2 Lib r is.

annary, 1878.

THE CAMDEN MISCELLANY,

VOLUME THE SEVENTH:

CONTAINING

TWO SERMONS PREACHED BY THE BOY-BISHOP, ONE AT ST.
PAUL'S, TEMP. HENRY VIII., THE OTHER AT GLOUCESTER, TEMP.
MARY.

SPEECH OF SIR ROBERT HEATH IN THE CASE OF ALEXANDER
LEIGHTON.

NOTES ON THE JUDGMENT DELIVERED BY SIR GEORGE CROKK
IN THE CASE OF SHIP-MONEY.

LETTERS RELATING TO THE MISSION OF SIR THOMAS ROE TO
GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS 1629-30.

RECEIPTS AND EXPENSES IN THE BUILDING OF BODMIN CHURCH
1469 TO 1472.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXXV.

Dft

2,0

07

h, s,
no, 11

. 3

WESTMINSTER:

. PRINTED BY J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS,
25, PARLIAMENT STREET.

[NEW SERIES xiv.]

COUNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY

. %

FOR THE YEAR 1875-76.

President,

THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF VERULAM, F.R.G.S.

WILLIAM CHAPPELL, ESQ. F.S.A., Treasurer,

WILLIAM DURRANT COOPER, ESQ. F.S.A.

HENRY CHARLES COOTE, ESQ. F.S.A.

JAMES GAIRDNER, ESQ.

SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, ESQ., Director.

WILLIAM GILBERT, ESQ.

FRANK SCOTT HAYDON, ESQ.

WILLIAM OXENHAM HEWLETT, ESQ.

ALFRED KINGSTON, ESQ., Secretary.

SIR JOHN MACLEAN, F.S.A.

FREDERIC OUVRY, ESQ. V.P. S.A.

REV. W. SPARROW SIMPSON, D.D. F.S.A.

JAMES SPEDDING, ESQ.

WILLIAM JOHN THOMS, ESQ. F.S.A.

J. R. DANIEL-TYSSEN, ESQ. F.S.A.

The COUNCIL of the CAMDEN SOCIETY desire it to be under-
stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa-
tions that may appear in the Society's publications ; the Editors
of the several Works being alone responsible for the same.

TWO SERMONS

PKEACHED BY

THE BOY BISHOP

AT

ST. PAUL'S, TEMP. HENRY VIII., AND AT GLOUCESTER, TEMP. MARY.

EDITED BY JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, F.S.A.

WITH AN INTRODUCTION GIVING AN ACCOUNT

OP

THE FESTIVAL OF THE BOY BISHOP

IN ENGLAND,
BY EDWARD F. RIMBAULT, LL.D.,

&c., &c.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXXV.

TO THE READER.

THE subject of the following pages, it is well known, for many
years engaged the attention of the late Mr. John Gough Nichols,
who desired to give an exhaustive account of one of the most
ancient and interesting festivals of our forefathers — interesting on
many accounts, but particularly so from its bearing upon the
education of our early choristers. Unfortunately Mr. Nichols did
not live to carry out his intentions. Had he done so, the members
of the Camden Society would have been in possession of a far
different work from that now presented to them.

Mr. Nichols had made considerable collections for a history of
the festival of the Boy Bishop throughout Europe, but, upon these
papers being handed over to me, it was found that they were
jottings, to be investigated at leisure, and would take months, nay
perhaps years, to work out with any degree of satisfaction. Under
these circumstances all that could be done was to confine my
remarks to the Boy Bishop in England — a subject to which I had
given some little attention — and to prefix them to the two Sermons
which Mr. Nichols had already prepared for the press. In so
doing I have availed myself of several of that gentleman's remarks,

iv TO THE READER.

which are duly acknowledged in their proper places. I have also
prefixed a short bibliographical and biographical preface to the
Sermons, and have added a curious document (found among Mr.
Nichols's papers) as an Appendix. For the few notes to the latter,
the members are indebted to the late Dr. Rock, the learned author
of u The Church of our Fathers.'5 And I may refer the reader to
Brand's Popular Antiquities a for some general information on the
subject.

To my kind friend William Chappell, Esq., F.S.A., I must
express my obligations for his translation of part of the York
Computus (pp. 11-15), which Mr. Nichols had left unfinished, and
for many valuable suggestions throughout the work.

EDWARD F. EIMBAULT.

29, St. Mark's Crescent, Regent's Park, N.W.
Midsummer 1875.

ft Vol. 1, ed/1849, p. 421.

INTRODUCTION.

IN the middle ages festivities were a part of human existence
into which all classes entered with hearty interest. The song and
the dance, and the rude drama, were not confined within the walls
of the hall or theatre, but they were familiar to the public ear and
the public gaze in the open market-place and at the corners of
the streets. They were attendant on the processions of the Church
and the pageantry of the guilds, and regularly succeeded the more
important business of life as one day followed another. Throughout
the year, except during Lent, there was a constant series of holidays>
kept in commemoration of the saints ; and those days, by religion
and by custom, were divided between sacred rites and secular
discussions, each portion of such celebration combining a large
amount of ceremonial, pomp, and parade.

The saints were all invested with special attributes and special
claims to worship and adoration. They were intercessors not only
in mental distresses and anxieties, in physical pains and diseases,
and in accidental misfortunes and losses, — not to speak of the
aspirations of ambition or worldliness, upon which Erasmus has
inflicted such amusing satire, — but to each of them, according to
their respective character and merits, was attributed a tutelary
influence over localities, seasons, and circumstances; over every
variety of worldly occupation, and over even sports and pastimes.

The Festival of St. Nicholas, observed on the 6th of December,
was marked by several pecularities which connect the saint with the

VI INTRODUCTION.

marine deities of Scandinavia, of Greece, and of Rome. He is said
by Moreri to have been Bishop of Myra in the fourth century, and
he was accounted a saint of the highest virtue, even in his earliest
infancy. This saint has ever been considered the patron of scholars
and of youth, for which a reason has been assigned by the Rev.
W. Cole, from a Life of Saint Nicholas printed in 1645 (3rd edit.) :
" An Asiatic gentleman, sending his two sons to Athens for
education, ordered them to wait on the Bishop for his benediction.
On arriving at Myra with their baggage they took up their
lodgings at an inn, proposing to defer their visit till the morrow;
but in the mean time the innkeeper, to secure their effects to
himself, killed the young gentlemen, cut them into pieces, salted
them, and intended to sell them for pickled pork. St. Nicholas
being favoured with a sight of these proceedings in a vision, went
to the inn, and reproached the landlord with the crime, who,
immediately confessing it, entreated the saint to pray to Heaven for
his pardon. The Bishop, moved by his confession and contrition,
besought forgiveness for him and supplicated restoration of life to
the children. Scarcely had he finished when the pieces reunited,
and the resuscitated youths threw themselves from the brine tub at
the feet of the Bishop: he raised them up, blessed them, and sent
them to Athens, with great joy, to prosecute their studies."3

The most important feature of the festival of St. Nicholas
was the election of the BoY-BiSHOP, Episcopus Puerorum,
Episcopus Choristarum. This festival was not confined to one
country, and, of course, therefore, it may be easily imagined
that it assumed a very different complexion according to time
and place, being in one locality of a serious character, and in
another verging closely on the burlesque. The best account we

a Hone, Ancient Mysteries, p. 193. See a good account of the legends connected
with St. Nicholas in Hampson's Medii JEvi Kalendarium, i. 66 ct seq.

INTRODUCTION".

Vll

have of it in the first of these forms is from the learned John
Gregory, whose attention was called to the subject by happening
to find that " in the cathedral of Sarum there lieth a monument
in stone, of a little boie habited all in episcopal robes, a miter
upon his head, a crosier in his hand, and the rest accordingly. The
monument lay long buried under the seats near the pulpit, at the
removal whereof it was of late years discovered, and translated
from thence to the north part of the nave, where it now lieth
betwixt the pillars, covered over with a box of wood, not without
a general imputation of raritie and reverence, it seeming almost
impossible to everie one, that either a bishop could bee so small
in person, or a childe so great in clothes." Finding that he could
obtain no solution of this mystery from the learned, Gregory obtained
a sight of the old statutes of the Cathedral, and was fortunate enough
to find one amongst them with the title DE EPISCOPO CHOBISTARUM
— of the Chorister-Bishop. This referred him to the Sarum Proces-
sionale, in which he found the following minute and curious description
of the ceremony: " The Episcopus Choristarum was a chorister-
bishop chosen by his fellow children upon St. Nicholas' daie ....
From this daie till Innocents' day at night (it lasted longer at the
first), the Episcopus Puerorum [Boy-Bishop] was to .bear the
name and hold up the state of a bishop, answerably habited,
with a crosier or pastoral staff in his hand, and a miter upon his
head; and such an one too som had, as was multis episcoporum
mitris sumtuosior, saith one — verie much richer than those of
bishops indeed. The rest of his fellows from the same time
beeing were to take upon them the style arid counterfaict of
prebends, yielding to their bishops (or els as if it were) no less
then canonical obedience. And look what service the verie
bishop himself with his dean and prebends (had they been to
officiate) was to have performed, the mass excepted, the verie same

Vlll INTRODUCTION.

was don by the chorister-bishop and his canons upon this Eve and
the Holiedaie. By the use of Sarum, — for 'tis almost the onely
place where I can hear anie thing of this,a — that of York in their
Processional seemeth to take no notice of it — upon the Eve to
Innocents' daie the chorister-bishop was to go in solemn procession
with his fellows ad altare Sanctce Trinitatis et omnium Sanctorum
(as the PROCESSIONAL — or ad altare Innocentium sive Sanctce,
Trinitas, as the PiEb) in capis, et cereis ardentibus in manibus, in
their copes, and burning tapers in their hands, the bishop beginning
and the other boies following, Centum quadraginta quatuor, &c.
Then the vers, Hi empti sunt ex omnibus^ &c. And this is sang by
three of the boies. Then all the boies sing the PKOSAC Sedentem
in supernce majestatis arce, &c. The chorister-bishop in the mean-
time fumeth the altar first, and then the image of the Holie Trinitie.
Then the bishop saith, modesta voce, the verse Latamini ; and the
respond is Et gloriamini, &c. Then the praier which wee yet
retain — Deus cujus hodierna die, &c. But the rubrick to the pie
saith, sacerdos dicat, both the praier and the laetamini — that is, som
rubricks do ; otherwise I take the benediction to bee of more priestlie
consequence then the oremus, &c., which yet was solemnly performed
by the chorister -bishop, as will follow. In their return from the
altar, prcecentor puerorum incipiat, &c. — the chanter-chorister is to
begin — De Sancta Maria, &c. The respond is Felix namque, &c.
Sic processio, &c. The procession was made into the quire by the
west door, and in such order (as it should seem by Molanus) that

a This is a somewhat extraordinary statement to make, for Gregory had the
reputation of being a man of research. The custom of electing a Boy Bishop was
universal.

b The PIE was the old Romish Ordinal, in Latin called Pica. " Ordinale quod
usitato dicitur Pica sive Directorium Sacerdotum."

0 The PROS A. or PROSE is a name for certain songs of rejoicing, chanted before
the gospel, and so called because the regular laws of metre are not observed in
them.

INTRODUCTION.

IX

the dean and canons went foremost, the chaplains next, the bishop
with his little prebends in the last and highest place. The bishop
taketh his seat, and the rest of the children dispose of themselves
upon each side of the quire upon the uppermost ascent, the canons
resident bearing the incens and the book, and the petit canons the
tapers, according to the rubrick. And from this hour to the full
end of the next daies procession, none of the clergy, whatever may
be their rank, ascend to the upper seats.

" Then the bishop from his seat says the vers, Spedosus forma,
&c. Diffusa est gratia labiis tuis. Then the praier, Deus qui
salutis czternce, ^:c. Pax vobis. Then, after the Benedicamus Domino,
the bishop of the children sitting in his seat is to give the bene-
diction, or bless the people in this manner: Princeps Ecdesite, pastor
ovilis, cunctam plebem tuam benedicere digneris, &c. Then turning
towards the people hee singeth or saith (for all this was in piano
cantu; that age was so far from skilling discants or the fuges
that they were not come up to counterpoint) Cum mansuetudine
humilitate vos ad benedictionem, the chorus answering Deo gratias.
Then the cross-bearer delivereth up the crosier to the bishop again,
and then the bishop, having first crossed his forehead, says, Adju-
torium nostrum in nomine Domini, the chorus answering qui
fecit ccelum et terram. Then, after some other like ceremonies
performed, the Episcopus Puerorum, or chorister-bishop, begineth
the Completorium or Complyn, and that don he turneth towards
the quire and saith, Adjutorium, &c. Then last of all he saith,
JSenedicat vos omnipotens Deus pater, etfilius, et spiritus sanctus.

" ON INNOCENTS' DAY, at the second vespers, let the cross-bearer
receive the crosier of the boy-bishop, and let them sing the antiphon
as at the first vespers. Likewise let the boy-bishop bless the people
in the way above-mentioned, and the service of this day be thus
fulfilled. .(RUBRIC PROCESSIONAL). And all this was don with

CAMD. SOC. b

X INTRODUCTION.

that solemnitie of celebration and appetite of seeing that the statute
of Sarum was forced to provide that no man whatsoever, under the
pain of anathema, should interrupt or press upon these children at
the procession spoken of before, or in anie other part of their
service in anie waieSj but to suffer them quietly to perform and
execute what it concerned them to do. And the part was acted
yet more earnestly, for Molanus saith that this bishop in some
places did receive rents, capons, &c. during his year, &c. ; and it
seemeth by the statute of Sarum that hee held a kind of visitation,
and had a full corespondencie of all other state and prerogative.
More then all this, Molanus a tells us of a chorister-bishop in the
church of Cambraie who disposeth of a prebend which fell void
in his moneth (or year, for I know not which it was) to his master.
In case the chorister-bishop died within the moneth, his exsequies
were solemnized with an answerable glorious pomp and sadness.
He was buried, as all other bishops, in all his ornaments, as by
the monument of stone, spoken of before, it plainly appeareth."b

After having performed the functions of a bishop within his own
cathedral church and city, the next part the boy-bishop had to play
was that of making a visitation. That this was not unusual we
learn from the Northumberland Household Book, in which it is
mentioned that the Earl was annually accustomed to entertain the
boy-bisKop of York and Beverley, and from the notice we have of
the boy-bishop at Winchester.0 The privilege was in some instances

* "D. Joannes de Molanus, De Historia S. Imaginum de Picturarum," 12mo.
Lugduni, 1619.

b "Episcopus Puerorum, in Die Innocentium ; or, A Discourse of an Antient
Custom in the Church of Sarum, making an anniversarie Bishop among the
Choristers." Pages 95-123 in Gregorii Posthuma ; or Certain Learned Tracts
written by John Gregorie, 4to. Lond. 1649.

c " It was upon this festival that some wealthy man or another of the parish
would make an entertainment on the occasion for his own household, and invite his
neighbours' children to come and partake of it; and of course Nicholas and his

INTRODUCTION.

XI

restrained; as when Bishop Mortival, at Salisbury, in 1319, forbad
for the future both feast and visitation (convivium aliquod de cetera
vel visitationem exterius vel interim nullatenus faciendo) ; and as when
Bishop Grandison in the statutes for his college at Ottery St. Mary
declared that the boys were not to be allowed on the feast of the
Holy Innocents to wander beyond the parish of Ottery. But a
York Computus, A.D. 1396, gives a very circumstantial account of
the visitation made by the boy-bishop in that year. This curious
roll, in the possession of Canon Raine, was lent to the late Mr.
J. G. Nichols, and from it he constructed a short narrative of the
boy-bishop's progress, which will be read with interest from the
minuteness of its details, and the graphic character of some of its
descriptions. As Canon Raine justly observes, "It is unique, and
throws more light upon the subject than anything that has yet
been seen."

The roll purports to be " The Account of Nicholas of Newark,
guardian of the property of John de Cave, boy-bishop in the year of
our Lord [13] 96." The Receipts were derived partly from offerings
in the cathedral church, partly from the contributions of the canons,
and partly from the gifts of the nobility and of the monasteries which
the bishop visited. They are in the accompt divided under three
heads: the first containing the following: From the offerings on
Christmas day, xij d. ; offerings on Innocents' day, xxiv s. j d., with
a silver spoon weighing xxd., a silver ring and a silk purse; from
William de Kexby the precentor, xx d.; from master John de Schir-

clerks sat in the highest place. The Golden Legend tells how ' a man, for the love
of his sone that went to scole for to lerne, halowed every year the feast of Saynt
Nycholas moche solemply. On a tyme it happed that the fader had to make redy
the dyner, and called many clerkes to this diner.' (Wynkyn de Worcle, Lond. 1527.)
Individuals sometimes bequeathed money to find a yearly dinner on St. Nicholas's
day for as many as a hundred scholars, who were, after that, to pray for the soul of
the founder of the feast." — Dr. Rock's Church of our Fathers, iii. part 2, 216.

Xll INTRODUCTION.

burne, the chancellor, ij s. ; from master John de Newton, treasurer
ad Novam9& vj s. viij d.; from master Thomas Dalby, Archdeacon of
Richmond, vj s. viij d. ; from master Nicholas de Feriby, vj s. viij d. ;
and from master Thomas de Wallworth, vj s. viij d.; total, Iv s. v d.
Secondly, in the town were received: from the Lord Abbot of
St. Mary's without the Walls of York, vj s. viij d.; and from master
William de Feriby, Archdeacon of the East Riding, iij s. iv d. ;
total, x s. But the largest receipts arose from " the country : " being
the gifts of those to whom the bishop went in his visitation. They
amounted in all to v 1. x s. : the particular donations we shall see in
following the bishop's progress. Altogether the receipts amounted
to viij 1. xv s. v d.

The expenses commenced on the 23rd of December, when O
Virgo virginum was sung, and then j d. was spent in bread for wafer,
and vj d. in ale.

Within the city various purchases were made for the use of the
bishop: a torch weighing twelve pounds cost ivs. iij d. ; a cap,
ix d. ; a pair of linen gloves, iij d. ; a pair of sleeves or cuffs, iij d. ;
a pair of knives, xiv d. ; a pair of spurs, v d. ; for the making of his
gown, xviijd.; lamb's wool bought for his overcoat, ij s. vj d.; iurs,
vjs. ; faggots through the whole time, viij d. ; sea-coal, vij d. ; charcoal,
x d. ; Paris candle ; iiij d. ob. ; xxviii pairs of gloves for the vicars
and masters of the schools; iijs. ivd. ob. ; and for mending a silk
cope,ijd.

The bishop's great supper on the eve of Innocents' day cost xv s.
vj d. ob., viz. : in bread, vij d. ; lord's bread, iv d.; ale, xxj d.; veal
and mutton, ix d. ob.; sausages, ivd.; two ducks, ivd.; twelve
chickens, ij s. vj d.; eight woodcocks and one plover, ijs. ijd. ; three
dozen and ten field-fares, xix d. ; small birds, iij d. ; wine, ij s. iij d. ;
various spices (or grocery), xj d. ; sixty wardens (pears), vd. ob.;
n The meaning of " ad Novam " is uncertain.

INTRODUCTION.

XlU

honey, ij d. ob. ; mustard, j d. ; two pounds of candles, ij d. ob. ;
flour, ij d. ; fuel, j d. ob. ; and to the cook, vj d.

At the supper on Innocent's day was spent, in bread, iijd.;
ale, v d. ; veal and mutton, vij d. ; pepper and saffron, j d.

In the next week nothing was done; but on Thursday, the 4th
of January, being the octave of Innocents day, they went to Kexby
(seven miles from York), the mansion of Sir Thomas Utrecht, knight,
who gave the bishop iij s. ivd. They returned to a supper, at which
was spent, in bread, ij d. ; ale, ivd. ; and meat, vd. On the succeding
Friday and Saturday the roll states that " they did not visit."

On the second Sunday of his episcopate, which was the feast of
Saint William (Jan. 7), the bishop went out of town on his longest
circuit. A girdle was now bought for him which cost iij d., and he
had not gone far when his cap required mending at the expense of
j d. His party took a breakfast before starting, and consumed, in
bread, ij d. ; in meat, v d. ; and in ale, iij d. The sum of ij d. was also
paid for " horse-bread." Their first visit appears to have been to the
Prior of Kirkham, who gave the bishop ij s. ; and the second to
the wealthier Prior of Malton, whose offering was a noble. They
proceeded next to the Countess of Northumberland living at
Leconfield, who was the bishop's most generous benefactor: she
gave him twenty shillings and a gold ring. From thence to
Bridlington, where the prior gave him a noble. He next gathered
iij s. iv d. from the Prior of Watton, and the like sum from the
Rector of Baynton and from the Prior of Meaux. Between the
two last places the cavalcade passed through Beverley, where a girth
was bought for j d. He proceeded to Ferriby, where the prior
gave him xx d. ; Sir Stephen de Scrope gave him vj s. viij d. ; and
to the priory of Drax, where he received ij s.

On coming to the abbey of Selby, the head of that great
monastery gave him a noble ; from the Prior of Pontefract he had

Xiv INTRODUCTION.

half a noble; and from the Prior of St. Oswald at Nostell a noble.
The Prior of Monk Bretton gave him half a noble, and " Dominus
John Depdene " a noble. He went to the residence of the Lady
Marmion at Tanfield on the Yore and received a noble and a gold
ring with a silk purse ; to the residence of Lady Darcy, " the Lady
of Harlsay," and obtained half a noble; and to the Lady Roos at
Helmsley Castle, who gave him a noble.

He now came to the abbey of Rievaulx and had only two shillings;
the like at Byland abbey; the like at JSTewburgh priory; and twenty
pence at the priory of Marton.

On the Saturday the travellers again returned to York, and had
a supper, for which the fish cost vj d , the bread ij d. ob.3 and the
ale ij d. The accompt of the " expenses within the city " concludes
with this item, " On the fifth Sunday and to the end of the Purifi-
cation (Feb. 2) nothing.3'

The expenses upon the road, which have not been hitherto
enumerated, were, in an offering at Bridlyngton, ij d., and given in
alms there j d. At that stage of the journey a new girth was
required, for which j d. was paid, and the old one was repaired for
an ob. A second horse-comb was also purchased, the first having
been bought at York, and the two together cost iiij d. Upon three
different occasions was money spent in "ferilay " = ferry-hire, or
payment at the ferry; the first time at Melsam, the second time at
Drax, and the third time at Harlsay. The charge at each place was
iiij d. At Selby they spent iiij d. in horse-bread, and paid a penny
to the barber, whose employment was more probably upon the
beard of the tenor singer or other men of the company than upon
the chin of the boy-bishop. The horses were re-shod at Ferriby,
at Fountains, and at Newburgh, costing in the first-named place
viij d., in the second iiij d., and in the third iij d.

The excursionists supped once at Leeds at a cost of xvij d. for

INTRODUCTION. XV

themselves, and of xiij d. in hay and oats for the horses; and once
at Bipley, where their own supper cost xvj d., and the hay and oats
for the horses xij d. ob. In baiting at Allerton they spent vj d.
and the like sum for horse-bread and hay at Helmslay. It may be
noted that horse-bread is still in use in some parts of the continent.
During the journey the boy-bishop alone seems to have been treated
with wine, the cost of which was viij d.

The two last heads of the accompt enumerate the attendants upon
the child-bishop. Under that of " Wages of servants and horses"
it is stated that there was paid " To Nicholas de Newsome, his tenor
singer, one mark ; and to the same for his led horse, ij s. ; to Robert
Daw try, his steward, one noble, and for his preachings in the
chapel, ijs. j d. ob. ; to John Baynton, chanting the medius voice
part, xs. ; to John Grene, vs.; to John Ellay, iij s. ivd.; to John
Schapton, serving him with his two horses, xs. ij d. ; to Thomas
Marschalefor one horse, iij s. ivd. ; for a saddle for one horse, iij s. vj d. ;
to the baker for one horse, iij s. vj d.; and to Eichard Fewler for two
horses, vs. The " fees of the ministers serving in the church" were:
To the succentor of the vicars, ijs.; to the sub-chancellor, xij d. ;
to the wax of the boys, xij d. ; to the clerks of the vestments, xij d. ;
to the sacrists, xij d. ; for the adornment of the episcopal chair, iv d. ;
in wood for stalls, iv d. (an entry which is obliterated); in common
pence,a xviij d. ; and to the guardian (or master) of the choristers,
iij s. iv d.

The total sum of the expenses amounted to vj 1. xiv s. xd. ob.,
and there consequently remained of the receipts, for the use of the
bishop, forty shillings and sixpence halfpenny.1*

York holds a conspicuous place in the annals of the boy-bishop.
In the register of the capitulary acts of the Cathedral, under the

* Perhaps distributed to .the choristers.

b A copy of the original document is given as an Appendix.

XVI INTRODUCTION.

date Dec. 2, 1367, it is ordered, as an indispensable qualification,
" that the Bishop of the boys should for the future be he who had
served longest in the church, and who should be most suitable;
provided, nevertheless, that he was sufficiently handsome in person ;
and that any election otherwise should not be valid.a The boy-
bishop was supposed to be elected by his chapter, as were ordinary
bishops; but the choice was probably directed by the higher
authorities in favour of the most deserving boy.

Many other notices might possibly be found in the York records,
but the search would be attended with some labour. A slight
investigation made by Canon Eaine, some few years since, revealed
the following curious list of boy-bishops : —

Test. S. Nich. 6 Dec. 1416. Confirm, elect. Ric. Massam in Episc. puerorum.

„ 6 Dec. 1417. Conf. „ Hen. Fournas.

„ 6 Dec. 1418. „ „ Thos. Thorp.

„ 6 Dec. 1420. „ „ de Burgh.

„ 6 Dec. 1485. „ „ Thos. Malson, choristae.

„ 6 Dec. 1486. „ „ John Clerk, do.

„ 6 Dec. 1487. „ „ Thos. Greves, do.

„ 6 Dec. 1488. „ „ James Beswyk.

„ 7 Dec. 1503. „ „ Ric. Plummer.

„ 6 Dec. 1537. „ „ Geo. Nevell, choristse.

The election and investment of the boy-bishop certainly
proceeded from the festival of sub -deacons, also called Festum
Fatuorum, Festum Stultorum, Fete des Fous, Festival of Fools,
&c. ; the burlesque election of a mock pope, mock cardinals and
bishops, attended by a thousand absurd ceremonies, gambols, and
antics. " It does not appear," says Strutt, speaking of the former,
" at what period this idle ceremony was first established, but
probably it was ancient, at least we can trace it back to the

a Warton's History of English Poetry, ed. 1840, iii. 251, where other curious
extracts from the York Registers are given.

INTRODUCTION. XV11

fourteenth century [thirteenth century] .a In all the collegiate
churches it was customary for one of the children of the choir,
completely apparelled in the episcopal vestments, with a mitre and
crosier, to bear the title and state of a bishop. He exacted a
ceremonial obedience from his fellows, who. dressed like priests,
took possession of the church, and performed all the ceremonies
and offices which might have been celebrated by a bishop and his
prebendaries. Warton, and the author of the MS. which he
has followed, add, 'the mass excepted'; but the proclamation of
Henry VIII. for the abolition of this custom, proves they did
* sing masse.' " b After the election of a boy-bishop, he was escorted
in his mitre by a solemn procession of the other boys to church,
where,*as we have seen, he presided at the worship, and afterwards
he and his deacons went about singing from door to door, and
collecting money; not begging, but demanding it as a subsidy. In
1274 the Council of Nice prohibited this mock election, though
so late as the time of Hospinian, who wrote in the seventeenth
century, it was customary at schools dedicated to Pope Gregory the
Great, who was a patron of scholars, for one of the boys to be his
representative on the occasion and to act as pope, with some of his
companions as cardinals. As Brand wisely observes, ' Ecclesiastical
synods and censures have often proved too weak to suppress popular

a "On December 7, 1299, the morrow of St. Nicholas, the boy-bishop in the
chapel at Heton, near Newcastle-upon-Tyne, said vespers before Edward the First,
then on his way to Scotland, who gave a considerable present to him and the boys
that sang with him." — Hampson's Medii ^Evi Kalendarium, i. 79. This is
possibly the earliest notice we have of the boy-bishop in this country. See also the
Wardrobe Account of 23 Edward I. 1299, published by the Society of Antiquaries,
p. 25.

b Sports and Pastimes, book iv. chap. 3, sect. 10. " Warton quotes the fragment
of a computus of Hyde Abbey, near Winchester, which is at variance with the
assertion, made by himself and Strutt, that the boy-bishop did not perform mass; it
is a disbursement, in 1327, for feasting the boy-bishop, who celebrated mass on St.
Nicholas's day." — Hampson, Medii jffivi Kalendarium, i. 80.

CAMD. SOC. C

XVH1 INTRODUCTION.

spectacles, which take deep root in the public mariners, and are
only concealed lor a while, to spring up afresh with new vigour.'

The festival of the boy-bishop was largely aided by the contributions
of the monastic establishments; to what extent may be gleaned from
the following passage, extracted from a MS. note by Mr. Nichols.
" In the yearly accompt rolls of the Priory of Finchale the Episcopvs
Elemosinarice is first mentioned in the year 1367. For some years
the money paid him is mixed with other sums; but in 1395 it stands
alone as iij s. iiijd.; and again in 1413 (after having disappeared
for some years), ' Item Episcopo Elemosinarige ex curialitate, iijs.
iiij d. ; ' that is, ' of courtesy,' and not absolutely of right; the same
sum the next year; but in 1417 only ij s., and so for some years
after. In 1423 the monks of Finchale, grown more generous, not
only gave to the Bishop of the Almonry iij s., but also to the Bishop
of Elvett, of courtesy, xxd. The latter must have been a boy-
bishop elected in the parish, so called, an outlying portion of the
city of Durham. In 1424 the Bishop of the Almonry again had
iij s. iiij d., and so forward yearly until 1430; when again, and for
several years after, the payment was only ij s. In 1439 the entry
is, * Et Episcopo Puerili Elemosinariae, ij s.' which is repeated in
subsequent years. In 1449 the entry is, ' Et in diversis donis datis
hoc anno, ac Episcopo Puerili Dunelm. et cantoribus ad festum
Natalis Domini, xij s. vj d.,' and so to 1457; but in 1458 the
words i ac Episcopo Puerili ' are carefully erased in both copies
that exist of the roll, and the sum of the entry is reduced from
xxvj s. to xxij s. This shows that the contribution was in that year
withdrawn; nor was it again made until the year 1466, when the
Episcopus Puerilis received iij s. iiij d. The same is returned in
subsequent years with some intermissions. In 1474 the entry is, ' Et
solvit ad officium Feretrarii (the keeper of the shrine of Saint Cuthbert
at Durham) pro Episcopo Pnerili, iij s. iiij d.'; and in 1478, ' Et ad

INTRODUCTION. XIX

officium Feretrarii pro duobus annis Episcopo Puerili vjs. viijd.'
The payment of iiij s. iiij d. continues to the latest roll in 1528." a

Dr. George Hall, Bishop of Chester (who died in 1668), in his
" Triumph of Romanism" published in .1655, has a characteristic
passage concerning this festival: "What merry work," exclaims
the good bishop, " it was here in the days of our holy fathers (and
I know not whether, in some places, it may not be so still) that
upon St. Nicholas, St. Katherine, St. Clement, and Holy Innocents'
day, children were wont to be arrayed in chimera, rochets, surplices,
to counterfeit bishops and priests, and to be led, with songs and
dances, from house to house, blessing the people, who stood grinning
in the way to expect that ridiculous benediction ; yea, that boys in
that holy sport were wont to sing masses, and to climb into the
pulpit to preach (no doubt learnedly and edifying) to the simple

* Charters, &c. of Finchale Priory, Surtees Soc. 1837.

In his Glossary (p. ccccxxviii) Dr. Raine has inadvertently connected the
entries Episcopo Puerili with those Cantoribus ad ludum suum, adding that " in
later years, before the Reformation, the latter entry was the only one, but it referred
to both, and included the two constitutions." This, however, is not the case. The
entry Episcopo Puerili, iij s. iiij d. continues to the last, and more frequently than
otherwise separated by a considerable interval from the entry, Cantoribus ad ludum
swum, ij s. The Christmas Indus of the singing-men was clearly a distinct matter
from the celebration of the boy-bishop. It seems to have been simply a feast, like
the Ludi Prioris, to which the cell of Finchale yearly made a contribution
approaching or exceeding xxx s., and in 1483 a still larger sum, " Et in vino dato in
ludis domini Prioris et in die annalis Capituli, xxxviij s. ij d." From the similar
entry of xxxiiij s. in 1495, it appears that the Prior had yearly four of these ludi, of
which Dr. Raine has given various particulars in his Glossary sub voce, and which
are more fully developed in the Durham Household Book, another volume of the
Surtees Society, 1844. The false impression that these " games of the lord prior "
were connected with " the mock solemnity of the Boy Bishop " was carried on by
Dr. Raine from his early work on " Saint Cuthbert," 4to. 1838, p. 136, where he
also stated that the latter " was partly performed in the Infirmary, and always for its
benefit." These I believe to have been misapprehensions. The profits or surplus of
the collections made for the boy-bishop appear everywhere to have been given to the
boy himself.— J. G. N.

XX INTRODUCTION.

auditory. And this was so really done, that in the cathedral church
of Salisbury (unless it be lately defaced) there is a perfect monument
of one of these boy- bishops (who died in the time of his young
pontificality) accoutred in his episcopal robes, still to be seen. A
fashion that lasted until the later times of King Henry the Eighth,
who, in 1541, by his solemn proclamation, printed by Thomas
Berthelet, the King's printer, cum privilegio, stoutly forbad the
practice." a

The proclamation here alluded to was " devised by the Kings
Majesty, by the advyse of his highness counsel, the xxii day of
Julie, xxxiii Hen. VI II., commanding the feasts of Saint Luke,
Saint Mark, Saint Mary Magdalene, Inuention of the Crosse, and
Saint Lawrence, which had been vsed, should be nowe againe
celebrated and kept holie days." And, following the example of
the synod of Carnot, which in 1526 had decreed that no scholars,
clerks, or priests should, under pretence of recreation, enact any
folly or levity in the church on the feast of St. Nicholas, St.
Catherine, the Innocents, or any other days, and that the garments
of the fools performing theatrical characters should be cast out of
church, Henry concludes his proclamation thus: " Whereas here-
tofore dyvers and many superstitions and chyldysh obseruances
have be vsed, and yet to this day are observed and kept, in many
and sundry parts of this realm, as vpon Saint Nicholas, Saint
Catherine, Saint Clement, the Holy Innocents, and such like,
children be strangelie decked and apparayled to counterfeit priestes,
bishoppes, and women,b and so be ledde with songes and daunces
from house to house, blessing the people and gatheryng of money;

a Quoted by Brand, Pop. Antiq. ed 1849, i. 422.

b In explanation of this we may remark that there is an injunction given to the
Benedictine nunnery at Godstowe, in Oxfordshire, by Archbishop Peckham, in
1278, that on Innocents' day " the public prayers should not any more be said in the
church of that monastery per Parvulas" i.e. little girls.

INTRODUCTION. XXI

and boyes do singe masse and preache in the pulpitt, with svche
other vnfittinge and inconuenient vsages, rather to the derysyon
than any true glory of God, or honor of his sayntes: The Kynges
Maiestie therefore, myndinge nothinge so moche as to aduance the
true glory of God without vaine superstition, wylleth and com-
mandeth that from henceforth all svch superstitious obseruations be
left and clerely extinguished throwout his realmes and dominions,
for asmvch as the same doth resemble rather the vnlawfull super-
stition of gentilitie, than the pure and sincere religion of Christe." a

In the second year of Queen Mary, when all the other ceremonies
connected with the holidays of the saints had been revived, the
festival of St. Nicholas was also resumed. Machyn tells us in his
Diary, that on the 13th of November, 1554, it "was commanded
by the Bishop of London (Bonner) to all clerks in the diocese of
London to have Saint Nicholas, and to go abroad as many as could
have it." On the 5th of December following, being the eve of the
festival, this was counter-ordered; and ** at the same time came
a commandment (from what authority is not stated) that Saint
Nicholas should not go abroad, nor about. But, notwithstanding,
(adds Machyn) there went about Saint Nicholases in divers parishes,
at St. Andrew's, Holborn, and St. Nicholas Olave, in Bread-street." b

Two years later the same writer notices the custom as fully
re-established in the metropolis. " The 5th of December (1556)
was Saint Nicholas' even, and Saint Nicholas went abroad in most
parts of London singing after the old fashion, and was received with
many good people into their houses, and had much cheer as ever
they had in many places."

The following story, preserved in the Actes and Monuments of

11 This proclamation is printed in Wilkins's Concilia.

b See the Diary of Henry Machyn, Citizen and Merchant Taylor of London, from
A.D. 1550 to 1563. Edited by J. Gough Nichols, for the Camden Society, in 1848.

XX11 INT11ODUCTION.

John Foxe, belongs to the same year. " A godly matrone, named
Gertrude Crockhay, the wife of maistre Robert Crockehay, dwelling
then at Saint Katharins by the Tower of London, abstained herself
from the Popish church. She being in her husband's house, it
happened in anno 1556 that the foolish Popish Saint Nicholas went
about the parish, which she understanding shut her doores against
him, and would not suffer him to come within her house. Then
Doctor Mallet, hearing thereof (and being then maister of Saint
Katherin'sa) the next day came to her with xx. at his taile, thinking
belike to fray her, and asked why she would not the night before
let in Saint Nicholas, and receive his blessing, &c. To whom she
answered thus, ' Sir, I knowe no Saint Nicholas (said she) that
came hither.' * Yes (quoth Mallet), here was one that represented
Saint Nicholas.' ' In deede, Sir (saide she), here was one that is
my neighboures childe, but not Saint Nicholas, for Saint Nicholas
is in heaven. I was afraide of them that came with him to have
had my purse cutte by them, for I have heard of men robbed by
Saint Nicholas' clearkes,' &c. So Mallet, perceiving that nothing
could be gotten at her hands, went his way as he came, and she for
that time so escaped." b

" With the Catholic liturgy," says Warton, " all the pageantries
of popery were restored to their ancient splendour by Queen Mary.
Among others, the procession of the boy-bishop was too popular
a mummery to be forgotten. In the preceding reign of Edward
the Sixth, Hugh Rhodes, one of the Gentlemen of the Royal
Chapel, published an English poem with the title ** The Boke of
Nurture, for men servants and children, or for the governaunce of
youth, with Stans puer ad Mensam." In the following reign of

a From a subsequent passage it appears that Mrs. Crockhay 's brother married
Dr. Mallet's sister. Mallet became Dean of Lincoln.
b Foxe, edit. 1843-9, p. 1941.

INTRODUCTION. XX111

Mary the same poet printed a poern consisting of thirty-six octave
stanzas, entitled " The song of the Chyld-Bysshope, as it was songe
before the Queenes Majestic in her privie chamber at her manour
of Saynt James in the ffeeldes on Saynt Nicholas day and Innocents'
day this yeare now present, by the Chylde-Bysshope of Poules
churche with his company. Londini, in sedibus Johannis Cawood,
typographi reginge, 1555. Cum privilegio, &c." No copy of this
curious poem is now known, although it is certain that Warton
had seen it, for he thus describes it: " As to the song itself, it is a
fulsome panegyric on the Queen's devotion, in which she is compared
to Judith, Esther, the Queen of Sheba, and the Virgin Mary."a

The practice of electing a boy-bishop was common in colleges,b
grammar-schools, and parish churches. As patron of scholars,
St. Nicholas had a double feast at Eton College, where, in Catholic
times, the scholars to avoid interfering, as it would seem, with the
boy-bishop on St. Nicholas's day, elected their boy-bishop on St.
Hugh's day, in November. Brand, indeed, was of opinion that the
anniversary Montem of Eton is merely a corruption of the procession
of the boy-bishop arid his companions; the scholars, being prevented
by the edict of Henry VIII. from continuing that ceremony, gave a
new face to their festivity, and began their pastime at soldiers, and
elected a captain. Even within the memory of persons living in
1777, when Brand wrote, the Montem was kept a little before
Christmas, although subsequently held on Whit Tuesday.

" The boy-bishop had a set of pontificals provided for him. St.

a History of English Poetry, edit. 1840, iii. 265.

b At Magdalen College, Oxford, " on the eve of St. Nicholas, an entertainment at
the expense of the College was served up to the choristers in the hall, at which the
chaplains and clerks were also present, and occasionally the fellows. The boy-bishop
was then chosen, and presented with gloves, &c. as marks of dignity, for which
payments occur in the libri computi of the College." — Millard's Historical Notices
of the office of Choristers, 1848, p. 50.

XXIV INTRODUCTION.

Paul's, London, had its 'una mitra alba cum flosculis breudatis — ad
opus episcopi parvulorum — baculus ad usum episcopi parvulorum ; '
York Minster, too, its ' una capa de tissue pro episcopo puerorum ; '
Lincoln Cathedral, a cope of red velvet, ordained for the barn-
bishop; All Souls College, Oxford, <j. chem (ches?) j- caP- et
mitra pro episcopo Nicholao;' St. Mary's Church, Sandwich, ' a
lytyll chesebyll for Seynt Nicholas bysschop.' For the boy-bishop's
attendants capes were also made; and York had no fewer than
' novem capae pro pueris.5 " a

Concerning vestments, jewels, &c., used by the boy-bishop and
his companions, we have many curious notices handed down to us,
some few of which we have placed together.

A parchment roll of the fifteenth century, printed in the notes to
the Northumberland Household Book, gives us the following
inventory.

"Contenta de Ornamentis Episcopi Puerorum.

" Imprimis, i myter, well garneshed with perle and precious
stones, with nowches of silver, and gilt before and behind.

" Item, iiij rynges of silver and gilt, with four redde precious
stones in them.

" Item, i pontifical with silver and gilt, with a blew stone in

hytt.

" Item, i owche broken, silver and gilt, with iiij precius stones,

and a perle in the myddes.

" Item, a crosse, with a staf of coper and gilt, with the ymage of
St. Nicolas in the myddes.

" Item, i vesture, redde, with lyons of silver, with brydds [birds]
of gold in the orferes [borders] of the same.

" Item, i albe to the same with starres in the paro.

* Dr. Rock's Church of our Fathers, iii. part ii. p. 217, where authorities are
quoted.

INTRODUCTION. XXV

" Item, i white cope, stayned with tristells and orferes [of]
redde sylkes, with does of gold, and whytt napkins about ther
necks.

" Item, iiij copes [of] blue sylk, with red orferes, trayled with
whitt braunchis and flowres.

" Item, i steyned cloth of the ymage of St. Nycholas.

" Item, i tabard of skarlet, and a hodde thereto, lyned with whitt
sylk.

" Item, a hode of skarlett, lyned with blue sylk."

In the will of Thomas Rotheram, Archbishop of York, dated
in 1481, is a bequest to the College of that place of a mitre
of cloth of gold with two silver enamelled "knoppes" to be
worn by the "Barnes-Bishop." This is, perhaps, the same
mitre which is named in the inventory of jewels and valuables
belonging to the Cathedral of York, in Dugdale's Monasticon.
— " Item una Mitra parva cum Petris pro Episcopo Puer-
orum." The tarnished silver knobs seem to have been mistaken
for stones.a

In a MS. inventory of vestments, &c., committed to the care of
the Sacristan of Magdalen College, Oxford, in 1495, are, "pro
pueris" tunicies, red and white and crimson, with orfreys [borders]
of damask and velvet, one set of albs of blue damask, and two with
apparels of red silk ; and, lastly, a banner of St. Nicholas, the
patron of children.b

In the Churchwardens' Accounts of St. Mary-at-Hill, London,
10 Henry VI., mention is made of " two children's copes, also a
myter of cloth of gold set with stones." Under 1549 we have in
the same accounts, " For 12 oz. silver, being clasps of books and the

a Hampson's Medii -ffivi> Kalendarium, i. 80. See also Hearne's Liber Niger
Scaccarii, 1728, ii. 674, 686.

b Millard's Historical Notices of the office of Choristers, 1848, p. 49.
CAMD SOC. d

XXVI INTRODUCTION.

bishop's mitre, at vs. viij d. per oz., vj 1. xvj s. j d." These last
were sold. In the Inventory of Church Goods belonging to the
same parish, at the same time, we have, " Item, a mitre for a bishop
at St. Nicholas-tyde, garnished with silver and aneyld, and perle
and counterfeit stone." Another extract from the same accounts,
in 1554, has this entry, " Paid for makying the bishop's myter, with
stuff and lace that went to it, iij s. Paid for a boke for Nicholas,
viij d." This was the restoration of the ceremony under Queen
Mary.a

Among the inventories of Westminster Abbey b is " The vj
myter of Seynt Nycholas bysshoppe, the grounde therof of whyte
sylk, garnysshed complete with ffloures, gret and small, of sylver and
gylte, and stones complete in them, with the scripture, Ora pro
nobis Sancte Nicholai, embrodered theron in peril, the sydes sylver
and gylt, and the toppys of sylver and gylt, and enamelyd with ij
labelles of the same, and garnysshed in lyk maner, and with viij
long bells of sylver and gylt, weying all together xxiij unces." And
among the kanapys is the following, " a gret blewe clothe with
Kyngs on horsse-bake for Saynt Nicholas cheyre." c

The question of money struck for the boy -bishop — " St.
Nicholas' pence " — is thus summed up in a MS. note by Mr.
Nichols: " The only place in this country where I have detected
any evidences of such imitative coinage is Bury St. Edmund's.
In the church of St. Mary in that town there was a Guild of St.
Nicholas; and in the years 1842-3, during the removal of the
priests' stalls from the chancel-aisles to the choir of that church, a
number of leaden pieces, formed in imitation of money, were
discovered. Some were published in the Numismatic Chronicle,
and others in the Journal • of the Archaeological Association ; and

a Brand's Popular Antiquities, i. 424, edit. 1849, where authorities are quoted.
b London and Middlesex Arch. Soc. iy. 318. c Ibid. 328.

INTKODUCTION.

XXV11

as many as a dozen varieties, some of the size of groats and others
of pennies, are described in * An Architectural and Historical
Account of the Church of St. Mary, Bury St. Edmund's. By
Samuel Tymms, F.S.A., 1854.' 4to. pp. 62—67. Mr. Eoach
Smith was disposed to regard these tokens as * medals of presence,'
struck to be given to those who at particular seasons assisted at
particular services; but Mr. Daniel H. Haigh thought they were
undoubtedly relics commemorative of the solemnity of the boy-
bishop. He remarked that they were evident imitations of the
"groats and pennies of Henry VII. and his predecessors; and, as
the coinage of St. Edmundsbury did not differ from that of the
royal mints, they may be presumed to have followed the general
type of the Bury coinage. He adds the following reasons for their
not possessing the variety of devices which marks the continental
monnaies des Eveques des Innocens.

" The money of the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the
Bishop of Durham, and the Abbot of Reading, was distinguished
from that of our Edwards, Henries, and Richards, by a simple
mint-mark only. The Abbot of St. Edmundsbury, in imitation of
whose right of coinage these tokens were probably issued, is not
known to have placed any distinguishing mark upon his coins. In
France, where almost every prelate and baron was allowed to strike
money in his own name, we find the names of the Bishops of
Innocents, and of Fools, similarly commemorated upon their pseudo-
coinage. In England, on the contrary, where all the current coin
of the realm was impressed with ' the image and superscription '
of the reigning King, and where also the ceremony of the boy-
bishop was more exclusively a religious ceremony, the name of
St. Nicholas appears on the tokens issued in commemoration of
this festival, and that of the infant prelate is lost.

" It was possibly the practice to sink a new die each year for this

XXVlll INTRODUCTION.

coinage, which will account for the varieties of type that are found;
and it may have heen from design, rather than accident, that some
were thrown behind the stalls of the church.

" There are, however, other similar tokens, which we can scarcely
appropriate to the festival of the boy-bishop, though they may
have been struck for other festivals of a similar character. One
bears a mitred head between the letters s and M, with the legend
SANCTE MARTINE OKA PRO, and on the reverse a shield charged
with a chevron between them, and the legend GRATIA DEI SVM
ADSVM. See also in Rigollot's work, p. 96, SANCTE AUGUSTINE

OR A PRO NOBIS.

" With respect to Mr. Roach Smith's suggestion that these were
commemorative * medals of presence/ it is to be remembered that
the pilgrims' tokens, of which so many have been recovered in
recent reseaches, were usually fastened on the cap or garment, and
only figured on one side. These tokens, on the contrary, are
evidently struck in imitation of money, and were, therefore,
probably intended to be so regarded, at least in sport."

As regards the diminutive effigy in Salisbury Cathedral (mentioned
by Gregory and Hall), there is considerable doubt as to its being to
the memory of a boy-bishop. The following note by the late Mr.
J. G. Nichols is interesting, and throws some light upon this obscure
subject. " In the third volume of the Archaeological Journal, 1846,
will be found an essay, by W. S. Walford, Esq., F.S.A., on ' The
cross-legged effigy at Horsted Keynes, Sussex; with some remarks
on early effigies of diminutive dimensions.' Mr. Walford remarks
(p. 237), that ' Diminutive effigies, in which the proportions are
those of a man, are sometimes supposed to represent children, but
I think without good reason. An effigy is, prima facie, to be
considered as representing that, to which, having a regard to the
costume and general appearance, it bears most resemblance, irre-

INTRODUCTION. XXIX

spectively of its size ; for it is unreasonable from size alone to infer
that it was intended for a full-grown person. Thus, a small effigy,
apparently of a knight or priest, is to be taken as representing an
adult; for till a certain age knighthood and priests5 orders were not
usually conferred; and we have no reason a priori to expect to
meet with an effigy of a child attired as a knight or priest.' Mr.
Walford afterwards adds, * The story of the boy-bishop at Salisbury
Cathedral needs confirmation.'

" In many cases there is no doubt the diminutive effigy was placed
where the heart ef the deceased was deposited, and one of the full
size where the body was interred. Indeed it is not improbable that
this may have been the meaning of all such diminutive effigies; for
Mr. Walford further states ' I have not been able to meet with any
well -authenticated case of a diminutive effigy placed over the grave
of an adult.' But there are ascertained cases of such effigies com-
memorating the interment of a heart ; of which the following may
be particularised:

" Blanche (d'Artois) dowager Queen of Navarre, wife of Edmond
Earl of Lancaster (ob. 1302), a figure two feet long, now in the
Cathedral of St. Denis, brought from the conventual church of
the minoresses at Nogent PArtault in Champagne, founded by her;
her body being buried in Paris.'*

" At Tenbury in Gloucestershire, a cross-legged effigy in mailed
armour, four feet long, holding a heart .*'

" At Ayot St. Lawrence, Herts, effigy two feet three inches long,
also formerly holding a heart, now broken.

" I may also mention a small effigy holding a heart which my
father bought in 1842 from the garden of the lodge in the Green
Park, Westminster, when that house was removed (its original
locality not ascertained), and which after his death I gave to the
British Museum.'5

XXX . INTRODUCTION.

The two sermons following this Introduction are perhaps the sole
existing relics in the English language of a species of literary
composition once as familiar as our own annual sermons for benefit
clubs, or those for the sons of the clergy. At a time when preaching
was rare, except in large churches, the sermon delivered by the
boy-bishop on the Feast of the Holy Innocents, commonly called
Childermas day, was one of regular rotation, and countenanced by
due authority. Modern writers have usually regarded the festival
of this personage, and all his proceedings, as a mere revel or
mummery, without any redeeming features. The contemporary
sentiment upon the subject was apparently otherwise. The ancient
custom was not only allowed and continued by the founders of
Winchester and Eton, but when Dean Colet dictated the laws
for his grammar-school, in the year 1512, he directed that his
scholars should on every Childermas day hear the child-bishop's
sermon in Paul's, and afterwards, attending the high mass, offer,
each of them, one penny to the child-bishop. a

Commenting upon this, Warton, in his History of English
Poetry, considered it " surprising that Colet, Dean of St. Paul's, a
friend to the purity of religion, and who had the good sense and
resolution to censure the superstitions and fopperies of Popery in
his public sermons, should countenance this idle farce of the boy-
bishop in the statutes of his school at St. Paul's, which he founded
with the view of establishing the education of youth on a more
rational and liberal plan than had yet been known."

a " All these children shall every Childermas daye come to Paull's churche, and
here the childe-bishoppes sermon, and after be at highe masse, so each of them offre
a j d. to the childe-bishopp, and with the maisters and surveyours of the scoole. In
generall processions, when they be warnyde, theye shall go tweyne and tweyne
togither soberly, and not synge ou'e, but saye devoutly, tweyne and tweyne, vij
salmes wit latynye."— MS. copy of the Statutes of St. Paul's School, Additional
MS. No. 6274, Brit. Mus.

INTRODUCTION. XXXI

To all that can be said in the praise of Colet there are few that
will be inclined to object. As the greatest friend upon English
soil of the greatest foreigner that visited England in his time,
the Dean of St. Paul's is emphatically the laudatus a laudate*
Acknowledging then both his piety and his good sense, it is only
reasonable to conclude that, after having occupied the Deanery of
St. Paul's for seven years, Colet had deliberately formed an opinion
in favour of the boy -bishop's sermon, as being productive of
certain beneficial effects upon its hearers ; at any rate as a means of
turning to some good account the proceedings of a festival of which
the remainder was devoted to pageantry, revelry, and the collection
of a tax upon the charity and good nature of the community.

We may conclude that the Church in this matter, as in so many
others in which she had to withstand the inveterate habits and
propensities of human nature, endeavoured to control and modify
doings which she could not utterly prohibit or abolish. In limiting
the revelry of clerks and ecclesiastics to the younger members, or at
least to giving to the children the apparent conduct and manage-
ment of the sports most allowable to their period of life, one
attempted to set bounds to a festivity, which with those of greater
growth was apt to run into vicious excess ; and by the collation or
sermon, which she placed in the mouth of the boy-bishop, it was
her aim to season the indulgence with some ingredients of instruction
and admonition.

The sermon at St. Paul's appears to have been usually prepared
by the almoner of that church; and the same practice was probably
established elswhere.b William de Tolleshunte, almoner of St.

a The great foreigner was of course Erasmus. A sermon from his pen, " Concio
de puero Jesu," spoken by a boy of St. Paul's School, is still extant. It is printed
in the Rotterdam edition of Erasmus's works, folio, 1704.

b Brayley rightly conjectures, as to the " chylde-byshop's sermons," that "pro-
bably these orations, though affectedly childish, were composed by the more aged
members of the Church." — London and Middlesex, ii. 229.

XXX11 INTRODUCTION.

Paul's, in his will, made in 1329, bequeathed several books to
remain in the almonry for ever, " all the quires of sermons of the
Feasts of the Holy Innocents which the boy-bishops were wont to
preach in my time." These have probably long since perished, nor
have we heard of any similar productions being extant among the
manuscripts of our cathedral churches.

It would be no difficult task to enumerate the names of many
eminent men who commenced life as choristers. Among popes we
have Sergius L, Sergius II., Gregory II., Stephen III., and Paul I.;
among English saints, Wulstan, Bishop of Peterborough; among
the first choir of Durham, Eata, Bishop of Lindisfarn; and from
the choristers of Magdalen College, Oxford (of whom a nearly
perfect list is preserved from 1546 to the present time), four
bishops: Cooper, Bickley, Nicholson, and Hopkins; Pierce, after-
wards President of the College; and Archdeacon Todd, the editor
of Milton .a After all something may be said in favour of the
custom we have endeavoured to describe. And, perhaps, Strype
was not far wrong when he concludes " that it gave a spirit to the
children, and the hopes that they might one time or other attain
to the real mitre made them mind their books." The spirit of
emulation has always had a beneficial effect upon youth. Let us
look then kindly upon that ancient ceremony which has been
denounced as " the foolish mummery of ignorant monks."

a See the Rev. J. E. Millard's Historical Notices of the office of Choristers.
12mo. 1848.

TWO SERMONS

PREACHED BY

THE BOY BISHOP.

PREFACE.

Only two sermons \s English preached by boy-bishops have
been discovered, whic/ follow in this volume. The former of
these sermons was p/ ^ited at least twice, shortly after its com-
position, but only (f .e copy of each edition is known to be still
in existence.

The earlier is f jm the press of Wynkyn de Worde, and has at
the end the devic of his master, Caxton. This was unknown to
Ames and Her/ jrt, but is described in Dr. Dibdin's Typographical
Antiquities, ii/ 379, from the copy which belonged to Richard
Heber. It a/ pears in the sale catalogue of the Heber Library,
Part vi., lor 567, and is now reprinted from the same exemplar,
through the kindness of the Rev. J. Fuller Russell, its present

The title consists of only these two lines placed at the head of
a blank page —

$n to Unnocenuum Setmo pro
ISptsrop puerorum.

The whole tract comprises twelve leaves, of which the second,
third, and fourth, have the signatures a ij, a iij, a iiij ; and the
seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth, b, b ij, b iij, b iiij. On the
reverse of this last signature the sermon ends; and a list of the
indulgences of Pope John XXII. succeeds. These occupy the
remainder of two pages and a half. A leaf with the print of the
Crucifixion — the same as given by Caxton in the Golden Legend,
1493 — concludes the tract.

According to Dr. Dibdin this sermon u must have been printed
before the year 1496, as the soul of Bishop Kemp is prayed for in
it, who died in 1489; and his successor Hill in 1495 or 1496;'

XXXVI PREFACE.

The second copy of this sermon, preserved in the Library of the
British Museum, has no printer's name or date, but it is evidently
subsequent to the time of Wynkyn de Worde. It has no variation
except differences of spelling, which are as numerous as is often
found in black-letter chronicles and other books of that era. On
the whole, the earlier edition, according to Mr. Nichols, is to
be preferred. Typographical misprints occur in both editions,
particularly in the Latin. These the Editor has silently corrected.

The second sermon is now printed for the first time. It is from
the Cotton MS. Vespasian A. xxv. in the British Museum. It
was written in 1558, and preached in Gloucester Cathedral in the
same year. Of the author, Richard Ramsey, we know but little.
From Wood's Fasti (edit. Bliss, i. 110), we learn that Richard
Ramsey was admitted Bachelor in Divinity in 1539. He further-
more says " Richard Hallyny, alias Ramsey, S.T.P., was admitted
Vicar of Wellan in Somersetshire, 1546, and had one or more
dignities in the church;" one of these dignities being, according
to Archdeacon Furney, the sixth prebendal stall at Gloucester.
Fosbroke (History of Gloucester, p. 114) tells us that Richard
Ramsey, alias Hawley, M.A., was installed Rector of Shenington,
co. Gloucester, in 1555, and was deprived in 1559." It is clear
from the sermon that the author was of the old religion.

Of John Stubs, " Querester " — the boy-bishop who " pronounced "
the sermon — we know nothing. It has been conjectured that he
was John Stubbes, the author of " The Discoverie of a Gaping
GulfF," who suffered the loss of his right hand in 1579 for his
seditious writings; but this is unlikely. This old worthy was born
in or about 1543, and matriculated as a pensioner of Trinity College,
Cambridge, November 12, 1555, being then of immature age.
The John Stubs who delivered the boy-bishop's sermon in Gloucester
Cathedral in 1558 has yet to be identified.

EDWARD F. RIMBAULT.

IN DIE INNOCENCIUM
SERMO PRO EPISCOPO PUERORUM.

Laudate Pueri Dominum.
PSALMO CENTESIMO xn° et pro hujus collacionis fundamento.

" PRAYSE ye childerne almyghty God," as the Phylosophrea sayth
in dy verse places. All those thynges that have the habyte of parfyght
cognycyon may move themself and conveye themself to theyr ende,
as a beest havynge sensyble knowlege, and man more parfyghter,
bothe sensyble and intellygyble, may move themself whether they
wyll, and so conveye al theyr accyons and dedes to theyr naturall ende ;
but carencia cognicione, those thynges that lacke cognycyon, have no
mocyon of themself, nother be dyrected to theyr ende without the
helpe of an other. As an arowe of hymself can not be movyd ne
dyrected unto the prycke without the redy conveyaunce of hym that
shoteth, thrugh whom dyrectly he attayneth his ende and is shotte
to the prycke.

In as moche thenne as mankynde is ordeyned unto an ende ferre
excedynge the lymytes of nature, as it is wryten by the Holy Ghost
in Ysay Ixiiij0, Genius nonvidit, Deus, absque te quce preparasti exspec-
tantibus te ; et prima ad Corintheos secundo — Oculus non vidit, nee
aures audivit, nee in cor hominis ascendit quce preparavit Deus dili-
gentibus ilium. " The eye of a man hath not seen, nother his eeres
herde, nother it can not be thought in his herte, thende that Al-
myghty God hath ordencd for them that lovyth hym." To this ende
man, havynge the use of reason and parfyte knowlege, is dyrected

a Qu. an error for the Psalmist?
CAMD. SOC. B

THE BOY BISHOP'S SERMON

by his free wyll as by a pryncypall in hyrnself to move hyrn to God.
And also by fayth as a pryncypall above naturall knowlege, without
the whiche it is impossyble to plese God and attayne to the ende of
grace in this present lyf and glory in heven, as it is wreten, Sine fide
impossibile est placere Deo. Whyle it is so that man endowed with
use of reason, havynge naturall knowlege and free, maye not suffy-
cyently dyrect hymself to the ende that God hath ordeyned to without
the helpe of fayth, as it is wry ten, Jheremise iiij°, Non est enim liominis
vincere, neque viri est ut ambuleter et dirigat gressits ejus. It is not in
mannes power for to overcome vyce of hymself, nother for to walke
parfyghtly and dyrecte his gooynge in the la we of God, but by his
grace assystente. Moche more those that bene chylderne for tender-
nesse of age and lacke of knowlege can not dyrect theyr dedes con-

[Chiidren venyentely to that ende without specyall helpe of God. In token

school ]6t * herof childerne newely sette to scole, lackynge the use of reason and
the habyte of cognycyon, have a recourse to Goddes dyreccyon,
fyrste lernynge this (Cristis Crosse be my spede), and so begynnyth

[The A. B. c.] the A B. C. In wytnesse of defawte of this perfeccion in knowlege,
Pyctagoras, to the dyreccyon of Chylderne, he founde fyrste this letter

[The letter Y.] in the A. B. C. J), the whyche as Ysider a sayth Ethimologis is formyd
and made after the symylytude of mannes lyfe, for this letter J) is
made of two lynes; one is a right lyne, the other is half ryght and

[Infancy.] half crokyd. And soo verely the Infant age of a childe is ryght
neyther dysposed to vertue neyther to vyce, as the Phylosophre sayth,
Tanquam tabula nuda in qua nichil depingitur. But the seconde age

[Adolescence.] is called A dolescencia* and hath two lynes, a ryght and a crokyd, sygne-
fyenge the dysposycion that he hath thenne to vyce and thenne to ver-
tue. In the whiche age is the brekynge of every chylde to goodnes or
to lewdenes. Therfore that age is moost uncertayn in knowlege, as
Salomon sayth, Proverbior. xxx°, Tria sunt miclii difficilia ad cognos-
cendiim, et quartum penitus ignoro. Viam navis in medio maris, et
mam viri in adolescencia. " Thre thynges (sayth Salomon) bene

a Originum, sive Ethymologiarum libri xx., one of the works of Saint Isidorus Hispa-
lensis, bishop of Seville, 601 — 636.

AT ST. PAUL'S, TEMP. HEN. VII.

liarde to me to knowe, and the fourth utterly I knowe not. The
flyghte of the egle in the ayer; The waye of the serpent on the
^rthe ;a The sayllyng of a shyppe in the see ; But the fourth and moost
hardest is to understande the waye of a man in his growynge age."
Tho children thenne the whiche kicke dyscrecyon, use of reason,
and parfyght cognycyon, and yet attayne to the ende that is prepared
for mannes blysse, as thyse blessyd Innocentes whoos solempnyte tlue Inuo~
we halowe this daye (Qui non loquendo sed morimdo confessi sunt)
may moost in a specyall laude that glory ous Lorde ( sequentes Agnum
quocumque ierit,} to whom by our Moder Holy Chirche in tytle of
tryumphe may contynually be applyed the wordes of my tyme b
(Laudate, pueri, Dominum), ye chosen chylderne of God, lackynge
the use of cognycyon and yet gloryfyed by your passyon in lyfe
everlastynge, prayse ye God.

In the begynnynge thenne of this symple exhortacyon, that I a
chylde, wantynge the habyte of connynge, maye be dyrected by hym
that gave to that childe Danyell /Sermonem rectum et Spiritum
Deorum, somwhat to say to his laude and praysynge, and to alle
pure chylderne that bene here present edifyenge, we shall atte this
tyme devoutly make our prayers.

In the whiche prayers I recommende unto your devocyons the [Bidding
welfare of all Chrysts chirche ; our holy fader the Pope with alle Prayer-J
the Clergye, my Lorde of Caunterbury, and the ryghte reverende
fader and worshypfull lorde my broder Bysshopp of London your dyo-
cesan, also for my worshypfull broder [the] Deane of this cathedrall
chirche, wyth all resydensaryes and prebendaryes of the same. And
moost intyerly I praye you to have myself in your specyal devocyon,
so that I may contynue in this degree that I now stande, and never
more herafter to be vexed with Jerom's vysyon, the whiche is wryten
Jeremioe primo : whan the good Lorde askyd of Jeremye, Quid tu [Jeremiah's
vides, Jeremia? he answered and sayd Virgam vigilantem ego video, wakins rod-]
"A waken rodde I see," sayd Jeremye. Truely thys waken rodde
oftentymes hath troubled ine in my childehode, that lumbi mei im-

a These two clauses are deficient in the Latin. b i. e. theme (or text).

THF BOY BISHOP S SERMON

[The King's
Bench.]

[The highway
to Tyburn.]

[He was pre-
ferred without
conspiracy,
lordship, or
simony.]

[Souls in pur-
gatory.]

pleti sunt illusionibus, et non esi sanitas in came mea; afflictus sum
et humiliatus sum nimis. And therfor, though I be now in hye
dygnyte, yet whan I see other here my mayster that was thenne,
operuit confusio faciem meam; a voce contremuerunt labia mea. As
Nero the Emperour wold to his mayster Seneca,a the same wysshe I
wold to my mayster I love soo well. And for theyr true dylygence
that all my maysters the whiche taughte me ony connynge in my
youthe gave to me, I wolde they were promytted b to be perpetuall
felowes and collegeners of that famouse college of the Kynges
foundacyon in Southwerke that men calle the Kynges Benche.
Gretter worshypp I cannot wysshe than for to sytte in the Kynges
owne Benche. And for by cause charyte is parfyght yf it be
extendyd as well to the ende of the lyf as it is the lyf self, I wolde
they sholde ende ther lyf in that holy waye the whyche often tymes
I radde whan that I was Querester, in the Marteloge of Poules,
where many holy bodyes deyed, callyd in Latyn Via Tiburtina : in
Englysshe asmoche to saye as the highe waye to Tyburne. In this
behalf ye shall praye specyally for all prelates that cometh to theyr
dygnytee as I dyde; for, thanked be God, wythout conspyracy,
lordshyp, or symony I was sette in thys degree; for verely pro-
mocyon in ony realme hadde per demonum Simonem et principem c
hath and shall brynge Crystys chirche in confusionem dampnabilem.

In the seconde partye ye shall praye for the wele and peas of all
Crysten reames, specyally for the reame of Englonde, Our soverayne
lorde the Kyng, Our soverayne lady the Quene, My lorde the
Prynce, My lady the Kynges Moder, My lorde her Husbonde,
with all the Lordes of the Realme; The welfare of this Cyte, for
my ryght worshypful broder and lover the Mayer, with all the
Aldermen and Shyrefs.

In the thyrde partye, all the soules lyenge in the paynes of
Purgatory ; specyally for the soule of the reverende fader my

a That he should make away with himself. This and the following passages are confir-
matory of other accounts that we have of the severe discipline then exercised in schools.
b »'. e. promoted. c So in the original.

AT ST. PAUL S, TEMP. HEN. VII. 5

lorde Thomas Kempe late Bysshop, and for the soules of all Bene- [Bishop
factours of thys chirche of Poules, wyth all Crysten soules, for the KemPel-
whiche and for the entent premysed I praye you devoutly saye a
Pater Noster and an Ave.

Laudate Pueri Dominum (ut supraj.

In as moche as Cryste sayth in the Gospell, Sinite parvulos venire
ad me, quia talium est regnum Celorum (Mathei xix°.) 4' SufFre ye
childerne to come to me, for of suche the kyngdom of heven is
fulfylled," by whom, after saynt Austyn (in originali, ubi thema}?
it is not oonly imderstonde those that bene chylderne of age, but
those that bene chylderne pure in clennesse from synne and malyce.
As the holy appostle saynt Poule sayth, Nolite effici pueri sensibus,
malicia autem parvuli estote (prima adCorintheos xiiij0) " Be ye not
chylderne in your wyttes; but from all synne and malyce be ye
chylderne in clennesse." And in this fourme alle maner of people
and al maner of ages in clennesse of lyf ought to be pure as
childerne, to whom generally may I saye Laudate, pueri, Dominum ;
Laudate, pueri, Dominum in infantia ; laudate Dominum in adole-
scentia ; laudate Dominum in per sever ante etate humana, — "Prayse,
ye childerne, your God in your infant age ; Prayse ye hym in your
growynge age; And prayse ye hym perseverauntly (usque in senec-
tum et senium) in your mannes age." And in thyse thre praysynge
of thre ages shall stande the processe of this symple Collacyon.

Thyse thre ages after the consceyte of the appostle (ad Galathas [Three ages
and ad Romanos) is lykened to the thre lawes, — that is to saye —
to the Lawe of Kynde, the Lawe Wryten, and the Lawe of Grace.
The first age is likenyd unto the Lawe of Kynde. A childe fyrste [infancy to the
whan he is in his infant age is not constreyned unto no lawes; Law of Kind.]
he is not corrected nother beten; and there is no defaute layde
unto hym, but utterly he is lefte unto the lawe of kynde. Do he
what somever he wyll, no man doth blame hym. Morally the state
of man inmedyatly after synne was verely the state of childehode

a A reference to Saint Augustine's Commentary on the Gospel of St. Matthew, where
the text (thema) occurs.

6 THE BOY BISHOP'S SERMON

and infans huvinge no nouryce. Whan that man was utterly left
without ony expressyd lawe, havynge no mayster, to his owne
naturall inclynacyon as to his lawe, there was no lawe of God newe
put to hym. Many defawtes dyde he, and to many inconvenyences
he ranne. Correccyon was there none, but utter destruccyon, as Noes
floode, destroy enge all infantes of mankynde save viij. persones
(Genesis vij°.) The destruccyon of Sodome and of Gornor with other
cytees (Genesis xix°.) And lyke wyse as a childe, havynge noo
nouryce nor guyder deputed to hym, may as well renne in to the fyre
or water as to go besyde, soo verely in the fyrste age of man, in
the lawe of kynde, a man beynge wythout a nouryce or guyder,
lefte to hys naturall guydynge, mysusyd soo ferre hymselfe, that he
ranne to water where he was utterly destroyed as I sayde before,
save Noes housholde, and also to the fyre, where a grete parte was
destroyed. And verely, Maysters, yf we clerely consydre our lyf
and state that we stande in now in thyse dayes, I fere me we shall fynde
ourself soo ferre guyded by our sensuall nature, that we shall nede
to be purefyed to our streyte correccyon wyth a streyte afflyccyon, as

[Negligence of the water or the fyre. And all for lacke of our maysters and

rulers"]* nouryces all wrapped in neclygence taketh none attendaunce to us.

Our maysters and nouryces spyrytuall, Querentes quce sua sunt et
non quce Jhesu Christi, sunt canes muti non valentes latrare ( Ysaye lvi°.)

[And of Tem- Our temporall rulers Infideles, socii furum, diligunt munera, se-
quuntur retribuciones ; pupillo non judicant, causa vldiue non ingre-
ditur ad eos. (Ysaye i°.) This neclygence in our nouryces spyrytuall
and temporall causeth in the Chirche insolent lyf, seculer conver-
sacyon (In habitii interiori et exteriorly ut qualis populus tails sit et

[Prevalent sacerdos.) In the temporal te it causeth that manslaughter is not
sette by ; lechery is pleysure ; robbery and dyscey te is called cheve-
saunce; extorcyonlordshyp, power; falshede, a fete of wytte; usury
counted no synne. Quornodo facta est meretrlx civitas jidelis, plena
judicii. Jtistlcia habitavit in ea, nunc autem homicides. Argentum
tuum versum est in scoriam. Vinum tuum mixtum est aqua. (Ysaye
i°.) A merveyllous chaunge ! sointyrne our reame was prosperous,

AT ST. PAUL'S, TEMP. HEN. VII. 7

now it is in myseryj. somtyme Ryghtwysnesse was the clieyf ruler,

now Falshede is quarter-in ay ster; somtyme was inhabytaunt Peas,

Love, and Charyte, now Wrathe and Manslaughter and false Dyssymu-

lacyon ; somtyme Trouth was mayster of our marchauntes, (nunc vero

usura et dolus). And somtyme Trouth stode upryght, now he is fallen. CThe fal1 of

Good men have inserchyd the strete where he felle; some sayde he

fell in Lombarde Strete, some sayde in Buklarsbury. And whan it [Lombard

was utterly knowe he was fallen in every strete ( Veritas corruit in Buckiers-

plateis), the cause is none other but we lacke our maysters and bul7-l

guyders that sholde streytly attende in this Infant age of condycyon

that we bene in.

Whan that infant age is ended, the fader provydeth for hys
childe for a mayster, the whyche gyveth instruccyon in small
doctrynes, as in hys Donate, Partes of reason, and suche other, a the
whiche mayster comunely is called Pedagogus in Latyne. This
mayster gevyth commaundementes to the childe in his growynge
age. And he breke them he is sharpely correctyd. There is no [Punishments
fawte that he doth but he is punysshed. Somtyme he wryngeth °naslerSj l°
hym by the eeres. Sometyme he geveth hym a strype on the honde
wyth the ferell. Some tyme beteth hym sharpelywith the rodde.
And so with commaundementes and sharpe correccyon he geveth
hym full instruccyon in the lawer scyence.b So in lyke manere
after the lawe of kynde. As mankynde grewe in age almyghty
God provyded to man an enfourmerc that was called Moyses, the [Moses.]
whiche sholde teche man his pryncypalles^ and small and rude
doctrynes. And so the olde lawe taught to man his Donate and
Partes of reason. Also he taught hym how he sholde gyve to God his
partes: the whyche were sacrefyces, oblacyons and tythes justely and [Tithes, £c.]
truely to be gyven to God — as it is wry ten Ecclesiasticis xxxv°.) Da
Altissimo secundum Donatum ejus. That what thou sholdest gyve

a The Grammar of jElias Donatus was one of the earliest books placed in the hands
of boys.

b The lower sciences.

c Informator was a usual Lathi word for a schoolmaster.

THE BOY BISHOP'S SERMON

[Alma.] also to thy neyghbour and broder his partes, that is to saye, almes
dedes frely wythout grutchynge, lenynge a of thy good without ony
trust or hope of usury, and forgevynge thy neyghbour yf he be in
necessyte without trouble for Goddes sake; and lyke wyse as the
people under Moyses growynge in childehode, thyse thynges were
taught by the whiche specyally Goddes lawe and praysynge was
encreaced, so in our growyng age in vertue that gode Lorde
(cujus laus est in ecclesia sanctorum) canne not be better praysed,
than yf we gyve unto hym justly and truely his Donat, to hym
oblacyons, sacrefyces, and tythes. To our neyghbour mercyfully geve
oure almesse, and pyteuously forgyve offences and dettes to theym
that bene nedy and maye not paye. Thyse bene the thynges that
longeth to Goddes praysynge in mankyndes childehode, as is wryten
of Thoby (Thobie primo,) ffcec et his similia puerulus secundum legem
[Severity of the observabat. In Moyses tyme streyte commaundementes were gyven

law of Moses.] J J J &J

to Man, streyte punysshmentes and sharpe correccyons ; they were
taken by the eere streytly, whan it commaunded in the Lawe aurem
pro aure, dentem pro dente, without ony mercy. He that gadred
styckes on the Sabot daye was stoned unto the dethe. And for one
grutched ayenst theyr mayster Moyses, the whiche was but Peda-
gogue, the chosen woman moost accepte, Maria, Aaron's sister, was
smy tten of God with the infyrmyte of leprehode. How ofte tymes
breke we our holy daye! How oft tymes grutche we ayenst our
maysters, not holdynge us content with noo kynge, nother prynce,
archebysshopp, nor bysshopp ; beynge as vary aunt as the mone !

[The Old Law.] And yet the good Lorde spareth us. The old lawe was harde to
observe; in the whiche tyme God entreatyd mankynde after his
wrath and punysshement. Wherfore he was callyd Dens ulcionum,
for whoos delyver mercy cryed to almyghty God to sende rnan-
kinde a newe mayster that sholde entreate hym and teche more
curtously ; and it lyked hym, Non ex operibus jnsticice qucefedmus nos,
sed secundum suam misericordiam, (Ad Titum iij°.) to come downe

[The New hymself and toke on hym oure mortallyte, gave us a newe lawe,

* i. e. lending.

AT ST. PAUL'S, TEMP. HEN. VII. 9

wold suffre none but hymselfe to be oure mayster; where with all
love and benygnyte, without sharpnesse, he taught us noo rude
nother grose erthly doctrynes, as they were taughte in the olde
la we ; but he taughte us subtyll thynges, hevenly dy vyny tee, oure
glory and oure blysse (Docebat eos de regno Dei]. And as longe as
we bene in the scole of mercyfull benygnytee and gentylnesse, though
we doo fawtes, purposynge to amende, soo longe he abydeth us
pacyently, holdynge hymself content. For by cause we bene now in
mannes state and parfyght age with oure owne correccyon (Prop-
terea expectat Deus ut misereatur vestri ( Ysaye tricesimo.) And y f we
dyfTerre and wyll not correcte our selfe here in the scole of mercy,
full grevously and moost sharply shall we abyde the swerde of cor-
reccyon of his ryghtwysnesse, as dayly by experyence we maye fele.
Therfore, in the thre ages of oure lyfe lette us besye ourselfe to
prayse God wyth pure childerne, amendynge our lyfe by dedes of
penaunce and vertuouse dedes usynge, exhortynge you with the
wordes of my tyme a — Laudate, pueri, Dominum.

The fourme and the maner how that we sholde worshyp and love
almyghty God in the thre Ages, that is to saye, in Childehode,
Yongthe, and Manhode, is shewed to us by a prety conceyte of oure
comyn Kalender in every boke of servyce. Ye shall understande rThe Kalen
that every moneth noted in the Kalender is dyvyded in thre partyes,
that is to say Kalendas, Nonas, and Ydus. The fyrst daye of every
moneth is called and named Kalendas ; the seconde is namyd, not
Kalendas, but quarto, quinto, or sexto Nonas, and soo tyll ye come
to Nonas ; and after Nonas, the dayes bene namyd Ydus tyll ye come
to the myddell, and thenne all the moneth after named Kalendas
after certen nombres; as the myddes of the monthe is namyd xix.
other xviii. Kalendas, countynge lesse tyll ye come to the ende.
Morally by these thre, Kalendas, Nonas, and Ydus, is understande
the thre Ages of Man. By Kalendas is understande Childhode;
Kalendce is as moche to saye quasi colendo, for the consuetude of the

* i. e. theme (or text).
CAMD. SOC. C

10

THE BOY BISHOP'S SERMON

[Childhood
dedicate to
devotion.]

[Our Lady
Matins.]

[The Age of
Youth.]

[Fairs and
merchandise.]

[The Youth of
England.]

[Vanities of
Dress.]

Romaynes was, the fyrste daye of the moneth that is called Kalendas
falleth, to solempnyse to ther goddes Hely, Juno et Jupyter. So verely
the childehode of man is dedycate to devocyon. Thenne sette the
faders the childerna to scole ; and thenne be they taughte to serve God,
to saye grace, to helpe the preest to synge; for to be meke, gentyll,
and lowely. Thenne saye they our Lady inatens, and bene ryght
devoute. Of whom may be verefyed that is wryten by Davyd —
Hcec est generacio qi/cerencium Dominum, that is the generacyon that
besyly by devocyon seke almyghty God.

By the seconde daye that is callyd Nonas I understande the
seconde age, that is callyd Juventus, Youthe. Nona dicuntur quasi
nullce, for in that daye the Romayns worshypt no Goddes, nother in
that season was noo festyvall dayes; or elles nonce dicuntur quasi
nundince, as moche to saye as a fayer, for in that tyme they occu-
pied themself in fayers and marchaundyses. And herto convenyently
may be the Youthe of man apply ed, that is in specyall from xiiij.
yeres unto xviij., in the whiche he is ful of undevocyon, and all
moost forgetith to worshyp his God or ony saynt. And yf he do
it with his mouthe, his herte is ful ferre from God aboute worldly
vanytees. As it is wryten, Populus hie labiis me honorat, cor autem
eorum longe est a me (Ysay. xxix°.) Congruently also Youthe
maye be namyd Nonce i. nundince — a fayer or market, for in this age
is the marchaundyse of the devyll. The worlde habundauntly bought.
Here the yonge man byeth. a strompettes body for his body and
soule. Here all vayne marchaundyses of the worlde bene bought,
to the whiche is very prone and redy oure youthe of .Englonde, as
we may see dayly. There is no vanyte in no partye of the worlde
but we bene redy to bye it : longe heres and shorte collers of Almayns ;
evyll fasshenyd garrnentes and devyllisshe shoone and slyppers of
Frensmen; powches and paynted gyrdylles of Spaynardes; newe
founde hattes of Romayns ; and so is fulfilled the -wordes of oure
Lord wryten in holy scrypture (Jeremiae xi°.), Elongaverunt a me>
et ambulaverunt post vanitatem, et vani facti sunt. " This Youthe
(sayth our Lorde,) hath ferre put hymselfe fro me, and they have

AT ST. PAUL'S, TEMP. HEN. VII. 11

walked after theyr owne vanytees, and by theyr invencyons they bene
all vayne and undoubtyd." This alterable vanytees in garmentes is
a true argument and a faythfull conclusyon to all wyse ' straungers
that Englyssheraen bee as chaungable in theyr maners and wyttes
as they be in outwarde garmentes. And yf this vayne marchaundyse
were oonly in youth of the reame it were more tollerable, but invete-
rati dierum malorum, boyes of fyfty yere of age are as newe fangled
as ony yonge men be. The whiche by reasons holde torne theyr face
from the worlde, consideryng the ende of theyr lyfe. But lytell
that is consydered ; ye, rather in theyr vanytees they bene praysed.
Quoniam laudatur peccator in desideriis animce sues, et iniquus bene-
dicitur. (Psalmo, etc.)

And the thyrde daye is callyd Ydus, the whiche is asmoche to saye [The latter
as divisio, a departynge. By whom I understande the latter age of0
man, in the whiche man is dyvyded from the worlde by dethe, to
the ende for to receyve good or evyll as he hath deserved in this
present lyfe. Lyke wyse thenne, as in the fyrst part of the moneth
there is but one daye that is callyd Kalendce, the whiche is the
fyrste daye of all, but in the later ende there be many dayes that
bene named of the worde Kalendas, so, in comparyson of the fyrst
daye of thy lyfe, that is to say of thy childehode, in the whiche
thou wert well disposyd in devocyon, multeplye thy good lyf and
holy dysposycyon in thy latter dayes, that thou mayest deserve oure
Lordes mercy, sayenge with the Prophete in the sawter, Et senectus
mea in misericordia uberi. And how be it thou hast often before in
thy yonge age and myddell age dyvydyd thy lyfe somtyme to
vertue, somtyme to vyce, ye as now in thy latter age kepe thy lyfe
holy in vertue. Dyvyde it no more tyll dethe dyvyde it, after the
counsell of the Gospelles, Joh'is xix°: Non scindamus earn, sed sor-
ciamur de ea cujus sit — " Lete us not cutte it, but lete us draw lottes
whose it shall be." How be it this texte after the letter is under-
stonde of Cry sty s cote without seme, yet convenyently it may be
understonde of every mannys lyfe or soule — Tunica dicitur quasi tua

12 THE BOY BISHOP'S SERMON

unica? Whether is more surer thyne owne than thy soule, for the
whiche prayeth the Prophete,b sayeng, Erue aframea, Deus, animam
meam, et de manu canis unicam meam. And whyle it is so that man
ly veth here in two ly ves, one lyvynge after the pleasur of the worlde,
the tother lyvynge here in vertue by grace to come to blysse, tho
that woll geve one party e of theyr lyfe to vyces and another to vertue,
and specially in theyr age, thyse maner of men dyvyde theyr
cote, and they, nother all the tayllers in the worlde, shall never
make it hole ay en ; for, as saynt Jerome sayth in a pystle, Difficile,
ymmo impossibile est, ut quis in prtssenti et in futuro fruatur gaudiis,
ut hie ventrem et ibi mentem, et-de deliciis transiat — " It is harde, ye
it is impossyble, that a man may have alle joye in this worlde and
also in heven— here to fylle his body and there to fylle hismynde;"
for truly the delytes of this worlde and the joyes of heven can never
be togyder in one cote of thy soule. Wherfore yf thy cote of thy
soule be ones hoole in vertue, without ony seme of vice, departe it
never, but lete it retorne in sortem Domini, and contynewe thy
lyfe in goodnesse without ony interrupcyon. And lyke wyse as in thy
childehode thou begannest vertue oonly, where thrugh in that age
thou prayseste almyghty God, so in thy myddell age, all wanton
vanytees layed apart, encresse thy vertu as tho dyde of whom it is
wryten, Ibunt de virtute in mrtutem quousque videatur Deus. And
that the ende may be conformable to his pryncyple without dyvy-
sion, followynge the wayes of Innocency with thyse holy Innocents,
in whose commendacions syngeth our moder holy chirche, Novit
Dominus mam Innocentum qui non steterunt in viispeccatorum. And
yf we be in synne to repare ourselfe to the state of grace without
wyll to falle agayn. And in recognysaunce of this gracyous benefyte
of remyssyon we may lovyngly prayse God as I exhortyd you

a This was a favourite mode of playing upon the sound of words taken in combination.
Saint Augustine was quoted as authority for monumentum being derived, " eo quod
moneat mentem. " See Weever's Discourse of Funerall Monuments, p. 9.

b Jeremiah.

AT ST. PAUL'S, TEMP. HEN. VII. 13

before, sayeng, Laudate, Pueri, Dominum, graunt us all, Cryste Jhesus
Splendor Patris, corona Innocencium.

AMEN.

Explicit sermo ista.

Note. —The remaining pages of the original pamphlet are filled up with a copy (in
Latin) of the Indulgences granted by Pope John XXII., as written up at Rome in
the Church of the Blessed Mary called Ara Coeli; but which, as foreign to the present
subject, it has not been thought desirable to reprint.

Opposite the last page is a large cut of the Crucifixion.

SERMON OF THE CHILD BISHOP,

PRONOWNSYD BY JOHN STUBS, QUERESTER,

ON CHILDERMAS DAY, AT GLOCETER, 1558.

(Cotton. MS- Vespasian A. xxv., pp. 173—179.)

Nisi conversi fueritis, et efficiamini sicut parvuli, non intrabitis in
regnum celorum. MATHEI 18. " Except yow will be con-
vertyd, and made lyke unto lytill childern, yow shall not entre
in to the kyngdom of heaven."

AMONG all the conclusions in holy Scripture, which are many and
marvellous, Ryght worshypfull audience, this is not the lest to be
marvellyd at, doubtyd, and dreadyd of all yow that are no childer,
but men, women, and yonggolds, of years and discretion, yow
specially whych alow no construction of the Scriptures but only the
letter as it lyeth, thys I say whych our Saviour Chryst pronouncyd
wyth his own mouth saying, " Except yow wil be convertyd/"
etc. As he wold say, Lytill ones shall entre to the kyngdom, but
other shall not; and so all seme to be excludyd from the kyngdom
but only childer, and such as are litill ones lyke unto childer.

Now, to yow that hange of the letter and not of the sprite, this
change, for a great one to be changed into a lytill one, and an old
man to becum a babe agayne, may seme no lesse strange and impos-
sible to yow, then dyd the mystery of regeneracion, or new birth,
unto Nichodemus, when he said unto Christ, Quomodo potest homo
nasci cum sit senex ? Numquid potest in ventrem matris suce iterato
introire et renasci ? " How kan a man be bom when he is ones old ?
Is it possible for hym to torne in to his mother's wombe agayne, and

SEKMON AT GLOUCESTER, 1558. 15

so be borne anew, and becum of an old man a child agayne?" For
other maner of birth then was by nature Nicodemus thaught not of.
But our Saviour Christ gave hym to understand eare he went, that
ther was a birth spirituall in water and in the Holy Goost, which
now is dayly usyd of the Churche in the sacrament of baptisme,
after the which birth it is possible for all ages both yong and old to
be borne agayne anew, and so to have an entre into the kyngdom of
heaven.

In lyke maner understand yow this conclusion of our Saviour, not,
as the letter soundeth, by a miraculos or monstruose conversion of a
man in to a childe as touching age, stature, an discretion, but of a
morall conversion, as touching certyn evill maners that are reprovyd
in men, and other contrary maners which are comendyd in childer,
by which means it is possible ynough for the greatest of men to
becum as litill childer, and for the eldest of women to becum in lyknes
of maners as young babes, which are symple, withowt gyle, innocent,
wythowt harme, and all pure wythowt corruption, as few above the
age of childer are, and as all ought to be, and of necessitie must be
if thei intend ther salvacion according to the wordes of Christ afore
rehersed, Nisi conversifueritis, etc. " Except you wil be convertyd
and be made lyke unto litell ones, you shall not entre into the
kyngdom of heavy n, you shall not entre, you shall not." Marke
and regard the infallible sentence of Christes own mouth. Love
litill ones, therfor, and learn of them how you may have an entre
into the kyngdom of heavyn.

There is another conclusion in Scripture also which semeth to
make as much for men and agaynst childer, to exclude them from
the kyngdom. Regnum (inquit) celorum vim patitur,et violenti
rapiuntillud. " The kyngdom of heaven (saith our Saviour Christ) Math. 11,
suffreth violence, and thei that cum by it pluk it unto them with
violence/' Now, if this violence stode by stronge hand, and force
of bodily strength, alak ! what force, what violence, and what
shyfftes could the litill ones make to catch the kingdom unto them ?
Every body would pluk it from the litill ones; but, thanks be unto

16 SERMON OF THE CHILD BISHOP

God ! the litill ones have by nature what the elder have by wrestlyng
and stryvyng with their own affections. Thei have humilitie of
mynd and sprite, which vertue the lower yt goeth the nerer it
approcheth the kyngdom of heaven, and other like virtues the chil-
der have which are degrees to the kyngdom ; or, if yow" understand
these wordes of such spirituall violence, which consisteth more in
violent suffryng then in violent action or doyng, this conclusion
excludeth nether men, women, nor childer, for every one may suffre '
such kynd of violence for the kyngdom of God.

Such violence usyd thei which, utterly forsakyng the pleasures of
the flesh, dyd castrate themselves for the kyngdom of heaven, as
our Saviour saith in the 19. chap, of S. Mathew. Such violence
usyd the Apostles, which utterly renownsyd the world and all worldly
goodes, and folowyd Christ in povertie of the world, and of the
sprite both, for the desyre of the kyngdom. Such violence usyd S.
Mathew the puplicane, and Mary Magdalene the synner, and all
other which, for the love of the kyngdom, do willingly forsake their
evill trade and synfull lyving,a stryvyng with the world and with
themselves to entre into the kyngdom by the narow gate that
Christ speke of in the 13. cap. of S. Luke, saying, Contendite intrare
per angustam portam. " Stryve to entre in by the narow gate."

Such violence usyd our Saviour Christ hym selfe to entre into his
own kyngdom, for thus he saith of hymself, Nonne oportuit Christum
pati, et ita intrare in gloriam suam ? " Dyd it not behove Christ
to suffre as he dyd, and so to entre into his own kyngdom?" He
suffryd this violence not only on the crosse, being at man's state,
but also in his cradell, and in his mother's armes in his childhode
and infancy, when kyng Herode conspiryd his death, and thought
by all meanes to destroy hym in his childhode, but he myst of hym
then, as the wyll of God his father was, by flying the persecution in
to ^Egypt untill the deth of Herode.

a cs thei dyd, takyng penance upon them, and professyng a new lyfe opynly, not
regardyng what the world wold talke or judge of them, but what was expedient for
their salvation, as men that dyd stryve, d&c. These words are erased in the MS.

ON CHILDERMAS DAY AT GLOUCESTER, 1558. 17

By such violence these blessyd Innocentes atchyvyd to the kyng-
dom of heaven, of whom the Church this day make worthy
memory. Thei suffryd the violence of Herode and his tormentors,
beyng harmless Innocentes deservyng nothing lesse then such cruell
death. Yet thei that sawght Christes bloud, beyng uncerteyn of
Christy s person, dyd onmercifully spill the bloud of all Innocentes
that were about the age of Christ, from ij. years old and inward, by
means wherof ther death was and is imputed to them for acceptable
martyrdom ; for the tyrant and his tormentors, beyng once^tyn of
Jesus' person, thaught that thei slew the child and innocent Jesus
in every of these Innocentes, so that, if thei myst hym in one, thei
thought to hitt hym in another. And so every of these Innocentes
dyd shed their blond, not only in the quarell of Christ, but also in
the person of Christ, which was a prerogative above all other mar-
tyrs; for, allthough many holy martyrs have dyed in the quarell of
Christ, yet dyd never none but these blessyd Innocentes dye for
the person of Christ; and this is their prerogative in martyrdom,
beside the rightuosness of their most pure innocency, withowt the
which the suffryng of ther bloud shed and their quarell for Christ
cold not gyve them the glory of martyrdom, for a malefactor that
BufFreth not innocently, but for his own gilt and deservyng, is worthy ia p^ 2°.
that he suffreth, saith S. Peter, and he byds such to be content, and
to loke for no thankes of God at all.

And so, by this reason of S. Peter, it is evident that thei are far [Reflections on
wyde of true martirdom, and consequently of the kyngdom too,
which suffryd violence of fyre, hangyng, headyng, banysshyng, or
other just execution, for many and divers enormities in ther faith
and maners, allthough, in the opinion of ther favorars, thei are taken
for very holy martyrs only for ther pretensyd good quarell and for
ther patient suffryng, lackyng the commendacion of innocency,
which unto martirdom, as I said, is a vertue most necessary: so
necessary that withowt it ther is no perfitt charity, withowt the
which no cause, no payne, no pacience, no quarell, no, not the
quarell of faith and Christ, avayleth or profiteth to the title of mar-

CAMD. SOC. D

18 SEKMON OF THE CHILD BISHOP.

tyrdom, or to the title of the kyngdom. This is not my judgement,
but S. Augustine's in his boke De fide, ad Petrum.

[Abel the first And, for the more prayse of innocency, note you this, that the
martyr.] £rst Martyr of the world was all an Innocente. Was not Abel, the

2. son of Adam, slayn and martyrryd of his brother Cain at the
begynnyng ? He was. Kede the 4. cap. of Genesis. Et propter quod
occiditfratremsuum? "And why dyd the wicked Cain slay his
brother?" saith S. John. Quia opera ejus maligna erant, fratris
autem ejus justa. " Because (saith he) that his own workes were
evill, and his brother's workes were good." And so it appereth
that Abell suffered in the quarell of his innocency, and so he is
termyd Abell the innocent, and the first Martyr.

[The innocents Note you agayne that the first martyrs in the new law after the
after the^r^T birth of Christ were a nombre of Innocentes togythers which all
of Christ.] suffryd for ther innocency, because thei were found in that state of
innocency that Jesus was hymselfe; wheras, if thei had been out of
that state, and those years of innocency which agreed with the age
of Jesus, they had not suffryd ; but it was not without the great pro-
vidence of God that these first martyrs should be all innocentes.
[Stephen the Thridly. Note yow that the first martyr that ever was after the
afSrThTdeath death of Christ was S. Steven; but the same was an innocent too,
of Christ.] for? while his enymyes that saught his death could fynd no cause in
hym worthy of death, the text saith that they dyd subornate false
wittnesses that chargyd hym with blasphemy, and for blasphemye
he dyed, wherin he was most innocent. Vide the 6. of the Actes,
there shall you find it.

[All true mar- Brefely, all the martirs that ever were alowyd and approvyd for
'J trew and holy Martyrs in dede were all Innocentes, giltles of ther
death, by no meanes deservyng the same on ther own behalfe.

Thus much I have said of the virtue of innocency, for the honor
of these blessyd Innocentes and innocent childer, which are remem-
[Chiidermas bryd in the Church this day ; which day, as it is commynly termed
Childermas day, so is it celebrate and solempnisyd by the prefer-
ment of childer in all great cathedrall churches, which gyve the

ON CHILDERMAS DAY AT GLOUCESTER, 1558. 19

childer the prerogative this day above men, in token that the inno-
cent childer which shed ther bloud for the person of the most pure
innocent child Jesus had a prerogative above all men in ther kind
of martyrdom, as I said before. Of this vertue of innocency, and
other vertues and good properties in childer, which are to be folowyd
of the elders, I purpose to speke more largely in my processe ; and,
that I may have the grace this to expresse for your edificacion, and
yow the grace the same to beare away and folow for your own weale
and salvacion, so that, on my part and yours both, all may redownd
to the honor and glory of Allmighty God, before I wade any farder
in this matter I shall desyre you all to assist me with your prayer.

Preces.

A- A- A- domine Deus, ecce nescio loqui quia puer ego sum. 0 [Prayer.]
Lord, which namest thyself Alpha et 0, the first letter and the
last, the begynnyng and the end of all thinges, and consequently of
all wordes 'that may be writtyn or spoken by any letters, from the
first letter to the last, behold I have begon to speke unto thy people
as it were at the first lettre — helpe me that I may go through to the
end, for, consideryng my tendre age and infansy, I am constrayned
to complayn with the wordes of the prophete Jeremy, s. A- A- A- Cap. lc.
Lord God, behold I kan not speke, I kan not utter thy wordes and
thy message asbesemeth, quia puer ego sum, because I am but a child,
not only as Jeremye was, but I am a child in dede; but, if I were
a man that had utterance and eloquence to set foith and prosecute
thi word, which I have begon with all in my theme towchyng the
change of men into childer, Lord, how earnest I wold be with the
elders of this audience to convert them selves and ther maners to
the lykness of litill childer, that thei myght be suer of thy gloriose
kyngdom. Lord, how fervent I wold be with my late companions,
yong boys, which yet beare the name of childer, to retagne and
kepe the commendable qualities of childer, and not to degenerate
from ther vertues, that I myght make them also partenars of thy
kyngdom. But I am a very child in these matters, and kan not
speake halfe perfectly. Thow knoest, 0 Lord !

20 SERMON OF THE CHILD BISHOP

[Exhortation.] What then, good people ? Because I kan not speake perfectly
and eloquently shall I speake nothing at all ? Why am I set up in
this place ? Why is the message committed unto me ? Speake I
must, allthough lyke a child, and stammer owt of this word of God
a briefe exhortacion to both sortes, the elders and yongers, as well
as I kan; first to the elders, and after to the yongers; and, that
don, as brefely as I kan comprise, I shall committ yow to God.

eidera 1° ^ First, therfor, of these wordes of our Saviour, " Except yow wil be
convertyd and becum as litill childer, yow shall not entre into the
kyngdom of heavyn," I gather this lesson for yow that are of the
elder sort, that of necessitie yow must nede reforme your corrupt
maners, which are dissonant and disagreable with the incorrupt
maners of childer, and frame your affections thereafter, so that yow
be convertyd into the better, or else you kan not loke for the kyng-
dom of heaven ; for th' Apostles them selves, in the tyme of ther
carnalitie and imperfection, contending among them selfes for the
highest roume in the kyngdom, and which of them should be more
worthy then other, were answeryd with the same wordes that yow
all are, that, except thei would becum other maner a men, and be
convertyd into the lykeness of childer by humilitie and other vertues,
thei should have no part in the kyngdom of Christ.

The apostles upon this framyd them selves accordingly for the
love of the kyngdom, and thei understode by the answer that the
kyngdom of heavyn wold not be gotten by pride, ambition, conten-
cion, envy, ernulacion, stowtness, and elacion; therfor they abasyd
them selves to most profound humilitie, povertie, mekeness of sprite;
and convertyd ther maners most like to the maners of innocent
childer. Therfor considre what behoveth yow for your partes that,
seth the apostles, were forsyd thus to do by the answer of Christ,
what behoveth yow to do on your behalfe for the love of the kyng-
dom. Yow must nede gyve over your stowt corage that bolden yow
to syn, and yow must becum meke as childer; if yow will cum to hea-
vyn yow must not disdayn to becum and to be cowntyd as childer.
But how as childer ? Not to be childysh in witt, understandyng,

ON CHILDERMAS DAY AT GLOUCESTER, 1558. 21

and discrecion; for S. Pawl, the secretary of Christ's cownsell, do

cownsell the contrary in the 4. cap. to the Ephesians, Ne simus sicut

parvuli fluctuant^ qui circumferantur omni vento doctrince, etc. " Let

us not be still as childer that be wavering and wilbe caried hyder and

thyder with every blast of doctrine/' by the wylynes and craftynes

of men which lay wayt to deceive us. Yf we note these wordesof S.

Pawl well, you shall perceive that he takes it to be a childysh poynt

for any Christian man to waver in his faith, and that it is for lak of

witt if he be caried from the doctrine of his awncient relligioTi in to

a new fanglyd doctrine, which hath no suertie in it, but is inconstant

as the wynd. Yf this be a childysh poynt, and argueth lak of witt [Waverers in

and discrecion, as S. Pawl saith, I report me to you how many *®|jj flfc

witless childer and childysh people were in thys realm e of late years

and yet are in many places, which waveryd in ther faith, and were

caried hyder and thyder, from one opinion to another, as childer ar

caried with an apple, or wyth a puffe of wynd, as thei that have

strength to resist nothing, which is reproveable in men that should

have constancie and discrecion,

Therfor S. Pawl in an other place saith thus, Nolite effici pueri 1 Cor. 14.
sensibus, " Be yow not childer as touching witt and discrecion," sine
malitiis parvuli estote, " but as touching malice and syn be yow not
only as childer, but as litill litill childer," that kan not tell what syn
or malice meanith.

Considre well the nature of innocent childer, and yow shall per-
ceive in them no maner of malice, no envy, no disdayne^ no hurt-
fullness, no synfull affection, no pride, no ambition, no singularitie,
no desyre of honor, of riches, of carnalitie, of revenginge, or quit-
tyng evyll for evyll ; but all the affections quiet, in all pacience, in
all simplicitie, in all puritie, in all tractableness, in all obedience, in
all humilitie, and in all innocency; and no such synfull affections
reigning in them as commynly rageth in men and women of years.

These and such other good qualities in childer are to be observyd
and Mowed of yow that are the elders ; but specially, and among all
other vertues, I wold wish yow to embrace the innocency of childer,
for that one vertue includeth all, as the generall includeth the spe-

22 SERMON OF THE CHILD BISHOP

ciall, for who that hath this innocency hath halfe the rightuosness
and perfection of a Christian man's lyfe ; for the rightuosness of lyfe
growndyd in the rightuosness of fayth resteth upon ij . poyntes which
the prophet Esai expresseth by thes wordes, Qaiescite agere perverse,
discite bene facer e, " Cease to do evill and learn to do well." Who
that observes the first part is an innocent, if he cease to do evill;
who that observes the 2. part is a just man, if he learne and practise
to do well.

The same is expressed by the prophete David in these wordes,
Deelina a malo, et fac bonum, " Shon the evill, and do the good.'5
The shonning of evill belonges to the innocent; the doing of good
belonges to the just man. The first is expressyd agayne by the ver-
tuose man Tobie, saying to his son, Quod oderis tibi fieri hoc alteri
unquam ne feceris, " What thing thow wold not have done to thy
selfe that thyng never do unto other." Mark this part for the inno-
cent. The other part is expressyd by our Saviour hym selfe, Luc. 6.
saying, Prout vultis utfaciant vobis homines et vos facite illis similiter,
" Evyn as yow desire that other should do to yow, do yow the same
good unto them." Lykewise marke this part for the rightuose man.

Now compare yow the ij. partes togyder, and se how far or how
nere yow are to the kyngdom of heavyn. If yow have both these
partes of rightuosness yow are very nere to the kyngdom, and the
kyngdom is nere unto yow. Yf yow have but the first part only,
which standeth by innocency, then are yow halfe the way to the
kyngdom. Yf yow have nother the one part nor the other, and hold
yow ther, then are yow from the kyngdom so farr as thei that shall
never cum ther: therfor loke well unto it ; and remembre the wordes
of our Saviour, that except yow wilbe convertyd and chaungyd, and
becum lyke unto litill childer, yow shall not entre into the kyngdom
of heavyn. And this I have said as touching the first part for yow
that be the elders.

[Address to the Now for yow childer, both boys and wenches, that beare the name
of childer, I gather this lesson of the wordes of our Saviour, that it
is for yow most necessary to kepe the innocency of your childhod,
and other vertnes proper unto that tendre age, and not to learn the

ON CHILDERMAS DAY AT GLOUCESTER, 1558. 23

vices and evill qualities of your elders, leste yow lose the kyngdom
which is appoynted unto yow by name. And tyme it is to call upon
yow this to do, for not only I, but the world, do se in yow that yow
and the very litill ones that follow yow do grow nowadayes so fast
owt of this innocent state that it is wonder to me to se amonge yow
so many childer in years, and so few innocentes in maners. 1 am
not very old my selfe to speake by experience ; but I have hard say
of my elders that a child was wont to continew an innocent untill he [How lons a

IIP! child continues

was 7. years old, and untill 14. years he was provyd to be or such an innocent.]

vertue and honest nurture that he deservyd the love and prayse of all

people; and now we shall not fynd such a one at 7. as was then at

14, nor at 5. as was then at 7, nor scant at 3. as was then at 9. or x.

years old : this is great odes, but is this a good hearyng ? Tell me, yow

boys, yow childer, yow litill ones, are yow not ashamyd of your partes

that yow are so sone corruptyd ? so sone ripe, and so sone rottyn ?

so late innocentes, and so sone lewd lads? deservyng nother love

nor prayse of any honest person. What yow are I kan not tell ; but,

a my honestie, I am both ashamyd of it and sory for it, that yow

should so slandre the name of childer, and deceive your elders, which

have an eye unto yow to note and folow your maners, as thei are

advertysed by the wordes of Christ.

Good people, yow know your charge by the wordes of Christ how
that yow must of necessitie be convertyd if yow will enjoy the kyng-
dom of heavyn, and how yow are sent to these childer to take ex-
ample of your conversion to the better; and I have partly exhortyd
yow here unto ; and now the childer that should be for your example [Children now

.„ i r i i • • ^ i • evil mannered

are so eviil maneryd ior the most part, and so vitiosly corruptyd. in an(j corrupt-
ther maners, that I will not wish yow to folow them, except it be ed-]
upon great choyse and great discrecion ; and yet some I must appoynt
unto yow for example.

But wher shall I fynd them ? In the citie ? I dare not warrant [The children

i i M i r i • ' -I f TI . P of the City.l

yow to lolowe the cmlder or the citie, no not the yongest or all, ir

thei be ones owt of ther mothers' handes and kan run abowt the streates
and speake all thinges perfittly; for thei have be scolyd at home
that of them as yong as thei are yow may learne as evill properties

24

SERMON OF THE CHILD BISHOP

[Children of
the Grammar
Schools.]

[The choristers
and children
of the Song
School.]

as yow have all redy of your own; yea and perhapps the same which
the child learnyd of yow before, as to swere with a grace, as som
terraes the othes that cum from the hart, with a stomake to curse
bitterly, to blaspheme, to lye, to moke ther elders, to nykname ther
sequalls, to knowledge no dutie to ther betters, and such other
many mo. Thei go to scole in the open streates one with an other.
I will not wysh yow to folow such.

Which then? The childer that go to scole in the grammer scoles
under a master? A man wold think yea, because thei are scoles set
up purposly for the good educacion of childer, as well in good nur-
ture as in good learning ; but yet I dare not warant yow to folow the
childer of the grammer scoles, for, how so ever it happ, nurturyd thei
are as evill or rather worse then the other. Yf yow will have a
profe herof, mark ther maners in the temple, and at the table;
mark ther talkes and behavior by the wayes at such tymes and houres
as thei leave scole and go home to ther meales, specially on holydays
and campos dayes,a when thei are sett a litill at libertie. I will say no
more; but mark them, for I have lost my mark except yow find the
most of them most ongracious grafftes, ripe and redy in all lewd
libertie. I will not wish yow to folow such.

Which then ? The queresters and childer of the song-scole ? Beware
what yow do : for I have experience of them more then of the other.
Yt is not so long sens I was one of them myself but I kan remembre
what shrewness was used among them, which I will not speake of
now ;b but I kan not let this passe ontouched how boyyshly thei be-
have themselves in the church, how rashly thei cum into the quere
without any reverence ; never knele nor cowntenaunce to say any
prayer or Pater noster, but rudely squat down on ther tayles,c and
justle wyth ther felows for a place; a non thei startes me owt of
the quere agayne, and in agayne and out agayne, and thus one

a Campus, or camp-days, for matches at football.

b As first written, what fightyng, lying, mooching, and forgyng of false excuses was
among them, beside that, where thei are brought up specially to serve God in the church,
thei do nothing lesse in the chnrnh then serve God.

c which lak twynggyng, erased.

ON CHILDERMAS DAY AT GLOUCESTER, 1558. 25

after an other, I kan not tell how oft nor wherfor, but only to gadd
and gas abrode, and so cum in agayne and crosse the quere fro one
side to another and never rest, withowt any order, and never serve
God nor our Lady with mattyns or with evynsong, no more then thei
of the grammer scoles; whose behaviour is in the temple as it were in
ther scole ther master beyng absent, and not in the church God being
present. I will not wysh you to folow such.

Which then? Here is a company afore me of childer, semely in C°ne little one

• i i. TI • -11 i. .11 • t i in the midst.]

sight, most like unto innocentes^ specially one litill one in the mydes,
which puts me in mynd of the child which Jesus callyd unto hym
and set in the myd of his disciples when they were at bate who
should be chefe among them ; the child had prayse of Jesus' own
mouth for his meke behaviour and nurture, so much that Jesus said
of him, Quique se humiliavit sicut parvulus, iste intrabit in regnum
celorum, " Who so that meke and humble hym selfe as this child doth
here before yow, he shall entre into the kyngdom of heaven." Such
a one this litill one in the mydes here appereth to be that he myght
be thought worthy to be sett in the mydes for an example unto yow
of pure childhode, mekness, and innocency. Loke in his face and yow
wold think that butter wold not melt in his mouth; but, as smothe as
he lokes, I will not wysh yow to folow hym if yow know as much as
I do. Well, well ! all is not gold that shynes, nor all are not inno-
centes that beare the face of childer.

Now I se non other choyse but that I must leave the boys and
the childer that are ripe in witt and speche, and must poynt yow to
the litill ones which yet run on ther mother's hand, enable of them
selfes to run strongly abrode, as yet onrype in witt and onperfitt in
speche : sett your eye upon such and observe in them the true vertues
of a child for your example, for such I dare warant yow. As for the
residue, I dare not warant yow, except it be one among a C., whom
yow must chewse with great observacion and discrecion.

Here is a great lake and small choyse among so many childer : [The great fault
and where is the falte? wher is the great falte? Evyn in vow that 1S want of

, , r , , , , *-•••• teaching.]

are ther parents, ther fathers, mothers, and ther scolemasters.

CAMD. SOC. E *

26 SERMON OF THE CHILD BISHOP

a Where is the great falte? Evyn in the parentes, fathers, mothers
and scolemasters, which do nother teach ther childer good, nother
yet chastice them when thei do evill ; when thei lye and swere as I
have hard some do, Good Lord, how abominably ! and curse with
plages and pestilence and murrens upon ther felows, brothers, and
sisters, evyn ther parentes standyng by and hearing them ; and yet
not a word of correction, notwithstandyng thei have a great care and
charge upon 'ther childer as thei know ther folies, and shall gyve a
straight accompte for them unto allmyghtie God. And what is the
[Fond and matter? a folysh affection and a fond opinion in the parentes, which
foolish affection verv foncQy seke the love of ther child that knoweth not what love
or dutye meaneth, and that he may say " I am father's boy " or " I
am mother's boy," and " I love father (or mother) best; " to wyn this
word, and the love of the child, the parentes contend who shall make
most of the child, and by these means no partye dare displease hym,
say he or do he never so ongraciously, but both parties dandill hym
and didill hym and pamper hym and stroke his hedd and sett hym
a hye bence, and gyve hym the swetyst soppe in the dish evyn when
he lest deserve it: this marrs the child, it makes hym to thynke he
does well when he do stark nought.

There are very fond fathers in this poynt, and many mo fond mo-
thers. Dyd you never here, yow fond mothers, what the wise Salo-
mon saith, Qui parcitur virgce odit filium, *' Thei that spare the rodd
do hate the child : " and yet yow that never use the rod wyll say that
yow do it for love toward your child. The wyse man sayth such love
is hatered ; therfor it must nede be a fond love that you beare to-
ward your chiider in this poynt, specially in such mothers as when
ther childer do a fait, and never so many faltes, which will not ones
touch the child, but take the rod and beate the quyssion or the forme
[Fond mothars and after borne the rodd and say thei spare not the rodd. 0 fond,
or'trmVant1011 fond mothers ! what fait have the quyssion don to be bettyn? what
bum the rod.] falt have the rodd don to be brent? Your child have done the fait,

a This commences another sheet of the MS.

ON CHILDERMAS DAY AT GLOUCESTER, 1558

27

why do not he smart of the rodd ? Why do you spare the child ?
What hurt kan the rodd do to your child ? Ys it not an old and a
tru saying, The rodd breakes no bones ? But you have such a fond
tendrenes that yow kan not fynd in your hart to beat your tendre-
lyng, for if he should wepe yow must wepe to for company. Well, I
wyll take upon me now to be a prophete in this matter, that such
mothers shall wepe here after to see the ontowardness of such childer,
when the childer will not wepe with the mothers for company as
yow mothers do now with them.

The fathers are as fond agayne on the other part: "Nay, (say [The fathers
thei,) yf I should beate my child, and kepe hym undre and in awe willnot kil1 the

T i i T i .11 i • • i i • i courage of their

now, 1 should kill his corage in his youth, and take away his hart children.]
that he shall never be bold when he is a man." Mary ! that is the
very thyng that is meanyd in all good educacion, to discorage youth
utterly as touching vice and vicious maners, and to bolden and
corage them in all probitye and vertue, and vertuose maners. To
lake a stomake and boldness in vice is no lake nor disprayse, but
prayse and profitt withall ; but, yf your desire be to have them stowt
in evill demaner, yow shal be the first that shall have experience of
that stowtness; for, after a litill time, thei wil be so styfe and stubborn
against yow that yow shall not be able to rule them yf yow wold,
and, in conclusion, they will contempne yow, and sett yow at
nought above all other persons. This is the retorne of such fond
tendreness; as experience teacheth by the example of thowsands
which have ben brought up so choysely, tendrely, and dangerosly.
Well, to be breffe, if yow will know the resolucion of this opinion
for stowtness, and for [the end] of such corrupt educacion, rede yow
the boke of the son of Syrac, cap. 30. Ther you shall find the
matter playn ynowgh agaynst yow, and I wold now recyte it unto
yow if it were not to long for this short tyme.

Now, farewell yow fathers and mothers: yow have your lesson.
I must have a word or ij. with the scolemaisters, which, at some of
your handes, take your childer in cure to teach and nurture them,
as well in vertue as in prophane learnyng.

28 SERMON OF THE CHILD BISHOP

[Address to Therfoi* I say now to yow scole masters, that have the youth under

ers'-' your handes to make or marr, inarr them not by your neglygence,
but make them to God ward with your diligence. Remembre that
Allmyghtie God regardetti the litill ones, and wold not have them
to be led from hym by yow, but by yow to be brought unto hym ;
and this he will require at your handes, as well as at the parentes,
for your scole is your cure, and yow shall give accomptes for every
scoler in your scole for the tyme beyng; and yow owght to regard
them all as your childer, and your selfes as their fathers, for Quinti-
lian, the flower of' scolemasters, termeth you to be tertios parentes,
the thred parentes to the child which yow have under your cure for
good educacion; for, as the carnall parentes by carnalitye do fascion
the body, so the scolemaster do or owght to fascion the soule of
the child by good educacion in learnyng of good nurture and vertue;
and therefore the scolemaster that so doth is cowntyd to be the 3.
parent to the child, yea, and the most worthiest parent of the 3, in
as much as the good fascionyng of the soule by nurture and vertue
is better then the best fascionyng of the body by nature; and so the
scolar will regard his scolemaster for ever if he have at his handes
such educacion that he fele hym selfe the better, otherwise he will
contempne hym of all men, evyn as the child brought up in stoutness
will most contempne the father and mother. Yow scolemasters
have a good order in your scoles for breaking Priscian's head or
syngyng out of tune. I wold yow wold take the same order for
breakyng of God's comandementes and ontunynge of Godes harpe,
which soundeth in all his wordes. Yf a scoler of the song scole
syng out of tune, he is well wrong by the ears, or else well beatyn.
Yf a scoler in the gramer scole speak false Lattyn or Englysh for-
byddyn, he is takyn withall of one or the other and warnyd custos
to be beatyn. I wysh that yow wold take the like order for the
evill behaviour of your scolers, that, if any be takyn with a word of
blasphemy, with a word of ribaudry, with a manifest lye, and such
talke or dedes as are contrary to the laws of God and the holye
Churche, let them be first warnyd custos, or wrong by the ears for

ON CHILDERMAS DAY AT GLOUCESTER, 1558. 29

it, and after be corrected as the custos is usyd. Other good orders
devise of your selves for the good purpose, as yow wyll avoyd the
reproche of synfull negligence both before Go.d and man.

Perhaps some will think hert in ther myndes that Tarn verj bold
to fynd so many faltes with so many parties — fathers, mothers,
scolemasters, childer, scolers, and no scollers; and take upon me to
reforme my elders, I beyng so yong in age as I am, and to reprove
other wherin I am not all clere my selfe, as some will judge that
knew me in my childhode. Well ! if we all amend we shalba never
the worse ; and I confesse to them that I was surntyme, as yet the
most of them are, shrewd ynough for one ; but I paid well for it,
and have now left it, and I may now alledge for my self the wordes
of S. Pawl, Cum essem parvulus, sapiebam ut parvulus, cogitaham
utparvulns, loquebar utparvulus: nunc autemfactus sum vir evacuavi
ea quce erant parvuli : " When I was a chyldysh boy, my discrecion
was therafter, my wordes and dedes were therafter, the fansys and
desires of my hart were therafter ; but, now that I have cum to be a
man, I have cast of all boy's touches," that is to say, all shrewdness of
childhod, as I wold all yow had don, retayning the puritie of your
childhod, that it may [endure] with yow togyther with age and
years, and no doubt that will cause you to grow unto honestie and wor-
shippe (as you see in me this day), and also bring yow to the honor
and felicitie of the kingdom, which is promised to pure and innocent
childer; and, so being, I wold wysh yow to have many folowars, yea,
all this holl audience present, that, as thei folow yow in your puritie
and innocency, so thei may entre with yow into the kyngdom of
everlastyng glorye throwghe the intercession of the holy and blessyd
Innocentes, who are the occasion of this my simple collacion this
day, and through the merittes of our Saviour Jesus Christ, unto
whom, with the Father and the Holy Cost, be all prayse, honor,
and glory, for ever and ever ! Amen.

Deo Gratias.

Ex. Ric. RAMSEY.

APPENDIX.

Compotus Nicholay de Newerk custodis bono£ Jotiis de
Cave Epi Innocenciu Anno dni T:c. Nonagesimo sexto.

In pimis r9 de xij d r9 in oblacoe die Natitatf dfii Et de ciausura.
xxiiij s j d rec in oblac die Innocen? •* j coclear argenl pond xx d
i j annulu argen? cu bursa cerica eod die ad missam Et de xx d
rec de Magro Wiftmo de Kexby pcentor Et de ij § rec de Magro
Johe de Schirburri cancellar Et de vj s viij d r9 de Magro Joh de
Newton thesaurar ad Novam a Et de vj § viij d r9 de Magro Thoma
Dalby archid Richmud Et de vj § viij d rv de Magro Nicho de
Feriby Et de vj § viij d: r9 de Magro Thoma de Wall worth.

Sm^ Iv s v d.

Km r9 de vj § viij d r9 de Dno Abbte Mori Me Marie vg ex"" villa.
Muros Ebo£ Et de iij S iiij d rec de Magro Willfno de Feriby
Archid Estrid. Sm"- x S.

Itm de iij § iiij d r9 de diio Thoma Ugtreht milite Et de ij g r9 patria.
de p^re de Kyrkh"^m Et de vj § viij d r9 de pjore de Malton
Et de xx § r9 de comitissa de Northumbr i j anulu aur Et de
vj § viij d de pjore de Bridlyngtori Et de iij § iiij d de pWe de
Watton Et de iij s iiij d de rectore de Bayntofi Et de iij § iiij d
de Abbte de Melsa Et de xx d r9 de p'ore de Feriby Et de
vj s viij d r9 de dno Stepho de Scrope Et de ij § de p'ore de Drax
Et de vj s viij d r9 de Abfote de Selby Et de iij § iiij d r9 de p*ore
de Pontefrac? Et de vj § viij d r9 de p^re Sci Oswald Et de

a The meaning of " ad Novam " is doubtful.

32 APPENDIX.

iij s iiij d r9 de p'ore de Munkbretton Et de vj s viij d r9 de dfio
Johe Depdene Et de vj § viij d r9 de dna de Marmeon i j anulu
aur cu bursa cerica Et de iii s iiij d de dna de Harlsay Et de
vj s viij d de dna de Rosse Et de ij s r de Abbte Ryavaft Et de
ij § r9 de Abbte Bellaland Et de ij § r' de p^re de Novoburgo
Et de xx d r9 de pWe de Marton. Sm^ v ii. x S.

Sm"~ total Receptor viij i i xv § v d.

Expense inf De quib3 dcus N. compotat ada "O virgo virginu" In pane p

Civitatem. . j* . ' T 3 . . . l . Q ^ ". *

specie 03 j a In cvisia vj a. om vij a.

Km in sua Cena In pane vij d Et in b pane dnico iiij d In
cvi§ xxj d In earn vitut t mutul ix d ob In sawcetiis iiij d In
ij anatibus iiij d In xij gallin ij § vj d In viij wodkoks t j pluver
i j S ij d In iij dos t x feldfars xix d In £vis avibus iij d In vino
ij § iij d In divs speb} xj d In Ix wardens v d ob In melle ij d
ofo In cenapio j d In ij ti candet ij d ob In flour ij d In focali
j d ob I't'm coco vj d. Sm"~ xv § vj d ob.

Itm die Innocen? ad cenam In pane iij d In cvis v d In
earn vitul t mutul vij d In pipe t croco j d. Dieb} ven;is ^ sabbi
nichil q*a no visitarut. Itm doc"^ p^a seqn? dieb} lune Martf
Mercur n1 qia no visitarut. Die Jovis s. die Get Innocent inierut
versus Kexby ad dom de Ugtrehte t revenerut ad cena In pane
ij d In 2vi§ iiij d In earn v d Dieb} venvis et sabbH nichil q^
no visitarut. Doc"" ij"" s. die Sci Willfhi devillaverut In pane ad
Jantactm ij d In dvi§ iij d In earn v d. Die lune cu ebdo"~ seqfi?
nichil (fa ex"^ villam. Doc"" iij"~ cu ebdo"" seqn? ex"" villam. Die
sabbi revenerut ad cenam In pane j d ob In cvi§ iij d In lacte
t pise iij d. Doc"" iiij"" n1. Die lune inert ad scolas et p Jan tact
devillaverut In pane ij d In 2vig iij d ob In earn vij d. Die

a One of the nine anthems called "the great O's," and this one was sung at vespers, on
the 23rd of December.

b This was probably for "the holy loaf." — See Dr. Rock's "Church of Our Fathers,"
i. p. 135.

ABPENDIX. 33

sabbi revenerut ad cena In pane ij d ob In cvis ij ct In pise
vj d. Doc"" v"~ usq, ad fin Purific n1. Sm^ v § vij d ob.

In p'mis In }ona empi p epo iij d In emendac pilii sui jd Varie expens
In pane equino ante arrep? itineris ij d In oblac apd Bridlyngtor per
ij d In elemosia ibid j d In ferilay apd Melsam iiij d In ferilay
apud Drax iiij d In pane equino apd Selby iiij d Itm barbiton-
sori j d In j. garth apd Bridlyngton jd In emendac j. garth
ibid ob In ij pectinib} eqinis empt apd Bridlyngton *t Ebor iiij d
In j. garth apd Bev1! j d In ferracoe equo£ apd Feriby viij d ob
In emendac j. garth ob In cena apd Ledes xvij d In feno t
avena ibid xiij d It in cena apd Riplay xvj d In feno et avena
ibid xij d ob In ferrac equo^ apd Fontans iiij d In ferilay vers9
Harlsay iiij d In baytyng apd Allerton vj d In vino p epo viij d
In pane et feno equoip apd Helraslay vj d In ferracoe equojp apd
Novuburgu iij d Sm^ x § vij d.

In pimis In j. torchio ept pond xij ti. iiij s iij d In j. pilio ixd Var' expense
In j. par cirotheca^ linea^ iij d In j. par manica^ iij d In j. par civitatem! *
cultellox xiiij d In j. par calcar v d K rj factura robe xviij d In
furura agnina ept p suptunica ij s v j d In fururis ex convencone
vj § In tricidiis rj totu tep9 viij d In carbon marin vij d In
carbon lign x d In paris candet iiij d ob In xxviij par cirotheca^
ept p vicar t magris scolax iij s iiij d ob It p emendac cape cerice
ij d Sm"" xxiij s j d.

In p^is Nicho de Nevvsorne tenori suo a xiij s iiij -1 Et eid r> Stipendia «er-

11 • ••• j. vietiuete(j[uoru.

suo equo conducto ij § It Kooto Uawtry senescallo vj § viij a t p
pdicoib3 ejusd in capella ij s j d ob It Jotii Baynton b canta? mediu
xg I? Jotii Grene v s II Jotii Ellay iij s iiij d I? Johi Schapton
?vient eid cu ij equis suis x § i j d It Thome Marschale p j. equo
iij s iiij d I? j. sellar p j. equo iij s vj d It pistori p j. equo
iij § vj d I? Ricdo Fowler p ij equis v s. Sm^ Ixvij § x j d ob.

a His tenor voice singer, or, in other words, the leader of his choir.
b This John Baynton sang the introit of the mass on the Sunday next after Christmas
Day, and this introit begins " Dum medium silentiurn tcnerent omnia," &c.
CAMP. SOC. P

34 APPENDIX

Feoda mistV i In p>mis succentor vicar ij § sbcancellar xij d It cere puo^a xij d
nc ' It cticf de vestib xij d It sacristis xij d It p ornacoe cathedre
epat iiij d It in ligno pro stallis iiij d I? in denar coib} xviij d
Itra custodi cborista^ iij s iiij d. Sm^ xj s vj d.

Sm*" to1' Expensa^ vjti xiiij S x d ob Et sic Recepta exce-
dut expensas xl s vj d ob ad usu Epi.

ft 'I'hese were small wax tapers carried in procession by the boys in the Boy Bishop's
train, or by his so-called '' clerks."

SPEECH

OP

SIR ROBERT HEATH,

ATTORNEY-GENERAL,

IN THE CASE OF ALEXANDEK LEIGHTON,

IN THE STAR CHAMBEE, JUNE 4, 1630.

EDITED,
WITH A PREFACE BY THE LATE JOHN BRUCE, F.S.A.,

BY

SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER,

DIRECTOR OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

PRINTED FOE THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXXV.

PREFACE.

LEIGHTON'S CASE.

THE particulars of Dr. Leighton's life are scanty and doubtful.
He is said to have been born in Edinburgh about 1568. After
having" taken orders in the Scotch Church, and holding a professor-
ship of moral philosophy in his native city, we are informed that he
proceeded to Ley den, studied physic there under Heurnius, and
obtained the degree of Doctor of Medicine. He then returned, as
we are told, to his former profession, and officiated as a clergyman
in London, until his political zeal urged him to the composition of
the book a which became the source of his melancholy celebrity.
It is entitled " An Appeal to the Parliament, or Sion's Plea against
the Prelacy," and is a quarto volume of 179 pages. It is evidently
the production of no ordinary talent, and, being written in a tone
of fervent and bigoted zeal, was eminently calculated to advance
the cause of Antiprelacy amongst enthusiasts. In every page may
be traced the workings of a bold and vigorous intellect ; the style is
energetic and commanding, full of illustrative comparisons, many of
them historical, many the produce of a fertile imagination, but by
far the greater number derived from that storehouse of Puritanical
illustration, the Old Testament.b Impressed with the opinion that
Prelacy as an establishment was not founded on the doctrines of

ft His first book, " Speculum Belli Sacri," was printed in 1624. — S. E. G.
b References to Bacon's "Wisdom of the Ancients" occur.— S. K. G,

IV PEEFACE.

Christ, and animated by an intense aversion to everything that bore
a shadow of similitude to Popery, his heated imagination distorted
whatever was presented to his mind, and, right or wrong, converted
it into a cause of offence against the Bishops.

The work is, in form, an argument to prove that " the Hierarchy
and their household stuffe" constitute the capital sin of the nation,
that is, as he explains it, "a sin established by law, and the main
cause of all the evils which had befallen the nation." In illustration
of this assertion he lays down ten positions, and proceeds to what
he terms prove them seriatim. In the course of his argument
history, whose fate it is to be quoted by all parties in favour of their
peculiar doctrines, is ransacked to form a catalogue of woes, all
which are either directly or indirectly made to tell against the
hierarchy ; no villany executed in times past, no folly practised at
the time in which he wrote, but is laid to the charge of " the
prelates and their apprentices." National calamities and personal
misfortunes, " the groanings of the brute and senseless creatures
under murrains and wastings," the cowardice of our " formerly
feared seamen," the visitation of the plague, the high price of
provisions, and even personal fopperies, and the extravagances of
female apparel, are all equally attributed, and with a perverse
ingenuity endeavoured to be traced, to the existence of an Anti-
christian and Satanical prelacy.- Having established his ten positions
to his own satisfaction, he urges the Parliament to remove the
national sin of prelacy, and points out for their consideration six
means of removal. He is peculiarly energetic in entreating the
Parliament to bestir itself in this holy cause, and strongly condemns
that lukewarmness in men of place which would make them leave
" God to do all the hard work by himself, and then they would
come and gather up the spoyle." It is perhaps worthy of remark
that he throughout speaks respectfully of the King. In his censures

PREFACE. V

of state policy all blame is thrown upon the Bishops, and it is
concluded that if all who love the Lord, especially men of place,
would do their part in the removal of the hierarchy, the King
would be " as an angel of God in this particular/'

The Queen is not so well treated; there are, however, but few
passages in which she is alluded to. I shall extract one, not merely
as a specimen of his style, but as it contains the allusion to Her
Majesty, which was made one of the most serious articles of charge
against the author before the Star Chamber.

" After the death of Queen Elizabeth all the good had great
hopes of a Conformity of Church Government to the Rule of Christ ;
a great many Ministers and people set themselves to maintain and
sollicite the Cause of Christ. But the subtile Tempter, namely, the
Hierarchy, did so winde itself, like the Ivie about the vine, that
they drained out all his spirit of Reformation (if he brought any
with him); yea, they suggested to the eye of his apprehension such
a bewitching Phantasm of Pleasure, Profit, Honour, Applause,
Admiration, Absolute Government, and Absolute Libertie to do
what he list, to arise from the Maintenance of an Honourable
Clergie, that he conceived them to be the bravest ornaments and
fittest instruments for King Craft that were in the world.

" Again they filled his eares with forged Reproches of the
Government of Christ, taking opportunity to strike upon that
Jarring String of his sometimes exasperated Conceit.

" They further buzzed into his eares the danger of exasperating
Papists, if he should comply with Reformation.

" Lastly, they so plyed his deluded Disposition with evil Instru-
ments and mercenarie men, that he must hear nothing nor bear
nothing but the wilde Grapes of Episcopal Conformity; whereupon
they grew so insolent that they added Violence to their Malice,
abusing the King in that (besides his pleasure and Command) they
tooke away the Sheepheards and schattered the Flocks, and so to our
great griefe we were disapointed of this point of our Expectation.

•; rr.v ;•' •.,.

I

VI PREFACE.

" Another Ground of our Hope was, that Magnanimious Henry
(whom we do not name to minorate the Parts of our present
Soveraigne), whose Heroick Parts and Princely Cariage were not
only a Terror and Admiration to Forrains, but they were also both
feared and envyed by Papists and Prelats, whom he could never
endure. But our Sinnes and our Emmies' Malice caused the
Summer set upon our faire Rose before we were aware, and so that
Anchor came home.

" A third thing we looked for was the Removall of the former
Favorite, which the Lord effected : But instead of a Thistle he sent
us a a Bramble, because we were no better worthy.

" A fourth thing that we much importuned God for was the
breaking of the Spanish Match and our Princes safe Returne from
Spaine; God in mercy graunted both; but we were so unthankfull
for both these in a right manner, and brake up our watching over
him for a better Helper, that God suffered him, to our heavy wo, to
match with the Daughter of Heth, though he mist an ^Egyptian.

" 5. When all things were so far re out of frame that we are
becom the Prey of our Enimies, the Mokery of our Friends, a
Shame to ourselves, and the Footestoole of a Favourite, then
nothing but a Parliament, Oh ! a Parliament, would mend all : But
Parliament we had after Parliament, and what was amended? Your
Honours can best tell who departed the Howse, at the Prorogation,
in so heavy a moode, as though ye had been led Captive by some
Conqueror of the State. For that overswaying Evill, on whom
all Reformation trenched, caried all Opposition with so strong a
hand, that he and his, the basest of whom durst brave the Parlia-
ment, were thought too hard for the State : But him also hath God
cutt off, and what would we have more ? Surely we may looke for
good, but evill shall come out from the presence of the Lord, till

a In the MS., in which the quotations are not in Mr. Brace's hand, we have " sit
us with." I hare corrected it from the copy in Dr. Williams's library, the paging of
which is quite different from the one quoted above, and which is dated thus: "Printed
in the year and moneth wherein Rochell was lost." It must be the original edition,
as the pages correspond with that mentioned in Heath's speech.

PREFACE. Vll

we hit the right vein, as our Services are like Cloudes, with raine, so
the Lord's favours will prove to us as the morning dew.

" But what is the Ground of all this failing of our Hopes?
Even the suffering of this Cursed Ground of the Hierarchic to bring
forth so many Brambles: (under favour) if ye had begun at this
Ground, your work in all reason had gone better with you. There-
fore to the Use: which is the last particular of this point: arise
now, and do it: The right way to the Work of Reformation is to
begin with the Sanctuary, as Ezechia and Josiah did: the inner
Court of Christ's Temple is first to be measured, before the outward
Court of Policy." pp. 92—95.

The assassination of Buckingham is frequently alluded to, and
always considered, as in the above passage, to have been a judgment
of the Almighty. Felton's knife is represented as the instrument of
God's vengeance. It was the " Lord of Hosts " who made that great
Goliah to fall unexpectedly, p. 88, It was " The Lord who smote."

Laud is several times alluded to, but always enigmatically. In
each of the following passages he forms the subject of a pun. At
p. 36, when referring to the persecution of the Lollards, Leighton
affects that Archbishop Arundell and his crew vowed and sware
that " he would not leave one slip of professors in the Land."
" Some of the same descent," he adds, " ' to their little Laud,' have
said little less of the Puritans." Again, at p. 118, the Bishop a is
referred to as " the little good prelate.'5

Towards the order of Bishops Leighton has no mercy. There is
scarcely a term of reproach that is not somewhere applied to them.
They are " men of blood " — " knobs and wens and bunchy popish
flesh," — they are " Antichristian and Satanical " — " Ravens and
Pye Maggots that prey upon the State" — "the trumpery of
Antichrist/5 and, although not exactly Popish Bishops, " they

* Archbishop in MS.

Vlll PREFACE.

are garments cut out of the very same cloth. A pair of scissors
went but between them. Only diverse hands have cut them out.'5

" What a rabble of officers, as Chancellors, commissaries, arch-
deacons, and others, keep they for the emptying of the People's
purses, and filling of the land full of all manner of sinne, as
Swearing, Drunkennes, Whordome, Pride, Idlenesse, &c. ; witnesse
their filthy and rotten speeches, in disgrace of God's people, which
we Loathe to name, as also their patronising of sinne, and plagueing
of Professours in their Courts; what a numberlesse number of
Mothes, Drones, and Caterpillers, they keep in their Cathedral and
Collegiate Churches, we are not able to expresse. Some have
summed them up to the number of 22,000, or thereabout. What a
huge deal of meanes will so many Sharks devour." p. 67.

" They might prove Cedars and Palmes if they were transplanted,
but so long as they remain in that cursed feild, as a Eeverend man
said well, the best proves but a Bramble. In our Later and worser
times we see few or none but Brambles planted in that feild. If
there be a man of mischief, a mad Railer on the State, a maintainer
of Popery and Arminianisme with some new frontispice, affronting
by his insolent cariage the great Tribunal of the Kingdome, this
man shall be a Lord Bishop, and good enough too, for it is a matter
of Lamentation, howsoever many thinke otherwise, that a good
man should be spoyled by the place." p. 84.

" Henry the 8 most admired the life of that Subject, who never
was so low as to be a Constable, nor never so high as to be a Justice
of Peace, so we may say that he is the happiest Churchman, cceteris
paribus, that never was so low as to be a parish Clerk, nor came
never so high as to be a Lord Bishop," p. 85.

Whitelocke says that Leighton was charged with having excited
the Parliament to put the Bishops to death by smiting them under
the fifth rib. This certainly did not form one of the accusations
against him in the Star Chamber, and Neal says that Mr. Pierce

PREFACE. IX

could not find anything of the sort in his book. I have looked
through the work carefully, and have not lighted upon that exact
phrase; a but it seems to me that, although the author might choose
to explain away his meaning, there are many passages in the volume
to which it is difficult to affix any other than a very sanguinary
signification, consistent with the furious fanaticism of the whole work,

61 Those mine enemies which would not that I should reign over
them bring hither and slay them before me/' This is one of his
mottoes, and appears not only upon the title-page, but again at the
end of the Epistle to the Keader. " Judgment and Execution "
against the Lord Bishops is stated upon the title-page to be the
object of the book. u Tell Diotrephes if he leave not Lording it
over God's house and beating of his household servants — if he give
not over his hold — Christ will see Execution done upon him,"
p. 145. These and other passages of a similar character scattered
through the book indicate a fiery zeal which would scarcely have
been displeased with any sort of execution against the objects of its
hate; but it ought to be added that the author himself disavows any
such meaning. " We feared," he says, " they are like pleuretick
patients that cannot spit, whom nothing but incision will cure — we
meane of their Callings not of their persons, to whome we have no
quarrel, but wish them better than they either wish to us or to
themselves. One of their desperate mountebanks out of the pulpit
could find no cure for us (their supposed enemies) but pricking in
the bladder, but we have not so learned Christ," p. 179.

It is not surprising that a work of this description drew the anger
of the Court party upon its author. The proceedings against him
were commenced by his arrest under a warrant from the High

a It is to be found at p. 240 of the original edition, but may be explained as used
figuratively: "Strike neither at great nor small, but at these troublers of Israel.
Smite that Hazael in the fifth rib." — S. R G.
CAMD. SOC. b

X PREFACE.

Commission Court, signed by Laud. By virtue of this warrant he
was confined in Newgate for fifteen weeks, during which time he
is said to have been in great misery and sickness almost to death.
In the meantime the Attorney- General exhibited an information
against him in the Star Chamber, in which various " false and
seditious assertions and positions " contained in the book are ranged
under six heads or articles of accusation. Some of them are
ridiculous enough, as, for instance, he is gravely charged with
terming the Bishops " worms and magpies," and with calling the
canons of 1603 " nonsense canons." Perhaps it was difficult to
extract the spirit of such a work, or to show its character, by the
selection of a few passages; but, if viewed as a whole, I think every-
one will admit that it was a scandalous libel against the prelacy, and
an exceedingly dangerous publication. In his answer Leighton
confessed writing the book, but denied any evil intention, his aim,
as he asserted, being merely to point out certain grievances in
Church and State, in order that the Parliament might take them
into consideration, and give such redress as might be for the honour
of the King, the quiet of the people, and the good of the Church,
The cause was heard on the 4th June, 1630. It appeared that
u 5 or 600 " copies of the book had been printed. The Chief
Justice declared that the work was treasonable, and other Lords
extolled " the exceeding great mercy and goodness" of his Majesty
in permitting the defendant to be censured in that Court, instead of
directing him to be questioned at another tribunal as a traitor. All
the members of the Court agreed that he had committed a most
odious and heinous offence, deserving the several punishments they
had power to inflict, and an unanimous consent was given to a
sentence which forms an extraordinary commentary upon the
boasted " mercy and goodness " of the King. It was adjudged and
decreed : —

PREFACE. XI

" That Dr. Leigh ton should be committed to the prison of the
Fleet, there to remain during life, unless his Majesty shall be
graciously pleased to enlarge him; and he shall pay a fine of
10,000/. to his Majesty's use.

" And in respect the defendant hath heretofore entered into the
Ministry, and this court for the reverence of that calling doth not
use to inflict any corporal or ignominious punishment upon any
person, so long as they continue in orders, the court doth refer him
to the High commission, there to be degraded of his ministry; and
that being done, he shall then also, for further punishment and
example to others, be brought into the pillory at Westminster (the
court sitting), and there whipped, and after his whipping be set
upon the pillory for some convenient space, and have one of his
ears cut off and his nose slit, and be branded in the face with a
double S. S. for a Sower of Sedition; and shall then be carried to
the prison of the fleet ; and at some other convenient time after-
wards shall be carried into the Pillory at Cheapside upon a market
day, and be there likewise whipt, and then be set upon the pillory
and have his other ear cut off, and from thence be carried back to
the prison of the Fleet, there to remain during life, unless his
majesty shall be graciously pleased to enlarge him."

This dreadful sentence being delivered during Trinity vacation, and
after the close of the sittings of the Ecclesiastical Court, the degradation,
which was directed to precede the infliction of the corporal punish-
ment, could not take place until the following term. On the 4th ot
November the degradation was decreed, and the next day, being a
Star Chamber day, was fixed upon for the infliction of the cruelties
prescribed by his sentence ; but on the evening preceding the
appointed day, by the assistance of two of his friends, named Living-
stone and Anderson, Leighton managed to effect his escape from the
Fleet. Dressed in the grey cloak, hat, and breeches of Livingstone,
and the doublet of Anderson, the unhappy culprit walked out of the

Xll PREFACE.

prison, followed by his friends, and all of them passed the gate
unnoticed. Upon discovery of his escape there was immediately
issued a proclamation for his apprehension, in which he is described
as a man between forty and fifty years of age, of low stature, fair
complexion, with a yellowish beard and a high forehead. The good
fortune which had assisted his escape soon forsook him, and within
a fortnight he was traced into Buckinghamshire and recaptured.
On the 26th of November the first portion of the cruelties detailed
in his sentence was inflicted in the new palace at Westminster, and
on that day week he suffered the remainder of them at Cornhill.
Degraded, branded, mutilated, he was conveyed back to the Fleet,
and remained there for upwards of ten years. On the 9th of
November, 1640, the Long Parliament, upon consideration of a
petition presented to them on his behalf, directed that he should
have liberty, with a keeper gratis, to go about to prosecute his
petition, and that he should be removed out of the common prison,
and have the liberty of the Fleet. (Nalson, i. 511.) On the 21st
of April a Committee of the Commons, appointed to examine
his petition, made their report to the House, and on the same day
it was resolved that all the proceedings against him were illegal,
he was declared entitled to satisfaction for the various wrongs he
had suffered, and was ordered to be immediately discharged
out of custody. (Nalson, i. 799.) The tardy freedom which he
thus obtained came too late to be enjoyed by him, for it is said
that the miseries of his long confinement had so broken his health
that when he was restored to liberty he could hardly walk, see, or
hear.a His subsequent history may be soon told. When Lambeth
Palace was converted into a place of confinement for the prisoners
taken by the Parliament, Leighton was appointed its keeper, and in

a Neal's "History of Puritans," i 190.

PREFACE. Xlll

this office is accused of having practised upon those under his
custody all the extortions with which his long acquaintance with a
prison had rendered him familiar. (Nalson, i. 512.) The unhappy
man died insane, but at what time I do not find stated.

The conduct of Archbishop Laud with respect to Leigh ton's
prosecution has been a subject of much dispute. Amidst the heat
of the argument the facts have been frequently perverted and lost
sight of by both parties. Without entering into the combat, I may
perhaps be permitted to notice, 1st, that the prosecution seems to
have originated with Laud, who issued his warrant, as a judge of
the High Commission Court, for Leighton's apprehension; 2nd, that
the assertion that when sentence was passed Laud, standing up in
the Court, took off his cap and gave thanks to God? rests upon the
testimony of ;a and, 3rd, that the remarks stated to

have been found in Laud's diary, in which the cruelties of the
sentence are recapitulated with a sort of gratulation, and it is added
that the second portion of the sentence was inflicted, the "sores
upon his back, ear, nose, and face being not cured," are a most
scandalous interpolation, and have no shadow of warrant in the
original document. I cannot trace this interpolation higher than
Kush worth, and imagine that the disgrace of endeavouring by this
means to fix a groundless imputation of callousness and barbarity
upon Laud rests with him.b

Livingstone and Anderson, who had assisted Leigh'ton in his
fruitless escape from the Fleet, were brought before the Star
Chamber, and sentenced upon confession. " Kespect being had to
their penitency, they were only fined," says Rushworth, "500/.
apiece, and committed to the Fleet during the King's pleasure.13 "

[JOHN BRUCE.]

a See p. xxi. b Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 58, ed. 1686.

NOTE BY THE EDITOK.

The foregoing sketch of Leighton's book was found amongst
Mr. Bruce's papers, without anything to indicate for what purpose
it was intended, As the Speech of the Attorney- General (State
Papers, Domestic, clxviii. 16) is an addition to our knowledge of
Leighton's trial, the Council of the Society have thought that
Mr. Bruce's remarks might very well serve as an introduction to
that Speech, which is here printed from the original in Heath's own
hand.

Perhaps a few observations on points which, whatever Mr. Bruce's
intention may have been, it did not come in his way to notice, may
not be out of place. In the first place, it will be seen that he
passes over the statement in the notes of the proceedings in the
Appendix to vol. ii. of Eush worth, that Leighton was a " Romish
Catholic.'5 It may be presumed that he intended to treat it with
the silence of contempt, and no one who has read Leighton's books
will be likely to do otherwise.

Mr. Bruce speaks of Leighton as returning, " as we are told, to
his former profession as a clergyman in London.3' He evidently
has no certainty on the subject. It is not likely, however, that
Leighton undertook the cure of souls. His principles would be
against it, and something would have been said about it in the
Star Chamber if it had been so. He might possibly have been
employed as a lecturer, but I think it is most probable that he

NOTE BY THE EDITOR. XV

gathered his followers privately. In his account of himself, printed
in 1646, An epitome or brief e discoverie from the beginning to the
ending of the many and great troubles that Dr. Leighton suffered, fyc.
he tells us that Sir Henry Martin charged him with keeping a
conventicle. He denies the charge, but from his form of denial it
seems to be plain that he had done what might be termed keeping
a conventicle by others. He argues (p. 7), 1. That there is no law
against u the performance of such duties; " 2. That it is '; a
wresting of the law against conventicles, to urge it against the
said performances," conventicles being u unlawful and rebellious
assemblies." There is no law against "fasting and praying;"
" the intent of such as humble their souls being to meet God by
repentance, and therefore no conventicle."

Beyond this statement of his own, the only firm ground which
We have for this part of his life, except the fact of his publication
of the Speculum Belli Sacri, is a notice derived from the records of
the College of Physicians, published by Dr. Goodall, An historical
account of the Colleges' proceedings against empirics, 1684. The
statement contains no reference to any precise date, but is placed
almost at the end of the reign of King James I. It is as follows
(p. 401):-

Dr. Alexander Leighton, being required by the Censors to give an account by
what authority he practised Physic, he told them by virtue of his doctor's degree
which he had taken at Leyden under Professor Heurnius. He was charged as
being in Presbyter's orders, and asked why he did not stick to his ordination. He
excepted against the ceremonies, yet owned himself a preacher, and acknowledged
his practising of Physic. In several parts whereof he was examined, yet giving no
satisfaction, and being perverse as to ecclesiastical affairs, he was by the President
and Censors interdicted practice. After this, endeavouring to procure a licence, it
was denied him, because in Holy Orders, the statutes of the College declaring thafc
none such should be admitted into the College, or permitted to practice; wherefore
he was a second time forbidden practice. But he still persisting to practice in
London, or within seven miles, was arrested, and afterwards censured tanquam
in/amis, he having been censured in the Star Chamber, and lost his ears.

- xvi NOTE BY THE EDITOR.

We may therefore think of Leighton as bearing a double grudge
' against constituted authorities. The Bishops would not allow him
openly to fulfil his duties as a minister. The College of Physicians
would not allow him to fulfil his duties as a physician. Whether
the College expressed its want of satisfaction with him in the latter
capacity on purely professional grounds we cannot say. But no
one who reads the Speculum Belli Sacri can doubt that Leighton
must have felt a calm conviction of his own superiority in any
subject which it might please him to handle. Theology, politics,
and the military art are there handled by him in the tone, if not
with the skill, of a master. He is evidently prepared to take the
command of a regiment, or to settle the concerns of a nation,. at a
moment's notice.

In 1628 Leighton again comes before our view. His Epitome,
being written many years afterwards, may possibly be incorrect in
some details. But it gives the impression of being on the whole a
truthful narrative, and for many facts it is our sole authority.

In 1628 then, as he tells us, he was living at Blackfriars. " Some
of the better sort', both of city and country, came to " his house " for
his advice on the best mode of presenting their grievances to
Parliament." Some talked of abating the power of the High Com-
mission, others talked of various details in the administration of
episcopal jurisdiction. Leighton, when his turn came, struck in
with the proposal of a far more sweeping reform. u My simple
opinion," he says, " was right down for extirpation .of the prelates,
with all their dependencies and supporters." The notion took
root in the minds of his hearers, as thorough-going notions often
do ; and he was asked to draw up a petition to that effect. Having
laid down the general heads of such a petition he placed them in
the hands of some whom he calls " the godliest^ learnedest, and
most judicious of the land, both ministers and others." They gave

NOTE BY THE EDITOR. XV11

their approval, some of them being *c Parliament-men ; " and he
obtained five hundred signatures to his scheme.

The next step was to cross into the Low Countries, to put the
petition into shape and to have it printed without the interference
of the Ecclesiastical Commission. Before this task was completely
finished the Session of 1629 came to an untimely end. Two copies
were however sent over for the Parliament, perhaps for the two
Houses, though these seem to have come too late for presentation.

In July 1629 Leighton returned to England; and on February
17, 1630, he was seized by two pursuivants as he was coming out
of Blackfriars' church, which does not prove that he conformed to
the Church worship, as he says, in his petition to the Long Parlia-
ment, that he was coming from the sermon, and was therefore not
necessarily present at the prayers. But, however that may be, he
fell into the hands of the High Commission, and was thrown into
Newgate, into a cell which he describes as " a nasty dog-hole full of
rats and mice."

The third day he was examined by seven or eight of the High
Commission. Sir Henry Marten spoke civilly to him. Leighton
took high ground and refused to answer the Commission at all,
as not being legally empowered " to meddle with the body or
goods of the subject." As soon however as Marten consented to
waive that point and asked him to "spend some time in discourse
with him," Leighton consented. They had some talk about the
nature of the supremacy, and then they fell upon the usual argu-
ments about episcopal superiority. Sir Henry, according to
Leighton, quailed before the weighty syllogisms launched at his
head, and could find nothing to say against them. At last, after
some further talk about conventicles, Marten compassionately looked
at the poor man, his " countenance, through long fasting, beastly
lodging, and other afflictions, looking very pale." " The tears,"

CAMD. SOC. C

XV111 NOTE BY THE EDITOR.

says Leigliton, " rushed into his eyes, and he asked me what I
would have; if I would drink any wine. With thanks I answered,
No; and so they departed."

" Awhile after," Heath, the Attorney- General, came to examine
him, and Leighton at once declared his willingness to answer an
officer coming in the King's name. He said that he saw nothing
illegal in his book, and desired to "go upon sufficient bail, and so
to come to " his " answer." Heath replied that this was reasonable,
but added that " the King was very desirous to know the author,"
and that if he would give information the King would take it well ;
" yea, if it intrenched upon" himself, he "should find as much
favour as " he " could wish." Leighton said if the King would
" lay a particular command" upon him he would tell him all that
he knew about it, and, when Heath returned with such a command,
he declared himself " to be the whole and sole author and composer
of the book." Heath said that it was reported that he denied the
King's supremacy, and, upon his giving an explanation of his
opinion on the subject, advised him to set it down in writing for
the King. Leighton accordingly wrote as follows : — I acknowledge,
ex animo, as much dominion and sovereignty to belong unto our
King over all his dominions, and therein over all his subjects and
causes, as any of the Kings of Judah or Israel had over their
dominions and the premises therein, save only in those things
wherein they were types of Christ, or had a particular warrant."
With this, Heath said, the King was well satisfied. But Leighton
was not released, though his wife was allowed to come to him in
prison.

Heath's third examination was directed to an investigation into
the abettors of the work. Leighton replied " that na living soul
had any hand in composing page or line of that book except "
himself, acknowledging however that he " was moved by some well-

NOTE BY THE EDITOR. XIX

affected people to frame a draft of their desires to the Parliament
then being;" adding, that when he had drawn up a sketch of his
argument " it had the approbation and hands of many excellent
good people." Upon this Heath urged him, " with many fair
promises of liberty," to " give up the names of those approvers."
Upon Leighton's refusal, Heath began to be rough and to threaten
him " with the rod/'

It would be unwise to put too much trust in Heath's gentle
bearing till he came to this special point. But, if we compare the
demand for further information as to the abettors with the closing
words of Heath's speech as now printed, it is evident that there was
a real and anxious desire on the part of the Government to know
something more on this head, and that in estimating the reasons of
the Court for the savage sentence which was passed by it this at
least must be taken into account. For it was on the refusal to
reveal his knowledge of his abettors, and not on his libellous
expressions, that Heath grounded his demand for Leighton's corporal
punishment.

Dr. Leighton's book, in fact, was more than a libel. It was the
resuscitation of Presbyterianism. As an active force in the English
ecclesiastical and political world, Presbyterianism had been dead
and buried for many a long year. The idea of .a Presbyterian
Church order and discipline existing by divine right, and impera-
tively calling upon the King to lend to it submissively the force of
the secular arm, had died away. It is not the place here to inquire
how far the King and his advisers were responsible for its revival,
or how far the growing ideas on the hierarchy were responsible for
the renewed vigour of principles which seemed to have been got
rid of altogether. But it is certain that the phenomenon could not
have been regarded at Court as an isolated one. The House of
Commons had met the overtures of the King by proclaiming that

XX NOTE BY THE EDITOR.

there was only one form of religious belief permissible in England ;
and now a book was found declaring that there was but one form
of Church order permissible in England. A stranger from Scotland
standing alone was not dangerous; but he spoke of large numbers
behind his back. If such ideas were to spread, it would be dangerous.
The danger was a real one; but it was impalpable. One man alone
knew who these persons were who had supported them, and that
man remained resolutely silent; must not that silence of his have
aggravated, in the minds of his judges, the guilt of the fierce
uncontrolled words which he had uttered ? And so was begun that
list of barbarous and inhuman punishments, which did as much to
shake the throne of Charles as the exaction of ship-money.

Those who wish to examine Leighton's defence will find it in
the book from which these extracts have been taken. It is sufficient
here to call attention to the various opinions of the judges in pro-
nouncing sentence. Secretary Coke seems, though the account
given is not very clear, to have protested against the assumption
that Presbyterianism existed by divine right. Laud spoke for two
hours. He said, according to Leighton's account, the book was
false, seditious, and inhuman; accused him of blasphemy, high
treason, and said that for his Speculum King James would have
hanged him if he could have been found. The Speculum, Leighton
goes on to say, had been the cause of his illtreatment by the prelates.
James had read the book, and had given order that he should not
be troubled. Further, the first Parliament of Charles had promised
him a special hearing.

Laud seems to have entered upon a long argument in favour of
Episcopacy, and to have defended the conferring of civil jurisdiction
upon prelates.

Laud was followed by Neile. " For his calling he protested he
had it from the Holy Ghost, and, if he could not make it good, he

NOTE BY THE EDITOR. XXI

would fling his rochet and all the rest from his back, yea that
would he.'5 The other Lords, Leighton thinks, were merely passive,
though he heard that " Wentworth used many violent and virulent
expressions against" him. "A man of eminent quality," adds
Leighton, writing of Laud and Wentworth, " told me that the
book and my sufferings did occasion their combination ; for the
prelate, seeing that the book struck at the root and branch of the
hierarchy, and Stratford perceiving that the support and defence
of the hierarchy would make him great, they struck a league, like
sun and moon, to govern, day and night, religion and state." It is
not likely that Wentworth would have concurred in this way of
stating the matter ; but it is by no means impossible that the
appearance of such a book may have confirmed him in principles
which the proceedings of the House of Commo s in the previous
year had done too much to foster. Slight as the notice is, we can
ill afford to spare anything which sheds light on Went worth's
career during these few years, when so little is known about him.
Though he was not an apostate, and even his later opinions had
some root in those which he expressed in 1628, there cannot be the
slightest doubt that, as a whole, there is a wide difference between
the Wentworth of 1639 and the Wentworth of 1628. The key to
the riddle is, I believe, to be found in the effect upon him of the
claims of the House of Commons in 1629, and of the claims of such
men as Leighton. Of course his own personal position would make
a difference, and 1 doubt whether sufficient importance has been
attached to the effect of the Irish government upon him, which
must have acted upon his mind much as government in India,
sometimes acts upon the minds of men who start from England
with liberal ideas.

To return to Leighton — in his Epitome we have the original

XX11 NOTE BY THE EDITOR.

authority for the story discountenanced by Mr. Bruce. At p. 78 we
find these words: —

16 The Censure thus past, the Prelate off with his cap, and holding
up his hands gave thanks to God, who had given him the victory
over his enemies/'

Mr. Bruce does not appear to have been aware of the existence
of this book of Leighton's, and it is possible that he had Ludlow's
name in his mind when he left the blank at p. xiii. as the statement
is given in Ludlow's letter to Hollingsworth, p. 23. But, however
that may be, the story now stands on Leighton's evidence : though
whether that evidence is to be trusted every reader must decide for
himself.

The Information is for framing, contriving, printing, Attorn.

Gen. pi.

and publishing of a most malitious, scandalous, Alex. Leigh-
libellous, and seditious book, entitled

An Appeale to the Parliament, or Sion's Plea against June 4j 1630
the Prelacye.

The matter of the book is a bitter invective against the reverend
Bishops of this Church and kingdome of England ; but this not
against ther persons or any personall fault of thers, but against ther
functions, against ther calling, against the prelacy.

As in the primitive Church ther was martirium presbitrorum
and martirium presbyterii^ and the latter was the most dangerous,
soe this strikes at the roote to destroy and roote out all the Bishops
and bishopricks, and to introduce a parity, and by consequens an
anarchy, in Church government. But this is not all ; from them his
malice is extended to the person of his sacred Majesty; him he
sclaunders in his royall person and in his government.

And this is noe wonder ; nay, it were rather a wonder it should
not be soe.

To sclaunder and traduce the Kynge by his ministers or in his
ministers is all one as without that circumlocution to sclaunder the
King himself, for that's the meaning of it in other termes. All
libells of all kinds are wicked and odious.

But this is in the superlative degree extreamly wicked and odious ;
when it sclaundereth the person of the King, of whom they should
not think an ill thought ; when it disturbeth the peace of the Church
and the discipline therof. Other libells have been but libelli famosi.
This is liber defamatorius, a whole volume, a book consisting of
344 pages, and not one discreet and temperate page in it.

CAMD. SOC. A

2 SPEECH OF SIR ROBERT HEATH

June 4, 1630. For the matter of the book, it stands upon general parts [?] :

1 . That which concerns the persons of the Bishops and ther calling ;

2. That which concerns the sacred person and powre of the
Kinge;

In both which the defendant is soe exquisitely wicked and ma-
litious as that noe man who hath not advisedly read the booke could
imagine the one half those..

This is the true state of the charge.

In the defence ther is noe difficulty ; the defendant hath eased

me of making proof against him, for he confesseth the whole fact: —

The plotting

Contriving

Composinge

>. of the book.

Printing
Publishing
and Spreading

Not of 2 or 3 copyes, but the printing of 600 of them, more then
enough to poyson all a whole kingdom.

But, my Lords, is this a free and an ingenuous confession of an
errour? Noe, but a proud and arrogant justificacion. Tails con-
fessio non minuit sed auget errorem.

I beseech you observe the gradations of his wicked pretences for
doing soe foule a fact.

1. He was persuaded in his judgement;

2. He was moved in his conscience;

3. He intended it for the Parliament, but he published it elsewher ;

4. He saith he did it with pious ends and intentions;

5. He is soe full of piety. that he utterly forgetts charity, and
thats the comon fault of such fiery spirits ; and another character he
hath which fitts men of this mould, they will not swear an oath, but
they will abhominably lye; and soe hath he done apparently, for in
his answer he denys he scattered any of thes books, and yet uppon
his examination he confesseth he dispersed divers of them.

But this, my Lords, I shall confidently say is his owne answere,

AGAINST ALEXANDER LEIGHTON. 3

us himself swereth it without the advise of any counsell ; for, June 4> 163°-
although he had counsell assigned unto him at his request, yet he
was not counsellable. If his counsell would have been advised by
him, he would have used them; but he would advise them, and
drawe the answere himself, and hath put it in without any coun-
sellors' part; which I moved and obteyned for him least otherwise
I should have had noe awnswere at all.

Soe, my Lords, you have a charge, and the fullest proof of the
charge that cann be : a faire and full confession, and the worst of
all confessions, a justification of soe foule a cryme.

But, my Lords, because all sentence of a Court in a cryminali
cause is greate or less, according to the quality of the fault and the
circumstance thereof, I humbly begg your patiences to open the
severall parts and passages of this seditious, libellous booke.

As the parts of the libell are two in generall —

1. The defamation and destruction of the reverend Bishops;

2. The wounding of the honor of the King through ther sides;
soe are the passages of his booke of thes two sorts.

That happy discipline of the Church of England by the ministerys
of the reverend Bishops, the fathers of our Church, under our
gratious soveraign. the true nursing father thereof, and the supreme
governour thereof uppon earth, I take not uppon me to make an
apology for.

I lay that for an undoubted and undeniable truth.

To make any indeavour to proove it were to wrong it. as if it
might admitt a question. I hold it as a maxime, and a fundamentall
truth, that it is most agreable to the warrant of the Scripture, to the
past and best times of the Primitive Church ; and all the reformed
churches of Christendome who live under the Presbitrye doe all
freely acknowledge that under a monarchy e and wher the monarch
inaynteineth our religion it is the best forme of discipline ; and this
I shall be bold to affirme, that whosoever lives under a monarchye
and would reject the discipline of the Church under the Bishops
would, if they durst, reject the government of a kinge and interteyn

4 SPEECH OF SIR ROBERT HEATH

June 4, 1630. a populer government; and, if it be a sound argument to argue ab
effectu, I aunswer, envye itself cann not but acknowledg that God
hath blessed their kingdome in that point beyond all other parts of
the Christien world. Yet this brainsick man and his complices,
whose religion is never to be contented with the present times, hath
indevoured, with as much malice as cann be imagined, to defame
and to destroy the whole prelacye. He hates them himself, and
desires that all men else should hate them, et quern quisque odit,
periisse expetit; and thes are the degrees he goes by.

And this hatred I may thus distinguish of. It is reall, it is not
personall; for uppon his examinations he confesseth for the honour
of thes reverend Bishops that he knoweth noe ill by any of ther
persons; but ther calling is such as is not to be indured.

To come to the booke it selfc. It is directed to the Court of
Parliament in the intitleing therof. And the last conclusion of it
is thus:

High must you soar, but glory gives thee wings,
Noe lowe attempt a starlike glorye brings.

And this pitch of pride he himself beginns with ; for in the preface
to his booke, in the first page, he doth arrantly and impudently
sclaunder the sacred persons and happy government of his Majesty
that no we is, and of our late soveraign of ever blessed memory, in
thes false and sclaunderous words: " We doe not reed of greater
persecution, higher indignitie, and indemnitie done unto God's
people in any nation professinge the Gospell then in this our island,
specially since the death of Queen Elizabeth."

This beginning doth not only bewray his want of honesty, but
want of witt, for a half-witted man who had compiled a discourse
would in the front thereof have made it plausible, or at least pro-
bable, to have gotten the better passage for the rest. But this
ignorant man beginns with soe grosse a lye that every man will not
only suspect but condemne the rest that followes. In the present

AGAINST ALEXANDER LEIGHTON. O

age, wher the grosnes of the sclaunder is manifest, such an impudent June 4> 163°-
lye cann get noe credite.

But such a lye put in print may survive the present age, and then
noe man cann tell what rnay be conceaved of.

And we are bound to preserve the honour of our King and
Princes, and of the State we live in, not only from the malice of
the present times, but of the future ages also. And in the same
preface to his booke, however he pretends he hateth not the persons
of the Bishops, yet he expresses his love to them in this hatefull
manner ; he states them men of bloud, enemyes to God and the
State, and the prelacy e he calls anti-christian and satanicall.

These 2 things I observe to your Lordships in the preface,
wherby he ushers in an ill opinion of the State in which he liveth,
and a perfect hatred, as himself termes it, to the persons of the
Bishops.

From the preface I come to the booke itself, wherin, to omitt a
multitude of idle, wicked, and malitious passages, whereof every
leaf is full, I have made choise to single out only 14 severall places.

1. The first is page 3d.

That he might the better worke on the consciences of weake and
silly men, he layeth this downe as a position, That this is the maine
and master sinn which is established by a lawe to maynteyne and
continue Bishops.

2. Next to introduce the plausible doctrine of parity in. the
Church amongst his discontented disciples, and of a parity by con-
sequence a confusion, page 7th, he lays down another position, That
all ministers have voyce in counsell, both deliberative and decisive.

3. That he may the better prevaile herein, he indeavours next to
bring the persons of the Bishops into contempt by terming them
ravens and pye magotts, which prey upon the State. 35. Thes
sorts of men have the humility that Diogenes had, he contemned
Platoes pride fastu major e.

4. In the fourth place he discovers that infinite pride of hart
which lurks in men of this stamp, and withall the gross ignorance

6 SPEECH OF SIR ROBERT HEATH

June 4, 1630. that cannot distinguish betwcne a reverent devotion at the receaving
of the Communion and an idolatrous adoration of the Mass, ex-
pressed fol. 70, in thes words: *' The suggestion of false feares to the
King, and the seeking of ther owne unlawfull standinge, brought
forth that revived spawne of the beast, kneeling in receaving of the
sacrament, for the greater reverence thereto, wherby the Papists
had contentment."

5. Then he comes holme a to the Kinge himself, and, at the first
stepp, he takes uppon him to crye downe the King's powre in causes
ecclesiasticall, which, besides the inherent right therof in the Crown,
is established by Parliament. See pages 42 and 43. Thus he saith:
" That statute 1 Eliz. cap. 1, giving powre to the Queen to constitute
and make a commission in causes ecclesiastical is found inconvenient,
because abusing that powre given to one or more they wrong the
subject, wheras by virtue of the statute powre only ecclesiastical is
graunted, yet by letters patents from the King, unsoundly grounded
on the words of the statute, they fine, imprison, &c., which is a
great grief and a wrong to the subject."

A bold and an ignorant censure of the powre of the Kinge and
of the lawes of the kingdome, which he understandeth not.

6. But this is not enough unless with a proud scorne he did
deride the ecclesiasticall cannons, which have ther life from the
Kinge, terming them, page 63, " nonsence cannons."

7. Next in plaine termes thorough the sides of the Bishops he
wounds the honour of the King himself, for, speaking of the Bishops,
page 118, he saith this: " They corrupt the King, forstalling his
judgment against the good and goodnes."

8. In the 8th place, that he might she we more despite and
irreverence to the person of the Kinge, he speaks scornfully of the
person of His Royall Consort the Queen; for, speaking of the
mariage of the King, page 172, he saith thus : " That God suiFred
him, to our heavie woe, to match with the daughter of Heth, though
he mist an ^Egyptian."

* Home.

AGAINST ALEXANDER LEIGHTON.

9. But yet he is not at the hight, but he wickedly and trayterously
indevoureth to traduce the Kinge on his very abilitye of governinge.
For, page 175, he hath tlies words: " Consider then what a pittie it
is to all, and an indelible dishonour it will be to you," — speakinge to
the Parliament, — " the State representative, that soe ingenuous and
tractable a King should be so monstrously abused by the bane of
Princes," — meaning the Bishops, — " to the undoinge of himself and
of his subjects."

10. My Lords, one would thinke this wicked man could not
rayse his malice to a higher pitch, but he doth it ; for a little after,
speaking of the late Duke — this sort of people spare neather livinge
nor dead — he doth impiously and prophanly give countenance to
the barbarous murder of that noble Lord, and irrelegiously termeth
it to be God's blowe, and excites others to the like ; and wher he
ment that second blowe should light, God knowes. His words are
thes : " A fourth reason is from God's oifring of himself to guide you
by the hand, as we have shewed, who by giving of the first blowe
hath in mercye removed the greatest nayle in all ther tent, and will
not you followe holme ?" Page 176.

11. The next thing I shall observe to your Lordships is that
which moves a doubt in me, wheather the Jesuits or the Pro-
testants, frayed out of ther witts, be the greatest enimys to a
monarchical government. I raise my doubt out of thes words in
his book, page 191: " But the, Church hath her la wes from the
Scriptures, neather may any King make lawes in the howse of Godr
for if they might the Scripture should be imperfect." Thes words
spoken by a discreet man as D. Whitacre was? out of whom he
citeth the words, may have a good sence applied to matters of faith
and doctrine in religion, for then sola Scriptura est norma fidei.
But being spoken by Mr. Leigh ton, who applieth them to Church
discipline, they are full of pride and aversenes from government.

12. In the 12th place I shall observe a passage in his booke which
will aske some payne to distinguish from a traytor. His words,

4, 1630.

8 SPEECH OP SIR ROBERT HEATH

June 4, 1630. page 208, are thes : "But put the case that the good, harmless
King be a captivated Joash by Athaliah's Arminianised and Jesuited
crewe, or a misledd Henry the Sixth dispossest of his faithfullest
frends and best counsell by the pride of the French, or a Henry the
Third overawed by a divilish dominering favourite, or an Edward
the Sixth overpoysed and borne downe from his good purposes to
God's glorie and the good of the State by the halting and falshood
of the prelats and ther Romish confederats, soe that such a King,
though he hold the scepter, yet he sweyeth not the scepter, neather
cann he free himself and execute deseignes, because the sonns of
the mann of sin are toe hard for him."

Whether this be a language fitt for a subject to speake but by
way of supposition of his soveraign, I submitt to your judgments.

13. But next, my Lords, for his commendation, I shall say this,
that he is very indifferent, for he speares neather; for, page 202, he
hath thes words : — " Our King, counsel, nobles, ministers, and all
sortes of people are wofully corruptly a by that Romish dross." Now,
my Lords, you have your shares in plain termes.

14. But, for the 14th and last thing which I shall observe out of
his book, I am soe far from commending him that I cann not forgive
him, for in that, like an ingrate viper, he indevors to render the
King and the kingdome and the whole nation a scorne and a
reproch to the whole world; for, page 269, speaking of our assist-
aunce to our neighbours of the religion, he hath thes words : — " All
that pass by spoile us, and we spoile all that relye uppon us. To
omitt many instances which, being too well known, makes us odious
to the world, lett us touch upon the last, namely, the black pining
death of the famished Rochellers, to the number of 15,000 in 4
moneths, besids thos that had formerly perished, proclaimeth to the
world the vanetye, if not the falshood, of our helpe."

Thus stands this defendant convicted, not by a decade of argu-
ments only, as he hath devided his book, but by a grand jurye, of

* Sic.

AGAINST ALEXANDER LEIGHTON. 9

severall crymes, whereof every single one wher enough to con- June 4, 1630.
demne.

Many more of this nature might have been urged against him, but
thes are more then enough. And I have not picked thes out at
peeces which the context would have explained, or in any sort
altered the true sense therof ; for I doe professe to your Lordships
that I canne not find any sound part or passage in the whole
book.

I come no we to his pretences for an excuse.

1 . That he did it out of conscience.

A blind zeale and a misledd conscience are noe excuse for a
seditious pamphlett. All the hereticall scismatikes, nay all the
tray tors in the world, may say the like.

2. That he intended to present it to the Parliament.

This a .lay heresye, and fitt to be condemned by this great
Counsell ; as if it were lawfull or tollerable to sclaunder the King
or the Government in Parliament.

The Parliament is a great Court, a great Counsell, the great
Counsell of the Kinge ; but they are but his Counsell, not his
governours. But this also is an irregular and insufferable way,
growen too frequent of late, to put all informations, petitions, bre-
viatts intended for the Parliament, in print.

It is but a newe way ; it were pitty it should be old. Any man
may thus be soon sclaunderd in print.

I humbly move it, and offer it to your judgments, as a fitt thinge
to be suppressed for the future.

If this had been brought to the Parliament, I make noe doubt
but the success therof would have been the severe punishment of the
author: for I find the judgment of Parliament in the like case,
W. 2, cap. 33; 2 R. 2, cap. 5; 1 and 2 P. and M.

But not being brought theather but descovered since and nowe
brought heather in this great and honorable Court for the composure
thereof an epitome of a Parliament; my humble prayer is, for the
honour of our religion, for the honour of our gratious and good

CAMD. SOC. B

10 SPEECH OF SIR ROBERT HEATH.

June 4, 1630. King, for the honour and peace of the kingdome, for the support
of government, that this book may be

condemned,

suppressed ;

the authore severely punished for a lesson to others ; and, because
he hath refused to confess his coadjutors, that he may have corporall
punishment, as in Pickering's case, in a round manner, not to be
redeemed but by confession of the names of his complices.

NOTES

OF THE JUDGMENT DELIVERED BY

SIB GEORGE CHOKE

IN THE CASE OP SHIP-MONET.

EDITED,
FROM THE MS. IN POSSESSION OF THE EAEL OF VERULAM,

BY

SAMUEL EAWSON GABDINER,

DIEECTOE OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

FEINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXXV.

PBEFACE.

THE notes of Croke's judgment in the Hampden case, for the
publication of which the Society has to thank its President, are
much more brief than either of the two reports printed in the
State Trials, but have the advantage of autograph corrections by
Croke himself. The judgment attracted considerable attention at
the time as being the first delivered in favour of the defendant.
Words inserted by Croke are printed in italics. Words scratched
out with the pen are given between brackets in the notes. Croke's
handwriting is so minute and illegible that I have had considerable
difficulty in decyphering it, but, with the kind assistance of Mr.
Kingston, I believe that I have succeeded in interpreting it cor-
rectly, with the exception of the figure referred to in note e at p. 8.

The Notes taken of the Argument by me in the ^x versus

Hampden.

Eschequer Chamber the first Saturday in
, Easter Terme, 14 Caroli, beinge 14th Aprilis

1638.

This is a case of as great consequence as ever came judicially into
any Courte, therefore it behoveth us to be as carefull in delivering
judgement in it. I have deliberately scanned what hath beine said
of both sides at the barre by the counsell. I have considered
maturely of what hath beine delivered by my brothers ; uppon
hearing of their grave judgements I endeavoured as much as in mee
lay to conforme my owne opinion to theirs, much suspecting that
my owne judgement was not guided aright when I heard them all
judicially uppon their oathes give their judgement against my
single opinion. Yet, because every one hath a private conscience
to satisfie and give accoumpt of to God, I cannott be swayed by any
thing that hath beine yet saide to give my judgement with the
multitude; but in my opinion judgement ought to be given for a
the defendant^ However, when judgement shalbe given in this
Courte one waye or other, myne and all other men's judgements
and consciences must be regulated accordingly; but to shewe that
judgement ought not to' be given against Mr. Hampden, I shall
deliver my reasons, which shall stand upon.thesec po\_sitions~\.

1. That the writt of 4° Aug. directed to the sherife of Bucks
to provide a shipp, with munition-, &c.,d at the charge of the inha-
bitants of the county^- and to rate them, &c., is against the common
lawe, for that is not by assent in Parliament.

2. That it is against diverse stattuts.

a [Against.] b [King.]

c Letters which seem to be the beginning of " grounds " struck out here.
d There is no caret to show where this insertion comes in.
CAMD. SOC. B

2 SIR GEORGE CROKfi's JUDGMENT

. 3. Thata no pretence of prerogative, royall power, necessity,11 or
danger, doth or can make it good.

4. That it is not warrantee/0 by any presidents vouched, especially
not by any one recorde judiciall ; but rather in my under standing e
expresse records against the legality of these ivritts. To examyne the
parts of this writt. To examyne the parte of this work.

5. That the motives of the writt are not sufficient to lay this d
charge uppon the county, and are not warranted by former presi-
dents.

6. If they were, yet the command of the writt is against the
lawe.

7. If the writt* were legall, yet the manner of assessment by the
sherife as it is certify ed is not warranted f by the writt.

8. That the cerciorare and sci[re~\ facias issued not out legally, and
so consequently no judgement can be given agaynst the defendant
thereupon. The mittimus is that the% barrons shall proceed1*
secundum legem et consuetudines Regni Anglie ; so wee are not to
judge here according to conveniency or state policy, but according
to the common law1 and custome of England we are to judge. Wee
fynde in our bookes, recordes, or stattutes ; if wee cannott fynde
it to be lawe by these wee cannott judge it to be lawe. Therefore
Mr. Litleton, sect. 108, discoursing uppon the Stattute of Merton,
saies that wee shall never intende that to be lawe which never was
putt in ure, and uppon which no action hath beine brought. This
reason aplyed to our case induces mee to conceave that this writt is
not agreable to the comon law, because before' this tyme there was
never any such writt to charge a county.

The comon law of England settes a freedome in the subjects in
respect of their persons, and gives them a true property in their

a A caret is inserted here, evidently by mistake.
b [as this writt is.]

c [able.] d [a-] e [charge.]

[able.] «? [wee.] h [judge.]

' [if we fynde it to bee lawe by these which.]

IN THE CASE OF SHIP-MONEY. 3

goods and estates ; soe that without their consent (that is to say
their private actuall consent or implicyte in Parliament) it* cannot
be taken from them. And as to this purpose the lawe distinguishes
betweene bondmen/ whose estates are at their lords will and
disposition, and freemen, whose property none may invade ; for in
our case here is a charge layde uppon the free subject without his
consent, and therfore not warranted by the lawe. Lambert saies
no unjust taxation nor any other tallage may be layde on the sub-
ject. 17° K. John, the King saies, nullum tallagium, nullrm scuta-
gium, nullum auxilium, &c. without common consent in Parliament.
Fortescue, Chancellor and Cheife Justice of England in Henry VI.
tyme, that knewe well the lawes of England, in his booke De
Laudibus Legum Anglic, &c. fo. 25, 9 chapter, saies that the K. of
England cannot alter nor change lawes of England at his pleasure,
for principatu nedum JRegali sed et politico ipse populo suo domi-
natur. If his power were royall onely, then he might change the
lawes, tallagia quoque et cetera onera eis imponere ipsis incon-
sultis; but addesthat the K. of England sine subditorum assensu leges
mutare non potest, nee subjecturn populum renitentem onerare impo-
sitionibus peregrinis; and in his 13 chapter, fol. 31, he compares the
K. and Comons of England to the head and body naturall : Ut non
potest caput corporis phisici, nervos suos commutare, neque membris
suis proprias vires, et propria sanguinis alimenta denegare sui, nee
Rex, qui caput corporis politici est, mutare potest leges corporis
illius, nee ejusdem populi substantias proprias subtrahere recla-
mantibus eis, aut invitis. Thus he in this place; but in fol. 84 he
seemes to saye, in hoc individuo Eex Anglie nee per se nee minis-
tros suos tallagia, subsidia, aut qusevis onera alia imponit ligiis suis aut
leges eorum mutat aut nova condit sine concessions vel assenssu totius
regni sui in Parliamento suo expresso ; which wordes seeme gene-
rail, that in no case he may doe it; so the yeare booke of 13 H. IY. 14,

a "And slaves" deleted, afterwards "freed and" inserted before bondmen, but
deleted.

SIR GEORGE CROKE's JUDGMENT

Objection],

A[nswer].

14 E. II. rot.
60.

shewes that a small charge of Id. cannot be layde on the subject
in gen e*rall but by Parliament ; yet the lawe allow es in some private
cases, where there is a small charge layde, soe as there be apparent
particular benefitt to those that are taxed, that a charge may
be layde, as the cases of murage and pontage, and the case of 5
Keporte, 54, Clarke's case, where townes by bye lawes made betweene*
them may lay charges and rate one another toward the better
government of the towne ; but in these cases the tax must be very
small, and if the murage or pontage be too great the judges shall
judge of it and dissalow it: Soe in the Register, 127, uppon an
inundation of the .sea uppon the inland marshes, the King may
awarde a commission to com pell those who are within the danger to
repaire the banks, and lay a proportionable charge to keepe out the
sea. So may the Commissioners of Sewers doe, 10 Report, 142. But
in these cases there is a particular actuall losse repaired or a par-
ticular benefitt, and these are but in petty trifles ; and in such cases
the comon lawe may allowe it, Quia de minimis non curat lex. But
in our case there is a publique generall charge throughout counties,
which the lawe will not suffer.

But it hath beine, said this charge is for publique defence ; and
may not this be done when every one hath advantage by it ?

Yes, there may be a charge, and there ought to be a publique
defence, but this must be done in a due and ordinary way, s[cilice]t
by Perliament, in which the subject may give his consent. In 14
E. II. rot. 60, in B. R., there it appeares that the Scotts had invaded
Durham ; the inhabit[ant]s compounded with them for moneyes,
and gave hostages for the payment ; hereuppon, because moneyes
could not presently be rated and gathered, the towne ordered there
should be search made, and where moneyes were founde that they
should be taken towards the redemption of the hostages. Here-
uppon, moneyes being founde with J. S., they were taken. J. S.
brought his action in Durham, and there judgement was given for

[layde uppon.]

IN THE CASE OF SHIP-MONEY. O

him. But afterwards comeing into the King's Bench by error, the
judgement for him was reversed. The reasons on recorde are,

1. Because he had his remedy over against the inhabitants ;

2. Because his particular assent to the ordinance did appeare, soe
that, tho' he were afterwards unwilling, yet haveing once consented
his goods might be seized. By which it seemes that if he had not
particularly assented at all, that such an ordinance would not have
beine good to charge him by the law, though this were a cause of
danger and defence.

The notable roll of 2 R. II. pars 1°, proves as much, which, 2 K. II. pars 1<
though it be no Act of Parliament, yet it being a recorde uppon
deliberacion resolved, showes what the lawe was then conceaved to
be, where all the lords and sages considered how money might be
raised in a case of imminent danger, such as they all could take
notice of, and such as could not brooke the delay of a Parliament,
and the King's cofers, the record saies, that they all said, that
moneyes sufficient could not be had but by laying a charge uppon
the subject, which, say they, cannott be done but by Parliament;
and therfore some of the lords themselves suplyed the King with
moneyes, and expected a Parliament for theire payment, a case
which methinkes is now before us or a stronger; and therfore this
charge without Parliament is illegall, and reason it should be so, for
otherwise the law would suffer a great inconvenience ; for admitt a
power to charge 20s. now, it may be as well 20 li. hereafter, and
no judge to mittigate or controll it. And though justice and mercy
shine in our King now, so that wee knowe he will not demaunde
but what is needfull, yet the lawe, foreseing inconveniences, will not
allowe this charge, least if the King would demande unreasonable
charges he might doe it. An example of this inconvenience you
have in the Danegeld, which at the first imposition in anno 991 was
10,000li.; the next, anno 994, was 16,0001i.; the next, 1002, was
24,000 li.; the next was 1007, which was 36,000 li.; the next was
1012, which was 4.8,000 li. Soa never but single subsedies and

a [At first.]

sin GEORGE CHOKE'S JUDGMENT

fif teems were used to be granted in Parliament untill3 31 Q. Eliz.,
then a double subsedy and so double fifteenes was granted. After-
wards in 35 Eliz. treble subsedyesb and fiftetnes were granted, and
43 Eliz. 4 subsidies and $ fifteenes. And yet this is not grevious
were it 10 subsedies, because in Parliament.

Tonnage and poundage were granted to this end, 13 R. II., and
have continued ever since by severall grants, that the King might
have moneyes in his purse against tyme of need for extraordinary
occasions, especially for the defence of the realme and for guardinge
the seas, as it is specially declared by the stattute of 1st Jac. and

Objection], former statuts. But it isc sayd that tonnage and poundage is not
granted now to the King, therefore the King is enforced to take
these extraordinary corses.

A[nswer]. Though it be not granted, yet I thinke it be taken, and I doubt

not but to the same intent and for the same for which it was
first granted, which was for defence of the kingdome. Therfore in
case of danger and necessity every subject for defence of the king-
dome is ligeancie debito, as some records say, and ligeancie sue
vinculo astricti, as others speake, se et sua totis viribus et potestate
exponere, &c. And in such a case the K. may comande the
persons of his subjects, and arrest their shippes to wayte on his for
to defende the sea ; yet this too, when they go out of theyr countyes,
at the K.'s charges. But to comande the subject by writt to builde
new shipps or to prepare shipps at theyr charges, or to lay a coinon
charge on the subjectes d in generall for matter, of defence or every -
daye danger, is not warrantable by the comon lawe.

But admitt that the comon lawe were doubtfull that by any
course of prerogative or royall power e this charge for defence or in
tyme of danger might be, yet the Kings of England, by diverse
Acts of Parliament, have given and all[owed] this liberty to theyr
subjects, that they shall not be charged but by theyr assent in Parlia-

* [till 19 or 31 of Eliz.]
c [yow.]
e [allowed.]

b [and treble tenths.]
d [under a pretence of.]

IN THE CASE OF SHIP-MONEY. 7

ment, and have restrayned themselves to exercise this prerogative
or royall power otherwise, 25 E. I.a ca° 5, where the K. grants a
tout la comunalty de la terre, that where the subjects had granted
ayds towards his warres nul tiel manners des aydes, mises, ne
prises ne prendrons forsque de comon assent de tout le roialme;
saves les ancient eydes et prises dues et accustomes ; and what
those ancient aydes wereb is co[mmonly?J knowne, that they were
ad redimendum corpus, ad filiuin primogenitum milittem facien-
dum, et primogenitam filiam maritandam,c which aydes concerne
not the subjects in generall but particular and liable d thereunto by
tenures ; so that savinge need not have bene, for the body of the
Act extended not to them but to generall aydes of the kingdome.
However if this (salvo), as it hath beine objected, would preserve
this ayde now in question, yet the stattute made afterwards, De
Tallagio non Concedendo, being without any salvo, takes it away, Statt. de
which stattute, although it were very probably argued by Mr. So-
licitor to be no stattute because it cannott be founde uppon recorde,
yet it all way es hath beine receaved a stattute, and all books printed
as a statute in force. And all my brothers that have argued before
have agreed e it to be a stattute in force : and I doubt not but it is
a f stattute in force.

The words of this stattute are, Nullum tallagium vel auxilium per
nos vel heredes nostros in posteriurn in regno nostro ponetur seu
tenetur sine voluntate et assensu archiepiscoporum, episcoporum,
comitum, baronum, civium, burgensium, omniumque liberorum hujus
regni. A lawe so full that I doe not see how wee can exempte
this ayde. out of it ; a lawe with which Boden, p. 97, saies, in his
Kepublica, the subjects of England % have ever since defended
themselves against all aydes demanded by their" prince, as with a
buckler.

a Confirmatio Chartarum. b [who knowes not.]

c [Aydes pur faire Ills chevalier et pur file marrier.]

11 Twice repeated. e [allowed.] f [one.] s [did.]

8 sm GEOEGE CHOKE'S JUDGMENT

The statute of 14 E. III., ca. 1, the King in playne words grants
that no charge shalbe layde upon his subjects without their consents
in Parliament. A stattute so clere that they who have argued have
endeavoured to give it this answere, by making it a temporary
stattute, intended to last but during the King's life ; which answere,
in my judgement, cannott stand with the wordes of the Act, for,
had the King intended it should last no longer then during his
owne life, to what purpose doth he grante for him and his heires ?

The stattute of 21 E. III. gave the King a certaine new tax
uppon packs of woolls and wool fells* and goods transported be/or
Michaelmas^ and uppon marchandize 6d. in the pound to be im-
ported before Michaelmas. The King by proclamation, [3lc]
October, after added a further tyme until Easter ;d which after-
wards, in 22 E. III., was dissallowed in Parliament, but the former
tax till a further tyme.

The stattute of 4 H. IV. num. 28, the Commons granted subsedies
to the King for defence of the kingdome, with this caution, that
they should not be drawne into example, &c. ; which caution was
added to no purpose at all, if the King might of himselfe comande
them by writt.

13 H. IV. num. 10. That a charge should not be layde uppon the
subject, ne pur defence del roialme, sauns Parliament.

13 H. IV. num. 43, the King erected an office of aulnager to
mesure clothes, and annexed a fee of one penny to be paid him for
the mesuring of it. The office was for publique good, yet, because
there was a charge uppon the subject by it, though it were but a
Id., yet in Parliament putt downe and dissalowed, as against
the lawe.

2 H. IV. num. 22. There, in hoc individuo, a commission was
awarded to diverse townes to provide barringers for defence, the

a [for a tyme.] b [added 6 d.]

0 The figure may just possibly be 31, and, as this is the figure in the second Report
in the State Trials, I have so printed it. But it is impossible to say what it is.
d The following word "more " should have been erased also.

IN THE CASE OF SHIP-MONEY.

comission was complayned of in Parliament, and declared to be of
no force.

The stattute 1° E. III., ca. 2, 'tis enacted that henceforth no bene-
volence or such like charge shalbe imposed on the subject but in
Parliament. Note this : no such like charge,

Lastly, the concluding lawe is the Act of 3 Car., where a comis-
sion was awarded in which as many causes to levy money were
recited as are in this writt: as the safegard of the common wealth,
want of moneyes for public defence, &c. Yet, uppon complaynt
and petition by the Commons, this comission was called in ; and
in the Petition of Right all these stattutes (saving the stattute of
14° E. III.) are particularly mencioned. And though it hath beine
conceaved that that stattute was not in force, because not mencioned
there, yet it is to be noted that there was in their petition wordes
which may include this stattute of 14 E. III. (as diverse other stat-
tutes) ; so that, notwithstanding this conjecture, that may remayne a
lawe in force, all those stattutes which were included in the Petition
of Right being confirmed, by which confirmacion the King granted
nor allowed of no more then was formerly given by the old stattutes,
as all the judges did then declare in Parliament. Soe that, because
wee ought to judge according to the intention and meaning of these
stattutes, I conceave that the law makers did intende to restrayne
the King to require any aydes but in Parliament ; and therfore, in
my opinion, this writt is against diverse stattutes.

But it hath beine objected that first here is an extreame necessity Objection,
and danger, and will you the King stay the delay of Parliament
before he can comande aydes for the defence of the kingdome in
such an imminent perrill.

I answer d that the King is not lefte by lawe so naked that he An[swer].
may not comande aydes and helps from his subjects in such a case
of necessity ; for there are two sortes of aydes, there is an ayde by
way of imposition of a charge, and there is an ayde by way of
personall attendance. The King in such a case of danger may
comande the persons of his subjects, and their shipps too, to attende

CAMD. SOC. C

10 SIB GEORGE CROKE'g JUDGMENT

his shipps in any place to defende the sea, and they must obay
and performe ther personall defence ; but to lay a charge to provide
new shipps, that he cannot doe.

Scott Roll. That he may doe the one is prooved by the precedents vouched.

10 E. III. m. 2. ,„, . . J . c J, , V.

10E.IILm.16. Where the invasion or enemyes appeared the King appoynted 2

Aim. admiralls for the defence of the sea, and comanded the navies of

12 E. TIL m.12. Ireland to attende them, and comanded all the shipps of his sub-

•J O -El TTT -I q L t

' jects throughout the realme to be arrested for his service ; and this
without question the King may doe,

Rott. voyagii. 1° H. IV. m. 12. A writt issued to all officers showing an

instant danger to putt men in armes, and to
bring them ad custodiam maris; the clergy
were not exempted, because the danger con-
cerned all.

The King, reciting that there were great

5° H. IV. navies at sea ready to assault him, comanded

3° H. VI. m. 27. the admirall omnes naves portuum congre-

gare,

That which is done by K. H. VII. in the 10th of his raygne,
uppon credible informacion of an intended invasion, was but to
keepe wach and ward, to cause men to be in armes, and in readi-
nesse for defence.

4° H. VIII. pars The King by proclamation comanded that

2°. all men from the age of 16 yeares to 60

should be in armes.

So that, this power being in the King in such a case of danger,
the objection and fancy of a suddaine surprizall irremediable will
not hold, and indeed these are those aydes which the King by writt
may comande out of Parliament; which, though it be a great body,
and mooves but slowly, yet anciently it was kept twice a-yeare ; and
by the stattute of 4 E. III., ca. 14, it was enacted that a Parliament
should be held every yeare, uppon which ground also the law doth
not feare a suddaine danger so unavoydable but that it may be pre-
vented by Parliamentary aydes.

IN THE CASE OF SHIP-MONEY. 11

But it hath beine further objected that this is an inherent prero- Objection],
gative in the crowne, which the common lawe preserves inviolable.

If it were a prerogative royall in the crowne, which the law sees Ans[wer].
to be so, God forbidd but that wee should mayntayne it. 'Tis
part of our oath to preserve the King's prerogative entire, but the
lawe doth not judge this a prerogative in the King; for the law
saies that the King can doe no wrong to his subjects, as they can
doe no wrong to him ; for, Com.a 246, Tort ne poet este fait al
Eoy.b Therfore also, 10 Kep., Hoc tantum Kex potest quod de
jure potest. And in 11 Rep. col. 72: Hoc tantum Rex non potest
quod non potest injuste agere. And 21 E. III. 47, to the same pur-
pose. Soe that that which the King would doe, if it be against the
comon lawe or stattuts, the lawe doth not judge to be a prerogative
in the Kinge.

By the stattute 31 H. VIII. royall power was granted to the King
to make lawes by proclamation, but the stattute of 1° E. VI. tooke it
away.

But it hath beine againe urged that the King in this case doth Objection],
nothing but more majorum, and that he treades onely in the stepps
of his auncestors.

If it were so, I might answere that judicandum est legibus non An[swer].
exemplis, for consuetudo errori non prebet patrocinium, specially
since the records and presidents are not judiciall or setled uppon
debate of judges, but onely things acted and passed over in silence
without dispute ; and our bookes are that by such recordes the
judges ought not to be much swayed, as 4 Rep. fol. 94, is; yet in
my opinion, uppon viewe and serious reading of all the presidents,
I doe not fynde one where there is any power given to any sherife
to charge a whole county to provide a new shipp, specially to any
inland county.

* Plowden's Commentary.

b Sic; but the argument requires, as it stands in State Trials, iii. 1161, that the
King can do no wrong.

12

SIR GEORGE CROKE'S JUDGMENT

Objection]. To this assertion the Recorde of 1° R. II. num. 12°, is objected
against mee, where there is a command to inland townes to make
barringers at their owne costs and charges.

An[swer]. To this, I answere that uppon the beginning of this King's raygne

there were some townes who came to renewe their charters, and in
consideration that this might be done without paying any fine in
Chancery they were comanded to make this provision; yet this
was but to townes, not to any county. I shall therefore runne over
the records shortely ; for I have read and taken notes of every one
that was brought mee by the counsell of either side.

Presidents.
First then the recordes of —

Here was a comande to arrest shipps for
the King's service, comanding them to attende
further direction, and to the cinque ports to
have shipps in readinesse.

These writts were onely to the port townes
to attende beyonde 40 dayes, to which they
were bounde by tenure for necessity sake,
but not to any inland, however not to any
county.

Temp. E. I.

This was to sea townes to build shipps
indeed, but it was ad sumptus regis, and
accordingly they built them and had allow-
ance for them in the Exchequer.
f These were onely to the sherifes of diverse
J counties, ad congregandum homines, and to
(^attende further comands.

Some of these writts were to the sherifs
to bring men ad costerum maris defen-
dendum ; some to bishops, to provide men to
attende direction ; and others were onely an
arraye.

Temp. Joh. 6° &
9°& 14° & 15° Joh.
m. 4°.

14 H. III. m. 4.
28 H. III. m. 7,
and others.

23 E. I. m. 77.

17 E. I. m. 5.
24 E. III.

24 E. I. rot. 62.
24 E. I. m. 16.
24 E. I. rot. 78.

IN THE CASE OF SHIP-MONEY.

13

7 E. III. m. 19.

25 E. I. m. 12. This was ad congregandum et arrestandum

naves, to the King's use and service; none
ever issued to comande any new shipps to be
made.

Temp. E. IT.

All the presidents of this King's tyme were onely ad congregan-
dum for the King's service, which the King may doe without con-
troversye.

Temp. E. III.

This is a comand onely to some townes to
have their shipps ready, and to attende the
Admirall's comands.

In these writts there are comands omnes
naves congregare a Portsmouth, and to pro-
vide victuall for 13 monthes; some naves
per terram defendendam; some to make con-
tribution to what others were to provide ; but
all these were to port townes, and not one to
charge a county. If there were any 'tis very Aim.
probable that this comande was the occasion
of the stattute of 14 E. III. before mencioned,
which followed imediatly, being made the
.. next yeare after the yssuing of these writts.
And I thinke I may confidently affirme, that before 10 E. III.
there was never any comande to provide any new shipps at the
charge of the subject. And after the stattute of 14 E. III. vizt. :

There issued a Commission to Dover and
the Cinque Ports reciting that there were
great navies at sea, to raise beacons et ad
congregandas et arrestandas naves for defence ;
but this was nothing but a commande to
have them in readinesse if need were, but no
comande to make new.

10 E. III. m. 15.

11 E. III. m. 13.

12 E. III. m. 17.
12 E. III. m. 13.
12 E. III. m. 12.
10 E. III. m. 17.

28 E. III. m. 6.
26 E. III. m. 5.

14

SIR GEORGE CROKE'g JUDGMENT

Aim.

46 E. III. m. 34. This was to sea townes parare faciendas all
their shipps, et arrestare, to come whether
they should hereafter be appoynted. The
Recordes of 50 E. III. were onely to the coun-
ties super costeram maris to be in readinesse,
and some comissions of arraies yssued.

There indeed the Abbott of Battaile brought
a replevine against one for taking his beasts ;
the defendant avowed because there was an
assessment taxed ad defendendam costeram
maris at such a place, and that he destrayned
for non-payment. The abbott replyed that he
founde provision for the defence of the sea at
another place; which being founde for him

In 51 E. III. J judgement was given for the abbott. In this
ca^e, though the abbott admitted that he
might be taxed for defence of the sea, yet
this doth not prove that a county may be
charged. The abbott might be charged to it
by tenure or otherwise, &c., for why he was
chargeable doth not appeare in the recordes ;
however, judgement was given for him; soe
that this recorde doth not warrant a charge
uppon a county.

• This was a command to a maior of a sea
towne to be in readinesse with shipps, be-
13 E. III. m. 13. ^ cause the King had notice that some under
I the name of fisher men did intende to rifle
l^the towne.

Temp. R. II.

In this King's tyme there was no comande to provide shipps but
onely to the Cinque Ports ad custodiam maris ; and after his
raygne never issued any writt to comande any shipps for defence of
the sea.

r,

IN THE CASE OF SHIP-MONEY. 15

Thus haveing runne through all the presidents, I will now precede
to examine the writt it self.

The Examinacion of the Writt.

1 . The writt recites, that datum est nobis intelligi, that quidam
prsedones et marini grassatores did take the King's subjects, mar-
chants and others, and carried them into miserable servitude.

There is no datum est nobis intelligi of any iminent danger to
the kingdom, but onely of piratts, which recitall, for ought that I
finde, was never putt in any writt by which aydes of shipping was
comanded before the tyme ; for, when they molested the coastes and
hovered uppon the sea for booty, the King usually sent out a few
shipps, and scattered them presently.

2. The comande of the writt to the sherife of Bucks to provide
a shipp of such a burthen, and to provide victualls for 26 weekes.
This comande is conceaved impossible, and therfore against lawe.
Therfore,

13 E. III. pars 2, The towne of Bodemin in Cornewall was

m. 14. charged with a shipp. They came and showed

they were an inland towne, and prayed to be

discharged; and their 'prayer, being thought

reasonable, was granted. Soe in

13 E. III. in. 14, There was the like comande to an i[n]land

pars towne. And, uppon showing that they had

no place where a shipp might ryde in, &c.,
and after inquiry and tryall that they were
an inland towne, were discharged . And great
reason for it, methinkes, because the thinge
lyes not in their power, as if a man be bounde
to doe an impossible thing the lawe adjudges
the condition voyde.

2. The comande is not only to provide a shipp to attende the
King's shipps, but to furnish her with victualls for 26 weekes, the
tyme of the rendezvous being within this tyme.

16 SIR GEORGE CROKE'S JUDGMENT

This comande I conceave not warrantable ; because, though the
King may comande his subjects' persons and shipps for defence,
yet, after the tyme of their meeting, the King is to pay them their
wages. Now, victualls is part of their wages, which yet must be
provided by this comande after their rendevous, which is not legall.

That the souldiers have allwayes beine at the King's pay, and
not at the subjects, appeares most evidently by the records of —

15 Joh. m. 15,

m. 13.
C°m- 16 E. I.13E. I.

2 E. III. rot. 16.

18 E. Ill No. 7.

10 E. III. m. 21.
Alm- 12 E. III. m. 12.

And Glaus. 13,

In all which is expressly said or intimated
that the souldiers were and ought to be at
^ the King's pay, soe that the comande of this
writt, being to levye victualle for souldiers'
wages, is not warrantable, and so the writt for
this reason not legall.

E. III. m. 14. J

3. The next comande of the writt to the sherife is to imprison
quos rebelles invenerit. This is against Magna Charta, by which
every one is free from imprisonment unlesse it be done uppon in-
dyctment or other legall processe.

2 There is no exception of peeres of the realme, but they are so ;
if they pay not the sherif's rate they may be imprisoned by the
sherife. This I conceave very illegall, for a noble man is so privi-
ledgd in respect of person by the lawe that no capias lies against
him unlesse it be in case of com tempt. So that I conceave that
this writt will not be a warrant sufficient to ground the scire facias
uppon, so that that will fall too of it selfe.

Next this certiorare is without president, for it is directed to that
sherife who laid the taxe and made the rate, he at the time of the
certiorare being out of his office, which he cannott gett againe by
this certiorare.

The certiorare, therefore, should have beine directed to the new
sherife to have distrayned the old sherife to have made his retorne,
and not as now it is.

IN THE CASE OF SHIP-MONEY. 17

Lastly, it doeth not appeare in the recorde that the sherife hath
provided any shipp to which Mr. Hampden is rated at this 20s..,
and then he ought not to pay it.

Thus I have to my best power examined the proceedings of this
cause, and uppon my reasons and grounds allredy delivered am of
opinion that, notwithstanding any thing appearing judicially to
mee in this recorde9 judgment ought to be given that Mr. Hampden
ought not to be charged with this twenty shillings.

{Indorsed) Rex versus Hampden.

Notes taken of my argument by Mr. Last.

CAMD. SOC.

LETTERS

RELATING TO THE MISSION OF

SIR THOMAS ROE

TO

G-USTAVUS ADOLPHUS.

1629—30.

EDITED BY

SAMUEL RAWSON GAEDINEE,

DIRECTOR OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXXV.

PREFACE.

Gustavus Adolphus is a hero of every nation, and it is unneces-
sary to apologise for the publication of a series of papers which
bring him before us as painted by a writer so observant and
intelligent as Sir Thomas Eoe. The two papers added in the
Appendix complete the portrait by strokes from his own hand. I
have so recently given an account of the negotiation out of which
they sprung that it would be needless to repeat here what I have
said elsewhere. But even if these two papers stood alone they
would be sufficient to establish the greatness of Gustavus's character.
Their weight, firmness, and circumspection stand out in bold
relief if they are contrasted with the diplomacy of James and
Charles ; but I should fancy that they hardly need that foil to
attract the attention which they deserve.

A secondary interest attaches to Roe's mission as bringing before
us the persistence with which Charles continued to interfere diplo-
matically on the Continent after all chance of interfering successfully
was at an end. Yet, after all, Roe had to complain (p. 83) that in
six months he had had no " letter, order, nor answer, nor money."
Gustavus would not so have treated his ambassadors.

SIR THOMAS EOE'S MISSION TO
GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS.

To ordinary minds the winter of 1628-9 would have appeared a most unsuitable
time for any warlike designs on the part of the King of England. The surrender of
Kochelle in the previous autumn had been the crowning disaster of a long series of
failures, and the domestic troubles had risen to such a height that no prudent man
would have run the risk of entering upon diplomatic action which might possibly
draw him into a war, which, in default of supplies from Parliament, could only end
in disgrace and failure. But Charles had at least one quality in common with the
nation over which he ruled. He never knew when he was beaten, and we find him
in the years which followed the assassination of Buckingham as ready to interfere on
the Continent diplomatically as he had been ready to interfere by force of arms
whilst his favourite minister was alive.

In this course of action he had by his side till February 1632 the new Secretary of
State, Viscount Dorchester, who, as Sir Dudley Carleton, had spent many years of his
life as an ambassador at Venice and the Hague, and in two special missions to the
court of France. He had thus acquired a considerable knowledge of continental
affairs, and from his residence at the Hague and his intimate relations there with
the exiled Elizabeth and her husband, as well as from his own bent of character, he
had always taken a strong Protestant and anti-Spanish view of the questions at
issue. But his absence from England dated from the autumn of 1610, before that
winter session which marked the first open breach between the King and the Lower
House ; and, except for two brief intervals, he did not see his own country again
till the spring of 1626, when he found himself suddenly called upon to answer for
the Government in the House of Commons, then bent upon impeaching Buckingham.
The opposition in Parliament and the nation therefore struck him as something not
merely unreasonable but even unintelligible, and he would naturally be of opinion
that a decided move in the defence of Protestant interests in Germany would
strengthen the Crown in the eyes of Charles's subjects.
CAMD. SOC. B

2 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION,

Very similar was the position of Sir Thomas Eoe. He too had been long absent
from England, from 1614 to 1621 in India; from 1621 to 1628 at Constantinople.
Though he was geographically further removed than Carleton had been from the
centre of European interests, he had by no means stood aloof from the great question
of the day. Bethlen Gabor was one of the pieces in the game, and Bethlen Gabor
might, it was hoped, be moved in this or that direction if Roe could induce the Sultan
to pull the wires. Roe kept up a brisk correspondence with Elizabeth, sent her long
letters of news, and received in return not a few of those short, playful epistles with
which she knew how to keep up the good will of her friends, and in which she was
accustomed to address them by some nickname of her choosing, Roe's special
soubriquet being " Honest Tom."

Roe landed at Leghorn on August 26th, 1628,a on his way home from Con-
stantinople. Travelling leisurely across the continent, he fell in with Carlisle,b who
was coming back from Turin with the notion, that, as Spain and France were coming
to blows in Italy, the Palatinate might perhaps be recovered with Spanish aid, thus
renewing in 1628 the policy which had failed in 1622. Roe was not likely to share
these opinions. He made his way to the Hague before returning home : there he
seems to have remained for some time. He had brought a scheme of his own from
Constantinople, and with or without the knowledge of the Government at home he
made his proposals on the 27th of December to the Prince of Orange, that Frederick
Henry who was to do so much for the advancement of his country's power. No
name is attached to the following paper, but, as it is in Roe's handwriting, it may
safely be attributed to him, especially as there is a reference in the document next
following to a statement made by the Prince, which may very well have been an
answer to this memorial.

/. Memoir given by Sir T. Roe to the Prince of Orange.

State Papers, The loss of the free trade of the Balticque sea is more dangerous
^° ^e kingdome of England and to the United Provinces then any
other prosperity of the house of Austria, being the Jndyes of the
materialls of shipping, and, consequently, both of their strength,
riches, and subsistence. There is no counsell so necessarye and so
pressive as the consideration of meanes to preserve it in libertye,
which being subjected to the Emperor, the Hans townes must of
necessitye submitt to him.

There is no other consideration so forceable to draw those free
cittyes to hope of libertye, and to joyne their forces with those who

a Roe's Negotiations, p. 826.

b Grandison to Roe, December 10th, 1628. 8. P. Dom. vol. cxxii. 33.

SIR THOMAS ROE S MISSION. 3

seeke to defend it, as a resolution well grounded and declared to
prefer that cause before all other quarrells.

Ther is no way nor meanes so ready and powrfull to effect this,
and consequently to give breathing to the afflicted parts of Germanye,
as by uniting the Kyng of Sueweland and the Prince of Transil-
vania, to which they are both well inclined, when they shall see
the same affection, and a constant established foundation of meanes
to prosecute the warre to one poynt.

Of these truths I suppose no practised man will doubt ; but rather
in the difficultye of drawing that Kyng and Gabor into such an
union, in respect of the war of the first with Poland and the late
peace of the other with the Emperor.

To which I say, that their interests are as great as ours, though
more remote; that the first desires a peace, which Gabor can help
to give, and he, to recover his honor by renewing the war which
he hath lost by a forced and false peace. To procure a peace
betwixt the Kyngs of Suevland and Poland the authoritye of the
Grand Signor of the Tartars and Gabor must be used, and wilbe of
great effect.

Gabor hath playnly declared that if the Kyng of Sueveland may
be established head of the war that he will joyne with him 25,000
horse upon the conditions for his part already contracted ; of all
this ther shalbe given both sufficient reason and demonstration,
whensoever any doubt shalbe objected.

To initiate this business it is first desired that his Matie of England
and the Lords the States doe lay the foundation by describing their
quota, to which the Kyng of Denmarke will contribute, for the
payment of 40,000 doll[ars] monthly to Gabor, pro singulis mensi-
buS) quibus militavit, and to give assured assignation, and to make
their meanes appeare to the Kyng of Sueveland and Gabor for the
constant payment therof in Venice, and, though this summe seeme
great, yet in effect it wilbe easye to furnish, for it cannot be
required above 4 nioneths, from July to the end of November, for
the Prince of Transilvania cannot be longer in the field, and this

4 SIR THOMAS KOE'S MISSION.

duly satisfied, or deposited intyrely in Venice, will give him
satisfaction.

The peace he hath lately made is the first degree of his ruyne ;
he hath the same desires, ambitions, and feares, which first made
him take armes. He hath lately provoked the Grand Signor, who
is greaved in this point only by Gabor, to whom alwaies hath beene
referred the resolution of peace or war, and in July last an offer
made to him of 160 thousand men in his ayd if he saw the oppor-
tunitye, or continued to doubt the fayth of the Emperor in the
ratification of the peace which, though it be now confirmed betweene
the Grand [Signor] and the Emperor, hath so many corruptions in
the bodye thereof that it cannot stand nor the Grand Signor rest
secure in yt ; the articles mutually agreed are not the same and
the differences irreconcileable. Lastly, all the ministers of the Grand
Signor know and confess their dishonor and disadvantage by this
peace, to which they were constrayned to yield by the Asian war,
wherein, having now some ease, they wilbe ready to review their
accounts with the Emperor, and, having reconciled Gabor, he is
able by his arts or by necessitye to engage the Turkes at his pleasure.
If a resolution be taken to assure Gabor, it is desired that a speedy
course may be used to propose this league, and the conditions and
assurances, by an ambassage to the Kyng of Suevland and a post
sent to Gabor to signifye the treatye, that his deputies may assist
therein : least they both bee engaged in the war of Poland. It is
desired by Gabor, that the Kyng of Sweveland may appeare in
Silesia, to whom he will obey, and, making the territories of Austria
the seate of the war, he offereth to spoyle all the countrye round
about and to burne whatsoever is found without the walled townes
as far as Bavaria, when he shalbe secured of his retrayct by the
King, and to serve him with his horse in all other occasions.

In the meane tyme it is above all things necessarye to send a
fleete into the Balticque Sea to prevent the irrecoverable loss of the
Sound and to enhearten the Kyng of Denmarke.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 5

Roe probably left the Hague for England about the end of February, 1629.a In
March Sir Henry Vane arrived in the Netherlands on a special mission to inform
the Prince of Orange and the titular King and Queen of Bohemia, that, though the
negociation for peace with Spain was not so far advanced as that with France, " yet
in general of making peace with us, restoring our brother-in-law and dear sister to
their patrimonial estates, ceasing the prosecution of the war upon our uncle the
King of Denmark, and comprising our friends and allies the States of the United
Provinces, we have large and ample offers ; and, since these things cannot be affected
but by one of two ways, either by treaty with Spain or by a war undertaken by France,
the small appearance of the latter requires a trial to be made of the former, though
never so doubtful, this course being not only now, but at all times to be embraced,
what heretofore did not succeed may, by the blessing of God, according to the change
of affairs, and the present conjuncture, as it now stands, have better issue." In
short, the Duke of Savoy had advertised Charles that he had but to treat with Spain
to get his wishes carried out ; and to this assurance Charles replied, that he would
send a person of trust to Spain and receive one from Spain. Vane was to commu-
nicate this to the Prince of Orange and to ask for his concurrence.5 At the same
time the King of Denmark was informed that as soon as Parliament had granted
supplies Charles would be ready to assist him against the Emperor.

Not long after Vane left England, Sir James Spens, the usual emissary between
Gustavus and Charles, arrived in England, apparently bringing news of the intended
invasion of Germany by the Swedish King : "I have spoken freely and largely with Sir
James Spens," writes Koe, on March 22nd, " who hath confidently communicated with
me his employment, and the heroic designs of his brave prince and master. I dare
not venture to discover the particulars, for the danger of Dunkirk c and the honesty of
his promise, till he hath audience of his Majesty, which is directed for Tuesday next.
In general I thought it would be comfortable for your Majesty to know that he will
propound the same things which I did at the Hague, and avow me in all I have done
here ; and his offers are such and so easy and so magnanimous that they are not to
be refused, unless we resolve to lie down and only cry, ' God help us.' That King
and the King of Denmark have spoken together, and are parted with a perfect under-
standing and friendship. He hath order here to raise speedily three regiments, and
if he prosper in England I hope this is the year of Jubilee. vd

In the meanwhile Vane, who had arrived at the Hague on March 16th, was pro-
ceeding with his negotiation. He found that the Prince of Orange was firmly set
against negotiation with Spain.6 On April 10th, Dorchester wrote to Vane that
his Majesty persisted in thinking that it would be well to try to get good terms from

a Elizabeth to Roe, March 2nd, 1629. 8. P. Dom. cxxxviii. 8.

b Vane's Instructions, February 1629. 8. P. Holland.

c i. e. lest this letter be taken by the Dunkirk privateers.

rt Roe to the titular Queen of Bohemia, March 22nd. 8. P. Germany,

e Conference with the Prince of Orange, March 20th. 8. P. Holland

6 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

Spain. But he had little trust in the Spaniard, and merely intended to hear what
they had to say.a On the 25th Vane was ordered to return to England.1*

The result of Spens's mission, however, seems to have been that Charles deter-
mined to send Roe to the North, and the following paper, probably prepared for
Carlisle,0 shows what Roe's ideas on the subject were. It must be remembered that
it was not yet known in England that the dissolution of Parliament on March 10
had frightened Christian of Denmark into the acceptance of the peace of Lubeck.

12. Memoir by Sir Thomas Roe.

State Papers, jf j^g Majestie in this employment have any purpose to encourage
Rec. May fg, the Kings of Denmark and Sueveland to continue resolute in the
maintenance of that little libertye left in Germanye, and by their
help to keepe open the Baltique Sea, and the trades therein, seeing
the Prince of Orange gave me authoritye to declare in the name of
the States that they would willingly concurre in such a councell
or league ; it is necessarye (in my opinion) to communicate at least
with them, and to penetrate how farre they will in such a case
oblige themselves ; for to proceed without them is a deviation from
good correspondence, may occasion a jealousye or envie on their
parts, to the hinderance of the good effects, or rayse a suspition in
those Princes whom his Matie doth seeke to assure of some misintel-
ligence betweene us.

It is very likely they will assist both by their power and creditt,
which I am sorrye, but must confesse wee need, and will much
advantage the negotiation, especially if they may be procured to
send a commissioner, or to write their letters concurrent to their
ministers resident with those princes.

The King of Sweden hath lately by Carnerarius, and doth now
demand the renewing of their league expired for the conservation
of the Baltique sea, and doth propose some meanes to pay a third or
fourth of his army, which he dessignes for Germany, principally to
keepe his horse from disbanding and falling to the enernye, which

a Dorchester to Vane, April 10th. S. P. Holland.

b Arundel to Vane, April 28th. Ibid.

c The indorsement is in Boswell's hand, who was in Carlisle's service.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 7

is at this instant in consultation and ready for resolution. So that
it seemes the conjuncture doth invite his Matie to make himselfe
head of the partye, that willingly would obey him.

It will honor his Matie among the States that he doth take into
his care the patronage of the publicque cause, and will encourage
them to subserve to him in that and all other his occasions. And
it is very requisite (in my judgment) by some concurrence with
them, and application to them, to rayse and redeeme a declined and
decryed opinion of our proceedings, and treatyesor the neglect of them.

Without this purpose and way, simply to make a peace betweene
Poland and Sweveland is a noble worke and becoming his Maties
greatnes and goodnes of mynde, but hath a narrow extent of
dessigne, and doth not assure nor conclude necessarilye any benifitt
to the good cause. For though it pretends the setting-free of the
King of Sueveiand it doth also enlarge the Pole, who is as much an
Austrian as the other is opposite. And if nothing but a bare
peace be propounded to the first, and no league, ayd, nor contribu-
tion toward his active dessignes in Germany, I may suppose he
wilbe content to enjoye his peace, and take example per aliena
pericula. And I thinke no man can convince me with reason why
he should marry our quarrell for charitye and without a dower.

It is very probable that both the King of Poland may be awed
to make peace, and the King of Swevia be induced to undertake
the protection of the suppressed, by using and applying the meanes
of Gabor rightly. And it is in effect no more then the joyning of
two leagues in one, for already e his Matie, Denmarke, and the States
are in one league, and the King of Sweveland and Holland in
another, both to one end, though they worke dividedly and so lesse
effectually.

By establishing this union, and encouraging the King of Sueve-
iand, the King of Denmarke is actually and really e supply ed, to
whom, if some essentiall favour be not done, he must accord with
the enemy e, and so cutt off all the fruits of this negotiation in the
halfeway.

8 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

It wilbe untymely to move this to the States of Holland upon
returne, when they will have concluded apart with the King of
Sueveland, and they will seeme to have beene neglected in the
foundation and only taken in as accessaryes.

If his Matie doth intend nothing but the treaty of peace betweene
those princes, yett it wilbe necessarye first -to acquainte the King
of Sueveland, least he be jealous that the care is not for him, but
only for ourselves, or worse.

If his Matie resolve to communicate with the Hollanders, I will
be ready for what concernes myselfe within ten dayes, and leave my
trayne servants to come after to Amsterdam to ship there, if pos-
sible, to prevent occasion, and gaine the yeare.

In the peace to be obteyned between Poland and Sueveland,
which will open the Easterne trades, it is necessary to sette a
Residence in the dominions of both princes. Because our last mart
at Elving was so far envied, that an Act of Paxlament was made in
Poland that no cloth should be vented in that kingdome unlesse it
were first sealed at Danske, which must either be revoked by
treatye or els another seale established there, which will induce
the peace by the benifitt, and reconcile us a great partye and many
friends.

In this treatie the content of the Marquaes of Brandeburgh must
be considered, our merchants here consulted, and direct instructions
given me to warrant every poynt.

If I have not for brevitye sufficiently expressed my selfe, I am
readye to open these intimations, which I thinke absolutely neces-
sarye, when his Majestie shall call me.

SIR THOMAS ROE 8 MISSION.

On the 14th of June Roe took leave of the King, and, in answer to a question,
was told by Charles that nothing would be done about a treaty with Spain without
the communication, counsel, and fit respect of his friends and allies and the former
leagues made with them.a The form at least of his embassy was not after Roe's
liking. He wished to have been off long ago, and feared that the winter would be
down upon him in the Baltic before he could get his business over.

The papers which follow speak for themselves.

///. Sir Thomas Roe to Viscount Dorchester.

MY LORD,

My truncks and servants are gone: the ship at Margrett readye; State Papers,
j T vi 11 ii-i j n i I Holland,

and 1 am like a young nawke upon the branches ready to nye, but june (?) 1529.

want my wings; the playne truth is, as if it were a sicknes incureable,
we doe all things too late. I see rny busines cutt up at the rootes
by delay. I foresee myselfe shutt up with the ice in a winters
journey, which will cost his Majestie unnecessarilye more money
then I stay for: this is deare interest and good husbandrye. I
have no more patience nor can hide my thoughts. If your lordship
will not goe or send to my Lord Treasurer this day and signifye
the Kings pleasure your other paynes is lost, for I must despayre
of service or comfort in this employment. If this night I know no
resolution, I purpose to-morrow to make my owne innocence appeare
before my master; which your lordship may prevent, and what I
may pull upon me, who am

Your Lordships faythfull servant,

THO. ROE.

[Addressed] To the Right Hon. my very good lord the Lord
Viscount Dorchester.

* Note of Conversation. S. P. Holland.

CAMD. SOC.

10 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

IV. Instructions for Sir Thomas Roe.

State Papers, Charles R. Instructions for our trusty and welbeloved Sir

June°2°ni629 Thomas Koe, knight, our Ambassador Extraordinary to the King of

Poland, and other Princes, States, and Townes in the Easterne Parts.

1. There being nothing more proper to princes vvhome God hath
placed in eminent power and authority then to procure by good
offices peace and quiett in Christendome betwixt such as are in
warre, and to defend by common counsell and force the common
liberty against the injury of oppressors: for as much as at one and
the self-same time and the self-same part of the world there is
occasion presented on the one side and enforced on the other for
both these ends by way of ambassage betwixt such princes, states,
and townes as have interest both in this peace and warre : Wee,
for the satisfaction we have in your fidelity, and the many good
testimonyes you have given of your ability in negociating with
remote princes, who> by reason of the separation of our dominions,
require in that respect so much the more dexterity in valuing our
reputation with them, have made choyce of you for this important
employment.

2. And to begin first with that which is first in intention though
last in execution ; the two Kings of Poland and Swede, being in
warre betwixt themselves upon ancient quarrels newly revived, after
divers pacifications which wee by severall messages and letters have
bene desired to accommodate by some fitt instrument who in our
name should interpose betwixt them (after the good indeavours
which have bene used, though hitherto without effect, in the name
of our good friends and allyes the States of the United Provinces,
by theyr ambassadors expresly employed for that purpose), wee
would have you undertake this worke as that which, besides other
good respects, for the opening of the trade of Dantzick and other
ports adjoining which are shutt up by reason of that warre, is
behovefull both to our owne subjects and those of the United
Provinces, which have formerly much frequented that easterly trade.

11

3. As you shall therefore be provided of letters of credence to
those two kings which are in warre, the magistrate of Dantzick and
such eminent persons in Poland as have invited us to this inter^
position, so shall you have addresse in your passage to the States of
the United Provinces, with whome wee would have you treate and
take light how this business may be best effected.

4. In Poland you are to assist yourself by Gordon our agent,
whome you shall find in that court or in the towne of Dantzick,
and in Swede by one Sanderson, our subject, who hath long lived
in those parts and is an usefull instrument; and when Sir James
Spence shalbe returned thether, who is here ambassador with us
for the King of Swede, wee would have you hold strict correspond-
ence with him as a person well affected and of good power with
that province.

5. The other busines of defence is of larger extent, and com-
priseth not onely the interests of the two kings before mentioned
and the towne of Dantzick but our owne in abundant manner, and
those likewise of all the princes, states, and townes which are
adjacent eyther to the North Ocean or the Baltique Sea, for it hath
bene long and well observed how such as have bene instruments of
the Austrian greatness with ayme to the universall Monarchye,
having by practise procured much power in Poland to the prejudice
of the auncient liberty of that kingdome, have for many yeares had
a dessigne to bring the free towne of Dantzick (which notwith-
standing the tytle of freedome doth acknowledge the superiority of
that crowne) into a to tall subjection, and to gett other seaports
upon the Baltique Sea to make equippage of shipping and turne
such materialls as wee and our friends and allyes drawe for that
purpose out of those parts to theyr owne use, and further to
intercept the transport of corne from Dantzick and those parts
adjoyning which were wont to serve as a granary to the Low
Countreyes and to our kingdomes likewise in tymes of scarcity.

6. This great dessigne marvelously to our prejudice and our
friends likewise hath bene of late dayes so much advanced by other

12 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

accidents that not onely that trade is stopt to us but shipps of warre
in a considerable number have bene furnished out of Dantzick to
the assistance of the Austrian princes, who having gayned divers
ports upon the Baltique Sea, 3 in Meckleburgh and 4 in Pomerania,
and left nothing in effect unconquered upon that coast but Stral-
sondt, which is under the King of Swedes protection, are masters
of all Holsteyn and Jutland except Luckstat onely, which
countreyes opening many havens towards the ocean, the Spanyards
doe there joyne in dessigne with the Imperialists, and by employing
divers persons, some of quality and comaund, others of insight and
experience in sea affayres, seeke to make a connection and corres-
pondence betwixt the ports of those provinces and those they have
in Flanders, after the same manner of Admirantasgos as they have
established of late yeares betwixt the ports of Flanders and those of
Spayne, and this with a great and dangerous dessigne of perfecting
that dominion at sea which of late yeares beyond example of all
former tymes they have advanced at land.

7. This is sett downe unto you the more at large because it may
serve you as a ground and foundation on which to build your treaty
of defence of the common liberty, which is your principall worke.
And, because advice in such cases is commonly fruictles without
example, wee doe now sett out a good squadron of our owne shipps
victualled for 6 monthes under the conduct of Captayne Pennington,
an experienced commander, with commission and instruction to
repayre first into the Elbe, there to joyne with such shipps he shall
find belonging to our deare uncle the King of Denmarka and our
good friends the States of the United Provinces, and in that river
and the seas adjoyning to employ himself as usefully as he possibly
may for assistance of our friends and damage of our ennemyes ; he
being further charged to hinder, as much as in him lyeth, the
transport of provision of victualls or munition of warre from those
parts into the King of Spaynes dominions.

a The treaty of Lubeck between the Emperor and the King of Denmark had been
signed May if.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 13

8. Wee doe further hold in our entertaynment a regiment of
good men under experienced captaynes, commaunded by Generall
Morgan, who being now employed by the King of Denmarke in an
action of moment, wee have given Pennington speciall charge to
assist and second him, and by such direction he shall receave from
our ambassador with the King of Denmark, Sir Robert Anstrudder,
or from the King himself, advance the service as he possibly may.

9. Now to take your further direction as your jorney lyes : you
are to pass first into Holland, and there, having saluted the States in
our name and delivered our letters of credence, to desire of them
(after the accustomed manner of negotiation in that place) some
deputyes to treate with you ; and, having consulted of the two prece-
dent points, one, the best meanes of effecting a peace betwixt the
two Kings of Poland and Swede, for the reason before alleadged of
freedome of comerce ; the other, the defence of the Baltique Sea and
the North Ocean, and knowne what they will contribute to both,
wee would have you goe to the Prince of Orange and such of the
States as are with him at the camp to treate with them to the same
effect; and, having communicated to our deare sister and brother-in-
lawe the effect of your ambassage, as well there as in other parts,
you are (without longer stay than is necessary for receaving an
answeare of the States, leaving the pursute of any thing which
requires tyme of dispatch to our agent, Dudley Carleton, who is
there resident with them) to take your jorney to our deare uncle
the King of Denmarke with the best expedition you may.

10. With him, after delivery of your letters of credence with fitt
complements, you are to hold the like language as with the States
for the common service in these two precedent points ; but there is
a further occasion concerning us in particular, which requires great
care and circumspection in the conduct thereof,

11. So it is that upon the pursute of the unhappy warre in
Germany, wherein our brother-in-lawe and deare sister were
violently and unjustly thrust out of theyr patrimoniall dignityes and
estates, the conquest of the Imperialists, like a gangrene in a dying

14 SIB THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

body, passing from the Palatinat to Hessen, so further to the Princes
of Neyther Saxe Greys (of whi'ch circle the King of Denmarke was
generall), our father of blessed memory, foreseeing in his great
wisedome the progresse of this mischiefe, not likely to stay any where
at land or sea unles it were stopt by force, used indeavour by our
ambassador, Sir Robert Anstruther, to persuade that King to declare
and engage himself in that vvarre, with promise of assistance.

12. Many excuses being made and opportunityes lost whilst
there was yet some remainder of strength in Germany to entertayne
the ennemy, at length that king, growing sencible of his owne
danger, in particular with ruyne of the publike, entred into
conditions with Sir Robert Anstruther for the furnishing of a
certayne number of men, horse, and foote, or a valuable proportion
of money for theyr entertaynment ; which he accepting in the King
our father's name, and the King of Denmarke therupon taking
armes, there was money furnished to a considerable sume by the
King our father, and after his decease we continued that assistance
partly in money and partly in ayde of men : wee sent in fower
regiments under the commaund of Sir Charles Morgan, and of
shipping conducted by Sir Sackville Trevor all to the uttermost
possibility of bur meanes, but chiefly by diversion, sending to that
effect a royall fleete against the Spaniard in an enterprise upon
Gales, which was performed in the name of our brother-in-lawe and
deare sister as a German quarrell. in revenge of the invasion was
made by the Spaniard upon the Palatinat.

13. This fleete in returnea lighting upon certayne French shipps
laden with Spanish goods, and seising them by the right of warre,
that seisure being taken in France (though very unjustly and
contrary to the treatyes betwixt the two crownes) as a subject of
counterseisure of English goods and marchandize in that kingdome,
and one accident of offence begetting another, wherupon ensued a
warre with that crowne likewise. This deprived us of such meanes

a This took place before it sailed. The whole story as told here is most unsatis-
factory.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 15

wee would most willingly have contributed to the King of Denmarke ;
yet upon the whole account of moneyes sent over by Sir Robert
Anstruther, others furnished to the Denmarke Ambassadors, some
taken up as pawnes, much spent in entertaynment of Generall
Morgan's troopes, and somwhat furnished to officers which made
leavyes in Scotland, with other disbursements, there hath bene
furnished from hence viis et modis directly to that wane (besides
the vast summes spent by way of diversion of the Spanish warre
and the French, which fell in consequence thereof) above 300,OOOZ.

14. This we doe not mention by way of discharge, as that wee
had fully and totally acquitted ourselves to our deare uncle ; but
princes so nearely allyed in blood and conjoyned in interest of state
are to complye one with another, and, measuring aydes by possibili-
tyes, be sencible each of others condition, and wee need not conceale
to a prince so neare us that whereof all the world doth take know-
ledge, that wee have had our incommodityes at home by the sinister
practise of some disaffected subjects, much to the prejudice of our
revenue, which wee are in a fayre way to overcome, and therby be
the better enabled to assist our friends abroad e.

15. Wee may well imagine, and wee have bene so informed, that
our deare uncle hath mett with the like inconveniences amongst his
subjects, and therunto wee ascribe the want in his army of the
numbers of men and necessaryes of warre he made account of and
stipulated with his confederates when he entred into armes ; the
difficulty he made in all treatyes and publique acts to mention the
restitution of the Palatinat, which his ministers would never doe,
though that were the originall and is indeed the permanent ground
of our quarrell with the princes of the house of Austria ; and, finally,
the refusall of the ratification of the treaty of the Hagh (about
which wee employed the Duke of Buckingham and the Earle of
Holland in the yeare 1625), unles it were that certayne secret
articles which were concluded at the same tyme (wherby our
intention was explaned) might remayne unratifyed, which wee could
no wayes admitt.

16. This we alleadge not by way of complaint nor for any further

16 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

purpose, but for your understanding, to the end that, knowing par-
ticularly how things have passed, you may be the better armed
with answeares upon occasions, and to this purpose you shall have a
writing with you which deduceth the state of these pretended debts
and treatyes (specially this of the Hagh, which the ratifications
thereof presented on our part totally but defectively on that Kings
and the States likewise) more in particular; and you shall have in
like manner a proposition made by the Lorde Kosencrantz, that
King's last ambassador here with us in December last past, and
answeared upon our order by our Commissioners for forrayne affayres
in January following, which will give you some further light of that
King's demaunds, and how far wee are able to goe for his satisfac-
tion. You are now upon the whole matter so to conduct yourself
and your negotiation with that King as, on the one side, not to dis-
hearten him in despayre of our succors, which wee intend unto him
to the uttermost of our possibility; and, on the other, to make the
King our father's and our engagements otherwise understood then
it seemes they are by such assignations he continueth to make over
hether upon our Exchequer, as yf a franke and friendly supplye
which hath bene heretofore furnished (and -shall, God willing, be
continued to the best of our ability) were a due debt.a

17. One debt wee acknowledge, and the interest thereof, as you
will find by the answeare to the Danish ambassador ; the other wee
neyther doe nor will take upon us ; but you are to handle the dis-
avowing thereof cautiously, not to distast that King, nor to suffer
the opinion of that engagement to rest upon us.

18. Wee have it advertised, both from our ambassador, Sir
Kobert Anstruther, and severall other wayes, that there is a treaty
of peace very far advanced at Lubeck betwixt certayne Imperiall
and Danish Commissioners, and that our deare uncle the King of
Denmarke is in danger to be caryed much to his disadvantage (by
the interests and feares of his Danish subjects and against his owne
princely disposition) to a very prejudicial! peace both to himself

a i. e. Charles owns as a debt the money lent to his father, not the 30,OOOZ. a month
which he engaged to pay under the treaty of the Hague.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 17

and his friends and allyes, and, yf you find that peace unconcluded,
you may then represent unto him the present change of affayres of
Europe, much more to his advantage then of late when the whole
burthen of the warre lay upon his neck ; a great part of the
Imperiall forces being marched towards Italy to the number (as the
latest advertisements beare) of 30,000 men, some drawne downe
towards the Low Countryes in assistance of the Spanyard against the
States' army, which is now in the field more powerfull than ever ;
others employed about Strasbourg with an eye to the French frontier,
upon jealousy of that nation now our peace is made with that
Crowne, wherunto, being persuaded by our deare uncle, wee
much the more willingly hearkened, to the end that, being freed
of that diversion, wee might give him the better assistance, and the
French King likewise ayde him according to many promises, which
wee are glad to heare doe already begin to be putt in effect by some
moneyes newly sent by an expresse minister out of France, persuad-
ing that King, the same way as wee have reason to doe, not to make
peace dishonorably or disadvantagiously.

19. But, yf you find the peace shutt up and concluded, wee would
have you then require a copie of the articles, to the end wee may
see how far and in what manner wee are interested, and in all
event for satisfaction of our marchants (a people ever subject to
feares and jealousyes), not for any distrust wee have of our de*are
uncle. You are to procure good assurance that in the passage of the
Sondt no stopping or seizure shal be made of theyr shipps and
goods by way of arrest for satisfaction of pretended debts. And
this is the effect of your particular nogotiation in that court, which,
though it hath a mixture with the publike as it concernes peace or
warre, yet are you to observe how it doth chiefly reflect upon our
interest and our subjects to deliver us from undue pretentions and
them from unjust seisures.

20. In your jorney further, whether you will begin with Poland
or Swedeland wee must leave to your discretion, according to such
light you shall gather in Holland and in the King of Denmark's

CAMD. SOC. D

18 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

court, most effectually to advance our affayres; but wee heare the
failing of the States' interposition for a peace betwixt those two
Kings proceeded in part [from]a theyr having made theyr addresse to
Swede, which by the haughty humor of the Pole was taken in
disdayne, and, wheresoever you doe begin, the conduct of this
busines must more depend upon [your]b owne iudgement then upon
direction; this being our chiefe ayme in the pacification of those
two Kings to open and secure commerce after the ancient manner
of treatyes with those Crownes and the townes of Dantzick and
Elbing, according as the change of affayres upon the successe of
that warre and the pacification you are now to treate will permitt.

21. But this state of affayres of the kingdome of Poland having
long rested in these termes, that the King and his personall de-
pendants being governed by the Jesuites, and by them, as active
instruments of the Austrian greatnes, alwayes caryed to the advance-
ment of that house, and the chiefe nobility and gentrye of that
kingdome remayning opposite to that Jesuiticall faction as main-
tayners of the ancient libertyes and freedome of that countrey, which
they alwayes make appeare in theyr assembly es when they conveane
together by way of Parliament, shewing a good inclination to the
profession of our religion, at least to the maintenance of freedome
of conscience which the lawes and constitutions of that countrey
doe allowe, — you are in your addresses to have especiall regards of
such of the nobility as stand that way affected, and in your pro-
ceeding in the peace you are specially to have regard to the con-
ditions thereof, that yf they tend by the practise of the Jesuites and
theyr partye to the concluding with the King of Swede and with-
drawing his assistance from the King of Denmarke or from restoring
the liberty of Germany, which he is entered into with so princely
a resolution notwithstanding his other engagements by the
defence of Stralsondt, — in this case wee, preserving publike respects
of state before our particular interests of marchandise, doe not thinke
it fitt your endeavors should tend to the advancement of that peace;

a « for " in MS. b « our " in MS.

Sift THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 19

but otherwise, yf the King of Swede be left free to pursue what he
hath so royally undertaken, wee would,then have you goe on in the
pacification between those two Crownes according to our first
intention.

22. There is a due debt of moneyes lent by the King our father
to the King of Poland to the value of 10,OOOZ., the documents and
instruments whereof you shall have with you, or at least authenticall
copyes of them, to recover it for us, as wee cannot but confesse wee
have neede. And, touching the opinions of the easterne trade, wee
esteeme it necessary to settle a residence in the dominions of both
those Kings (the Pole and Swede), because wee have it informed
that our last mart at Elbing was so far envyed that an Act of Par-
liament was made in Poland that no cloth should be vented in that
kingdome unles it were first sealed at Dantzick, which must eyther
be revoked by treaty or else another scale established there. This
may prove a good inducement to the peace by the benefitt thereof,
and gayne unto us many friends.

23. In this treaty the interest of the Marquis of Brandenburgh is
to be considered, who hath written unto us that he will assist in it
by his deputy es, and before your departure our marchants are to be
consulted with how best to advance theyr affayres ; and you may
promise in our name to the subjects of both those princes and
townes free trade, with theyr wonted good treatment, in these our
dominions; and yf you find it objected that theyr shipps are som.
tymes intercepted in these seas, such as trade into Spayne, you shall
require them to understand this rightly, that it is onely to impeache
the transport of equippage of shipping and munition of warre into
that King's dominion, without the helpe whereof wee are sure that
King could not so much trouble the state of Christendorne, and
whilst wee continue in warre with him this prohibition is agreable
to all lawes, naturall, nationall, and civill.

24. There is a Prince in those parts, the Duke of Curland, with
whome wee have allyance and particular friendship, in whose favor
wee would have you employ yourself according to such informations

20 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

he will give you; and you are to have your aspect further into Tran-
sylvania, it being very probable that both the King of Poland may
be awed to make a peace and the King of Swedeland induced to
undertake the protection of the suppressed, by using and applying
the meanes of Gabor rightly; and it is in effect a joyning and link-
ing of three leagues in one ; there being one betwixt us and the
United Provinces for restitution of the Palatinat and mutuall
defence, into which the King of Denmarke came by the treaty of the
Hagh as accessory; another betwixt the King of Swede and the
States for the freedome of the Baltique Sea, about which the Kings
of Denmarke and Swede, at theyr late interviewe, did likewise con-
tract an allyance ; a thyrd, betwixt the King of Swede and Gabor,
who having mett together in mariage in the same house a have estab-
lished betwixt themselves a particular intelligence.

25. All these being to one and the self-same end, though they
worke dividedly, yet it may be in one regard more effectually,
because, amongst many confederats in one body, by reason of re-
motenes of place and severall interests, there can seldome fall out a
right understanding. You are therefore to use an active industrye
to make all these princes co-operate towards the common defence by
way of intelligence, since wee find that cannot be which hath bene
many tymes heretofore proposed, and now lastly by Sir James
Spence, as Ambassador from the King of Swede, by way of union
and confederation, wherunto you may make knowne unto that
King when you come to his presence, as likewise unto such others
as wish well unto it, wee are so far from being adverse, that as the
King our father did declare his good liking of it wee should embrace
it most willingly; but in this conjuncture of affayres it is more
behoovefull, according to former agreements, wee should employ
ourselves to the same end, though in severall parts, by present
action, then entertayne the tyme in negotiation. It rests onely for
your instruction that you take with you such treatyes as have
formerly passed betwixt us and such princes, states, and townes you
a They married sisters of the Elector of Brandenburg.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 21

are to deale with : wherewith our Secretary shall have commaund
to furnish you; and, for such further circumstances as in a charge
consisting of so many parts with princes so remote cannot so well be
prescribed unto you, you are to take counsell of tyme and place
and present occurrences and governe yourself by discretion ; adver-
tising from tyme to tyme as you find commodity of sending, and
according to the importance of occasions, by expresse messengers, in
what state you find afFayres where you goe, to the end .that in such
things as may attend tyme of answeare you may receave our further
order.

In all places, at your first publique audiences, our pleasure is you
should speake by interpreters ; at other tymes wee leave it to your
liberty.

DORCHESTER.

Greenwich, this 20th of June, 1629.

V. Sir Thos. Roe's Speech at his " First Audience to the States
General, by Interpreter"

Mr LORDS,

His Matie my Lord and Master having taken into his Eoyall con-
sideration the present estate of the troubles and desolations in July •&» 1629.
Germany, and having resolved to apply such means as God hath
given him, and as in his wisedome he hath thought conduceable to
the publicque interest, hath commanded me to visitt and salute
them in his name as his good friends and confederates, and to assure
you of his constant purpose by effects in all your occasions on his
part to nourish this confidence betweene his Matie and your Estates;
to which purpose he hath thought necessarye to that good corre-
spondence he doth and will hold with you, to communicate freely
his intentions, and on them to take your advise and counsell, well-
assured of your concurrence in all endeavours for the common cause ;
and for your better assurance he hath commanded me to deliver
unto your Lordships this his letter, to which you may be pleased to

22 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

be further referred. And because you know the prejudice of lost
tyme I will be bold to entreat you to appoint some Commissioners
to heare and to consult with me with such convenient speed as may
fitt your great affayres and my hast. Lastly, I shall desire of you
to beleeve of4 me, however, in other essentiall respects, the most un-
worthy of the honor of this function, yet that never man came
hither with more honest and zealous affection to the publicque nor
your Lordships' particular service.

VI. Roe's proposition to the States General.

Akbrege de la proposition du Chevalier Roe, Ambass1' Extroadre
July _3?) 1629. de sa Mate de la Grande Bretagne, faicte aux Deputes des Seigneurs
Estats Generaux des Provinces Unies, le -fj Juillet, 1629.

Sa Mate mon Seigneur et Maitre ayant sagement preveu le danger
imminent de la liberte de la Mer Baltique, et senti la perte que 1'inter-
ruption du traffic dicelle apporte, occasioned par la guerre entre les
Rois de Pologne et de Suede, et qu'il y a apparence que les forces
Imperialles seront attirees dans la Prussie a Foppression du Roy de
Suede et assujettissement de cette Province a la maison d'Austriche
estant aussi requise par le Roy de Pologne de s'entremettre comme
Mediateur de paix a laquelle le Roy de Suede s'est declare n'estre
pas contraire, il lui a pleu m'im poser la charge de moyenner entre
ces deux couronnes.

Les raisons qui ont induit sa Mate a s'interposer en cest affairse
(qui de soy mesme est un office convenable a un Roy Chrestien) sont
deux :

1. La necessaire consideration de 1'ouverture du traffic de la cite
de Dansick et autres villes libres, pour le proffitt de ses propres
subjets et des Provinces Unies, ce qui estant asses evident n'a
besoing d'amplification plus large. A cecy appartient un soing
particulier, que Ton doit avoir de la ville de Dansick, qui autrement
pourra facilement estre opprimee en sa liberte ou par 1'Empereur ou
par le Roy de Pologne.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 23

2. La seconde raison est la consideration du danger comrnun et
de la defense de la Mer Baltique; le premier n'est que trop manifeste,
a raison de 1'accroissement de la puissance de FEmpereur en ces
quartiers la, ayant a sa devotion et subjection tant de Ports en
Meckelburg et Pomeranie et puis que Wallestein a receu Finvestiture
de Fune et que sur Fautre ne manqueront poynt des pretensions
semblables, apres la mort du Due Regnant. Que si ces pays viennent
une fois a estre absoluement reduits a la volonte et obeissance de la
maison d'Austriche, tous les Princes et villes Hansiatiques sur ceste
mer seront par la necessite du traffic peu a peu et comme insensible-
ment subjuguees et contrainctes de recevoir la loy de FEmpereur
specialement iceluy estant en paix et amitie (comme Fon pretend)
avec le Roy de Dannemarc qui a le pouvoir seul d'ouvrir et de fermer
ceste mer, a qui il lui plait. Sur ces considerations sa Mate m'a
commande de communiquer franchement et en confiance a vos
Seigneuries ses desseins et par quelles voyes elle veut proceder, et
en cela demander vostre conseil et advis, et vous requerir de joindre
avec elle pour Faccomplissement de ces deux fins, assavoir Fouverture
du traffic et la defense commune, et de vous assurer que Finterest de
vos Seigneuries comme de ses bons amis et allies, qui est aussi cher
et autant prevalable au soing qu'elle porte du public que le sien
propre, ou celui de ses propres sujets.

Quant au premier, la liberte du traffic, sa Mate estime que le
propre et naturel remede est d'appaiser les differens entre ces deux
Rois estant deux choses incompatibles que la guerre et le traffic.
Pourveu que la paix se puisse faire a telles conditions que le Roy
de Suede demeure en liberte de proceder en ses resolutions heroiques
pour la defense de ces provinces, villes, et mers, et qu'il ne soit diverti
de ses nobles et genereux desseins. En quoy sa Mate desire aussi
Fadvis de vos Seigneuries, et qu'il vous plaise me communiquer vostre
opinion avec tels conseils qui puissent faciliter la perfection de ceste
oeuvre.

Pour le second ass[urer?] la defense commune, sa Mate croit et

24 SIR THOMAS HOE'S MISSION.

tient qu'il n'y a poynt de moyens plus prompts ni plus puissants que de
cherir et encourager le Roy de Suede, Prince de grande prudence et
valeur, et heureux en ses entreprises. Et pour ce qu'il est a craindre
qui, suivant 1'example des autres par un soing de soy mesme trop
precipite, il ne vienne a delaisser le public estant a soup90nner que
1'Empereur lui offrira des conditions asses flatteuses ou cherchera
sa ruine totale par armes, sa Mate m'a donne instruction, apres que
j'aurai premierement prepare les choses requises a un tel traitte avec
le Roy de Danemarc, d'assurer le Roy de Suede que sa Mate est
resolue de correspondre avec lui et de lui donner toute aide qui sera
jugee possible et expediente, et de 1'animer a continuer ses braves
desseins avec Constance, jusques a ce que Ton puisse meurement
considerer par quels moyens, et en quelle mesure, on le pourra
secourir. En quoy, quand sa Mate sera pleinement et vrayement
informee des intensions de ce Roy et de ses moyens et manquements
et que c'est qu'il demandera, et attendra de ses amis et allies, elle
donnera ordre pour pleine asseurance et satisfaction d'icelui laquelle
ne se pcut pour le present determiner ni conclurre en esgard a
1'estat present de Danemarc et au peu de conoissance que nous avons
encore des articles de ceste paix, et qu'il n'y a poynt eu d'cuverture
specialle faicte de la part du Roy du Suede.

Sur ce poinct Sa Mate m'a pareillement commande de demander
le conseildevos Seigneuries, et de vous persuader jusques la de votis
declarer pour 1'encouragement et confirmation du dit Roy de Suede,
affin que je lui puisse apporter de votre part le soulagement de vos
resolutions de contribuer en telle mesure qu'il sera convenable, et que
par la bonne aide et assistance de vos Seigneuries je soye rendu
capable de commencer une negotitiationa avec ce Roy pour la defense
publique. En quoi sa Mate fera tout ce qui appartient a un Roy de
telle puissance et zele a la cause commune. Finalement qu'il vous
plaise aussi m'aider avec vos lettres et memoires vers ces Princes et
villes libres interessees en ces affaires et en la cause du commun,
pour I'accomplissement des desirs de sa Mate et de vos Seigneuries.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 25

[Indorsed] Proposition faicte et donnee aux Deputes des Estats
Generaux des Provinces Unies le -fa Juliet, 1629.
Their deputies were 6 :

Monsr FINCK of Gelderland.
Monsr BOCKHORST of Holland.
Monsr BEAUMONT of Zeland.
Monsr RODA of Utrecht.
Monsr LUCTEREN of Zutphen.
Monsr TER-COULEN of Over-Issell.

VII. Answer given to Sir Thomas Roe.

They withdrew themselves to consult together, and Mons. Finck State Papers,
of Gelderland, in the name of the rest, giving his Matie humble juiy s } 1529
thanks for his favour to them and care of the publique, required the
substance of my discourse and proposition in writing, which I
promised.

To that part wherein I desired to know their opinion in generall
of the peace between the two Crownes of Suede and Poland, and
to be informed by them of the difficulties their Ambassadors found
in that negotiation, that I might the better direct my selfe, and
that they would be pleased to contribute to mee their counsells,
assistance, and memorialls for the accomplishment of that treaty,
they answered, that they did approve and concurre with his Matie
in the desire of that peace, and would expresse it upon consultation,
having then only order to heare and relate.

For the other, they referred mee to Mons. Beaumont, who had
bin one of their ambassadors employed to that effect, who freely
declared the first difficulty did arise from a refusall of the King of
Poland to acknowlege the King of Suede for king, and to renounce
his pretensions upon that crowne. The second upon restitution
of the places taken by the King of Suede in Livonia and Prussia,
upon which the nobility of Poland insisted, and which the King of

CAMD. SOC. E

26 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

Suede was willing to surrender upon payment of his charge of the
warre, which mony could not be found. Lastly, that he found as
much power as aversnes in the cleargy and Jesuites, who wholly
opposed the treaty. He thought the making of a peace would be
difficult, and not so advantageous to the King of Suede as a long
truce, whereby he might hold possession of some seaports as cautions,
and to this counsell he applied himselfe.

VIII. Conference between Sir Thomas Roe and the Count of
Schwarzenberg.

State Papers, Conference with the Count of Swartzenburg,a 4 and 5 July,

Holland. i 290
July T\, 1629. l

He related the cause of the warre to arise from the King of

Suede, who by often breach of promise cast the Elector of Brande-
burgh into a jealousy of the King and State of Poland: so farre
as they quarrelled his estate in Prussia as forfeited. I observed in
all his discourse that he cast the blame upon the King of Suede.

I desired to know what were the difficulties that the Dutch
Ambassadors fell upon in their treaty. He answered, that they
landing in the Prussia of Brandeburgh were indeed by the Chan-
cellor of Suede to speake first with him, and so fell into a jealousy
of the King of Poland; and after removing and staying long at
Dansick they grew worse suspected, as negotiating in that towne a
neutrality for the King of Suede, — insomuch, that com m ing to court
they scarse were admitted audience, as being partiall; but after they
had obtained leave td treate they spent much time about the place,
titles, and ceremonyes, but never entred into the substance. I asked
what proposition he thought so indifferent and just as might be
acceptable on both sides, to which he replied, absolute restitution of
the King of Suede. I demanded whither it were safe for his master

* On behalf of the Emperor.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 27

to advantage the Pole so much, seeing he confessed that they pre-
tended a forfeiture, to which he replied, there was no other way of
peace, for I should find the affaires changed; the King of Poland
reconciled to a faction of his subjects; his eldest sonne assured of
the succession and the forces of the Emperour in his ayd, which
would make him high in his demands. In this I found him all
imperiall ; only he confessed that if by peace and restitution the
King of Suede were not removed out of Prussia, that he thought it
was the Emperor's purpose to sett up his owne pretenses to the
wholle country and to oppresse the Elector, and by the King's con-
sent to deceive the Poles, and to change the dependance in feudo
of that province and to give it to Casimir, the second sonne, and
that this he did beleeve was the secrett end of those auxiliars sent
by the Baron Arnheim.

He councelled mee to land in a neutral part, intimating that of
Brandeburgh, and to send a secretary to both Kings to signifie my
arrivall, and to prepare a place of convention indifferent, wherin
he knew the Elector's Commissioners should assist if he were not
himselfe in person. He told mee the truce taken in expectation of
his Maties mediation was ended the last of June, and that the Elector
had procured a prolongation of six weeks, but that he feared the
descent of the imperiall forces would bring all into confusion, being
purposely interposed to prevent a treaty of peace, and that he now
thought the Emperor would become a party both in the peace and
warre.

[This and No. 9 are indorsed] Conference with the deputies of
the States Generall the 3, and with Count Swartzenburg 4 and 5
July, 1629.

IX. Sir Thomas Roe to Viscount Dorchester.

MY LORD,

I arrived at the mouth of the Mase on Munday night with Capt. State Papers
Pennington's whole fleete, being embarqued on the Adventure. I juiy Tn

28 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

mett the rest at sea, who I hope are returned safe to the Dowries
according to their order. On Tuesday I gott to Delfe, where Mr.
Carleton mett me and received me as your Lordship's servant. The
next day some of the States mett me according to custome and con-
ducted me to their house, and entertayned me honestly. That night
I asked audience, and the morning (Thursday) I went to the Court
of the States Generall and delivered to them with his Maties letter a
few words of ceremonye, of the generall of my imployment, and
desired them to appoynt deputies to heare and consult with me
with as much speed as their owne affayres and my hast would
permitt. This I told by interpreter, and with the assistance and
communication of your nephew. After a replye from them of due
respect to his Matie and other complements, they desired that I
would give them in writing what I had sayd, to which I replyed
that they had the substance in his Maties letter, and that I thought
it superfluous : when ther was any matter of deliberation propounded
I would endeavour to give them requisite content. On Fry day they
sent six deputies, for every province one, to Mr. Carleton's house,
whither I desired to remove and now am, to his trouble, to whom
I proposed the subject of my legation; and, they separating them-
selves to consult, required it of me in writing, which I could not
refuse, unless that I would prejudice myselfe by suspition or singu-
laritye, which, with the consent of your nephew, I have to-day
presented to them. And, because they will not answere untill they
have advised with the Prince of Orange to gayne tyrne, I purpose
to goe to him on Munday,a and thereby hope to advantage myself in
the answere. This breefe account I thought fitt to give yr Lord-
ship that you may see I loose no tyme, and in generall to lett you
know that I have not only proceeded in confidence with Mr. Carle-
ton but by his approbation and advice, having acquainted him with
my instructions and my sense of them, wherein I find that I have a
worke of greater curiosity, to weigh wordes and to cutt by a thread
then direct matter to build upon, though in generall I judge more

* 6 July.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 29

might have been done here if I had had more scope. The nego-
ciations of Camerarius hangs in the bryars ; the peace of Denmarke
is diverslye understood here, but in the worst sense. Mr. Caiieton
will send your Lordship a breefe of the freshest advise from Sir Ko:
Anstruther, and give you better relations of the leaguer and this
State then you can expect from me. When I returne I shall have
made observations to judge upon, and then I will trouble your
Lordship with the coppies and particulars of my proceedings by
journall, and hasten towards Denmarke. Of my deligence I beseech
your Lordship to make relation to his Matie, wherein I shall need
no other wings nor spurrs then the zeale of his service and the ease
of a charge which I know not but as the satyre that kissed fire,
and too heavy for my temporall foundation. I yet undergoe my
burthen in confidence of a good master and in assurance of the ex-
tension of your favour and protection to

Your Lordship's humble devoted servant.
Haghe, T4T July, 1629.

Returning from the armye I purpose but two dayes stay here.
[Indorsed] To my Lord of Dorchester, 4 July, 1629.

X. Sir Thomas Roe's Conference with the Prince of Orange and
the Deputies of the States Generall.

On the 7 of July I arrived at Renen, where the King of Bohemia State Papers,
mett me, purposely come from the camp. I delivered his Maties
letters to him and the Queen, and made a relation of my employ-
ment, applying it in the generall to the advantage of his Highnes
and his affayres. He returned his Matiea thanks, and seemed not
only to concurre but to submitt himselfe and his opinions wholy
to his Maties direction, upon whose wisdome and goodnes he did
entirely depend, but in matter of advise he showed a tendernes to
declare, doubting that my message had not wings to beare up the

30 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION^

weightie body of so great a dessigne as the encouragement or sup-
port of the King of Swede, who would (as he beleeved) hazard no
more without realitye and assurance of sufficient and constant
supplye.

9. The 9 day I wayted on the King of Bohemia, to the camp
before Boisleduc, and arrived late, and was lodged by the Prince of
Orange that night; I gave him his Maties letters and desired a con-
ference with him in the morning.

10. Wherein I related the substance of my negotiation to the
same purpose that I had spoken to the Deputyes of the States, and
to the written propositions given them ; I desired his advise and the
ayd of his authority with them, to hasten me such an answere as
might correspond with his Maties purposes and the generall good.
I putt him in mynd of the power given me from him to assure his
Matie of a readines in the States to concurre with him in any action
that should take care of the liberty e of the Balticque Sea or the
safety of the King of Swede, which had beene an especiall motive
of my passing by these parts both to communicate and to consult
with his Excellencye and the Lords of these provinces to that effect.

His answere was, that he had yet received no particular from the
States Generall, but of my arrivall; and, therefore, could not (by
the rule he held in such affayres) propound busines first to them.
To the matter it selfe he approved his Maties care of opening the
trades in those seas and his counsell to that end to make peace
betweene the Kings of Poland and Swede as the only way and
remedye; he acknowledged the benefitt and almost the necessitye
thereof to this State, which they had expressed publicquely, by
sending their ambassadors to the same purpose; and therefore
wished his Matie all honor and successe in so worthy and necessarye
an office, which to particulars of the States he would recommend,
and doubted not I should receive an answere of satisfaction. To
the second poynt of the publicque defence, he sayd he was constant
to what he had told me formerly, because he knew the States were
constant to their owne and their friends' advantages, but that i

SIR THOMAS ROE^S MISSION. 31

became not them to declare first. They were, in effect, left alone
in the warr: the Emperor, by the King of Denmark's peace, being
sett loose upon them, so that they had enough to doe and more then
they could continew to defend their owne libertye. Notwithstand-
ing, if his Matie had beene pleased to declare his resolution, he was
assured the States would not have beene wanting to doe what they
were able ; but how farr to that poynt they would answere at pre-
sent he could not foresee, nor might persuade them with discretion
to enter into particulars upon a generall discourse. He wished the
support of the King of Swede as most necessarye, but seemed
to decline all treaty of league that must constantly and
determinatly bind (modestly reflecting upon our past treatyes), but
rather intimated a way of voluntary e contribution, which yet he
thought would not assure that king. In generall, with great
gravitye, he made light of my proposition as being no way
grounded. He did formalise upon Rubens' negotiation in England
as verye unseasonable, to which I replyed that Sr Henry Vane
would give a present account, and that I had no other order nor
knowledge but that his Matie therein would send a just and right
satisfaction to all his friends. I moved him particularly to procure
the States to contribute so much encouragement as I might be able
to assure the King of Swede in case of any league of the subsidy
given to Denmarke; but he would promise nothing more then a
generall recommendation of the same stuffe and temper that I
brought him.

From him I went to the Deputies of the States Generall for the
camp and did the like office. I found them verye sensible of the
profitt of the treatye betweene the Kings of Pole and Swede, giving
his Maties humble thanks for so particular a favour as the communi-
cation with them ; to that poynt by Mons. Vosberghen they
discoursed largely; he gave me many good and wise cautions and
advertisements in the managing of the treatye, especially to take
care of the King and to avoyd the rocke of Polish jealousye: to this
part they promised to contribute their counsell to the States. To

32

the second, the common defence, he insisted much upon the peace
of the King of Denmarke, and spake doubtfully and fearef'ully of
some secrett articles ; he opened the envye of those nations Danish
and Swede, and that any intimation of succour or supply that might
give honor to the King of Swede would rather disturbe the King
of Denmarke then winne upon him, and therefore wished me not to
begin there; but from his owne articles with the Emperor, wherein
is reserved an inclusion of his Malie and the States to ask what was
his intention therein and what counsell he would give for their
comprehension, and what wayes to convert that peace to their
benefitt, thereby to discover his purposes toward them, and there-
upon to proceed to assurance of their subjects' trades; which, being
gayned to enlarge so far upon the common defence as might not
invidiously cross the other, because he thought that King had
neyther will nor power in respect of his counsell that over-ruled him
in the peace, to doe much for the generall, and therefore that it was
more safe to pass by it then to fayle or discover further intentions
untill they were more assured; but that, as they desired above all
things the quiett of that sea and the safetye of the King of Swede
and the libertye of the Hans Townes, so they would write to the
Lords the States their opinion to concurre with his Matie in all his
royall purposes, declining utterly any other declaration.

1 1 . I returned towards the Haghe with more satisfaction in that
I had seene then what I had done, having gone round all the
miraculous workes and visited all the approches to their points, and
judged the towne crestfallen, a in want and despayre.

[Indorsed] Conference with the Prince of Orange and the Deputies
of the States General at the Camp, 10 July, 1629.

a Bois-le-Duc., to which the Prince was then laying siege.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 33

XI. Sir Thomas Roe to Frederick, titular King of Bohemia.

May it please your Matie, State Papers,

If I should leave this countrye without acknowledgement of
your Maties virtues and favours, which I have abundantly seene and
tasted, the sinne of foule ingratitude would hang over and affright
me in all my journye. I am able to returne your Matie nothing,
and Kings expect nothing but good hearts from their servants.
Your Matie hath knowne what my master hath commanded me to
say and doe in this employment, wherein I find many difficultyes
and have little advanced here. The entrye of the Emperor's troopes
into Prussia, I feare, have a larger dessigne then the contemplation
of the peace of Poland, and I shall find now a third partie interessed
and the warre broke out, for we have certayne advice of a fight
betweene the King of Swede and Arneim ; the successe I send your
Matie enclosed, as it comes from Lubecke; but Arnheim's letters
make it worse, though he confess the King did make an honorable
retraict. I will hasten my journye with all possible speede, hearing
by the English troopes of Colonell Morgan arrived at Enchusen ;
that the King of Denmarke is in Holstein ; and, as it is the intention
of his Matie to apply this negotiation particularly to your service,
and to the benefit of your affayres, so, if God prosper me, I will
endeavour by some effects to give your Matie testemonye of my
zeale therein, and how far your infinite favours have obliged me to
do you service. Of what I shall be able to do I will presume to
render your Matie assiduous account, and give me leave to beseech you
to ease us of the care and to prevent your owne danger: your Matie
ought not to tempt an all a accident. Almighty God keepe your
Matie safe and restore you to the dignitye of your meritts, and the
prayers of Your Maties most humble servant.

Hagh, if July, 1629.

[Indorsed] To the King of Bohemia, 14 July, 1629.

a sic ; probably for ill.
CAMD. SOC. F

34 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

XII. Sir Thomas Roe to Viscount Dorchester.

State Papers, MY LORD,

M7 letter of the 4 JulJ hath £iven your Lordship account of my
passage and entrance into my busines here. The enclosed will
declare how I have since passed my tyme to this day at noone.
My success hath not answered my diligence, finding this state full
of care and trouble, having their hands full both of invasion and
defence, and their heads of feare of the encrease of the enemies'
forces by accession of the Imperialls. This hath hindered me both
in tyme and the extent of their declaration, which what it wilbe
two dayes will enable me to assure his Matie. In the meane tyme I
thought necessarye so far to be provided as to send your Lordship
all, which, if you thinke superflous, you may teach me to spare yow
and myselfe. I fynd here that though these men are as sencible as
can be expected of both poynts committed to my charge, as their
present plantation in Muscovye doth strongly witnes, yet they
pretend that the same generalityes have beene often propounded
without effect, and so they less esteeme this. In clearer tearmes,
they hope and believe little, and yet I am persuaded -would doe
much if I had power to trye them ; but I am tyed to so strict a
forme of proposition that I speake rather leafe gold then solid
mettall. This freenes his Matie will pardon me, because I would
have built strongly. I ornitt to trouble your Lordship with more
of this untill I see their answere, and will presume to conclude with
my opinion of the present state of these provinces. It may be
counted a paradoxe to thinke that theire prosperitye at Boisleduc
will facilitate a peace, which I for many reasons beleeve, though
others suppose they wilbe blowne up with insolence; but I consider
they doe not dessigne great conquests, but a securetye, which this
towne may give them ; and the expence is so immense that they
wilbe glad to take breath. Besides, the bold attempt of the enemy,
almost desperate, to enter their countrye without a retraict doth

35

amaze and teach them what fury and desperation may doe; so that,
in my opinion, if they winne they wilbe content; if they loose they
wilbe abject and the countrye discontent, and that conjuncture of a
treatye for them very propitious. Your Lordship will find by a
note within this letter that the King of Swede hath had a check,
and that the Emperor is entered, not so much in contemplation of
the peace for Poland, as a third party, so that my negotiation will
find new difficultyes, and all sides perhaps exasperate, and the corn-
forte that I shall carry only queres. Only his Maties name and
authority e doth strengthen me, whom I beseech by your Lord-
ship's mediation to accept my endeavours, which shall be winged
with diligence and fidelitye, and that yow wilbe pleased to continew
me in your patronage as

Your Lordship's most humble devoted servant,

THO. ROE.

Haghe, £f July, 1629.

I have not stepped one foote nor uttered a sillable without the
company and approbation of your nephew, who hath irreparrably
obliged me.

All the publicque. ministers here have visited me, only the French
have taken no notice ; perhaps he knows not his trade or is sorry
for the peace, for I know him well by his negotiations at Vienna.

[Indorsed by Dorchester'] From Sir Th. Roe the 15 of July,
received at Theobald's by an expresse the 26, stilo veteri, 1629.

After some negociations in Denmark, Roe proceeded to the seat of war. His
letters which follow give an account of his dealings with Gustavus.

XIII. Sir Thomas Roe to Viscount Dorchester*

MY LORD,

I arrived at Konigsberg the 18 Aug., where I was well received state Papers.
and used by the Prince Elector of Brandenberg, and from where I

36 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

instantly wrote with all due respect to the King of Swede. There
I enformed myselfe of the estate of the affayres, how they stood,
and by the conduct of his Commissioners, that were ready to goe to
the treatye begun by an enterloping French ambassador, Mons.
Charnassy, gott to the Polish camp (for there was no other way)
the 23 day. The King and Prince being retired to Warsow, the next
day I sent Mr. Gourdon to the Swedes' quarters, to advise the King
that I was comming to him to offer my selfe to that dutye which
his Matie had commanded me; but he refused me audience upon
vayne quarrells for titles or epithites ; and so I fell upon a dispute
with him. six dayes, which being accommodated, the 29 I came to
his campe, with honorable reception, and had that night audience
and delivered him his Maties, my master's, letters, which he returned
backe within two houres unbroken up, for want of titles also, espe-
cially that of Potentissimo, though there were enough for any
Christian king. He sayd he would accept me as mediator, without
other credence then a former letter, and desired me to write to his
Matie for a new, for he could not be diminished in his honor. My
Lord, I have only leysure to give you a generall tast of these fumes,
and humbly to desire his Matie, both in these ceremonies and in the
substance of busines, to suspend his creditt to any relation (for I
have beene threatned with complaynts) untill I can have meanes to
send an expresse, which I purpose to doe from Dansicke within ten
dayes ; for I have weighed all things, and, though I might have
refused justly to enterpose my master's name where his letters were
refused, yet necessitye both required my ayd; and I can give a good
reason, that will satisfye his Matie, who is the patron only of the
publicque good. For the ground of this war and the treatye of
peace in the end thereof hath never beene rightly enformed, and I
shall reveale many things to his Matie worthy the knowing, that are
not beleeved, nor were once thought on (at least if I only were
not deceived) in England. The treatye it selfe is drawne to narrow
points: the substance is a truce for 6 yeares with an article obli-
gatorie to treate a generall peace next yeare ; that the King of

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 37

Swede shall surrender some Mediterran townes, and Marienburg,
and the Heft a that doth command the Vistula ; but it is over re-
compenced at the losse of the Marg. of Br&iideburg jure potentite,
by surrender of the Mernel, a sea port, Fishehausen, and other
places. The trade shalbe opened, though burthened with some
charge, for the King of Swede will have a custome in the roade of
Dansicke or els no truce. Here only lyes the difficultye, which will
rest in me and our merchants to accommodate. Your Lordship
may see the scope of the King of Swede to be master of all the
ports and trade from the Narve to Stralsond, which is a matter of
great consideration, and to hold all his profitable conquests, havens,
and places neare the sea, at the charge of the trade and merchants
and the losse of the Elector; for whosoever doth the wrong that
prince must make the amends, who is unjustly undone, and it is
thought meritorious (at least by the French Ambassador) to sacrifice
a prince of our religion ' to the peace of the Romanist, for he is
betweene the hammer and the anville, without help, being betrayed
by his owne subjects for their barnes' sake. But I will by this
conveyance forbeare to write much, and desire your Lordship to
winne his Maties patience for me. I will give him an honest
account of the care of his honor, of the interest of his estates, and
of the publicque : so that I hope an impudent enemy shall not be
able to except against me. But you wilbe pleased also with patience
to heare what wee feele. There never was in the world such a
distracted treaty, so many wrangles, so many parts, so many diffi-
culties, so much wresting to partiall ends, but above all so much
miserye in two camps. We treate from one army to another, now
lodged in one, now in the other, in the field of Golgotha; the
plague so hott in both that I never saw such a mortalitye in Turky,
India, nor I thinke can be in Cayro, the seat of the plague, for the
number. All the countrye is dispeopled ; in 80 English mile not
a house to sleepe safe in ; no inhabitants except a few poore weomen
and children vertendo stercorarium to find a corne of wheate. I

« The Frische Haff.

38 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

have begun to have my part, one of my kitchin being stroken dead;
the French Ambassador hath lost 3 ; the King of Swede 60 ser-
vants of his bodye and all his cookes, many of his officers. Our
new regiment of English halfe dead and not able to muster 200. Of
all his Maties subjects, consisting of at least 13 regiments new and
old, they cannot march 1500; more dye, or as many, of famine as of
plague, inseparable companions; bread and water is the best dyet;
and I heare nothing but lamentations, nor see varietye but of dead
bodyes. My trayne and servants I sent at first to Dansicke, to save
some, and I remayne with 4- only to doe my dutye, in more danger
then the cannon doth threaten to ride betweene the camps to see an
end of our labours, if God please to spare me. Howsoever, I will
pursue my vocation, and trust in his providence. The King of
Swede hath dispersed his army and is himselfe gone to the Pelow a to
speake with the Elector and to take ship for Stockholme, of whome
I have taken leave, and stand now in his favour, and he hath left
us to fight it out against infection, weather, and famine. The Poles
are retyred in not much lesse misery e foure Duch miles, easely
parted if as easely agreed. I conclude nothing can goe right here,
where ambition and glorie prevayle agaynst justice and modesty e.
I write in trouble, and therefore I desire your Lordship to excuse
me both in the methode and matter and to keepe me in his Maties
opinion as his most faythfull subject and your

Lordship's humble servant,

THO: ROE.

From miserable Elbing, worse than the Campe,
& Sept. 1629.

[Indorsed"] Copye of a letter to my Lord of Dorchester, dispatched
by sea, 8 Sept. 1629, recd by Sir Eob. Anstruder's convayance the
last of October, 1629.

a Pillau.

39

In a letter to Dorchester of -^" 7? Koe says that on Sept. £i he went to the
Swedish camp near Marienburg to bring the Commissioners from both sides together
on the next day. In the night came a protest from the French Ambassador dis-
avowing in the name of the Poles "the principal ground of the treaty;" on which
the Swedes angrily resolved to break off the negociation. Roe begged for delay,
and in the morning went to the Polish camp and proposed another way of com-
position, and so brought the Commissioners to meet on the morning of 3ept £f in
the fields of Altmark, half-Avay between the camps. At last they agreed on all
points except " one of liberty of the Catholic religion in a town kept by the King of
Sweden, in which both sides were so violent that we broke up in confusion, and
returned in despair." In the night Roe argued with Oxenstjerna, and they both
joined in writing to the King at Pillau. He then sent Gordon at midnight to the
Poles to beg for a meeting on the £f . After two days' discussion all was agreed on,
when a new controversy arose between Roe and the French Ambassador about their
masters' precedency in the form of treaty. At last it was agreed that they should both
leave the camp at the same moment, and the Swedish and Polish Commissioners should
do as they pleased without them. There was to be a truce till July 1, 1635, " with
obligation of a new convention for a final peace the next year in some fit place to be
agreed on with the Elector of Brandenburg." During this time the Vistula was to be
freed, and the trade of Danzig, Konigsberg, and Lithuania opened. The King
of Poland's consent was still required to a new custom to be raised by the King of
Sweden at Pillau and before Danzig. " I am glad," adds the writer, " to-morrow to
go to Danzig, for this town," Elbing, " is a furnace of contagion, and I have walked
these last days between death rather than between armies, lying in the field in such
want, danger, and nastiness that it will offend any cleanly ear to hear." The King
of Sweden met the Elector of Brandenburg at Fischhausen, and sailed on the ££ for
Calmar.

XIV. Sir Thomas Roe to Elizabeth, titular Queen of Bohemia.

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAtie,

It is as impossible for mee in a letter to give your Matie a relation State Papers,
of a moneths busines, as to expresse in words how full my humble
heart is of thankfulnes to the King of Bohemia for the infinite
favours and his affection shewed mee ; and, if I should hope by
prayses to your Matie to discharge some of a great debt, nothing is
enough to say of so brave, just5 religious, and benigne a prince, and

40 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

therefore I will lett both alone and thanke God that he hath gotten
no harme where he could get no good. The substance of our
miserable treaty Mr. Carleton will relate to your Matie, and I have
only now intruded myselfe to kisse your Maties hands, and to lett
you know in generall that there is in the King of Swede a good
disposition, if wee knew how to employ it. He is a brave prince,
but wise to save himselfe, and maketh good private use of an opinion
and reputation that he is fitt to restore the publique. I dare say no
more by letter, but that wee see not well and distinctly in a per-
spective glasse at so great a distance. He hath given mee propo-
sitions and excellent grounds if the building thereon be not too
chargeable. In the meane time he seates himselfe fast in Prussia,
to the losse of the oppressed Prince of Brandeburgh, who hath a
strange fortune to be undone only by his friends, whereby in matter
of state wee have learned that too cold and stupid a neutrality is as
dangerous as lukewarmenes in religion; and he is become a grayne
of corne betweene two milstones, brused to make bread for others.
A French ambassador hath beene with him and made an ouverture
that I dare not write. I am made beleeve it is hotly negotiated,
but it is too good ; all I can say is, that it is the best proposition for
your Matie that was ever projected, though the authors only looke
at themselves. I send it to his Matie in cyphar, for so I am entrusted.
That, and the King of Swede concurring, will reveiw all accounts
in Germany ; buta when wee spend our selves heere to rayse brave
actions, they say you will prevent us with a peace that will rust all
our swords, so kind hearted is the Spanyard become, from whose
trust Almighty God deliver your Matie. By this time I doubt not
there is possession taken of that imployment wherein I ambitiously
desired to serve your Ma**, so that I cannot but justly complayne of
my starres that are alway canicular, especially in this, in which I
am sensible of wrong, having a promise, when I was sent to this
vally of death, that I should rest at the Haghe. If your Matie
doe not at least pitty mee, my wrong is doubled, though perhaps

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 41

you are better served. It is in vayne to lament, and nothing can
now come worse to mee if your Matie once tliinke that any man
living doth more honor you or would more willingly dye to serve
your Matie profitably or contentedly then,

Your Maties, I am sure, most antient and most humble servant.

Dansicke, 25 Sept. 1629.

XV. Sir Tliomas Roe to Viscount Dorchester*

MY VERY GOOD LORD,

I have more neede of an excuse for the historys I have sent your State Papers,
Lordship then to trouble you with additions. The best I have is Sept. 29
this, that, falling upon disputes at my first arrivall, for which I was Oct. 9
threatened with complaynts, and at my first entrye into busines a
fame being spread that I perplexed the treatye, which they thought
was almost ended, though I found the contrarye, I thincke it a
duty to myselfe to sett downe faythfully the whole process, that not
only his Matie may know what is done, but the reasons of my pro-
ceeding; for, as ther had beene no truce concluded if I had not
made the temper and wonne both parts to consent to a moderate
custome with the balance of our interest, so eyther the trade had
beene overburthened or quite shutt up, whereas now the issue is
that formerly the King of Swede, forcing all ships to come and
sacrifice at the Pelow, and taking 10 and 12 in the 100 in the first
rate, and 4 more in the valewation of the goods & money ,b and as
much outward, and if any of the same goods were transported to
Dansicke as much more, and of those that came or laded immediatly
at Dansicke 20 & 30 per 100. I hope to resettle the commerce

a The letter is in two forms, one cyphered to a great extent, to be sent to England,
the other a copy apparently kept by Roe. Where there is discrepancy the latter is
followed, as a mistake may easily have occurred in the cyphering. The other form
will be added in a note.

h " goods and " omitted in the other copy.
CAMD. SOC. G *

42

free at 5 in both ports, in specie, without loss upon mony or other
imposition within land. Thus far we are in the generall treatye;
ther rests only to dispose this citty to agreement, which I have done
in the matter, though they will not declare nor article untill the
King of Poland's licence doe warrant them, which done they cannot
stand out alone, for, the treatye being ratefyed, they are concluded
in the generall and must treate apart. In this I hope I have done
his Matie and the publicque good service, and, if I did a little stand
out that our merchants might be encouraged to returne hither, the
King of Swede will find in experience that I have done him none
ill, which he now beleeveth, and hath left the conclusion to me
wholye, and he is at full libertye to use his virtue in any other
place where he pleaseth. Your Lordship, may cast away what
superfluitye of my discourse you find impertinent, but I am
persuaded there are woven in it many things the discoverye
whereof are usefull, and his Matie may make his owne judgement
out of your Lordship's notes and cast the rest into the fire.
There rests onely that I enforme your Lordship of the motion
of the French Ambassador to the Marquis of Brandeburg, men-
tioned in my relation. After some generall discourse of the feare
of the house of Austria and their subduing of all Germany, he
told the prince ther was but one remedy, to change the race
and to elect a King of the Romans of another stocke, and asked
herein his opinion, who answered, the motion was good and possible.
Then he demanded if he would give his voyce if he saw the faction
sure and strong, to which he replyed that when he was satisfyed in
that he would answer. Then Charnassy told him that* his Matie had
employed him to that purpose in Germany, and offered the Duke of
Bavare his help, who, after much argument, had accepted it; that
three voyces were gayned, his owne, the Elector of Colen, and
Triers, and that his would cast it, desiring his free declaration; to
which the prince answered, that he could not with his oath of an
Elector deliver before hand to whom he would give his suffrage
untill they were mett in the Electorall Dyet, there to doe as God

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 43

and right did enspire him ; but thus far he would engage himselfe,
that when he saw the Duke of Bavaria declare and were assured of
the two Bishops he would doe that [which] became a prince that
desired the liberty of Germany. Charnassy told him that the Duke
had promised his master three things if he were chosen : To admitt
the Protestant a religion within the empire with the same priviledges
so granted the Lutherans, who have liberty by the lawes, but the
other none; secondly, that he would restore the Dukes of Mekel-
burg, Pomern, Baden, and the free cittyesb to their inheritance;
thirdly, that he would recall the demand of ecclesiasticall livings
and grant them to the possessors without trouble; lastly, that he
would expell the stranger. To this offer that the ambassador asked
why he left out restitution of the Palatinate and the honours
annexed. To which he sayd he would promise nothing, but left
it to his consideration, that being elect King of the Romans or
Emperor he could not be Elector, and that in that case he would
treate with his cosen upon just and honourable tearmes. This was
the negociation of the French ambassador with his Highnes, who
doth beleeve the French King will pursue the dessigne, if ther be
no peace in Italic, Charnassy having order from hence to goe to the
Duke of Saxe. I pray God this be not a French nitingale that
sings sweetly but is all voyce. I cannot, I feare, returne this winter,
being enforced to stay in this towne to see the exsecution of the
treaty, which is here referred to me ; which being done I must
necessarilye goe to Warsow to visitt the King, deliver my credence,
and negotiate the busines of the Duke of Curland, many complaynts
of our merchants, and to take off the Act of sealing our cloth at
this Dyett, which is a clogge upon the free commerce now estab-
lished. Therfore I hope his Matie will command my Lord Treasurer
to send me mony, in which I beseech your Lordship to take care
of me and of the King's honor, for already I am deepe in myne owne

a i.e. the Reformed or Calvinist religion.

b " Duke of Pomerland, the Marquis of Baden, and the free citties," in the other
copy.

44 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

creditt, and it is burthen enough to spend twice my allowance and
not to add the lacke of that which my master gives me. In this
and in all matters that concerne me I am confident of your Lord-
ship's protection as the patron of

Your Lordship's most humble client and servant,

THO. ROE.

Dansicke, 29 Sept. 1629, old stile.

Mr. Gordon, who hath taken great paynes, humbly desires your
Lordship's assistance with my Lord Treasurer,' that he may not in
this cold country e live like a cameleon. I desire your Lordship
that my journall may not be seene but to those that love truth
or me.

I beseech your Lordship to send me his Maties resolution what
he pleaseth to command me, and to procure my licence to come
home, and to direct me what way I shall take, if he have any service
for me. I hope his Matie will make some other choyce for the
generall treatye next yeare, for if I be stayed I shalbe undone at
this allowance. His Matie will heare from the Kings and the Elector
of the tyme and place, and wilbe invited to continue his mediation ;
but a person of greater qualetye and a better purse will befitt so
great an office, and I hope his Matie will looke upon me according
to that promise, that he would employ me nearer, and not keepe me
ever a stranger to my deare countrye.

XVI. Sir Thomas Roe to the King.

State Papers, MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAtie

Sept^ao How far I have proceeded in obedience to your Maties commands

Oct. 10 I have largely enformed my Lord of Dorchester; how well, wholy

despends upon your meere grace and acceptance. I may doubt some

preventing rumors may have out runne my diligence, for feare did

not lend me wings, there being nothing so bold as a good con-

SIR THOMAS HOE'S MISSION. • 45

science before a just master. But I have written truth, and, like a
faythfull wittnes, the whole truth, as well circumstances as matters;
that your Matie may take and reject, approve and condemne what
you please. It is enough for me, if any thing I have done be
gratious, and that for the rest I may have pardon. Your Matie will
find some thing new, for we see not so perfectly by the best per-
spectives as at nearer distances with the naturall eye. If therefore
I have in an unexpected cause any way exceded, the humble zeale
of your Maties honour hath beene the worst of my errors; yet I may
say I have seene a brave king and a glorious capteyne that hath
high Pyrrean thoughts which he wilbe ready to act in your Maties
and the publicque service. I have so neare done when I returne
from Varsow. that I will presume to crave leave, and begg your
Maties revocation and to receive your Royall pleasure, haveing a
burthen too heavye for weake shoulders to beare long, under which
I will yet willingly sincke while it carrieth the title of your Maties
service, wherein no man shall more gladly dye then

Your Maties most loyall subject and humble servant,

THO. ROE.

Dansicke, 30 Sept., 1629, old stile.

XVII. Sir Thomas Roe to Viscount Dorchester.

MY VERY GOOD LORD,

By a gentleman sent expresse I gave your Lordship account of State Pape
my actions and the generall affayres to the 20 Sept. my arrivall to Qct ° f
this citty being desired by the Commissioners of both parts to
accommodate what remayned to the perfection of the treaty
betweene the King of Swede and the Dansickers. With him I
addressed to your Lordship divers letters to his Ma*?, the coppy of
the articles, an enformation of the Elector of Brandeburg, and one
to your Lordship of the 30 Sept. which being I hope safely arrived
I shall not neede to looke backe. The state of the truce I left
depending upon the ratification of the King of Pole and a decla-
ration that he did consent that this towne should treate for the

46

customes demanded by the Swede apart. Since which both are
come to Elbing, engrossed and signed the one, the other by word of
mouth, which was as much as was required. So that on that side
all is well and really performed. But in my absence Coll. Doenhoff,
that brought the ratification, would not deliver it without receiving
the other deposited in my hands, for which both he and the Chan-
celor wrote to me, and yesterday I sent Mr. Gordon to performe that
trust. So that I esteeme the truce betweene the crownes perfected,
and that the reddition of townes and forts shall presently be putt in
execution. But the French ambr, in whose hands the one part is,
hath made a new difficulty to consigne it, because in the forme of
of that of the Swede his Ma^ is styled King of France, which being
done by the Commissioners in the feilds when we left them, re-
ferring our selves to their discretion, and he after discovering,
practised to gett it into his power, and to that purpose procured a
warrant from the Poles Commissioners to compare them, pretending
essentiall differences in the writing, which when he could not have,
being in my keeping, he desired a coppy, and there in the margent
of that title wrote nee est, nee esse debet, and protested he would
never surrender nor assist in the transaction if those words were not
rased or a new written. Upon which occasion the Chancelor ot
Swede sent a secretarye to mediate with me, but I made a short
answere to all their fallacious propounded temperaments, that being
once and rightly so done and both bound to stand to what should
be done, with liberty onely of protestation, I would change nothing,
especially to doe an act and to consent to that which the French witt
would draw into consequence, as a renunciation, assuring the Chan-
celor the French King would never treate with the King of Spaine
on condition to leave out the title of Navarre ; therefore that I would
deliver myne as I received it without alteration, except he would
consent to alter all and putt in my name before Mr. Charnace. And
this order I gave in writing to Mr. Gordon, to make the assignation
without any change ; which what wrangle and delay it will breede
I cannot foresee, but I hope the interested will fulfill the truce anrl

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 47

leave us to our owne quarrells. There is risen likewise another
difference, for the King of Pole, ratefying the generall treatye, was
assured by his Commissioners that the Elector of Brandeburg should
of his owne charge pay the garrisons of Marienburg and the Heft,
and render to him the profitts of the territorye, a condition most
unjust, which promise they exact of Mr. Charnace in these words
by their letter, agitur de fide vestra, and he doth now deny that he
did undertake it, but onely that he would doe his endeavour ; by
which it may be discerned whither his desires enclined, to make the
Marquiss the ransome of the peace. And thus he doth trouble our
conclusion more then ever he advanced it, and did seeme to advance
in fretta at my comming, by promising without authority or com-
mission, being often since disavowed. But I hope this will not
hinder the publicque, being a contention betweene the King and
the Duke of Prussia, which the French must reconcile as he is able.
But it is cleare to me that the whole negotiation had this scope ; to
reconcile the crownes to recover the Romish and ecclesiasticall
lands, and, having little or no trade in these parts, to buy and re-
deeme these at the charge of the trade, eyther to leave it as it was,
for the King of Swede to take what he pleased , or that such rates
should be imposed in Dansicke as might discourage the merchant
and overburthen the commerce, and consequently the materialls of
our shipping and navigation consume, while the cardinall did
meditate a greatnes in the sea, which I hope shall never be build
upon our decay. In the matter of the trade I have written to
Alderman Clotherow what I doe as concerning the merchant, who
will satisfie your Lordship, if you please to call him, or send for my
letter. There rests onely that is materiall to the full consummation
of the truce and opening of the commerce, to dispose these senators
to agree with the Swede, wherein I have little advanced. The last
weeke I mett the Chancelor at the Heft to draw him to moderate
demands and to forme articles, wherein as he is unprofitably
covetous so I can gett no resolution here, though they dayly consult.
The Centumviri have declared with me, but some of the great

48 SIR THOMAS HOE'S MISSION.

councell, partiallto themselves and angry for the loss of their farmes
on the Neringe,a trouble all. But in conclusion they must yeild, and
their delay hath hurt the publicque, for now they must treate
precario, the generall treaty being ratify ed, and they having ex-
cluded themselves by neglect or malice, unlesse they will make war
alone and shutt up their owne port, which they cannot nor dare doe
for feare of their people, which crye for peace. But I now finde
what vexation and tediousnes it is to deale with a mixed govern-
ment, where suspition and jealousye is wisedome, and with whom
every thing hath lost his favour that is propounded from a supposed
enemye. They would not beleeve that the ratification should be,
and therfore they lost their oportunity and must now redeeme it,
which they better endure then reason, estant enclins a esperer plus
qu'ils ne doivent et a endurZr moins qu'il n'est necessaire.

I would willingly say somewhat of the King of Swede and what
he is like to undertake, having les coudees /ranches, but I may doe
wrong, whither my letters pass safe or not ; only so much I will
adventure, that he doth not disarme nor licence one troope, but
rather endeavours to fill up the weake, and to take as many new
upon him as will present themselves. The report of the truce being
come to Wallestein, he hath, as it [is] written, recalled some regiments
dessigned for Italic, fearing he shalbe forced rationem redder e in the
spring, in which I say no more then that I beleeve. His Matie may
make it sure if it concurre with his dessignes, and that it were a
great dullness to know good councells when their oportunys is
escaped. Your Lordship I hope will pardon me this flash of zeale
to the publicque.

I sett forward to Varsow at the Dyett beginning the 3 Nov., a
miserable flight in winter, all wayes being infected. At my returne,
proposed in 16 dayes, I will endeavour to recover Hamburgh, and
so home, if I receive no other order, which I pray your Lordship
prevent, for my mony is spent, and my creditt fayled, if my Lord
Treasurer doe not satisfye Borlemachy, and therfore I hope your
a The spit of land in front of the Frische Haf.

49

Lordship will move His Matie to repayre me or I shall suffer more
then modesty will confess; and so I leave your Lordship to the
gratious keeping of our blessed God, resting

Your Lordship's devoted humble servant,

THO. ROE.

Dansicke if Oct. 1629.

If her Matie the Queene please to have toyes of amber, as
cabinetts, glasses, bason and eawre, cups, boules, tankers, boxes to
furnish a cupboard, if I may know her pleasure and may have
mony, I shalbe most diligent to doe her humble service.

[Indorsed by Dorchester] Recd the 23 of 9ber st° n° 1629.

XV III. Sir Tliomas Roe to Sir Robert Carr.

SIR,

When such a brother returnes to you who hath beene present at State Papers,
all our wrangling busines and is as well able to relate and judge as Oct^s
any man, I should not neede to write for any cause but my owne; Nov. 7.
yet, seing no letter can be so welcome to you as that which comes
by his hand, I would not omitt to doe this the grace, which els
hath no other meritt. I know not how the game of State is playd,
nor the arcana of our present negotiations in England, and there-
fore what soever I may propose is as like to miss as hitt; at the
best perhaps I can doe little good, and in the other hurt myselfe;
yet, knowing both your wisedome and sinceritye to his Maties service,
which I esteeme the publicque and know no distinction, and your
nearnes to his person, to be able to make fitt use of every intimation
and to give it tyme and season, it were a sullen reservednes and a
betraying of truth to forbeare to tell you that this brave king,
having made a truce and yet seeks to encrease his army, must have
some nobler dessigne then to wast idle, or in this corner of the
world. He is a prince highly ambitious of glory and dominion

CAMI), SOC. H

50 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

and hath no object before him but the war of Germany, whither a
little reall encouragement from England would transport him ; if
therefore his Matie hath use of such a capteyne who is prosperous,
triumphing, and the best discipliner in Europe, one that hath the
singular grace to content his followers without mony, because he is
commiles with every man5 and gives besydes excellent words and
good usage as much as he hath, now is the oportunitye to sett him
up, which being omitted seldome returnes, as tyme. I dare not
dilate upon the severall conjunctures of the declaration of France,
the success of the Hollanders, the union of the Protestant cantons,
the oppression of the Grisons, the discontent of the two lay Electors
and ambition of the third, all at once conspiring agaynst the corn-^
mon enemye, who hath nothing left, no sanctuarye, but the worne
out craft of retyring to a treatye; wherein, if they become my
master's true friends upon good ground, I am their servant; and I
say no more, but esse dolum in fide hostis, and I desire you to
smother my meditations and to take me into your protection so far
as to beleeve, and to assist to maynteyne the same beleefe in his
Matie, that if my witt were equall to my zeale I should never offend
him. You cannot lose by doeing a good office, because it requites
itselfe, and I can promise for myselfe no more then that I am

Your faythfully devoted servant.
Dansicke, 28 Oct. s.v. 1629.

XIX. Sir Thomas Roe to Viscount Dorchester.

R. H. MY VERY GOOD LORD,

State Papers, The French ambassador refusing to deliver the articles signed

OcJa29 an(^ *ke plenepotence deposited in his hands to the Suede for the

Nov. 8 capricio mentioned, in a storme of passion sent them backe and

rendered them to the Poles, which hindered the execution of the

treaty 8 dayes : in so much that we were forced to send to the

campe to receive the one part and consigne the other; which being

done with all good fayth, both sides tooke great offence at this his

SIK THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 51

proceeding, not to performe the publicque trust, and he is gone
away discontent, without further ceremonye. Since the truce is
proclaymed in all parts but this cittye, wherein there is a faction of
discord, men who seeke what they dare not find, a scandall to renew
the troubles. The articles betweene the Senate and the Swede I
have drawne, and so filed them that ther rests only a convention to
polish them : something remayning on both parts, which they
reserve, as I hope, to abate one the other, as an earnest of ihe new
friendship; but I feare the conclusion must be deferred untill my
returne from the Parlament at Varsaw, being the -f% November, for
without a stickler they will neyther agree nor meete. In the meane
tyme the subtill Chancellor of Swede doth frui diis iratis, and
takes occasion at their stomach to fill his owne : and to exact the
unjust and heavy customes of the war to their owne, ours, and the
publicque loss and prejudice, in which I have contested with him ;
but, pretending that the truce is not consummate and the tyme of
shipping now almost out of season, he will not change as he pre-
tends the bookes, and in friendship doth us this wrong; the Poles
enjoying the fruictes of peace and we and the Hollanders involved
in the obstinacye of Dansicke, in which I doubt ther hath beene
some leaven of the Jesuits ; wherin the wicked shall not prosper ;
for I will not leave untill I have settled all according to my former
intimation to your Lordship, in which, if the merchant find his
custome too heavye, his Matie and the States may resent it as a case
apart, when the truce hath taken vigour, as a surcharge on their
subjects, who have not merited to beare the punishment and to pay
the price of others quarrells. This wilbe easy to amend if the
King of Swede continue in peace; and if he transport his army into
Germanye, to which end I hope he hath layd this foundation to
defray the warr at the lost a of the trade, it is not ill bestowed
on him. On the 26 of this moneth began the reddition of the
townes and forts, and by the end, I suppose, all wilbe transacted
betweene the crownes.

a Sic.

52 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

The King of Swede doth give new commissions and seekes all
wayes to fill and encrease his forces : certeynely not pour faire la
monstre nor to conquer toward the North Pole ; but he is exasperated
by Wallestein, who hath lately both assayled his ships in the sea
and by land, made an attempt on Stralsont5 where he lost 800 men,
and ther is no prince in Europe more unlike to swallow an affront
patiently. Therfore, if ever ther be dessigne to use this prosperous
capteyne, now is the tyme, when his owne bloud and occasions
provoke him and the conjuncture of all Christendome doth invite
him, and ther is nothing wanting but a little reall encouragement;
for I am perswaded, though he may doe some act of bravado in
Pomerland the next yeare, yet without good seconds he will not
far be engaged, and that his only ay me is the rest of the sea ports;
and if he be not employed the next quarrell wilbe betweene him
and Denmarke.

By Mr. Kankin I neyther received his Maties nor your Lordship's
commands, nor creditt nor comfort, and my ignorance of the secretts
of the treatyes, diversly noysed here, doe keepe me in awe, having
no will to cross any contemplation of my master ; yet I cannot
forbeare to say that too much good nature is as much to be suspected
in an old enemye and a wise, who doth alway march und via
though not uno gradu, as open hatred, esse dolum infidehostis. But
for me to miss that have no grounds to know is no wonder, and
therfore I will only pray that, seeing now both wayes are in equall
degree offered his Majestic, that he may chose like Soloman that
which may include other unseene blessings.

The Prince Elector of Brandeburgh hath earnestly desired me to
resollicite his Matie to recommend his afFayres to the Lords the
States according to the enformation sent your Lordship, that he
fall not into the danger of the Emperor, which, being an office
agreeable to his royall inclination to releeve the oppressed, I know
you wilbe pleased to remember and to give order therein.

I understand that a good friend of myne, Mr. Robert Brant way t,
hath his hopes depending on your Lordship to procure him a re-

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 53

compence of his long service. I am not easely drawne to write for
others, and to spend that favour I may neede for my selfe, but I
owe his honestye so much that I must share with him, and will
presume to entreat your Lordship to thinke that what you doe for
him I take it done to my selfe, and that you shall oblige two at once,
one that will pray for you and another that will not dye ungratefull
though he prove your

Lordship's unprofitable and humble servant,

THOMAS ROE.

Dansicke, 29 Oct. S. V. 1629.
[Indorsed] ty. Whitehall, 22 of December.

On Nov. T37 Hoe set out from Danzig and reached Warsaw on Nov. ££. On
Dec. -j^ he was back at Danzig.

XX. Elizabeth) titular Queen of Bohemia, to Sir Thomas Roe.

HONEST THOM,

This worthie gentleman did deliver me your letter when I was at State Papers,
the Busse,a and when I came hither I did receave another from you, Nov.°-9-ni629.
which did lett me know all your proceedings. I had given you then
thankes for them and that you sent me from Amsterdam, but a
feaver which took me sudainlie did hinder my writing; it made me
very weake for the time, and I was cured by being lett blood. As
soone as I was well I went to Rene to aire myself, and now I ame
come home I tell you all this, that you may not think that I have
forgotten you by my long silence, for assure yourself I will ever be
constantlie honest fatt Thorn's true frend in spite of the divell. I
ame sorie you have had so uncomfortable a journey ; I hope one day
all shall be recompenced to your advantage, at least I shall both
wish it and doe my best to have it so. Sr Henry Vane is at the last
arrived heere and this day hath had his audiance. He hath brought

a Hertogenbosch or Bois-le-Duc.

54 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

from my brother the oulde kinde message to us that he will never
make peace with Spaine without our full restitution. Cottington a
was at the sea bide to be gone, and the Lyon, that brought Vane
over, is gone to fetch Don Carlo Columnab into England. Harry
Vane was hastened away uppon the speecke of theyr making heere
a truce, either to hinder it or else to make it jointlie together. He
tells us that my brother is fullie resolved to have a quick answere
one way or other and will not be drawen one c to loose more time.
I leave you to thinke of all this as you will. And now for more
waightie affaires. Our hunting at Kene was verie good, where Eura
lost much leather and her hatt, and satt bare a whole day, to the great
hinderance of her ease. We have now heere verie good companie
and are in great hope to have the French players heere, and verie
good fooling this winter. I wish you out of Barbaric, that you were
heere in ordinarie.d I will not forgett to doe you all the good
offices I can to our fatt ambassador, that you may be his successour,
and be assured you have not a frend that wisheth you better then
doth Your most constant frend,

ELIZABETH.

The King desires you to be assured of the same from as I say for
myselfe I can witnes with him that he loves you verie well. Robin
Honiwood hath his troope of horse. Either burne this or keepe it
safe.

The Hagh, T9g of November.

[Addressed] To Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassadour for the King of
Great Britaine in Dansique.

a Going as ambassador to negotiate peace.

b Don Carlos Coloma, so frequently miswritten Colonna by English writers.

c i.e. on.

d As ordinary ambassador here.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 55

XXI. Sir Thomas Roe to Viscount Grandison.

MY LORD,

I am newly returned from Varsaw, where I have beene as bravely State Papers,
received and honored as any ambassador hath beene or can be in Dec. ig 1629.
any court. There I have obteyned his Maties desires, or at least
putt them into a right way, both for the Duke of Curland and
other affayres of re-establishing the trade. I chose the tyme of
their Parlament assembled to ratefye the truce to constitute new
Commissioners for the generall treatye, and to pay the army, which
are all decreed with much confusion, usuall in their dyetts, where
they feast all the tyme, and doe all busines tumultiously the two last
dayes. In this court I have observed two things remarkable, the
wisedome and patience of an old King, dominationis peritus. Your
Lordship knowes there is no people boast so much of their liberty e,
which is indeed alway great: but especially used in their Parla-
ments, where they doe talke and threaten, and vant and oppose,
beyond all rule or example ; yet the experienced King getts his ends
of them and governs absolutly by suffering them to runne them-
selves weary and out of breath without contradiction, but rather
subtilly flattering and bearing their licenciousnes and soothing them
in the pleasure they take to speake; when they can say no more, by
tyme and patience he doth in conclusion what he please. My
second observation is not unlike it, his art to weaken our religion
and yet never to persecute it; for that is against libertye, their
mistris, more beloved then religion. When he came to the crowne,
the greatest part of the Senate were Protestants, and much of
the nobility e ; now in the one there are but two, among the other
very few, whom he hath worne out by a constant rule; that, as he
never troubled any for religion, so he never makes senator, nor
gives the benefitts of the crowne, being wholy in his disposition, to
any but Papists. Thus the Protestant hath no exception against
him, for grace is free; and they seeme to enjoy libertye that brings
them to beggerry; for the great wealth of the gentry depends upon

56 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

the crowne land, which the King must give, and upon great offices,
neyther of which he ever bestowes on those of our profession. Other
persecution would have made them encrease, bred zeale in them and
pitty in others toward them, and perhaps for the common love of
libertye help from the adversarye, who now pine away and by long
continuance of tyme in one constant course are content to lett their
children governe their conscience by their hope of wealth and pre-
ferment; and the Papist, having the benefitt, is content to lett the
other enjoy the ready path of loosing. By this meanes a greater
mutation is wrought in this state in matter of religion then in
France by the sword, in Italye by the Inquisition, or in England by
pecuniarye lawes, which are bought and sold like the Popes' bulls
and pardons ; and I am perswaded, if the like course were taken
with our recusants 20 yeares, that they enjoyed nothing but the
benefitt of subjects and the law, that they had neither favour nor
place in court nor common- weale, their ambition and stomacke
would wind them about sooner then persecution, for nothing doth
more worke upon men then contempt and to be lett alone as un-
concerned and unworthy of equaletye with others. Honour and
the belly hath a great stroke in this world, and when man doth
know before hand he cannot rise, before he declare and be
hardened he will fitt his conscience to his life. To leave my medi-
tations and come nearer home ; I have finished all my busines, I am
sure with great paynes and danger and to the honor of my master
and the publicque benefitt. If it may find proportionable acceptance
it wilbe a comfort, though no reward. Some differences yet depend
betweene the King of Swede and this citty, which concerne the
trade, which I hope to compose. But overtaken with winter, and
no shipping left, I must rest here untill February or March, that the
seas be open. His Matie hath commanded me to pass by Denmarke
for his service, where I will doe my duty though the occasion is
overslipt; and I feare only my owne zeale hath made the expecta-
tion too great; but I will trye my art, and to have made a fay re
offer can be no offence.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 57

The King of Swede giveth new commissions and reen force th his
army to 30,000 foote and 8,000 horse ; mony he hath none to pay
them, therfore your Lordship may expect to heare of him in a
place where the soldier hath beene taught to live without pay.
Sure I am that now were the oportunitye to make the common
enemye stoope, and to grace our ambassadors, that treate peace.
He is a most bvave aspiring prince, ad magnos res et mutationes
natus. I will not further trowble your Lordship till I may have
the happines to discharge my heart to you, that is full of observa-
tions and above all things devoted to doe you service. Almighty
God give your Lordship health.

Your Lordship's most humble servant,

TH. R:

Dansicke, 10 Dec. 1629.

On Dec. if Roe wrote to the King that he was delayed. The Elector of Branden-
burg had begged him to meet him, as Oxenstjerna "had made a transaction of all
the territories of Danzig beyond the Vistula, contrary to the sense and expounded
meaning of the treaty; wherupon the King of Poland hath appointed new Com-
missioners to complain and protest, and ther is great cause to fear a confusion of
business." Again, on Jan. T%, he wrote that Oxenstjerna still refused to meet the
deputies of the city, " and unless the King of Sweden purpose to use that which he
will exact of the public, as he hath long pretended, I see no cause so much to yield
to him, which the State of Holland doth begin to feel sensibly, the King of Denmark
utterly to dislike, and under which the free cities do groan. I have here heard a
report that the States of Sweden assembled in Parliament have remonstrated that
their kingdom is exhaust of men and money, and that is true; that they have shorn
themselves to aid their King against his enemy, but that with the Emperor and
Germany they have neither quarrel nor interest ; and therefore they desire to be
excused to be engaged in a new war. This perhaps may be what the Imperialls
wish, and cannot aver it, but I know the new levies are superseded."

XXII. Sir Thomas Roe to Viscount Dorchester.

RIGHT HoNble MY VERY GOOD LORD,

I have lately oppressed your Lordship with letters and narrations, State Papers,

if at least they pass safely, for I have not knowne that any one sent jatT^

your Lordship is come to hand since my departure from Copen- Feb. 3

CAMD. SOC. I 1629-30'

i
3

58 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

hagen, though I have written many and by divers wayes; of whose
safe arrivall I should be glad to heare, especially of a great packet
by Mr. Gordon's servant of the 19 Sept. with a large relation of the
circumstances and passages of the treatye of truce, with the articles
and letters of divers princes to his Matie, which if it have miscarried
will make all that followed descure, having reference to matters
supposed to be foreknowne. A catalogue of all I insert in the
Sept* margen, that your Lordship may find what is missing. In my last
I gave account of such collections as I had made of the King of
295 Oct> Swede's resolution to goe into Pomerland and the contrarye, for the

11 Dec. probabilityes are great both wayes, and he will declare to none in

any confidence but where he may draw profitt. In that letter I
promised your Lordship to endeavour by conference with the
Chancellor of Swede (being to remove to Elbing to order the treatye
with Dansicke) to discover more, whereon to rayse a judgement,
which is the subject of this letter. The proceedings and success of
the convention of the Commissioners of Swede and Dansicke, this
day begun, shalbe the matter of another, that breathing betweene
they may both seeme the less tedious.

I must begin first with a narration of all the conferences I have
had with the Chancelor since my arrivall here, and of other gather-
ings, observations, and advises that concerne this busines, or reflect
upon yt, that from the whole I may draw a conclusion of my sense
and opinion, humbly submitting it to his Matie and hoping it may
be usefull by application to other treatyes, or by taking a fitt opor-
tunitye (which wilbe offered) to use the virtue, conduct, and pros-
perity e of this brave king.

I desired the Chancelor to cleare me in the various reports of the
preparations of his King for Germanye, being necessary for them,
that their friends might conforme with them at least for good
correspondence and the encrease of mutuall confidence betweene
their Maties our masters; and, whither war or peace were resolved,
to distinguish to me the latitude of their purposes, eyther to make
the war for the generall cause or for the Kyngs owne interest of

59

Meckelburgh and the Balticque sea, without the securitye whereof
I know he will never thinke himselfe safe in Swede, and ther is no
prince that foreseeth more penetrating and preparing a longe futuris
rebus, except only the Spaniard, who lookes as far as Domesday,
wherin he scarce beleeveth; or, in case of making peace, what ease,
comprehension, or advantage the publicque might expect from yt.

He protested that he could assure nothing but only that his King
was fully purposed at his departure to carry his army into those
parts for his owne interest, and there to proceede according to
occasions eyther of the access and ayd of his friends or the strength
and actions of his enemies. In which resolution he knew no change.
I told him what rumors were spread of a beginning of a treaty e
with the Empr and such particulars as he must know came from
himselfe, hoping he would more freely discover that which he saw
he could not safely nor handsomely dissemble. Then he confessed
that he had received letters from his King, that there were overtures
made of peace from the Emperor, and that the King of Denmarke
had offered himselfe as a mediator, but upon what conditions he
pretended ignorance of any declaration authentically from his
master; but by other wayes he sayd he had beene advertissd that
the Ansiaticque townes had resolved to enterpose, and that to that
end one Mons. Walleran, formerly employed by Wallstein in the
treaty e betweene the Emperor and Denmarke, had beene sent
privatly to confer with some friends of the King of Swede to sound
the foord, by which meanes and with what hope they might pro-
ceede. The first poynt propounded was: the Swede could not
make peace with his owne securitye unless he were freed of all
feares and care in the Balticque sea, to which this explorator an-
swered that the Emperor would give him full satisfaction. The
other replyed, that the King of Swede did expect realityes and fact
and would trust upon no promises nor written securityes in a matter
that concerned his safety e. Whereunto Walleran sayd, that also
should be done and the Imperiall fleete dissolved. The friends
answered that was not sufficient as long as the ports remayned in

60 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

their power; ships did growe and might be repayred when oppor-
tunitye required. And it was replyed in that also they should have
content, and that Wismar and Rostock should be sett at libertye
and restored pristino statu. The other, following the streame. sayd
that they did not thinke the King was secure with the surrender of
those townes, nor could with his honor abandon the Princes of
Meckelburgh, his nearest kinsmen, nor would make any peace with-
out their full restitution. To which Walleran answered, that was a
hard knott not so easely untyed, in respect of the investiture and
the meritt of Wallestein both to the Empr and Empire, but if a
treatye were constituted he did not doubt there might be found
some temper and accomodation; upon which conference it was
written that some Ambr were dessigned to goe to his master, eyther
from the King of Denmarke or the Hans-townes or both, but that
he did not know of any arrived to that end. This the Chancelor
professed was all he could say, and this later dialogue riot from his
master, and therfore he gave it no other creditt then an ordinarye
rumour (and I thinke he told it me to gett an appetite in us), but
if any such offer were made that he thought his king would resolve
according to the propositions and the securitye of them, or his owne
meanes and occasions.

I earnestly moved him to declare ingeniously his own opinion
and what he thought of his master's inclination and ends and what
were those occasions that might incline him to peace or war. He
answered that all the world did know and must beleeve that his
King had just cause and fervent desire to have his revenge of the
Emperor both for his particular and the publicque. In his particu-
lar, for the safetye of his owne kingdome, and in requittall of the
coloured invasions and ayds sent by the Emperor against him, and
for respect of the house of Meckelburgh so neare allyed to him,
whose destruction he could not well digest, and the oppression of
his unckle the Bishop of Bremen. For the publicque, in the first
place, for the releife of the Electoral Palatine, with which formerly
the kings and crownes of Swede had kept strict correspondence

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 61

and were united by antient offices of love above all other in
Germanye. And particularly for the cause of the King of
Bohemia, for whom he was willing to expose his life and fortune.
But that it did not become the wisedorne of his master to embrace
so great a quarrell alone, knowing his owne strength unable to
oppose the whole house of Austria and the Empire. For that
which concerned his owne interest, and that of the Princes of
Meckelburgh comprehended in yt, he did assure himselfe the King
would provide for his safetye eyther by war or treatye, as his owne
occasions and necessityes should direct him ; because, being alone
and depending on his owne counsells, he knew whereto to trust, and
might take or leave, proceede or retyre, without the offence of any
and sine periculo tentare fortunam, having his owne ships and a
port open. But to enter into the generall quarrell (though his
desires and courage did invite him, and that he was willing to
spend all his meanes, eaven to some hazard of his owne), without
being assured by confederacye of a sufficient ground to goe thorough
the war and to be able to beare some check or adversity e, he
thought no friend would counsell or expect it from him. But if he
might be supplyed with means in a generall war directed to one
scope and end and constantly prosecuted by a league, in which case
he could not retyre nor take conditions for himself without generall
consent, that, as he did beleeve the King would embrace it above all
other dessignes, so he, the Chancellor, would counsell him not to
make any peace in Fomerland, but to give the glorye to his crowne
to have beene Restitutor Germanise. I desired him to intimate to
me what confederation it was, and what proportion he did expect
that might content his King, for that the generall propositions given
me to send to his Matie were so vast and unlimited that no certeynty
could be extracted out of them. Because the world did report and
beleeve that already the King had entered into league and con-
ditions with the French and the States of the United Provinces,
which if it were true it were requisite to acquaynt my master freely,
that he might concurre and conforme his counsells and actions to

62 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

the common end. He answered that ther was no such thing done,
that it was true the French ambassador had proposed to contribute
monye and pretended to have full power to treate, but when it was
examined he wanted power to conclude. That when he went from
hence in Oct. last he reported he had received new commission of
plenepotence ; but being arrived in Swede it was found so generall,
consisting of offers and declarations of his king's desire and projects
of diversions, that nothing could be made of it. And that therfore
he was dispatched with this answere & no more, that if the French
King did really purpose any such matter that he should give
absolute power to his ambassador resident at the Haghe, & that the
King of Swede would doe the like to Camerarius to treate, conclude,
and bind. ' . " •

For Holland it was likewise true that his master had given com-
mission to his resident and Falkenberg to negotiate a confederacye,
and to that purpose he had entered into particular offers, but during
the summer the States were so embroyled in the war and since so
perplexed with diversitye of opinions for peace, that the motion had
layne asleepe and nothing fully determined. That it was further
true the King had beene invited by the Duke of Wirtenburg, some
other princes, and free townes, but no resolution nor proportion
declared, but generality es and concurrence, to which his master
could not trust. That in the Elector of Saxe there was no hope,
in Brandenburgh uncerteynty what he would resolve or was able
to performe. In generall, that now all did depend upon the new
treaties of the Haghe, for if they made peace it would wholly alter
not only the state of affayres, but the thoughts of all the princes in
Germanye. But that, if the kings and princes did desire that his
master should undertake the cause, first he would esteeme it a great
contribution to be assured that the French would constantly
prosecute the war in Italic & not make peace alone, though he gave
the less. Secondly, that the States should be obliged to continew
the war & to exercise the Spaniard untill the treatyes might be
generall, and that then if his Matie for his part would make a league

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 63

(into which he was assured many princes & citties would enter &
contribute accordingly to their abilitye) he did then know his master
would joyne with them, or els that he must accomodate to his owne
meanes & occasions. But above all things, if he should embrace
the war, with this condition, that he might be secured of the King
of Denmarke, whom he knew the Emperor would stir up to divert
him & of whom he had most jealousye, wherein he thought the
authoritye of his Matie both for propinquitye of bloud and other
meanes to restreyne the King from any such attempt would be of
most efficacye.

Since this conference Zavadsky the Poles' secretarye told me that
he heard at the court the Emperor would take the advantage of the
article in the generall truce to be comprehended on that syde, and
had signifyed privatly that within the tearme of 5 monethes limited
therein he would publicquely declare, which is another ground
of a treaty e. ",

In another occasion of answering an objection of the Poles, that
the Swedes' horse were not drawn out of Prussia, according to the
treatye, the Chancelor told me, in confidentid, that he had made
such excuses as he could, but to them he might not give the true
reason, which was that they were kept togither to march into
Pomerland in the spring, on which his master was resolved for
divers necessity es.

At a second meeting he acquaynted me with an advice that the
King of Denmarke did arme & rayse troopes, which did much per-
plexe him, & desired me to communicate what I had heard & what
I did judge therof. To which I answered that I had received the
like news, but that I could not imagine it was done in any prejudice
or opposition of his master, which would be odious to all Germanye.
Besides, that the King of Denmarke was a prince that highly prized
his honour, he could not be so blinded in judgement as to ayd or
trust the house of Austria. I gave him assurance of that King's
profession to me in my last negotiation with him, that he had not
made peace in despayre of the common cause, nor with so full satis-

64 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

faction that he might not in good occasion review the accounts.
That therfbre ther was no subject of umbragiousnes, first because
the troopes were few, such as were only fitt for defence & garison.
Secondly, that the King of Denmarke, beleeving his master would
descend in Pomerland, and knowing that the war would draw neare
his frontyre, every wise prince would stand upon his guard &
prevent a surprise : that especially the King of Denmark had reason
so to doe, because after the departure of the Imperiall troopes the
last spring he had seased Femeren and many places of the
bishopricque within Hoi stein, which he must eyther quitt to the
enemye or prepare to defend. Lastly, that, the pretensions of his
sonnes being not renownced, he might hope to find by the help of
the King of Swede an oportunitye to advance them, but that ther
was any thought to check or divert the glorious enterprises of his
master, which were directed principally in favour of the Princes of
Meckelburgh & for the libertye of the Balticque sea, in both which
the interest, profitt, & safety e of both kings was common, no man
of common sense could beleeve or conceive. He replyed that he
hoped so, and that the letters of the King of Denmarke to his
master upon his last peace were loving and full of assurance of good
vicinitye. But yet an antient accumulation and some late passages
were not free of suspicion, First, he sayd, ther was lately an am-
bassador arrived with his King from Denmark, with a sleeveless
message concerning the indiscreet busines of the Rhyngrave (wherof
your Lordship may have heard, for I will not soyle my paper with
it), which he did not thinke worthy of so much care, nor that the
King of Denmarke would in earnest draw it into any dispute or
consequence, but that the colour was taken to observe the prepara-
tions and to discover his masters counsells. Secondly, that the
King of Denmarke had since written to persuade & mediate a peace,
which showed no affection to see their troopes in Germanye. Lastly,
that the Secretarye Gonthier had made divers journyes & had
sundrye secrett conferences vith Walstein, which were purposely
disguised &hid from Sir Rob* Amstruther & were yet unpenetrated.

SIR THOMAS ROE\S MISSION. 65

To all these jealousies I gave such answeres as my present cogita-
tions could present. In conclusion he seemed satisfyed, yet with
this restriction, that his master would not embrace the generall
quarrell without securitye of that king by the mediation of his
Matie, which, though it may be suspected for a subterfuge, yet the
prevention in the first place is worthy of his Maties care and con-
sideration ; and that in case of prosecuting his owne privat interest
in Meckelburgh he would also leave sufficient garrison to defend
his owne, for nothing was more dangerous to any prince then to
trust to others when he may trust himselfe.

This is all I can present to your Lordship on which to ground
your owne judgement & of which in this conjuncture of treatyes I
suppose you may draw some profitt, and because the busines doth
appeare intricate, the discourses counteying probabilityes both
wayes, according to my promise, I will give my opinion, humbly
submitting it to your Lordship's correction. In all my observations
and practice in these parts, from many circumstances, I have resolved
that the King of Swede did intend conquest and enlargement of
his dominion, but especially to be master of this sea, the ports &
trades therein, & from thence to rayse himselfe a revenew, to mayn-
teyne the one without charge of the crowne of Swede & to serve
him for subsidye in any other war, and in the meane tyme to
enterteyne an opinion that he would in the end doe great matters
for the common cause, under which shadow he hath well done his
owne busines. Now he sees he must take off the masque and de-
clare, and finding no aydes offered him (with which I doe beleeve
he would undertake the war, for his spiritt is far above his meanes),
that he resolves to make a peace advantagious to himselfe, and
necessarye to make his new conquests profitable, and to save his
honour with the world by a show & apparance & by casting the
blame upon others, yet so that, by the reputation of his arming,
which the Im peri alls feare, he may procure by treaty e the liberty e
of the sea, & the restitution of the Princes of Meckelburgh & the
retirying of the Emperor's forces from these parts; all which con-

CAMU. SOC. K

66 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

cerne his owne safety & interest, which if he cannot obteyne I doe
beleeve he will make a brave & bold attempt, being sure of his
retrayct, & knowing he shall make the better peace being in the
field and armed. To which end he hath made provision of forty
thousand last of corne and 1000 firery wagons, a new invention of
war, & hath fitting and contracted for 300 ships & vessels to trans-
port his men, victualls, & munition to Stralsond. And, howsoever
he may in the rneane tyme enterteyne a treaty e, 1 am of opinion he
will not conclude it untill he have landed there; first, because he
cannot licence his horse safely so neare liis new lands without
entyre satisfaction ; and that, having appeared within the lists and
openly offered himselfe upon the place, if he find no such solid
aydes as he doth require, he may retyre, son honneur a convert, and
defend himself from any objection; but that he wilbe far engaged
without supply is not in my creede, for he is the king of the world
now that best knowes and does his owne busines.

To these circumstances I may add, that the King hath publicquely
professed that he will make no peace untill he hath drawne his
sword in Germanye and spoke one word for the Prince Elector
Palatine, for that was his owne phrase, and it is sayd here that the
stay of the levies of Coll. Kniphusen, which were made in the eyes
of the Emperor, was done only to disguise his ententions & to give
the enemye hope of accomodation, & consequently not to bee too
vigilant in preparations, but that underhand ther were new orders
sent out to make less noyse; & we see he doth take upon him the
troopes of the Elector of Brandeburg and Dansicke dismissed, to
the number of 4000, and fills up all his Dutch regiments here.
Lastly, the Chancelor doth begin to treate candidly with the Dan-
sickers and to compleate the truce with Poland, as if they were
desirous of peace & to have no impediment from these parts. All
these I consider may be arts and gallant boutados, and I trust not
in them, for here is somewhat to doe for the Kings revenew, for
which they must nourish a good opinion that they will employ it
well. But I will conclude that I am confident he will attempt

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 67

somewhat, and take and leave as the wayes are easy or difficult, and
according to such aydes as shalbe presented, and that he will treate
in the field Vespee a la main, to come off with more honour among
his enemies & defence of himselfe toward his friends.

This being the estate of this affayre, as far as I can collect, his
Matle may worke and apply these counsells to the present treatyes
in other parts in case of necessitye of war, to apprehend the opor-
tunitye, and to take this martiall prince at the first bound in
Pomerland, & to engage him bravely, whose declaration, reputation,
& conduct will give new life to the good cause, and, if it must be
peace, that it may be treated in conformetye & with common
counsells, which will advantage all parts. For myselfe I have no
power to goe farther, but I will use all my witts & sinews not only
to keepe him in hope, but to settle him a revenew that wilbe
equall to a good contribution upon the trades, which wilbe easely
borne, & among many insensibly, & without which the trade it selfe
would be more burthened or shutt up.

This letter hath already exceeded the proposed limitts, but, seing
I doe only propose and relate which is my dutye, your Lordships
benignetye will call the presumption zeale to his Maties and the
publicque service, and continew me the grace & sanctuarye of your
protection, as in his I humbly desire God to keepe your Lordship.
Your Lordship's most humble servant,

THO. EOE.

Part of the substance of this letter that concerneth the purpose of
the King of Swede I have written to the King of Bohemia, not
knowing his Matie hath any minister at the Haghe, the ambassador
being as I heare gone for Bruxells & Mr. Carleton for England,
neyther have I received one letter but from Mr. Carleton.

Elbing, 24 Jan. 1629, s.v.

68 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

On Feb. T% Roe wrote to Dorchester, still dating from Elbing, that Oxenstjerna
had written to the King to allow him to disband some of his horse in Prussia,
" lamenting the misery of the country, not able to feed them, and want of money to
contain them in any discipline, to which, as I am secretly informed, he received a
sharp answer that he should follow his instructions and not meddle nor trouble him-
self with the King's designs until he were called, but attend his government and use
all his. wits to keep the troops whole, and to find them means to subsist until the
spring, and to leave the rest of the care to dispose and pay them to his Majesty.
The Chancellor told me that he had order to recruit all the regiments here, and not
to reform any. He daily takes on new and treats with those colonels that are
licensed in Poland. So that he enters into infinite charge, and will have in these
parts, besides his Swedes and his new levies in Germany, 17,000 foot and 5,000
horse, whose officers have order to be ready to march in April. His whole army,
being drawn together, will consist of 30,000 foot and 8,000 horse for the field, leaving
good garrisons in Prussia, Livonia, and his new lands. Provision, munition, victuals,
and a fleet are making ready in Sweden to transport and attend the King, and they
deny not that this preparation is made for Pomerland."

XXIII. Sir Thomas Roe to Sir Robert Anstruther.
MY VERY GOOD LORD,

State Papers ^ have received two letters from your Lordship since I wrote to
Poland. you and by them perceive the safe arrivall of all myne, to those of
1629-30. the 8 Jan. Since I have borne a great adventure, having written
of the 14 Jan. to my Lord of Dorchester, enclosed by Mr. Gordon
to you and to the King of Bohemia of the 2 1 Jan. in a cover to
Sigre Marco Calendrino, to be delivered to your Lordship, and my
last of the 26 Jan. to yourselfe, with another for England, with a
flying scale, that you might see my thoughts of the present estate of
affayres here, and know the grounds and hopes conceived of the
passage of the King of Swede into Germanye. I shalbe most glad
to heare that all those are safely come to you, and then I shall thinke
the danger past, or if any have miscarried to know which it is, that
I may supply the matter. Judging nothing more requisite to his
Malics service then a clear knowledge of the proceedings and
dessignes of this King and what use might be made of his virtue,
by communication of counsells, eyther for war or treaty of peace, I
have continued to enforme my Lord of Dorchester, of all circum-

69

stances and passages, that your master may make his own judge-
ment, and to poynt out such rocks and hinderances as may divert
the purpose of war, which wee foresee in great preparations, and to
show the opportunityes and advantages which may be apprehended
to the good cause if God inspire us to know the season, which is a
high poynt of wisedome. And therefore I will pronounce to, your
Lordship that I am confident the tyme wilbe offered, and that this
brave king will appearc districto gladio in Pomerland, and take or
leave, as he sees occasion, favour or admonish him, or that his
friends come to him or forsake him. Therfore, if the publicque
neede his ayd (which I feare it doth more then a trust in a Spanish
treaty e), lett him be taken at his own bound. It is our duty to
watch and explore. I beseech your Lordship joyne with me to
persuade in England and Hollande to embrace this opportunitye to
consider it and weigh it, at least if the reede of our treatyes a fayle
us; for, if it be overslipt, I have discharged my duty and conscience;
he will make his peace not only with the Emperor, but perhaps
with the Catholicque League, which hath beene proposed to him, and
enjoy glorye and profitt enough in his new conquests, having forced
the Emperor to stoope to conditions good for himselfe, and so he
will rest, and never hope more nor thinke of us, who did not pro-
spicere rebus nostris while it was yet to-day. Now is the tyme,
which if we lett escape will never returne to us from Sw.ede ; for,
though the king may keepe a bodye and forme of militia, yet he will
lincense his horse and ease himselfe of his great charge, and goe home
and gett children, to make war that way against the posterity of the
King of Poland, which all his nobilitye desire. Now he is armed, his
bloud warme, the expence of leavies borne, his soldiers veterans,
ad oram Rubiconis, yet he is so wise a prince that he will not pass
over unless his friends build the bridge. He may make a gallant
attempt and bravado, but he will never be engaged sine/undo in all
tempests ubijacere anchor as. A sudden prosperity may entice him
beyond his first ends, which are his owne safety, and spinne out a
R i.e. the negotiations with Spain.

70 SIK THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

naturall ambition, but it were not providence in us to trust so great
a game to fortune Therefore, my Lord, doe what you thincke is
fitting for his Maties service, and, if you will make me the author of
this instigation, send the coppy of my letter freely. I am content
not only to avow what I write and to adventure any censure, but to
be an holocaust for my King and that distressed cause which can
never revive but by the union of our master and Swede with Holland.
To ease myselfe and to assure the confidence I repose in your Lord-
ship's judgement and favour to me, I send you also this with cachet
volant, that you may digest and apply my grounds where you find
they may be profitable.

And because there are many things which seeme to oppose the
dessigne of the King of Swede, especially jealousyes, perhaps sowed
by the enemye, and perhaps taken up as a subterfuge, yet it is our
part to remove all and to plane and prepare the way as smooth as
we are able, at least to provide to ourselves this comfort, not to
have fayled by our owne negligence. And therfore to your Lord-
ship I will further ad an increase of jealousye of the King of Den-
mark ; a poynt I have formerly touched in my other letters, and
wherein you may exercise your prudence that it take not roote, and
use the advice so tenderly that it nourish not, nor kindle a sparke
that easely flameth. I saw a letter to the Chancellor of Swede
that one. Enhuse, a man favored of the King and Prince of
Denmarke, and Coll. Hulke, had both taken service of Wallenstein,
and a coppy of his letter to that king, that he accepted them in
gratiam regni, Regisque Danioe, and that he had chosen Hulke to
putt in garrison in Newstatt, hearing of the great preparations of
the King of Swede, as one in whom his Matie had mutuall con-
fidence. This correspondence is scandalous, and I beseech your
Lordship penetrate into it ; ease us of the feare, and apply such
remedies both from England and from your owne authority in that
court, where you have so much knowledge, as may take away all
stumbling, offence, or doubt of diversion on that syde, and all sus-
pition, the stepmother of good accord, on this.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 71

I will propose one consideration more. By the sparkling of these
jealousies I have discovered an emulation, naturall to so neare
neighborhood, betweene these two brave Kings of Denmark &
Swede, who should both be deare to us, multis nominibus, and
nourished in mutuall confidence and friendship. But I foresee some
seedes that may fall into too fruit full earth, and bring forth dissen-
tion betweene them, so malicious is the divell, if the wisedome of
his Matie prevent it not, and I know no so safe and profitable way
as by a stricter league among ourselves and employment of the
King of Swede elsewhere to the common ends; wherein the King
of Denmark shall reape part of the securitye and profitt, perhaps,
for greatnes of stomack, against his will. But I enter too deepe
into future matters, though I know this to be no panique and vague
feare, and will conclude that, howsoever my zeale may transport
me, the soule of wisdome is foresight and prevention, and my master
shall not only have comfort but honor in moderating the ill humours
of the world and disposing them to his owne and the publique
service, which God prosper to him and him to his church ; to whose
gratious keeping I committ your Lordship. Resting,

Etc.

Elbing, ^ Febr,

XXIV. Sir Thomas Roe to Frederick , titular King of Bohemia.

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAtie,

I wrote your Matie a very large letter of the 21 Jan. directed to State Papers,
Sigre Marco Calandrini in Hamburg, wherein I presumed not only Feb^,
to give you account of my labours in these parts, but what I could 1629-30.
collect of the dessignes of the King of Swede to pass into Pomer-
land or to make peace with the Emperor, and my humble opinion
how to apply his resolutions to your Maties service. I have nothing
to recant in that letter; for, though I know what the practices for
peace are, and from whom they move, yet I see the preparations

72 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

against it increase, and doe constantly beleeve that an occasion
wilbe offered, if God inspire those that neede it, to apprehend it.

Monsieur Chamace, the French ambassador, being in his way
home as far as Denmark, mett there with new letters and orders to
returne to the King of Swede, which he instantly did. Nothing is
discovered of his instructions but that it is beleeved he hath received
larger commission to give some assurance of contribution, or to
negotiate a confederacye ; and, though this king seeme not to trust
in the French, yet we hope it may keepe him from precipitation.
God send the one constancy e and the other prosperity e.

Colonell Kniphaussen, returned also into Swede, brought better
assurance of good affections in the King of Denmark, which hath
much eased one care; and, howsoever it may be act of eyther syde,
it is a necessary care to preserve a good understanding betweene
those crownes, of which there is more neede then is fitt for me to
write; but your Matie will receive more certeyne enformation from
Sir Robert Anstruther, into whose province it were presumption in
me to enter.

Fresh troopes dayly arrive in Swede, and I am confident that the
king will not be the first to conclude peace untill he hath drawne
his sword on the place and offered himselfe to the generall cause,
which oportunitye, if it be overslipt, will never return from Swede;
but he will carry peace ;n tryumph, grounded upon his owne repu-
tation and the feare of the enemie, which is a solid foundation.

Here have beene (returning from the Elector of Brandeburgh)
ambassadors of the Duke of Pomerland with the prince. They
negotiated a meanes to make peace, both fearing to have their
countryes made sedes belli. With the Chancellor of Swede they
only made enquiries and discoveries what were the King's intents,
but I thincke they advanced nothing anywhere but to know here
was no power to enterteyne or declare any thing.

I cannot perceive that the Elector hath taken any resolution nor
made any appoyntment with the King, but that now, returning to
the marquisate, he doth depend on a convention with the Duke of

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 73

Saxe, according to whose counsells he may eyther declare or must
suffer patiently, for, though in effect his countrye is lost, yet he
is loth to see the King of Swede land in Pomeran, to give occasion
to the Emperor to lodge upon him and to have his owne house first
pulled downe, to stay the generall fire. Such is the case, that it is
hard to judge whither the medicine or disease be most dangerous;
it is like cutting for the stone, and doth require a brave courage to
resolve to buy ease at the perill of life. The next weeko, I shall
meete his Highness at Marienburg, where I will doe as God shall
inspire me, for I have no direction. The hope of all my intentions
being thus squared, that if it be requisite to treate peace, that it
may be generall for Germany and all the princes and religion
oppressed together, which may be hoped, if the severall treatyes of
his Matie and the States and the King of Swede were joyned and
carried with common counsells and ends. But if their ministers
shall discover that falshood (which it is honest to feare), that these
treatyes of the house of Austria be only to seperate friends and to
rocke occasion asleepe, whose eyes should ever be waking, that
then by a well formed and grounded union war may be declared,
denounced, and made together. So whither the election shalbe
peace or war, if those three were first strictly colleagued, eyther
might be undertaken with more security e and foundation, and the
lesser princes might refuge under that shadow with more assurance,
and in the worst event it wilbe safer and more honor to strive and
struggle then to lye downe. And the enterteyning of a treaty by
the King of Swede should not make others negligent : for honor
will bring him into the field, if but to seeme to invite those that
perhaps he thinks will not come, and there is the subject of wise-
dome to take tyme, and I am constant if a league be offered him
from us and Holland that he will take it. Howsoever it is a base
and abject estate to despayre, and therefore while there is one star
shining your Matie will give me leave to hope and to endeavour,
which is the office of a man, and leave the judgement to God. I
\villpresumetoadoneword more: this King hath solemnly pro-

CAMD. SOC. L

74 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

tested that he will not depose armes untill he hath spoken one
word for your Matie in Germanye (that was his own phrase), and
glorye will contend with policye in this resolution, for he hath
unlimited thoughts and is the likelyest instrument for God to worke
by in Europe. We have often observed great alterations to follow
great spiritts, as if they were fitted for the tymes, certeynly ambit
fortunam Casaris : he thinks the ship cannot sinke that carries
him and doth thus oblige prosperitye. If he deceive me, I feare he
will have to good an excuse against his accusers, and I had rather
be deceived in him then by ourselves, for there is no greater com-
fort in adversitye then not to fayle ourselves. If I knew not your
Maties benignitye, I would not use this libertye: but, having no
other way to employ my talent, I presume to write my thoughts
both to my owne master and to you and then, as I ought to submitt
them. I know not how the treaties in England and Holland pro-
ceede ; but, being desired by the Baron Zierotin (who constantly
professeth his service to your Matie) to move you that if there be
any meanes in a generall treatye to deliver him from banishment and
adversitye that you will vouchsafe to remember his sufferings, being
resolved to seeke no other way but by your Matie, I have done the
office which I promised, not doubting your owne wisedome and
goodnes best knowes what is fitt and possible to be done for him.
I humbly aske leave to kiss her Maties hands ; and this first fault to
omitt to write I hope she will pardon in him that prayes for both
your Matie3 with the devout heart of

Your Maties most humble servant,

THO. KOE.

Elbing, if Feb.

On ^ — '-^— - Roe wrote to Dorchester from Danzig : " 1 have finally taken my leave
JyLRrcii i

of the Chancellor of Sweden, who hath used me honourably, and, by letters, of the
King. I have yet nothing to recant of my former . . . concerning his preparations
and designs. I know well he entertains a treaty with the Emperor, but on conditions
so gallant and advantageous to him and his friends, and so difficult to be obtained
of the Emperor, . . . and that I see daily new forces raised and a diligence to take on

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 75

all that can be gotten by the disarming in Poland, Prussia, and Danzig, wherein the
Imperials also labour for their part; yet I cannot believe he would cast away so
great a charge without a full resolution to do somewhat, especialljr seeing I know he
hath also taken time to resolve to the 20 April, expecting to hear the resolution of
other princes, as his Majesty, the French, and the Lords the States ; for accordingly
he will either make war or peace : and this is a noble and brave proceeding, both
with his friends and enemies, and if the opportunity be lost, as we must never expect
the like occasion; so I have just cause to fear that he may fall into another quarrel,
which I know would much discontent his Majesty, and were very pernicious to the
public. The cause is tender, and I dare not touch it roughly; but I have discovered
great ambition in that King, and that he aimeth at, above all things, to be Lord of
that whole sea as well of the gates as of the storehouse and chambers,3 and the least
spark would kindle a fire between him and the King of Denmark, who I justly fear
will give him cause as being either too envious or too imperial. This language his
Majesty will vouchsafe to pardon me, for I am very privately advised, and from a
hand of credit that knows it, that the King of Denmark, disliking the interposition
of the King of Sweden in matters of Germany, sent privately to persuade the Duke
of Pomerland to deliver the Isle of Riigen into his protection, which if he would do
he would secure him from the landing of the King of Sweden, and that he would
send all his ships to defend the coast, knowing that the other durst not attempt in
the main,h if that island were kept and harbour given in it for his shipping. But
the Duke of Pomerland utterly refused ; whereupon Wallenstein despatched to
Colonel Hatzfeld to work the Duke to consent, which shows too great and too secret
an intelligence between them, and I know, if this practice were revealed to the King
of Sweden, that he would revenge it, for he wants only occasion ; and therefore his
Majesty may both make good use of the intelligence to the King of Denmark, and
will be pleased to take care of any breach between them, which would be mortal to
the affairs in Germany, and ruin all trade in this sea, wherein the King of Sweden
is grown already too great, and there is more cause to balance than to increase him."

XXV. Elizabeth, titular Queen of Bohemia, to Sir Thomas Roe.

HONEST THOM,

Your letter was verie welcome to me, for I ame glade you are well state Papers,
in Barbaric, though I wish you in the same kinde here.c The King ivf ol^nd5
will tell you himself how much, he esteems both you and your 1629-3o!'
advertisements, which are indeed verie good, and, if the King of
Sweden gett the Emperour to restore the Duke of Meckebourg, I

a "storehouse and chambers" interlined in Roe's hand; deciphered "ports" in
another copy.

b i.e. On the main land. c i.e. As ambassador here.

76 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

know what botli we and you, I belleeve, shall think. Sir Henry
Vane is still heere and not like to stirr so soone : he carieth himself
verie well, and is as little confident of the treaties with Spaine as
we are, though by Dudlie Carleton, who is everie day expected heere
out of England, we shall heere great matters from thence : when he
comes I will lett you know what it is. The speech heere of truce is
not so much as it was : all things in England are the same, without
anie great change. The Queene my sister lookes to be brought to bed
in June, and my brother is at Newmarquet. The King heere hath
beene evill first of a sore throat and since of a weakness which took
away his stomack, but after that an impostume or two broke out
uppon his bodie he is well againe and I hope will be abroad at
Easter : he was never so evill as he kept his bed with. The phisitians
say that his desease is come from the misfortune he had last yeare
in the water ; indeed he was never well since ; but I hope all is past.
I write this to you because I know you will heare manie rumours
of his sickness that may make you afrayed, and I ame sure you will
be glade to heere he is so well, for I know and ame sure of your
love to us. I hope at your returne you will come this way, which
I shall be verie glade of. I dare speake more to you then write, and
for your letters lett me ever know what I shall doe with them to
shew them to this ambassadour or not and you may be confident
I will, for I assure you that nothing shall ever make me other then

Your constant friend,

ELIZABETH.

I pray send me word if you have receaved the letter I writt you

by Macquay. I shall wish you heere one Monday for to see a

comedie, the Scorn full Ladie, acted by your cosen Honywood and

some other of our countremen, to passe the time a little to the King.

The Hagh, this -& of Marche.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 77

XXVI. Sir Thomas Roe to Sir Robert Anstruther.

MY HONORABLE LORD,

I have received your letters of the 3 and 4 present, being glad State Papers
that all myne to that time have found safe passage. Since I have March if,
written you the dates in the margen. I infinitely thanke your
Lordship for so much paynes taken to cleare and ease me in the
objections and doubts infused to me of ill understanding betweene
those princes whose prosperity e we both desire, and I wish it may
prove as we desire. But you will find by a passage of my later
letters that, though this Chancelor perhaps know no more then he
opened to me, yet I have knowne of some offers made (and that is all I
dare write without a cyphar) which both show a resolved disaffec-
tion and would have made an open quarrell. But God, that other-
wise disposed that dessigne, will, I hope, inspire both their hearts
to know unam esse mam agros eorum per longum tempus possidendi :
firme inter se invicem pacem et concordiam colere, which was the
counsell of Epaminondas to the emulous republicques of Greece.

Our discourse of this King hath a tertian fever. One day brings
matter of confidence, the next of doubt. The preparations of the
aonye are constant, and the Secretary Grobb, newly arrived out of
Swede, hath brought orders for mony now given out to all the regi-
ments for their recrews ; on the other syde, the comming hither of
the Baron de Dona from the Emperor to treate (of which I enformed
you the last weeke) is confirmed, merchants having received orders
to provide mony for him ; and Mr. Sanderson, whom I credited as a
secretarye to resyde in that Court, hath written hither, that, though
the provisions for war goe on, yet that the resolution of passing the
sea doth depend of the actions of Sir Francis Cottington in Spayne.
These are the two particulars which most trouble me, that the treatye
is brought home to the dore of the King of Swede, and the pre-

78 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

text of it home to us, that, seeing we doe no good, we may beare
the shame of diverting others from doing it, occasion of which
scandall may be taken from want of communication, though such
is his Maties wisedome and integritye to the good cause that we
deserve it not.

For my selfe I have done my dutye according as God hath
inspired me, and, as I beleeve, was requisite to his Maties service,
not out of any spirit of contention or opinion of my owne judge-
ment, but as a part of my function to looke out, and watch, and say,
I see a troope comming, and his marching is furious like Jehu, and
perhaps the Lord hath sent him ; submitting both my reasons and
affections to my master and superiors, and therefore whosoever shall
take offence I shall not feare the worst can be cfone to me. I feele
alreadye the want of mony. In the rest I am a true subject, and
pittye their impotencye who cannot beare truth. Herein I trust
the goodnes and magnanimitye of my master, knowing well that in
all great consultations some truths, though in themselves adrnittable,
are not alway alike received unless they meete with abondant
generositye, such as is in him to whom an honest man may alway
speake truth and open and discharge his conscience, which is a great
happines for us servants, and will make him the wisest prince in the
world; hearing, being the organ of all knowledge and judgement,
if it fall out otherwise, though some politicians have called pros-
perous wickednes a virtue, yet I never heard of any so effronU as to
say improsperous virtue was wickednes, and of Sertorius, who was
a rebell, the worst censure was that he was vir calamatoste virtutis.
You see, my Lord, I have little to doe when I fall to play with
words, and to dare Fortune, whom the weakenes of men made a
weaker god, I will then conclude, letting your Lordship know
that I have gotten a ship, and hope to sett sayle within 10 dayes to
such ports as your letters shall direct me, at least if I can procure to
touch at Lubecke, being bound for the Sond ; but if I must goe
thither I shall find meanes to transport myselfe according to occasion

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 79

or your Lordship's commands, whom I pray God to keepe, and your
noble Lady, and all your famelye, in health and honour, and to- the
joy of

Your Lordship's most humble and affect, servant.

Dansicke, £f March

[Indorsed] To Sir Kob. Anstruther, 19 Mar. 1629.

XXVIII. Sir Thomas Roe to Sir Robert Anstruther.

Mr NOBLE LORD,

All my carriage being aboard I lye here wynd bound, and expect State Papers,
every hower to be called away ; passage to Lubecke I cannot gett, April ^ 1630
so that I take what I can for the Sond, where I beseech you that
your help and counsell may meet me. I thanke you with a true
heart for all the favours I have received from you, particularly for
your last, that brought me letters from princes whom I honour, and
for whose prosperitye I would spend that worst and last part of my
life not worth the living. Good manners requires an answere, but
I will entreat you to excuse me; what I could write I take no
pleasure in, and I remember that David did conjecture of good
newes because Ahimaaz brought it, who was a good man ; but I
have none to relate ; let Cushi tell the rest. The Baron of Donau is
here arrived with a seasonable trayne and is confident of peace; his
enterteynment by the common people was little grateful, calling
him openly and ironically the reformer and saviour of men's soules,
for he is the persecutor of our religion, and the executioner of the
tirannicall decrees agaynst the professors in Silesia. Here are dayly
expected ambassadors from the King of Denmark, the Electors of
Saxe and Brandeburgh as mediators, and shortly at Elbing from
the King of Swede. Excellent friends; and I will leave them the
same blessing which Cardinall Caraffa gave the gaping people of
Paris when the holy father did unbind them from a generall inter-

80 SIR TliOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

diction and absolved them of all their sinns: quis non crederit; for
when they flocked for the benefitt of a pardon he pronounced
Quandoquidem hie populus vult decipi, decipatur ; a yet there is no
preparation for the war in apparance diminished. So that I hope
more of the King of Swede's owne person then of all his countrye,
for he is both caput and cor regni ; he is all, and worth all, and we
could not have left him without our owne help, and so are become
wittily and industriously miserable. My Lord, you see my free-
dome with you. I will neyther write for England nor the Haghe,
if you please to let them know why, I leave it to your discretion;
and if you send my letter I care not. for I am so afflicted that
nothing can add to it, being able to write nothing fitt to be read,
and having received nothing at all from whence I expected, or of
that little I have it had beene an happines to be ignorant. And so
the good God bless our King and keep your Lordship in his sacred
sa'fetye.

Your Lordship's true humble servant.
Dansicke, -& Apr. 1630.

XXVIII. Sir Thomas Roe to Frederick, titular King of Bohemia.

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAtie,

State Papers, I have received your Maties letters of the 6 March, being. glad
*^at mvne °f January were safely arrived in these jealous tymes ;
others I adventured of the 15 Feb. which I hope have had as good
success. I left Prussia on the 16 of this moneth and arrived here
the 19, desirous to have found the King of Denemarke to have
finished my service; but he is in Holstein, and his removes are so
uncerteyne that I cannot resolve whether to attend or seeke him ;
but a Parlament being here summoned within three weekes (in
which it is thought the Lady Christienne shall come to tryall), I
shalbe most sure to have leysure to wayt upon him. In the meane
tyme, and not knowing whether I shall returne by Holland, the

a Sic.

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 81

whole sea being beleaguered with the vermyne of Dunkercque, I
will presume to enforme your Matie in what estate, at least in my
judgment, I left the affayres of the King of Swede, and the prepara-
tions eyther to war or a treaty e. The Baron of Donau, President
of Silesia, arrived in Dansicke the 19 April, new stile, the day, as
he pretended, of the appoynted convention of commissioners from
the Swede and ambassadors from the King of Denmark to mediate
and treate a peace, whose not appearing he seemed to take in ill
part, yet hath patience enough to wayt for them. His comming and
some practise in the cittye hath raysed a suspition that the Emperor
hath intelligence among them which hath caused them to double
their guards and to suspend the licensing of their soldiers, for they
feare if the peace ensue not that the Imperialls will prevent the
Swede and march into Prussia, or their territorye, to make it the
seate of the war. But I thinke these are pannicque and burghers'
feares, grounded on no reason, for we see that Wallenstein's orders
in Pomeran make all provision for defence, and to contract his
forces into the strengths and passes of that countrye and Markeland.
The preparations both in Swede and Prussia proceed in the same
measure both by taking on men and hyring ships, but the con-
tinuance of this charge doth not secure me, for if the King of Swede
purpose peace he shall yet gayne his expense by show of war, and
may with more ease beare an extraordinarye a few moneths then
the war many, and therefore I feare we see the best syde.

Yet all the officers are of opinion that the King doth only tem-
porise and meet the Emperor in his owne arts, and that they rather
strive who shall prevayle by witt to steale one from the other an
oportunitye then with a mind to depose armes. And there is much
to make us beleeve it on the Swede's part (in the other it is
habituall), because, as he will treate so he does proceed in action, for
lately his garrison in Stralsond hath invaded and taken Kugen and
driven the Imperialls into a corner, where, though they are fortefyed,
they cannot long hold out. This island I know was the principall
marke and ground of the King of Swede to pass into Pomeran, both

CAMD. SOC. M

82 Sill THOMAS KOE'S MISSION".

for his retraict and a safe station for all his fleete, munition, and
provision, of which being possessed he is secure and wilbe greatly
encouraged, and nothing doth more make me hope then that he
hath begun prosperously there, and this newes hath extreamely
altered the Baron Donau. The Chancellor of Swede, upon his
arrival, removed further off to muster his army: and there hath
beene none seene yet from Denmarke, and this also doth much
assayle his patience. Lieutenant Colonell Kuthen arrived from
Swede at Dansicke since the comming of Donau, and reports that
the King had sent an expresse to his Matie to know his resolution
what help he might expect, and had answere none ; but I beleeve it
not, or else it is the same given Sir James Spence; for, seeing the
delayes of Spayne. it is impossible that this occasion should be
neglected or contemned.

He reports that Monsieur Charnace, the French ambassador, being
returned to the King of Swede, offered and brought creditt and
effects for 200,000 dollars for a contribution, to be continued yearly ;
but the King, having no other ayd from other parts, refused it ; yet
proposed that if his Matie would double it and give valuable assig-
nations for payment and continue it untill the end of the war and
make no peace in Italye nisi communicatis consiliisj that he would
breake off all treatye, and proceed in his dessignes, the answere of
which yet depends. If this be true, what a miserye it is to lose
such an oportunitye, the terror, armes, conduct, reputation, and
prosperitye of so brave a king and capteyne, lett those that flatter
themselves judge, for a summe so contemptible, or the world must
judge us blinded with perverse counsells or blasted with a ruynous
fate; for if that summe would content him (which I ever judged
and collected) it would make no difference from whose hands or
from how many it were contributed; but, being able to doe nothing,
I have yet sent to the Chancellor my last documents, rather to show
my zeale and to discharge my conscience then in hope that words
will make war : concluding that if a peace succeeds that not only the
fayrest occasion that I have seene in all the war is given up, but

SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION. 83

we ourselves, that most neede it, have not beene the least accessories.
I send your Matie the coppyes of my last letters to him ; wherein
you may find some advertisements that are not current; but such
as I received them I made the best use of I was able; and now,
having more ley sure to praye, I refer the resolution to God, who
only knowing the hearts of princes will direct them as his instru-
ments to his owne purposes, which are blessed in the end ; to whose
gratious keeping I devoutly commend your Matie, and rest

Your Maties most humble unprofitable servant.

Elsenore, f§ Apr. 1630.

XXIX. Sir Thomas Roe to Elizabeth, titular Queen of Bohemia.

MAY IT PLEASE TOUR MAtie,

I humbly kiss your Maties hands for your gratious letters, which State Papers,
f, J , J • , , . Poland.

comfort me that my zeale to your service hath as much operation April fg, 1630.
upon your goodnes as other mens prosperitye; and God knowes
what I would doe or suffer ; neyther doe I doubt that every thing I
write is safe in your Maties handes, nor will I ever doe any thing
but what is honest to justefye, though sometyme it is not safe nor
wisedome to be exposed to envye. I will write your Matie no newes,
being assured you must be my interpreter to the King, to whome I
have written what I thinke usefull for his service, doeing the same
in substance for England, where how my freedome is interpreted
I know not, having in 6 moneths had no letter, order, nor answere,
nor mony since my departure, which ' is but an ill symptome.
Whatsoever you thinke may serve to publique ends your Matie may
freely communicate with Sir Hen. Vane or his Excellencye ; but
where I write like Thorn. Koe and breake out, that passion the
King may be pleased to smother. If Sir Henry Yane had eyther
order or purpose to correspond with me it was his turne to give me
occasion, but I thinke the divers natures of our employments im-
posed on us both a discreet silence. I am gotten thus far toward
home in a ship called the " King of Bohemia," and carrying his

84 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

picture in our coulors ; but, not finding the King of Denmarke in
this island, I must stay him and new order, for my old is stale and
I know not how to use it, neyther am I sure what way I shall take
from hence, the sea being full of Dunkercque harpyes, whom I
would be loth to visitt. I should be infinitely glad to see your
Matie, for at Rhenen I conteyned myselfe, but there is also some
cause that I would not see Holland, which was made a bayt to send
me to the North, where yet I have done his Matie honor and my
country service, and effected all or more then was imposed on me:
thus God doth bless his servants, and I will pray for your Matie
while I have life and the honour to be knowne to be now

Your Matios most antient and most humble servant.

Elsenore, fg Apr. 1630.

After Roe's return, he heard of Gustavus's landing in Germany. " The landing,"
he wrote on Aug. 16th, 1630, to Mr. Sanderson, the English agent in Sweden, "of the
King of Sweden in Germany (which few would believe here) hath raised him such
a reputation that his Majesty hath taken it into serious consultation how to aid and
supply him whose maintenance his own virtue hath endeared to us, and taught us to
know how necessary he is to the general welfare and liberty of Christendom, as if he
were elect of God for the great work. I should have returned to him, but upon
more mature deliberation it was thought fit first to lay the foundation sure, and if
he hold out this summer I am assured before the next spring his Majesty will send
to him in such a fashion as shall be most acceptable. In the mean time we all pray
for him; and you shall extremely value yourself with his Majesty if you do in a
discreet manner and without obligation by intimation of these purposes encourage
him, which I assure you are real, and, if I did not know it, for no advantage I would
deceive that brave prince. Our treaty with Spain depends and is a secret to me,
but that I believe the House of Austria will give up nothing they can hold for words
nor without hard blows."

APPENDIX.

I. INSTRUCTIONS OF GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS TO SIR JAMES

SPENS.

Ane schort informatione gevine to Sir James Spens, Knyght, State Papers,
for helping his memorie to ye mor large explicatione off ye Oct.T?]
schort articles proposed concerning the league.

What the King's Majestic of Sweden judgethe and thinkethe of the
reparatione of the decayed cans of religione and principallie of the
restitutione of the King of Bohemia, the said Sir James Spens hathe
sufficiently understood, being present, and by the conditions off the
league annexit persaivethe how it behowethe the King of Sueden to be
secured, and what he thinkethe necessary, and also willethe his con-
federates to doe to that end.

Bot this it pleased his Majestic hier to repeat, that ther ar only tuo wayes
by whiche his Majestic iff he must be orderer a of the bissines must mak
his way, the one by the Wessellb passing throche Poll [and] to Silesia,
the wytherc by the Wiser. The first doethe most please becaus it
semethe most neirly to concerne the weilfear of this Kingdome, neyther
hes it so many and so gryt impedimentes to hender. It hethe only
Dansik to lett, whiche, being maid frendlie by the intercessione of the
confederat freindes and brocht to a mor sound mynd, or then by force com-
pelled to obedience, will mak the remanent proceding free and saiff. The
wyther semes to hawe gryte difficulties bothe becaus of the^ abundance of
strong and mychte tounes and the neirnese in frendship of dyvers Lordes,
whois territories must be past throche and themselffis offendit : bot iff this

a "director" written above. b Vistula. c i.e. other.

86 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

last shall be mor approwethe by his Majestie and confederates, as it is
credible that it wilbe for divers respectes, the Kingis Majestie of Sueden,
will willinglie accommodat yourselff to the desyres and counsells of the rest,
and will indeworr to restor Germanic by passing throche Germanic, seing
it pleasethe not the rest that he pass throche Poll[and]. And that this
matter may be undertakine by sum sur maner and withe good hope, his
Majestie shall, in favoure of his confy derates and the comon cause, bring
to the feldes and sustayne upone his owne chargis tuelff regiments off
foott and tuo thowsand horsmen, wnto whom it shalbe necessar that the
rest of the confederates joyne four and twentie regimentes off foot and
sex thowsand horse. Besydes his Majestie shall bring with him als mony
piece of canone and ordinance with wyther sort off all kynd of munitione
as shalbe needfull for his camp, except only the suldeoures armes, whiche
everie on of the confederates salbe holdine to furnise pro rata according
to his pairt, or then they shalbe bocht withe one monthes wadges in
manere as shalbe hierefter schawine : as for horse waggones and wictualles
to the armie the rest of the confederates must prowyd them.

As for the charges of the war, in his Majesties judgment they must be
so dewyded among the confederates that his Majestie shall tak upone
him the third pairt, to witt, the pay of tuelff regimentes of foott and tuo
thowsand horse, and whatsoever charges and expenses followethe them.
Also the canon a and whatsoever is requyred unto them and all wyther
kynd of munitione and ordinarie expenses whiche ar to be undergone for
the exercise of the suldeoures, the defence of the camp in skarmises
and battelles.

The Kinges Majestie of Gryt Brittane, and iff please him to joyne
with him the generall esteates of the United Prowinces, shall sustayne
the vyther third pairt off the burdine, to witt, the payment off 12 regi-
mentes off foott and four thousand horse, and the expenses for raising
them. The rest of the confederat princes off Germanic and the tounes
shall contribut so muche as may suffice to lifft and sustayne the wyther
third part of the armie, consisting off 12 regimentes of foot and tuo
thowsand horse, and shall provyd wagones and horses for the ordinance
and ther instrumentes, puder and ball, as also neidfull wictuales for the

a " ordinance " written above.

APPENDIX. 87

arine; and so you shall supplie and mak out the third pairt of the
charge.

The rest of the charge and expenses of the warr, to witt, the payment
of generall officeres, the gryt quantitie of pulder and bullet, and wyther
thinges whiche shalbe requyred in the longsum, and streatt beseeginges
of gryt tounes and campes, shalbe devyded efter the samm maner among
the said confederates, that on third pairt shalbe furnished by his Majestic,
ane wyther third pairt by the Kinges Majestic of Gryt Bryttaine, and the
resting third by the confederat princes and tounes.

Concerning the suldeours armes neidfull bothe to foott and horse, thei
must be prepared and furnished efter the samm maner that everie on of
the confederats prowyd all thinges for his owrme forces. Bot becaus it
concern ethe his Majestic abowe the rest, as being to be the leader off the
armie, that all thinges may answer his disyr, and that nothing be vant-
ing in the just tyme, and that the oportunitie of poorforming affaires be
not lost, his Majestic estemes it fitt concerning the preparation of armes
that everie on of the confederates shall delyver the armes for his pairt to
the Kinges Majestic, iff they be in reddines ; then (besyd the three
mounthes wadges whiche must be givine beforhand) they shall ad and
pay the fourt mounthes wadges and delyver it to him that shall hawe his
Majesties power, to the intent that armes may be bocht in tyme ; the
whiche therefore (three monthes being past) may be deduced from the
suldeoures wadges and rackoned in this payment, so that armes may be
provyded for the suldeoures without extraordinaire charges or burding to
the confederates. Above all it wer most to be wished that all they who
grone under the yok of the house of Austria, having ther heartes rased
and trusting in ther owne strenthe, durst be bold to profese ther names
openlie and enter in this league, for perhapes therby ther suld be the lese
labour and difficultie, bothe in liffting the suldeoures and in chasing the
seat of the warr, and in proceeding ; hot to him who shall mor exactlie
ponder all thinges it is credible that many, being strikine and witholdine
by the fear of the imminent and new perill, shall lurk so long till ane
sufficient armie do sett foot in Germanic, unto the whiche they may
safflie flic, and in the whiche they may rest secure of ther owne. Yet
notwithstanding to help thos that ar ether unwilling, or who doethe not
in treat and urge itt, is no less unjust then to involve friends unwillinglie

88 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

in war, fear, and the evills that theron do follow. Nether certanlie culd
it be excused from temeritie iff any suld tak war in hand not being re-
quysed (altho upore a most holsome intentione) in the whiche he war*
not to be helped, bot shortlie deserted of thos for whois caus it wer
undertakine. Therfor iff the matter shalbe seriously done, thes thinges
must be tymouslie forsein and provyded for: — The King of Bohemia, for
whois restitutione this labour must cheiflie be undergone, shall without
delay try and scarce the myndes of his friendes in Germanic, that he may
throchlie know and understand who of them doethe approwe or disprowe
the league and how muche everie on of his friendes will contribut in
comone, that therby it may be rychtlie discerned what and how muche
may be expected from his freindes and what may be feared from the
rest, and principallie that it may be knowne that the princes of Ger-
manie and tounes will tak upone them the third pairt of the expenses ;
and iff ther mycht be drawne to doe sumwhat mor, considering that yt
concernethe them most, it wold be of greyte momente to the finishing of
the war. When thes thinges shalbe certanlie resolved and understud,
then a league is quyetlie to be maid with the princes and tounes of Ger-
manie, whiche being maid and confirmed, the King of Gryt Brittane for
the levying of the said twelf regimentes of foot and four thowsand horse,
the princes and tounes of Germanic for 12 regimentes of foot and 2000
horse, shall delyver and contribute expenses requysett for liffting,b to-
gidder with three mounthes pay, as also armes for the suldeoures or in
place therof the fourte mounthes pay, that all may be innumerate and
delyvered at the first of Marche the yeir next following, 1625, in his
Majesties handes, or his who shall have power from him, without any
diminutione, that the suldeores may be in tyme levyed and provyded of
armes, and that his Majesties indevoures, labour, and expenses be not
maid in vaine. The pay shall begine the first of May, for it will fall
necessarie that in that mounthe the grytest charges be, and all thinges
prepared. And when May, Jun, July, and August shalbe expyred, for
the whiche that three mounthes pay and the armes shalbe gewine befor-
hand, then from the first of September lett the pay of that mounthe, and
so furthe from mounthe to mounthe, be in reddines, untill the tyme that

a were. b levying.

APPENDIX. 89

ane end be put to the war. Iff everie on of the confederates shall con-
tribute efter this nianer, his Majestie shall doo good will to hawe a full
armie reddie in dew tyme. Bot iff this counsell be divulgat and the
Emperor withe thos of that league doo oppose himselff to the levying
publictlie of suldeoures in Germanic, it appearethe that the bissines must
be -undertakine efter this maner ; to witt, that his Majestie hawe in reddi-
nese aganst the last of May nixtocuma his 12 regimentes of foott and
2,000 horse, and joyne also to their 2,000 Germane horsmen, whiche he
can hawe in reddines aganst the appointed day to be in his companie or
armie. He shall also find the meanes to levie four foott regimentes of
Germanes as iff it wer to his ownne proper use ; also ther may be in the
midtyme levyed in Brittanie four regimentes of foott and in France
wyther four regimentes, whiche shall land at Gotheburghe in May, and
joyne them selffis to the King's armie, that so in the same mounthe of
May the armie may consist off four and twentie regimentes off foot and
four thowsand horse ; off whiche regimentes, on regiment off foot must be
lefft with the navie, whiche must be ridged out in the Germane Sea to
defend the Germane Cost, and avert all hostill invasione from the king-
dome of Sweden out of the sea. His Majestie with the rest of his foot
and horse shall saile throche the Baltik Sea, and (leving in his navie
three regimentes of foot for the desente therof, and that Sweden in the
meantyme may be free from the hostill attemptes off Polland, as also
that the transportatione of all necessarie thinges from Sueden may
remaine free and nowayes impeded) shall have ane armie prepared and
present off twentie regimentes of footh and four thousand horse.

The Kings Majestie, therfor, of Gryt Bryttane, shall consider whidder
this armie consisting off aucht and twentie thowsand men be stronge
aneuthe to resist the force and invasione of the Cesarranes, and fitt as
thinges offer and occasione fallethe out to pase fordvart untill the tyme
that the rest of the regimentes may be supplied and the horsmen
gathered, and the wyther princes and tounes of Germanie may, and doe
openlye, cum and profese ther names ; bot iff this armie in the beginning
shalbe opposed by a stronge arme off the Empereur, so that it can not
commodiouslie pase fordwart, yet notwithstanding no man of sound

a next to come.
CAMD, SCO. N

90 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

judgment will deny bot that iff it bee rychtlie commandit it is powerfull
aneuche to defend the cost and portes and to mak saiff acces unto the
rest, untill ether it grow to ane just quantitie, or then be fortyfied a with
ane wyther new armie, wherby it may commodiouslie marche aganst the
enimie.

This also is necessare without-whiche his Maj. can undertak nothing :
to wit, that on portt may be open to his Maj. off the Baltik Sea in the
cost of Germanic and ane wyther at the Veser, b for it is necessar that
ther be a saife arryvell and a place where the suldeours may be landed,
the armie ordered, and wherto everie on may reteir in saiftie, wher also
the navie must ly at anker and attend. Iff this can not be obtined, it is
easie to j udge that the preceding will not onlie be difficill, bot impossi-
bill ; for first to open a way by force and armes is dangerous, bot that
whiche cheiflie is to be considerit in this point is this, that the princes
and cities which possese thes portes are friendes and may by no meanes
be offendit; therfor, the King of Gryt Brittane and the King of
Bohemia most indevour to draw into thear syd the Dooks of Mekil-
brughe and the Bischope of Brem,c withe the cities of Lubec, Hamburghe,
and Brem, as also the Count of Emden, and iff it be possibill they must
obtayne from the Dook of Mekilbrughe with his favour and leawe that
the port of Wismer d and toune may be open and patent to his Majestie
his navie and armie. And from the rest that the portt off Brem, or sum
wyther commodiouse toune, wold resave his Maj[esty] his navie and
armie. Iff that can be obtayned a gryt difficultie is overcum ; iff not,
maine impedimentes will cast them selffes in the way off this erand that
it can not commodiouslie be undertakine.

The difficultie also of schipping for carying and transporting the
suldeoures from Sueden to Germanic cumes hier to be considerit, neyther
is thear a more commodiouse remedie then that the Lordes the Estates
Generall of the United Provinces do mo we ther citizens and subjectes to
give to his Maj. the wse e of so manie of ther schipes as he shall haue
neid of. And, seing the transportatione requyred gryt charges, that the
rest of the confederates do equallie participate therof with his Maj., cache
sustayning a third pairt.

* i. e. re-inforced. b The Weser.

c Bremen. d Wismar. * use.

APPENDIX. 91

Besydes it is not only profitabill for manie respectes but absolutlie
necessar that the confederates obtayne the free use of bothe the seas
Baltik and Germanie, without whiche nothing can be undertakine with any
fruit, neyther can ther be maid any sure or commodiouse communication
of thinges ; and this can not be performed without two navies. In the
Baltik Sea his Maj[esty] shall haue his owne navie, which shall attend
in sum port of Germanie and shall secur his Maj[esty] off his returne in
his owne kingdome, iff so matters do fall. Off this his Maj. shall hawe a
care that it be stronge aneuche bothe in number and goodnes of shippes
and furnished with all furnitour off war necessar to resist and repell by
the grace off God all violence whiche may be attempted aganst his
Maj[esty] and confederates in the Baltik Sea. It is necessar that there
be ane wyther navie in the Germane Sea, whiche may war under the
commandment of his Maj. in name of the confederates. For this use his
Maj. hes now in reddinese anochta war shippes in the port of Gothobrughe.
Iff the rest of the confederates and cheiflie the King of Gryt Erittane will
ether extraordinarlie furnishe money for bying sextein war schipes, or
esteim it fitter that some diminutione be maid of the number of the
suldeours, and that money be converted to the making up of that navie,
thear may be ane brave navie prepared, whiche may conserve the use of
that sea to the confederates and may not mak free intercom's betwix
Sueden and Germanie, that nothing be wanting ether to the sustayning
or to the suplying the necessities and wants of the armie from Sueden,
Brittane, France, the Netherlands, etc. The expenses of this navie and
charges as weill in preparing it as in mentayning itt shalbe devyded
amonge the confederates as the rest.

Sir James Spens must have a cair to understand betyme iff thes thinges
be approved by the King of Gryt Brittane ; and, iff thei please him, he
mvst tak cair that the money for bying the schipes be in reddinese and
delyverit unto the Commissioners of his Maj. when he cummethe, who
shalbe peculiarlie appointed for that erand ; whidder it be that his Maj.
of Gryt Brittane will give the said money extraordinarilie for bying of the
schipes or will deduce itt from the number of the suldeoures. It is
requisit also that this may be maid quiklie knowne to his Maj[esty] that
he may cans carie his ordinance for his shipping to Gothobrughe whili

a enough.

92 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

now the lackes and vateres are frosene with us ; iff also it may be obtayned
of the King off Gryt Bryttane that he wold furnishe to the navie a
certaine number of irone ordnance it wold be off gryt moment to hestein
and forder the preparation of the navie.

Morover Sir James Spens must sollicit and procur from the King of
Gryt Bryttane that all Inglise and Scottes sayling throche the Baltik Sea
and speciallie tovardes Dansik be prohibited to serwe the King of Poll,
or any wyther (other) aganst the King of Sweden, and that they bring
not any schip having ordinance too the portes of Spruce, and speciallie off
Dansik, Elving, and Queinbrughe,a and that the King off Bohemia with
the King of Gryt Bryttanes help obtayne of the Generall Esteates that no
Holland schipes with ordinance seall to the said portes, muche lesse that
they serve the King of Poll [and] or any wyther aganst the kingdome of
Sweden, and bothe Inglishe, Scottes, and Netherlander be prohibited to
gowe them selffis in Warsaw to serwe the Poll or any wyther prince to the
prejudice off the King of Sweden so long as his Maj[esty] is holdine
bissied in this expedition.

Whatsoever of thes thinges shall pleas his Maj[esty] and shalbe
approved by the rest of the Confederates it is necessar that with all
diligence it be wrettine over hither, and the ambassadours from the Con-
federates cum to his Maj[esty] with pover to defyne and conclud.

This is word be word translated out of the Latine so nere as I culd.

II. GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS TO SIR JAMES SPENS.

State Papers, Gustavus Adolphus, D. G. gratiam et favorem nostrum singularem
Mar. •& 162£. Magnifice nobis sincere dilecte et fidelis. Redditae nobis sunt biduo
abhinc literse tuae datae 21 Januarii ex quibus intelleximus te junctis
consiliis rationem restituendi rem communem a nobis propositam,
Regi Britannia ac Principi Walliae aperuisse. Hos quoque studium
nostrum de re communi bene merendi gratum habuisse, et ut nobis
totius rei directio committeretur, et ut Rex Britannia? tertiam onerum

a Konigsburg.

APPENDIX. 93

partem sustineret, consensisse, acljectis quibusdam clausulis, denique
diem 30mo Aprilis et Hagam comitis conventus legatorum, per quos de
foedere ac toto negotio statueretur, constituisse, ob quam causam tu nobis
autor es, ut nostrum isthuc Legatum mittamus, conditionesque ita mode-
remur, ne e*arum difficultate, onerumque gravitate press! ac deterriti
foederati se subtraliant, quemadmodum hoc uberius literis tuis explicanttir.
Ut autem et mentem nostram, et quid te facere velimus, intelligas, scias
optamus, nos temporis angustia, quo minus Legatum aliquem huic
mittamus excludi, et si nobis sat temporis esset, pregnantibus rationibus
abstineri, itinerum difficultas hoc anni tempore tibi nota est, sive terra,
sive mari eundum sit. Quominus autem ista ablegatio nobis placeat, primo
obstat communis per orbem de hoc focdere volitans fama, noxia coeptis ausis-
que nostris, qiiee misso legato, etiam quocunque sub pretextn, non premetur,
sed magis adaugebitur ; qu£e quidem non adeo magni aastimandi esset,
si de voluntate et deliberato proposito Regis Britannise, coeterorumque
foederatorum certi essemus. At si quid interveniat, ut facile intervenire
posse intelligimus, quod hoc consilium vel mutet, vel interturbet, detrahet
istheec mutatio et aliquid nomini nostro, si id nimium affectasse videamur ;
Idque ut magis metuamus, facit hsec inopinata ac insolita praeparatio
bellica a Rege Danise instituta, qua? si pro salute cunctorum est suscepta,
est certe quod ceteris gratulemur, ac nobis ipsis, quod isto onere liberati
simus. Aut si eo directa, ut hos conatus nostros impediat, haud putamus
aequum, nos tanta3 tamque periculosaa causaa obtrudere, aut ingerere, nisi
caateris nos avide invitantibus sollicitantibusque. Praeter cetera vero id
considerandum est, quod tibi presenti ssepius diximus, tanti moment!
negotium hoc esse respectu nostri, ut conclusio ejus fidei ac industriaa
alicujus Legati committi non possit. Si enim de subsidio pecuniario, aut
mittendo milite, aliisque id genus conditionibus foederis agaretur, mitti
sane possit, qui nostro nomine statueret ; suscipere autem in nos ipsos
directionem tanti belli conjunctam tot tantisque cum periculis oneribusque
et nostris et Regni nostri, a qua non tantum salus, sed quod omnium est
maximum, fama ac reputatio nostra dependet, multo majus est negotium,
quam quod concludi absentibus nobis possit aut debeat. Haac in causa
fuere, quod Legatum, qui nostro nomine statueret, Hagam Comitis non
miserinms, tibique ea voluerimus significare, ut justo loco ac tempore nos
excuses, ne id nobis a ceteris vertatur vitio : ac ne quod a nobis negli-

94 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

gatur, quod facere quidquam possit, vel ad restituendam conservandamqne
causam communein, vel ad ceteros animandos, volumus ut tu ipse, cui
meus voluntasque nostra notissima est, te Hagam Comitis quantocyus
conferas, atque illic adjuncto tibi ordinario nostro Residente Rutgersio,
legatis amicorum ac confoederatornm, quibus nostra propositio placet,
isthic convenientibus, mentem nostram uberius explices, et ut Dominos
suos ad Legatos hue mittendos incitent, author sis ac persuadeas. De
animo vero nostro ac consilio sic statue, ceterisque assevera.

Primo, nos in proposito nostro, suscipiendaque directione istius belli
pro restitutione rerum communium constanter perse verare, ac tertiam
onerum partem sustinere velle. Hoc enim et si nobis, regnoque nostro
grave sit, tamen ne minus excrescens potentia statui nostro plus satis
inimica, in vicinia nostra ac ad mare Balthicum pedem figat, ducti et hac
status nostri ratione, et amicorum commiseratione, periculis hisce nos
subjicere non dubitamus ; suscipere vero in nos id periculi, nisi secundum
Deum fulciremur, viribus nostris id vero magnae esset temeritatis.

Secundo, poteris et hoc asseverare, cuncta quas obtulimus parata fore
apud nos quocunque die, modo nobis tempestive quid ceteri velint,
sentiantque innotescat : Noster miles (ut ipse nosti) quocunque die cogi
potest, et magna sui parte sub signis est, praasertim mercenarius. Classis
in Balthico mari parata, et octo nostrae naves in portu Gothoburgensi :
tormentis bellicis, ceterisque ammonitionum geiieribus nihil cum opus erit,
deerit, et nos ipsi parati futuri sumus ut rem adgrediamur, quamprimum
inter nos, et ceteros confbederatos convenerit.

Tertio, quamque rei bene conficiundae ratio non parum in celeritate et
prseveniendis hostibus sita est, turn ita maturandum erit ut firma foederis
subsecuturique belli fundamenta prius jacta sint, utque incommodis quae
subsequi possunt, prius caute prudenterque prospiciatur. Nee putandum est
moram exigui temporis adeo noxiam esse, quin compensetur consilii
maturitate. Hsec non ideo scribimus, quod lenta probemus consilia, sed
quod cuncta recte digesta cupiamus ac turn demum fortiter constanterque
rem adgrediamur. Nos semper parati sumus, nee erit in nobis culpa
morae. Si ceteris res cordi est, cogant pecuniam atque illam deponant ut
haberi nervi rerum gerendarum possint, cum de foedere ejusque executione
convenerit. Hasc en unica et sola ratio est maturandi negotii ; Nihil ex
nostra parte deerit, vel deliberati animi, vel rerum, quas promisimus.

APPENDIX. 95

Cuncta mine dependent a ceteris amicis quorum interest, hoc non
negligi. Illos statuere optamus quod sit e re sua, et quid conferre vel
velint, vel possint. Ac primo quidem, si ceteris negotium hoc curse erit,
optamus ut se uniant ac conjungant, quo nobis pro certo constet, prius-
quam negotium id adgrediamur, quos simus adjutores, quos amicos, quos
hostes habituri ; deinde ut de conditionibus foederis a nobis propositis,
tibique ac traditis, deliberent; sique illas placuerint, ut Legates suos
ad nos mittant, qui de omnibus nobiscum statuendi et concludendi potes-
tatem plenam habeant, adversum quos ita nos declaraturi sumus, ut
cunctis patere possit, studium nostrum inserviendi saluti amicorum ac
publicae. Denique si agitur res serio, conferat quisque confoederatorum
suam partem quo tarn in sere parato trimestris stipendii et arma militaria,
aut horum loco 4tl mensis stipendium, atque sumptus pro militis conscrip-
tione requisites, qui necessario sunt in antecessum dandi, omnemque
pecuniam Amstelodami in Banco (ut vocant) deponant quantocyus sub
nostro nomine, ut earn tollere cum opus fuerit, atque in militum conscrip-
tionem sustentationemque conferre possimus, neve liberum cuique sit, sine
nostro jussu illam vel totam vel ulla sui parte attingere. Quod attinet
conditiones fo°,deris a nobis propositas, quas tu innuis mitigari dcbere, ne
ceteri foederati metuentes onerum pondus, se subtrahant, sane non
diffitemur conditiones has graves ac prsestitu difficiles esse. Verum si
quis facile putat bello lacessere potentissimum Europa) Principem fulcitum
viribus Hispanicis, stipatum tot Principum Germanicorurn ac, ut uno verbo
dicamus Ligse Catholico Romanse robore, turn connectere dissolutas
scopas ac consolidare tot animos diversa sentientes ; denique erepta
tenoribus possessoribus suo quseque Domino reddere ; Nos hanc illi
gloriam ceteraque qua3 illam comitari possunt commoda, non inviti con-
cedemus. In conditionibus propositis, exiguam securitatis nostrae Regnique
nostri rationem habuimus, atque id quidquid esse oneri prope modum
totum in nos suscepimus. Minoribus autem viribus adgredi tantum
negotium, temeritatis magis, quam consilii esse putamus ac forsan cadere
posse in hominem privatum vel obnoxium alteri obsequio, vel alias rationes
sui conservandi ignorantem. A nobis certe, quibus Regnum a deo potens
atque amplum concessum est, quique nihil prseter famam in pretio habe-
mus procul abesse debebit. Certe quisquis res magnas adgressus fuerit,
sine magnis viribus, magnisque sumptibus ductus forsan vana spe, ac

96 SIR THOMAS ROE'S MISSION.

cunctis in casum datis, falsum se deceptumque tandem intelliget. Illud
quoque non minus considerandum venit in conditionibus nostris, quomodo
certi portus, ubi miles nostri exponatur, ac classis nostra pro anchoris stet,
nobis pateant, tarn in Balthici, quam Germanic! maris litore. Id enim nisi
obtineatur, facile est asstimare, locum nobis non futurum, ubi exercitum
formare, ac necessaria, quse subvehi debent, asservare possimus. Haec
atque alia tu diligenter inculcabis Legatis confcederatorum, qui adventuri
sunt, ut de omnibus tempestive et prudenter constituatur quo hoc ne-
gotium tantum non taadio magis malorum quae nos praemunt, aut
metuimus, vanaque spe, quam mature consilio, firmoque proposito sus-
ceptum yideatur. At si Legati Confcederatorum, qui ad nos missi
fuerint, nobis bonis rationibus demonstraverint, hostem eum quo nobis res
futura erit, infirmiorem esse, ac minoribus viribus cogi ac dejici posse
possessione injuste arrepta, aut militem sumptibus minoribus conscribi,
vel stipendiis minoribus sustentari posse, quam nos putamus certe in
hisce omnibus et ceteris, quas levare tarn nostra onera, quam reliquorum
fcederatorum queunt, faciles ac promptos nos exhibebimus. Tuum nunc
erit, cuncta haec dextre explicare, quaaque suo loco, Principesque, quibus
ista Confcederatio placet, eorumque Legatos certos reddere. Nos si
tempestive aliquod ac serio de hoc tanto negotio constitutum fuerit, ab
ipsis, atque demum per Legatos ipsorum ad nos delatum, et nobiscum con-
clusum, quod spes nos maxima teneat, per Dei Gratiam ceteris juvantibus
faventibusque in pristinum suum statum rem communem restituendi.
Hisce te Deo commendamus. Dabantur in arce nostra Stockholmiensi
die 13 Martii A° 1625.

GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS.

Magnifico et Generoso sincere nobis fideli apud Senerissimum Magnaa
Britanniaa Regem Commissario nostro Jacobo Spensio de Wormston et
Equiti Aurato.

(Indorsed) Copie de la Lettre du Roy de Suede a Mons. Spens, du
13 de Mars 1625.

INDEX.

Anstruther, Sir R., receives information
from Roe, 68

Baltic, the, designs of Gustavus Adolphus
in, 75

Bethlen Gabor, his alliance hoped for
by Elizabeth, 2 ; offers to join Gus-
tavus Adolphus, 3

Brandenburg, Elector of, his meeting
with Gustavus Adolphus, 39 ; is in
evil case, 40 ; negotiates with Sweden,
72

Charles I. continues to interfere diplo-
matically on the Continent, 1 ; nego-
tiates with Spain, 5 ; his instructions
to Eoe, 10

Charnace, Baron, his part in the Treaty
between Sweden and Poland, 36, 42,
43, 50 ; his mission to Gustavus Adol-
phus, 72, 82

Christian IV., King of Denmark, his
treaty with the Emperor, 29, 31, 32

Coloma, Don Carlos, preparations in
England for the reception of, 54

Danzig, opening of negotiations at, 79,

81
Dohna, Baron of, his arrival at Danaig,

77, 81
Dorchester, Viscount, his foreign policy, 1

Elizabeth, titular Queen of Bohemia,
her correspondence with Roe, 2

Frederick, titular King of Bohemia,
sickness of, 76

CAMD. SOC.

Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange,
listens to Roe's proposals, 2 ; objects
to negotiate with Spain, 5; Roe's
negotiation with, 30

Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden,
sends Spens to England, 5 ; his recep-
tion of Roe, 36; his character, 49;
prepares for war in Germany, 52, 57;
proposals made to him by Wallenstein,
59 ; his plans narrated by Oxenstjerna,
60 ; his continued preparations for
war, 68; his designs in the Baltic, 75;
asks for help from England, 82; lands
in Germany, 84; his instructions to
Spens, 85; his letter to Spens. 92

Liibeck, Peace of, disliked at the Hague,
29

Morgan, Sir Charles, arrives at Enk-
huisen, 33

Orange, Prince of, see Frederick Henry
Oxenstjerna, Axel, Chancellor of Sweden,
negotiates with Roe, 47; is questioned
by Roe about his master's plans, 58

Pillau, tolls at, 41
Pomerania, Duke
Sweden, 72

of, negotiates with

Roe, Sir T., on his return from Con-
stantinople, presents a memoir to the
Prince of Orange, 2; returns to Eng-
land, 5; proposes to Charles to inter-
vene in favour of Gustavus Adolphus,

98

INDEX.

6; sets out on his mission, 9; his in-
structions, 10; his speeches to the
States-General, 21, 22; his conference
with Schwarzenberg, 26; gives an ac-
count of his reception in Holland, 28 ;
negotiates with the Prince of Orange,
30; and with the States-General, 31:
arrives at Konisberg; negotiates be-
tween Sweden and Poland, 36, 39;
believes the truce settled, 46 ; proposes
to go to Warsaw, 48; his description of
Gustavus Adolphus, 49 ; goes to War-
saw, 53; his account of the Polish
kingdom, 55 ; asks Oxenstjerna for
information on the Swedish plans, 58 ;
takes leave of Oxenstjerna, 74
Riigen taken possession of by Swedish
troops, 81

Sanderson, Mr., appointed resident in
Sweden, 77

Schwarzenberg, Count of, his conference
with Roe, 26

Spens, Sir James, comes to England on a
mission from Gustavus Adolphus, 5 •,
his instructions from Gustavus Adol-
phus, 85

States-General, The, Roe's speeches and
propositions to, 22, 23 ; their reply to
Roe, 25 ; their reception of Roe, 31

Sweden, States of, reported resistance
of, 57

Vane, Sir Henry, sent on a mission to
the Hague, 5 ; returns to England, 6 ;
returns to the Hague, 53

Wallenstein opens negotiations with
Gustavus Adolphus, 59

ERRATUM.

In page 86, line 3, for « yourself" read "himself."

EECEIPTS AND EXPENSES

IN THE

BUILDING OF BODMIN CHURCH,

A.D. 1469 TO 1472.

EDITED BY THE

KEY. JOHN JAMES WILKINSON, M.A,

RECTOR OF LANTKGL08 AND ADVENT.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXXIV,

PBEFACE.

THE following account of the receipts and expenses in the
rebuilding of the parish church of Bodmin was accidentally dis-
covered in an old chest, in the parvise over the church-porch, early
in the present century. It is neatly written in a book now severed
into loose sheets, which, although preserved with great care, is
becoming rapidly reduced to dust. There are discrepancies in the
sums of the items, owing probably to the defective state of the
manuscript. With the exception of the extension of the con-
tractions, in italics, the whole is given as it was found, without
any attempt at correction.

The rebuilding commenced in 1469 and was completed in 1472.
There is scarcely a parish in Cornwall which does not bear testimony
to the energy displayed in church restoration at that period. In
many instances we find a south aisle rebuilt or added, in which, if
the original church was cruciform, the south transept was absorbed.
At the time when church restoration made such progress the nation
was in a state of turmoil from the rival claims of Henry VI. and
Edward IV. The isolated position of the county probably enabled
the inhabitants to turn their attention to more peaceful pursuits, for
history is silent as to any part taken in the strife by the county of
Cornwall.

Of Bodmin Church the west end, tower, north chancel, aisle, and

IV PREFACE.

chancel were not rebuilt. The west door * was a fine specimen of
Norman architecture. The tower, surmounted by a* spire which
was destroyed by lightning in 1699, had probably been erected in
the previous century.

There is a payment for " possyng," i.e. propping up, "the rof of
the chanseler " while the arches which separate it from the aisles
were being erected. As the patrons, the prior and convent of the
adjoining monastery of St. Petrock, did not in any way contribute
to the rebuilding of the rest of the church, they defrayed the expense
connected with the repair of the chancel, if anything was done to
it. The seating and pulpit were not commenced till 1491, when a
contract was signed for their completion by Michaelmas, 1495, at
a cost of 92/., the parish providing the wainscot timber.

The accounts commence with the receipts and expenses during
the years 1469 and 1470, until Michaelmas 1471, while Thomas
Jerman was receiver, and are summed up as follows :

£ s. d.

Receipts . . . . 196 7 4£
Expenses . . . 194 3 6£

In the following year Thomas Lucomb, then mayor, was receiver:

& s. d.

Receipts . . . 65 7 0

Expenses . . 74 14 3

The whole sum expended was 268Z. 17s. 9^d. ; in addition to which,
windows, trees, and other materials and labour were contributed.

Irrespective of the information obtained directly from these
Accounts as to the means used for obtaining the necessary funds
for the re-edification of the church, and the cost of labour towards
the end of the fifteenth century, they are of great interest from

* For a full account of the church see Sir John Maclean's History of Trigg
Minor, in which there is a drawing of this doorway.

PREFACE. V

the light which they throw on the social condition of the town of
Bodmin at that period, and there is no reason to believe that
Bodmin formed an exception to the general state of society in
other towns at the same date. They exhibit a remarkable unanimity
in the good work. Everyone seems to have given according to
his means, and up to his means. Many who gave money gave
labour also, many who could not give money laboured as best
they might, and others gave what they could. We have gifts of
lambs, of a cow, and of a goose; and one woman in addition to
her subscription sold her crokke for 20c?.; and all found its way
into the common treasury. No age or sex seems to have kept
aloof. We find a "hold woman" contributing 3s. 2Jd; while the
maidens in Fore Street and Bore Street gave subscriptions, in
addition to the sums received from the Gilds of Virgins in the
same streets. The Vicar gave his year's salary, and the tf parish
pepell," who lived out of the town, contributed 19s.

Much of the zeal shown may, we think, be attributed to the
influence exercised by the Gilds. It is only recently we have
become acquainted, and even now only partially so, with the degree
in which religious life permeated society in the middle ages, par-
ticularly in the fifteenth century, through the minor confraternities.
In Bodmin, at the period in question, almost the whole population
seems to have been included in one or other of the Gilds, and it
was through the means of their zeal and organization that the
money required for rebuilding the Church was obtained without
much difficulty. In the first place the Gilds contributed very
freely from their own funds. We have seen that during the first
three years of the work the total receipts from all sources amounted
to 1961. 7s. 4d. ; of which amount the Gilds contributed in money

VI PREFACE.

861. Us. 5d. and 241 135. part of a collection by the Trades Gilds
of a penny per man of some, and a halfpenny of others, " the pore
comenys," throughout the town. In addition to this they gave
wax to the value of 41. 13s. 4d. The remainder of the sum was
made up of 501. 8s., being a voluntary contribution of the inhabitants
generally, a bequest of 61. 13s. 4d., the proceeds of the sale of old
materials, and from other miscellaneous sources. In the following
year the Gilds were not less active and liberal.

Of these fraternities the Accounts disclose the names of upwards
of 40. Five of these were Trades Gilds, or Gilds founded for the
interests of certain crafts. These were St. Petroc (Skinners and
Glovers), SS. Dunstan and Eloy (Smiths), St. Anian the Bishop
(Cordenerys, Cordwainers ), St. Martin the Bishop (Milwardys,
Millers or Millwrights), and St. John the Baptist, of whom no trade
is named, but probably the Gild consisted of Tailors and Drapers.
All the others were established for social and religious objects, for
the glory of God and the good of man.

Judging from the price of labour, the value of money was about
eight times greater than it is now. A mason and stone-cutter
received 6d. a day, a helyer or slater 5d., a plasterer 6\d.} and a
common labourer and quarryman 3d.

Annexed to the Accounts are the names of 460 inhabitants of
the town, who voluntarily subscribed to the rebuilding of the
church. Many of these names are extinct or merged into other
families, but there are still some representatives of those who thus
substantially showed their veneration for the house of God, who are
at present about to tread in their steps by endeavouring to restore to
its former beauty the holy place around which sleep their honoured
remains.

PREFACE. Vll

The Editor begs to express his gratitude to the late Mr. Richard
Bray, the Town Clerk of Bodmin, for having granted, often at
inconvenience to himself, access to the documents of the Corpora-
tion, and to his son, Mr. George Bray, Sir John Maclean, and the
Rev. William lago, for their valuable assistance in deciphering their
tattered remains.

In conclusion, he dedicates this attempt to elucidate the History
of Bodmin to Commander James Liddell, R.N. J.P. and Alderman
of the Borough of Bodmin, in remembrance of a friendship extending
over nearly a quarter of a century.

Hie liber dico constat ecclesie pertinentm ad Eccle-
siam Parochialem Bodmime videlicet compotus
Thome Jerman pro fabrica Ecelesie.

Remembrans of all the Reseytis as for the byllynge of

the Parish Church of Bodmyn, fro the feste

Dommi 1469° vnto Mychelmas Anno ~Domini * 1470mo,
& Anno Dommi 1471°.

Inpn'mis, of Thomas Carter for a holde cofer of the

Church recevyd . . . . _-•'.'' vj d.

Item of Joh

Item de Will. Androwe for olde tyniber and rnoris f xj d.

Item the same of . . . xviij d.

Item of Isbell lynche for olde tymber . . . iiij d,

Item of John Proute for a lytell sta . . . . . . viij d.

Item of John Cok for old tymber . . . . iiij d.

Item of Thomas Dawne for a holde cofer . . viij d.

Item of Will. Androwe for stonys of the Church . ij s. vj d.

Item of mony fonde yn the church, that is to sey of
Thomas Lucombe4 'Robert Dyer, Bartho^om«t«

Trote, and Thomas Wylliam . . . + v d.

* Henry Gurlyn was vicar, but he died shortly after the commencement of the
work. Shields bearing his arms, some of them unfinished, are on the roof-bosses in
the nave.

f " Mores," a word still in common use in Cornwall for the roots of trees.

J Eoof-bosses display shields of Lucombe arms. Barth. Trote's merchant's mark
is carved on bench-ends.

CAMD. SOC. B

2 RECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

Item of Thomas Barbor, and feliship* for olde tymber xl d.
Item for iij. copelles f °f Thomas . . . .

Item of John Burnarde for a copelle . . . viij d.

Item of John Roby for a copelle .... viij d.

Item of . . . . for a cage that the smale bell range yn j d.

Item for iiij. copelles of Bartholomew Trote . . ij s. viijd.

Item of Thomas Jerman for a holde copelle . , "- viij d.

Item of Jolm Philyp for a holde tre » . . x d.

Item of Bartholomew Trote for stony s y solde at quary vj s. viij d.

Item of Jolm Eawe for old lathis of the church . ij d.

Item of Robert Best for a holde copell * j ' .*'.] . viij d.

Item the dutis siny for stony s sold - » . . xij d.

Item y lecevyd of Harre Sturgen yeft J mony . s iiij d.

Item of Thomas Hancok . . ... . *. ij d.

Item ther was sold to Sir § WilHam the Parish Preste

for olde tymber, the vayle || *-; ,» • ,.. . ij s. iiij d.
Item recevyd for a wyndowe y sold to the Parish of

Hellond . . . . . . . . xxvj s.

Item y recevyd for a wyndowe IF of Seynt Kewa xxvj s. viij d.

Swmma iiij li. ij s. j d.

Also y haue recevyd of the churche wexe perteynynge

to the Ildis ** y vj11 at xc iij d.

Item y recevyd of men at quary dyuers tymys . , ij s.

* " feleship," company.

f Couple-close, a pair of spars for a roof.

J gift-money.

§ " Sir," a common title of the clergy, as Shakespeare's Sir Hugh Evans. William
Bray was instituted on the death of Gurlyng, March 28, 1470. See Maclean's Trigg
Minor, p. 147.

II value.

Tf Many remains of a window containing incidents in our Lord's life are still in
the east window in the north aisle at St. Kew, and said by tradition to have belonged
originally to Bodmin.

** A contribution from the Gilds (ildis~) of wax for the Church.

BODMIN CHURCH. 3

Item y recevyd of William Glynn fro a hold woman

yn the Keynstret . - iijs. ijdob.

Item for the barm * y sold yn Lestithiell stret recevyd xij d.

Item for the bams y . .;..-.-. . -•: .»' - J
Item recevyd of Stephen Greby of mony left fetchynge

the organys fro Exeter <. „ ... • ij s.

Item recevyd for a cowe that Raf Miller yefff to the

work . . . - ;- - . . ... '..>.' . vij s. vj d.
Item y recevyd for a pot y sold that John Nordon yef iij s. vij d.
Item y recevyd J of dyuers men of the towne that

fay led here jornayes at quary, ffrust . . . John
iiij d. iiij d. iiij d.

Bowyer, Robert Cok, William Reue, Thomas

iiij d. iiij d. iiij d. iiij d.

Archer, John Cok, Andrew? Opy, John Watte,

ijd.
William Dreyn, Ric at more,

iiij d. iiij d. iiij d.

WilKam Pole, John Trefarthian, Thomas Crispyn,

iiij d. iiij d. iiij d.

Raf Credy, Jeruys Teyler, John Salisbery, John

iiijd.
Nytherton.

Swmma iiij li. xviij s.

Also y recevyd of Sir John Yeme for parte of a be-
quest of Isbell ffuller , - .«,,:*" . xxvj s. viij d.

Item of WilKam Mason of parte of arrerages § of ac-
compt of the wardeship by the honds of Thomas
Lucombe .... r ., . "y . .. «. xs.

Item recevyd of Margaret, suster of Thomas Bere . x s.

Item of John Wylle of Granpownd . - . . vs.

* Probably the old iron from the windows. f gave-

J These receipts were probably fines.

§ arrears. " He'll grant the tribute, send the arrearages." Cymbeline, Act. ii.
Scene 4.

4 RECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

Item of Thomas Luchy . . , .. .'•'.'• xld.

Item of Shirston „ ' iijs. ivd.

Item of Thomas Trote . ;M xs.

Thomas Bere for a jorney to fetch lyme .

Item of a man of Exeter . v; V1 :i , , iiij d.

Itemofaprest . - , s . •> : j d.

Item of a. . .person , „ , , ! ;; » . "• xxd.

Item of Thomas Watte for a plank y sold . . „ vij d.

Item of Hancok Harry . „ .-„"'» ". xs.

Item of the .... of Johrc Netherton v - > . * . ij s.

Item of Thomas Colom . ,. .. . , .» ij d.

Item of John Togyon for a hold chandeler sold . ij s.

Item of Edmond Beket for old lathis sold ,. ". • xx d.

Item of Thomas Lucombtf for old tymber ' , , , xij d.

Item off Jerman for old tymber . . . iij d.

Item to BarthoZomew Trote for crestis,* iij. pipis,

bordis, and old twistz'sf •* - . •• , - * ' *' vd.

Item the seide Bartholomew for old gare f . - . vj d.
S?mima iiij li. xij s. viij d.

Memorandum that Thomas for seide hath iQcevyd of
the stewardis of the Ridyng § Ildis as for holdyng
of . . . . by . . . .of ston made and ratid.

* " Crest " and " crecis," tiles to cover the ridge of the roof.

f Hinges are still sometimes called twists.

J gear, stuff.

§ Ildis, Guild or Gild. The festival of the " Ryding Gilds," held on the Sunday
and Monday after the feast of St. Thomas the Martyr (Becket), July 7th, is
thought hy some to have been established in commemoration of the recovery of St.
Petrock's bones in 1177; by others to have been a continuation of the old Floralia.

Having elected a " steward," the trading gilds, masters and apprentices, bearing
the emblems of their trades, with the town's folk generally, attended church on the
Sunday, and on their return distributed the church-ale from house to house, receiving
from the inhabitants contributions according to their means. On the following day
the gilds went in procession on horseback (whence the name) to the Priory, where
they received "garlands gay." After this the sports began, and the revelry became

BODMIN CHURCH.

ffrust for seynt Loy is Ilde of John Hancok . ' xiij s. iiij d.

Item of seynt Petrok is Ilde of Richard Colom . xiij s. iiij d.

Item of seynt John is Ilde of John Prowte ". xxvj s. viij d.

Item of seynt Anyan is Ilde of Thomas Hay . xxvj s. viij d.

Item of seynt Martyn is Ilde of Thomas ffykk . xiij s. iiij d.
Swmma iiij li. xiij s. iiij d.

Memorandum of the receipt off the Ildis longyng to

the Church and Parish that the seide Thomas

recevyd.

ffrust off Erasmos Episcopi is Ilde . . . x li. ij s. xj d.
Item de gilda Beate Marie virginis in capella Sancti

Georgii Martens . . . . . . xx s.

Item de gilda Beate Marie virginis in cancello Pa^o-

chiali ....... xxiiij s. iiij d.

.De gilda sancti Thome Marta/ris in Cimitmo . . iij li. x s.
. . . gilda ex altars ...... xxxvij s. vj d.

. . . gilda sancti Jacobi Aposfoli ibidem. . , . xx s. x d.
. . . gilda beate Marie Magdalene ibidem . . , xliiij s.

........ Sancti Georgii Martyris, viz. in Capella iij li. xviij s.

Swmma xxiiij li. xvij s. vij d.

De gilda Corporis X1 in eccl^ia parochiali vj li. iij s. iiij d.

De gilda sancti Johannis Baptist . . ixlL xiij s. iiij d.

De gilda de virginibus de fforstret Ais » , '\ q x* d

. . .3

De gilda de v^-ginibMS de Borestret . .

De gilda sancd Petroci videlicet le Skynners & Glo-

uerys ,.' • ^ ^, ^ . . . . . vj li.

De gilda sancti Dunstani et Eloy videlicet Smethis . vj li.

" fast and furious." In 1583 we find an order by the Mayor and masters of the
shoemakers "that at the ryding every master and journeyman shall give their
attendance to the steward, and likewise bring him to the church upon pain of 12 d.
for every master, aud 6d. for every journeyman, for every such default, to the dis-
cretion of the masters of the occupation."

6 RECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

De gilda sancti Aniani Epwcoyoi viz. Corde-

nerys* • •. „ iij li. vj s. viij d.

De gilda sancti Martini Episcopi viz. Milwardysf liij s. iiij d.

Swmma xxxiiij li. ij s. vij d.

De noua gilda apud le Bery de Hicardo Dakis et Joa-

cliym Hoper . . . . . . xj s.

De gilda sancte Ciucis apud le Bery, videlicet de

Penses .-.•••• '. . ..' - •*,-'? ; .-• .-".:.• 1 .. . ... xvij s. j d.

De gilda sancte Anne apud seynt Nicholaum de Petro

Mason . . . . r. ' '' ,\ . . x s.

De arrerag«5 de gilda beate Margarete apwd le Bore

de Thoma Bere . ... . * . vj s. viij d.
De gilda beate Marie de Walsyngam de Jenyn Sade-

ler et socio suo .. .. .. xs.

De gilda sancti Erasmi videKcet de arreragzYs de Jo-

hawne Cok, tanner . . . . xiij s. iiij d.

De gilda sancte Anne apud le Bore de Johawne

Broker . . ... \ . . ' ^ ; "., . xxs.

De Johanne Hay de arreragm de gilda apud le Bore iiij s.

De Johanne Renawdyn pro gilda sawed Dauyd apud

le Bore , . xj s. vij d.

Idem Johannes de gilda sancte Margarets apud le

Bore '",. • •; iij s. xj d.

De gilda omnium sanctorum apud le Bore de Henn'co

Moyle ..,, vijs.

De gilda sancti Dauyd in forestret de Adam Hicke . v s.

De gilda omnium sancforwm in Polestret de Thoma

Colom ,, . „ .. ; .".", %,... -;j, ..;-..,.• .1 j: ixs.

De gilda sancti Cristofory apud le Bery cum Johanne

Philip xj s. solvit vs. et respowo'etf vj s. <- .• - '

* Bodmin has always been famous for its cordwainers or shoemakers,
f Millers are now sometimes called " Millards."

BODMIN CHURCH. 7

De gilda sawed Leonard! Episcopi cum Ricardo Dakys

& Kogenald Gwynnowe , , , ._„' xxiij s. iiij d.
De gilda sawed Nicho/ai Ep&copi at seint Nicholas

cum Hicardo Harry '*_•«', * . , iiij s. xj d.
De Gylda sawcfe Trinitatis apud Sanctum Leonardum

cum uxore Johannis Bryant . BOHV. t'8« . vs.

De gilda sawed Mathei Apostoli apud le Bore cum

Johawwe Perryn, viij s. manet per manus, viij s.
De gilda sawed Martini Epwcopi cum Johanne

Bocher .- > . ..«.,.. .. , .> ;. «••• xxiij s.

Plegiwm Neellw Lankelly & Johannis Bryant & so-

lutum ,-.. • . , , . , ; * . xs.

De arreragio gildg omniwm sanctorum apud le Bore

cum Johanne Trelodrowe . . . iij s.

De gilda sawed Cristofori apud le Bery Anno E[d-

wardi]. 9° leceptum .... x ,./;; xvs.

Stanma

Memorandum y recevyd for wex gaderyng of Church
this hier Anno.

ffrust De Willielmo Androwe pro Cera gilde sawed

Dauyd apud le forstret , . . . . ij s. vj d.

De sera sawed Lug Ewangelist de Thoma Colom &

Johawwe Lyde ...... xs.

De sera sawed Michael's de Johawwe Cok et Johawwe

Hancok . . . . . . . . xv d.

De sera sawcfe Trinitatzs de Ricardo Harry

De sera sawed Leodegarii de Gy Sadelere . . iij s.

De sera sancte Clarg de Henrzco Sturtgyn . . iij s. iiij d.

De sera sawed Gregorii Pape de Petro Sadelere ••'# $ xviij d.

De sera sawed Thome de WilhWmo Carpenter & Jo-
hawwe Togyn . . • ;. v : - * -... xvj d.

De sera Beate Marie Virginis in le Porch in ecclesia

Parochial nil

8 RECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

De cera sancte Trinitat& de Andrea Opy et Johanne

Trelodrowe - .. " -,. * . . . . vs.

De cera sancte Katerine Virginia de Johanne Don-
worthy ••••»•'.* * • ,. . . . iij s.

De cera sancfe Katerine de Thoma Wylliam . . iij s.

Swmma

Memorandum De receptis post festum sancti Michae/is

Anno Dommi 1470°.

Recepi de nowa condonacione circa villam.

De cera sancte Katmne . . . • / . . iiij s. xj ob.

De gilda sancti Aniani Epscopi . . . xxvj s. viij d.

De limine sancti Stephani !>. . , . . iiij s. vd.

De gilda sancti Martini Epzscopi . • . '. . xs.

De frafernitattf Marie Magdalene . . * v j s .viij d. ob.

De congregations sancte Clare ^ . ' . • . •

De fra^ernitate sancri Jacobi . . -: . . . vj s. viij d.

De frafcrnitate sancte Crucis . . <- . vj s. viij d.

De frafemitate Beate Marie in Cancello . . - . vj s. viij d.
De fratemitate Beate Marie in Capella sancd Georgii vj s. viij d.
Swmma vli. xiij s. iiij d.

Also y yeff yn the town voluntarie as the paper makith

mensyon '. . . * . Hi. viij s. j d.

Swmma 1 li. viij s. j d.

recevyd for the bequest of Raf Dyer vj li. xiij s. iiij d.

Swmma vj li. xiij s. iiij d.

Memorandum that y haue recevyd off the Ildis of the
town wich is graimted thorght the town ....
of the pore comenys obolus a man.

ffrust of seynt Loye is Ihde off Thomas Coloin iij li. xvj s. v d.

Cum factura ij. wyndowys . < *• t . xiij s

BODMIN CHURCH. 9

Item of seynt Petrok is Ilde of Richard Dyuer . . xlj s.
Item of seynt John is Ilde of John Trevarthian et

socm ,' :• .:^ 'V*< '•'*'.;. . . . vjli. xj s. ixd.

Item of seynt Anyan is Ilde of Thomas Wylliam viij li. xiij s. iiij d.

Et per manws Johannis Cok

Item of seynt Martyn is Ilde of John Eawe &

... for . • v . . ^ . '• . •. - - ; •-, Is.

Item of the that be yn no Ilde of the Maier " . '. vij s. ij d.
Swmma

Also y haue recevyd dyuers other reseitt'0 as hit

aperith
iFrust of Thomas Lucombe for tymber y sold haishis *

yn the licherise sold . . . ... vs.

Item of Joachym Hoper for tymber ther ... vs.

Item of John Berg for xxx. there sold . . . •' . vj s. viij d.

Hem to the newe smyth for tymber sold . , . xiiij d.
Swmma

Item y recevyd of William Cok is wif . . . vs.

Item of John White for Henn/ Olyuer yef to the work viij s.

Item Henry Sturgen yef . . . • . . ' . ij d.

Item the sone of Thomas Bodynyell . . j . xl d.

Item of John Symon of Bod ... . Y . ; . vs.

Item de Roberto Sperk Capella^o . . * . iiij d.

De Davyd Witfen . . . . ' \ -.'. '• • . - j d.
Item of Stephen Greby of the gaderyng of the Trinite f

Ii3th V .. .- .- .- .{ -»>:-; iijs. iiij d. ob.

Item of Auery Skeis and Thomas Jerman ,J . . ij d.

Item of Ciceli Serle for a crokke sold xx d

* Ash-trees in the Church-yard,
\ Money collected for Trinity lights or candles.
CAMD. SOC. C

10 KECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

Item of John Hardy, Carpenter . xx d.

Item for a goys * y yeff ...... ij d.

Item y lecevyd a pipe of lyme y yef with Thomas

lymby .,.- : /. ' «•' "T^>. :•. •< :"l '.v. •'-••

Item y recevyd for a lome f y yef .. :. . •» r • vd.

Item a nother lome > . . i ., ; *.' ^:,. • iiij d.

Item per limme aancti Michaels Anno Yegni xegis

wardi iiij*1 xj° . •./.' ':.•••;•-.• '' ; • fc'jjy*

Item of the maidenys yn fforstret ... '• .^ vj s.

Item of seynt Thomas Ilde yn Church hay . x s.

Item of the maidenys of the borestret - . . * \ xvij d.

Item of Johw Rogger of Lonke y iQcevyd yn parti of

payment . .. .. ,: t V . . . vj s. viij d.

Item of John Davy, Draper, for a jorney . » » iiij d.

Item of a semant of Thomas Jerman ^ ,- ; >,->« iij d.

Item of the parish pepell . . *,..;. ,\ xixs.

Item xviij s. per vicarium. Item de John Glyn . v s.
Summa iij li. xx d.

Also y recevyd of Corpws Christi is hilde of Wilh'am

Bodynyell and Wilh'am Glyn . ;" >. .. iiij li.

for the arrerages of Anno Edwardi iiij*1 xmo.

Item of the Eydyng Ilde, viz. of Seynt loy is Ilde

Anno 'Edwardi iiij11 xjmo ..... x s.

Item of seynt Petrok is Ilde . ., ,, * xiij s. iiij d.

Item of seynt John is Ilde .... xxvj s. viij d.

Item of seynt Anyan is Ilde . ^ . ..• , . '- ./«• -, xs.

Item of seynt Martyn is Ilde, iij s. iiij d. Anno
wardi iiij*1 xj° . . • . . .„ * "

* goose. f lamb.

BODMIN CHURCH. 1 1

Item of the wardenys of the Parish Church, of Dauyd

Witfen and Martyn Hogge, with Ber<3 is part xxxix s. ix d.

ix li. iij s. j d.

Item of the player* yn the Church Hay William

Mason and his fellowis • ;L '" , , . , »-; '-, . vs.

Item of John Skewis for a jornay . . * ~. iij d.

Item de William Perish for a rayellg ; - « • ^ viij d.

This is the expens and cosies don a pon the church of

Bodmyn yn Byllynge of the hit a perith

after.

ffrust for crecis . . . . . . vd.

Item to William Mayowe for stonys to the grase ta-

belltff ........ ixd.

Item for same stonys . . . . xx d.

Item to Thomas Bodinyell for stonys for the same

Work . ' '. •' . . ' . . . . ij s. ij d.

ij. Berwys . _.* . iij d.

Item for a easier J . . . . \. . . ij d-

* Fairs, markets, games, &c., were held in church-yards in early times, generally
on the north side of the church. In the statutes, 13 Edw. I., stat. ii. c. 6, " the King
commandeth and forbiddeth that from henceforth neither fairs nor markets he kept
in Church yards for the honour of the Church." Plays and games seem to have
lasted much later, for we find in the Visitation Articles of the Archdeacon of Suffolk
in 1638, " Have any playes, feasts, banquets, suppers, church-ales, drinkings, temporal
courts or leets, lay juries, musters, exercise of dauncing, stoole ball, foot ball, or the
like, or any other profane usage been suffered to be kept in your Church, Chappel, or
Churchyard?"

f The grase tabclle is perhaps the plinth or course of stones immediately above
the surface of the ground, or may be the string-course below the battlements.
A sieve.

12 EXPENSES IN BUILDING

Item for parchementos for to make roily s . . . j d.

Item for ly . „• . .

Item for grase tabelk stony s for seint John is Ilde . iij s. vj d.

Item for fetchyng home f Organys . . xvs. xd.

Item to William Perisch, Mason, for ij. jornayes vnder

the grase tabelle William Dole for ix.

jornayes at quarell . v 'r. \ : '> •. * ; V. iij s.

Item to Thomas Gylle and his man a jornay .....

the grase tabelle . . . . . . ixd.

Item ij. Quartms dimid. of lyme . * . iij s. j d. ob.

Item for viij. hurdelles to case xiiij d.

Item to Thomas Opy, mason, j. jornay „ • ...» vd.

Item for stony s fo the chanseler dor and dr ix d.

Item for ij. jornays to Eic. Richowe fo scapelyng*

stonys for the grase tabelltf . . . xij d.

Willmm Perish ij. jornayes & dimid . , xijd. ob.

Item to Thomas Gylle for ij. jornayes under the grase

tabelle . .',.'.. . .. xd.

Item his man ij. journayes . . , ^.. . viij d.

Item to Ude Hancok for v. jornayes to the same . , xxij d.

Item to John Hancok worchyng under the grase ta-

bell x. jornayes . . . . .' .. ... : iiij s.

Item to Hichard fforthe for xiiij. jornayes and dim^.

apon the jambys of the chanseler dor and vpon

the grase tabell yn seynt John is Ilde . - . vij s. iij d.
Item to "WilKam Mason for iv. jornayes, & dimid. to

the same work v % * . V

Item to his man a jornay to the same '. ' . ' :,
Summa

Item for scapelyng of stonys to Pentewyn to John

Hancok and his felowis . .. ...... . xj s.

* Scapelyng, rough-hewing.

BODMIN CHURCH. 13

Item for cariage of the same stony s from Pentewyn to

seynt Wynnowe . . . . . - . xj s.

Summa xxij s.

Item to Richard Richowe for the taxk work,* that is to
seye, Eeceyvd for the pelerys yn iij. payments .
Swmma xxij li.

Item the seide Richard hath Receyvd for the peloris
Betwene the chanseler and seynt John is llde yn
complete payment . . t . : '•*.-. * vj li.

Samma vjli.

Item delyue^ed to Richard Richowe and his felowys
for the taxke worke of the seide Wallys off the
South side, and on the Nor the side ... xij li

Item .,,•'. . . . . . . . xx s.

Item die doimVzica ante festum Natalm Domim . x s.

Item ij° die Februam x s.

Item . . . . . . . iij li. viij s.

Summa xvij li. viij s.

Item payed to the seide Richard Richowe for scape-

lyng stony s at more for the wyndowys . . viij s.

Item to the seide Richard for the chanseler dore and
the gabell windowe yn Seynt John is llde for
scapelyng . . . . -. . ! xviij s. vj d.

Item to John Hancok for the same work . .. ^ iij s. ixd.

Item to Richard Richowe and to his felowys for draw-
yng ston at mor and scapelyng for the pelo/is
betwene seynt John is llde and the chanseler xxxv s. v d.
Summa iij li. v s. viij d.

* Contract for the pillars.

14 EXPENSES IN BUILDING

Item to Richard Richowe and his felowys, for dyuers

jornayes don:
flfrust to Richard Richowe ij. jornayes and dimid.

apon the jam bys of the north dor •., . . xvd.

hem to Robert Wetter and Petrok Gwelys ffor xlix.

jornayes for the wyndowe a bowe the vyse xxiiij s. vj d.

Item to Petrok Gwelys and his feleship for drawyng

and scapelyng stonys at Pentewyn . . xxxv s.

Item for lond leve * of the stonys ;' L ; . ' ; > .! vs. vj d.
Item for cariage of the stonys fro Trewardreith .; ij s.

Item to the Wenen's f . • . • -• • -••• • •• ij d.

Item to Ric. Richowe for xiiij. jornayes apon the

gabell wyndowe . , v . . . . vij s.

Item to Robert Wettor viij. jornayes to the same -. :. iiij s.

Item to Petrok Gwelys for xviij. jornayes and dimid.

apon the same . . : .L - • , ^ :-^: ';J - - »;."'[•', ixs. iij d.
Item to William Hayne for xiiij. jornayes and dimid. vij s. iij d.
Item to William Bettowe for xviij. jornais & dimid.

to the same . ., .. ., • .. • &;•..... ixs. iij d.
Item to Morly for xiiij. jornais for the same •„ vij s.

Item to Thomas Hancok for ij. jornais vnder the

grase tabell . . . . . . x d.

Item to John Hancok for xj. jornais and dimid. apon

the wyndowys v' . . !. .. v : . vs. vj d.
Item for candeles to the masenys a fore Cristmas * x d.

Item for londe leve at Pentewyn r 11 s, -., / , -. " • viij d.

Item to Thomas Hayne for xix. jornais and dimid.

apon the north side . ," . U :!• Li ixs. xd.
Item to Petrok Gwelys for xiiij. jornais and dimid. . vij s. iiij d.
Item to William Bettowe for xix. jornais and dimid.

for the sam. TJ!V >:.,*,-.',.:. .*;.*•;, . ixs. viij d.
Item to John Hancok for xiiij. jornais to the same . vij s. ij d.
Item to Thomas Hayne for xiiij. jornais to the same . vij s.

* Permission to quarry stones. f Waggoners.

BODMIN CHURCH. 15

Item for candelles for the same worke after cristmas . ix d.

Item y payed for scapelyng of the chapitaries* betwene

the chancery and seynt John is Ilde ; . • ixs.

Summa viij li. ix s. viij d.
Tot. fol. Ivij li. x s. ij d.

Item for cariagg of the same stony s to seynt Blasy . xxd.

Item byeng the same . . . . ^ . . . , ;
Item to William Hayne iij. jornayes a bowte jambys

of the north wyndowe ... . ' •„ " „ . xviij d.
Item to Betty for iiij. jornays apon the same . ij s.

Item to John Hancok for ij. jornays apon the same . xij d.

Item to John Hancok for shittyng f of the newe work

and the olde . . . . . . . v s. vj d.

Item to Richard Bichowe and his felowys apon the

wyndowys yn the north side a weke after . . viij s.

Item to Robert Wettor and Petrok Gvelys and the

feliship for xliij. jornays and dimid. apon the

north wyndowys and the half arch sittyng yn

the north side . . . . . .'• r V xxj s. ixd.

Item to John Hancok for xiij. jornays apon the same

and ouer the stypell J dore . . . . \ .. vj s. vj d.
Item to Thomas Hancok for vij. jornayes apon the

same and dimid. jornay . ;.; . .. .:... . . iij s. ixd.
Item to Vde Hancok for v. jornayes apon the same . xxd.

Item to John Hancok for x. jornays and dimid. apon

goter stonys and bergis § of the puny on || . v* . vs. iij d.
Item to Thomas Hancok v. jornayes and dimid. apon

goter stonys and bergis - * f ^ ;•:.: ,'.- . ij s. iij ob.

* Chapitaries, capitals of the columns.

f " shet " = " shut " = " closed " (Halliwell) ; " schetyng," Prompt. P0rv.
" closing," a closing up.

J This steeple was destroyed by lightning in 1699.

§ Berge or Verge, — the projecting slate or tile overhanging the gable of a building.
|| Puny on, a gable.

1 6 EXPENSES IN BUILDING

Item to Whitford Mason in mense Julii Anno E[d-

wardi] iiij" x° at more x s. vj d.

Item to John Hancok at more xviij. jornayes apon

the garotts pilors and wyndowys . . . ix s.

Item to Ade a serusmt for the masenys xv. jornays at

quari , ... * . . . vs.

Item to Robert Wettor, William Hayn, & Witford at

quary lij. jornays , . . / . -v . xxvij s.

Item to same feliship Robert and his felowys at Church

a pon the garettis and north wyndowys and parte

XX

ther of quary iiij. j.jornay .-. '. .. ± u£. xls. ixd.
Item to Thomas Archer for mendyng a wall plate and
mendyng the drey . . .
Summa

Also y paied for lyme :. ft*;4 risfl * .. . xiiij d.

Item to Robert Bere iij. jornayes at quary ^ •„ . ixd.

Item for hurdel * -..*•.• ^ vj d.

Item for lyme y fetf Will. Matthy . .. . * iiij s. j d.

Item to Thomas Archer for mendyng the dreyes „ ij d.

Item to Robert Bere a jornay at quary . > - iij d.
Item to Andrew Glyn and John Glyn for cariage of

the restms fro Lestithiell yn Wenys : ^\ > xvij s.
Item to Cowlyng & Shypper for cariage of tymber

fro Repmia Newton and Glyn .;£• .- ;^ , vs.

Item to the seide personys for iiij. Mi/, stonys . . xj s. iiij d.

Item to Robert Bere for ' . . .' «.

Item for makyng the crane and the boket . » . vij s. ix d.

Item dimid. quarter lyme . . . .,. . 6 d. ob.
Item yn expens yn Wyne to Tregarthyn for leve for

to have stonys fro the qwary . . » : j d. ob.

Item for naylys for to amende the dreyes •. . . xij d.

* " hurdel " = " harle," hair or wool (Halliwell). f Fet, fetched.

BODMIN CHURCH. 17

Item for hausyng * the tymber hous and keuery * him

yn the Church hay . .. „'< . . . xij d.
Item for v. bordis for the Church dore » * . . iiij s. ij d.

Item to Lobbe for caryage of a tre fro Glyim . . xij d.

Item for a hours to bere the masenys gere to iij d.

Item for a forest bylle f y yef to Tregarthyn for licens

to have stonys for / F .' '-„ ' xiiij d.

Item fillyng of treis at Glyn . , ^ + '• ' I •'' r vj d.

Item for lyme „ '•'*'- ' . . '•-•"•' V "i xiiij d.

Item for a pipa to mende the dreyes ... . ix d.

Item to Henry Carpenter for mendyng the dreyes . vij d.
Item to John Nicolyne for inakyng synternys J of a

wyndowe . . . . . * - . » vj d.
Item to Robert Bere for sparres and to Baby for the

hous • \ . . ... . . iiij d.

Item to Alic. Pole for strawe for thecth the walls /. : iiij d.

Item lyme y fet Seynt Wynnowe > * . . xj s.

Item for a quarter strawe to the mayer . . . . vj d.

Item for a quarter strawe of John Togyon . . vj d.
Summa

Item to John Hervy for scafelyng tymber . : ., . ij s.

Item for iiij. barelles § lyme, iij s. iiij d. fro Padestow

Item for 1 quarter lyme & dimid. . . , xxj d.

Item for a pole of Bras for the crane . . . ; . x d.

Item to Thomas Hay for a rope to the crane . . . : xl d.

Item for strawe to William Mason . , v .

Item to Leye the thoch the hous . . ...... iiij d.

Item for squaryng the treis that Joh. Arundell,

knyght, and Joh. Hygow yef . . ,. .\ xxd.

Item for stonys . . . „ . ... vij d.

* Raising and covering. f forest bill, same as lond leve, above.

£ Syntern or centre, a frame of wood to support an arch in building.
§ The cost of lime averaged 3^. per bushel, Is. per barrel, Is. kd. per quarter
from 4:8. to 4s. 5d. per pipe, and 12s. per last.
CAMD. SOC. D

18 EXPENSES IN BUILDING

Item for cariag of lyme fro Pendevy ... x d.
Item to laurence Renaudyn for cariag ij. pipis of lyme

fro Pendevy . xvj d.

Item y paiede for a last of lyme at Padestowe . . xij s.

Item for iiij. Mill, latthis at Padestowe . . . xxxvj s.

Item y paiede to Raf. Hopkyn for iij. M*7/. . . xxvs.

Item for freit of the same latthis . ; . . . . . viij s.

Item for beryng and caria the same latthis . . ix d.

Item to John Lyde for worchyng apon the syntms . vj s. iij ob.

Item for lyme 3 . . . • ; - - ." :. iiij s. ij d.

Item for a rope ; . . . ... '. ij d.

Item for possyng * the chanceler . s. ;. • - . . ij s.
Item to John Wetter, Carpenter, for possyng the rof

of the chancelor and mendyng the crane and

other labor , . . . * . . viij s. ix d.

Item iiij. pair tresis . . , . -.. . . vd.
Item for lyme , , , . . v -. • vs. vd.

Item for iij. pipis lyme at Padestow . . xiij s. iiij d.
Item to John Bare to bere a letter yn to Devonshire

to the Carpenteris . . ...-.<• . . . vj d.
Item to Wilh'am Southrey for tynnyng nay Is for the

chanceler dore . . . ' '. / . ix d.
Item to Weneshot f borde for the same dore and other

borde to ynne parte ; . v' . ., . iij s. vij d.

Item for twiste and crokis for the same dore xxij Ib. . xxij d.

Item for nailis with v strok hedes . . . . ij s.
Item for workmanship of the dore . . . . "'
Item for other nayle ; '. ; . . . /

Item for cariage of lyme fro Padestow . ,. , xij d.
Swmma xvij li. xvij s. ix d.

Item for ij. quarteris and dimid. of lyme . ., .. : ij s. xd.

Item j . mill stony? . * . • . .-. .' . ij s. viij d.

* Propping the roof of the chancel, which was not tnen restored. f wainscot.

BODMIN CHURCH. 19

Item for iij. cariage of lodis of tymber fro the Park

wode * . . ij s. vj d.

Item for drynk for Wenerys ij d.

Item to John Benyt of Padistowe for iiij. pipis iyme xvij s. viij d.

Item for cariage of scafelyng tymber to ~Laurence Ke-

naudyn xij d.

Item yn Iyme fet at Kylle yn Mail and Witsonday

weke ....... xviij s. iiij d.

Item for CC yren for a wyndowe yn the north side . vij s.

Item to John Jogyn for yren work and sertayn for a
wyndowe yn seynt John is Ilde, and a barre for
the quary ....... xix s.

Item for small barre for a wyndowe . ; ; ' ; ' xd.

Item the gabele wyndowe the yren work weyth
CCCCLiiij li. of the wich Sir John Kyngdon yef
CCCxxxviij Ib. and so ther was borth Cxvj Ib. and
that Cxvj Ib. came with the workmanschip xxvj s. viij ob.

Item for nailis to the dreys and scafelyng tymber . v d.

Item to Thomas Colom for the yren work and yren
for the ij. wyndowys yn the south side benethe
seynt John is Ilde xlj s.

Item to Thomas Archer vj. jornays apon syntms . ij s.

Summa

Also y paiede to John Lyde and to M&thew Carpenter
for seynt John is Ilde tymber . "..v,

Summa xx li. xiij s. iiij d.

Also y paiede to Sam. Carpenter for the taxkwork

yn the north syde . . . . . ix li. xviij

Summa ix li. xviij s.

Also y paiede to John Hopkyn for c and dimid. &

xx Ib. lede for the goteris . . vj li. xiij s. iiij d.

Item for cariage of the same lede . , . ; . ij s. ix d.

20 EXPENSES IN BUILDING

Item for DCCCxij Ib. of lede fro the mynys . . 1 s. xj d.
Item for DC lede fro seynt Iva Parish . . xxxix s. xj d.
Item for D lede for the north partis . . xxxiij s. iiij d.

Item for carie the same . . . . . . ij s. vj d.

Item for iij. quateris lede to the plumer . V . vs.

Item yn expens fecthyng lede . -. . L" * iij ob.

Item for castynge and settynge lede xlj c. . i i . " \. xlj s.
Item for sauder Ivij. * * * . . ".$ ' * . xiiij s. iij d.
Summa xvj li. iij s. iij d. ob.

Also y paiede to Thomas Hawyt for viij. jornayes

hewying stony s . ..... iij s. iiij d.

Item y paiede for vj. Mill, helyng stones . , t. _, xvj s.

Item for vj. lodes of cariage fro the more pelor stones xij s.

Item to lauience Renawdyn and John Hervy ffor

cariage fro Pentewyn ix. semys . . » ' ij s. xd.

Item yn drynk to theym , . « + ^ • j d.

Item to Thomas Archer to mende the dreys ,. . ix d.

Item y paied for iij. pip&s lyme .. .. . * xij s.

Summa xlvij s.

Also to William Carpenter of Bedyforth for parte of

the taxk . . -.. . • . . .. iij li.

Item for Angel . . . '. ' ." . . vj s. viij d.

Item for bordis .. » .* , * . * . » - „- ixs.

Item at rader day * . . . . . . . xls.

Summa v li. xv s. viij d.

Also y paiede to Robert Wettor and to his feliship at
more for the iij. pelerouris & dimid. the Church
dore, & porch dore, and wyndowys, and the

makynge of seynt John is auterl. jornays . , xxvs.

Item to Hayn, mason, xxv. jornays . :. . . . xij. vj d.

Item to Whitford xlij. dayes for the same work . xxj s.

* The riding day.

BODMIN CHURCH. 21

Item for cariagtf fro Pentewyn to Trewardreith . xj s. vij d.

Item y paled to Andre Opy for a pipe . . . viij d.
Item to John Togyn for nayl^s for the knottis * and

to stodel | and to the goter .... xxij d.

Item to Thomas Colom for nayl to the same . . iiij d.
Item paied to Ronold Mason for helyng yn the north

syde ./ . . . . . '. vj s. viij d.

Item to Thomas Gylle for helyng there .. r ' * vj s. viij d.

Item y paide to Amys Codan for stodel i ; ' ; viij d.
Item to Thomas Gille and Ronold Mason for the sam

work . v . T . . '"*'.. ' . "$ '• vs.
Item to John Nicoll, Carpenter*, for makyng the goter

for the plains . „ '. . . . . xvd.

Item to John Antony for the same . . ^ .- xvd.

Item a tre y bprth of Jervys Tayler . V . viij d.

Item for makyng of a M.UI. pynnys . . . ij d.

Item for a hacth nayle . . ... . j d.

Item to Thomas Hawys for helyng yn the north

Ilde . . . . . .' » . vs. viij d.

Item for lyme . ~ < . * .' . ij s. viij d.

Item for iij. treis Devyok . . . ixd.

Item for iiij. Mill, ston . .' . ... . xs. viij d.

Item to Ede Hancok for seruynt the helyng t . vijs. viij d.
Item to John Anteny fore tymber fore the south

gotms . . . .' ." . „ ' , xxij d.

Item for cariage of the north ty miner . . ij s. viij d.
Item to Hichard Trote to ride to gete carer for the

newe tymber' . . . . . . . : xd.

Item to John Hog#e for housyng latthis and lyme . xvj d.

Item to Petrok Gwelys xix. dayes at more . . ixs. vj d.

* Knottis, bosses.

f "stodel?" = stadell, a support. This, however, is very doubtful, for the
explanation does not agree with the use of the same word four lines below. It is
probably some ancient local term.

22 EXPENSES IN BUILDING

Item to John Oggere for iij. pipw lyme & a barell ij s.

for cariage .......

Item to John Helyere for iiij. Mill, pynnys . . viij d.
Item to John Renawdyn juner for cariag tolys to the

more and too semys * stony s home ayen . . viij d.

Item lather for pargetyng f seynt John is Ilde . . viij d.
Item to John Austell for smiyng the Carpenter ij.

dayes • * --, - viij d.

Item to Laurens renawdyn for scafelyng tymber /, . ; viij d.

Item for vj. paires glovys to the Carpentms it sffl i vj d.
Item for lyme to drew at seynt Wynnowe .. xiij s. iiij d.

Item to William Hamond for a cariag fro the' more ij s.
Item to Cowlynge Mill, stones . . .. .~ . -,, . '. ij s. xd.

Item to Huet iiij. Mill, stoms xj s. iiij d.

Item to He wet for iij. cariagis fro the more £ « . . vs. xd.
S?^mmalxxli. xvs. vij d.

Item for iij. Mill, ston - . . . • .. * . .... ; .. . viij s.

Item for a payuer J . ... . . iij d.

Item for a easier .... . . . . . iij d.

Item payed to Gybbe for wynde bergis and the

cariage is . . . . . . . -. iiij s. vj d.

Item for grete stonys and tabell stonys . . . , vij s.
Item to Richard ffree and his felowys for grete stonys

and tabell stonys . . . . . . . xviij s«

Item for ij. Mill, stones . ^. •• ,,. .. .^ . vs. j d.

Item for cariage fro the downe the same tyme . . iiij s.

Item to Shippere and Cowlyng for ij. Mill, stonys . vs. ij d.

Item ij. cariages fro the more . > ... . . . * xld.

Item to Roger Stevyn for a letter beryng to Tavystok vj d.
Item to John Hygowe and Losquit for drynk bryngyng

to the Church a tre . . ... . ij d.

Item j. bushel of lyme -...'... . . . iij d.

* loads. f Laths for plastering. J pavior.

BODMIN CHURCH. 23

Item to John Nicolyn and Antony for makyng of
too sengelere * yn Ilde of Corpi^s Christi and yn
the Chancelere ...... xvj d.

Item to John Helyer for v. Mill, ston hewyng . . ij s. j d.

Item Henr. Panter for help wene tymber . . . iiij d.

Item for cariage of a tre y fet at Holewich Master

A very yef . . . . . . xij d.

Item for iiij. Mill, stonys xs. & viij d. of Thomas
Berewek . » . • . • % $1 ' .'

Item to John Antony for worchyng apon the gotms xxij d.

Item for ij. Mill, stonys of Russell . . . vs. ij d.

Item for cariage fro seynt Stevyn the same time • : I ; xl d

Item for ij. semys sond for the plomer .. , .- ij d.

Item to Kussell and Huet for iij. Mill, stonys . . viij d.

Item for iij. lodis stonys fro the more the same tyme vs.

Item to John Nicoll Antony for sawyng and worch-
yng apon the gotms . '. . . . iiij s. vij d.

Item to Thomas Heuet for ij. Mill, stom/s fyt ; -<• ' vs. iiij d.

Item to Thomas Russell for a lode of stonys fro the

more . . . .- . . . . '.' . xxd.

Item to Ric. Carpenter and to Thomas Reue for sawyng

and worchyng apon the gotms . j|i . ij s. viij d.

Summa v li. xj s. iiij d.

Also y paiede to the helyeris that helid f the Church :

ffrust to Thomas Gylle for xiiij. jornays & dimid. . vj s. ob.

Item to Ronold Mason xiij. days & dimid. . . . v s. vij d.

Item to William Perish for x. dayes & d\mid. . „ iiij s. ij d.

Item to John Roby for ix. dayes . . . . ' . ' , . iij s. ixd.

Item to Thomas Hancok for xiiij. dayes & dimid. . I vj s.

Item to John Deyowe for x. dayes . . . , :. iiij s. ij d.

Item to a smiant of Thomas Gylle xiij. dayes & dimid. v s. vij d.

* Wild boars; figures of wild boars for some ornament, perhaps armorial,
f Helid, covered or roofed.

24 EXPENSES IN BUILDING

Item to a smiant to Eonold Mason for xiiij. & dimid. vj s. ob.

Item to Thomas Hawys for xiiij. dayes & dimid. . vj s. ob.

Item to Thomas Gille for vj. Mill, pynnys . ij s.

Item to Thomas hancok for v. Mill, pynnys . xx d.

Item to John Deyowe for iij. jornays . v . xvd.
Summa liij s. iij d. ob.

Also y paiede to John Hancok for helyng seynt John

is Ilde yn taxk „ . , . . . . . xx s.

Summa xxs.

Also y borth latth nayle of l$art\\olemew Trote ix.

Mill. .'. ., . •>,.( f . . ' ., ". • >, ixs. iij d.
Item of John Plumer j. Mill. . • r . -. . . xvij d.

Item of Bartholomew iij. Mill. . ... • .,": . . ; -. -- iij s.

Summa xiij s. viij d.

Latth Nayl yevyn with Auery Skeys of Hayshpor-

tone* iiij. Mill. . , .»: ! .J . ... '. . . ••*. ;
John Trelodrowe ij. Mill CCC. . . .

Henry Trelodro we xviij. C. . . - .. •• ... . . ;r
De John Bosowe ij. Mill . .<„ '* ^ ;.

De John Smyth Mill : r: ft£ ..
De John Bowyer Mill . .
De John Hue iiij. Mill helyng stonys
De Thomas Bere we hadd his hous for the Carpentms.
Thomas Lucombe glasid the gabill wyndowe yn seynt

John is Ilde.
~BsLit\iolemew Trote and Rofe Dyer made the wyndowe

and glasid next to seynt John.
William Olyver of Bodynyell made the nextwyndow

to that and glasid hym.

* Ashburton.

"BODMIN CHURCH. 25

Odo Robyn & Pasch Robyn glasyd the nexte wyndow

to yn seynt John is Ilde.
John Watte glasid the wyndow yn the south next to

seynt John is Ilde.
Auery Skeys of Haysportone * yef the yre work a yre

of the large wyndow yn the south parti the west

wyndowe there.

Summa ix li. xiij s. j ob.

+ 1471°.

This is the expenc don hoc Anno post festum Pasche.

ffrust for lyme to John Benyt of Padestowe v. pip^s . xx s.
Item to John Anteny for makyng iiij. syntemys and

ij. dreyes ....... xvd.

Item for hurdels . . , . . . vij d.

Item for hurdels . \ . . . ; . : xiiij d.

Item for nay Is to mend the dreys . . . . j d.

Item for cariage of vij. barells lyme fro Pendevy to

Thomas Hendy and Laurence Renawdyn .

Item for cariage of xviij. barells to theym ... . ij s. viij d.

Item for a pipe of lyme to John Benyt . . . iiij s. iiij d.

Item y paied to Richard Fre for stonys for

tabell . . . . . . '., . " . vij s. j d.

Item to Will. Hamond for cariage fro the more . iij s. iiij d.

Item for a last of lyme at Padestowe . . . xij s.

Item for cariage of lyme . . ' . , .* ij s.

Item for cariage of neldz's for scafelys . . . vj d.
Item y paid for hokis to the Church dore and to the

vyse dore xlviij Ib. Summa . . ' . . iiij s.

Item for hokis to bere the lede pipis . . . vij d.
Item y paled to Willmm Mayow for stonys for the

gras tabell and gote^ stonys . , :. . ,/s . vij s. j d.

Item to Wilhara Hamond for cariage fro the more . xx d.

* Ashburton.
CAMD. SOC. E

26 EXPENSES IN BUILDING

Item y paied to Patrik Lynch for chengyng of a
bad nobili wich was recevyd of seynt Martyn
is Ilde .'< j . ..... viij d.

Item to WilKam Hamond for cariagtf fro the more . xxv s. v d.

Item to WilKam Hamond for cariage of xiij. lodis fro

Bodynyell . , .' 4 . ' . . . iiij s. iiij d.

Item for xij. hurdel . . . . .. ; xxj d.

Item for a berewe . I- • .' . . . , ij d.

Item for a half pipe . . . . - . . iiij d.

Item to the masonys for worchyng vnder the gras
tabell afore Witsonday yn the South parti and
the porch . . . . . . xxxiij s.

Item for a quarter lyme . A . . -. * . xvj d.

Item Mill, stonys . . . . . . ij s. viij d.

Item to John Davy of Padystowe for xx. barell . xix s.

Item to John Tailer for cariage of stonys fro the . . .

and lyme . . . ... . ix s. vj d.

Item for ij. barell of lyme to WilKam Malet ' .- . ij s.

Item ij. barell of lyme . . . '. ij s.

Item y paied for iiij Ib. lede for the hokis to the
Ch .

Item to WilKam Hamond for a cariage fro the more xx d.

Item for vj. lodis fro Bodiniell .... ij s.

Item y paied' to WilKam Tregonwell and his broder

for lyme . . . . . . xxij s.

Item for Eaysn for the wyndowys '. .- . ij d.

Item to John Androw carier yn drynke . '. . ij d.

Item y paied to Thomas Bodynyell for stonys for the
gras tabell . . . ,• " . .* .
Swmmaixli. xiiij s. x d.

Also y payde to Thomas Colom for ij. wyndowys yre

work cccclxixlb. . . . . ' . xliij s. j d.

Item to John Togyon for a wyndowe . . xxj s. viij d.

BODMIN CHURCH. 27

Item for drynke to theym . . ij d.

Item for strawe for keueryng of the south wall and

the Porch dimid. C and dimid. quarter , = . xij d. ob.
Summa

. . . y haue paied to Sam. Carpenter for parti
of the taxk of the rof yn the South Ilde Lnno
E. iiij*1 ximo as hit aperith by a count betwene
the seide Sam and me . . . vj li. xvj s. viij d.

Summa vj li. xvj s. viij d.

y haue paied to Richard Richow and to

Robert Wettor ffor the taxk work, pelozms,
porch, and wall yn the South parti hath iQcevyd
xiij li. xj s. viij d.

Summa xiij li. xj s. viij d.

Also y paied to John Donworthi for cariage of lyme xiiij d.

Item lathis y caried fro Pendevy '... - .., .- . iiij d.

Item for ij. lodis fro the more with hors and caria the

masons tolis . . . . . . . x d.

Item to William mason is broder for makyng the

stondyng vnder seynt Johns fote and the other

syde . . . .' . . "' . . xld.

Item the masonys at More yn Laynte Anno Edwardi

4ti xijmo.
Ric. Richowe xxj. days . . . . v* •-. -\. xs. vj d.

Item Robert Wettor xxvij. jornays . ... . . xiij s. vj d.

Item Richard Witforth xxvj. days . ^ . , xiij s.

Item Wilham Hayn xxvj. days . . . • . ., xiij s.

Item y payede for stonys caried fro Pentewyn to

Trewardreith . ". . .. .,, . , •. • iiij s. vij d.
Item ij. workmen hirid at more j. day ; ., , . v ..." viij d.

Item John Tayler for cariage of his carte at More

28 EXPENSES IN BUILDING

Item for naylis for the Middell Eof .... viij d.

Item for expenc to Richard Trote for to labore to

have the tymber home ..... x d.

Item for naylis for the gotms and the Middell Kof . iij s. iij ob.
Item for cariage of free stonys fro Pentewyn ad Tre-

wardreith ;. . •-' ,. .• ; 7 -... t.. xs.

Summa

Also y paied to John Hancok for parti of the taxk
x s. wich the masonys axith xl s. with the seide
x s. of the ffrust taxk of the peloris.

Item pro quarter lyme Johanni White , . .;. xvj d.

Owne a countid.

After this y payed to William Malet over that John
Bryant yef to the work ij s. for lathis, that is to
sey, Mill, wich seruyd this last work.

Item to Richard Bryant for crestzs . • ; •• A . ' . xxij d.

Item to Thomas Margaret for lath nayl . ,. ... viij d.

Summa xxxviij li. xxiij d.

Ultimo a^^o E. iiij11 xij°.

Compotws Thome Lucombtf maioris pro ffabrice Ec-
clesie a die Sancti ffrancissi usque mensis Junii
Anno Edwardi 4ti 12°.

Inp^'tmis receptum de parochia ex vetere debito pro

medietate amzi, viz. tempore Thome Jermaw - . xxxv s.

Et leceptum tempore Thome Jerman de j. die Sep-
tembris xxv s. iij d. de diuersis parcellw, viz. de
Hicardo Tayler, de Thoma Rechyn et aliis dbl

Et recepi pro isto Anno de j. die Septembris .;«: . iijli-

Et de congregatione Sancti Luce Euang^'s^ ;. ..« ixs.

BODMIN CHURCH. 29

De uxore Johannis Jagow iiij s. ij d. tempore Jerman

Et de beate Marie in Cancellarzo ... ».; • . . ^ ixs.

Et Benedict Traer . . . . iij li. vij s. viij d.

Et de limine Sancte Katerine . . . '. ^. vs. vij d.

Et de limine Sancti Stepham . . . -. ,.. viij s. j d.

De diuem's hominibus in penijs datum . . ^. iiij s. ij d.
Et recepi in Eve Pasche apwd le Bery pro fabrics

Capelle ibidem . .• . \.-, +.. iij s.

Et pro j. plank vendito in ecclma . - . , .: . iiij d.

De gild sancti Georgii . ... . . .. xxxs. j d.

Et de donations mulierum congregationis in Eve Pasche xxij s. iij d .

Et de gilda Corpom Christi . « .. . vli. vjs. viij d.
Et de gilda Erasmi . . . . .. iiij li. ij s. vij d.

De limine leodegari . . . . . ^ . xv d. ob.

De gilda sancti. Jacobi . . . . . ._ vs. vjd.

De Maria Magdalewa . .... . . « xiij s. vd.

De limine Gregorii . . . . . * xxiij d.

De sancte Clare . . . . . . ., iij s. vij d.

Summa xxiiij li. xvij s. vj d.

Memorandum de expenczs pro ffabrica Ecelesie.
Inpn'mis solutum Johanni Sam Carpenter in parte

solutionis . . . . . • • xiiij li.

Item pro creeps . . . . ... * xvj d.

Item pro cariage de le more ij. cariagz's . '. . viij d.

Et pro cariage de Lyme de Pendevy . . . ij d.
Item Ricarcfo Wetter cum sociis suis pro scapelyng ad

More . . . . viij s.

Item seruient^ ib^em 4 dies . . . . « xvj d.

Item j. quarter ly me . . . xvj d.

Item Kicar do Wetter pro le Taske et Kic

vij li. viij s. In parte solucionis et iij li. .
Item pro cariage de la carte ab More usqwe Trewar-

dreith *. . xd.

30 EXPENSES AND RECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

Item licencm pro terra apwd le More ... x d.

Item pro le keueryng pro le wall . iiij d.

Item xij. barell lyme . . • . . . . xij s.

Item pro cariage . • . . . . . . iiij d.

Item Waltgro fforth pro keuere le porch . . * : vj d.

Item workmanship tymber pro le porch w . . ixs. j d.

Itemj. pipe lyme . .; ; : . ' . . . -, . iiij s.

Item ij. qwartms lyme . ., . „ « . ij s. viij d.

Item for raggis for le porch .. .. . - . .-.-,; vs.

Item Wetter xiij. jornayes pro le porch . - . . vj s. vj d.

Item Hay ne xvij. jornays . . .. . . viij s. vj d.

Item Whitefford xvj. jornayes . . .; .~ viij s.

Thomas Hancok xiiij. jornayes . . . . - vs. xd.

Ric. Richow v. jornays . . . . •„ . , ij s. vj d.

Item for grete Raggis for the Porch . . , xiij s. x d. ob.

Item WilKara Hamelyn ix. lodis for axse . . i . , xv s.
Item ad Walter Bocher for carpenter work . : .

Item for lede & cartyng . . . . . v s. iij d.

Item for ij c. lede . . . . . > .. . • „• . xiiij s.

Item for iiij. barells lyme ..... iiij s.

'Proximo Anno.

Memorandum de compote Thome Lucombe et Thome
Jerman receptorum pro fabrica ecclesie Bodmmie
A

Inprmiis leceptum de proficuis Ecclesie condonatw
per vicarmm pro Vno anno integro xxvij li. viij

inde ad presbitrum ad sermendum

curiam * ... vj li. xiij s. iiij d.

Et sunt de claro xecepta . . . . . xxli. xvs. vd.
Summa xx li. xv s. v d.

* The Vicar appears to have given a year's income, 271. Ss. 9d., deducting from it
the Curate's salary, 61. 13s. ±d.

BODMIN CHURCH. 31

Item receptum de gilda equitwm f pro eoium

Jantacle * condonatwm per communitatem pro
eodem Anno et Anno proxime sequent* . ixli. vj s. viij d.
Swmma ix li. vj s. viij d.

Item receptum de gilda sancti Thome Martens in

cimitmo . . . ; . \. . . xl s.

Et de JohannQ Yeme clmco pro ux ffuller

de Plymmouth ., . . * . . xxvj s. viij d.

Et Thomas Lucomb dedit .1 . ; vj li. xiij s. iiij d.

Summa x li.

Memorandum qwod solutum pro tymb^f empto yn

diuersis locis ..... vj li. xix s. viij d.

Item pro scapelyng ...... xiij s. x d.

Et pro cariagtf . . . . . . vij li. viij s. x d.

Item 4 Mill, stonys ...... xij s.

Et factura le workhous . . . . . xxij s. xj d. ob.

Et pro fact ura dreys et berwys ;»-. . . . ixs. xd.

Item pro groundyng the Wallys .... liiij s. xjd.

Et WilhWmo Carpenter de Bedy forth pro parte of the

taxk . . . tld ... . . xv li. viij s.

Et plumer pro campanibws M.: ' . . xixs. viij d.

Et Joharmi Rogger de lonk .... xliiij s. viij d.

Et Willielmo Hoper . . . - . / '.

* See note, page 4. Jantacle, another name for the Ridyng and sports; from
,; aunt.

32 KECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

Anno E\_dwardi] iiij41 ix° x° et xj° usque festum sancti
Michaelis Archangeli.

Compo^Ms of Thomas Jerman recever of the byllynge

of the Parish Church of Bodmyn.
Inpn'mis recevyd for old tymber and too wyndowys

sold " . . . . . iiij 11. xx d.

Swrama iiij li. xx d.

Also for wexe perteynyng to the church, and other

mony recevyd as the paper aperetfi . . iiij li. xviij s.

Swmma iiij li. xviij s.

Also of dyuers mony of strangms and of arrerages

and old geie sold as hit aperith . iiij li. xij s. viij d.

Swrama iiij li. xij s. viij d.

Also recevyd of the v. stewardis Anno ~Edwardi
iiij11 by a composiscon for ther dyuerys as hit
aperith yn the paper . . . iiij li. xiij s. iiij d.

Summa iiij li. xiij s. iiij d.

Also he hath recevyd of the Ildis pertynynge to the

Church and Parishe as hit aperith by his paper Ixix li. iiij d.

Ixix li. iiij d.

Also recevyd of gaderyng of Wexe silver as hit aperith

afore ....... xxxiij s. xj d.

Summa xxxiij s. xj d.

Also another of gaderyng of wexe and of sert&yn

Ildis as hit aperith . . . . . iij li. xix s. v d.
Summa iij li. xixs. vd.

Also y recevyd of a graunt y yef voluntarie thorgh- .

out the town as hit aperith by the namys . Hi. viij s. j d.
Summa 1 li. viij s. j d.

BODMIN CHURCH. 33

Also y recevyd of the bequest of Raf Dyer vj li. xiij s. iiij d.

Summa vj li. xiij s. iiij d.

Also y recevyd of a grant ygreid thorghowt the town
j d. a weke of a man, and obolus of serteyn per-
sonys delyuered by sertayn receuerys as the paper
aperith *.T J . . . j . • .

Summa xxiiij li. xiij s.

Also y recevyd for Ayshis sold yn the Church hay . xvij s. x d.
Item alia parua „• „ . ... xxixs. viij d. ob.

Summa xlvij s. vj d. ob.

Also of dyuers pe/'sonys as hit aperith yn paper and

of the maydenys of the town Anno . xxix s. viij d. ob.

Summa v li. viij s. iiij d. ob.

Also of Corpus Christi is Ilde A° E. iiij*1 xmo and of
the ridyng Ildis A° ^dwardi iiij*1 xjmo as hit
aperith, and of the arrerages of the Wardenys
parcell therof ... . . . ixli. iij s. j d.

Summa ix li. iij s. j d.

Summa totalis ix xvj li. vij s. iiij ob. ~Respondeo
vij s. vj d. pro gilda of the wich reseit y payed
apon the bylling of the Church as hit aperith
yn this seide paper by parcell as hit was

XX

paied »••, . . *. . ix xiiij li. iij s. vj d. ob.

Et suni deibita de claro .... xxxvj s. iij d, ob.

Also y am chargit of vj li. xiij s. iiij d. of Thomas
Lucombtf yn the Hi. viij s. j d. and hit was
paied yn the sead acompot as hit aperit. Et
debet . . . . . . v li. iij s. xj d. ob.

CAMD. SOC. F

34 RECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

Memorandum die venms ante festwm Simoms & Jude
Anno E. iiij^xj0 Pro gilda sancti Eloy condo-
natwm Anno Eidwardi iiij^x1110 Thomas Colom
debet ex donatione et congreaatione j d. per septi-
matim et obolum per compotwm vj li. v s. iij d.
inde solutum in argento *• L.». "/ . . xxxiij s. iiij d.

Also yn makyng of to wyndowys xliij s. j d. Et

debet . . . j .'ij''.*- :•*•• . xlviij s. xd.

Gilda Sancti Aniani "Episcopi debet pro eadem matma
x li. xvj s. vj d. Et solutum per compotwm in
argento ix li. xiij s. iiij d. Et debet xxiij s.
ij d. ob. inde Johannes Cok solvit iij s. v d.
Johanni Watte.

Gilda sancti Martini Episcopi debet per compotum
iij li. x s. viij d. inde solutum I s. Et debet de
claro xx s. viij d. Inde solutum maiori iiij s. Et
Johanni Watte ij s. viij d.

Gilda sancti Johawms Baptisfe debet ix li. vij s. ix d.
inde solutum vj li. xj s. ix d. Et debet de claro
Ivj s. inde solutum maiori et Jerman xx s.

Gilda sancti Petroci iiij li. ij s. xj d. inde solutum
xlj s. Et debet xlj s. xj d. inde solutum iiij s.
v d. maiori.

Isti qui non swnt in gildis de Barthofomeo Trote maiore
xeeptum vij s ...... in mambws Thome Jer-

man.

Memorandum de v s. pro Jo. Glyn in manu

Kenaudyn et solwfam sicwt dixit maior in diuersis

careagws s '. . . " . . . xx d.

BODMIN CHURCH. 35

Memorandum quod swnt in Rotulo Thome Jerman a
retro de gildw et de donations exonerata Thome
predicti ut patet in Rotulo cum dis£r . J, vij li. ix s. vj d.

Et cum Henn'co Moyle v s. Et cum Elena Wodecok ij s.

Et cum dommo WilhWmo presbitero ij s. viij d. pro
old tymber empto

Pro primo Anno pro gilda sancti Eloy.

Memorandum quod est in manibws Thome Colom ex
congreaatione j d. et obolus septimatzm die Domi-
nico an^ festwm puiificationis Bmte Marie Vir-
ginis Anno Edwardi iiijti xj° . . . xlviij s. x d.

Et cum Ricanfo Djuer pro congregatione gilda sancti

Petroci a retro . . . . . xlj s. xj d.

Et cum senesca^o sancti Martini Episcopi a retro xx s. viij d.

Et cum Ricardo Tailer pro Gilda sancti Johanms

Eaptiste Ivj s.

Et cum Thoma Willyam et Johanne Cok pro gilda

sancti Aniani Episcopi >v ,,,,. . . xxiij s. vj d. ob.

Et cum Maiore pro illis qwi non swnt in gilda .

Memorandum de crestzs pro ecclesia et xxvj s. viij d.
pro legato uxoris Roberti ffuller et ij s. ex dona-
tione uxoris Johannis N

Compotws Ricaro7i Tailer pro gilda Sancti Johawiis
Baptise pro ead^m condonac^ow^ pro pr^mo anno
Summa onerata.

De quibws solw^m vij li. xj s. ix d. Thome Jerman.
Et xx s. Thome Lucombe. Et est in mawibws
Joharcnis Trefarthian adhuc. Et est in diuersis
mawibws a retro ut patet, videlicet cum Roberto

iiij d. iij s. xd.

Cok, Johanne Davy, Johanne Trefarthian, Wil-

36 KECE1PTS FOR BUILDING

ij d. ij s. vj d. xvj d.

lielmo Hunne, Henrzco Panter, Amicia Cothan,

iiij d. viij d.

Willielmo Androwe Junr, Elizabet Strypa, Ri-

ijd.
cardo Wilkok.

Summa a retro.

Ricardus Wilkok recepit v li. iij s. ob. Et solutum
in summa supradicta. Et Johannes Trefarthian
sociws eiws xecepit iij li. xiiij s. Et solutum in
summa pralicta iij li. ixs. iij d. Et aolutum
Thome Lucombe xv d. Et debet iij s. v d.
ob.

Idem Ricardus compotwm pro eadem pro 2° Anno.
Et est in dmersis manibus videlicet cum BarthoZo-

vs. vij d. iij s. ixd xij d.

meo Trote, Willielmo Trote, Johanne Watte,
ij d. ij s. iiij d. xij d.

Roberto Cok, Henrzca Moyle, Thomas Soor,

iiij d. ij s. ij d.

Willielmo Hogge, Johcmwe Mayow, Johanne

iiij d. x d. xiij d.

Davy, draper, Heimco Chekke, Willielmo Laury,

v d. xij d.

Johanne Laury, tailor, Rob^o Browne, Nicho-

xiiij d.

Lao White, Henrzco Panter, Patrik Lynch, Wil-

xiiij d. xiiij d.

lielmo Androwe, Ricanfo Teyler, Willielmo
iiij d. ij s. ij d. xiij d.

Lynne, Henrw?o Kennystowe, Dauyd Barn,
x d. viij d.

Thomas Hogge, Roberto Besta.

Compotus Johcmnis Wever rcceptoris de gilda sancti
Johannis Baptist pro 3° Anno . Summa

onerata. De quibz«s solutum Odoni Robyn
receptori vli. Et Jdhanni Rawe.
S umma

BODMIN CHURCH. 37

Et sic debet ...... qwod est in diuersis manibus

xvj d.
videlicet. Et est in manibws Roberti Cok, Hen-

v s. xiij d.

xici Moyle, Johannis Walter, Thomas Bere,

xiij d. iij s. iij d.

Johannis Besta, Johannis Mayowe, Johannis
ij s. iiij d. iiij s. iiij d.

Raulyn, Johannis Davy, Edmund Beket, RogeH

xij d. viij d. xviij d.

Wodecok, Willielmi Hogge, Tlicardi Tayler,

xij d.

Johannis Hoig Junr, Johannis Netherton, Jer-

viij d. iiij s. iiij d.

vys Tayler, Johannis Laury, Heim'ci Panter,

vij d.
M&rgarete Amore, Johannis Trefarthian, Odonis

vij d. xj d. xij d.

Senyowe, Raf Credy, Willielmi Andrew Junr,

vjd.

Ricardi Bere, Johannis Watte, Barthofomei
Trote.

qwod recepit ante festum purificationis Beate
Marie vj li. xij s. j d.

Summa non rccepta 1 s. v d. Et ix s. viij d. pro B. T.
et Jo. Watte. Et xviij d. pro Ricardo Tayler.

Gilda Sancti Eloy.

Compoti^s Thome Colom receptom de gilda sancti

Eloy Ep&copi pro anno

De quib?«s solw^m Thome Jerman in argento, xxxiij s.

iiij d.
Et solutum in faciendo ij. fenestras ad fabricam eccle-

si&m videlicet pro factui'a ferri, xliij s.
Memorandum quod Thomas Colom debetf ecclesie

38 RECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

sancti Augustim' per compotww Anno Edwardi
iiij" xiiij0 v s. vij d.

Summa

Et sic debet a retro qwod est in diuersis manibws, viz.

iiij d.

ut patet videlicet in manibws Thome Carter,

ij s. ij d. Sol. ij s. ij d. xiiij d.

Emote Davy, Jdhannis Gwelis, Johanna Pascow,

xij d.
Janyn Sadeler, Roberti Baby, "Willielmi Perish,

ijd.
Roberti Sadeler, Johannes A Plemyn,

Johannis Hancok, Johannis Broch, Kogeri

Smyth

Compotws Johannis Togyon vt supra pro 2° Anno

summa onmita.
De quibws solutum Odoni Robyn x s. Et pro factura

fern pro fenestra pro le porch xij s. iiij d. Et

pro debito in tempos Bartholomei Trote et

Thome Jerman xx d. Et pro factura fern pro

fenestra Johdnni Watte viij d.
.' ,H Summa xxx

Et est in manibws Thome Lucomb pro ^Wi\\.ielmo
Mason ij s. Et pro Joachym Hop^r ij s. ij d.
Et pro dutistman xvj d. Item pro Thoma Bar-
bor xvj d. Et pro Ewan Goldsmyth ij s. ij d.
Et pro Petro Sadler x d. Et pro Johanna Ple-
myn xiiij d. Et pro Thoma Hawys xvj d. Et
pro Johanna Pascowe xij d.

Summa xiij s. iiij d. quos Thomas Lucombe solm'tf in
compoto suo vt patet in compofo.

Et allocatf sibi diuersis homim'bws quibus allocavit in

oiperibns suis Gwelis xj d.

Et Johanni Antony xx d. Et Johanni Nycolyn

BODMIN CHURCH. 39

ij s. ij d. Et Mathoeo Carpenter ij s. ij d

Mason ij s. ij d. Et Johanni Hancok Junr
iiijs. iijd.

Summa xiiij s. iij d.

Summa recepta retornata et allocafa in opere. Et

iij s. . . .d. pro diuem's nayKs vt per bill.
Item d . . . haftent de . . . videlicet Johannes Bosow

xiiij d. j. panne. Johannes Gunner xvj d. j. pot.
Summa

ij s. ij d.
Isti qui swnt a retro Thomas Carter, Emot Davy,

Sol. ij s. ij d. xiiij d.

Johanna, Gwelys, Johanna Pascow, Janyn

xij d. vj d. ij s.

Sadeler, Johannes Trelodrowe, Robertas Baby,

xx d. ij s. ij d.

Johannes Hatter, Willielmus Perish, Robert

xvj d. vd.

Sadeler, Johannes Austell Junr, Johannes

ij d. x d. xiij d.

Plemyn, Thomas Hancok, Johannes Bronch,

vj d. ij s. vij d.

Roger Smyjth, Johannes Goldsmyjth.

Summa

Compotws Sampsonis Trefrozowe pro 3° Anno.

De quibws solutum Odoni Robyn recepton xxiiij s.

viij d.

Et solutum Johanni Rowe x s.
Summa

ij s. ij d.

Et est in manibws Johannis Hancok Jur, Johanwis
iiij s. iiij d. viij d. iij s. iiij d.

Togyon, Johannis Brenton, Thomas Colom,

viij d.

Thomas Hawys, carpenter, . , , . . Johannis

40 RECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

ij s. ij d. ijs. ijd.

Auto .... Johannis Nicolyn, Rogeri

ij s. ij d. xiiij d.

tymb^r, "Willie&m Perish, Henrici Trelodrowe,

ij s. ij d. viij d.

Robert Baby, Johannis Davy, Thome Colom,
ij s. ij d. iij s. ij d.

Emota Davy, Gwelys, Johanne

j s. ij d. xxij d.

Et distr de Reginaldo Mason j vlt. Petro Sadeler

xij d. xiiij d.

j. parcell, Thomas Gimes j. vlt. Johanne Bosow

j. parcell, Tho pi. Waltero Bocher,

ij d. ij s. ij d. ij s. ij d.

Johanne Hatter, Joachym hop^r

ij s. ij d.

mortwws est, Johanne Hancok senr.
Compotws Johannis Tanner et Thomas Willyam pro

congregacioms condonacione j d. septimatzw et

oboli septimatim provt pate£ in papiro taxaciowis

•piimo Anno.
Summa onerata inde Johannes et Thomas solvunt

ixli. xixs. xd.
Et sic restatf a retro in diuersis mawibws vt p&tet.

Compotws Stepham Greby pro eadem condonacione
pro 2° Anno.

Summa on^rata.

De quibws solutum Thome Lucombe xxxs. Et
Odoni Robyn liij s. iiij d. Et iij li. vj s. viij d.
Et xxj s. vij d. Et ix s. iiij d. Et sic resta£ a
retro qwod est in dmersis mawibws vt pateZ vide-

iiij d iij d.

licet in ma/iibws Roberti Rush, Johannis Hick,

iiij d. iiij d.

Johannis Hay senr, Johannis Hay Junr, Jo-

\\annis Cristian Junr, Nicho^ai Tomma, Johannis

BODMIN CHURCH. 41

ij d. ij s. ij d. xvij d.

Tomma wek, Raf Hopkyn, Johannis Austell,

ij s. ij d. xx d.

Johannis Raulyn, Hoberti Salte, Willielmi

xj d. iiij d. xxiij d.

Symon, Roberti Leva, Robert^ John, Johannis

xij d. xij d.

Laury, Johannis Harry, tanner, Thorn*? Toker.

xij d.
Johannis Davy clawter, Johannis Harvy, Regi-

ijs. ijd.
naldi Trefrozow, Tticardi Carante, Stepham

viij d. xxj d.

Watte, Luke Powna.

Et ha&ent plegmm pro Thoraa Hay j. pan ij s. ij d.
Et pro Willielmo Bremhisgrofe j. pot pro xij d.
Et pro Thoma Dakis xxij d. distr cum Thoma
Jerman. Et pro Johanne Harry ij s. j d. distr
j. pan cum maiore. Et pro Johanne Laury
distr j. pot ij s.

CAMD. so c.

KECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

Ipsi qui dedere voluntarie ad ffabricam Ecclme Bodm^ie,

FORSTRET.

Thomas Archer
Gy Sadeler
Magg. Barbor
Thomas Barbor
Johannes Boswyng
Sossely Serle
Johannes Beste
Thomas Wat Senor
Thomas Wat Junor
Hicardus Amor
Johannes Burnard .
Nicholas Gurdeler .
Johannes Spede
Thomas Marget
Pers Sadeler .
Oto Senyowe
Johan?ies Langman
Willielmus Burnard
Walterus Bocher .
Willielmua Pole .
Jervis Teylder
Jenet Osborn
Willielmus Seniow
Johannes seruus eiws
Pasch. Eobyn
Serik .
Johannes Cok merser

.

Joachym Hoper

vs.

Johannes Jamis

xx d.

iijs. iiijd.

Ricardus Hunt seruws N.

iij s. iiij d.

Colyn .

iiij d.

viij d.

Johannes Lythfot .

xx d.

xx d.

Ricara^s Harry ..,

ijs.

. xij d.

Konold servus ejus

xij d.

iij s. iiij d.

Johannes sociws eiws ,

viij d.

.

Willielmus Southay iij s.

iiij d.

•'-.... XX S.

Uxor Tre[fare?]ll cor-

iij s. iiij d.

diner . . v

xij d.

. viij d.

Johannes Hicke . vj s.

viij d.

xiij s. iiij d.

Patrick Lynche . iij s.

iiij d.

yd.

Pefrus Greby . ... ..

xij d.

xx d.

Thomas Hardy . . :.;

xx d.

vs.

Stephanws Riceman iij s.

iiij d.

xx d.

Petrok Gwels ,. iij s.

iiij d.

. xijd.

Harry Clowter . vj s.

viij d.

vd.

Nicho/as Colyn . .

xvjd.

. viij d.

Adam Hicke . vj s.

viij d.

vj s. viij d.

Bertholomews servus eiws

xijd.

xx d.

Nicho/as Colyn seruus

xx d.

Hardy

iiij d.

xij d.

Stephanas Greby . vj s.

viij d.

xx d.

J ohannes Gatty ....

xx d.

viij d.

Johannes Lyde . iij s.

iiij d.

XX S.

Johannes Jagow v . viij d.*

iiij d.

Janyn Sadeler . xiij s.

iiij d.

viijs. iiij d.

Thomas Wat cordyner .

xx d.

* Erased with pen.

BODMIN CHURCH.

43

Harry Storgen . i.

iij s. iiij d.

Thomas Hancok ,';•?• . ij s.

Willielmus Storgen

xx d.

Perkyn seruus T. Gyrman iiij d.

Johannes Davy draper

i x s.

Johannes Oppy '.» -. vj d.

Johannes Wille *»•;

>•?.*'. ij s.

Ricardws Richard . , v iiij d.

Margery Andrew ;';„

viij d.

Betty Trote ..: . . • xls.

Johannes Trevarthian

ijs.

WilhWmus Trote . iij s. iiij d.

Johannes Skewys .

xij d.

Willielmus Toker . kV , xij d.

Jankyn Teylder

1* - x s.

Harry filiws eiws . . viij d.

Joachym Teylder .

1 l&jji xx d.

61i. 16s. 10 d.

Johannes Prowte . xiij s. iiij d.*

Swmma istius xi li. iii s. iiii d.

• •1* ••• * -|

i/

V «/

xvij li. viij s. vj d.

Henn'cws Kemelston

iij s. iiij d.

Willielmus Andrew

iijs. iiijd.

Jankyn Phylypp tanner iij s. iiij d.

Johannes Gyll

iij s. iiij d.

Roger Grygge . .« xxd.

Willielmus Tom ma

ijs.

Elinor Wodecok . . ij s.

Johannes Netherton

iij s. iiij d.

Thomas Hendre . . vj d.

Thomas Crypson •.-

vj s. viij d.

Uxor eiws . . ... ij d.

Johannes Hervy

iijs. iiijd.

WilhWmus Andrew Juw°r xij d.

Raw Karedy

xx d.

Thomas Southwode vj s. viij d.

Johannes Wat ' -j ;

.

Rogerws Ronold . . xx d.

Thomas Wotton

iijs. iiijd.

Johannes Wade . .* ij s.

Jenet Trystram . !

xij d.

Thomas Hay . iij s. iiij d.

Parnell Rede .

xij d.

Johannes Donge . •: . . •* . viij d.

Uxor Netherton

. viij d.

Mayo we Meyne •; . . xx s.

Uxor T. Edmond .

iiij d.

Ricaro7ws Dyver . iij s. iiij d.

Nicholas Howe

vj s. viij d.

Johannes Laury Teylder xij d.

Royn Pewterer

xij d.

Ronoldws Mason . iij s. iiij d.

Raw Hopkyn

iijs. iiijd.

Harry Trelodrowe xviij c. neyll.

Johannes Laurens .

viij d.

Johannes Dertemouth . x s.

RicaroJws Dyver

ijs.

Johannes iMartyn . iij s. iiij d.

Thomas Gyrman .

xls.

Johannes Hancok Senor . v s.

Erased.

44

RECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

Jennet Hopkyn . . iiij d .
Johannes Trevarthyon

hoper .••- . iij s. iiij d.

WilhWmws Laury . -. - xij d.

Johannes Renawdyn % . " xij d.

l&icardus Dakys v. ' u ' xxd.

Rogerws Pers , . ij s.
Jenet Pers . „ . ...

Thomas Body ,„ .'•>•:. ij s.

Johannes Gervy . . vj d.

Henncws Moyll . vj s. viij d.
4li. 7s. 6d.

Johannes Broker . / 'l! xij d.

Alic Monke . . iij s. iiij d.

Michael Cobbe !... . xij d.

Nichols Wat cherman . xx d.

Johannes Leye . . xxd.

Thomas Berg ^ui-' . xxs.

Johannes Trelodrowe [ ] M ij . C neill

Johannes Hay Senor :. iiij s.

Wat Peryn . «,. u . iiij d.

Johannes Hay Junor . iiij s.

Rawe Renawdyn •"> :••• . vj d.

Stephawws Hervy . . xij d.

Thomas Rothen •. . xxd.

Johannes Cri'stian Sewor . xij d.

Johannes Cristian Junor . xvj d.

Ricardus Devek . . viij d.

Johannes Luke . . , xx d.

Johannes Daunce . • ; - xij d.

Johannes Wille . vj s. viij d.

Johannes Trethewe . viij d.

Johannes Hervy cordjner xij d.

Johannes Hancok ma-
son . . iij s. iiij d.
Michael Rothen . . ij s.
Uxor Johannis Useryn . xij d.
Johannes Beryn . ^. •.
Johannes Hancok smyth xx d.
Emot Davy . ". - ."| vs.
Johannes Jagowe . ij s. viij d.
Johannes Malet . iij s. iiij d.
Johannes Redreyth . ^ xvj d.
Swmma 3 li. 14 s. 9 d.

Uxor Johannis Ston
Johannes Plymyn .
Samson Trefresow .
Johannes Corun •;:
WilhWmus Dreyn .
Nicholas Tankard .
~Rohertus Cok "". ;j
Davy Hay
Johannes Branch e
Harry Panter -:.\.
Johannes Bolepyt .
Johannes Bremysgrove
\Jxor eiws . ;•.. i
Nicho/as Russh
Willielmus Hicke .
Johannes Kestell .
Robertus Russh
Johannes Davy clouter
Johannes Bosow •» : .
Uxor cius
Jamis Tregustok .
Johannes Bony

iij s.

xij d.
iiij d.
xij d.
ijs.
. xvj d.

X S.

~V - '< XX S.

. xvj d.

v xx d.
iij s. iiij d.
iijs. iiijd.

. viij d.

xxd-
vj d.
xs.
viij d.
viij d.
ml neyll

xijd.
xijd.

vjs

BODMIN CHURCH.

45

Luke Powne . •- J. iiij d.

Johannes Cradok . , ' xij d.

Johannes Taberer . ' .• viij d.

Johannes Bryand de fowy iiij d.

Harry Bosowe . iij s. iiij d.

Johannes* Tankard » xij d.
Johannes Skever . » :

Thomas Body . . . xij d.
Summa 3 li. 7s. 2 d.

Michael Luky . iij s. iiij d.

Davy Toker .* .. iij s. iiijd.

Willielmus Body . '. vij d.

Remfre Rothen .' . ij s.

Jenet Syngwell . . iiij d.

Thomas Wyllyam . xiij s. iiij d.

Johannes Benet . . xij d.

Thomas Gwennow . xij d.

Oto Gwyn . . . xv d.

Thomas Gyll r. . xxd.

Johannes Carpenter . xvj d.

Thomas Webber Senor . v s.

Walterws Renawdyn . xij d.

Johannes Salysbery . iiij d.

Johannes Hicke coryer . viij d.

Harry Checker . . xij d.

Johannes Skoveryn . xij d.

Rogems Corny sh . . viij d.

Wjllielmus Broun . vj s.

Tticardus Columb . . xxd.

Johannes Edmund . xij d.

Johannes Braunch Ser . viij d.

Martynws Beryn . vj s. viij d.

Johannes Rodde . . vj d.

Johannes Walter ",';" :vr~ . ij s.

Jiobertus Hoke .. . v xij d.

Willielmus Hoygge ; :" xx d.

Johannes Wat Jtmor - « ij s.

Willielmus Dole -.-.- . xxd.

Johannes Wat Koc »j, xxd.

Thomas Wener Ju?ior . xij d.

Uxor eiws .. •: . ,". iiijd.
Summa 3 li. 6s. 6 d.

Ricardus Trevarthyan iij s. iiij d.

Ronoldws Bryand . - . vs.
Johannes Bryand . vj s. viij d.
Johannes Renaudyn myl-

ler . . .i , ". ; . xx d.

Uxor eiws . . . vj d.
Thomas iFy eke .-'«--? f\;"

Jenet Bryand . . xij d.
Johannes Austell smyth

M1 neyll - . ;- -V ij s.

Johannes seruus eiws . xij d.

Johannes Kethe . .. iiij d.

Johannes Prey ..." . xij d.
Johannes Davy laborer .

Jenet Bycbery . • ' : . ij s.

Robyn Broun i' . • . . iiij d.

Pascow Lokyer » . . ij s.

Johannes Harnan . * , j d.

Ricardus Hoygge . . viij d.

Johannes Calway . • ; , vj d.

Isabella Laury . .- iiijd.

Annys Baby . .; . . iiij d.

Alic Hoygge - .. v ij d.

Johannes Randowe - . - xij d.

46

RECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

Thomas Helman
Ede Hancok .
Anm's Provys
Johannes Trygge

viij d.
xij d.
iiij d.
iiij d.

BAGGE LANE.

Ricardus Davver . , . viij d.
Johannes Thomas Gorlek vj d.

Robertas Salt . . xxd.

Nichols Trethelyn vj s. viij d.

Baudyn Calway . vj s. viij d.

Item . . ! . — J «.:••.« xij d.

Kaubyn Blower yj« . iiij d.

Jenet Helston ... , •; iiij d.

LOSTER STRET.

Johannes Paket smyth . viij d.

"Robertus Courtes . ' *.••->., vj d.

Marty n Nowell -.- -, >-,*.:> xxd.
Robertas Sadeler . iij s. iiij d.

Johannes Stephyn . . iiij d.

Luce Cote . r , . ..;• xxd.

Iticardus Ber . vj s. viij d.
Johannes Russell . >« .;/jv

Johannes Bere ;. • -;^f xij d.

Kateryn .. '.. i. ••; .:a; xij d.

Thomas Erne .. • i{. xij d.

Jenet Merefylde •;../ .v xxd.
Jlicardus Four the . ,,., •

Perky n Mason . , , ; . ' ij s.

Johannes Lokyer . t?» iiij d.

Rogerws Wat . . vj d.

'Robertu-s Ley
Jenet Kernek
Johawn^s Anteney
Uxor eiws
Cornelys Hop^r
Thomas Rob?/n
Jenet Moyll .
Johannes Motty
Johannes Harry .
Yryn Goldsmy th . - .
Johannes Goldsmyth
\Jxor eiws «, ' . .4
J. Trewenyn . «

Wyllelmus Teke .
Item of the Mayer

HONY STRET.

Andrew Opy
Richanfos John
RicanZws Welet '. '
Johannes Thoma .
Thomas Columb . i
l&obertus Baby ,
Johannes Botreax
Jenet Paschowe -." /
Rawe Myllar
J. Raulyn tanner .
Ricaro7ws Senyowe
J. Thomas Wege .
Johannes Penhale .
Johannes Donworthy
Johannes Courtes .
Johannes Doune

xijd.

?*

viij d.

vjd.

xv s.
viijd.
viij d-

xxd.
viij d.
jd.
xvj d.
viij d.

xijd.

.

iiij d.

.

xxd.

iij s.

iiij d.

.

xxd.

§

xxd.

.

viij d.

.

xijd.

iijs.

iiij d.

iij s.

iiij d.

.

xijd.

.

xijd.

.

xxd.

.

xij d.

.

iiij d.

.

xxd.

:'-.. '

xijd.

BODMIN CHURCH.

47

Al^'a Pole . ... ij s

. vj d.

Willielmus Pole ." .

xijd.

Willielmus Koc . ;r; -•..

xx d.

Thomas Guner

viij d.

Johannes Raff

xx d.

Oto Robyn . .V

XX S.

Florencia Wyte ... .

viij d.

Margareta Swetman

Jd.

Jenet Evyll . .

iiij d.

Jenet Teylder

xijd.

Johannes Harry ;.•

xvj d.

Thomas Toker servus

Wyllelmus Ma thy .

viij d.

Alicia Brystowe

ijd.

Pers Gascon .

iiij d.

CASTRET.

Harry Wener

xx d.

Davy Witfen J" :

vs.

Edmuwdws Beket . xiij s.

iiij d.

l&icardus Ber^

xij d.

Marga^eta Baby

Mathy Coke .

xx d.

Jenet Gwels .

viij-d.

Jenet Tanw^

xij d.

~Ricardus Tholyn .

xij d.

Harry Sy

xx d.

Seruus eius .

iiij d.

Robertas Bere

xd.

Pers Weuer . «...

iiij d.

Willielmus Penvos ' ', .

xvj d.

Wyllielmus Hune . ..

xij d.

Alicia Bere .

iiij d.

Eector Hellond^
Johannes Austell
Uxor eiws
Johannes Togen
Johannes Brenton
Thomas Hawys
Johannes Derell
TLobertus Dole
Ricardus Wyte
Mathy Carpynter
Robertus Laurens
Davy Baron .
l&icardus Corant
Thomas Anwell
Thomas Carter

eius

Johannes Raulyn . vj s.
Johannes Senyowe
Johannes Royn . -
Johannes Gefferay ..**

Alicz'a Fletcher ^:
MaTgareta fairmla Res-

karek . ^ '' IT
~Ricardus Cleyth ,
Alicia Tabbar .- . .
Bedman . ,/'

Michaelis Helyer .
Johannes Parke . '.7
Johannes Hicke . v '\]
Jamis Codan .

Johannes Muwday
Uryn Scolemaster . iij s,
"Ricardus Naky s ; .
Panston

xijd.
xx d.
xx d.
xx d.

jji

xij d.
xx d.
viij d.
xx d.
xvj d.

ijd.

xx d.

xij d.

xij d.

viij d.

vjd.

viij d.

ijd.

xij d.

iiij d.

[d.

iiij d.
iiij d.
xx d.
xij d.

ijs.
xij d.
xijd.
xij d.
viij d.
iiij d.

viij d.

48

RECEIPTS FOR BUILDING

Nance Jagowe
Walterus Pyper
Ebot Brasyer
Ricardus Spicer

POLE STRET.

Mohwn . . •'.'•
Thomas Oily
Johannes Roby Coc
Willielmus Glyn . -•
Johannes Coche
Willielmus Carpynte
Uxor eiws ' . ; .
Walters Downe .
~Ricardus Carpynter
Willielmus Mathy .
Johannes Rawly n .
Rohertus Dyer
Thomas Uryn
Lauren tins Roby
Johannes Cok tanne
Johannes Sporyer
Wyllielmus Symon
Jenet Skenard
Thomas Skenard .
Thomas Trevelyn .
Jenet Tarme/1 •
Ham/ Crypsyn .
Johannes Degendon
Jankyn Laury
Roberts Ive
Johannes Harry

iiij d.

Jenet Fowy .

iiij d.

iiij d.

Johannes Dounyng

xij d.

. iiij d.

M.ichael the mylar

XX d.

jd.

RYNE STRET.

WylhWmws Pers :...

ijs.

Johannes Oily

xijd.

I'V.'

Willielmus Pencors

viij d.

Johannes Hancok .

xx d.

. xx d.

Johannes Robyn V-

xvjd.

. xs.

• • 1

Thomas Lucombe vjli. xiijs

.iiijd.

xij d.

Nance Rescawrck . ''•'. ••

iiij d.

• • j

Stephawws Wat

viij d.

. xij d.

Johannes Helyer .

ijs.

61i. 19s. 4d.

viij d.

iij s. iiij d .

Thomas Robyn ; .

xij d.

xij d.

Johannes Fowy(?) . »

iiij d.

vj s. viij d.

Stepharcws Sany solutum

jd.

;• ' XiJ d'

Uxor Cambrygge .

iiij d.

, i .| xij d.

Johannes Anwell .

xs.

Thomas Hicke

iiij d.

, xij d.

Thomas Ruthen Jimr

xij d.

. , xx d.

Uxor T. Wotton .

j d.

. XX S.

Johannes Wyll servus

. viij d.

Wytfen " ." '.^

vj d.

vj s. viij d.

Emot Shypster . 4;

viij d.

. xvjd.

Item of John Wat . > i/

iij d.

' .' ' xx d.

Item Thomas Bonde ; _.*»

jd.

xij d.

Item for the beruall & the

xij d. porpell garlemet *

vj d.

v.'.-, xvjd. Ricardus Ronold .

j d.

iijs. iiijd.

Johannes Tregasow

jd.

* Probably a pall and trappings for burials.

BODMIN CHURCH.

49

CROCKEWYLLANE.

Robertus Beste

Elyus Storgen

Raf Stephyn . . - .

Margareta Hopkyn

Jenet Nycoll an anwell .

Johannes Donnow

Elizabetha Stryppe

Emot Tanner

Wyllielmus Fremason xiij s

Jamis Glover . iij s.

Item of a in an of Walys .

Rogerws Walter

Leonardi*s Gylys .

Thomas Bocher

Isabella Reskarek . viij s,

Robertus Wener

Nicoll famula T. Wat .

Johannes Cok Junor

Johannes Baron

Thomas Witfen .

Harry Sebeley

i Robertus John seruus Jo-

hannis Tankard . iiij d.
xvj d. ! Johannes Knygt servus

~Roberti Russh . iiij d.

viij d. Johannes Bettow . . " xxd.

ij d. WylUWwws Potter •. iiij d.

! Henrz'c^s Ratynbry . iiij d.

xij d. | Annis Taber . . . . ij d.

iiij d. ; 'Johannes Koc filii^s \\ il-

viij d. lielmiKoc . . iiij d.

. iiij d. Thomas Peuter Junr

iiij d. Johannes Mayow servus

iiij d. Lucomb . . ij d.

xx d. Johannes Huchyns servus

viij d. I Joachynu Hoper . iiij.d.

xij d. Johannes Nicolyn . . xiiij d.

iiij d. Rogertis Yonge . '. . xij d.

viij d. * Harry Harry de Glyn . x s.*

iiij d. Ade Junor . . iiij d.

vj d. Sherston . . iij s. iiij d.

j d. | [Math . . ?] the leche . xx d.

iiij d. i Morrys Tretheff .' .- xij d.

ij d. \ Ricaidus Peuter . . iiij d.

* Erased.

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