. I returned from London to the Courte.
Sondaye 27. Monsieur Mavisieures had audience.
Tuesdaye 29. Mr. Wilkes returned out of the Lowe Countries

from Don Juan.

MAY. 1578.

Thursday 1. Mons. Gondy, sent from the French King, came to the

Courte and had audience.
Sondaye 4. Monsieur Mavissieres and Monsieur Gondy had

audience.
Tuesdaye 6. I went to London. I sent lettres to Mr. Davison by

Mr. Eowland Yorke, who was also dispatched to D. Casimire.

The Queen's Majestic removed to the Lord Compton's house at

Totnam.
Wednesday e 7. I went to the Court at my Lord Compton's, and

lodged at Mr. Wrothes. The Queen's Majestic removed to

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 37

Theobaldes. Monsieur Gondy was dispatched home into

Fraunce.

Thursday e 8. I went to Theobaldes.
Satterdaye 10. Her Majestic removed to Mr. Bashes house. I

went with the Courte to Mr. Bashes.
Mondaye 12. I went to London. The Queen's Majestie removed

to Sir Thomas Henneage his house.
Tuesdaye 13. Mr. Waterhouse returned out of Ireland, and brought

lettres from the Lord Deputie and the counsell there. Her

Majestie removed to my Lord of Leycester's house at Wain-

sted.
Wednesday e 14. I went to the Courte at Wainsted, and returned

againe to London.
Friday e 16. Mr. Stafford was dispatched to the French King

and Monsieur. Her Majestie removed from Wainsted to

Grenwiche.

Mondaye 19. I went to London.
Thursday e 22. I returned to the Courte.
Sondaye 25. I went to London.
Mondaye 26. I went to the Courte.
Tuesday 27. I went to London.
Wednesdaye 28. I returned to the Courte.
Thursdaye 29. I sent her Majesties lettres and declaration to the

King of Portugall.
Fridaye 30. I went to London.
Satterdaye 31. I returned to the Courte. The Lord Chauncellour

of Ireland was dispatched with lettres to the Lord Deputy and

diverse others.

JUNE. 1578.

Mondaye 2. I went to London.

Tuesday 3. I returned to the Court at night.

Friday 6. I went to London.

38 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Sondaye 8. I returned from London.
Mondaye 9. I went to London.

Friday e 13. The Lord Cobham tooke his leave of her Majestic,
being sent into the Lowe Countries.

(There are no entries from 14 June 1578 to 25 March 1580.)

MARCHE. 1580.
Tewsday 29. I went to Barnellms, and returnid to the Courte.

APRILL. 1580.

Wendnesday 20. Mr. Bowes dispatched with instruccions into

Scotland.

Sondaye 24. I went to Barnellmes.
Monday 25. I returned to the Courte.
Friday 29. I went to Barnellmes.

MAY. 1580.

Mondaie 2. I returned to the Courte.

Wendnesdaie 4. Monsieur du Vray, sent from Monsieur, came to

the Courte and had audience.
Thursdaie 12. I went to Barnellmes.
Fridaie 13. I returned to the Courte. A packet from Mr. Stokes

at Bruges, la Noue overthrowne.
Mondaye 16. Monsieur de Vray tooke his leave.
Tewsday 17. I went to Barnellmes.
Wendnesday 18. I returned to the Courte.
Thursday e 19. I went to Barnellmes.
Friday 20. I returnid to the Courte.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 39

JUNE. 1580.

Thursdaie 2. Monsieur du Plessis came to the Courte and had

audience.

Thursdaie 16. I went to Barnellms.
Fridaie 17. I went to the Starre Chamber, and returnid to

Barnellms to bed.

Saterday 18. I returnid to the Courte.
Tewsdaie 21. Mr. Stafford dispatched to Monsieur.
Friday 24. The Prince of Conde came to the Courte.
Tewsdaie 28. I went to Barnellmes.

JULY. 1580.

Saterdaie 2. I returnid to the Courte.

Mondaie 4. I went to Barnellms.

Tewsdaie 5. I returnid to the Courte.

Fridaie 8. I went to Barnellmes.

Saterdaie 9. I returnid to the Courte.

Tewsdaie 12. Her Majesty removid to Oteland. I went to

Barnellms.

Thursdaie 14. I returnid to the Courte.
Wendnesdaie 20. I went to Barnellmes.
Fridaie 22. I returnid to the Courte.
Thursdaie 28. I went to Barnellmes.
Saterdaie 30. I returnid to the Courte.

AUGUST. 1580.

Mondaie 1. I went to Barnellmes.
Wendnesdaie 3. I returnid to the Courte.
Thursdaie 11. Mr. Stafford returnid out of Fraunce.
Tewsdaie 16. Her Majesty went to Sunninghill. I went to
Barnellmes.

40 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Saterdaie 20. Her Majesty returnid from Sunninghill. I returnid

to the Courte.

Thursdaie 25. I went to Barnellmes.
Fridaie 26. I returnid to the Courte.
Wendnesdaie 31. Mr. Bowes dispatched into Scotland.

SEPTEMBER. 1580.

Mondaie 5. I went to Barnellmes.

Fridaie 9. I returnid to the Courte.

Mondaie 12. I went to Barnellms.

Tewsdaie 13. Her Majesty removid to Kichmond.

Wendnesdaie 14. I returnid to the Courte.

Fridaie 16. Monsr. de Buy, sent from Mons., came to the Courte

and had audience.
"Wendnesdaie 21. Mons. du Buy took his leave.

OCTOBER. 1580.

Fridaie 7. Mr. Stafford dispatched into Fraunce.
Saterdaie 8. Mr. Bowes revoked out of Scotland.
Tewsdaie 25. I went to London.
Fridaie 28. I returned to the Courte.
Mondaie 31. Mr. Bowes sent for.

DECEMBER. 1580.
(No entries this month till the 2Tth.)

Tewsdaie 27. Mr. Stafford returnid out of Fraunce.
Fridaie 30. Brune dispatched into Flaunders.
Saterdaie 31. Mr. Fenton came out of Ireland.

JANUARY. 1580.

Fridaie 6. Mr. Eandolph dispatched into Scotland.
Wendnesdaie 11. Th' Ambassador of Savoy had audience.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 41

Friday 13. Walter Williams dispatched into Flaunders.
Monday 16. The Pa[r]lement began.

FEBRUARY. 1580.
Thursday 16. Marchaumont arrived at Dover.

APRILL. 1581.

Sunday 16. This day the Prince Daulphin and the rest of the
Commissioners landed at Dover.

Tewsday 18. The Commissioners came to Canterbury.

Wednesday 19. The Mareschall Cosse came to Sittingborne, and
the rest of the Commissioners to Rochester.

Thursday 20. This day the Commissioners were receaved at
Gravesend by the Earl of Hartford, &c. and from thence con-
veyed to London, landing at Sommerset Howse, where they
were welcommed by the Earl of Worcester, &c.

Monday 24. The Commissioners had audience at 3 in the after-
noone, being conducted to the Court by the Lord Ad-
myrall, &c.

Tewsday 25. The Commissioners dyned with the Queen, conducted
to the Court by the Earl of Bedford, &c.

Wednesday 26. This day the Lord Threasurer, Lord Chamberlain,
Lord Admyrall, the Earl of Bedford, the Earl of Leycester,
Mr. Vicechamberlain, and Mr. Secretary Walsingham were
sent to conferre with the Commissioners, at which tyme they
acquainted them with their commissions.

Thursday 27. The Commissioners dyned with my Lord of
Leycester, where hir Majestie was present, and used some
longe speach to them, opening the whole course of proceading
in the mariage cause, in presence of Lords Threasurer, Cham-
berlain, Admirall, Earls of Bedford, Leycester, Vicechamber-
layn, Mr. Secretary Walsingham.
CAMD. SOC. G

42 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Sunday 30. The Commissioners dyned with the Lord Threasurer,
at what tyrne the Lord Chamberlain, Lord Admyrall, &c. had
conference with them.

MAY. 1581.

Monday 1. The Ambassadors had accesse to hir Majestic, and
sawe the bearebay tinge.

Tewsday 2. The Lord Threasourer, Lord Admirall, Lord Cham-
berlain, Earls of Leycester and Bedford, Mr. Vicechamberlain
and Mr. Secretary Walsingham, appointed to treat with the
Commissioners, went to Sommerset howse and shewed their
commissions.

Thursday 4. The Commissioners had accesse to hir Majestie, and
supped with the Lord Chamberlain.

Saterday 6. The Commissioners went to Hampton Court, accom-
panied with the Earls of Leycester and Penbrooke, &c.

Sunday 7. Commissioners had accesse to hir Majestie, accompanied
with the Earl of Northumberland.

Friday 12. I went to the Commissioners.

Saterday 13. The Lord Thresourer, Lord Chamberlain, &c. went
to Sommerset Howse.

JUNE. 1581.

Friday 9. This day the President] Brisson, Pynart and Mau-
vaissier came to confer about the precedentship in the treaty.

Saterday 10. This day Lansack, la Motthe, Brisson, Pynart and
du Vray conferred with the Lord Threasurer abowt the prece-
dentshippe, and agreed that hir Majesties Commissioners
should be first placed.

Sunday 11. This day the treaty was signed.

Monday 12. The Commissioners came to take their leave.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 43

Tewsday 13. The Commissioners receaved lettres from the King.
I and the Lord Threasurer went to them.

Wednesday 14. I went to the Commissioners. This day they
departed from London.

Thursday 15. I came from Barnelmes.

Saterday 17. This day the Spanish Ambassadour had audience.

Tewsday 20. The Court removed to Greenwich. I went to Barn-
elmes.

Friday 23. I came to the Court.

Friday 30. I went to London, and came againe the same day.

JULY. 1581.

Sunday 2. I went to London, and came againe the same day.

Monday 3. Mr. Dillon dispatched into Irland.

Wednesday 5. The Court removed to Mr. Stoner's. I went to

Barnelmes.

Saterday 8. The Court came to Green wiche.
Monday 24. Went to London.
Tewsday 25. Tooke my leave at the Court, and departed to

Gravesend.

SEPTEMBER. 1581.

Thursday 21. I came to the Court at Greenwich being returned

out of Fraunce.
Friday 22. The Court removed to Nonesuch, and I went to

Barnelmes.

Saterday 23. I came to Nonesuche.
Tewsday 26. I came to Barnelmes.

44 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

OCTOBER. 1581.

Sunday 1. I returned to Nonesuche.

Wednesday 4. I came to Barnelmes. The Court removed to

Richemond.

Thursday 5. I came to Richemond.

Thursday 19. I went to London, and returned the same day.
Saterday 28. Mr. Errington despatched into Scotland.
Tewsday 31. The Duke d'Anjou landed.

NOVEMBER. 1581.

Thursday 2. The Duke came to the Court.

Tewsday 7. Mr. Beale despatched to the Queen of Scotes.

Wednesday 15. The Parlement proroged.

Friday 17. The Court removed to Whitehall. I went to London.

Tewsday 21. I returned to the Court.

Wednesday 29. Pynart had audience.

DECEMBER. 1581.

Sunday 3. I went to London.

Sunday 10. Mr. Beale returned from Sheffeild.

Thursday 21. I went to London.

Friday 22. I returned to Court.

Sunday 24. I went to my howse at London.

Monday 25. I returned to the Court, and went to my howse the

same day.
Thursday 28. I returned to the Court.

JANUARY. 1581.

Monday 15. The Spanish Ambassador had audience before my
lords of the Councell.

FKOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 45

FEBRUARY. 1581.

Thursday 1. The Court removed to Rochester. Monsieur de-
parted.

Friday 2. I went to Rochester.

Saterday 3. Hir Majestic removed to Sittingborne. I went to
Mr. Croraer's to bed.

Monday 5. Hir Majestic removed to Canterbury. I went to
Canterbury to bed.

Wednesday 7. Monsieur departed from Canterbury to imbarke at
Sandwich. I wayted on him some part of the way, and re-
turned to Canterbury.

Sunday 1 1 . My Lord Chamberlain and I went to see the workes
at Dover.

Monday 12. I returned to Canterbury .

Tewsday 13. Hir Majestic came back to Feversham.

Wednesday 14. Hir Majestic removed to Rochester.

Friday 16. Hir Majestic removed to Dertford. I came to
London.

Saterday 17. Hir Majestic came to Greenwich. I went to Barn-
elmes, and from thence to the Court.

Wednesday 21. The Spanish Ambassador had audience.

Monday 26. The Earl of Leycester returned out of the Lowe
Cuntryes.

Tewsday 27. I went to London.

MARCHE. 1581.
Saterday 24. Mr. Grenill dispatched to Flaunders.

APRIL. 1582.

Monday 2. I went to Barnelmes.

Saterday 7. Mr. Grenill returned of the Lowe Countryes. I came
to the Court.

46 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Sunday 29. Alost taken.

MAY. 1582.

Wednesday 2. Monsieur de Bacqueville and du Baix came from

theD[uke].

Friday 4. I went to Barnelmes.
Sunday 6. The Ambassador of Denmarke had audience. I

returned to the Court.

JUNE. 1582.

Thursday 28. The Lord Willoughby dispatched to Denmarke. I
went to Barnelmes.

JULY. 1582.

Monday 9. La Rocque, Ambassador from the King of Navarre,

tooke leave.

Tewsday 10. I went to Barnelmes.
Thursday 19. Zolcher dispatched into Germany.

AUGUST, 1582.

Monday 27. I went to Barnelmes.

Thursday 30. Sir George Gary dispatched into Scotland.

Friday 31. The Count Palatyne's sonne had audience.

SEPTEMBER. 1582.

Saterday 1. The Court removed to Purfort to my Lord Admiral's

howse.

Sunday 2. I went to Purfort.
Monday 3. I went to Barnelmes.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 47

Saterday 8. I returned to Court.
Sunday 9. The Ambassador of Polonia had audience.
Tewsday 18. The Ambassador of Polonia tooke leave.
Wednesday 19. A gentleman from the King of Navarre had

audience.
Thursday 20. The Court removed to Windsore.

OCTOBER. 1582.
Tewsday 9. Sir George Carey returned out of Scotland.

NOVEMBER. 1582.

Sunday 4. The Ambassador of Kussia had audience.
Saterday 17. Monsieur Mallet came from Geneva.'
Thursday 21. I went to Barnelmes.
Saterday 23. I returned to the Court.
Thursday 28. La Motte had audience.

DECEMBER. 1582.

Wednesday 12. La Motte departed from the Court towardes Scot-
land.

Saterday 15. Mr. Davison dispatched.

Monday 17. I went to Barnelmes, and from thence to Greenwich
with my Lord of Leycester and Mr. Vicechamberlain to con-
ferre with the Ambassador of Kussia.

Wednesday 19. I came to Court.

Tewsday 25. I went to Barnelmes.

Satterday 29. I returned to the Court from Barnelmes.

JANUARY. 1582.

Monday 7. Mr. Col vile came from the King of Scotes.
Tewsday 8. The Duke of Lennox had accesse unto hir Majestic.
Mr. Colvile had audience.

48 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.

Thursday 17. Mr Colvile had audience and tooke his leave.
Monday 21. Mr. Colvile departed.

FEBRUARY. 1582.

Tewsday 5. I went to Barnelmes.

Monday 11. The Queen came to Barnelmes.

Thirsday 14. I returned to the Court.

Sunday 24. La Motte had audience, returning out of Scotland.

MARCHE. 1582.

Saterday 2. Mr. Darcy returned from the Low Cuntryes. I went

to London.

Sunday 3. I returned to the Court.
Tewsday 5. I went to London.
Tewsday 12. I went to Barnelmes.

Sunday 17. Mr. Sommers dispatched into the Low Cuntryes.
Monday 18. I went to London.
Monday 25. I returned to the Court.

APRIL. 1583.

Saterday 6. Mr. Beale dispatched to the Queen of Scotes.

Sunday 7. Du Baix came from Monsieur.

Monday 8. I went to London.

Friday 12. Mr. Davison returned out of Scotland.

Wednesday 17. I went to London.

Saterday 20. Mr. Sommers came out of the Low Cuntreyes.

NOTES OF LETTERS SENT AND RECEIVED.

DECEMBER. 1570.

Letters received from —3rd, Earl of Shrewsbury; 4th, Mr. Ran-
dolphe.

JANUARY. 1571.

Letters received from — llth, Mr. Doddington, Mr. Rothermaker,
Mr. Randolphe, Fraunces Milles, Sir Walter Myldmay, and my
wife; 20th, England.

Letters sent to — 2nd, Earl of Leicester, Sir William Cecill, Sir
Walter Myldmay, Mr. Heneage, Mr. Doddington, Mr. Kylli-
grewe, my brother Carue, my wife; 7th, my wife; llth, Sir
Henry Neville, my wife; 15th, Sir William Pykeringe, my
wife, Mr. Henneage, Mr. Randolphe, the Regent, Mr. Kylle-
grew, the Archbp. of Canterbury; 21st, England; 22nd, The
Palsgrave; 29th, The Queen, my Lord of Leicester, Mr.
Secretary, Sir Walter Myldmay, Sir Nicolas Throckmorton,
Sir Thomas Wroth, Mr. Henneage, my brother Carewe, Sir
Henry Nevell, Sir William Pykeringe, Mr. Haddon, Mr.
Drewe Drurie, Mr. Doddington, my wife, my sister Tam-
worth, Mr. Wotton, my cousin Walsingham, Mr. Kyllegrewe,
Mr. Pelham, Mr. Tirwit, my Lord Buckhurst, my Lord of
Rutland, my Lord of Huntingdon, the Bishop of London.

FEBRUARY. 1571.

Letters received from — 3rd, Sir William Cicille, the Earl of
Leicester, Mr. Dyar, Mr. Kylligrewe, the Bishop of Winchester,
my wife, Mr. Blount, Mr. Doddington, Mr. Milles; 5th, Earl

CAMD. SOC. H

50 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

of Sussex, Sir Thomas Wroth; 13th, Lord Buckhurste, Sir
Walter Myldmay, Mr. Cavalcant, my wife, Mr. Henneage,
Fraunces Milles; 21st, The Queen, Sir William Cecill, the
Earl of Leicester, the Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Drewe Drewrie,
Sir William Pykering, Mr. Henneage, my Lady of Bed-
ford, Sir Henry Nevel, my wife, Mr. Kylligrewe, Mylles, Mr.
Aubery, Mr. Kandolphe, Mr. Wotton, Mr. Waterhouse, Mr.
Mather.

Letters sent to — 1st, Lord Buckhurste, my Lord Graye, my wife,
Mr. Kyllegrewe, Sir William Cicill ; 3rd, Earl of Leicester,
Sir William Cicill, Mr. Blunt, Mr. Dyar, my wife, Mr. Kylli-
grewe, Mr. Mylles, Mr. Doddington, my Lord of Kutland;
9th, My wife, Sir William Cecill, the Earl of Sussex, the
* Earl of Bedford, Mr. Henneage, my Lady Cecill, Sir Walter
Myldmay, the Lord Keeper, the Bishop of London, the Earl of
Leicester, Mr. Hastinges, Mr. Kyllegrewe; 12th, Earl of
Leicester, Sir William Cecille, Sir Walter Mildmaye, Sir
Henry Nevelle, Mr. Creswell, Mr. Randolphe, Captain
Horsey, my wife, Mr. Hatton, Lord Buckhurste; 18th, Mr.
Randolphe, Sir Henry Norreys, Mr. Manners, Sir Francis
Knowls, Mr. Cobham, Sir William Cecille, Sir Henry Nevel,
Mr. Henneage, Captain Franchatto, Mr. Dyar, Fraunces
Mylles, my Lord of Leicester, Sir Thomas Wroth, Mr. Cave,
my wife; 23rd, Earl of Leicester, Sir William Cecille, Sir
Walter Mildmaye, Mr. Randolphe, my wife; 25th, Earl of
Leicester, Sir William Cecille, the Earl of Huntington, Sir
Thomas Wroth, Mr. Henneage, Mr. Killigrewe, Mr. Cosin. my
wife.

MARCH. 1571.

Letters received from— 7th, The council generally, Mr. Secretary,
my Lord of Leicester, my Lord of Sussex, my Lord Clynton,
my Lord of Bedford, Mr. Randolphe, Fraunces Milles, my

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 51

wife, Mr. Roger Manners, Mr. Horsey, Sir Henry Norreys, my
Lord Graye, Mr. Denney; 10th, Sir William Cecille, my
Lord of Leicester, Sir Walter Myldmaye, Mr. Henneage,
my wife, Cardinal Chastillon, Mr. Carey, Mr. Kyllegrewe,
Fraunces Milles, Mr. Mather, Mr. Rodulphe, Mr. Bycknar;
13th, The Palsgrave; 20th, The Queen, my Lord Burleigh,
Sir Francis Knowles, Mr. Henry Knowlls, Sir Henry
Nevelle, Sir Thomas Wroth, Mr. Killegrewe, Mr. Randolphe,
Mr. Sealinger, Milles, Mr. Waterhowse, Mr. Henneage, Mr.
Nicasius Yetsweirt, Mr. Antonio Giustiniano, Mr. Manners,
Mr. Creswelle, Mr. Harrington, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Radermaker,
Mr. Creswelle, Mr. Cosin, my sister Tarn worth, Mr. Yetsweirt,
Mr. Cary, Mr. Drewe Drury, Mr. Randolphe, the Bishop of
London; 29th, The Queen, my Lord of Burleigh, my Lord of
Leicester, Mr. Henneage, Mr. Sommer, Sir Henry Norreys.
Letters sent to — 5th, The Earl of Leicester, Sir William Cecille,
Mr. Henneage, my Lord of Sussex, Mr. Kyllegrewe, Mr.
Blount, Mr. Doddington, Mr. Beale, my wife, Fronchotto;
8th, The Earl of Leicester, Mr. Secretary, Mr. Henneage, my
Lord of Bedford, my Lady of Bedford, my Lord Clynton;
12th, Lord Burleigh, Mr. Henneage, Sir Henry Norreys, Mr.
Cary, Mr. Doddington, Francis Milles; 14th, Earl of Leices-
ter, Lord Burghley, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Henry Nevel, my
Lord Gray, Mr. Pelham, Mr. Henneage, Mr Kyllegrewe,
Francis Milles, my Lady Mildmay, Sir Walter, the Doctors of
the Arches, my Lady Burleigh; 19th, Lord Burleigh, the Earl
of Leicester, the Earl of Sussex, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir
William Pykering, Sir Henry Norreys, my Lord of Buck-
hurst, the Bishop of London, Mr. Henneage, Mr. Drewe
Drury, Mr. Killegrewe, Mr. Denney, Mr. Mather; 27, Earl
of Leicester, Lord Burleigh, Fraunces Milles.

52 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

APRIL. 1571.

Letters received from — 1st, the Queen, my Lord Burleigh, the
Earl of Leicester, Mr. Killegrewe, Sir Thomas Cotton, Sir
Henry Nevell, Mr. Harbart, Milles; 13th, The Queen, my
Lord of Burleigh, Mr. Henneage, Mr. Mather, Mr. Killigrewe,
Madame Sertilian, Mr. Harbart, Sir Thomas Smith, the Earl
of Bedford, the Bishop of London, Mr. Kandolphe, Milles,
Captain Cooborn, Mr. Drury Marchalle, Sir Henry Norreys,
Mr. Drewe Drewry; 18th, The Queen, my Lord of Burleigh,
the Earl of Leicester, Mr. Henneage, the Earl of Sussex, Lord
Buckhurste, Sir Henry Norreys, Sir Kob. Terwit, Mr. Rob-
Drewrey, Mr. Geferay Bates, Mr. Blont, Mr. Denney, Mr.
Harbart, Mr. Yetsweirt; 24th, The Queen, my Lord of Bur-
leigh; 29th, England; 30th, Mr. Cobham, in Spain.

Letters sent to — 2nd, My Lord Burleigh, my Lord of Leicester,
Mr. Henneage; 5th, My Lord Burleigh, the Earl of Leicester,
the Earl of Sussex, my Lord of Buckhurste, Mr. Henneage,
Sir T. Cotton, D. Wilson, my cousin Walsingham; llth, My
Lord of Burleigh, the Earl of Leicester, Mr. Killegrewe, Mr.
Blont, Mr. Harrington, Mr. Killigrewe; 23rd, My Lord of
Burleigh, the Earl of Leicester, the Earl of Bedford, the
Countess of Bedford, the Earl of Sussex, Sir Thomas Smith,
my Lady Throgmorton, Sir H. Nevelle, Mr. Killegrewe, Mr.
Creswelle, Mr. H. Knowles, Mr. Waterhowse, Mr. Selenger,
Sir H. Norreys, Mr. Hudson, Sir Robert Terwit, my Lord of
Canterbury, Sir Thomas Wroth, Sir An. Just, Judge Weston,
Mr. Kandolphe, the Lord Regent of Scotland, Sir William
Drewry, Mr. Sampson, Mr. Harbart, Mr. Denny, Mr. Dodding-
ton, Mr. Rader, Mr. Milles, the Bishop of London, Sir Walter
Mildmaye, Mr. Henneage, and his wife, Mr. Drewe Drewry,
my Ladies Pagett and Mildmay, Mrs. Tamworth; 28th, Lord
Burleigh, the Earl of Leicester, Sir Walter Mildmay, Mr.
Henneage.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 53

MAY. 1571.

Letters received from — 4th, Francis Milles; 8th, Mr. Doddington,
Mr. Killegrewe, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Milles; 10th, the Queen,
Lord Burleigh, the Earl of Leicester, Sir Walter Mild-
may, Mr. Henneage, my Lord of Buckhurst, Sir Henry
Norreys, Sir Thomas Wroth, Mr. Robert Drury, Mr. Dodding-
ton, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Hudson, Mr. Thomas Walsingham,
Mr. Blont, Mr. Wiseman, Mr. Harbart, Mr. Waterhowse, Mr.
Killegrewe, Milles; 16th, The Queen, Lord Burleigh, the
Earl of Leicester; 20th, Count Lodovic.

Letters sent to — 13th Archbp. of Casels; 15th, Lord Burleigh, the
Earl of Leicester, the Bishop of London, Sir George Peckham,
Sir Walter Mildmay, my Lord of Buckhurst, Mr. Thomas
Walsingham, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Henneage, Mr. Doddington,
Milles; 20th, My Lord of Burleigh, the Earl of Leicester,
Mr. Henneage; 25th, My Lord of Burleigh, the Earls of
Leicester and Sussex, Sir Walter Mildmay, Mr. Henneage,
Francis Milles; 26th, My Lord of Burleigh, my Lord of
Leicester, Mr. Peckham, Mr. Henry Killigrewe, Milles.

JUNE. 1571.

Letters received from — 24th, Mr. Wotton, Fraunces Milles.

Letters sent to — 2nd, Sir William Drewrie, Mr. Randolphe, 7th,
My Lord of Burghley, Mr. Killigrewe, Mr. D. Auberie, Mr.
Wotten, Mr. Thomas Walsingham, Mr. D. Griffille, Mr. D.
Lewis, Mr. Wood, Mr. Dingley, Mr. Milles; 20th, My Lord of
of Burghley, the Earl of Leicester, the Bishop of London, my
Lord of Buckhurst, Sir Walter Mildmaye, my Lady of Bed-
ford, Sir Francis Knowles, the Earl of Sussex, Sir Henry
Norris, Mr. Hennege, Mr. Justice Weston, Mr. Yetsweirt,
Mr. Doddington, Mr. Harbard, Mr. Gary, Mr. Acerbo Velu-

54 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

telli, Mr. Killegrew, Mr. Milles; 25th, Lord Burghley, the Earl
of Leicester, Mr. Hennege, Mr. Nicholas Sandes, Mr. Bod-
leigh, Sir Thomas Leighe, Francis Milles. .

JULY. 1571.

Letters received from — 7th, The Count Palatine; llth, Mr. Henne-
age, Sir Walter Mildmay, Francis Milles; 14th, The Queen, my
Lord Burghley, my Lord Leicester, Fraunces Milles, Sir
Humphray Gilbert; 17th, The Earl of Leicester, Mr. Doding-
ton, my Lord of Buckhurst; 24th, Francis Milles, Mr.
Wotton.

Letters sent to — 1st, Mr. Henneage, Francis Milles; llth, My Lord
Burghley, the Earl of Leicester, Mr. Henneage; 30th, Lord
Burghley, the Earl of Leicester, Mr. Hennege, Mr. Gary, the
Earl of Sussex, Lord Buckhurst, Mr. Eandolphe, Mr. Dodington,
Sir Walter Mildmaye, Sir Henry Nevel, the Bishop of London
and the rest of the Judges, Francis Milles.

AUGUST. 1571.

Letters sent to — 3rd, Lord Burghley, the Earl of Leicester, Mr. Hen-
neage, Mr. Killegrewe; 7th, Mr. Harrington, Mr. Markham,
Mr. Henneage, Mr. Dodington, Francis Milles; 12th, Lord
Burghley, the Earl of Leicester, Mr. Henneage, Francis Milles,
Mr. Killegrewe; 13th, Mr. Dodington, Mr. Martin Jacomo;
20th, Mr. Dodington, Mr. Kandolph, Mr. Dru Drewrie, my
cousin Broket, Mr. Blont, Francis Milles; 25th, Lord Burgh-
ley.

OCTOBER. 1571.
Letters received from — 3rd, Lord Burghley.

FKOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 55

NOVEMBER. 1571.

Letters sent to — 9th, Lord Burghley, the Earl of Leicester, and
others.

DECEMBER. 1571.

Letters sent to — 7th, Lord Burghley, the Earl of Leicester and
others: 31st, Lord Burghley, the Earl of Leicester and others.

JANUARY. 1574.

Letters received from — 1st, the Lord Treasurer; 4th, The Earl of
Essex; 5th, Ireland; 8th, France; 16th, Berwick, France;
21st, The Lord Deputy of Ireland; 23rd, Sir Val. Browne,
Treasurer of Berwick; 28th, France; 29th, Scotland.

Letters sent to — 6th, The Regent of Scotland; 13th, Mr. Gillman;
15th, The Mayor and Searcher of Dover; 18th, The Lord
Deputy of Ireland; 25th, Sir Hen. Sidney, president of Wales,
the Commissioners for the Musters in Staffordshire and Derby-
shire; 26th, The Lord Treasurer.

FEBRUARY. 1574.

Letters received from — 8th, Prince of Orange, and Governor of
Antwerp; 15th, France; 19th, Guernsey, France; 24th, France,
the Earl of Huntingdon.

Letters sent to — 2nd, Lord Deputy of Ireland;. 3rd, France; 8th,
Wyndebanke, Dr. Wilson, the Queen's Attorney, Peter Bosket,
Mr. Raffe Lane; 13th, Scotland; 25th, The Earl of Leicester;
26th, The Lord President of York, Sir Raffe Sadler; 27th,
The Lord President of York.

56 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

MARCH. 1574.

Letters received from — 2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 4th, The
Earl of Shrewsbury; 5th, France; 12th, France; 23rd, The
ambassador in France, the Lord Deputy of Ireland.

Letters sent to— 1st, Lord Scrope, Sir John Foster, Sir Valentine
Browne; 16th, Berwick; 18th, France; 30th, The Lord
Deputy of Ireland, the Earl of Essex, Berwick, the Earl of
Shrewsbury.

APRIL. 1574.

Letters received from — 4th, Berwick, the Earl of Huntingdon; 5th,
France; 7th, the Lord Deputy of Ireland; 13th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; 14th, The Earl of Essex; 15th, Mr. Dale, the
ambassador of Mantua; 16th, Sir W. Drurie, Marshal of Ber-
wick; 19th, Mr. Dale; 21st, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 23rd,
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 25th, Berwick, Walter Williams;
26th, Berwick; 27th, Mr. Dale; 29th, Flanders.

Letters sent to — 8th, The ambassador in France; llth, The Lord
Deputy of Ireland and the Earl of Desmond ; 1 2th, The Earl
of Shrewsbury; 16th, Sir V. Browne; 26th, Mr. Crowmer;
28th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 29th, The Treasurer of Berwick;
30th, The Lord Deputy of Ireland,

MAY. 1574.

Letters received from — 6th, The Lord Deputy of Ireland; 9th,
France, Antwerp; llth, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, Ber-
wick; 22nd, Mr. Dale; 25th, France; 27th, the Earl of Essex,
29th, France.

Letters sent to— 1st, The Earl of Essex; 4th, The Kegent of Scot-
land; 7th, France; 12th, France; 18th, Sir Valentine Browne,
the Regent of Scotland, Lord Kilseithe, the Earl of Shrewsbury ;

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 57

22nd, The Lord Deputy of Ireland; 22nd, Sir V. Browne;
23rd, France.

JUNE. 1574.

Letters sent to — 2nd, France, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 4th, The
Regent of Scotland, Mr. Killigrew; 7th, The Lord President
of York; 8th, The Countess of Montgomerie, Mr. Pawlet;
9th, Sir V. Browne, Lord Scroope, Sir George Herne, Captain
of Tynmouth Castle; llth, Sir V. Browne, Mr. Killigrew,
the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Rutland; 12th, The
Earl of Shrewsbury ; 13th, Mr. Killigrew; 14th, France; 19th,
Sir V. Browne, Mr. Killigrew, the Earl of Huntingdon.

Letters received from — 12th, Mr. Killigrew; 18th, The Lord
Deputy of Ireland; 19th, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 23rd, France;
24th, Mr. Killigrew; 29th, Mr. Killigrew.

JULY. 1574.

Letters received from — 2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 3rd, The
Earl of Essex; 5th, The Regent of Scotland and Mr. Killigrew;
12th, France; 17th, Mr. Killigrew; 18th, Mr. Pawlet, Captain
of Jersey; 22nd, France; 23rd, Ireland; 26th, Scotland, the
Lord Treasurer; 29th, Mr. Hearle, the Earl of Ormond; 30th,
The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 31st, Mr. Killigrew.

Letters sent to — 1st, Mr. Killigrew, the ambassador in France, the
Earl of Huntingdon; 7th, Mr. Killigrew, Sir V. Browne; llth?
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, France; 18th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury, Mr. Killigrew, the Earl of Huntingdon, Sir Walter
Mildmay; 28th, Mr. Bedingfield, the Lord Treasurer, the Earl
of Huntingdon, Sir V. Browne: 31st, Mr. Killigrew, Lord
Scroope, Sir Walter Mildmay, Parmenter, Selbie, the Lord
Treasurer.

CAMD. SOC. I

58 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

AUGUST. 1574.

Letters received from — 1st, The Lord Treasurer; 3rd, The Earl of
Huntingdon, Lord Cobham; 4th, Mr. Dale; 8th, Mr. Killi-
grew, Mr. Bedingfield; 9th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the
Lord Treasurer; 17th, Mr. Dale; 30th, The Earl of Shrews-
bury.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Lord Treasurer, Parmenter; 2nd, The
Lord Deputy of Ireland, the Earl of Essex; 5th, The Lord
Treasurer, the Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Henneage, Parmenter,
Lord Cobham; 7th, Sir Henry Radcliffe, Mr. Horysone; 9th,
The Earl of Huntingdon, the Lord Mayor; llth, The Lord
Treasurer, France; 17th, Sir Antonie Cooke, Mr. Eandolphe,
Parmenter; 21st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl of Bed-
ford, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Lord President of Wales,
Mr. Randall, Sir Wm. Wynter, Parmenter, Mr. Henry Cob-
ham, Mr. Calvart, the French ambassador, Sir Henry Lea,
Mr. Middlemore; 24th, Sir Walter Mildmaye; 27th, The Earl
of Huntingdon, the Regent, the Earl of Rutland, the Prince of
Orange, Calvart, my brother Beale, Mr. Aldersaye; 30th, The
Earl of Shrewsbury, Parmenter, Mr. Randolphe.

SEPTEMBER. 1574.

Letters received from — 1st, Mons. la Noue, Mr. Randolphe; 3rd,
Lord Cobham; 4th, Lord Cobham, London; 7th, Ireland; 8th,
Lord Cobham; llth, The Lord Deputy of Ireland, the Earl of
Ormonde; 14th, The Earl of Bedford; 17th, Dr. Dale; 19th,
France; 30th, The Earl of Huntingdon.

Letters sent to — 2nd, La Noue, Madame de Soubise, Mons. de
Moret; 3rd, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Lord Keeper, Mr.
Cordell; 4th, Lord Cobham; 8th, The Earl of Shrewsbury,
Lord Norris, the Bishop of Norwich, my cousin Sidnam ; 9th,

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 59

The Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Cobham, Mr. Beale, Parmenter,
the French ambassador; 13th, The Earl of Bedford, Lord
Cobham, Sir John Perot, Parmenter; 18th, The Earls of Bed-
ford and Shrewsbury, Lord Garrye, Parmenter, the Advocate
Fiscal; 19th, The Lord Treasurer, Lord Northe Mr. Varlie,
Mr. Lewkenor; 20th, Lord Cobham, the Earl of Huntingdon,
the Lord President of Wales, the Earl of Ormond, the Lord
Deputy; 28th, Lord Northe, Lord Souche, Lord Sturton;
29th, The Lord Treasurer, the Regent of Scotland, Lord
Hunsdon, the Prince of Orange, Boisot, Calvart, the Earl of
Argyle.

OCTOBER. 1574.

Letters received from — 1st, The Lord Deputy of Ireland; 9th, Mr.
Dale; 12th, Mons. Boysot; 13th, The Countess of Argyle, for
the Queen; 15th, Lord Northe; 18th, Sir Walter Mildmay;
22nd, Sir Thomas Gressam; 24th, The Earl of Essex, the
Lord Deputy; 26th, Sir Arthur Champernon; 30th, Lord
Hunsdon, Lord North, Sir John Foster; 31st, The Earl of
Huntingdon, Mr. Dale.

Letters sent to — 3rd, The Earl of Bedford, Sir W. Mildmaye; 6th,
The French ambassador, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 7th, The
Bishop of London, Sig. Puttry; llth, Mons. Boysot, D'Au-
bene, D. Lewis; 13th, Sir Walter Mildmay, the Lord Mayor;
14th, Lord Hunsdon, the Regent, the Earl of Huntingdon;
18th, Mr. Swevingham; 19th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the
Earl of Desmond, Lord Hunsdon; 20th, Sir V. Browne; 30th,
Justice Wraye; 31st, Sir Arthur Champernon, the Earl of
Shrewsbury, the Earl of Huntingdon.

60 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

NOVEMBER. 1574.

Letters received from — 5th, The Lord Deputy; 6th, Sir Val.
Browne; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 9th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury: 12th, La Noue, Lord North from Lyons; 13th>
The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cobham ; 16th, Dr. Wilson,
Mr. Pawlet, Capt. of Jersey; 19th, Mr. Hearle; 20th, The
Earl of Huntingdon; 26th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 29th,
Mr. Hearle; 30th, Lord Scroope.

Letters sent to — 5th, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of Huntingdon, the
Kegent; 10th, The Lord Deputy, the Earl of Essex, Lord
Scroope, the Earl of Hunsdon ;a 12th, The Earl of Huntingdon;
14th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 16th, The Earl of Essex, Dr.
Wilson ; 18th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Mr. Wilson, the
Master of the Rolls; 20th, Mr. Hearle; 22nd, The Lord
Deputy; 23rd, Dr. Wilson, Dr. Lewis; 24th, The Earl of
Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Hunsdon.

DECEMBER. 1574.

Letters received from — 1st, Lord Scroope ; 4th, The Earl of Hunt-
ingdon ; 5th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 6th, The Earl of Essex,
Dr. Dale; 9th, The Regent; 13th, The Earl of Shrewsbury;
17th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 20th,
Mr. Pawlet ; 25th, Lord Hunsdon, the Regent.

Letters sent to— 2nd, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 3rd, The Earl of
Huntingdon; 4th, The Earl of Bedford; 13th, The Prince of
Orange, Boysot, Citadelle, Capt. Chester; 17th, The Lord
Treasurer ; 22nd, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Rut-
land ; 24th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Regent, Lord Huns-
don, Mr. Amias Pawlet.

a Sic in MS.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APKIL 1583. 61

JANUARY. 1575.

Letters received from — 1st, Mr. Dale, The Earl of Huntingdon ;
6th, Mr. Dale; 10th, The Earl of Huntingdon; llth, The
ambassador in France ; 20th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 22nd,
The Earl of Huntingdon ; 25th, Calvart ; 26th, The Lord
Treasurer; 27th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 29th, The Earl
of Essex, the Lord Deputy ; 30th, The ambassador in France.

Letters sent to — 4th, Dr. Wilson, Mr. Secretary Smith ; 6th, The
Governor of Boulogne; 9th, Mons. Boysot, Mons. Calvart;
10th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 14th, The Prince of Orange,
Boysot, and Calvart; 16th, Dr. Dale, the Earl of Huntingdon ;
18th, Her Majesty ; 20th, The Prince of Orange, Boisot, Sir
Thos. Smith; 22nd, The Lord Treasurer, Mr. Wotton, and
Languet at Vienna ; 25th, Boysot ; 26th, The Earl of
Huntingdon, the Estates of Holland, My Lord Treasurer.

FEBRUARY. 1575.

Letters received from— 2nd, The Council; 3rd, The Bishop of
Bath ; 4th, Dr. Wilson, the Earl of Essex, the Lord Deputy of
Ireland ; 8th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Prince of Orange ;
10th, Sir Thos. Smith, the Earl of Essex, the Earl of Ormond,
Mr. Dale, Wilkes; 18th, Dr. Dale; 19th, Sir John Foster;
20th, Mr. Secretary Smith, the Lord Deputy of Ireland; 21st,
Mr. Amias Paulet; 23rd, Citadella, Sir John Foster, the
Kegent ; 26th, Sir John Foster, the Regent, Mr. Mongomery,
Pietro Bizari, the Lord Deputy of Ireland.

Letters sent to — 2nd, The Regent of Scotland, the Earl of Hunting-
don, Sir John Foster, my Lord Treasurer ; 4th, Mr. Dale ;
5th, My Lord Treasurer; 6th, The Earl of Leicester; 10th, Sir
Thos. Smith; llth, Mr. Secretary Smith; 13th, The Regent
of Scotland, the Earl of Huntingdon, Sir John Foster; 19th,

62 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Dr. Wilson; 20th, The Lord Treasurer; 22nd, Her Majesty,
the Lord Treasurer, the Prince of Orange, Boysbt; 24th, Mr.
Secretary Smith ; 25th, The Lord Treasurer ; 26th, Boysot and
his brother the Admiral ; 27th, Mons. de la Noue, the custo-
mer, searcher and comptroller of Plymouth.

MARCH. 1575.

Letters received from — 2nd, Mr. Sec. Smith ; 5th, The Bishop of
Bath; 7th, Boysot; 8th, The Lord Treasurer, the Earl of
Leicester, the Earl of Huntingdon; 10th, The Earl of Leices-
ter, the Lord Admiral; 13th, Sir John Foster; 14th, Dr.
Dale, Sassetti; 16th, The Earl of Leicester, Fremin; 21st,
The Lord Deputy; 22nd, Capt. Horsey; 25th, Dr. Dale;
26th, The Lord Chamberlain; 27th, Citadella ; 28th, Dr.
Dale; 30th, The Earl of Leicester; 31st, The Earl of Hun-
tingdon.

Letters sent to— 2nd, The Earl of Ormond; 4th, The Earl of Essex,
the Lord Deputy; 6th, The Lord Chamberlain; 7th, The Lord
Chamberlain; 8th, The Lord Treasurer; 9th, The Earl of
Leicester, the Lord Admiral; 12th, The Earl of Huntingdon,
the Lord Chamberlain, Dr. Dale; 13th, The Lord Admiral,
17th, The Earl of Essex, the Lord Deputy, the Prince of
Orange; 18th, Dr. Dale; 21st, Dr. Dale; 24th, The Regent,
the Earl of Huntingdon, Sir John Foster; 28th, Dr. Dale;
31st, The Earl of Leicester.

APRIL. 1575.

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Leicester; 4th, Jacomo;
5th, Jacomo; 7th, Sir John Foster, the Regent; 8th, The
Earl of Essex, the Lord Deputy; 16th, The ambassador in
France; 26th, Dr. Dale.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 63

Letters sent to— 2nd, The Earl of Leicester; 5th, The Earl of Bed-
ford, the Earl of Leicester; 6th, Boysot, Capt. Bingham; llth,
The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Rutland, Sir John
Foster, the Eegent of Scotland ; 12th, the Admiral of Holland;
13th, The Earl of Leicester; 14th, The ambassador in France,
Jacomo; 15th, The Lord Deputy of Ireland; 19th, Sir
AmiasPaulet; 22nd, The Earl of Huntingdon, the ambassador
in France; 23rd, Lord Cobham.

JUNE. 1575.

Letters received from — 2nd, Dr. Dale; 28th, Dr. Dale.

Letters sent to — 5th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Regent, the
Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir John Forster; 14th, the Lord Deputy ;
15th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 16th, Dr. Dale; 22nd, Mr.
Henry Killigrew, Mr. Randolphe; 29th, The Regent, Sir
John Forster, Mr. Killigrew, Mr. Murray, the Earl of Hun-
tin

JULY. 1575.

Letters received from — 4th, Mr. Solicitor; llth, Mr. John Selby;
12th, Mr. H. Killigrew, Mr. Selby; 15th, Dr. Dale; 16th,
The Lord Deputy, the Earl of Essex ; 18th, Mr. John Selby,
Mr. H. Killigrew; 19th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 21st, Mr.
H. Killigrew, Mr. J. Selby ; 22nd, The ambassador in France,
the Earl of Shrewsbury ; 23rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr.
H. Killigrew, the Lord Keeper, Mr. Recorder of London;
25th, The Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Huntingdon; 30th,
The Earl of Huntingdon.

Letters sent to — 12th, The Lord Keeper; 14th, Boysot; 15th, The
Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Regent,
Mr. H. Killigrew, Mr. John Selby, The Lord Admiral;
18th, The Lord Keeper, Mr. Recorder, the ambassador of

64 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

the Low Countries; 19th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. H.
Killigrew; 20th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 22nd, The Earl
of Huntingdon, Mr. H. Killigrew, Mr. John Selbye; 23rd,
The French ambassador, Lord Cobham ; 25th, The Lord
Admiral ; 26th, The Lord Deputy of Ireland, Sir Thomas
Cockin; 27th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 29th, The Lord
Deputy, the Earl of Essex, Mr. Owen Moore, Capt. Maltbie,
Mr. Waterhouse, the Earl of Lincoln, the Earl and Countess
of Pembroke, Sir H. Wallop, Mr. Harbard.

AUGUST. 1575.

Letters received from — 2nd, The Lord Deputy ; 4th, The Earl
of Essex, the Earl of Pembroke; 5th, Dr. Dale; 30th, The
Earl of Essex.

Letters sent to -2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury ; 8th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 12th, The Earl of
Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl of Essex, Capt.
Maltbie, the French ambassador; 15th, Mr. H. Killigrew, the
Lord Treasurer; 30th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Huns-
don, Mr. H. Killigrew.

SEPTEMBER. 1575.

Letters received from — 5th, The ambassador in France; 10th,
Dr. Dale; 12th, The Lord Treasurer in London; 14th, The
Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon; 19th, The Earl of
Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Dr. Dale; 22nd, The Earl of
Huntingdon; 23rd, Dr. Dale; 24th, Dr. Dale; 25th, Sir
Wm. Fitzwilliam, the Lord Keeper ; 26th, The French am-
bassador, Lord Cobham; 27th, Dr. Dale; 29th, Lord
Hunsdon.

Letters sent to— 2nd, The Earl of Essex, Sir Henry Sidney, Lord

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 65

Deputy of Ireland ; 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 9th, Mr.
John Ashtley ; 10th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Mr. Villiers,
Sir William Fitzwilliara in Ireland; 13th, The Marquis of
Winchester; 16th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, The Earl
of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon; 21st, The Earl of Hunting-
don, Lord Hunsdon, Mr. Kokebie, Mr. Bowes ; 23rd, The
Lord Treasurer; 24th, Lord Cobham, the Lord Treasurer;
26th, The Lord Keeper, Sir Walter Mildmay, Mr. Secretary
Smith, Sir Andrew Corbet ; 28th, The Lord Treasurer, the
Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Cobham ; 30th, The Lord Treasurer,
the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, the Lord Chief
Justice.

OCTOBER. 1575.

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, Sir
John Forster; 6th, Dr. Dale, the Earl of Huntingdon; llth,
The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cobham, Germany; 12th,
The Kegent [of Scotland]; 13th, The Earl of Shrewsbury;
14th, Lord Hunsdon.

Letters sent to— 2nd, The Lord Treasurer; 4th, The Earl of
Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon; 5th, Dr. Dale; 7th, The Earl of
Huntingdon, the Lord Treasurer, Lord Hunsdon; 8th, Lord
Cobham; 14th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Rutland,
the Regent, Lord Hunsdon.

NOVEMBER. 1575.

Letters received from — 2nd, Dr. Dale; 7th, Dr. Dale; 8th, The
Earl of Shrewsbury; 15th, Dr. Dale; 18th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; 22nd, Dr. Dale; 28th, The Marshal of Berwick.

Letters sent to — 21st, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 23rd, The Lord
Treasurer, Sir Robt. Constable, the Regent; 27th, Mr. Corbett
in Flanders; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury.

CAMD. SOC. K

66 JOURNAL OP SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

DECEMBER. 1575.

Letters received from — 4th, Dr. Dale; 6th, Mr. Corbett; 16th,
Lord Scroope, the Marshal of Berwick; 17th, Mr. Corbett;
21st, Dr. Dale; 23rd, The Marshal of Berwick, the Regent;
29th, Dr. Dale; 31st, Dr. Dale.

Letters sent to — 1st, Lord Scroope; 3rd, Dr. Dale; 5th, The
Marshal of Berwick, the Regent; 10th, The Marshal of Ber-
wick; 17th, Dr. Dale; 27th, The Marshal of Berwick, the
Lord Regent, the Earl of Shrewsbury.

JANUARY. 1576.

Letters received from — 3rd, Sir Henry Cobham, in Spain; 4th,
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 14th, The Lord Deputy of Ireland;
17th, D. Furstemberg and Roland Fox, in Germany; 18th,
Lord Scroope; 26th, Dr. Dale, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 28th,
The Marshal of Berwick, the Lord Treasurer; 30th, The Lord
Treasurer.

Letters sent to — 13th, Sir Thos. Gargrave, vice-president of York;
17th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 27th, The Marshal of Ber-
wick, the Regent; 29th, The Lord Treasurer; 31st, The Lord
Treasurer.

FEBRUARY. 1576.

Letters received from — 1st, Dr. Dale; 3rd, The Treasurer; 8th,
Dr. Dale; llth, Dr. Dale; 21st, Dr. Dale; 27th, The ambas-
sador in France.

Letters sent to— 3rd, The Lord Treasurer; 4th, The Lord Trea-
surer, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Essex; 6th, The
Earl of Shrewsbury; 12th, Dr. Dale; 24th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury, the Marshal of Berwick, the Lord Regent.

FKOM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 67

MARCH. 1576.

Letters received from — 2nd, Dr. Dale; 3rd, The Marshal of Ber-
wick; 7th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 9th, The Lord Deputy
of Ireland; 10th, The Marshal of Berwick; 15th, Dr. Dale;
16th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, The Earl of Shrewsbury,
the Marshal of Berwick; 22nd, Dr. Dale; 29th, Daniel
Rogers in Flanders; 30th, Dr. Dale.

Letters sent to — 5th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 15th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; 21st, Mr. Harbart, the Admiral of Holland;
29th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 30th, The Regent, Lord
Scroope, the Marshal of Berwick, the Dean and Chapter of
Durham.

APRIL. 1576.

Letters received from — 3rd, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 6th, The
Earl of Shrewsbury; 7th, Dr. Dale; 8th, The Marshal of
Berwick; 9th, Dr. Dale; 12th, The Earl of Shrewsbury;
15th, Dr. Dale; 21st, Dr. Dale, Mr. Davison; 25th, Dr.
Davison; 29th, The Earl of Shrewsbury.

Letters sent to — 2nd, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 10th, Dr. Dale.

MAY. 1576.

Letters received from — 1st, Dr. Dale, Mr. Randolphe, the Marshal
of Berwick; 2nd, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 5th, Lord Scroope,
9th, The Marshal of Berwick; llth, Mr. Dale, Mr. Randolphe;
15th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 16th, Dr. Dale, Mr. Ran-
dolphe; 18th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 20th, The Marshal of
Berwick; 23rd, Mr. Beale; 24th, Dr. Dale; 26th, The Earl
of Shrewsbury; 27th, Lord Scroope; 28th, Dr. Dale.

Letters sent to— 6th, The Marshal of Berwick; 16th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; 23rd, The Marshal of Berwick, the Regent; 24th,

68 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 26th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Dr.
Dale; 28th, The Earl of Shrewsbury.

JUNE. 1576.

Letters received from — 1st, Dr. Dale; 2nd, The Earl of Shrews-
bury; 3rd, The Marshal of Berwick, the Eegent; 8th, The
Earl of Shrewsbury, the Marshal of Berwick; llth, Dr. Dale;
15th, Dr. Dale, Mr. Beale; 17th, The Earl of Shrewsbury;
19th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 26th, The Earl of Shrews-
bury, Dr. Dale ; 29th, The Lord Deputy ; 30th, Dr. Dale, the
Earl of Shrewsbury.

Letters sent to — 4th, the Lord Regent ; 7th, The Earl of Shrews-
bury; 10th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir Robt. Constable;
15th, Dr, Dale; 18th, The Marshal of Berwick; 20th, The
Earl of Shrewsbury; 21st, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 27th,
The Earl of Shrewsbury.

JULY. 1576.

Letters received from — 6th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; llth, Dr.
Dale; 14th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, Dr. Dale, the
Treasurer of Berwick; 19th, Mr. Colshill at Cullein; 21st,
The Lord Deputy ; 22nd, Sir Win. Winter, Mr. Beale ; 24th,
Dr. Dale.

Letters sent to— 6th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 7th, Dr. Dale ;
12th, The Lord Regent, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Marshal of
Berwick; 15th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury, the Lord Deputy, the Lord Chancellor, Sir Win.
Drury, Mr. Agard,, Mr. Waterhowse; 20th, The Lord Deputy;
23rd, The Regent, the Marshal and the Treasurer of Berwick ;
26th, The Lord Deputy, Sir E. Fitton, Sir Lucas Dillon, the
Lord Chancellor, Sir Wm. Drury, Mr. Agard, Mr. Water-
howse; 27th, Mr. Colshill, Mr. Costlin, Mr. Thos. Eaton,

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 69

Bizari; 31st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir Thomas Smyth,
Lady Mildmay.

AUGUST. 1576.

Letters received from— 1st, The Marshal of Berwick, Dr. Dale; 4th,
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 7th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 9th,
The Earl of Huntingdon, Sir Walter Mildmay, the Lord
Treasurer; 10th, Dr. Dale; 19th, The Marshal of Berwick;
22nd, Dr. Dale; 25th, Mr. Holstock, Capt. Bingham, the
Lord Deputy, the Earl of Essex, Mr. Waterhowse ; 27th, Sir
Walter Mildmay, at Apthorpe ; 29th, The Earl of Hunting-
don ; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Prince of Orange.

Letters sent to — 7th, The Lord Regent, the Earl of Huntingdon,
the Marshal and the Treasurer of Berwick, Sir Walter Mild-
may, Dr. Dale; 9th, The Lord Treasurer; 10th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; llth, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir Thos. Smyth,
Sir Walter Mildmay ; 15th, The Regent^ the Earl of Shrews-
bury, Sir Walter Mildmay ; 23rd, Dr. Dale ; 24th, The Lord
Regent, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Marshal of Berwick, Sir
Walter Mildmay, Mr. Alexander Haye ; 25th, Mr. Colshill,
Mr. Castlin; 28th, The Prince of Orange; 30th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury.

SEPTEMBER. 1576.

Letters received from — 2nd, Dr. Dale; 4th, Mr. Holstocke; 5th,
Mr. Johnson; 6th, Mr. Holstock, the Earl of Huntingdon;
8th, Mr. Holstock; llth, The Lord Treasurer, Mr. Edgerton,
at London; 12th, Mr. Gilpin, the Company of Merchant Ad-
venturers, Sir Amyas Paulet; 16th, Dr. Dale; 18th, The
Treasurer of Berwick, the Earl of Huntingdon; 21st, Dr.
Dale; 27th, Dr. Dale, Mr. Colshill; 28th, Ireland.

Letters sent to — 3rd, The Lord Keeper, the Lord Treasurer; 6th,

70 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Mr. Holstock; 7th, Dr. Dale; 10th, The Kegent, the Earl of
Huntingdon, Sir Walter Mildmay, the Marshal of Berwick;
llth, The Lord Treasurer, Sir Amyas Paulet; 12th, Mr.
Edgerton, the Lord Treasurer, Sir Amyas Paulet; 14th, The
Lord Treasurer; 18th, The Marshal of Berwick, the Lord
Regent, the Earl of Huntingdon; 19th, Sir W. Mildmay, at
Apthorpe; 25th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Bishop of
Carlisle; 28th, Sir Amyas Paulet, Dr. Dale, the Earl of
Huntingdon; 29th, The Lord Deputy and Lord Chancellor of
Ireland, Mr. "Waterhowse.

OCTOBER. 1576.

Letters received from— -2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 4th, Sir
Wm. Drury; 5th, Sir W. Mildmay; 6th, Sir Amyas Paulet,
Dr. Dale ; 9th, The Lord Regent, the Earl of Huntingdon, the
Earl of Shrewsbury, the Marshal of Berwick ; 10th, The Earl
of Shrewsbury; 17th, Sir Amyas Paulet, Dr. Dale, Ireland,
the Marshal of Berwick; 22nd, The Earl of Rutland; 26th,
The Treasurer of Berwick; 30th, Mr. Heaton.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Rutland; 2nd, Sir W. Mildmay,
at Apthorpe ; 3rd, The Lord Treasurer, the Portuguese ambas-
sador, Mr. Smith, customer, Mr. Fanshaw, Mr. Yonge, packer,
and Mr. Andrew Palmer; 6th, The Lord Treasurer, Mr. Cols-
hill, Mr. Hudson, Mr. Castlin, Mr. Heaton; 7th, The Earl of
Huntingdon, the Lord Treasurer; 10th, The Earl of Shrews-
bury, the Lord Regent, the Earl of Rutland, Lord Scroope,
the Marshal and Treasurer of Berwick; 17th, The Earl of
Huntingdon; 18th, The Lord Treasurer, at Theobalds; 22nd,
Sir Amyas Paulet; 27th, The Earl of Shrewsbury.

NOVEMBER. 1576.

Letters received from— 1st, Sir Amyas Paulet; 4th, Lord Scroope;

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 71

10th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Flushing; 14th, Lord Scroope,
18th, Sir Amyas Paulet, Mr. Wilson ; 24th, The Lord Deputy,
Mr. Johnson, at Berwick; 26th, The Lord Chancellor of
Ireland; 28th, Lord Scroope; 30th, D. Wilson.
Letters sent to — 2nd, The Earl of Rutland, Lord Scroope; 3rd, Sir
Amyas Paulet; 10th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 15th, The
Lord Deputy; 19th, D. Wilson; 23rd, The Treasurer of Ber-
wick, the Regent; 25th, Sir Amyas Paulet; 28th, The
Treasurer of Berwick, Lord Scroope.

DECEMBER. 1576.

Letters received from — 6th, Lord Scroope, the Regent; 9th, The Earl
of Shrewsbury, Dr. Wilson; llth, The Treasurer of Berwick;
13th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 14th, Sir A. Paulet; 18th,
Mr. Sturmius, Dr. Wilson; 27th, The Earl of Shrewsbury;
30th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 31st, Mr. Powlet.

Letters sent to— 6th, Dr. Wilson; llth, The Earl of Huntingdon,
the Regent, the Treasurer of Berwick, Mr. Wilson; 17th, Mr.
Wilson; 18th, Sir Amyas Paulet, Mons. du Pin; 19th, The
Earl of Huntingdon; 22nd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 29th,
Mr. Horsey, Mr. Wilson, Mons. St.Aldegonde; 30th, Mr. Wil-
son, the Earl of Huntingdon.

JANUARY. 1577.

Letters received from — 2nd, The Treasurer of Berwick ; 5th, Mr.
Wilson, Mr. Horsey; 8th. Sir Amyas Paulet; 10th, The Earl
of Huntingdon; 15th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 16th, Mr.
Wilson; 18th, Mr. Wilson; 21st, The Earl of Shrewsbury;
22nd. Sir A. Paulet; 25th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Germany;
28th, Mr. Wilson; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 31st, Mr.
Wilson.

72 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Letters sent to— 6th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrews-
bury; llth, Sir A. Paulet, Capt. Horsey, Dr. Wilson; 13th,
The Regent, the Earl of Rutland, the Treasurer of Berwick ;
19th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 22nd, The Earl of Hun-
tingdon, Lord Scroope, the Bishop of Carlisle, Sir A. Paulet;
24th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the
Lord Regent, the Treasurer of Berwick.

FEBRUARY. 1577.

Letters received from — 1st, Lord Scroope; 2nd, The Treasurer of
Berwick; 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 4th, Sir Amyas
Paulet; 7th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Marshal of Ber-
wick; 12th, Dr. Wilson; 13th, Sir Amyas Paulet; 17th, Dr.
Wilson; 18th, Ireland; 20th, Dr. Wilson; 21st, Sir Amyas
Paulet; 22nd, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 23rd, Dr. Wilson;
26th, The Earl of Shrewsbury.

Letters sent to — 2nd, Sir Amyas Paulet; 7th, Ireland, the Earl of
Shrewsbury; 8th, Dr. Wijson; 15th, Sir Amyas Paulet, the
Earl of Shrewsbury; 26th, The Lord Regent, The Earl of
Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Marshal of Berwick,
Sir Amyas Paulet.

MARCH. 1577.

Letters received from — 2nd, Dr. Wilson; 6th, Dr. Wilson; 8th,
The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 9th, Sir
John Smith, Sir Amyas Paulet, Dr. Wilson, the Lord Regent,
Mr. Selby; llth, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 13th, Dr. Wilson;
15th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, The Earl of Hunting-
don, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 20th, Sir John Smyth, Mr.
Wilson, Sir Amyas Paulet, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 21st, Sir
Robt. Constable, Sir Amyas Paulet; 24th, Dr. Wilson; 27th,

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 73

The Earl of Huntingdon; 29th, Dr. Wilson, the Earl of Hun-
tingdon; 30th, Mr. Sydney.

Letters sent to — 1st, Dr. Wilson; 5th, Ireland; 6th, Dr. Wilson;
llth, The Lord Regent, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of
Shrewsbury, the Marshal of Berwick; 16th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury, Sir Amy as Paulet; 17th, The Earl of Rutland;
23rd, Dr. Wilson; 30th, Sir Amyas Paulet, the Earl of
Shrewsbury.

APRIL. 1577.

Letters received from — 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Dr. Wilson;
6th, Sir Amyas Paulet; 7th, Dr. Wilson, the Lord Deputy,
Sir Wm. Drury, the Earl of Huntingdon; 8th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; 15th, Sir Amyas Paulet, the Earl of Huntingdon;
18th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 19th, The Marshal of Berwick;
20th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 22nd, Dr. Wilson; 27th,
Berwick, the Earl of Shrewsbury.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Regent, the Earl of Huntingdon, the
Marshal of Berwick; 3rd, Ireland; 4th, Dr. Wilson; 7th, The
Earl of Shrewsbury; 12th, Dr. Wilson; 13th, Mr. Philip
Sidney, the Regent, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Marshal of
Berwick; 17th, Ireland; 21st, The Earl of Huntingdon, the
Earl of Shrewsbury, the Marshal and Treasurer of Berwick.

MAY. 1577.

Letters received from — 2nd, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Marshal,
the Treasurer, and the Gentleman Porter of Berwick; 4th,
The Earl of Huntingdon, Sir Amyas Paulet ; 5th, Dr. Wilson;
7th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 8th, The Earl of Shrewsbury;
9th, Lord Scroope, the Lord Regent, the Treasurer of Ber-
wick; 12th, The Marshal of Berwick; 14th, Dr. Wilson, the
Earl of Huntingdon; 15th, Sir Amias Paulet, the Earl of
Huntingdon; 16th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 18th, The Earl
CAMD. SOC. L

74 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

of Huntingdon ; 19th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 21st, Ireland;
26th, Ireland, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 27th, The Marshal
of Berwick; 28th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 30th, Sir Amyas
Paulet; 31st, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Marshal of Ber-
wick.

Letters sent to- — 1st, Sir Amyas Paulet; 2nd, The Earl of Shrews-
bury; 8th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 9th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; llth, Sir Amyas Paulet; 13th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury, Dr, Wilson; 14th, The Lord Regent, the Marshal
and Treasurer of Berwick; 16th, Ireland; 18th, The Earl of
Huntingdon, the Lord Regent, the Marshal of Berwick, Sir
Wm. Drury; 21st, Lord Scroope; 30th, The Earl of Hun-
tingdon, the Marshal of Berwick; 31st, The Earl of Hunting-
don, Dr. Wilson.

JUNE. 1577.

Letters received from —5th, Lord Scroope ; 9th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; 10th, The Marshal of Berwick, the Regent; llth,
The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 14th, Sir
Amyas Paulet, Sir John Forster; 23rd, Dr. Wilson; 26th,
Sir A. Paulet; 28th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 30th, The
Regent, the Ambassador in France, the Lord Deputy.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir Wm. Drury;
6th, Sir A. Paulet, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Marshal of
Berwick, the Lord Regent of Scotland; llth, Ireland; 13th,
The Lord Regent; 25th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 26th, Mr.
Wilson; 28th, Berwick, the Lord Regent.

JULY. 1577.

Letters received from— 2nd, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 3rd, The
Ambassador in France, the Earl of Huntingdon; llth, Lord
Scroope, the Bishop of Durham, the Earl of Huntingdon;

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 75

13th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Marshal of Berwick; 19th,
The Marshal of Berwick, Sir Amyas Paulet; 24th, The
Marshal of Berwick, Sir Araias Paulet; 27th, The Treasurer
of Berwick and the Kegent of Scotland; 28th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; 30th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 31st, The
Marshal of Berwick, my Lord Treasurer at Buxtons.
Letters sent to — 2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 15th, The Lord
Regent, the Marshal of Berwick; 16th, The Ambassador in
France; 18th, Sir Amias Paulet; 23rd, The Earl of Hunting-
don, Lord Scroope; 27th, The Treasurer of Berwick, the
Lord Regent; 29th, My Lord Treasurer at Buxton.

AUGUST. 1577.

Letters received from — 1st, My Lord Treasurer at Buxtons; 2nd,
The Low Countries, Sir Amias Paulet; 6th, The Lord Regent,
the Treasurer of Berwick, Mr. Hoggen, in Barbary; 7th, My
Lord Treasurer, at Buxtons; 8th, The Prince of Conde, Mr.
Geo. Winter, at sea; 10th, My Lord Treasurer at Buxtors;
llth, The Captains of Jersey and Guernsey; 12th, Mr. Daniell
Rogers in Flanders, Mr. Geo. Winter at sea, Sir A. Paulet;
14th, Sir Robert Constable; 16th, My Lord Treasurer at
Buxtons, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, The Lord Treasurer
at Buxtons; 18th, Sir Robt. Constable, Marshal of Berwick;
21st, The Lord Treasurer; 22nd, Mr. Davison, Her Majesty's
agent in the Low Countries; 23rd, The Lord Regent, the
Marshal of Berwick; 26th, The Lord Deputy, Mr. Davison;
27th, Sir A. Paulet, my Lord Treasurer at Burghley; 31st,
Lord Scroope.

Letters sent to — 1st, My Lord Treasurer; 4th, The Earl of Hun-
tingdon, the Lord Regent, the Marshal of Berwick, the Earl of
Shrewsbury, my Lord Treasurer; 9th, My Lord Treasurer;
15th, The Lord Regent, the Marshal of Berwick, Lord Scroope,
the Earl of Huntingdon, the Lord Treasurer: 22nd, The

76 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Marshal of Berwick, Sir Amias Paulet; 25th, The Marshal of
Berwick, the Kegent, my Lord Treasurer; 26th, The Mayor
and Aldermen of Newcastle, Lord Cobham ; 31st, The Am-
bassador in France.

SEPTEMBER, 1577.

Letters received from — 1st, Sir A. Paulet; 3rd, Sir R. Constable,
Mr. Robert Bowes; 5th, Lord Cobham; 7th, Mr. Bowes,
Treasurer of Berwick; 10th, Sir A. Paulet, the Earl of Bed-
ford; llth, The Treasurer of Berwick; 13th, Scotland; 14th,
Mr. Davison, Mr. Beale, Duke Casimyrus, Mr. Daniel Rogers
at Neustadt; 17th, The Lord Regent; 18th, Sir Robert
Constable, Mr. Davison; 22nd, Sir R. Constable; 23rd, Sir
A. Paulet; 25th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 26th, Mr. Davison;
27th, Mr. Hawkins, the Earl of Huntingdon; 28th, Mr.
Robert Bowes; 30th, Sir Amyas Paulet, the Lord Deputy of
Ireland.

Letters sent to — 2nd, Lord Cobham; 3rd, Lord Cobham, Mr.
Davison, Mr. Beale; 4th, Sir Robert Constable, Mr. Robert
Bowes, the Lord Regent, Sir Walter Mildmay; 6th, The
Marshal and Treasurer of Berwick; 7th, The Treasurer of
Berwick; 9th, The Treasurer of Berwick; 10th, Sir William
Drury in Ireland ; llth, Sir Amias Paulet, the Earl of Bed-
ford; 13th, Mr. D. Rogers at Hamburgh; 16th, The Earl of
Huntingdon, the Earl of Rutland, the Earl of Shrewsbury,
the Treasurer of Berwick, the Lord Deputy, the Lord Chief
Justice, in Lincolnshire; 17th, Sir Amyas Paulet, the Lord
Treasurer; 21st, The Lord Deputy; 29th, Mr. Davison; 30th,
Sir Robt. Constable, Mr. Bowes.

OCTOBER. 1577.

Letters received from — 1st, Sir Amyas Paulet; 3rd, Mr. D. Rogers,
Mr. Davison, at Brussels, Sir Robert Constable; 6th, The

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 77

Earl of Shrewsbury; 7th, The Lord Deputy, Mr. Beale; 9th,
Sir Eobert Constable; llth, Mr. Davison; 12th, Mr Davison,
the Earl of Huntingdon; 13th, Mr. Bowes; 15th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; 16th, Sir A. Paulet, Mr. Davison; 20th, Sir
William Drury; 23rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Beale,
Mr. Kogers, at Frankfort, Mr. Davison, at Brussels; 24th,
and 26th, The Marshal of Berwick ; 27th, The Earl of Shrews-
bury, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 28th, Sir Amyas Paulet, the
Earl of Huntingdon; 29th, Mr. Sturmius, Dr. Kogers; 30th,
Lord Scroope; 31st, The Treasurer of Berwick.
Letters sent to — 1st, Lord Cobham, the Lieutenant of Dover Castle;
3rd, Mr. William Davison, her Majesties agent in the Low
Countries; 5th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cobham; 10th,
Mr. Randolphe at Canterbury; llth, Mr. Bowes in Scotland;
12th, Lord Cobham; 14th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 15th,
Lord Scroope, the Mayor and town of Newcastle, Justice Man-
hode, the Mayor of Dover, Mr. Davison; 16th, The Lord
Treasurer; 18th, Mr. Davison; 19th, The Marshal of Ber-
wick, Mr. Bowes, the Eegent, the Earl of Huntingdon, the
Earl of Shrewsbury; 21st, Lord Cobham; 22nd, The Earl
of Eutland, Sir John Foster; 23rd, Lord Cobham; 24th, Sir
A. Paulet, Mr. Bowes, Sir Arthur Champernowne, the Earl of
Bedford; 28th, Mr. Davison.

NOVEMBER. 1577.

Letters received from — 2nd, Mr. Davison; 4th, The Marshal of
Berwick, Lord Cobham; 5th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Sir
A. Paulet; llth, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 13th, The Earl of
Huntingdon, the Treasurer of Berwick; 14th, The Marshal of
Berwick; 16th, The Marshal of Berwick; 18th, Sir A. Paulet,
Mr. Daniel Rogers, Mr. Davison; 19th, Mr. Davison; 20th,
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 23rd, Mr. Davison, Sir A. Paulet;

78 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

24th, Lord Scroope, the Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Kogers;
27th, The Marshal of Berwick.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 2nd, Mr. D. Eogers
at Newstate, Mr. Beale at Wittenberge, Mr. Davison, the
Treasurer of Berwick, Lord Scroope; 3rd, The Lord Deputy;
4th, Lord Cobham, the Marshal of Berwick; 6th, Mr. Davison;
9th, Mr. Davison ; 12th, Lord Cobham, Dr. Wilson, secretary,
Mr. Hatton, vice chamberlain; 15th, The Earl of Shrews-
bury ; 16th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Marshal of Berwick,
Sir John Foster, the Bp. of Durham; 18th, Sir A. Paulet,
Mr. Davison ; 22nd, Sir Nicholas Malby and Sir Lucas Dillon
in Ireland; 24th, Mr. Davison.

DECEMBER. 1577.

Letters received from — 2nd, Mr. Davison; 6th, Mr. Davison; 9th,
Sir A. Paulet; llth, Scotland, the Marshal of Berwick; 13th,
Lord Cobham; 17th, Sir Robt. Constable, Mr Bowes, in Scot-
land; 20th, The Lord Deputy; 22nd, The Earl of Hunting-
don; 25th, The Lord Deputy, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 26th,
Mr. D. Rogers, Mr. Davison; 27th, Sir A. Paulet; 29th, Mr.
Davison.

Letters sent to — 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 7th, Mr. Davison ;
8th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 10th, Sir A. Paulet, Mr.
Bowes, Sir R. Constable, Lord Scroope, the Earl of Hunting-
don; llth, The Lord Deputy; 12th, Lord Cobham; 14th,
Lord Cobham; 15th, Mr. Davison; 17th, Sir Amias Paulet;
21st, Mr. Davison; 23rd, The Earl of Shrewsbury.

JANUARY. 1578.

Letters received from — 3rd, Sir A. Paulet; 5th, The Marshal of
Berwick; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 14th, Mr. Davison;
15th, Sir Amias Paulet; 16th, Capt. Leighton; 22nd, Mr.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 79

Bowes, in Scotland, the Marshal of Berwick; 23rd, Mr.
Davison; 27th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 28th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury, Sir A. Paulet; 29th, Lord Scroope; 30th, The
Earl of Huntingdon ; 3 1 st, Mr. Bowes, in Scotland.
Letters sent to — 1st, The Marshal of Berwick, Mr. Bowes, in Scot-
land; 9th, Mr. Davison; llth, Mr. Davison; 13th, The
Marshal of Berwick, Mr. Bowes, in Scotland ; 14th, Sir
Amias Paulet; 15th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 17th, Lord
Scroope; 21st, The Lord Deputy; 24th, The Earl of Hun-
tingdon ; 26th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 28th, Lord Scroope,
the Earl of Huntingdon; 31st, The Earl of Huntingdon, Sir
John Foster.

FEBRUARY. 1578.

Letters received from — 1st, Mr. Beale, Mr. Davison, the Lord
Deputy, Mr. Wilkes ; 4th, Mr. Davison ; 5th, Sir Eobert Con-
stable, Mr. Davison; 9th, Mr. Davison; 10th, The Earl of
Huntingdon; 13th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 14th, Mr.
Davison; 17th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 19th, Mr. Davison;
21st, The Earl of Huntingdon; 23rd, Sir A. Paulet; 25th,
Mr. Bowes in Scotland ; 28th, Mr. Davison, the Lord Deputy.

Letters sent to — 4th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, Mr. Bowes,
Sir A. Paulet; 6th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 7th, The Earl
of Huntingdon, the Bishop of Durham; llth, Sir A. Paulet;
16th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 22nd, Mr. Kandolphe, Sir A.
Paulet; 24th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrews-
bury; 25th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Randolph, Mr.
Davison.

MARCH. 1578.

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 5th, Sir Robt.
Constable; 7th, Mr. Davison; 8th, Sir A. Paulet; llth, The

80 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Earl of Shrewsbury; 14th, Mr. Randolphe, Mr. Bowes, Mr.
Davison; 15th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 16th, Sir A. Paulet;
19th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 20th, The Earl of Hunting-
don, Mr. Davison; 21st, Lord Scroope, Sir A. Paulet; 22nd,
Mr. Randolphe; 23rd, Sir A. Paulet; 24th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury, Sir A. Paulet, Mr. Randolphe; 26th, Mr. Davison;
27th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 30th, Mr. Rogers; 31st, Sir A.
Paulet.

Letters sent to— 9th, The Bishops of Worcester and Bangor; llth,
Mr. Randolphe, Mr. Bowes, Lord Scroope; 17th, Mr. Ran-
dolphe, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 18th, Sir A.
Paulet, Mr. Randolphe, Mr. Bowes; 20th, Mr. Davison; 21st,
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 22nd, Lord Scroope, the Earl of
Huntingdon ; 24th, The Lord Deputy ; 27th, Mr. Davison,
Mr. Randolphe; 31st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl of
Rutland.

APRIL. 1578.

Letters received from — 4th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 5th, Sir A.
Paulet, Lord Scroope, Mr. Davison; 8th, Lord Scroope; 9th,
The Earl of Huntingdon; 12th, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of
Shrewsbury; 13th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 14th, Mr.
Davison; 15th, Lord Cobham; 16th, Mr. Davison; 18th,
Mr. Bowes; 20th, The Lord Deputy; 21st, Sir A. Paulet;
22nd, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 24th, Mr. Davison; 29th, Sir
A. Paulet.

Letters sent to — 4th, Mr. Davison, Sir A. Paulet; 7th, Mr. Bowes;
10th, Sir A. Paulet; llth, Sir A. Paulet, the Earl of Hunting-
don; 13th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl of Huntingdon,
the Bp. of Durham; 19th, The Marshal of Berwick, Sir A.
Paulet; 23rd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 25th, Mr. Robt.
Bowes; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 81

MAY. 1578.

Letters received from — 3rd, Mr. Bowes; 5th, Mr. Davison; 6th,
Sir A. Paulet; 7th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 8th, Mr. Bowes;
9th, Sir John Foster, Mr. Bowes; llth, Mr. Davison, Mr.
Rogers; 16th, Sir A. Paulet, Mr. Bowes; 20th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; 22nd, Mr. Davison, Sir R. Constable; 23rd, The
Earl of Shrewsbury; 26th, Sir A. Paulet, Mr. Bowes; 28th,
Mr. Hoddesdon at Hamborowe, Mr. Davison, the Earl of
Huntingdon; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir A. Paulet.

Letters sent to — 1st, The President of Munster; 3rd, The Marshal
of Berwick, Sir A. Paulet; 5th, Mr. Davison, Mr. Daniel
Rogers, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 9th, Sir John Foster, Mr.
Bowes; 17th, Mr. Davison, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 19th,
Mr. Davison; 21st, Sir Amias Paulet, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of
Huntingdon, the Bishop of Carlisle; 22nd, Mr. Davison; 28th,
Lord Cobham, Mr. Bowes, the King and Earls of Scotland;
29th, Sir A. Paulet; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury.

JUNE. 1578.

Letters received from — 3rd, Mr. Davison ; 9th, The Earl of Shrews-
bury; 12th, Mr. Bowes.

Letters sent to — 3rd, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 4th, The Earl of
Huntingdon; 5th, Mr. Davison; 6th, Mr. Bowes; 8th, Sir A.
Paulet, the Earl of Leicester at Buxtons ; 9th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury, Lord Scroope; 13th, The Earls of Shrewsbury,
Huntingdon, and Leicester at Buxtons ; 14th, Sir A. Paulet.

MARCH. 1580.

Letters received from — 25th, Flanders, Ireland ; 30th, Lord Scroope
and the Earl of Huntingdon, in France; 31st, The Earl of
Shrewsbury.
CAMD. SOC. M

82 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Letters sent to — 26th, France; 27th, Mr, Bowes, the Earl of Hunt-
ingdon; 29th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 31st, The Earl of
Huntingdon, Sir John Forster, Mr. Bowes.

APRIL. 1580.

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon, Flanders;
2nd, Sir Henry Cobham; 9th, France, Flanders; 13th, The
Earl of Shrewsbury; 14th, Mr. Bowes; 16th, Mr. Bowes;
20th, Mr. Bowes; 21st, Flanders; 22nd, France; 24th, France,
Ireland; 27th, Mr. Bowes; 28th, Flanders; 29th, Ireland.

Letters sent to — 2nd, Flanders; 3rd, Sir Henry Cobham; 7th, The
Earl of Huntingdon ; 8th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl
of Shrewsbury; 9th, Flanders; 13th, France; 16th, Mr.
Bowes, France, Flanders; 17th, Mr. Bowes; 20th, Mr. Bowes,
the Earls of Huntingdon and Rutland; 22nd, Mr. Bowes;
23rd, Flanders ; 24th, France, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Hunt-
ingdon ; 26th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Sir John Forster,
Lord Scroope.

MAY. 1580.

Letters received from — 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, Lord
Scroope, Sir John Foster, the Bishop of Carlisle ; 6th, Flanders;
7th, Ireland; 9th, France, Mr. Bowes; 10th, Ireland; 12th,
Lord Scroope, the Earl of Huntingdon, Flanders; 13th, The
Earl of Huntingdon, Sir John Forster, Ireland; 15th, Mr.
Bowes, France; 17th, Sir John Forster; 18th, Flanders;
19th, Mr. Sturmius; 20th, France; 21st, Mr. Bowes; 23rd,
Mr. Selby; 27th, Mr. Bowes, Flanders; 29th, France.

Letters sent to — 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Bowes; 7th,
France, Flanders, Ireland; llth, Ireland; 12th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; 13th, Lord Cobham; 14th, Flanders, Mr. Selby;
16th, Ireland; 17th, France; 18th, Ireland; 19th, Mr. Bowes;

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 83

21st, Flanders ; 22nd, France; 23rd, The Earl of Huntingdon,
Mr. Bowes; 24th,, Ireland; 28th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the
Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Scroope, Flanders.

JUNE. 1580.

Letters received from — 2nd, Ireland, Flanders; 3rd, The Earl of
Huntingdon; 7th, Mr. Bowes; 10th, Flanders, the Earl of
Shrewsbury; llth, Ireland; 13th, France; 16th, Ireland,
Flanders; 17th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 18th, France; 19th,
Mr. Bowes ; 23rd, Flanders ; 25th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ;
26th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 29th, The Earl of Shrews-
bury; 30th, Ireland. Lord Scroope.

Letters sent to — 1st, Mr. Bowes; 4th, Flanders; 5th, The Earl of
Huntingdon ; 8th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Bowes; llth,
Flanders; 12th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Bowes; 16th,
Flanders; 18th, Ireland; 20th, France; 22nd, Mr. Stafford,
the Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon, Mr. Bowes; 29th,
The Earl of Huntingdon.

JULY. 1580.

Letters received from — 1st, Mr. Bowes; 2nd, Flanders; 5th, Mr.
Stafford; 8th, Ireland; 10th, France; 13th, Ireland, the Earl
of Shrewsbury; 17th, France; 19th, Ireland, Flanders; 21st,
France; 23rd, Lord Scroope, Mr. Stafford; 26th, Sir W.
Mildmay; 27th, Mr. Bowes; 29th, Flanders, France.

Letters sent to — 2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Flanders; 6th,
The Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon. Lord Scroope;
7th, France; llth, Lord Scroope, Sir John Forster; 12th,
France, Flanders; 13th, Ireland, France; 22nd, The Earls
of Huntingdon and Shrewsbury, Sir W. Mildmay; 23rd,
Flanders; 25th, Mr. Bowes; 27th, Sir Hen. Cobham, Mr.
Stafford, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir W. Mildmay, Mr.

84 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Bowes, the Earl of Huntingdon; 29th, Mr. Bowes, the Bp.
of Durham ; 30th, Flanders.

AUGUST. 1580.

Letters received from — 3rd, Ireland; 4th, The Earl of Huntingdon,
Flanders; 5th, The Ambassador in France and Mr. Stafford;
6th, Mr. Bowes, The Earl of Huntingdon; 9th, Berwick;
10th, Ireland; 12th, Ireland; 13th, France, Flanders, Sir
W. Mildmay; 17th, Ireland, Lord Scroope; 24th, France,
Flanders; 25th, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 27th,
Ireland; 29th, France.

Letters sent to— 4th, Berwick; 6th, Flanders; 10th, The Earl of
Huntingdon, Sir W. Mildmay, Ireland, Mr. Bowes; 16th,
Mr. Bowes, Lord Scroope; 18th, France; 19th, France;
20th, Flanders; 27th, Flanders, the Earl of Huntingdon,
Lord Scroope, Ireland, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Mr. Bowes,
Sir W. Mildmay; 30th, France.

SEPTEMBER. 1580.

Letters received from — 3rd, Ireland, Flanders; 6th, Ireland; 7th,

Flanders; 8th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 9th, France, Mr.

Bowes; 14th, France; 15th, France, Flanders; 18th, Mr.

Bowes; 19th, Ireland, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 22nd, France;

24th, Ireland; 25th, Ireland; 26th, Ireland; 29th, France,

Flanders; 30th, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Huntingdon, Mr.

Selby.
Letters sent to — 1st, Mr. Bowes; 3rd, Flanders; 5th, The Earl of

Huntingdon, Sir W. Mildmay, Mr. Bowes; 10th, France, Mr.

Bowes; llth, Lord Scroope, Sir John Forster, Mr. Selbie;

12th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir W. Mildmay; 17th,

France, Flanders; 19th, Mr. Bowes ; 20th, Sir W. Mildmay ;

24th, Flanders; 25th, Ireland, Mr. Bowes; 27th, Ireland, the

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 85

Earl of Kutland; 28th, Ireland; 30th, Ireland, the Earl of
Huntingdon.

OCTOBER. 1580.

Letters received from — 4th, Ireland; 6th, Ireland, Mr. Bowes;
10th, Mr. Bowes, France; 12th, France, Flanders, the Earl of
Huntingdon; 13th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Selby; 14th, Flanders;
16th, France; 17th, Mr. Selby at Berwick, the Earl of Hun-
tingdon; 21st, France, Flanders; 22nd, Mr. Bowes; 26th,
Mr. Bowes; 27th, Flanders; 29th, The Earl of Huntingdon;
30th, Mr. Bowes, and Mr. Selby at Berwick ; 31st, France,
Sir John Forster.

Letters sent to — 1st, Flanders, Mr. Bowes; 3rd, Sir John Forster,
Mr. Selby; 4th, The Earl of Huntingdon; 5th, Ireland; 7th,
France; 8th, France, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Huntingdon;
llth, The Mayor of Bristol; 12th, The officers of the Port of
Dover; 13th, The Commissioners at Dover; 14th, Ireland;
15th, Flanders ; 20th, The Commissioners at Chester, the
Earl of Huntingdon; 22nd, Flanders; 23rd, The Earl of
Derby; 24th, The Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon;
26th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Archbp. of York, Mr.
Bowes, Sir John Forster, the Bp. of Durham, Lord Scroope,
the Bp. of Carlisle; 28th, France; 29th, Flanders; 30th,
Mr. Bowes and Mr. Selby at Berwick ; 31st, Berwick.

NOVEMBER. 1580.

Letters received from — 1st, Ireland ; 3rd, Flanders, the Archbp. of
York; 4th, Mr. Selbie, the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cob-
ham.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Prince of Orange; 4th, Lord Cobham.

86 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

DECEMBER. 1580.

Letters received from — 7th, Berwick; 8th, France, Ireland; 10th,
Flanders; llth, Ireland; 13th, Berwick, the Earl of Hunt-
ingdon; 16th, Flanders; 18th, France; 21st, Sir Hen. Cob-
ham, Mr. Stafford; 25th, Ireland; 29th, The Earl of Hunt-
ingdon.

Letters sent to — 7th, Berwick, the Earl of Huntingdon; 10th,
Flanders; 14th, Ireland, Sir John Forster; 17th, Flanders;
20th, France; 22nd, Ireland; 23rd, Ireland, the Earl of Hunt-
ingdon, the Archbp. of York, the Bp. of Durham, the Bp. of
Carlisle; 24th, France, Flanders; 30th, The Earl of Shrews-
bury.

JANUARY. 1581.

Letters received from — 3rd, France; 4th, The Earl of Shrews-
bury; 5th, Mr. Bowes, Sir John Forster; 6th, Flanders; 7th,
Mr. Bowes; 10th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Archbp. of
York, the Bp. of Durham; llth, France, Flanders; 13th,
Mr. Randolph; 15th, Mr. Bowes; 16th, Ireland, the Earl of
Huntingdon; 19th, France; 20th, The Earl of Huntingdon,
the Archbp. of York; 21st, Flanders, the Earl of Huntingdon,
Mr. Randolphe, Mr. Bowes; 23rd, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of
Huntingdon, Mr. Eandolph, Lord Hunsdon ; 25th, The Low
Countries; 27th, Mr. Eandolph, the Earl of Huntingdon;
28th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, France; 30th,
The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon; 31st, Lord Huns-
don, the Earl of Huntingdon, France.

Letters sent to— 1st, Flanders; 3rd, Ireland, France; 5th, The Earl
of Huntingdon, the Archbp. of York, the Bp. of Durham, Mr.
Bowes; 7th, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord
Scroope, Sir John Forster, Flanders; 8th, Mr. Randolph;

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 87

9th, The Archbp. of York ; 15th, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of
Huntingdon, the Earl of Derby; 16th, Ireland; 17th, France,
Ireland, the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Mr. Bowes ;
20th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Mr. Bowes,
Mr. Randolphe; 21st, The Earl of Huntingdon; 25th, The
Earl of Huntingdon, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Bowes, Lord Huns-
don ; 28th, Mr. Randolphe, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of Hunt-
ingdon; 29th, Ireland, Chester; 31st, Lord Hunsdon, the
Earl of Huntingdon.

FEBRUARY. 1581.

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Low
Countries; 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, France; 8th, Lord
Hunsdon, the Earl of Huntingdon, Ireland; 9th, Chester, the
Earl of Shrewsbury; 12th, Mr. Randolphe, the Earl of Hunt-
ingdon; 14th, Mr. Randolphe, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of
Huntingdon; loth, France; 16th, Scotland, Lord Hunsdon,
the Earl of Huntingdon; 17th, France, Flanders; 20th, Lord
Hunsdon, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Derby; 24th,
Newcastle; 28th, France.

Letters sent to — 1st, France; 3rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord
Hunsdon ; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 13th, The Earl of
Huntingdon; 16th, Scotland, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of
Huntingdon, Mr. Randolphe; 19th, Flanders; 20th, Lord
Hunsdon ; 27th, France, Ireland.

MARCH. 1581.

Letters received from— 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 2nd, Chester,
Ireland, Flanders, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 3rd, The Earl of
Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon ; 5th, Flanders, Ireland ; 6th,
Chester ; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 8th, Chester ; 9th,
The Earl of Huntingdon, Sir John Forster ; 10th, The Earl of

88 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Huntingdon; 13th, Chester; 14th, The Earl of Huntingdon,
Lord Hunsdon ; 15th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Huns-
don, Mr. Randolphe, Chester; 18th, France; 19th, Chester;
22nd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Mr. Randolphe;
24th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Lord Cobham ;
25th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Lord Cobham ;
26th, Lord Cobham ; 28th, Lord Cobham ; 29th, The Earl of
Huntingdon ; 30th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon,
Ireland; 31st, Lord Cobham, The Earl of Huntingdon, the
Earl of Rutland, France, Flanders.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon;
2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 4th, The Dean of York, Mr.
Rookby; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon; llth,
Bland at Chester, Beverlay at Bristol; 12th, Mr. Antony
Digby, Sir Robt. Constable, Mr. John Dorrington, Mr. Geo.
Byston of Cheshire; 18th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord
Hunsdon, Flanders ; 22nd, The Earl of Huntingdon ; 24th,
The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Lord Cobham ; 27th,
The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon, Mr. Randolphe,
Chester, Bristol, Ireland ; 28th, Lord Cobham, Sir H. Crum-
well; 29th, Lord Cobham; 31st, Lord Cobham.

APRIL. 1581.

Letters received from— 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon; 3rd, Lord
Hunsdon; 4th, Lord Cobham; 5th, Lord Hunsdon, France ;
6th, Flanders; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cobham;
8th, Lord Hunsdon; 10th, Lord Cobham, Chester; llth, The
Archbp. of York, Flanders; 12th, The Earl of Huntingdon;
13th, France; 15th, Lord Cobham; 16th, Ireland, Chester,
Flanders; 17th, Lord Cobham, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of
Huntingdon; 18th, Lord Cobham; 19th, Lord Cobham,
Flanders, the Earl of Huntingdon, Chester ; 20th, The Earl of
Huntingdon; 23rd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Chester; 24th,

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 89

The Earl of Huntingdon; 26th, Lord Hunsdon ; 27th, The
Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon, Chester; 28th, The
Earl of Huntingdon, Flanders; 30th, Mr. Bowes.
Letters sent to— 2nd, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cobham; 4th,
Lord Cobham; 6th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Huns-
don; 7th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Cobham; 8th,
Lord Cobham; 9th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Huns-
don; llth, France; 12th, Ireland, Chester, Lord Cobham;
13th, The Earl of Huntingdon, the Archbp. of York; 16th,
Flanders; 17th, Lord Cobham; 18th, Lord Cobham; 19th,
Lord Cobham ; 24th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Huns-
don, Lord Soroope, France, Chester, the Earl of Shrewsbury,
Sir John Foster; 28th, Flanders.

MAY. 1581.

Letters received from — 1st, Flanders; 3rd, Chester, Ireland; 7th,
Chester, Lord Hunsdon; 10th, The Earl of Huntingdon,
France, Chester; llth, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 12th,
Flanders, Lord Hunsdon; 13th, Chester; 17th, Ireland; 19th,
Ireland, Flanders; 20th, Ireland; 21st, Lord Hunsdon, Lord
Scroope ; 22nd, Lord Hunsdon ; 23rd, France, Lord Hunsdon,
the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Scroope; 27th, Flanders;
28th, Chester.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon;
5th, France; 6th, Flanders; 7th, The Earl of Shrewsbury;
9th, Ireland, the Earl of Huntingdon, Lord Hunsdon ; 10th,
Dover; 15th, Dover; 17th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Lord
Hunsdon; 19th, Ireland; 20th, Flanders; 23rd, Lord Huns-
don ; 24th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 26th, Lord Hunsdon,
Mr. Bowes; 27th, Flanders; 28th, Chester.

JUNE. 1581.

Letters received from — 1st, France, Flanders; 3rd, France; 8th,
Sir John Foster, Lord Hunsdon, France; 9th, Flanders, Lord
Scroope; 10th, Lord Hunsdon; llth, Lord Hunsdon; 14th,
CAMD. SOC. N

90 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

France, Lord Cobham ; 15th, Lord Cobham, Chester; 16th,
Flanders; 17th, Lord Cobham, Flanders, the Archbp. of
York; 19th, France, the Earl of Huntingdon; 20th, Lord
Hunsdon; 22nd, Flanders, Lord Hunsdon; 25th, France;
28th, Flanders, Chester, the Earl of Derby; 30th, Flanders.
Letters sent to — 2nd, Ireland; 3rd, France; 4th, The Earl of Hunt-
ingdon, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury, France; 9th,
Lord Hunsdon; 10th, Flanders; 12th, The Earl of Hunting-
don, Lord Scroope; 13th, Ireland, Lord Cobham; 15th,
Lord Cobham, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Flan-
ders, the Bishop of Durham; 19th, The Archbp. of York;
20th, Dover; 21st, Dover; 23rd, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of
Huntingdon, Ireland, Chester; 28th, Lord Hunsdon; 30th,
The Earl of Shrewsbury.

JULY. 1581.

Letters received from — 1st, Lord Hunsdon; 2nd, France; 6th,
Lord Hunsdon; 7th, France; 8th, Lord Hunsdon, Lord
Scroope, Sir John Foster; 10th, France; llth, Lord Huns-
don, Flanders; 13th, Lord Cobham, Flanders; 14th, France;
15th, Ireland; 17th, France; 19th, Lord Scroope; 20th,
Flanders; 21st, Chester.

Letters sent to — 2nd, France ; 5th, Lord Hunsdon ; 8th, Flanders ;
9th, Chester, Lord Scroop, Lord Cobham; llth, France; 13th,
Lord Cobham, Lord Hunsdon, the Earl of Huntingdon ; 14th,
The Lieutenant of Dover Castle, France, Lord Hunsdon, Lord
Scroope, Sir John F^orster; 16th, The Lieutenant of Dover;
17th, The Earls of Shrewsbury and Derby, Chester; 18th,
Ireland, Chester; 19th, France; 21st, France, the Earls of
Shrewsbury and Huntingdon, Lords Hunsdon and Scroope,
Sir John Foster.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 91

SEPTEMBER. 1581.

Letters received from — 29th, Lord Cobham.

Letters sent to — 27th, France; 30th, The Earl of Huntingdon,
Lord Hunsdon, Lord Scroope, Flanders.

OCTOBER. 1581.

Letters received from — 10th, Mr. Sommers; 12th, France, Dover;
13th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 14th, Ireland; 15th, Chester,
Flanders; 18th, Sir John Foster, the Bp. of Durham ; 20th,
Chester, Ireland; 21st, Dover; 22nd, Flanders; 27th, France;
28th, Flanders; 30th, The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 31st, Ireland.

Letters sent to — 9th, The Lieutenant of Dover ; 10th, Mr. Sommers,
France; llth, The Lord Treasurer at Theobalds; 12th,
Ireland; Hth, Flanders, Ireland; 18th, The Earl of Rutland;
19th, Mr. Sommers; 21st, Dover; 23rd, Berwick, Lord
Scroope ; 28th, the Bp. of Durham, the Marshal of Berwick ;
31st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Scroope.

NOVEMBER. 1581.

Letters received from — 1st, Berwick, Mr. Sommers ; 3rd, Mr.
Robert Bowes; 5th, France; 6th, Flanders, Mr. Bowes; 7th,
Berwick, Mr. Bowes; 8th, Dover; 10th, France, Flanders,
Ireland, Chester; llth, Lord Scroope; 13th, Mr. Bowes;
17th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Mr. Beale; 19th, Lord •
Scroope, the Archbp. of Yorjc, the Bp. of Durham; 20th,
France, Mr. Beale; 22nd, The Marshal of Berwick; 24th,
Flanders, the Archbp. of Canterbury; 25th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury, Mr. Beale; 27th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Mr.
Beale.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Rutland; 2nd, The Earl of
Shrewsbury, Chester, France; 3rd, Ireland; 8th, Berwick, to

92 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

stay Mr. Erington, Dover; llth, Flanders, the Earl of Kut-
land, the Archbp. of York, the Bp. of Durham, Dover; 14th,
The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Archbp. of York, the Bishop of
Durham; 15th, The Archbp. of York, the Bp. of Durham;
18th, France; 25th, The Archbp. of York, the Bishop of
Durham.

DECEMBER. 1581.

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Mr. Beale,
Ireland, Mr. Bowes ; 4th, France, the Earl of Shrewsbury ;
5th, Flanders, Mr. Selby, Mr. Bowes; 8th, The Marshal of
Berwick, Mr. Selby; 10th, Sir John Foster; 16th, Mr. Bowes;
17th, France; 20th, The Marshal of Berwick; 21st, Ireland;
22nd, Chester, Lord Cobham; 23rd, Mr. Selby, the Marshal
of Berwick; 24th, France; 27th, France; 29th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury ; 30th, Lord Scroope, Mr. Bowes, Flanders.

Letters sent to — 4th, The Bp. of Durham ; 7th, France ; 8th,
Dover; 9th, Flanders, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Selby; llth, Dover ;
12th, Ireland, Dover; 13th, Dover; 14th, Dover; 15th,
Dover; 17th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 28th, Ireland.

JANUARY. 1582.

Letters received from — 3rd, France; 7th, Dover; 8th, Dover;
9th, Ireland, the Earl of Shrewsbury; llth, Ireland; 12th,
Flanders; 13th, France; 15th, Flanders, Ireland; 16th, Mr.
Bowes; 20th, France; 21st, Chester, Flanders; 22nd,
Ireland; 28th, Flanders; 31st, Mr. Bowes, Lord Scroope.

Letters sent to — 1st, Ireland, Lord Scroope; 4th, France; 6th,
Flanders; 8th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 9th, France; llth,
Ireland, the Earl of Derby, Lord Scroope, the Archbp. of
York, the Bp. of Durham; 13th, Flanders; 20th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; 23rd, Mr. Bowes; 27th, Flanders; 29th, Ireland;
31st, The Bp. of Durham, the Earl of Shrewsbury.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 93

FEBRUARY. 1582.

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Derby; 2nd, France; 3rd,
Flanders; 4th, Ireland, France; 6th, The Earl of Shrewsbury;
7th, Mr. Beverley at Chester, the gentleman porter of Ber-
wick; 9th, Flanders; 10th, Ireland; 16th, France; 17th,
Ireland; 20th, Berwick; 22nd, Berwick; 24th, The Low
Countries; 25th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 26th, France; 28th,
France, Lord Scroope.

Letters sent to — 1st, France, the Earl of Derby, the Archbp. of
York; 2nd, Lord Scroope; 7th and llth, The Low Countries ;
14th, Flanders, France ; 15th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the
gentleman porter of Berwick ; 18th, The Low Countries ;
19th, Berwick ; 21st, Sir Eichard Bukeley, Dover; 25th, Sir
Kichard Bukeley, the Sheriff of Cheshire.

MARCH. 1582.

Letters received from — 3rd, Ireland, Chester, Flanders; 4th, Sir
Richard Bukeley; 7th, France; llth, Lord Scroope; 13th,
Mr. Selby; 15th, Ireland; 16th, France; 17th, Chester; 18th,
Lord Scroope; 19th, Beaurnaris, Ireland, Flanders; 20th,
The Marshal of Berwick; 21st, Flanders; 23rd, Flanders, by
Mr. Rawley; 24th, Chester; 28th, Lord Scroope; 29th,
Dover.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Archbp. of York, the Bp. of Durham;
4th, Flanders; 6th, Lord Scroope, the Earl of Shrewsbury;
8th, France, Ireland; 15th, Chester, the Earl of Derby; 19th,
Rye; 22nd, The Archbp. of York; 26th, Dover; 28th, The
Earl of Shrewsbury; 29th, Ireland, Sir Richard Bukely;
30th, Berwick.

94 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

APRIL. 1582.

Letters received from — 2nd, France, Flanders; 4th, Ireland; 5th,

Ireland; llth, Flanders, Chester, the Earl of Shrewsbury;

18th, Chester, Ireland, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 20th, Ireland;

26th, France; 27th, Flanders; 28th, Lord Scroope; 29th,

Flanders; 30th, The Marshal of Berwick.
Letters sent to — 6th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 7th, France; 26th,

Chester; 27th, France, Berwick; 28th, Ireland, Flanders.

MAY. 1582.

Letters received from — 2nd, Flanders; 5th, Sir John Foster; 6th,
Ireland; 7th, France; 8th, The Marshal of Berwick; 14th,
Ireland; 15th, Ireland; 18th, Flanders, France; 19th, The
Marshal of Berwick, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 20th, The Earl
of Derby; 23rd, Ireland; 26th, The Earl of Shrewsbury;
30th, Berwick; 31st, Flanders.

Letters sent to — 2nd, Ireland; 5th, Flanders; 12th, Dover, Sand-
wich; 16th, The Archbp. of York, the Bp. of Durham;
19th, Dover, Lord Scroope; 24th, Lord Scroope; 25th, The
Earl of Rutland.

JUNE. 1582.

Letters received from — 2nd, Ireland; 3rd, France; 4th, Ireland;

6th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Scroope; 7th, Flanders;

9th, Ireland; 13th, France; 14th, Ireland; 15th, Ireland;

17th, France, Berwick ; 20th, Ireland; 23rd, Flanders; 27th,

Ireland; 28th, Dover; 29th, Ireland; 30th, France, Low

Countries, Germany.
Letters sent to— 7th, France; 17th, the Bp. of Durham; 23rd,

Flanders, Ireland; 25th, Ireland; 26th, Dover, the Earl of

Derby.

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 95

JULY. 1582.

Letters received from — 1st, France; 3rd, The Earl of Shrewsbury,
Lord Scroope; 5th, The Low Countries; 8th, Ireland; 12th,
Lord Cobham, the Low Countries; 15th, Ireland, the Earl of
Shrewsbury; 16th, Lord Scroope; 17th, Lord Willoughby,
the Earl of Shrewsbury, France; 19th, Ireland, the Earl of
Shrewsbury; 22nd, Ireland; 23rd, Berwick; 24th, The Low
Countries; 26th, The Low Countries; 29th, France.

Letters sent to — 2nd, The Low Countries; 4th, France; 7th, The
Low Countries; 8th, Willoughby; 9th, Berwick; 14th, The
Low Countries; 21st, The Low Countries; 24th, France;
25th, Berwick, France; 29th, The Earl of Shrewsbury.

AUGUST. 1582.

Letters received from — 5th, France; 7th, The Earl of Shrews-
bury, the Lord Chamberlain ; 8th, The Low Countries, Sir
Walter Mildmay; 22nd, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl
of Sussex; 29th, Sir Henry Wodrington, Lord Scroope;
30th, Mr. Selby, the Low Countries; 31st, Lord Scroope.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Lord Chamberlain; 2nd, The Earl of
Shrewsbury ; 3rd, Lord Cobham ; 4th, The Low Countries,
Berwick, Sir Walter Mildmay; llth, Flanders; 21st, The
Earls of Sussex and Shrewsbury; 29th, Sir Henry Wod-
rington, Lord Scroope, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 31st, France.

SEPTEMBER. 1582.

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Low
Countries; 2nd, The Lord Willoughby; 3rd, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; 9th, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir George Gary,
Mr. Selby; llth, Sir George Cary, Mr. Bowes; 12th, Sir
John Foster; 13th, Sir George Cary; 18th, Sir Walter Mild-

96 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

may ; 19th, France, Sir Henry Wodrington, the Earl of Rut-
land, Mr. Selby; 21st, Sir George Gary; Mr. Bowes; 22nd,
Sir John Foster ; 24th, Sir George Gary, Mr. Bowes, Sir John
Foster ; 25th, Sir George Gary, Mr. Bowes.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir George Gary, Sir
Walter Mildmay; 2nd, The Low Countries; 8th, France, the
Low Countries, Scotland ; 9th, The Earl of Shrewsbury; llth,
Sir George Gary, Mr. Bowes; 13th, Sir George Gary, the
Earl of Shrewsbury, Sir Walter Mildmay, Sir John Foster,
Mr. Randolphe; 15th, The Marshal of Berwick, Sir George
Gary, Lord Scroope, the Earl of Rutland; 18th, The Lord
Chief Baron; 21st, Sir George Gary, Mr. Bowes ; 22nd, Sir
John Foster, the Low Countries ; 26th, The Earls of Shrews-
bury and Rutland, France.

OCTOBER. 1582.

Letters received from — 1st, Sir George Carey, Mr. Bowes ; 3rd,
Sir George Carey, Mr. Bowes ; 4th, Sir George Carey ; 5th,
Ireland, Sir Walter Mildmay; 9th, France, Scotland; llth,
Sir George Gary, the Low Countries; 12th, Ireland; 15th,
Scotland; 16th, Scotland, Ireland; 22nd, Mr. Bowes; 23rd,
Mr. Bowes.

Letters sent to— 2nd, Ireland; 5th, Mr. Randolph, Ware; 6th, Sir
George Carey, Mr. Bowes; 7th, Sir George Carey, Mr. Ran-
dolphe, Mr. Fanshawe; llth, Sir George Carey; 13th, The
Low Countries; 18th, Mr. Bowes; 19th, France, Lord
Cobham, the Lieutenant of Dover; 20th, The Low Countries;
22nd, The Earl of Shrewsbury.

NOVEMBER. 1582.

Letters received from— 1st, Ireland; 4th, France; 5th, Mr.-Bowes;
6th, Mr. Bowes; llth, Mr. Bowes; 13th, Mr. Bowes; 18th,
Scotland, the Low Countries; 21st, Mr. Bowes; 25th, France;

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 97

26th, The Low Countries; 27th, Dover, Mr. Bowes; 30th,
France, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Shrewsbury.
Letters sent to — 3rd, Ireland; 9th, France, Mr. Bowes; 10th,
Ireland; 15th, Mr. Bowes, Lord Scroope; 16th, Mr. Ran-
dolphe, Lord Cobham ; 18th, The Low Countries; 21st,
Ireland; 26th., The Earl of Shrewsbury ; 28th, France.

DECEMBER. 1582.

Letters received from — 2nd, The Low Countries, Mr. Bowes, the
Archbp. of York, Lord Scroope, the Earl of Rutland; 6th,
The Earl of Huntingdon ; 12th, Mr. Bowes, France; 13th»
Mr. Bowes, Dover, Lord Cobham; 16th, Mr. Bowes; 19th,
Mr. Bowes; 21st, Mr. Bowes; 22nd, The Low Countries,
Ireland; 24th, Mr. Bowes; 26th, Mr. Andersone of New-
castle; 27th, Dover; 28th, Mr. Davison, Mr. Bowes; 29th,
Dover; 30th, Dover, France.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Low Countries ; 2nd, Dover, the Lord
Treasurer ; 3rd, Mr. Bowes, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the
Mayor of Newcastle ; 6th, The Earl of Huntingdon, Ireland ;
llth, The Earl of Huntingdon; 14th, Dover, Lord Cobham,
France; 15th, Mr. Bowes; 17th, Ireland; 25th, Ireland;
27th, Dover, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Anderson ; 28th, Mr. Davison,
Mr. Beale ; 30th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison, Capt. Case, Mr.
Selby.

JANUARY. 1583.

Letters received from — 1st, The Earl of Huntingdon, Capt. Case,
Mr. Selby; 3rd, Sir Henry Wodrington; 4th, Mr. Bowes,
Mr. Selby, the Low Countries, Germany, Mr. Davison ; 5th,
Sir John Foster, Mr. Davison, the Low Countries ; 8th, Sir
George Carey; 10th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison; llth, Flan-
ders, Germany; 12th, Ireland, France, Flanders; 13th, Mr.
Bowes; 14th? France, Scotland; 16th, The Low Countries,

CAMD. SOC. O

98 JOURNAL OF SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM,

Dover; 17th, The Low Countries; 22nd, Mr. Bowes, Mr.
Davison; 24th, Sir W. Russell; 25th^ Mr. Bowes, Mr.
Davison; 26th, The Low Countries; 28th, The Low
Countries, France; 31st, France, Flanders.

Letters sent to — 1st, The Earl of Shrewsbury; 4th, France; 5th,
The Low Countries ; 6th, Sir John Foster, Mr. Randolph ;
8th, Sir George Carey, Dover, Mr. Wotton; 9th, Mr. Bowes,
Mr. Davison; IQth, Flanders, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison; 12th,
Mr. Wotton at Gravesend, Sir George Carey; 17th, Dover;
24th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison ; 26th, The Low Countries ;
27th, Sir John Foster; 29th, Scotland, Dover; 30th, The
Earl of Ormond.

FEBRUARY. 1583.

Letters received from — 2nd, Ireland; 3rd, Lord Scroope, the Low
Countries; 5th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison; 7th, Lord Scroope;
12th, France, Scotland; 16th, The Low Countries, Mr. Bowes,
Mr. Davison; 17th, Mr. Darcy, Ireland; 18th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury; 20th, France, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison, the
Dean of York, Mr. Cheeke ; 21st, The Mayor and Searcher of
Dover; 26th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison; 27th, The Earl of
Derby.

Letters sent to — 4th, Ireland, France; 6th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison,
Lord Scroope, Sir John Foster; 10th, The Low Countries;
14th, The Dean of York, Mr. Cheeke ; 18th, Flanders; 20th,
Scotland ; 23rd, The Mayor and Searcher of Dover, France ;
24th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison; 25th, Lord Scroope; 27th,
Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison.

MARCH 1583.

Letters received from — 2nd, Lord Scroope, Flanders ; 3rd, The
Low Countries, France; 6th, France, Ireland; 10th, Mr.
Bowes, Mr. Davison; 13th, The Low Countries; 14th, Sir

FROM DEC. 1570 TO APRIL 1583. 99

John Foster; 15th, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison; 16th, Lord
Scroope ; 19th, France; 22nd, Mr. Bowes, Mr. Davison, the
Bishop of Durham; 24th, The Low Countries; 25th, Ireland;
26th, Mr. Fenton in Munster; 27th, Mr. Boys in Kent; 29th,
Dover; 30th, France, the Earl of Shrewsbury; 31st, France,
Flanders.

Letters sent to — 2nd, Mr. Davison, Mr. Bowes, Sir John Foster;
4th, Ireland; 5th, The Earl of Ormond; 9th, Mr. Bowes, Mr.
Davison; 14th, France, Scotland; 15th, Lord Cobham; 16th,
The Earl of Shrewsbury, the Low Countries ; 25th, The Earl
of Ormond; 29th, France, Scotland, the Bishop of Durham.

APRIL. 1583.

Letters received from — 3rd, Scotland, the Bp. of Durham, Rouen ;
5th, Mr. Sommers; llth, Ireland; 13th, Mr. Bowes; 14th,
Ireland; 16th, Mr. Sommers; 18th, France, Flanders ; 23rd,
The Earl of Shrewsbury; 24th, Lord Scroope; 28th, The
Earl of Shrewsbury; 29th, Mr. Bowes.

Letters sent to — 4th, France, the Lieutenant of Dover ; 7th, The
Earl of Shrewsbury ; 8th, Dover ; 12th, The Lieutenant of
Dover, the Earl of Rutland; 16th, Scotland, Dover, M. du
Baix; 17th, Flanders; 25th, Mr. Bowes; 26th, The Earl of
Shrewsbury.

FINIS.

INDEX.

Abbeville, 3

Aberstain, 21

Abingdon, 21

Acskin, Alexander, 8

Acton, 20

Admiral of England; see

Clinton, Lord
of France ; see

Coligny
Admiralty, Judge of, 2

officers of, 18

Advocate Fiscal, 22
Alen9on, Duke of; see

Anjou, Francis, Duke of
Alost, 46
Altoun, Mr. 27
Amiens, 3
Anjou, Francis, Duke of, 37,

38, 39, 40, 44, 45, 46, 48
» Henry, Duke of; see

Henry III. K. of France
Antoine, Mons. 13
Antwerp, St. George's

Church at, 1
Argyle, Countess of, 22
Arnolde, Mr. Richard, 20
Artus, Mons. 10
Astloe, D. 1
Attorney General; see Ger-

rarde, Sir Gilbert
Aubigny, Baron of, 15, 16,29
Austria, Don John of, 29, 33,

34,36

Bacon, Sir Nicholas, Lord

Keeper, 19, 34
Bacqueville, Mons. de, 46
Bagshot, 21
Baix, Mons. du, 46, 48
Balford, Duncan, 6
Bardte, — , 28
Barn Elms, Walsingham's

house at, 38, 39, 40, 43,

44, 45, 46, 47, 48
Barrate, Mr. 32

Bashe, Mr. 27, 37
Bataille, Mons. 10
Bath, 20
Battersea, 22
Baynard, Mons. 12
Beale, Kobert, sent into

France, 4, 6, 10

sent into Hol-

land, 25, 26

sent into Ger-

many, 32, 34

sent to the

Queen of Scots, 44, 48
Bedford, Francis Russell,

Earl of, 6, 21, 41, 42
Beddington, 25
Benigfeilde, Mr. 5
Berkeley Hearne, 20
Berwick, 19
Beutrecke, Dr. 34, 35
Bewdley, 23
Bipons, Duke of; see Zwei-

briicken
Blois, 11, 12
Blont, Mr. 6
Blunt, Mr. 27
Bogg, James, 6
Bonham, Mr. 20
Bordesire, Mons. de, 9
Boulogne, 2

Governor of; see

Calliac

Bourbon, Charles de, Cardi-
nal, 8

Henry de, Prince

of Conde, 39

Francis de, Prince

of Dauphin e, 41
Bournouzel, Mons. de, 2, 4
Bowes, Robert, 33, 38, 40
Boy sot, Mons. 19
Brandenburg, John George

Marquis of, 35
Breteuil, 3
Bricknar, Thomas, 6

Briquemault, Mons. de, 3, 4,
5, 10

Brisson, Barnabe, 42

Bristol, 20, 22

Brockethall, 23, 27

Brockenburie, Mr. 21

Bromley, Sir Thomas, Soli-
citor General, 24

Brossier, Florest, servant of
Queen of Scots, 9

Browne, Sir Valentine, 19
Christopher, 19

Bruges, 38

Brunkerd, Mr. 20

Brune, — , 40

Buckhurst, Thomas Sack-

ville, Lord, 45
Burford, 20
Burghley; see Cecil
Butler, Mr. 27
Buy, Mons. de, 40
Byfleet, 28

Calliac, Monsieur and Ma-
dame de, 2, 6
Cammelle, William, 8
Canterbury, 1, 2, 41, 45
Carew, Mr. 25
Carnavalet, Madame, 8
Cartwright, Mr. 9
Cary, Sir George, 46, 47
Cassel, Archbishop of, 6, 7
Castelnau-Mauvissiere,
Michel de, 24, 36, 42
Castruzzi, Ambassador from

Lucca, 3

Cavalcanti, Guido, 8, 10, 13
Cavannes, Mons. de, 11, 12
Cecil, Sir Wm., Secretary of
State 1558, Lord Burgh-
ley 1571, Lord Treasurer
1572, 1, 2, 11, 12, 14, 15,
17, 20, 24, 27, 41, 42, 43
Chamberlain, Lord; see
Sussex, Earl of

INDEX.

101

Chamberlaine, Sir Thos. 20
Champagny, Mons. 25
Chandos, Lady, 20
Changy, Mons. de, 9
Charles IX. King of France,
3, 4, 9, 10, 11, 14

• - enters Paris, 5

- is hurt, 8

his death, 18

Chartres, Vidame of, Jean

de Ferriere, 4, 5, 6, 7, 16
Chastillon, Cardinal; see

Coligni, Odet de

Madame, 13

Chene, du, of Brittany, 7

Chester, Capt. 28

Cheyneys, 27

Cirarcham, 20

Cipion; see Sardigni

Clapton, Mr. 12

Clark, James, 6

Clark, Mr. 21

Clermont, 3, 6

Clinton, Edward Lord, Lord

High Admiral, 25, 32, 41,

42, 46

Cloud, St. 7
Cobham, William Brooke,

Lord, 15, 20, 33, 38
Cobham, Mr. 6, 9
Coligni, Odet de, Cardinal

of Chastillon, 1, 2
Gaspard de, Admiral

of France, 11
Colvile, Mr. 47, 48
Compton, Henry, Lord, 36
Conde, Herrie de, 8
• Prince of; see Bour-
bon, Henry de
Corbeil, 8
Cosse, Arthur, Marshal of

France, 41
Cotherer, Mr. 28
Cotton, Sir Thomas, 7
Council of Queen Elizabeth,

1, 14,15,16,17,18,19,20,

21, 22, 32, 33, 44
Count Palatine; see Rhine
Coventry, 23

Cox, Ric. Bishop of Ely, 15
Cray ford, a Scot, 20
Cremer, Mr. a German, 11
Cromer, Mr. 45

Dale, Dr. Valentine, 19, 27,28

Dale, Dr. Valentine, Master
of the Requests, 29

Dannett, Mr. 5, 11

Dantzig, 14, 15

Darcy, Mr. 48

Dartford, 45

Dauphine, see Bourbon,
Francis de

Davison, William, 25, 29, 31,
36, 47, 48

Denis, St. 3, 4, 6, 13

Denmark, 31, 33, 46

King of, Frederic

11.30

Ambassador of, 46

Denye, Henry, 8
Digby, 11, 13
Dillon, Mr. 43
Douglas, Mr. 4
Doure, Madame, 12
Dover, 2, 20, 21, 22, 41, 45

Mayor of, 16, 17

Drewry, Sir Wm. 20
Drisdalle, John, 8
Dutton, Mr. 20

Egerton, Mr. 22

Elizabeth, Queen, of Eng-
land, 1, 2, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17,
18, 24, 25, 29, 30, 31, 33,
34, 35, 36, 38, 42, 47, 48
bull published

against, 5

• progresses of, 19,
20, 21, 22, 26, 27, 28, 32,
37, 39, 40, 45

treaty for mar-

riage of, 41, 42
Elizabeth, Queen of France,

5,6,7

Ely,Bp.of; see Cox, Richard
Errington, Mr. 44
Essex, Walter Devereux,

Earl of, 16, 22
Estampes, 12
Eton College, 32

Famar, Mons. de, 30, 32, 34
Fant, Mr. 12
Farnham, 21, 28
Farnihurst, Lord of, 21
Faversham, 45
Fenelon; see Motte Fenelon
Fenton, Mr. 40
Fergeson, — , 19

Ferrara, 2

Fitz-William, Sir Wm. Lord
Deputy of Ireland, 13, 16

Flanders; see Low Countries

Fletewood, William, Re-
corder of London, 14

Florence, Ambassador of, 4,
6,9

Flushing, 25

Governor of, 15

Foix, Mons. de, French Se-
cretary, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11
going to

England, 10
Fortescue, Mr. 17
Foster, Sir John, 15, 21
France, 2, 19, 21, 22, 26, 27,
28, 37, 39, 40, 43

• — King of; see Charles

IX., Henry III.
Queen of; see Eliza-
beth

Treaty with, 42

Ambassadors of, 1,

14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 24,
41, 42, 45

Franchatto, Capt. 12
Fremmige, Mr. 32
Frobisher, Martin, 32
Fuket, Breton merchant, 11
Fulham, 17, 19, 21, 22

Gaillon, 8, 9
Gascoigne, Mr. 29
Gastel, Mons. 29, 30, 33
Gelais-Lansac, Louis de St.

42

Generall, Mons. 15
Geneva, 9, 47
Germany, 14, 28, 32, 33, 34,

35, 46

Gerrarde, Sir Gilbert, At-
torney-General, 17
Gerrarde, Sir Wm. Lord

Chancellor of Ireland, 33,

34,37

Ghent, Viscount of, 31
Gifforde, Walsingham's

cousin, 21
Gloucester, 20
Gondi, Albert de, Duke of

Retz, 4, 5, 36, 37
Good, Dr. 1
Goodwin, Sir John, 24
Gorhambury, 27

102

INDEX.

Grafton, 23
Gravesend, 2, 41, 43
Greenwich, 17, 18, 19, 23, 25,

26, 31, 35, 37, 43, 45, 47
Grenill, Mr. 45
Gresham, Sir Thomas, 17,

25

Grey, Arthur, Lord, 17
Guernsey, 17

Captain of, 15

Guion, Harry, 7

Hallingbury Morley, 27
Hampton Court, 16, 17, 21,

24,28,33,42
Hanson, Barney Will, 8
Harbart, Mr. 25
Harcot, — , 9, 11
Haselbury, 20
Hatfield, 27
Hatton, Sir Christopher,

Vice-Chamberlain, 41,

42,47

Hauker, Mr. 20
Haukin, Koger, 7
Havrech, Marquis of, 32, 33,

34, 35, 36
Havering, 26
Hawes, Sir James, Lord

Mayor of London, 21
Henneage, Sir Thomas, 37
Henry III. King of France,

7, 8, 10, 25, 33, 36, 37,

43
Henry III. King of Navarre,

10, 28, 33, 34, 46, 47
Heriot, James and Walter, 6
Hertford, 27
Edward Seymour,

Earl of, 41
Hoddesdon, Mr. 28
Holland, 25, 28

Deputies of, 25

Hollingshed, Mr. 4
Horsey, Capt. 29, 30
Hudson, Mr. 27
Hunsdon, Henry Carev,

Lord, 33

Huntingdon, Henry Hast-
ings, Earl of , 14,19

Ireland, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 37,

40,43
Lord Chancellor of;

see Gerrarde, Sir William

Ireland, Lord Deputy of, see
Fitzwilliam, Sir William;
Sidney, Sir Henry

Jacomo, 9

James VI. King of Scotland,

2,47

James's, St. 23, 26
Jenkinson, Mr. 31, 33

Keeper, Lord; see Bacon

Sir Nicholas
Keyre, Henry, 10
Killigrew, Mr. 12,13, 19,22

Henry, 18, 21

— William, 18

Killingworth, 23
Kinsbery, 34
Knowles, Mr. 23

Landeschadius, 35, 36
Langley, 20, 23
Languet, Hubert, 3, 8, 9, 10
Lansac ; see Gelais Lansac
Lastall, 15
Lay ton, Mr. 18
Lebaulxin, Mons. 33
Leicester, Kobert Dudley,

Earl of, 2, 8,12,13,14,21,

24,30,32,37,41,42,45,47
his house, 25, 30,

35, 37

Leighton, Capt. 19, 34, 35
Lennox, Esme Stewart, Lord

of Aubigny, Duke of, 47
Leslie, John, Bp. of Koss, 1,

14,15

Levenet, Mr. 22
Lichfield, 23
Lobetun, Mr. 8
London, 2, 17, 18, 22, 23, 24,

25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 34,

35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 43,

44, 45; 48

Lord Mayor of; see

Hawes, Sir James
Lopus, Mons. 12
Lorraine, Charles Duke of, 5
Claude Duchess

of, 7

St. 12

Louviers, 9

Low Countries, the, 22, 25,
28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35,
36, 38, 40, 41, 45, 48

Low Countries, Ambas-
sadors of; see Aubigny,
Havrech

Lucca, 3

Ambassador from;

see Castruzzi

Ludo, Count, 11

Luyfort, 3

Lysie, Mons. de, 11

Mallet, Mons. 47

Mally, Mons. de, Governor

of Montreuil, 3
Mantes, 8, 9

Mantua, earthquake at, 2
Marchaumont, Pierre

Clausse, 41
Mares Navires< 10
Margaret, Lady, da. of Henry

II. King of France, 7
Marmillees, Mons. de, 6
Marseilles, Englishmen at,10
Martein, Lady, 20
Martiningo, house of, 12
Martinius, Mons. 12
Mary, Queen of Scotland, 8,

14, 44, 48
is in, i

her ser-

vants, 8, 9

Master of Requests ; see Dale
Mauvissiere; see Castelnau
Meaux, 10
Medicis, Catherine de, 3, 4,

5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 16,

18

Melun, 10, 11
Mendoza, Bernardin de, 35,

36, 43, 44, 45
Michel, Eowland, 13
Middelburg, 17
Milton, 24
Monceaux, 10
Montereau, 10
Montgomery, Gabriel Count,

15,16

his death, 19

Montlhery, 12

Montreuil, 2, 3, 4

Mony, Madame de, 6, 8

Moore, Sir Wm. 28

Moors, the, 1, 2

Morton, James Douglas, Earl

of, Regent of Scotland, 2,

33

INDEX.

103

Motte Fenelon, Bertrand de
Salignac de la, 42, 47, 48

Mottisfont, 21

Mouns, French Captain, 2, 3

Murray, James Stewart, Earl
of, Regent of Scotland,
13,19

Navarre, Prince of, King of;

see Henry
. Ambassador of; see

Segur-Pardaillan
Neville, Sir Henry, 19
Nevers, Lewis of Gonzaga,

Duke of, 5
Newellme, 19
Nicolas, Thomas, 22
Nicosia, taken by the Turks, 1
Noble, John de, 13
Nonsuch, 22, 25, 43, 44
Norfolk, Justices of, 14
Norris, Sir Henry, 1, 3, 4
North, Roger Lord, 21, 22
Northumberland, Henry

Percy, Earl of, 42
Nolle, Francis de la, 10, 38
Noyon, Madame de, 11, 13

Oatlands, 21, 32, 39
Obigni, Baron de; see Au-

bigny

Obinees, Madame d', 11
Odiham, 21, 23, 24, 28, 33
Olivares, Count, 5, 6
Orange, William Prince of,

3, 17, 26, 29, 30, 32, 34
Orleans, 12
Oxford, 24

Edw. de Vere, Earl

of, 12, 20

Pardaillan; see Segur
Paris, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11,
12,13

bridge of St.

Estienne at, 5

Parliament, 41, 44
Parmenter, Mr. 20
Paulet, Sir Amias, 27
Pembroke, Henry Herbert,

Earl of, 42

Perrot, Sir John, 17, 18
Philip II. King of Spain, 1,

5, 34, 35
Piles, Armand de Clermont,

11

Pinard, Claude, French Se-
cretary of State, 9, 42, 44
Pine, Mons. de, 12, 13, 28
Piquenel, 3
Pirates, 33
Pius V. 1

Plessis-Mornay, Philip de, 39
Poines, Sir Nicholas, 20
Poissy, 7, 8, 9
Poland, Ambassador of, 47
Polixena, Lady, 32
Pope, the ; see Pius V.
Portas, Mr. 9
Portugal, 29

King of; see Se-

bastian

Ambassador of, 28
Prayner, Baron of , 31
Prigny, 8
Purford, 28, 46
Putney, 22, 35

Radcliffe, Mr. 26
Ramus, Mons. 13
Randolphe, Thomas, 25, 26,

34, 36, 40
Raning, Mons. 7
Reade, Capt. 19
Reading, 19, 28
Recorder, Mr.; see Flete-

wood

Rety House, Paris, 5
Retz, Duke of; see Gondi
Rhine, Counts Palatine of:

Frederic III. 14, 15, 28

Frederic IV. 46

Casimir, 34, 36
Richmond, 19, 31, 32, 40, 44
Rochester, 41, 45
la Rocque, 46
Rodolph II. Emperor, 30

Ambassador of;

see Prayner
Rogers, Daniel, 31, 33, 34, 35
Roissy, 10
Romagna, the, 2
Ross, Bp. of ; see Leslie, John
Rosse, John de, 13
Rouen, 6

Rowlande, the post, 6
Rowles, — ,14
Russia, Ambassador of, 47
Rutland, Edw. Manners Earl

of, 4, 7, 11
Rye, Mayor of, 17

St. Alban's, 27
St. Germains, 4, 10
Salisbury, 20, 21
Saluzzo, Marquis of, 4
Sandes, Mr. 27
Sandwich, 45
Sanniers, 10
Sardigni, Madame Scipion,

11, 13

Savoy, Ambassador of, 40
Saxony, John Frederick,

Duke of, 3
Scotland, 2, 18, 21, 34, 36,

38, 40, 44, 46, 47, 48
King of; see

James VI.
Queen of; see

Mary
Regent of; see

Murray, Earl of; Morton,

Earl of
Ambassador of, in

France, 4, 7, 11
Seaton, George Lord, 4, 6
Sebastian, K. of Portugal, 47
Secretary of State; see Cecil,

Walsingham
Segur-Pardaillan, Jacques

de, 33, 34
Shaford, 28
Sheffield, 44
Sherington, Mr. .20
Shute, Capt. 15
Sidney, Sir Henry, Lord

Deputy of Ireland, 37
Sir Philip, 30, 31

Signet, Clerks of the, 14
Sittingbourne, 2, 41, 45
Sled, Mr. 24
Smyth, Sir John, 29, 31
Smythe, Sir Thomas, 13, 27
Solicitor, Mr. ; see Bromley,

Sir Thomas

Somerset, Duchess of, 32
Somerset House, 41, 42
Sommers, Mr. 48
Soubize, Madame de, 11
Spain, 1, 2, 6, 9, 29, 31, 35

K. of; see Philip II.

Ambassador of, in

France, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12
Stafford, 23

Sir Edward, 28, 37,

39,40
Staines, 32

104

INDEX.

Star Chamber, 17, 19, 39

Starford, 27

Stoke, 20

Stokes, Mr. 38

Stonarde, Mr. 27

Stoner, Mr. 43

Stratford, 26

Sudeley, 20

Sunninghill, 39, 40

Sussex, Thomas Katcliffe
Earl of, Lord Chamber-
lain, 32, 41, 42, 45

Sute; see Shute

Sutton, Alexander, 6

Sweveghem, Count, 21 , 22, 29

Swinton, George, 6

Taffi, servant of the Prince

of Orange, 3
Taffin, Mons. 29
Talbot, Mr. 12
Tamworth Castle, 23
Teligni, Charles de, 10 Us
Theobald's, 27, 37
Thomas, Ric. 7
Tomaso, Captain, 9, 13
Tottenham, 36
Toury, 12

Trant, Marquis of, 4
Traves, Marquis of, 7
Treasurer, Lord; see Cecil
Tuffin, Mons. 12, 13
Turks, the, 1
Tuscany, Ambassador of, 10,

12,13

Tutbury, 1
Venice, 1

Ambassador of, 3,

Hat-

10,11

Vernon, 8, 9
Vice-chamberlain; se

ton, Christopher
Villiclere, Count, 12
Villiers, Mr. 22
Vincennes, Bois de, 7
Vray, Jacques du, Secretary

of theDuke of Anj ou, 38, 42

Walday, Mr. 13
Wallop, Sir Henry, 21
Walsingham, Sir Francis,
goes to France, 2, 43

is sworn Se-

cretary of State, 13

. is ill, 18

his wife, 6, 7,

20, 22, 32

his house in
London, 34 ; see also Barn-
elms

Wanstead, 37

Warcop, Mr. 14

Warwick, 23

Waterfisshe, , 16

Waterhouse, Mr. 17, 37

Wentworth, , 23

Westminster, 18

Whitehall, 16, 25, 30, 44

Wickham, 24

Wight, Isle of, 31
Wilkes, Thomas, 35, 36
Williams, Walter, 8, 13, 41
Willoughby d'Eresby, Pere-
grine Berty, Lord of, 46
Wilson, Dr. 22, 28, 31
Wilton, 20
Winchester, 21

John Paulet

Marquis of, 21
Windsor, 19, 24, 27, 28, 32,

33,47
Winter, George, 31

Sir William, 26

Wolverhampton, 23
Wood, Mr. 13
Woodstock, 19, 20, 23, 24
Worcester, 23

William Somer-

set, Earl of, 41
Wrothe, Mr. 36

Yetsweirt, Nicasius, 28

Yonge, Mr. 26

York, President of; see
Huntingdon, Henry Hast-
ings, Earl of

Yorke, Rowland, 36

Zealand, 26
Zolcher, 46

Zweibriicken, John Duke of,
35,36

Westminster: Printed by J. B. Nichols and Sons, 25, Parliament Street.

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL

OF

THE CAMDEN SOCIETY,

READ AT THE GENERAL MEETING
ON THE 2ND MAY 1870.

THE Council of the Camden Society elected on the 1st May 1869 has
to regret the loss which the Society has sustained during the past year
by the death of some of its oldest and most valued Members, as the
following List will show: —

REV. JOHN BESLY, D.C L.

LEONARD SHELFORD BIDWELL, Esq., F.S.A.

THE REV. GUY BRYAN, M.A., F.S.A.

THE RIGHT REVEREND THE LORD BISHOP OF CHICHESTER.

THE LORD FOLEY.

SIR C. WENTWORTH DILKE, Bart., LL.B.

JOHN SMITH, Esq.

THE LORD TAUNTON.

THE REV. JAMES HENTHORN TODD, D.D., M.R.I.A.

THE MARQUESS OF WESTMINSTER.

SIR CHARLES G. YOUNG, Garter, F.S.A.

To this List has to be added the name of the late Director of the
Society, MR. BRUCE, who, from the 2nd March, 1838, the day on which the
Society was founded, up to the moment of his sudden and lamented
death on the 28th of October last, may be said to have been the ruling
spirit of the Society. There were many reasons why this should have been
so. His thorough acquaintance with the objects for which the Society
was established fitted him in an eminent degree to advise the Council in
its choice of publications. His thorough business habits enabled him to
order the financial arrangements of the Society on the basis which has
done so much to ensure its permanency ; while his general good judgment,

2 REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1870.

courtesy, and temper secured ready attention to his suggestions, and gained
for him the warm personal regard of all who were associated with him.
He was the first Treasurer, and for nineteen years the Director, of the
Society. He edited its first publication, which was followed up by a dozen
others, many of them among the most valuable contributions to our
National History which the Society has given to the world ; and, in addi-
tion, he contributed several papers to the Miscellany, and rendered valu-
able assistance in the preparation of a large proportion of other volumes
of the Camden publications. In Mr. Bruce every member of the Society
has been deprived of one to whom he was personally indebted ; while his
loss will long be mourned by all who had the happiness to enjoy the
friendship of a man who was no less distinguished as an accomplished
scholar than as a Christian gentleman.

The following Books have been issued to the Members since the last
Meeting : —

I. A Spanish Account of the Proposed Marriage between Charles Prince of
Wales and the Infanta ; by Francisco de Jesus. Edited, with a Translation, by
SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, Esq.

The value of this work will be at once recognised when it is stated that
it may be considered as the first argument from the Spanish side on the
subject of this important event, and that the evidence of MSS. preserved
in the archives of Simancas shows that it may be safely regarded as a
trustworthy narrative of the facts of the case as they would naturally
appear to a Spanish Catholic.

This was followed by

II. Notes taken by Sir John Borough, Garter King of Arms, of the Treaty
carried on at Ripon between King Charles I. and the Covenanters of Scotland, A.D.
1640. Edited by JOHN BRUCE, Esq. F.S A.

in which the late Director gave the Society the first fruits of his researches
among the historical records at Crowcombe Court. The document is in
itself of great interest, but its value has been considerably enhanced by the
Editor's preface, which is one of those instructive and exhaustive essays

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1870. 3

which, like the prefaces to his Calendars of State Papers, serve to show
how much English history would have gained had he made one period of
it the subject of a distinct and original work.

This was followed by

III. Churchwardens' Accounts of the Town of Ludlow from the 27th Henry VIII.
(1540) to the end of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. Edited by THOMAS WRIGHT,
Esq. M.A. F.S.A.

which, though chiefly of interest to local antiquaries, is not without its
peculiar value for students of our Church History and Social Progress.

The works which it is proposed to issue to the Members during the
ensuing year are

I. Henry Elsynge's Notes of Proceedings in the House of Lords during the
session of 1621. From the original MSS. in the possession of Colonel Carew, of
Crowcombe Court, Somerset. To be edited by SAMUEL R. GARDINER, Esq.

II. Letters and Papers of John Shillingford, Mayor of Exeter A.D. 1447 — 1450,
To be edited by STEWART A. MOORE, Esq.

HI. A Collection of Original Letters of the Trevelyan Family. To be edited by
Sir WALTER TREVELYAN, Bart., from the originals in the possession of the.
Editor.

By Colonel Carew's kind permission copies are being taken of the
remaining volumes of Elsynge's Notes extending over the Parliaments of
1624, 1626, and the first session of the Parliament of 1628, and throwing
new light upon the Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham and the
Petition of Right.

The following Works have been added to the list of Suggested Publi-
cations during the past year : —

I. A Series of Letters of the time of James the First, from the original MSS.
formerly belonging to Mr. John Packer, secretary to the Duke of Buckingham, now
in the possession of the Honourable G. M. Fortescue. To be edited by SAMUEL
RAWSON GARDINER, Esq.

II. The Examination of Wycherley, a Conjuror in the time of Edward VI. from
the original in the Lansdowne Library in the British Museum. To be edited by
Dr. RIMBAULT.

4 REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1870.

IJI. The Life of William Whittingham, Dean of Durham, from a MS. in the
Ashmolean Library. To be edited by Mrs. Everett Green.

The Council have great satisfaction in announcing to the Members
that the General Index to the first hundred volumes of the Society's
publications is making steady, and, looking to the nature and character of
the work, rapid progress. Mr. Gough, to whose experienced hands the
labour has been entrusted, reports that the Index to forty of the Volumes
is completed ; that seventeen others are in various states of progress ;
while forty-three are not commenced. He considers that one half of his
labour is performed, and hopes that the latter half may be even more
rapidly accomplished. The extent to which the value and utility of the
Camden publications will be increased by means of this General Index
are too obvious to call for comment, and the Council anticipates with
great satisfaction the completion of this important work.

The Council of last year congratulated the Society on the issue of a
Royal Commission for the inspection of Historical Documents in private
hands, as calculated to give an impetus to the cause in which this Society
feels so deep an interest. That Commission has issued its first Report,
and the satisfaction with which this Society looked upon the establishment
of the Commission is more than justified by its results. The vast mass
of historical papers which the Historical Documents Commission has
brought under public notice is enormous. Some of these may possibly be
printed by the Government; but there is little doubt that many may owe
their publication to the skill of Camden Editors and the funds of the
Camden Society.

In view of the work before them the Council has great satisfaction in
being able to refer to the Report of the Auditors for proof of the improved
financial condition of the Society.

Signed, by order of the Council,

SAMUEL R. GARDINER, Director.

WILLIAM J. THOMS. Hon. Sec.
Dated the 30th April 1870.

REPORT OF THE AUDITORS.

, the Auditors appointed to audit the Accounts of the Camden Society,
to the Society, that the Treasurer has exhibited to us an Account of the Receip
Expenditure from the 1st of April 1869 to the 31st of March 1870, and th
have examined the said accounts, with the vouchers relating thereto, and find the
to be correct and satisfactory.

And we further report that the following is an Abstract of the Receipt
Expenditure during the period we have mentioned.

RECEIPTS.

£ s. d.

To Balance of last year'saccount. . 119 15 0

Received on account of Members
whose Subscriptions were in ar-
rear at last Audit 85 0 0

The like on account of Subscriptions

due on the 1st of May, 1869.... 232 0 0

The like on account of Subscriptions

due on the 1st of May, 1870. ... 16 0 0

To one Composition in lieu of An-
nual Subscription (H. Gough) .. 10 0 0

One year's dividend on £1016 3 1
3 per Cent. Consols, standing in
the names of the Trustees of the
Society, deducting Income Tax.. 2917 0

To Sale of the Publications of past

years 33 7 7

To Sale of Promptorium Parvulorum

(3 vols. in 1) 4 18 0

£530 17 7

EXPENDITURE.

Paid for 2 Woodcuts, Dingley's History from Marble

Paid for printing 500 copies, Vol. 100, Treaty at
Ripon

Paid for binding 400 copies of ditto

Paid for printing 500 copies, Vol. 101, Spanish Mar-
riage Treaty

Paid for binding 500 copies of ditto ,

Paid for printing 500 copies Vol. 102, Churchwardens'
Accounts at Ludlow

Paid for binding 400 copies of ditto

Paid for binding 50 copies, Vol. 75, State Papers re-
lating to Milton

Paid for Paper

Paid for Miscellaneous Printing

Paid for delivery and transmission of Books, with
paper for wrappers, warehousing expenses, &c. (in-
cluding Insurance)

Paid for Advertisements

Paid for Transcripts

Paid for postage of Reports circulated

Paid Mr. H. Gough (further payment on account of
General Index)

Paid for postages, tin box for papers, collecting,

country expenses, &c

By Balance

4(

121
2(

5(

21

111
5i

And we, the Auditors, further state, that the Treasurer has reported to us
over and above the present balance of £53 Js. Sd. there are outstanding variou
scriptions of Foreign Members, and of Members resident at a distance from Lc
which the Treasurer sees no reason to doubt will shortly be received.

30th April, 1870.

HEN. HILL. ")
J. W. COSENS. 3

Audi

FOR THE iw/AS«SiiTfli«i*. f /x^rvv// PUBLICATION OF

Oferlj §fet0riral and Sitmrg

SIR WILLIAM TITE, M.P., F.R.S-, V.P.S.A.

(ZTouttctl.

ELECTED MAY 1, 1870.

WILLIAM CHAPPELL, ESQ. F.S.A., Treasurer.
JOHN PAYNE COLLIER, ESQ. F.S.A.
WILLIAM DURRANT COOPER, ESQ. F.S.A.
JOHN FORSTER, ESQ. D.C.L.
EDWARD Foss, ESQ. F.S.A.
SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, ESQ , Director.
THE VEN. ARCHDEACON HALE, D.D.
SIR JOHN MACLEAN, F.S.A.

FREDERIC OUVRY, EsQ.Treas. S.A.
EDWARD RIMBAULT, ESQ. LL.D.
EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ. M.A., F.S.A.'
WILLIAM J. THOMS, ESQ. F.S.A., Secretary.
THE VERY REV. THE DEAN OF WESTMINSTER,

F.S.A.

SIR THOMAS E. WINNINGTON, BART.
SIR ALBERT W. WOODS, Garter, F.S.A.

W. F. COSENS, ESQ. | J. WTALTER K. EYTON, ESQ. F.S.A. | HENRY HILL, ESQ. F.S.A.

trustees.

C. P. COOPER, ESQ. Q.C. | J. P. COLLIER, ESQ. F.S.A.

MESSRS. HERRIES, FARQUHAR, and Co. 16, St. James's Street.

THE CAMDEN SOCIETY

is instituted to perpetuate, and render accessible, whatever is valuable, but hitherto
little known, amongst the materials for the Civil, Ecclesiastical, or Literary Historv of
the United Kingdom; and it accomplishes that object by the publication of Historical
Documents, Letters, Ancient Poems, and whatever else lies within the compass of its
design, in the most convenient form, and at the least possible expense consistent with the
production of useful volumes.

The Subscription to the Society is £1 per annum, which becomes due in advance on
the first day of May in every year, and is received by MESSRS. NICHOLS, 25, PARLIA-
MENT STREET, or by the several LOCAL SECRETARIES. No Books for the year are
delivered until the Subscription has been paid. Members may compound for their
future Annual Subscriptions by the payment of £10 over and above the Subscription
for the current year. The compositions received have been funded in the Three per
Cent. Consols to an amount exceeding £1,000.

New Members are admitted at the Meetings of the Council held on the first Wednes-
day in every month. W. J. THOMS, Honorary Secretary.

A General Index to the First Hundred Volumes of the Camden Society's Publications is preparing.

DA
20
C17
no. 104

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cPublications3

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