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THE CAMDEN MISCELLANY,

VOLUME THE EIGHTH:

CONTAINING

FOUR LETTERS OF LORD WENTWORTH, AFTERWARDS EARL OF
STRAFFORD, WITH A POEM ON HIS ILLNESS.

MEMOIR BY MADAME DE MOTTEVILLE ON THE LIFE OF HEN-
RIETTA MARIA.

PAPERS RELATING TO THE DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE,
1642-1646.

A SECRET NEGOCIATION WITH CHARLES THE FIRST, 1643-1644.

A LETTER FROM THE EARL OF MANCHESTER ON THE CONDUCT
OF CROMWELL.

LETTERS ADDRESSED TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.
ORIGINAL LETTERS OF THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH.
CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FAMILY OF HADDOCK 1657-1719.

LETTERS OF RICHARD THOMPSON TO HENRY THOMPSON, OF
ESCRICK, CO. YORK.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXXXIII.

,

c

WESTMINSTER:

PRINTED BY NICHOLS AND SONS,
25, PARLIAMENT STREET.

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[NEW SERIES xxxi.J

COUNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY

FOR THE YEAR 1882-3.

President,

THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF VERULAM, F.R.G.S.

J. J. CARTWRIGHT, ESQ., M.A., Treasurer.

WILLIAM CHAPPELL, ESQ., F S.A.

F. W. COSENS, ESQ., F.S.A.

JAMES E. DOYLE, ESQ.

REV. J. WOODFALL EBSWORTH, M.A., F.S.A.

JAMES GAIRDNER, ESQ.

SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, ESQ., Director.

J. W. HALES, ESQ., M.A.

ALFRED KINGSTON, ESQ., Secretary.

CHARLES A. J. MASON, ESQ.

THE EARL OF POWIS, LL.D.

EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, ESQ., M.A. (the late)

REV. W. SPARROW SIMPSON, D.D., F.S.A.

WILLIAM JOHN THOMS, ESQ., F.S.A.

J. R. DANIELL-TYSSEN, ESQ., F.S.A. (the late).

The COUNCIL of the CA.MDEN SOCIETY desire it to be under-
stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa-
tions that may appear in the Society's publications ; the Editors
of the several Works being alone responsible for the same.

FOUR LETTERS

OF

LORD WENTWORTH,

AFTERWARDS EARL OF STRAFFORD,

WITH

A POEM ON HIS ILLNESS.

EDITED BY

SAMUEL EAWSON GARDINER, LL.D.,

DIRECTOR OP THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXXXIII.

PEEFACE.

For the four letters now published the Society is indebted to
Mr. G. F. Warner, who met with them in arranging a collection
of the correspondence of the Earl of Carlisle which has recently
been purchased by the British Museum. The first of them is
valuable as embodying Wentworth's opinion on Gustavus Adolphus
at a critical point in his career, whilst the last gives us his opinion
of the Irish officials soon after his arrival in Ireland. All four of
them have an interest as showing intimacy between Wentworth and
the husband of Lady Carlisle.

The poem, which must have been written in the end of May or
the beginning of June 1640, was pointed out to me some years ago
by Mr. R. Laing of C. C. C. It has since been copied for me by
Mr. A. Plummer, the Librarian of the College, who has been good
enough to collate it as printed here with the original MS. There
is nothing except internal evidence to bear on the question of
authorship, but Professor Hales and Mr. Gosse agree in selecting
Cartwright as the probable writer. At the time when the collected
edition of his poems was published there was every reason to omit
a panegyric of Strafford.

FOUR LETTERS

FROM

LOED WENTWORTH TO THE EAEL OF CARLISLE,

[EGBRTON MSS. 2597.]

Aug. 12, MY MUCH HONORED LORD,

Fol. 76. Thorowe the favoure of yours of the nine and twentithe

of the last moneth methinks I see the affaires of the house of Austria
a little to quicken againe, for the intrenchmentt of the Swede a
showes the others to be maisters of the feilde ; and that soe many
peeces of importance have declared themselves for Monsieur b
asseures me France will not be in case to hurtt Spaine abrode
having soe much to doe for himself att home, being a solitary
Prince and a heire apparantt the heade of a Party aganst him. Soe
it seemes Fiatc was a righteous man and taken from the evill to
cum, which methinks the Cardinall should hardly escape. But, if I
may prie into the Arke, I beseeche your Lordship, whie doe not
wee sum way or other declare ourselves roundly and put ourselves in
sum posture, at least in sum hope of regaining the Palatinate. That
Prince seems to me on all sides to be in the lande wheare all things
are forgotten. Oh my Lord, the house of Austria hath a roote,
will up againe ; the King of Swede can have noe time to make
more then one faulte, and that proves irremedilesse, if it should

a At Nuremberg, where Gustavus Adolphus was facing Wallenstein.

bGaston Duke of Orleans was at this time in Languedoc taking part in an
insurrection with the Duke of Montmorency.

c The Marquess of Effiat, who had been ambassador in England in 1624-25. He
had been superintendent of the Finances, and had done much to bring about the
insurrection by his demands upon the estates of Languedoc. He died July |^.
CAMD. SOC.

2 STRAFFORD LETTERS.

chance to befalle him, therfore me thinks still it weare well we be
not all togeither swallowed up in the contemplation of his last
battell at Lipssick ; besides that in his successfull progresse hetherto
he hath not presented himself soe lovely to us, as that we have
cause to dote on him. And now, my Lord, give me leave to tell
you how sore it presseth upon the zeale I have to serve you that
my condition in this place affords me noe meanes to performe it, as I
infinitly desire it might. In good faithe, one pleasure I have when
I thinke of Irelande, and therin judge that imploymentt to have
much the better of this, it is that I hope ther to finde sum pathes
open for my thankfullnesse to walke in, and to meete with sum of
your interests in my passadge. Beleeve me, my Lorde, I will with
all diligence and perseverance treade the stepps which may leade me
to sum happy issue, which may becum in sum degree acceptable
unto you and soe hartely apprehende your commaundes your
honoure or benifitt, that he must be a bold man at armes that setts
them and me asunder. Till I manifest unto your Lordship this
constantt truthe, be pleased to oblige me by your beleefe (whearin
you shall never be deceaved) of my remaining
Your Lordship's

Most humble and most faithfull servantt,
WENTWORTH.

Yorke, this 12th of August, 1632.

Dec. 20, MY VERY GOOD LORD,

Fol. 108. Ther is upon the way towards your Lordship a whole

kennall of houndes ; five cople of them are for me, nor was I ever
maister of soe many before in all my life. I wishe they prove for
your liking ; thus much in therbyhalfe, according to the dialecte of
a Northeren Cracker. Ther ancestors weare of thos famouse Heroes
that in the feildes of Han worth* and Wettwangeb weare of the cheefe
in sentte and vewe, and, if it came to a blacke hare, run doggs,

* In Middlesex. b in the East Riding of Yorkshire.

STRAFFORD LETTERS.

horse, and men cleare out of sighte, and the silly beaste was sure to
die for it before she gott to the tow miles end. Your Lordship is
left free to your beleafe, but thus much shall be sworne, if you
desire an oathe for it ; what thes thar oxpring may performe
upon the Alpes I cannot be resolved by our huntsmen, but it
is strongly supposed they will not prove Pejores avis, and then
the day is ours sure. The subjectt I am upon is ritche and
noble, and losse it weare to give it over soe quickly ; but truly, my
Lord, if I end not quickly I shall not see to write, soe as I must
intirely assigne them over to ther good fortune and myself to your
favoure, wishing sum better occasion by which I may expresse unto
you how sincerely and hartely I am
Your Lordship's

Most faithfull and most humble servante,
WENTWORTH.

Yorke, this 20th of December, 1632.

My humble service to my Ladye I beseeche you ; for such is the
speede and dullnesse of my sight as both conspire to give me noe
leisure or meanes to write any more.

June 25, MY VERY GOOD LORDE,

F 1 140 This place administers little matter whearupon to exercise

the service I finde my hartte inclined to expresse unto your Lord-
ship every wheare, which misfortune I trust my industrye and
desire shall free me from the burthen of long labouring under and
sett me in sum nearer and better posture to your affaires in Irelande,
whear with extreame much comforte I flatter myself att least not
to continue thus still uselesse and fruitlesse in thos lardge returnes
to we your noble freindshippe.

I have written to my Lord Mountnorris to pay over to Mr. Heye
for your Lordship's use the surplusadge of your wine customes in
Irelande, your rentt to his Matie deducted; but I am not a little
troubled with the apprehension that he will not take itt for a suffi-

4 STRAFFORD LETTERS.

cient warrantte for him to issue the m . . . . upon, as indeed itt is
not, and soe your Lordship be disappointed. To helpe this the
best I can till I can thether myself, I still call upon such of your
servants as I conceave are intrusted with your businesse to hasten
to your Lordship your warrantt from Mr. Atturney, which may be
returned backe heare and see the booke ready drawen accordingly
aganst his Maties cumming hether, when your Lordship willbe
pleased to see it perfected, and past under the great seale. What
they doe in it I heare not, but I will by God's helpe goe to the
Atturney myself, and, if they have slacked, I will not, nor suffer him
to be in quiet till I procure itt and send it after you. Good my
Lord, let it not be any longer neglected, for it is of greate value,
and willbe worthe your paines to have it finally and authentically
settled in good forme of lawe.

The Counsell goe every Sunday to waite upon the Queen.5 Her
Ma1? useth them with great grace and civility; but methinks is
sumthing sadde and lookes very much paler than she useth to doe.

For myself, I am using all the diligence I possibly can to gett
away, and shall, God willing, be in a readinesse to begin my jurney
soe soon as I heare Captaine Plumley is gott aboute to Beaum orris
with the shipp that is to transporte me. He is allready out of the
river, soe as the next post that cums from Chester I trust to have
the newes of his safe arrivall, and till then it weare to very little
purpose for me to stirre from hence.

Wee heare ther is greate curtesyes passe betwixt your Lordship
and my Lord of Hollande, and heare all his freinds make mighty
addresses to my Ladye, but weather out of true respectts to you
tow singly, or complicated with sum secrett designe to fortifie
themselves the better to make themselves more able to ballance to
doe the Treasorourb a shrewde turne, I conceave may in good
judgmente be doubted ; for I am one of thos that beleeve noe
miracles, but that freindshipps which are to be trusted grow up
per media upon sum noble precedent existent matter, wheare thos
* The King was on his way to Scotland. b Richard Weston, Earl of Portland.

STRAFFORD LETTERS. 5

which are skiped into thus per saltum are for the most partte only
to serve turnes and deceatfully temporary, and therfore ever to be
suspected. It must be time and your owne wisdome which must
discover this mistery, and therunto as unto lights much abler to
discerne and judge I submitt itt, having myself noe other interest
then to desire that all may succeede to the honoure and happinesse
of your Lordship and my Ladye; and then in good faithe I am
well pleased (that granted) which way soever itt be convayed unto
you. I am sorry this day proves soe ill as will of necessitye keep
his M'y within doores,a and by that meanes I feare hinder him from
seaing the parke at Yorke, which I have taken soe much care to
reserve out of the Forest, rather for the honoure and conveniency
of the place I ther held than for any private benefitt of my owne ;
for in good faith, my Lord, money is not the price with me of
anything, but the kindnesse and love to my freinds, particularly to
your Lordship, I confesse must not be denied whatever can be
required, and in the power of

Your Lordship's

Most faithfull humble servante,
WENTWORTH.

Westminster.
Indorsed: 1633, June 25.

Aug. 27, MY VERY GOOD LORD,

1 AQQ

Foi. 150. Whatever my occasions or hast be, it must not deprive

me the happiness of still putting your Lordship in remembrance of
this servante of yours, who will ever be the readiest to receave and
the most carefull to fullfill your commaundes in the whole world.
Hear I am the whilst in excessive labourre to gett a little before
hande with my businesse, if possibly I may be soe happy, being to
deale with a generation that have the pointes of ther weapon turned

a On his passage through York on his way to Scotland.

6 STRAFFORD LETTERS.

wholly to ther owne privates, but noe edge att alle for the publike ;
heare they are as dull as sharpe and eager to cut out for themselves
in the other. I see itt is a maxime amongst them to keepe the
Deputye as ignorantt as possibly they can, that soe allbeit not in
peace yet he may be subordinate to them in knowledge, which I
take to be the true reason that not any of them hethertoo hath made
me any proposition att all for the bettering of his Ma*?68 service. I
am purposed on the other side to open my eyes as wide as I can and
dispaire not in time to be able to sounde the depthe they covett soe
much to reserve from me. I finde all the revenew hear reduced to
fee farmes and noe possible meanes consequently to advance it, and
in the meane time greate matters expected, indeed impossibilities,
from me in Englande, which is a wofull condition of a servant to
dwell under the pressure of exspectation and be left or afforded noe
meanes to dischardge himself from under the burthen of itt. I
beseech your Lordship lett me in this, as I have dun in many things
els, finde your favour, and be pleased to take me soe farre into your
care as to weede out this growing inconvenience forth out of our
maister's minde, in case you at any time finde itt to shoote up with
him. There is not many that have the meanes to doe it for me, nor
many the particulars wherein you may oblige me more than in this.
I shall be sure to doe the uttermost that lies in me, for I have a
hartte can willingly sacrifice all that ever I have for his Ma^ (if
I doo not deceave myself) with a chearfullnesse and faithe extra-
ordinary ; only I am fearefull, that whilst impossibilities are ex-
spected at my hands, the best I can doe should not be accepted,
nay, imputed unto me as a crime. My Lord, I will detaine you
noe longer, further then to beseeche you to be confidentt I must
ever inviolatly approve myself

Your Lordship's

Most humble and most faithfull servantt,
WENTWORTH.

Dublin, this 27th of August, 1633.

STRAFFORD LETTERS.

POEM

ON THE EARL OF STRAFFORD'S ILLNESS.

[MSS. OF CORPUS CHBISTI COLLEGE, OXFORD. No. 316.]

To my Lord Lief tenant of Ireland.

How much you may oblige, how much delight
The wise and noble, would you dye to-night ?
Or would you, like some noble victor, dye
Just when the Triumphs for the victory
Are setting forth ; would you dye now, to eschew
Our wreaths, for what yor wisedome did subdue,
And though they'r bravely fitted to yor head
Bravely disdaine to weare them till you'r dead.
Such Cynnicke Glory would outshine the light
Of Graetian greatnes, or of Roman height.
Not that the wise and noble can desire
To loose the objects they soe much admire.
But Heroes and Saints must shift away
Their flesh, ere they can gett a holy day.
Then like to time, or book-fam'd Registers.
Victors and Saints renown'd in Calenders,
You must depart to make yor valew knowne,
You may be lik'd, but not ador'd till gone.
Soe curs'd a Fate hath humane Excellence,
That absence still must raise it to our sence,
Great vertue may be dangerous whilst 'tis here ;
It winnes to love but it subdues to feare.

STRAFFORD LETTERS.

The mighty Julius who soe long did strive

At more then man, was hated whilst alive,

Even for that vertue which was rais'd so high ;

When dead it made him straight a Deitye.

Embassadors that carry in their Breasts

Secrets of Kings, and Kingdomes Interests

Have not their callings full preeminence

Till they grow greater by removing hence.

Like Subiects here they but attend the Throne

But swell like King's Companions when they'r gone.

My Lord, in a dull Calme the Pilott growes

To noe esteeme for what he acts or knowes ;

But still neglected, as he useles were,

Or con'd his Card like a young Passenger :

Yet when the silent wind [sic] receave their breath

And stormes grow lowde enough to awaken death,

Then, were he absent, every Traffacker

Would with rich wishes beg his being there.

Soe in a Kingdomes Calme you beare noe rate,

But rise to valew in a storme of State,

Yet I recant, I beg yow would forgive,

That in such times I must perswade yow live

For with a storme wee all are overcast

And Northerne stormes are dangerous at last.

Should yow dye now that onely knowes to steere

The windes would lesse afflict us then our feare.

For each small Statesman then would lay his hand

Upon the healme, and struggle for Comand,

Till the disorders that above doe grow

Provoke our Curses whilst we sinke below.

INDEX.

Carlisle, Earl of, his payments from the Irish wine cnstoms, 3
Gustavus Adolphus, Wentworth's opinion of, 1
Portland, Earl of, parties at Court against, 4
Leipsic, Battle of, 2

Wentworth, his opinions on foreign affairs, 1 ; praises his dogs, 2 ; prepares to go
to Ireland, 4 ; his opinion on the character of the Irish officials, 6 ; poem on
the illness of, 7

MEMOIR

BY

MADAME DE MOTTEVILLE

ON THE

LIFE OF HENEIETTA MARIA

EDITED BY

M. G. HANOTAUX.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXXX.

NOTE BY THE DIRECTOR.

The document which M. Hanotaux has kindly consented to edit
for the Society is one of considerable literary interest. Being pre-
pared for the use of Bossuet in the preparation of his funeral sermon
upon Queen Henrietta Maria, it enables us to trace the changes
made by a great orator in the simple language of the material from
which he drew his information.

As a contribution to history the paper is of less importance.
Henrietta Maria's own story has already been told in the Memoirs
of Madame de Motteville ; and, though that story will help us to
understand the position of the Queen in Charles's Court, it has to
be confronted with many other documents before any part of it can
be accepted as history. One part, for instance, which reappears
here — that, namely, in which the Queen describes her interviews
with members of Parliament during Strafford's trial — is so obviously
absurd, that we are apt to pass over its real significance. She talks
of secret meetings with rebels, who showed their confidence in her
by coming to her, though they had to fear lest they should be
arrested for their own crimes. The persons in question were, no
doubt, men like Savile and Digby, who had taken part against the
Government, but who were in no sense rebels, unless, indeed,
Savile's part in the invitation of the Scots was to be counted as
rebellion Yet there is strong reason to believe that the words,
incorrect as they are, convey a true impression of the Queen's

4 NOTE BY THE DIRECTOR.

feeling. It is quite a mistake to look on the attempted arrest of
the five members as a sudden and isolated action. From the very
first weeks of the Long Parliament Henrietta Maria was planning
schemes of attack upon the Parliament ; and, though the parlia-
mentary leaders may have imported imaginary elements into the
plot the mysteries of which they strove to unravel, they were per-
fectly right in their sense of danger, and in fixing upon the Queen
as their most active enemy. Another point on which this docu
ment is clear is the feeling of the Queen towards Stratford. Writers
have sometimes supposed that the Queen disliked her husband's
great minister. Though this is true of earlier years, when Strafford
felt himself called on by duty to object to various jobs on behalf of
the Queen's favourites, it was certainly untrue in 1640 and 1641.
In a lately-recovered fragment of the Earl of Manchester's Memoirs
we are told that until the last days of danger the Queen was on
Stratford's side, and on this, therefore, the assertion of the present
document may betaken as correct.

That the House of Commons should be roused to special enmity
against the foreign woman whose hand was to be seen in all violent
plots against its independence was intelligible enough. It is also
intelligible that a later generation should have felt kindly drawn to
one who suffered much. The modern historian will be inclined to
temper his condemnation with pity. If Henrietta Maria's conduct
was disastrous to herself and to her husband, it could hardly have
been expected to be otherwise. It is hard for us now to conceive
what were the difficulties of a foreign Queen in the seventeenth
century. At present a continental Princess who marries into the
English Royal family brings with her a certain difference in thought
and feeling from that which would be brought by a lady of English
birth. But that difference is not great. The resemblances between
the nations of Western Europe are far stronger than they were even

NOTE BY THE DIRECTOR. 0

fifty years ago, and they are growing stronger every day. In the
seventeenth century a Frenchwoman differed from an Englishwoman
on almost every conceivable point on which governmental diffi-
culties were likely to arise. It was absolutely impossible that a
Frenchwoman could enter into the ecclesiastical or parliamentary
constitution of England, or that her advice should be otherwise
than bad. To blame Henrietta Maria for leading her husband astray
is simply to blame her for being his wife ; and, as she was only
fifteen years old at the time of her marriage, this is only to transfer
the blame to the politicians who overlooked the real objections to
the arrangement which they regarded with satisfaction.

INTRODUCTION.

Pour un orateur sacre* il n'y avait point d'epreuve plus delicate
que de prononcer Poraison funebre de quelqu'un des " grands de la
terre." Dans ce genre litte'raire, sorte de compromis entre le libre
langage de la religion et les managements des cours* Bossuet sur-
passa tous ses e'mules. Ce n'etait point seulement par Felevation de
la pensee, la pompe de la phrase, Petonnante opposition des grandeurs
et des miseres humaines, et le majestueux balancement de 1'idee
divine planant sur toute son osuvre, qu'il emportait les suffrages;
c'etait aussi par le sentiment exquis des convenances, par la finesse
des allusions a peine indique'es, et saisies de tous, par le tact avec
lequel il savait renfermer dans un sous-entendu habile les endroits
les plus scabreux de son sujet, et se re'server les bene'fices d'une
franchise prudente et d'un silence eloquent. C'etait dans ces pas-
sages surtout que ses contemporains Padmiraient. Tout pleins encore
du souvenir du mort; conservant le plus souvent a son sujet Pine-
vitable impression des infirmites humaines, ils ne menageaient pas
leur enthousiasme pour un art qui les enlevait en quelque sorte
hors d'eux-memes et qui savait derouler sur le fonds etroit et quelque-
fois miserable d'une vie a peine eteinte, le riche et somptueux voile
des nobles pensees et des paroles sonores. Une ge'ne'ration si polie,
si precieuse, si juste appre'ciatrice du talent de bien dire et de dire
ce qui convient, devait trouver au regal d'une oraison funebre bien
faite la saveur la plus exquise.

8 INTRODUCTION.

Tandis que Bourdaloue frappait u com me un sourd," au grand
emoi de Mme. de Sevigne, et u qu'il se jetait a corps perdu dans
ces endroits que font trembler, que tout le monde evite, qui font
qu'on tire les rideaux, qu'on passe les eponges," Bossuet, plus homme
de cour, trouvait de ces mots appaise's qui n'evoquent la faute que
pour rappeler le pardon, et ne laissent plus du peche' que le souvenir
pieux du remords et de la penitence.

Certes la verite des oraisons funebres n'est par la ve'rite' de
1'histoire. L'histoire cependant ne doit pas dedaigner les renseigne-
ments qu'elle peut rencontrer en les lisant. Sans compter que le
jugement des hommes considerables qui les ont composees me'rite
souvent d'echapper un soup9on que la necessite de la louange peut
faire jeter sur elles, il est des faits qu'un homme et qu'un pretre ne
peut taire ni faire semblant d'ignorer. II y a une opinion gene'rale
qui s'impose a 1'orateur parcequ'elle est celle de Tauditoire. Ce
serait mal connaitre le grand Conde que de ne savoir pas com-
ment on le louait de son temps, et dans quels termes un Bossuet
pouvait le louer.

Cependant, si a la lecture d'un de ces pane'gyriques on pouvait
joindre la connaissance des renseignements exacts sur lesquels Pora-
teur sacre a fonde son opinion; si 1'on pouvait connaitre la mine
d'ou il a tire tant de nobles endroits que brillent dans son discours;
si 1'on pouvait compter ceux qu'il a dedaignes et laisses dans
Tombre ; si Ton pouvait assister en quelque sorte a ce travail intime
qui du bloc informe a su tirer Tadmirable statue du heros, certes
Tinteret historique, comme Pinteret litteraire, se trouverait singu-
lierement accru.

De pareilles fortunes litteraires sont rares. C'en est une de cette
sorte que nous offrons au lecteur. Nous publions aujourd'hui pour
la premiere fois le Memoire que Madame de Motteville redigea sur
1'ordre de Henriette d'Angleterre pour servir a 1'oraison funebre

INTRODUCTION. 9

de la mere de celle-ci, Henriette-Marie de France, femme de
Charles Ier. Cette oraison funebre fut prononcee par Bossuet le
16 Novembre 1669, en 1'Eglise des religieuses de Ste. Marie de
Chaillot, ou le cceur de la reine d'Angleterre avait ete depose.

Madame de Motteville a etait la niece d'un poete.b Ses contem-
porains n'ignoraient pas " qu'elle avait autant d'esprit que lui et
qu'elle ecrivait aussi bien en prose qu'il avait fait en vers." c
Madame de Motteville, amie et confidente de la reine Anne d'Au-
triche, e*tait plus que personne au courant des faits particuliers qui
s'etaient passes dans la cour de la Reine Regente. II est inutile
d'insister sur ce point. Ses Memoires, publics au xvme siecle, nous
apprennent assez ce que son esprit avait garde de remarques curieuses
et de souvenirs exacts. Elle avait connu egalement la veuve de
Charles Ier et, comme elle le dit elle-meme, " avait approche fami-
lierement de cette Reine raalheureuse." II est done naturel qu'au
moment ou Ton songeait a glorifier dans la chaire chretienne les
malheurs et les vertus de la princesse definite, on se soit adresse de
preference, pour obtenir des renseignements precis sur elle, a Ma-
dame de Motteville.

Le Memoire qu'elle redigea a la demande de Madame Henriette

a Nee en 1621, morte en 1689. Fille de Pierre Bertaudet niece de Jean Bertaud,
eveque de Seez. Elle fut des 1'age de 7 ans placee pres d' Anne d' Autriche, et devint
plus tard sa confidente intime. Elle epousa, en 1639, Langlois de Motteville, premier
president de la cour des Comptes de Normandie.

b Jean Bertaud fut 1'un des plus celebres adeptes de 1'ecole de Ronsard. II fut
premier aumonier de Marie de Medicis, eyeque de Seez, et mourut en 1611. Boileau
1'a menage plus que son maitre Konsard : —

" Ce poete orgueilleux trebuche de si haut
Rendit plus retenu Desportes et Bertaud."

Art Poet. ch. I. ii.

c Voir la note du temps ajoutee au Portrait de la Reine-Mere fait par Madame de
Motteville, dans Galerie des Portraits de Mdlle. de Montpensier, edit de Barthelemy,
1860, p. 180.

CAMD. SOC. B

10 INTRODUCTION.

ne doit pas se confondre avec le recit des Revolutions d'Angleterre,
qui a trouve place dans ses Memoires. Les faits et les apprecia-
tions generates emanant d'une meme personne et s'appliquant a un
meme objet ne different pas certainement d'une fa$on considerable.
Mais les details et la redaction n'ont rien de commun.

II n'y a pas lieu de douter qu'en ecrivant ces lignes qui devaient
passer sous les yeux de M. de Condom, Madame de Motteville ait
fait le possible pour s'elever en quelque sorte au dessus d'elle-meme.
Le ton de 1'oraison funebre 1'a gagne, autant qu'il etait compatible
avec la liberte d'allure et la naivete d'impression qui fait le fonds
meme de son talent. II y a quelques faits qu'elle meme connaissait
et qu'elle a voulu taire. II en est d'autres sur lesquels elle a insiste.
Si Ton compare ce chapitre avec celui qu'elle a insere dans ses
Memoires, on remarquera qu'elle a su mettre dans le portrait de
la Reine quelquechose de plus grave, dans le recit de ses malheurs
quelquechose de plus emu; mais qu'elle a fondu en les adoucis-
sant d'avantage les traits du caractere et les nuances particulieres
de la personnalite qu'elle avait mieux burines dans son autre
ouvrage.

II y aura profit a voir ainsi, sous ces deux faces diverses, le por-
trait d'une Reine que 1'Histoire de France et 1'Histoire d'Angleterre
peuvent revendiquer toutes deux avec honneur.

Mais ce qui donne au document que nous publions un interet de
premier ordre, c'est, comme nous 1'indiquions en debutant, la com-
paraison qu'il per met de faire desormais entre 1'oraison funebre de
Bossuet et les renseignements qu'on lui avait mis entre les mains.

Le grand orateur a souvent suivi pied a pied le recit de la dame
de compagnie. C'est d'une de ces rernarques nai'ves, d'une de ces
phrases sans prevention qu'il part en quelque sorte, a chaque instant,
et prend son vol vers les plus hauts sommets de Feloquence et
de la poesie. II a tir£ parti de bien des traits que Madame de

INTRODUCTION. 11

Motteville avec une sagacite remarquable indiquait et soulignait
meme.a Mais lui, de quelle aile il emporte leur elan, jusque dans
les cieux.

La litterature ne saurait fournir de plus curieux sujet d'etude.
Bossuet apparait surtout ici comme grand ecrivain. La mysterieuse
grandeur que son style jette sur tout ce qu'il touche montre com-
bien cet homme avait le don ; et de quelle sorte d'emotion intime,
personnelle, et subjective etait fait son genie.

On voit, a la lecture de ces deux pieces, que par la meditation
et 1'etude Forateur finissait par s'abstraire pour ainsi dire de son
sujet, et qu'il ne conservait plus du sentiment de la realite que ce
qui etait necessaire pour que ses leyons restassent encore frappantes
pour Pesprit de ses auditeurs.

C'etait une autre Henriette, une autre Marie Therese, meme
un autre Conde, qui se levait peu a peu dans son a"me. C'etait la
gloire et les malheurs des Rois, les divers succes de la fortune, les
alternatives des splendeurs et des miseres humaines, sortes d'abstrac-
tions morales et religieuses, qui devenaient son veritable sujet, et
qu'il ennoblissait de toute la pourpre de son style, qu'il caressait,
qu'il faisait belles, pour les jeter enfin, toutes parees, au pied de la
misericorde et de la justice divine.

La necessite des convenances sociales conspirait avec Tim agina-
tion de Torateur pour operer ces metamorphoses. Sans compter la
louange obligee du defunt, il y avait dans la composition de 1'audi-
toire et dans 1'assistance invisible ou presente du Hoi Soleil des
motifs de gene pour Forateur. II ne pouvait satisfaire a ces exi-
gences diverses qu'en se tenant le plus souvent au dessus de son
sujet, — au dessus et en dehors.

Sans qu'il fut absolument contraint, comme le Simonide de la

a V. la note de la p. 26.

12 INTRODUCTION.

fable, de parler de Castor et de Pollux, il ne pouvait cependant se
servir que de certaines fbrmules dans la louange de son heros.

C'est encore ce travail et ces transformations que Ton pourra
suivre dans le rapprochement que nos notes rendront plus facile.
On y verra que 1'un des plus beaux moments de la vie de Henriette-
Marie, un de ceux qui devaient lui faire le plus d'honneur, a disparu
dans 1'oraison funebre, probablement parcequ'on craignait de sou-
ligner dans la brave conduite de la Heine une sorte d'oubli momen-
tan£ de ses devoirs de Chretienne.a On y verra les traits d'un
catholicisme trop fervent et funeste a 1'Etat, exaltes au detriment
de ceux qui faisaient plus d'honneur a son caractere et a son coeur.b
On y verra enfin une personnalite' tres vive, tres remuante, tres
tranchee, dans le portrait de Madame de Motteville, eteinte dans
le panegyrique sous une magnifique enveloppe de generalites pom-
peuses et d'eloges parfois peu merites. On y verra enfin — detail
plus curieux encore — les defauts que Madame de Motteville avait
crude voir indiquer avec une franchise touchante et respectueuse. non
pas seulement laisses dans Pombre, mais transformed chez Forateur
chretien de maniere a motiver Fimage et la louange des qualite's
absolument contraires.0

II ne conviendrait pas de reprocher trop vivement a Bossuet cette
maniere d'arranger en quelque chose ses recits et ses jugements.
Son esprit ne pouvait se defaire des idees de son temps, idees dont
il fut peut-etre d'ailleurs le plus eclatant interprete. Homme de
cour il devait suivre les usages de la cour. Tout ce qu'il pouvait
faire c'etait de se souvenir qu'il etait eveque aussi. Et certes il s'en
souvenait, multipliant les occasions d'humilier au pied de la divinite
les grandeurs humaines qu'il exaltait lui-meme d'une maniere que
nous trouvons trop pompeuse.

a V. la note e, p. 27. b V. la note, p. 23. c V. la noteb. p. 28.

INTRODUCTION. 13

Le Kecit de Madame de Motteville dans ses Mdmoires, les pages
que nous publions ici, 1'oraison funebre de Bossuet, sont les trois,
points d'une situation historique et litteraire qui fera penetrer vive-
ment le lecteur dans la connaissance du veritable esprit de la Cour
et de PEglise en France au xvne siecle.

MEMOIEE

DE

MADAME DE MOTTEVILLE.

AVERTISSEMENT.

II nous reste maintenant a donner quelqUes details sur ^original
meme du document que nous publions. Ce document est conserve
aux Archives Nationales de France (Musee, Vitrine 58). C'est un
autographe ecrit tout entier de la main de Madame de Motteville.
Les corrections, assez nombreuses et dont nous avons citees les vari
antes les plus importantes, sont bien de son ecriture, quoique d'une
encre differente. L'ensemble de la piece forme un petit cahier de
neuf feuilles de papier in-folio, du xvne siecle. Ce cahier porte
en tete la note suivante: " De Madame de Motteville. Mdmoires que
fai donnas par Vordre de Madame pour faire V Oraison funebre de la
Reyne d' Engleterre. 1669." L'interet exceptionnel de ce docu-
ment, qui a ete entre les mains de Bossuet, a motive son exposition
dans les salles du Musee des Archives. Nous n'avons pu obtenir
aucun renseignement sur la fa£on dont il est entre au Dep6t
National.

II n'est point d'ailleurs absolument inconnu du public. M. de
Laborde lui a consacre un courte notice dans son Catalogue du
Musde des Archives. M. A. Floquet 1'a egalement indique dans ses
Eludes sur Bossuet (t. iii. 357). M. 1'Abbe Houssaye en a public
les premieres lignes dans un article de la Revue des Questions Histo-
riques (Janvier 1878, p. 176), article consacre a I'Ambassade de
M. de Blainville en Angleterre, et ou la verite des assertions de
Madame de Motteville est, selon nous, vainement mise en doute.

Nous avons nous-memes manifesto le regret que M. de Baillon
n'eut point fait usage deccMdmoire pour son Histoire de Henriette-

CAMD. SOC. C

18 AVERTISSEMENT.

Marie. C'est cette derniere indication qui a donne lieu a la publi-
cation actuelle, entreprise par le bienveillant intermediaire et avec
1'appui de M. Gardiner. C'est a lui qu'en revient tout Fhonneur.

Nous avons cru devoir suivre 1'orthographe du manuscrit, si
bizarre qu'elle paraisse, parceque c'est 1'original meme de Madame
de Motteville. On remarquera que pour tin grand nombre de mots
cette orthographe figure assez bien la prononciation du xviie siecle.

Les rapprochements faits avec le texte de Bossuet sont empruntes
a 1'edition de Didot, in-4°, 1860, t. ii. pp. 1-13. Les citations des
Memoires de Madame de Motteville sont faites d'apres 1'edition de
Charpentier en 4 volumes in-12°. Paris, 1869.

DE MADAME DE MOTTEVILLE.

M4moires que j'ai donnes par 1'ordre de Madame pour
faire TOraison funebre de la Eeyne d'Engleterre.

1669.

La Reyne d'Engleterre aussy tost apres son mariage eust a soufrir
quelques chagrins quy luy ariverent par imprudence des personnes
quy avoient eu 1'honneur de la suivre quy i'empescherent d'abort de
cognoistre les bonnes intentions du Roy son mary et 1'amour qu'il
avoit pour elle, mais leur esloignement 1'ayant mise en estat de se
servir de ses lumieres [naturelles qui estoient grandes, elle jugea
bien viste qu'il faloit faire son plesir de son devoir.a

Comme elle cognut les louables calites du Roy son mary quy
estoit honeste homme et quy 1'aymoit, elle se dona entierement a
luy, et leur amitie a este sy grand e qu'elle a este* admiree de toutte
1'Heuroppe.

Une sy cordialle union entre des personnes Royalles, une grande
paix dens ce Royaume, et de grandes richesses, rendirent la Reyne
d'Engleterre pendant dix ou douze ans la plus heureuse princesse
du monde. Elle estoit belle, aymable, spirituelle, familliere, bonne,
jenereuse et liberalle ; elle estoit honoree de tous ses sujets et tendre-
ment aymee de ses serviteurs particuliers. Cette grande princesse

* Ce premier paragraphe a trait, a des luttes et a des imprudences vainement niees
par des historiens modernes. Malgre ce que la matiere avait de delicat, Bossuet n'a
pu s'empecher d'y faire allusion, du moins en passant : — " Comme elle possedait
son affection, dit-il en parlant du Roi (car les nuages qui avaient paru au com-
mencement furent bientot dissipes), . . . . " &c. — V. 1'Etude de 1'Abbe Houssaye
dans la Rev. des Quest. Histor. Janvier 1878, p. 176.

20 MEMOIRE SUE

a este dens ces temps la le secours des exiles de France,a et il i
an a presentement encore a la cour quy se souviennent de ces bontes
avec beaucoup de recognoissance. Elle a este la consolation de
ceux quy en Engleterre ont soufert pour la Religion ; elle les a
proteges par sa puissance et soulages par ses Royalles osmones. Je
luy he ouy dire qu'ayant alors de grands tresors qu'elle guardoit
elle mesme sous la clef, toutte sa joye estoit d'en faire part a ceux
qu'elle vouloit gratifier, a ceux qui en avoient besoin et a ses
serviteurs qu'elle vouloit bien dire ses amis. Un jour, voulant
secourir une personne de calite quy luy avoit fait cognoistre sa
necessite, elle prist elle mesme un sy grand nombre de jacobus que,
ne les pouvant pas portter, elle s'avisa d'atacher un cordon au sac
ou elle les avoit mis et le trena jusques a ce qu'elle 1'eust conduit
derrere une tapisserie, puis avertit la personne a quy elle vouloit
faire ce bien de I'aler querir sens que ces femmes mesmes peussent le
S9avoir. Elle estoit sure dens Pamitie, segrette et fidelle a ceux
quy se confioient en elle. Je luy he ouy dire qu'il faloit que les
Roys fussent comme des confesseurs quy doivent tout S9avoir et ne
rien dire ; que ceux quy les aprochent leur disent leurs necessites et
leur montrent souvent leurs passions, leurs haines, leur malice et
leur injustice par les mauvais offices qu'ils se font les uns aux autres,
et qu'il faut, tant par charite que pour ne brouller personne, ne redire
jamais rien de toutes ces choses.b

Ceste princesse a vescu avec le Roy son mary avec une douceur
et une defFerance admirable ; elle m'a fait 1'honneur de me dire

a Ces exiles de France auxquels il est ici fait allusion etaient les ennemis du Car-
dinal de Richelieu, et en particulier Madame de Chevreuse.

b On reconnaitra facilement dans les lignes du portrait trace par 1'orateur celles
qui ont etc empruntees a ce passage : — " Elle eut une magnificence royale et Ton
cut dit qu'elle perdoit ce qu'elle ne donnoit pas. Ses autres vertus n'ont pas ete
moms admirables. Fidele depositaire des plaintes et des secrets, elle disoit que les
princesdevoient garder le meme silence que les confesseurs et avoir la meme discre-
tion. Dans la plus grande fureur des guerres civiles jamais on n'a doute de sa
parole ni desespere de sa clemence. . . . Douce, famili ere, agreable autant que
ferme et vigoureuse."

HENRIETTE MARIE. 21

qu'elle pouvoitse vanter de ne Pavoir jamais desobey en la moindre
de ses volontes. Elle a partage avec luy et ces biens et ces maux,
mais les derniers ont este beaucoup plus grands que les autres. Elle
a jouy de beaucoup de bonheur, elle a soufert ensuitte les plus
funestes disgraces, les plus grandes infortunnes et les plus grands
maux qui puissent ariver a une personne de cette naissance, et on
peut dire de cette grande princesse qu'elle a senty les deux extre-
mites du bien et du mal.

Quent les peuples d'Engleterre se revolterent centre leur Koy, la
Reyne d'Engleterre entra dens les chagrins du Roy son mary, elle
fut la confidente de ces desplesirs, et sa consolation dens ces maux.
Elle n'espargna ny ses veilles, ny ses soins, ny ses peinnes pour le
secourir. Quent le vice roy d'Irlande fut injustement ataque par
le parlement, la Reyne gagnea au Roy plusieurs de ceux quy se trou-
verent engages a la faction contrere. Je luy he ouy dire a qu'elle
aloit seulle les soirs avec un flambeau a sa main, parler aux rebelles
qu'elle fesoit venir dens une chambre d'une de ces dames, proche de
la sienne, et ceux quy y venoient, quoy qu'ils eussent a redoutter
leur propre crime quy les devoit faire craindre d'estre arrestes, ils
avoient tant de confience en sa parolle qu'ils n'en fesoient nulle difi-
cultte. En plusieurs rencontres, cette grande Reyne obtenoit d'eux
ce qu'elle desiroit, mais enfin ces miserables, par le de*reglement
de leur esprit, perdirent leur Roy et leur propre bonheur.

Apres la mort du vice roy d'Irlande que ces babares firent mourir
injustement, le Roy, pour apaiser les troubles d'Escosse, fut conseille
d'aler dens ce Royaume pour y tenir les estats. II partit et envoya
la Reyne proche de Londres, a Otland, 1'une de ses maisons, avec
les princes ces en fens. Pendant son sejour en ce lieu, les parle-
mentaires menderent a cette princesse qu'il seroit bon dens 1'apcence
du Roy qu'elle leur mit les princes entre les mains, et qu'ils creg-
noient qu'elle ne les fist papistes. La Reyne leur respondit qu'ils

* Bossuet dit :— " On salt que la Eeine a souvent expose sa personne dans ces con-
ferences secrettes." Tout le passage envirormant est inspire du recit de Madame de
Motteville. — Cfr. Memoires de Madame de Afotteville, p. 196.

22 MEM01RE SUR

se trompoient, que le prince avoit ses maistres et qu'elle ne le feroit
point papiste puisqu'elle scavoit bien que ce n'estoit pas la volonte
du Roy. En suitte de cela, pour la forcer par la peur a sortir hors
du Royaume, ils firent semblant qu'ils avoient dessein de l'enlever.a
Pour la persuader de leur dessein, ils envoyerent un ordre de leur
part a un gentilhomme quy comendoit dens le vilage ou estoit la
Reyne, de se tenir prest avec certain nombre de peisans armes en
estat de servir le Roy a leur comendement, et de les atandre jusques
a minuit a la portte du pare d'Otland ou il devoit trouver de la
cavalerie a quy il luy estoit comende d'obeir. Ce gentilhomme vint
aussy tost trouver la Reyne, luy montra son ordre et luy demande
ce qu'il luy plesoit qu'il fist. La Reyne sens s'estonner, luy comende
de n'y point obeir et de se tenir en repos. Ces principaux oficiers
ce jour la estoient ales a Londres pour leurs afaires particulieres;
elle envoye aussytot les avertir de la venir trouver avec diligence
et d'amener avec eux le plus de leurs amis quy leur seroit possible
et de se rendre opres d'elle avant minuit, puis fist armer tous ses
petis oficiers et sens montrer nulle peur ala se promener dens le
pare. Ces oficiers vindrent la trouver. La nuit se passa fort tran-
quillement et on ne vit de ce dessein que quelque vint cavaliers
quy parurent roder autour du pare. Pendant le sejour de la Reyne
deris cette maison, ells s'ocuppa a gagner des creatures au Roy et
particulierement le maireb de Londres quy d'ordinaire a grand
credit dens Londres et parmy le peuple. Le Roy, a son retour
d'Escosse, profitea de ces soins et de ces aplications; il fut receu en
triomphe a Londres avec de grandes marques de joye et d'amour.
Le prince suivyt a cheval et la Reyne dens son caroce, quy prist
part a sa gloire comme elle en avoit pris a ses pennes. Mais cette
tranquilite ne dura guerres, parceque les esprits des factieux estoient
trop opiniastres dens leur infidelite.

• Cfr. Memoires, p. 203-205. C'est ici le point sur lequel le document se rapproche
le plus du texte des Memoires.

b " Elle avoit encore gagne un maire de Londres, dont le credit etoit grand, et
plusieurs autres chefs de la faction." — Bossuet.

HENRIETTE MAKIE. 23

Quent cette princesse vit que ces soins n'enpeschoient point le
progres de la revoke, elle crut qu'il cstoit a propos d'aler chercher
du secours en Holande d'ou elle en devoit atandre, car despuis peu
leurs magestes britaniques avoient marie leur fille aynee, agee seule-
ment de dix ans, au fils du prince d'Orange. Elle quitta le Roy
avec une doulleur bien sensible, acompagnee de courage et de ce
grand ceur quy ne 1'a jamais abandonnee dens tous les malheurs de
la vie. Elle fut une annee toutte entiere en Holande, ou elle estoit
allee en aparance pour mener la jeune princesse a son mary, mais
en effet pour trouver les moyens de secourir le Roy son mary ; ce
qu'elle fit en plusieurs manieres. Elle mit touttes ses piereries en
gage, et de cet argent joint a celuy qu'elle obtint du prince d'Orange,
elle en envoya au Roy de quoy armer quarante mille hommes, ce
qui luy servit a lever des trouppes dens 1'Ecosse. Ensuitte de cela
cette genereuse Reyne voulant tout de nouveau aler en Engleterre
partager les infortunes du Roy son mary, elle se mit en mer pour
1'aler trouver avec onze vesseaux remplis d'argent et de munitions
de guerre ; mais il plut a Dieu quy regne sur la mer et sur la terre
et quy ordonne de la destinee des Roys comme il luy plest, que son
dessein fut traversse par une tempestea de neuf jours, la plus forte
et la plus terible quy se soit jamais veue. La Reyne pendent ces
jours-la, souffrit les frayeurs d'une mort continuelle et easy certaine,
lide dens un petit lit, ses femmes opres d'elle, liees de la mesme
maniere, avec quelques uns de ses oficiers et des prestres et des
capucins qu'elle avoit avee elle. La Reyne et tous les catoliques en
cet estat se confesserent tout haut, et 1'horreur de la mort leur fesoit

a Bossuet a tire un grand parti de ce recit du voyage de Henriette Marie, et de la
tempete qu'elle essuya lors de son retour. II y a ajoute quelques traits que la tradi-
tion probablement lui avait apprise. II en a retranche d'autres qui eussent pu
alterer 1'image qu'il voulait donner d'une reine catholique par excellence : — " Elle se
met en mer au mois de f evrier, malgre 1'hiver et les tempetes, et, sous pretexte de con-
duire en Hollande la princesse royale, sa fille ainee, qui avait etc mariee a Guillaume
Prince d'Orange, elle va pour engager les Etats dans lesinterets du Hoi, lui gagner
des oflficiers, lui amener des munitions. L'hiver ne 1'avoit pas effrayee quand elle
partit d'Angleterre ; 1'hiver ne 1'arrete pas onze mois apres, quand il faut retourner

24 MEMOIRE SUR

oublier la honte de publier leurs pechez, dont ils recevoient 1'abso-
lutiona chaque moment, croyant que celuy la devoit estre le dernier
de leur vie.

J 'ey ouy faire a la Reyne une estrange description de cette tem-
peste. Elle m'a fait 1'honneur de me dire, parlant de cela, qu'on
s'acoutume a la mort de mesme qu'aux autres avantures facheuses
quy arrivent aux hommes.a Elle revint enfin a La Haye ou le
vent la forcea de descendre, ayant perdu deux de ces vesseaux, et
celuy ou elle estoit estant easy tout brize et en estat de perir, sy
elle n'eut este jetee dens les ports de Holande, c'est a-dire a La
Haye. Elle fut quelques jours en fort mauvais estat et sens
pouvoir marcher, mais cela n'empescha pas cette courageuse prin-
cesse de se remetre en mer avec les vesseaux quy luy restoient, et
alors elle aborda lieureusement en Engleterre.

Elle descendit a un petit vilage avec dessein d'atandre en ce lieu
des trouppes que le Roy luy devoit envoyer. L'arme'e du parle-
ment Pavoit suivie de pres asses longtemps, pour la prandre. Elle
vint border le vilage ou la Reyne estoit, comme elle dormoit dens son
lit, et luy tirerent une sy grande cantite de coups de canon b que la
petite maison ou elle logeoit en fut toutte percee. 11 falut que la
Reyne se levast de son lit et qu'elle alast se cacber dens ces rochers
quy estoient un peu plus loing que le vilage et hors de la portee du
canon.

Apres que les parlementaires, lasses de batre ce petit vilage se

aupres du Hoi. Mais le succ£s n'en fut pas semblable. Je tremble au seul recit
de la tempete furieuse dont sa flotte fut battue durant dix jours. Les matelots furent
alarmes jusqu'a perdre 1'espritet quelques uns d'entre eux se precipiterent dans les
ondes. Elle, tou jours intrepide autant que les vagues etoient emues, rassuroit tout
le monde par sa fermete. Elle excitoit ceux qui 1'accompagnoient a esperer en Dieu
qui faisoit toute sa confiance, et, pour eloigner de leur esprit les funestes idees de la
mort qui se presentoit de tous cotes, elle disoit avec un air de serenite qui sembloit
deja ramener le calme, que les reines de se noyoient pas."

* Cfr. Memoiret, p. 210.

b " Apres s'etre sauvee des flots, une autre tempete lui fut presque aussi fatale ;
cent pieces de canon tonnerent sur elle a son arrivee et la maison ou elle entra fut
percee de leurs coups." — Bossuet.

HENRIETTE MARIE. 25

furent retires et que les trouppes du Roy furent arivees, la Reyne se
rait a leur teste et comenda 1'armee. Elle y vescut comme un
jeneral,3 sens ancunne delicatesse ; elle mengeoit a descouvert et
trettoit ces soldats comme ses freres. En alant trouver le Roy elle
assiegea et prist une ville quy estoit assez considerable et utille & son
party.

Leurs Magestes britaniques se revirent avec une grande joye, et
ce fut avec quelque espoir que leurs armees et leur argent les
feroient surmonter leur malheur; mais touttes ses forces se dissippe-
rent et ne servirent easy de rien. Us furent environ une annee
ensemble, b puis il furent contrains de se separer, parceque la Reyne
devint grosse et tomba par son chagrin et sa doulleur dens une
maladie lenguissante quy ne luy permit pas de pouvoir demeurer
avec le Roy son mary.c Elle vint a Oxfort, accablee de maux et de
tristesse, elle y acoucha d de sa derniere fille, de Madame, que nous
possedons a cetheure en France. Les parlementaires la suivirent
en ce lieu et parurent vouloir 1'assieger, si bien qu'elle fut forcee de
se metre sur mer et de se sauver en France, quoy qu'il y eust peu
de jours qu'elle fust acouchee et dens un estat pitoyable. La Reyne
Regente luy avoit desja envoye' a Oxfort, par Me Peronne, sa sage
femme, vint mille pistolles avec toutes les choses necessaires dont
elle crut qu'elle oroit besoin.6 La Reyne d'Engleterre envoy a
1'argent au Roy son mary et nostre Reyne luy en redona d'autre

* Elle marche comme un general a la tete d'une armee royale, pour traverser des
provinces que les rebelles tenoient presque toutes ; elle assiege et prend d'assaut
en passant une place considerable qui s'opposoit a sa marche." — Bossuet.

b Cfr. Memoires, p. 212.

c " La Keine, qui se trouva grosse et qui ne put, par tout son credit, faire aban-
donner ces deux sieges (de Hull et de Glocester), qu'on vit enfin si mal finir, tomba
en langueur et tout 1'etat languit avec elle." — Bossuet.

d II y a ici une erreur que Madame de Motte ville n'a pas laissee dans ses Memoires
(v. pp. 184 et 212), et que, Bossuet corrigea dans son Oraison funebre. En realite
Henriette d'Angleterre naquit a Exeter et non a Oxford.

e Cfr. Memoires, t. i. p. 184.

CAMD. SOC. D

26 MKMOIRE SUR

et receui cette princesse afligee avec toutte la bonte qu'elle meritoit
qu'on eust pour elle.a

La Reyne d'Engleterre, en passant de son pels en France fust
poursuivie de ses ennemis, et dens la creance qu'elle aloit estre prise
par eux, estant a font de calle pour se guarantir des coups de canon,
elle fit venir le pilotte; elle lui comenda de ne point tirer, d'avancer
toujours chemin, et de metre le feu aux poudres s'il voyoit qu'elle
ne peut eschapper.b Souvent elle m'a fait 1'honneur de me dire
qu'alors, se souvenant d'estre crestienne, elle s'en repentit, et qu'elle
nel'oroit pas fait; mais elle m'a avoue qu'en ce rencontre elle ne
sentit rien de plus violent dens son ame que 1'horreur que luy fit la
pence'e de se voir soumise a ses ennemis. Mais enfin elle aborda
heureusement en un port de Bretagne.

Les premieres annees que cette princesse fut en France, elle
recent toujours de grands secours de nostre Reyne, et cette princesse
rnalheureuse en envoy oit au Roy son mary la plus grande partie, ne
retenant pour elle que ce quy luy paroissoit entierement necessaire
a sa subcistance. La guerre civille quy survint en France quelque

a Madame de Motteville a ecrit en face de ce passage, dans la marge : — " II ne faut
pas oublier de marquer cet endroit a 1'avantage de la feu Reyne mere, et louer
1'nnion de ses^deux'grandes Reynes."

Madame de Motteville remarque dans ses Memoir es (p. 185) que le conduite de
la Reine Anne fut d'autant plus meritoire qu'elle-meme n'avait pas ete bien traitee
par Henriette Marie, dans les premiers temps de son mariage : — " Car cette princesse
etant soutenue par la Reine sa mere (Marie de Medecis) lui faisoit de ces petites
malices qui sont de grands maux a ceux qui les re9oivent."

Bossuet a mis a profit et ce passage et l'avertissement que Madame de Motteville
elle-meme avait mis en marge : — " Ce n'est pas que la France ait manque a la fille
de Henri le Grand. Anne la magnanime, la pieuse, que nous ne nommerous jamais
sang regret, la re9ut d'une maniere convenable a la Majeste des deux reines ; mais
les affaires du Roi ne permettant pas que cette sage princesse put proportionner le
remede au mal, jugez de 1'etat de ces deux princesses: Henriette d'un si grand coeur
est contrainte de demander du secours ; Anne d'un si grand coeur ne peut en donner

b Cfr. Memoires, p. 213. Cet episode, tout a 1'honneur du courage et de 1'energie
de Henriette Marie, ne ponvuit convenir a 1'eloge qu'en voulait faire 1'orateur chre-
tien, II 1'a passe sous silence.

HENRIETTE MARIE. 27

temps apres priva la Reyne d'Engleterre de ce soulagement; si bien
qu'elle tomba dens une extreme misere, ce qu'elle a soufert avec
Constance et force d'esprit. Nous luy avons veu vendre touttes ses
hardes Tune apres 1'autre, ces meubles et le reste de ces piereries,
et engager jusques aux moindres choses pour pouvoir subsister quel-
ques jours de plus. Elle nous fit Phonneur de nous dire un jour,
estant dens les grandes Carmelites, qu'elle n'avoit plus ny or ny
argent a elle qu'une petite tasse dens quoy elle buvoit.a

Quent elle perdit le Roy son mary, elle soufrit une violente doul-
leurb et pleurant amerement elle me fit 1'honneur de me dire,
comme j'estois opres d'elle, que le Roy son mary avoit perdu son
Royaume et sa vie pour avoir ignore la verite, et que ce malheur
estoit la cause de touttes les infortunnes des Roys.c

Estant a Ste Marie a Chaliotd ou elle a pratique beaucoup de
verttus, nous Favons veue prendre sens repugnance et sens chagrin
le soin de sa despence quy a este en certains temps fort petite, elle

a Ces memes faits ont donne lieu a un recit plus detaille dans les Memoir es de
Madame de Motteville. C'est le passage souvent cite qui commence par ces mots : —
" L'etoile etait alors terrible centre les Hois." — T. ii. p. 104. Retz aussi nous a peint
cette misere de la Reine d'Angleterre. C'est lui qui dit que ses enfants " ne pou-
vaient se lever faute de feu."

b Sur la fa$on dont la Reine apprit et recut la nouvelle de la mort du Roi, il faut
voir le recit des Memoires, t. ii. p. 352-5.

0 La reflexion que Madame de Motteville met ici dans la bouche de la Reine, a etc
reprise pleusiers fois par Bossuet dans le cours de 1'oraison funebre. C'est aussi a ce
qu'il nomme 1'impiete des Rois d'Angleterre qu'il attribueles malheurs qui frapperent
ce pays : — " Que si cet esprit d'indocilite et d'independance s'est montre tout entier
a 1'Angleterre et si sa malignite s'y est declaree sans reserve, les Rois en ont souffert ;
mais aussi les Rois en ont ete la cause. Us ont trop fait sentir aux peuples que
1'ancienne religion se pouvoit changer. . . . " et plus loin : " La Reine avoit bien
raison de juger qu'il n'y avoit point de moyen d'oter les causes des guerres civiles
qu'en retournant a Tunite catholique. . . ."

d II y a quelques details sur le sejour de la Reine d'Angleterre a Chaillot dans les
Memoires, t. iii. p. 387. Mais ils sont beaucoup moins complets que ceux qui sont
ici. On y verra seulement que la soeur de Madame de Motteville dont il est question
dans notre texte, celle que des son enfance on nommait Socratine, etait religieuse
dans ce convent de Carmelites et que Madame de Motteville en etait la bienfaitrice.

28 MEMOIRE SUR

en fesoit les contes, et s'ocupoit a cela dens un esprit de penitence
et d'humilite, avec intention sens doute de 1'offrir a Dieu en repa-
ration de Porgeul humain quy acompagne to uj ours les testes cou-
ronnees. On luy a ouy dire souvent a Chaliot qu'elle remercioit
Dieu tous les jours de deux choses ; la premiere de 1'avoir faite
crestienne, la segonde de 1'avoir fait Reyne malheureuse.a Despuis
plusieurs annees elle lisoit chaque jour un chapitre del'lmitation de
Jesus, et quent ce livre estoit fini, elle recomensoit, disant que
e'estoit sa noriturre journaliere et qu'elle ne s'en lassoit jamais.b Je
scay qu'elle fit a Chaliot, il i a quelques annees, une confession
gdneralle a une personne d'une grande reputation de piete', et que ce
fut avecde grandes aplications et de tres-solides desseins des'apliquer
au soin de son salut.

Cette princesse avoit beaucoup d'esprit. II estoit vif, agreable
et pene'trant. Sa converssation estoit libre et gaye, elle railloit de
bonne grace, et pour 1'ordinaire il estoit difficille, malgre 1'inocence
de son intention, quele prochain n'y fut un peu blesse.c Mais nous

a " Combien de fois a-t-elle en ce lieu (au couvent de Chaillot) remercie Dieu hum-
blement de deux grandes graces ; 1'une de 1'avoir faite chretienne, 1'autre, messieurs,
qu'attendez-vous ? Peut-etre d'avoir retabli les affaires du Roi son fils ? Non ; c'est
de 1'avoir faite Reine malheureuse." — Bossuet.

b " Aussi rappeloit-elle souvent ce precieux souvenir (de la Majeste divine) par
1'oraison et par la lecture du livre de 1'Imitation de Jesus, ou elle apprenoit a se con-
former au veritable modele des Chretiens." — Bossuet.

c II y a ici, dans les paroles de Madame de Motteville une legere intention de
olame qui n'echappera pas au lecteur. II est curieux de voir que Bossuet a pris
exactement, dans 1'eloge funebre, le contre-pied d'une critique formulee si delicate-
ment: "Rappelez en votre memoire, s'ecrie-t-il, avec quelle circonspection elle
menageait le prochain et combien elle avoit d'aversion pour les discours empoisonnes
de la medisance. Elle savoit de quel poids est non-seulement la moindre parole, mais
le silence meme des princes, et combien la medisance se donne d'empire quand elle
a ose settlement paroitre en leur auguste presence." Je m' imagine qu'a cette
apostrophe, il j eut un leger sentiment de surprise dans un auditoire qui devait con-
naitre le defaut souligne par Madame de Motteville, et celle-ci put sourire discrete-
ment, malgre lagravite des paroles et la solennite dela circonstance."

Nous ne croyons pas inutile de mettre ici le portrait que Madame de Motteville a
trace de Henriette Marie dans ses Memoires : — " II faut avouer qu'elle avait infini-

HENRIETTE MARIE. 29

avons remarque qu'a mesure qu'elle avansoit dens la piete, a mesure
aussy elle se retenoit de parller easy sur touttes choses. Les der-
Yiieres anne'es de sa vie elle estoit devenue scrupuleuse la dessus, elle
examinoit ces parolles et paroissoit fort destachee de la vie.

Sens fa ire la devotte, elle 1'estoit beau coup. Soit dies elle ou
dens le couvent, elle vivoit toujours avec la mesme regie. Quent elle
estoit a Chaliot, outre ses prieres du matin, elle ne menquoit jamais
a 1'oraison du soir et a complie. Une religieuse de cette Ste maison
quy avoit 1'honneur d'estre opres d'elle et de la servir m'a dit que
dens le dernier voyage qu'elle y fit elle leur avoit dit un jour qu'il
estoit vray que despuis quelque temps elle se sentoit toutte a Dieu.
Elle est morte dens un grand desir de vouloir mourir dens ce cou-
vent.a Elle cregnoit la mort, mais je ne doutte pas que devant
Dieu et avec son confesseur elle n'y pensast souvent, car despuis cet
iver qu'elle a eu une grande maladie, elle nous a dit souvent qu'elle
voyoit bien qu'il faloit pencer a partir.

Voila ce que je scay de cette grand princesse, et je puis dire de
plus que dens les longues converssations que j'ey eu 1'honneur de
faire avec elle sur touttes sorttes de chapitres, j'ey toujours recognu
en elle des sentimens plains d'honneur et de bonte envers tous et
particulierement envers ses domestiques. J'ey veu en elle non-

ment d'esprit, de cet esprit brillant que plait aux spectateurs. Elle etoit agreable
dans la societe, honnete, douce et facile; vivant avec ceux qui avoient 1'honneur de
1'approcher, sans nulle fa9on. Son temperament etoit tourne du cote de la gaiete ;
et parmi les larmes s'il arriyoit de dire quelque chose de plaisant elle les arretoit en
quelque fa9on pour divertir la compagnie. La douleur quasi-continuelle qui lui
donnoit alors beaucoup de serieux et de mepris pour la vie la rendoit a mon gre plus
solide, plus serieuse, et plus estimable qu'elle ne 1'auroit peut-etre ete si elle avoit
toujours eu du bonheur. Elle etoit naturellement liberate," &c. — P. 223.

a II convient de retablir ici une phrase que Madame de Motteville a effacee : —
" II f aut demander au pere Lambert les dispositions de son ame sur la mort, qu'elle
cregnoit beaucoup."

Je ne sais quel est ce pere Lambert. M. de Baillon dans son Henriette Marie a
donne des fragments tres curieux d'un Kecit du Pere Cyprien de Gamaches, aumo-
nier de la Reine d' Angleterre.

30 MEMOIRE SUR

seulement qu'elle avoit este* fortfidelle a I'amitie' conjugalle, mais que
se souvenir occupoit toujours son esprit. II m'a semble recognoistre
en ellea une grande purete de ceur, ce quy se pourroit juger par ses
parblles et par beaucoup d'honetete naturelle quy paroissoit dens
ses sentimens. Elle estoit cincere, parloit librement a ceux qu'elle
estimoit, se familliarisoit beaucoup avec eux, mais sens perdre Fair
de la Mageste. Elle aymoit la verite, aymoit a la dire et a 1'entendre.
Je n'orois jamais fait sy je voulois dire tout ce quy pouroit remplir
1'estime que je conserve pour cette princesse. Je prie Dieu qu'il
luy donne la recompence de ses vertus et qu'il luy pardonne ses peches
et luy face misericorde.

Ma seur m'a dit avoir eu avec la Reyne d'Engleterre de profondes
converssations sur des matieres de conscience; qu'en toutes elle a
recognu qu'elle avoit une grande droiture d'intention avec des sen-
timens tres honestes. Que son ceur estoit peur et quelle avoit lieu
de croire d'elle que Dieu 1'avoit sauvee des feblesses ordinaires de
la jeunesse, que Famour propre et la vanite ont acousturne de pro-
duire dens le ceur des femmes. Elle m'a dit de plus qu'elle avoit
remarque que cette princesse avoit eu cette destinee d'avoir este
toujours servie par des personnes d'une humeur fort opposee a la
sienne: Elle esioit vive et prompte, et celles quy ont eu 1'honneur
d'estre a elle avoient naturellement de la paresse et de la lenteur ;
que la Reyne avoit sur cela une patience admirable, et quoy qu'elle
en soufrist beaucoup, elle n'en a jamais tesmoigne nul chagrin, du
moins a leur esguard. Qu'elle avoit un grand soin de ses domes-

a Madame de Motteville avait ecrit d'abord " une grande chastete d'esprit et de
corps." Elle a efface ces mots. A propos de ces corrections, il n'est pas inutile de
dire qu'il y en a plusieurs moins importantes sur le manuscrit original. Je suis porte
a croire qu'elles ont etc f aites sur les observations de la sceur de Madame de Motte-
ville. Ce qui tend a le prouver, c'est que 1'appendice ajoute apres coup, que nous
publions ci-apres et qui commence par ces mots, " Ma soeur m'a dit," est ecrit de la
meme encre plus noire dont sont faites les corrections.

HENRIETTE MARIE. 31

tiques et de les peyer fort ponctuelement des gages et apointemens
qu'elle leur donnoit. Elle avoit le mesme soin des autres a quy
elle devoit, et ma seur et moy avons remarque touttes deux que
cette princesse apres tant de grandeur, vivoit en France contante et
satisfaitte dens sa solitude, qu'elle estimoit beaucoup plus que 1'esclat
ou elle s'estoit veue autrefois, car elle estoit destrompee du monde et
cognoissoit parfaitement le neant des grandeurs de la terre. La
derniere fois que j'ey eu 1'honneur de la voir, elle nous dit a
Mlle Testu et a moy qu'elle aloit s'establir a Chaliot pour y mourir,
et qu'elle ne vouloit plus pencer ny aux medecins ny aux mede-
cinnes,a mais seulement a son salut.

a Cette remarque a d'autant plus <T importance, qu'on salt que dans ce temps on
accusoit les medecins d'etre la cause de la mort de la Princesse.

PAPERS RELATING-

TO THE

DELINQUENCY OF LORD
SAVILE.

1642-1646.

EDITED BY

JAMES J. CARTWRIGHT, M.A., F.S.A.,

TREASURER OF THE SOCIETY.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEK SOCIETY.

M.DOCC.LXXXIII.

INTRODUCTION.

Thomas, Viscount Savile, was the son of Sir John Savile, of
Howley, Member for Yorkshire, who was one of the earliest opponents
of Wentworth, afterwards Earl of Strafford, both in that county
and in Parliament. Sir John was created Baron Savile, of Pontefract,
on the same day, viz. 21 July, 1628, that Wentworth obtained his
first step in the peerage; his death occurred on 31 August, 1630.
His son and heir, Thomas, became attached to the court of Charles,
first as Controller and afterwards as Treasurer of the Household.
Lord Clarendon described him as a man of an ambitious and restless
nature ; of parts and wit enough ; but, in his disposition and
inclination, so false, that he could never be believed or depended
upon. Thomas Savile inherited his father's hatred of Wentworth
and lost no chance of doing him a mischief. With this object he
is said to have been the chief means of inducing the Scots to march
an army into England in 1640 ; and the grave charge was brought
against him of having forged a letter from some of the English
nobility to the Scots Commissioners inviting them to enter the
kingdom. His private confession of this plot to Charles gained
him much favour; but on the King's coming to York, writes
Clarendon, the county in which Savile 's fortune and interest lay,
his reputation was so low that none of the gentlemen of position
there would hold any communication with him. His subsequent
proceedings are best gathered from the papers here printed, the
originals of which are preserved in the Public Record Office, London,
and the Bodleian Library, Oxford. In May, 1644, the King created

11 INTRODUCTION.

him Earl of Sussex, but the Parliament does not appear to have
recognised the title, which ultimately descended to his son James
and became extinct in 1671. The family estates went through
female descendants into the hands of the Earls of Cardigan. Lord
Savile's seat at Howley, near Morley, in Yorkshire, so frequently
referred to in these papers, is now a ruin, having been demolished
in 1731 by Lord Cardigan to save, it is said, the great cost of
maintaining it. Burke, in his Extinct Peerage, puts down Lord
Savile's death as having occurred in 1646 ; and this date has been
accepted without question by later writers. It is, however, clearly
a mistake. In a paper here printed, dated in August, 1646, he
speaks of himself as childless, his second marriage having taken
place about 1641 ; at the time of his death there is no doubt he
had both a son and daughter living. Local evidence also exists
that in 1650 he granted a lease of the Old Chapel in Morley to
the Presbyterians. The Journals of the House of Commons contain
references to him as a living person of a much later date than 1646 ;
and among the Royalist Composition Papers is a petilion from him
not thought necessary to give in this collection, which is undated,
but is distinctly referred to in another document as having been
presented by Lord Savile on 31 January, 1652-3. Scatcherd, the
historian of Morley, sets down his death as having probably occurred
in 1661, but no positive evidence of the date has hitherto been
brought to light.

The statement at page 2 is valuable as giving direct evidence of
the authorship of the Petition of the Peers, which has hitherto been
believed to have been the work of Pym alone, but which is here
shown to have been drawn up by Pym and St. John.

J. J, C.

PAPEES EELATING

TO THE

DELINQUENCY OF LORD
SAVILE.

LORD SAVILE TO LADY TEMPLE.*

[Royalist Composition Papers, Second Series, vol. vL]

MY LADIE TEMPLE, [November, 1642.]

I was verie much troubled at a report I had y* yor house was
visited wth ye plague, but am exceeding glad to heare so well of it
now, as my Cosen Bland b assures me, by a letter from yorselfe, in
wch letter shee saith you write y1 you are sorie to heare y* I have
absolutelie declared my self ag* the .pliam1, wch I wonder at this
time to heare, when all the gentlemen of this countie complaine of
me to the King for being to affectionate to the pliam*. And I am
confident y* Sr John Hotham himselfe will say otherwaies of me
then you are enformed.

But it hath beene my fortune still, ever to receive worst usage
where I thought y* I had best deserved, and never more aparent
then in the dealing wch (by misenformation I hope) the parliament
hath done to me. To you I may wthout vaunting say, that if this

a Sir Peter Temple, of Stowe, married for his second wife, Christian, daughter of
Sir John Leveson, of Trentham. Whitelocke, in his Memorials, describes this Lady
Temple as a busy woman, and a great politician, who had acted as the agent and
messenger of Lord Savile.

b The writer's sister, Katherine, married Sir Thomas Bland, of Kippax Park.
CAMD. SOC. B

2 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

parliam* have done anie greate matters for ye publique, ore are in a
condition more free then other parliamts, God wch governes all things,
and knowes all secretts, knowes this, that if I were not at first the
onelie, yet I was (though unworthie) his chiefest, instrum* to bring
it to pass. I never so much as differd from them in anie thing
whilst there was a syllable of the petition ungranted wch wee
delivered at Yorke, and was drawne, as you know, by Mr. Pymm
himselfe and Mr. Sollicitor. And so farr onelie wee were obliged
by covenant amongst oureselfes. For there alterations wch they now
desire in the Church, let my Lo. Say and Brooke witnes for me, if
ever I was for it in my life ; and therefore in a free pliam1 why it
was not lawfull for me to vote freelie, according to my conscience,
wthout to be made of ye malignant partie, I could not imagine.
Was there ever anie good message wch they ever had from ye King
but something I contributed to it? Was there ever anie violent
one but I oposed it ? The message at Windsor, where ye K.
granted the militia, I drew (which I have often hard of). When
my Lo. Howard and Sir Philipp Stapleton was at Yorke, let them
report of me what my part was ; what I did wth the King at Bevrley,
when my Lord of Holland and Sir Ph. Stapleton brought the over-
ture of peace, let them and all the courte report. The message at
Nottingham, where the King offered to take downe his standard,
dismiss his forces, and recall his reclamations, all the lordes know y*
I both persuaded it, and wth my owne handes, by the King's pmis-
sion, drew it up. My Lord of Cumberlande's Comission I protested
against, made my name be putt out of it, and where there was a
clause to enable him to levie money uppon the countie, in the open
assemblie of the gentlemen I declamed against it as being agl the
law and subiectes libertie, for wch, as my Lord of Dorsit and others
know, I was complained of to the King. Now I would faine know
for wch of these actes I am forbidden to sitt in parliam* and declared
an enemie to the publique. Was I found guiltie of bringing up the
armie agl the parliam1, or privie to the Kings going into the Howse
of Commons ? Was I so much as privie much less psuading to his

DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 3

leaving ye parliam1, and going to Yorke ? Was I not against both
his going ag* Hull, Coventrie, and Warwick ? Have I taken anie
commaund in the armie in this tinnaturall warr ? Did I not retire
to my owne howse (when the King broke up his house, so as my
attendance and oath tied me no longer) in peace and quiett, and
when I could do no further good, yet would not contribute to anie
of the fatall evills wch must follow? Do I not at this time heere
protect all ministers and others y* pfess religion from ye violence of
the times, so farr as to render me suspected to all my frendes? Now,
my Ladie Temple, iudge y* when men y* have done the contrarie to
all ye good y* I have done, have done as much ag* the meeting of
this plia* as I have done for it, as much ag1 peace as I have done
for it, have taken armes, commandes, ag* the parliam*, and still
continew so; have given publique and violent counsells when I
gave peaceable ones : yet not a man but myself, that I know this
day in England (without any impeachm* or calling to answer), is
forbidden the pliament howse, and stigmatized wth the name of
enemie to the publique. I never yet could learne y* ever they had
anie thing ag' me to balance all the good offices wch I have done,
but these 2 thinges onelie: the comminge downe to Yorke wthout
leave, and contrarie to there order, and for what I did at Heworth
Moore, in Yorkeshire, when the countie was assembled there by the
King's commaund; to both wch thus much. The oath which I
tooke as Tresorer of ye King's howse is flatt and plaine, to serve his
Matie in y* office in his howse and not to departe wthout his espetiall
licence had and obteigned first. As long as I could by anie media-
tion prvaile wth the King to let me stay at ye parliam* I did stay
when he pemptorilie under his owne hand, both uppon paine of my
allegiance, and my oathe taken, charged me to come downe and do
my srvice in his howse. I durst not forsweare my selfe, but came
accordinglie and staied wth him whilst his household continued, and
then went home ; for I was shutt out of the pliam* by a vote before,
my offence being that I durst not forsweare my selfe positivelie to
obey an order, though manie went contrarie to there order (no oath

4 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

compelling them neither), wch for all that have no such sentence.
For y* of He worth Moore, wch they declared me an enemie to the
publique for doing, thus in breife: — Before my coming to Yorke
the King had apoynted yl meeting; and y* morning I, finding that
the devided people entended to have pressed 2 petitions contrarie
one to another uppon the King, wch in such a mightie concourse of
people might have ended in violence, and knowing that those who
they terme the good partie, and who came fearefullie under my
assurance and ptection, were farr ye lesser number, I called to me
John Eeyner, Mr. Farer, Mr. Todd, Mr. Rigeley, and all the heades
of that partie, and told them y1 if they would assure me that there
side would deliver no petition, I would take such order that the
other should not. They repaired to there partie, and assured me
there should be none delivered by them ; and so wee went to the
field, and finding Sr John Bourchier reading, as they said, a petition
(though it was none), I, conceving he did it in ignorance of oure
agreem1, and contrarie to the will of the honest men of his side,
tooke it from him. And now behold ye act y* makes me an enemie
of ye Commonwealth. I have beene long in these expressions,
because I desire you would let them be knowne, though not openlie
publish my letter. To the truth of all in it God is witnes, and men
allso. Madam, I am

Yor faithfull freind,

SAVILE.

Commend my service to my Ladie Carli[sle and ?] Bedford, and
all my frendes, and particularlie to my poore Cozen Carr and his
wife, whose busines I am afraide may miscarie by reason of my
absence from the courte, which greives me much.

DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 5

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

MA.

I shall ever augnowledge you have done me the office of a frend,
and in that way wherin I most valew frendshipp, that is in good
offices to the parliam*, towards whome, though I know my owne
harte, how it is and ever hath beene sett, yet it is now a greate
office of frende.hipp to make one to be understood as he is. Comend
my service to my Lord Sey and to noble Sir Ph. Stapleton, and
assure them that I will never forgett ye publique nor these pticuler
favoures (if it please God to leave me anie power). Tell my Lo.
Sey y* peradventure he may be as falselie represented where I am
at the courte, as I may be where he is at the parliam*. I desire but
the same iustice from him there as he shall be sure to find from me
heere, and to believe thus of me, that either I will see such an
acomodation as I may live in court in the fellowshipp of noble,
vertuous, and deserving persons, or at least not at all wth such
persons (whome he may imagine) y* shall beare sway. For anie
honor to be done to the howse by anie augnowledgm* of mine I shall
never grudge, nor thinke I took anie honor y* the howse gaines by me.
My hart should second my wishes in comming to you, but y* this
bearer can tell you how strictlie wee are beseiged heere, so as not so
much as a serving man, much less my selfe, can yet stirr one mile out
of towne. And wch is most miserable, oure deliverance in pro-
babilitie must come by my Lord of Newcastle's forces, manie of which
are Papists as his declaration (wch I presume you have scene) will
let you understand : all which doth leade me into the conside-
ration of those unspeakable miseries which this once flourishing
contrie doth now grone under. First Sr John Hotham's and ye
Lincolnshire forces called to his assistance under the pretence of
setling the militia and seazing of delinquents, this countie (I will
speake faithfullie) hath been robbed of and impoverished above a

hundred thowsand pound wthin this little space, and manie

licentious plunderings and villanies committed as are incredible, and

6 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

wcl) I am loth to name, because done under the sacred name of parlia-
ment; and to say truth according to there power, much after the
same manner done by cures. And to remedie all this and to make
the mesure of there suffrings full the loosing side is glad to call in
my Lord of Newcastle wth 6,000 men qualified as aforesaid ; and
padventure my Lord of Derbie allso, if t'other be not sufficient, will
be called in allso, to do as much for the one part as hath allreadie
been don to the other, and so leave no one pson between them that
shall not be made miserable, ruined, and undone, besides an occa-
sion given the Romanistes to assemble in a bodie together. For
preventing of this miserie I am now as active as I can ; and if I can
prevaile and y* anie reason will satisfie the parliam* forces, wee will
endure it rather than admitt this cure, wch being effected or
attempted to my power, if I can gett by anie meanes away, you
shall see me shortlie after; and in the meane space I will be pre-
paring and shall ever rest

Your faithfull frend and servant.

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

MADAM, [December, 1642.]

I did receive youre letter, which was dated the 29 of Octob.
uppon the 10 of November, so it had a verie slow passage. All
letters are now opened, so I am glad to disguise my hand neither
with superscription nor subscription ; the bearer will know who to
deliver it unto, and you will then easilie guess from whome it
comes. You desire to know what my aimes and intentions are, that
my frendes may do me service. I answer, the same they ever was;
since you let in my Lord Lowden, I would not have the K. trample
on ye pliam* nor the pliament lessen him so much as to make a way
for the people to rule us all. I hate papists so much as I would not
have the King necessetated to use them for his defence, nor owe

DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 7

anie obligation unto them. I love religion so well as I would not
have it putt to the hazard of a battle. I love libertie so much that
I would not trust it in the handes of a conqueror. For as much as
I love the King, I should not be glad he beate the pliam*, though
they were in the wrong. I would do all good offices I could for the
parliam*, and me thinkes I could do manie wthout loosing either my
conscience or my master. If they would give me leave and if I
might uppon those faire and Christian termes, I would be glad to
come to my house at London, where I should be able to enlarge
myselfe further then now I dare where nothing can pass wthout
search. Madam, you see, as I ever did, that I speake freelie, and
not as biased nor enclined by the pliamts success; for wee heere are
assured the K. is prosperous at this time neere London. The Q.a
wee heare, last night landed at Newcastle with great supplies from
Denmarke. My Lo. of Newcastle "and wee heere have almost ten
thousand men together; and yet my desires are still the same to have
no conquests of either side, nor shall ever desire to live to see the
ruine of an English parliam*. I will say it once againe, if I may
safelie and honorablie come to London, I doupt not but they shall
find there worst frend is not com.

Since I writt first unto you Mr. Hotham (when I litle expected
such a comand) by a command from ye parliam*, as he saith, hath
seased on my howse, and all I have, to the valew of som 1,3001. in
money and goodes, and yet threatens to deface the carcase of
Howley. Whether I have deserved this usage God will determine
one day, and how iust it is the aughters will feele.

I am infinitelie glad, for all this that my Cleopatra is recovered,
that all youres are well, and would be mightie glad to see both my
cozen Carrs.

[Cover addressed: " For La. Te. Lincolne Ins feildes."]

The Queen landed from Holland at Bridlington at the end of Feb. 1643.

PAPERS RELATING TO THE
THE KING TO THE EARL OF NEWCASTLE.

[Draft in the handwriting of Sir Edward Nicholas. Clarendon MSS. 1682.]

RT. TRUSTY,

Having receav[ed] and perused the charge against our right
trusty, the Lo[rd] Vpscount] Savile, and being resolved ourselfe
in person to hear him answer to the same : our w[ill] and com-
mand is that you forthwith give order to the Governor of Newark
for his present release, and because the wayes are full of souldiers
we will that you cause the said governor to allow such a convoye to
conduct him hither as he shall desire to prevent him being inter-
cepted by any forces of the rebells, for which.

Given Oxon.

13° Maii, 1643.

E. Newcastle.

INFORMATIONS AGAINST THE LORD VISCOUNT SAVILE.

[Clarendon MSS. 1688.]

First it is affirmed by gentlemen of quality and will bee proued
that hee before my cominge into the country, and when the enemy
had confined them to the city of Yorke, his publique vote and
opinion was, that it was best for them and for the peace of their
countrey to deliuer upp the citty of Yorke into the Rebells hands,
or words to that effect, which I neuer heard of till long after I had
conferred the place of Gouernour upon him, which begatt such a
generall jealousy in most of the gentry, and besides such a generall
feare amongst them at Yorke, that it shold be deliuered upp, that
I cold not thincke it safe to continew him in that place.

Secondly there was brought mee part of a letter from my Lord
Sauile directed to Mr. John Hotham or Sir John Hotham, in these
words: —

DELIQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 9

I neyther left furniture of use, nor any prouision without doores,
besides all my beare in my seller, are by the guards and others
druncke of, soe as for the present I am compelled to bee here at
the mannour of Yorke, and shall presume of your noble curtesy
for the convoy of my wife hether, and protection from feare when
shee is here as you were pleased to offer mee before. And I doe
desire also you wilbee pleased giue mee a passe to goe to Skipton
to her, or my owne howse at Howley, to provide it ready assoone
as I can, for if you keepe Yorke soe close about as you doe wee
shall haue but short commons here shortly. Sir, 1 hope you wilbee
pleased soa worke about, as that it may bee in your power onely
to dispose of mee, wherein you shall finde mee, both now and
hereafter,

Your faithful friend and seruant,

SAUILE.

Thirdly, I send a letter dated the 24th of December from Grayes
Inne from Wm. Bisley to the Lord Viscount Sauile exprest in
mistical tearmes which I leave to interpretation.

Fourthly, there was a letter writt from a gent, of quallity beinge
at Leedes to Sir Marmaduke Langdale, being then att Pontifract,
which amongst other things had this exposition: about a weeke
agoe I receaued from his Excellence a command to send 30^
muskitiers to Howley to my Lord Sauile's howse to bee com- These musket-
manded by some of his servants, which I did acordingly, and this ires ?ere, re/
day at dinner they came hether and said Sir Thomas Fairfax hath to give the
sent word that the howse and parke shold bee safe, and soe my '8 forces
Lord Sauile had given order to send them to their quarters, 1 pray
you acquaint his Excellence therewith.

Fifthly, I have received a letter from a gent, of quality from
Leedes, which amongst other things is conteined as followeth:
My Lord, I have received your Excellence his letter, and doe

11 Sic.
CAMD. SOC. C

10 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

conceive you doe expect from mee what I know concerning my
Lord Sauile's howse, by any command from the enemie; the trueth
is, it came not to mee as a secrett. If your Excellence send to Mr.
Copley at Doncaster, my Lord Sauile's nephew, or Mr. Bonnicar at
Howley, they can tell you that my Lord Sauile is assured from the
enemy that neyther his howse nor partie shalbee troubled. And I
heare that the enemy hath sent to see whether it was not fitt for them
to putt some men into the howse, it lyinge upon a convenient
passage from Bradford, etc.

Sixthly, I saw a letter from a gent of quality to the Maior-
Generall Sir Francis Mack worth, as folio weth: In this night,
betwixt sonne sett and day breake, Bradforde men sent sixty mus-
ketiers, and put them into my Lord Sauile's house at Howley; they
was brought thether by the Lord Sauile's steward, and it is thought
with my Lord Sauile's consent. This howse is foure myles distant
from this towne (meaninge Wakefeild), and in the way to Bradford.
Three troopes of horse came with them. I sent to Howley to
bee certainely informed, and they brought mee answer that it was
thought the troopes were retourned backe.

Seauenthly, I received and have a letter from a gent of quality of
the 17th of January, 1642, directed to myselfe, as followes, amongst
other things: This morneinge one Elizabeth Cade, of Woodchurch,
giveth this information to mee, that the last night about twylight
some 250 foote and horse came to Howley, my Lord Sauile's howse,
and so soone as they came, William Birkby and Michaell Midle-
borrow, my lord's cheife servants, did with all the kindness possible
enterteine them, and the principall men that came with them where
three of the Greatheades. And they that went to fetch them were
Kichard Burnely, William Sparlinge, and Richard Scott, all being
my Lord Sauile's tennants, and Nicholas Greathead said to one
Rose, an old servant to the howse, that my lord was now tourned
to their side.

Eighthly, I saw a letter to Sir Edward Osborne and Sir Marma-
duke Langdale from a gent of quality, as follows: That hee was

DELINQUENCY OF LOBD SAVILE. 1 1

informed the Lord Sauile's howse was taken, and 60^ musketiers of
the enemies put into itt; whereupon hee sent three gent thether to
bring him certaine knowledge thereof, and they retourned it so,
and that the Lord Sauile's steward did come thether with them,
and it is thought with the Lord Sauile's consent.

Ninthly, it is confessed, if not will bee proued, that my Lord
Sauile gave Mr. Hotham 200U.

And if it bee objected that displaceing of him had beene sufficient
to satisfy the peoples jealousy, I answere as these tymes are, wee
had not need to give those that are likely to bee against his Ma-
jestie's seruice liberty to excercise their power, which would bee made
worse by being displeased.

ANSWER TO THE INFORMATIONS AGAINST THE LORD VISCOUNT

SAVILE.

[Clarendon MSS. 1690.]

To the first, where it is sayd to be affirmed, and wilbe proued,
that before the Earle of Newcastle's comming into Yorkshire he
did publiquely vote to deliuer the citty of Yorke into the KebelFs
hands : Its answerd that there was neuer any such thing put to the
vote to his remembrance, neither did he ever deliuer any such
opinion: but doth appeale to my Ld of Cumberland, and the gentle-
men of that countie, for his justification herein, and 'tis to be pre-
sumed that my Ld of Cumberland is a man of such honor and trust
that he would not have heard any such opinion from a person of
the Ld Sauil's qualitie without acquainting his Ma1* with it, at
least, if he did noe more, and he is verie sure that whosomeuer was
earnest for my Ld Newcastle's comming in, could not be of that
opinion.

For the E. of Newcastle's conferring the gouvernment of Yorke
uppon the Ld Sauile, it was doen iust at his LorP?3 parting from Yorke

12 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

to Tadcaster, and not known to the Ld Sauile untill the instant of
hisgoeing; and when my Ld Sauile heard from his LSPP of this
letter and other iealousies he did humbly desir, at Pomfret, that
this gouvernment might be disposed of into some other hand, pro-
testing that he should take it no way unkindlie : but my Ld of
Newcastle seemed then soe well satisfied concerning the letter, and
all other things, that he was pleased to say that he would offer my
Ld Sauile soe much violence (as he term'd it) to continue him ther,
whether he would or noe; and so he did retourne him to that
charge with greater trust then he had before, and doth a little
wonder that what then was not thought worthy any reproofe, should
since cause his imprizonment : but my Ld Sauile complaines not of
it, since this hath given him the opportunitie to cleere himselfe to
his Ma^.

To the second, he confesses he did write a letter to Hotham : but
it was with the privitie of my Lord of Cumberland for a conuoye
for his lady and her servants, who was then at his Lordshipps house
at Skipton, wherein he might say, to devert the ennymie from
rifling his house, which was in ther power, that ther was at that
tyme in it neither furniture of vallewe, nor provisions of beare, or
victualls, which might inuite soldiers thether. And for the clawse
in the letter, that they should have short commons in Yorke shortlie,
he appeals to the gent, in Yorke, whether it was not ther designe
to make the ennymie belieue they were in danger of famine, which
they feared not, to avoyd an assault, which they feared ; and then
were directed on purpose, as can be proued, to brute the necessities
of victuall, which is notoriously knowne they abounded in, to the
end the ennymie might set quiet in that expectation, untill they
were relieued, which was then assured to be souddainly, etc. ; besides
the Ld Sauile did acquaint some gent, publiquely at an ordinarie
with that particular clawse of his letter and the reasons of it. For
that other clawse, when the Ld Sauile desires Hotham soe to worke
about, as that it might bee in his power only to dispose of him, it
was uppon this occasion Hotham denyed the Ld Sauils sister, the

DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 13

Lady Bland, to give any quarter to his house, because he was a
man proscribed by the parliam1, and only excepted in his com-
mission which he had from the parlm*. But told her, if my Lord
would take the courtesie from him and not be beholding to my
Ld Fairfax, nor any other for it, he would send to the parlm* for
power to spare the house, all which wilbe made appeere by Hotham's
owne letters, that there agreement was only for the saueguard of the
house at Howley, and nothing else besides.

To the third, concerning Bislye's letter, he was a man sent to
Mr. Secne Nicholas to Oxford about my Ld Sauil's goeing to
London with instructions, that if he could by his reasons make it
appeere to Mr. Secrie- that the Ld Sauil's goeing thether could be for
his Maties seruice, and he might haue his Maties approbation, then
he would goe, and not otherwise, and the token that the Ld Sauile
was to know it by was this, either affirmative in putting in a chan-
cerie bill, if 'twere consented to, or negatiuely if 'twere denyed;
and of the truth of this appeale is made to Secne Nicholas he writea
negatiuely. Soe the Ld Sauile understood his Maties mind and went
not. Diuers of these letters the Ld Sauile receau'd, for he wrot
manie least some might miscarry.

To the fowrth 'tis answerd that the Ld Sauile haueing 10,000U
worth of plate, iewles, and goods in his house at Howley, he
desired of the E. of Newcastle a guard of 30 musquetiers to secure
the house, which was granted ; but after that by a conuoye of horsse
sent by Generall Goring, all the vallewable goods were brought to
Yorke. Captaine Copley came to my Ld Sauile and informed him
that Sir Wm Sauile (then gouernour of Leeds) wanted these men,
and that the neighbors therabouts (who v ere molested by these sol-
diers) would rather take uppon them the defence of the house and
parke then suffer soe much as they did by these soldiers; wher
uppon my Ld Sauile wrot to Sir Wm Sauile that he might remoue
them if he pleased. What the musquetiers sayd at ther retourn the
Ld Sauile knows not, neither it is a much materiall that being no

a Sic.

14 PAPEES RELATING TO THE

profe ; but sure it is the Ld Sauile know not of any such engage-
ment of Sir Thorn. Fairfax as is spoken of, and the euent shewes
the contrary; for since they have both taken and defaced the house,
consumed come, hay, and all the stock, destroyed both parkes about
it, receaued his rent and reuenues, and this without any late offence
of my Ld Sauile, who hath bine euer since a prisoner; soe as either
Sir Thorn. Fairfax kept his word ill (if he made any such promise)
or the Ld Sauile, who was then a prisoner in Newarke Castle (and
knew not that his house was taken untill long after), had a verie ill
bargaine of itt, who euer made it.

To the 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th, all which are onlie relations of cer-
taine letters of unknown persons concerneing the takeing of the
house at Howley and ther opinions, that it was done with the
SauiPs a consent, 'tis answerd as before, being done after he was
prizoner, and that he was so far from being consenting to it as that
he did not soe much as know it untill long after it was done, and
then receaved it as the saddest news he ever had in his life, loosing
by it the bewtie of his house, parkes, and possession of his goods
and reuenewes, which was to mentaine him and his. With what
kindnesse any of the Ld SauiPs tennants entertained the ennymies,
either for loue or feare, is nothing material at all to him, it being
well known to all Yorkshire that many of his tennants and of other
men's are fauorers of that cause, and doe pay euen his rents to the
ennymies, which surely none will belieue to be done with his
consent ; but, to say the truth, ther are few in the West Eiding
(my Ld of Cumberland's tennants not excepted) who doe not in this
case play the knaues. What he was that told old Kose that my
Ld Sauile was turned to ther side matters not much, since 'tis likely
when he was a prisoner many might iudge it was for fauoring
ther party ; but the Ld Sauile doth challenge any profe whatsom-
ever that either in letters, treatie, or any other way, he did euer soe
much as intimate a thought to desert the King's cause, for support-
ing which he hath lost all the estate he had.

* Sic.

DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 15

For the 9th 'tis answerd after he had defended his house from
Lowinger's assault, wounded him and diuers with him, he was
commanded by the E. of Cumberland to assist him at Yorke, and
his house was left in the custody of his sister, the Lady Bland, with
these instructions, that the men in it should defend it untill cannon
were brought against it, and then according to his Maties permission
(given at Nottingham to the Ld Savile, Sir Edward Osborne, and
Sir Francis Muncton) to compound the best she could. Our men
being forced out of Leedes, they marched with their army towards
Howley, a house that cost 30,000^ the building, and hauing at that
tyme in it to the vallewe of 10,000U in goods, plate, &c. The Lady
Bland with much a doe obtained of Mr. Hotham (by promising a
some of mony to the soldiers that were hurt before it) respit that
it should not be plundred at that tyme; though, as Hotham said, it
was beyond his commission so to do, yet he promised to send up to
the parliam* for power to doe it. This mony, 'tis belieued, the
Lady Bland did pay uppon this extremity, and the Ld Sauile will
not denye, but he was glad of it, when he knew it, to haue his
house and goods saued soe, rather then to be ruined by theennymie;
and this was a thing generally known or familiarlie debated at
Pomfret, long before my Ld Sauil's restraint, betweene the E. of
^Newcastle and him, and in the presence of many gentlemen of the
countrie, and neuer obiected as a fault untill now.

Lastlie, if the displacing of the Ld Sauiie would haue quenched
jealousies, the E. of Newcastle knowes how earnestly his LO?P was
desired by the Ld Sauile at Pomfret to doe it for that cause, that
gouvernement in his hands, if it were not for his Matles seruice
being but soe much unnecessarie care and trouble to himselfe ; but
it seemes it was thought better in this manner to remoue him
then at his own request. But my Ld Sauile is farr from belieueing
this to be the act of the E. of Newcastle, and doth assure himselfe
it proceeded from the wrongful information of some other personnes,
he having receiued such assurances of the E. of Newcastle's good
affection as that he can not in honor doubt of them.

16 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS TO THE EARL OF NEWCASTLE.

[Clarendon MSS. 1695.]

As wee found in the charge against the Ld Sauile very good
cause of suspicion and ground for what you did, so have wee receaved
from him soe full and cleere an aunsweare as wee have not whereto
to reply; but yet wee thought not fitt to accept his aunsweare as
satisfactory till wee had sent the same to you and receaved from you
your opinion of it, or what may be further said to it, which when
wee shall understand from you wee shall then soone make our
determinate Judgment upon it ; and therefore wee desire to heere
from yow in this particular with as much diligence as conveniently
you may.

Given att Oxen 5° Junii, 1643.

E. Newcastle.

EEPLY OF THE EARL OF SUSSEX TO THE CHARGES BROUGHT
AGAINST HIM BY THE KlNG.

[Clarendon MSS. 1820.]

[January, 1645.]

It is most true that in my peticion I doe urge the breach of the
liberties of parliament, notwithstanding his Maties promise engaged
to the contrary. But I add that I assuredly beleeue it was
unknowne to his Ma*?, by which I meant that his Matie conceived,
that without acquainting the House of Peeres before, and desyring
that upon such reasons such persons might be secured, hee might
by his owne speciall command have done it without breach of
priviledges of parliament. I did humbly conceive other waies, and
that although his Ma^ did not knowe soe much, yett it was against
the essentiall priviledges of the House.

DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 17

1. That I am very sory that his Ma^ hath been so misinformed
as that I should att any tymes deny the proteccion or vilify the
power and jurisdiccion of the Lords heere assembled, which I both
doe and shall euer honour and study to preserue. But, peraduen-
ture, I may have sayd (though I doe not remember) somthing
concerning their jurisdiccion as the House of Peeres untill themselves
should please to declare themselues so, but never doubted they had
now as much priviledge as if they were so, in regard his Ma^ hath
been so gracious as to have granted it unto them.

2. 'Tis true that whilst I was in the North the Marques of New-
castle, hauing by some malicious persons beene informed that I had
a designe to sease on the Queenes Maties person when shee should
land, did sease on my person at night and hurried me to Newarke
Castle, where I remained close prisoner 26 weekes. How many
tymes I pressed his Ma^ to haue a tryall, by many letters to my
Lord of Falkland, I knowe his Ma^ well remembers. How
assuredly he was made belieue that I had such a designe against the
Queenes Ma** doth well appeare by his Mats owne writing to the
Queene (which shee Lath since told me) how great a danger shee
escaped in not comming when shee intended to doe. At last my
tryall was granted, and I sent for to Oxford to answer the Marques
of Newcastle's charge, in which was not one syllable of that great
crime I was committed for, but some (as I may modestly say) other
fragments collected to make a charge against mee, which I answered
in halfe an howers space to the full satisfaccion of his Matie, as in
his letter to my Lord Newcastle hee expressed, unto whome my
answere was sent to see if hee could reply unto it ; who returned
his Ma*y a letter that he had nothing to reply against that answere,
but should be heartily glad of any grace or favour his Ma1* should
doe my Lord Sauile ; and hath most nobly and ingenuously since
in a great assembly asked mee pardon for that commitment, saying
he was ashamed to looke mee in the face, that he would with his
life and fortune giue mee any satisfaccion he could, and named
unto mee the particular persons that was the cause of doing me that

CAMD. SOC. D

18 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

violence and the suggesters of that groundles crime. And I am
confident I am, in the opinion of that noble Lord, at this instant as
cleere from any suspition of disloyalty or disaffiction as any person
living, and therefore doe wonder that this which hath been soe
fully allready answered, and, if there were any error committed,
is since, by his Maties sealed pardon as well as his verball, remitted,
should nowe be questioned. But I doe not mencion the sayd
pardon as to thinke that action deserved any, but am ready againe
either to produce my old answere or to make another as his Matie
shall thinke fitt. I knowe very assuredly noe dishonour can touch
me in that busines, which is so well knowne to many. And for
the wordes that Sir John Hotham should say, I doe beleeve to be
sayd because his Matie avowes it ; but that any man that knowes
how infamous, how inconstant^ how detestable a traytor that man
was, I hope his words will bee of no value or esteeme. When he
returned to his allegeance 1 knowe not, but I have assuredly heard
that at his death hee tooke it, that all the pretences hee made to
the King was but further to serve the parliament by him.

3. I doe say, upon my honor, that since my comming to Oxford,
I doe not knowe whether Sir Peter Temple or my Lady bee living,
and that excepting to my wife and for money, cloathes, and accom-
modacions for her, I haue neither written letter, nor received any,
sent message nor received any from them nor any person living of
the enimies party, which I beleeue fewe in this Towne can say
besydes my selfe. But it was my resolucion to keepe my selfe
soe cleere, as doubting how many evill eyes 1 had upon mee. But
if this correspondence be meant by my Lady Temple when I was at
York, with which I did acquaint his Ma1* and Secretary Nicholas,
withall, and which was lykewise charged by my Lord of Newcastle,
but upon his Mats owne knowledge of the thinge, and Mr.
Secretary Nicholas discharged, if yett his Ma^ shall require a newe
answere unto it, he shall be glad of the occasion, as well knowing
that as often as that busines shall bee layd open, so often shall my
integritie, sinceritie, and loyalty be manifested. And concerning

DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 19

what he hath done by his agents he doth lykewise protest upon his
honour, that he never gave direction to any person living, to give
any such intelligence as in the charge is mencioned, neither did nor
doth know of any that ever did.

4. Hee understands this to be that old peece of letter written to
Captaine Hotham, mencioned before in ray Lord of Newcastle's
charge, and therefore does refer it to that answere. But how I
may have been represented to the Close Committee, to bee theyi
friend, and for what reasons I stay heere, I doe not know. But I
am sure I gave no cause for it, for I protest before God I doe
not so much as know who they are which bee of that committee ;
never received, never sent the least message, letter, or had any
intelligence whatsomever with them ; and upon this issue will he
venture his life.

5. If the persons were named that I should goe about to corrupt
in theyr affections to his Maty, or the speeches which I should say
were used by his Ma^ against them, I should giue a more particular
answere to this charge. Now only in the generall I must say this,
that I have euer endeavoured to increase his Maties partye (as God
knowes), never to diminish it ; that it was neuer in my heart to doe
so false and rneane a thing as this, nor euer in my toung. I am
ashamed to utter it.

6. There is no person hath been more bound to his sacred Ma1*
then himselfe, which both hee and his posterity after him, hee
hopes, will ever with gratitude remember. All which is so
notorious to the whole world, as that person must needes laugh
at him, that should heare him say, his Ma^ hath done nothing
for him. And that he should speake of his Mats person with
contempt is the most foule untsults that can be uttered ; for there
are many noble persons, which I can produce, who in my private
and most solemne communication with them have heard mee often
and lately admire his Mats great personall abilities, and particularly
have heard mee say these very wordes, I prolest, and before God,

20 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

I thincke and know the King himselfe to be a wiser man, and of
greater judgment then any he advises withall. I can say no more
but this, that my heart is and ever shall bee full of gratitude, for
so many great obligations, which I owe to his sacred Matie ; and
that there is no man liuing that is more thoroughly pers waded of
his great and personall partes then my selfe.

7. Hee never did goe about to vilify the actions of this Assembly,
nor to perswade any not to giue obedience unto them, nor did euer
lessen theyr power, unlesse it were in the sense formerly expressed
concerning the full jurisdiction, as if they were the two entyre
Houses of Parliament. Concerning which I may have sayd somthing,
which I cannot remember.

That concerning the perswading men to teare out and embezill
the Actes of that counsel!, hee remembers that in jeast one morning
in the House, in the presence of 'the Lord Keeper and many other
Lords, hee did upon occasion say, that how could they aboue know
who voted them traytors if the names in our clerkes booke were
not to be scene? Upon which by approbacion of the laughter of
all present, my Lord of Douer swore he would take order for it.
This was a mere jeast openly done, and noe more concernes mee
then any other present.

8. That many things which wee of late, especially in his Mats
absence, have had at the Counsell Table, were of such a publique
nature, as concerning the maisr, the workes, the towne and such
other things as all men both know, before and after all the matter;
and such things peraduenture I might speake of out of the Counsell,
as everybody did. But that euer I did reveale any counsell of
importance to any disaffected persons, I utterly deny.

9. To the last, I doe soe utterly deny every syllable in it, as I
will loose my life if any one bee proved. I never so much affected
to be of this treaty as ever to open my mouth to any man living,
or use any meanes to bee. I hope it is in better and wiser hands,
and I shall have the fruit of theyr laboures.

DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 21

Indorsed : Copy of A Reply of the Earle of Sussex, written in his
owne hand upon sight of the Eeasons given by hi? Ma^ to the Lords
for his confinement, shewen him this 28th of January, by his Mats
command by mee,

EDW. WALKER.

PETITION OF VISCOUNT SAVILE.*

To the honble ye Comttee for Compositions.
The petition of the Lord Viscount Savile.
SHEWETH,

Whereas ye petrs estate hath bin long sequestred, and all his
personall estate, goods, and houshold stuffe amounting to a great
value seized and sold, and his house at Howley in ye County of
York demolished, and his pson also imprisoned 26 weeks in Newark
Castle by ye Earle of Newcastle, and afterwards sent to Oxford, and
there imprisoned by his Matie, and now since his voluntary coming
in to ye parliament comitted to ye Tower, where hee hath bin a
prisoner for many moneths, and of late hath bin and still is by
reason of ye incurable disease of the stone in ye bladder in iminent
danger of death.

Hee therfore praieth (being exceedingly desirous to leave his
poore estate unincombred with this sequestracon) you would bee
pleased to admit him to composicon, and to take into yor iust con-
sideration ye paps annexed, being most willing to submit to any
thing the most Honble House of Comons and this Comttee shall
determyne concerning him.

And hee shall pray, &c.

SAVILE.

recd M'ch 26, 1626 Ofc. ? 1646).

*• This petition and all the documents which follow are taken from the Royalist
Composition Papers in the Public Eecord Office, Second Series, volume vi.

22 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

MICHAEL MIDDLEBROOKE.

I humblie certifie whome it may concerne that in October 1642,
at Captain Hotham's comminge up from Caw-wood Castle into our
partes of Yorkeshire, hee seized upon a trunke of my Lord Savile's,
wherin (to my owne knowledge) there was three hundred and
twentie poundes in monie besides divers suites of rich apparell, and
other things of great vallew, which trunke he found at the house of
Mr. Abraham Hinchcliffe, a tenant to my Lord Savile.

Within a few daies after I received order from my Lord to [pay]
to the said Captaine Hotliam fower hundred and twentie poundes
more, which accordingly I .p formed, takeing two men more with
me, and carried the fower hundred and twentie poundes in money
and plaite and paid it to the said Capt. Hotham in Caw-wood Castle,
according to an agreement betwixt himselfe and my Ladie Bland
in my Lords behalfe. Upon the receipt of which somes Capt.
Hotham did ingage himselfe to procure from ye parliam1 a protection
and freedome for his Lops pson and estate.

All which I am able to prove, and shall be readie (God willing)
to depose the same, if I shall be thereunto called.

Witnes my hand,

MICHAELL MIDDLEBROOKE.

Kerkstall Iron-workes,

this 4 of Aprill, 1646.

KATHERINE BLAND.

That in the behalfe of my Lord Savile I did treate withe Captayne
Hotham and agreed withe him for the preservacon of his estate and
protection of his person payeing him the some of a thousan poundes,
wch was accordinglye payed and received by him. For Captayne
Hotham himselfe att Leedes, in October 1642, confessed to me that

DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 23

he hadd received the some of 320Z. in money besides apparell and
other thinges of greate vallew, in a truncke of my Lord Saviles att
the house of Mr. Abraham Hinchcliffe at Kerstall Abbey — the rest
of the money wee agreed upon (Captayne Hotham being content to
take that in the trunck in pte). I gave order to one Michaell Midle-
brooke, a eerv* of my Lords, to carrye to Cawood to Captayne
Hotham, which he did accordinglye ; for not onlye by word of
mouthe but under his hand he did acknowledge the receipt of it,
and did ingage himselfe to procure a protection from the parlemt or
Close Cofhittee for his Lordshippes person and estate, which the said
Captayne Hotham tould me he had power to doe. This agreem*
betwixt Captayne Hotham and my selfe was in Septmbr, 1642. All
which I shall be readye to depose if I be theareunto lawfully e called .
Witnesse my hand this 8th of Aprill, 1646.

KA: BLANDE.

HENRY ANDERSON.

That being at Oxford, a prisoner, I hard the Lord Savile had
beene accused for making a composition and paying certaine sommes
of money to Captaine Hotham my sonne in law, whereuppon being
afterwardes a prisoner in the tower wth Captaine Hotham I did
demaund of him before his execution the truth of the said business,
who then told me that he had made such an one wth the Ladie Bland
in behalfe of the Lo. Savile, and had received therefore a certaine
somme of money (what the particuler somme was he doth not now
remember), and did allso declare unto him how he had disbursed
some of the said moneyes to some particular officers of his armie.

Witnes my hand,

HEN: ANDERSON.

24 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

STATEMENT OF WILLIAM RISLEY.

May it please you, att the earnest importunity of Sir Peter
Temple, Knt., and his worthie and most virtuous Lady, I was over-
ruled to take an ill journey in a dirty season in the latter end of a
Michaelmas Tearme, about 3 years and odd moneths since, to
Yorke, to the Lord Savill, haveing noble Sr Phillip Stapleton's
letter to the younger Hotham to lett me passe (if .pchance his forces
mett me), whither when I came I was, with the postboy of Tad-
caster, carried before the Earle of Cumberland and others for our
exarninacon. The postboy being first and apart strictly examined
(as I understood after) whether I had any conference with the Lord
Fairfax or any of his privately att Tadcaster (where then the said
Lord Fairfax kept garrison), which, when nothing by him appeare-
ing, I was for that night and prsent slenderly examined by them
concerninge my buisnes, and occasion of my tedious journey to my
Lord to Yorke ; and was dismissed with a small guard, but with
many watch full ieyes over mee, to the posthouse, my lodging, without
any admission to my Lord Savill that night. And to my greate
amazern1 was rushed upon about one or two of the clocke att night,
my cloathes, bootes, and sadle, and my selfe searched to the skinn
for paps and instruccons; but findeing nothing but a letter of the
Lady Temple to the Lord Savill concerninge law buisnes formerly
shewed them they left me for that prsent. I was, as soone as I
stirred in the morninge, carried againe before the Lord of Cumber-
land and others for further examinacon, which held long, soe that I
was not admitted to the speech of my Lord Savill till two or three
of the clocke in the after noone, whom after some passages and
enterchange of discourses betweene us found him most desireous to
come here to the parliam1 (as I conceaved) with his severall
attempts to breake from them att Yorke, but was hindred and
prvented by their ielous ieyes over him in the towne, some
attending him aloofe of with horses after him, when as we went out
to take the aire. The Lord of Newcastle's horses alsoe being quartered

DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 25

in places in about Yorke, the day after I came into Yorke (as we
had intelligence in the towne), which sumerie of my now weake
and obsoleete remembrance (by reason it is soe long agoe) I
humbly then acquainted the right honoble the Lord Say with all att
my returne and the very same to the best of my now remembrance
att th'earnest request of my Lord Savill, I most humbly reprsent
now againe.

WILLIAM KISLEY.

THOMAS LORD VISCOUNT SAVILL MAKETH OATH.

That hee did not desert the parliament at that tyme when his
Matie comanded all the members to attend him, which might
shew like a designe to disolve the two houses, but long before when
none but his Mats houshold servants did attend him, amongst
which hee was a sworne servant and bound by oath to that attend-
ance, and at y* tyme when there was noe outward visible appearance
of a warre on either side.

But hee saith that on the 6th of June, 1642, hee was voted a
delinquent for a supposed misdemeanor committed in May before
upon an informacon to the House of Comons out of Yorkshire, to
which hee was never called to answere, neither was it true as it was
prsented, as hee is able to prove by good testimony.

That at his being with his Matie at Yorke, when hee had pvided
himselfe of armed guards, hee did, at the desire of some of ye
Comttee of both Howses then resident at York, as an acceptable
service to ye parliam1 as they alleadged pswade the King to dismisse
them as looking to like a semblance of warre, wherein hee prvailed
wth his Matie, for which act hee was represented to ye parliam' as
two honble psons then Comrs from ye parliam1 did expresse unto him,
and wch hee is confident they will upon occasion testifie. And
when afterwards his Matie was at Beverley, intending to beseige

CAMD. SOC. E

26 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

Hull, hee did at ye desire of another comttee of both Houses use all
his power to diswade his Matie from y* resolucon though not with
the like successe as before.

That when his Matie went to Nottingham to set up his standard
this dep* refused to goe wth him, but returned to his owne house,
prsuminge for his good service aforesaid hee might have continued
there in ye good opinion of the parliament.

But afterwards hee understanding from Capt. Hotham, then
intrusted with ye parliamts forces, that hee was under the parliamt9
displeasure for ye misdemeanor aforesaid, unlesse hee would pay a
some of money for a composicon hee must proceed against him as a
delinquent, the said Capt. Hotham assuring him that hee had an
absolute power to compound wth him and all other delinquents in
those pts5 even with my Lo. of Cumberland himselfe, wherupon hee
treated with him, and at last concluded and agreed to give him
1,000/. to ye use of the State, the which he paid and satisfied
accordingly, and therupon Capt. Hotham pmised to discharge him
of his delinquency and pcure ye parliamt8 protection for him also.

That prsently afterwards the Earle of Newcastle came with his
forces into Yorkshire and therupon Capt. Hotham retired into Hull,
and by that means hee could not pforme his pmise in pcuring this
deponent's discharge from ye parliam* ; and not long after the said
Earle, having notice of the said composicon, caused him to bee
apprhended in the night with 200 horse, or thereabouts, under the
comand of Sir Thomas Glemham and Colonel Causfeild, a Romish
Catholique, and prsently carryed in ye night towards Newark, and
there cofhitted a close prisoner.

That during the tyme of this depts imprisonem* the Earle of New-
Castle did goe in pson unto his house at Howley, in Yorkshire, and
there upon a councell of warre, which hee then called, did seize and
dispose of his goods as the goods of an enemye, and further did in
a sort demolishe his house, to his damage above 105000/.

That upon payment of his said composicon this dep* did send up
to ye Lady Temple to desire her to acquaynt some of ye parliam1

DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 27

wth his resolucon to come to London, wherupon one Mr. Risley was
sent downe unto him to invite him to repaire thether, the wch hee
attempted to doe, but could not effect by reason of ye great
jealously a that was upon him.

That after 26 weeks imprisonem* at Newark hee was sent a
prisoner to Oxford together wth his accusacon, the two principall
articles whereof were for his said composicon with Capt. Hotham
and for voting against hisb comming into Yorkshire, all wch was
shewed unto this dep* from his Matie with intimacon that if his Matie
should pceed vigorously against him it was not to bee answered.

That his Matie engaged him not to dept thence without lycence,
in hope that at ye meeting of ye Assembly then shortly after being
appoynted to come together, hee would deserve ye passing by of
ye said offences and further merrit such other favors as his Matie
had pmised and intended to conferre upon him.

That the said Assembly being met, in wdl this dep* not answering
his Maties expectacon, nor deserving (as his Matie was pleased to say)
his favor and lenity extended towards him, hee was againe comitted
close prisoner at Oxford for about 3 moneths and impeached againe
by his Matie himselfe for the composicon made with Capt. Hotham,
and for contemptuously speaking against and villifying ye acts of
that Assembly ; and thereupon an impeachm1 of treason was prferred
against him by ye Lo. Digby in ye King's name, and a letter pro-
duced by his Matie under this dept8 owne hand to Capt. Hotham
intimating his said composicon and his desire to have his discharge
and proteccon of Parliam* according to his pmise; upon wch, the
judges being consulted withall and their opinion declared, it was
moved in the open Assembly thatt hee might bee tryed by martial!
lawe, but the Lords refusing to agree unto such a triall (hee being
a peere of the realme), after some tract of tyme hee was released
upon condicon hee should dept this kingdome.

That the very day after he was freed from imprisonm* hee came

towards London and voluntaryly (surrendered) himselfe unto ye

* Sic. b i. e. the Earl of Newcastle's. See p. 31, post.

28 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

parliam*, wch was long before Naseby fight, when his Matie was in
an outward probable way of successe.

That besides the composicon aforesd the parliam* hath ever since
ye battell neere York seized upon all his stock of iron, one pcell
whereof (as hee is informed by his servants) was valued by the
comttec at 1450Z., besides his goods in London solde to their use
also.

That his tenants, taking ye opportunity of his misfortune,
destroyed his lands, wasted and made havock of his estate, and made
it of small value, consisting more of stock then rent by reason of
his iron works and tillage that hee managed.

That when ye Earle of Newcastle rifled his house the souldiers
seized upon his writings and evidences, wherby hee is disabled to
make ye certeynty of his title and estate appeare, but hath delivered
in ye substance thereof to his best knowledge and remembrance.

SAVILE.

Jur. 27 die April, 1646.

JOHN PAGE.

LORD LOVELACE.

I John, Lord Lovelace, doth well remember that when I was
with the Kinge at Oxford, and that the Lord Viscounte Savil was
there, he knewe him to be in the Kinge's displeasure, and was for some
times imprisoned, accused for treason, and the treason laid to his
charge beinge for vilify inge and speakinge slightly of that assembly
at Oxford, and for compoundinge wth Captaine Hotham, and treat-
inge wth him about deliveiinge upp of Yoarke, or to some such
purpose ; and for houldinge corespondence wth some heere at
London; all wch I doe well remember and shall be reddy to verifie
uppon occasion. As witnesse my hand this twenty-eight day of
April, 1646.

Jo: LOVELACE.

DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 29

Thomas Lord Yiscounte Savile maketh oath, that about the
year 1634, hee being then violently prosequted in the Starchamber
Court by some potent persons ill affected to him, did advice with
his Councell Sir Henry Calthrop and Mr. Thorpe, a member of the
Honourable House of Commons, to settle his estate in that manner
whereby it might bee lesse subiect to those great fines wch did
threaten him from them. And that his estate was thereupon setled
in the hand of feffees in trust to himselfe for life the remaynder to
his brother wch other remaynders over. And hee saith that hee
was the rather induced thereunto by reason hee had no childe
(neither yet hath any) nor possibility of any by his then wife, or
probability of survyving her, shee being then in good health, and
himselfe (as hee is now) much afflicted with the stone. And this
dep1 further saith, that for more apparant evidence of the truth
hereof, a treaty of marriage being with his now Lady (which was
performed in the beginning of this parliam1, and before theis warrs
began), and hee being desired and desirous to make her a convenient
joynture after his decease, did to that end submit his writings by
which his estate was settled to the pusall of Mr. Beniamin Weston,
Esqr (Father in law to this depts now wife) and his councell, who
upon his examinacon thereof told this dep* that they found that hee
had then no power to settle the joynture desired after his death.
Whereupon hee gave assurance and satisfaccon by collaterall
security, wch was accepted. And lastly this dep1 saith, that his
writings concerning his estate were lost, when his house at
Howley in Yorkshire was plundred by the Earle of Newcastle
since the beginning of theis warrs, as is sufficiently knowne to Sr
John Savile and many others who kept his said House for the
parliamts use.

SAVILE.

Attestat sup honore et spontanee jurat, 4 Augusti, 1646.

KOBT. AYLETT.

30 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

STATEMENT OF THE DELINQUENCY OF THOMAS LORD VISCOUNT

SAVILE.

That beinge his Mats sworne servant, and long before there was
any visible appearance of a warre, his absence from the parliamte
was occasioned by his personall attendance upon his Matye, and
when afterwards at Yorke his Matie provided himselfe of armed
guards at a request of a comtee of both howses then attendinge there,
his LoPe did perswade the Kinge to have dismissed them, as havinge
too like a semblance of warre, and afterwards again at Beverly did
the like, and when his Malye went to Nottingham to set up his
standard he refused to goe along and retired to his owne howse, yet
the 6* of June, 1642, he was voted a delinquent by the Howse of
Commons upon an informacon from Yorkeshire of a misdemeanor
supposed to have been comitted the May before, and doth nowe
depose upon his oath that that informacon was not true, as it was
represented ; that afterwards he was notwithstandinge inforced by
Captaine Hotham then in armes for the parliamte to compound with
him for that delinquency, who assured his Lope that he had a full
power from the parliament soe to doe, and not onely to compound
with him, but with the Earle of Cumberland alsoe, and all others
in those parts, to whom his Lo?6 paid 1,000^., and was thereupon
promised by him to have a dischardge from the howses for that
offence; and then his Lope was resolved to come for London, and
for that purpose sent hither and laboured his freinds heere to make
way for his returne, who had such incouradgemte therein that he
made two severall attempts to have left the country and come upp,
but was both tymes prevented. And shortly after the Earle of
Newcastle tooke the field and enforced Captain Hotham to retire
into Hull, and sent a party of 200 horse under the comaund of
Sr Thomas Glemham and one Collonell Causfeild, a papist, who
surprized him in his howse, and in the night tyme caryed him to
Newarke, where he was comitted close prisoner, and lay 26 weeks

'DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 31

restraynd, his onely offence being his composicon made with
Captaine Hotham, and for votinge against the Earle of Newcastle's
comeinge into Yorkshire. And after this tyme of imprisonmente
he was sent in custody to Oxford to the Kinge, and his Ires inter-
cepted that passed betweene Captaine Hotham and him con-
cerneinge it, obiected against him by his Matye at his comeinge
thither, and the same produced that after some reprehension his
Matye gave him the liberty of the towne upon an ingadgemte that
he should not depart thence without his licence ; and shortly after
that Assembly mett in which he noe waies answeringe his Mats
expectation nor deserveinge (as his Matye was pleased to say) his
highnes favors, he was againe comitted a close prisoner there at
Oxford ; and after a quarter of a year's tyme of imprisonmte he
was impeached by his Matye himselfe of high treason for makeinge
the said composicon and for speakeinge against and vilifyinge the
Acts of the Assembly, and was indicted for the same, but upon a
consultation thereof had with the iudges they determined that the
said crimes obiected were rather tryable by martiall lawe, to which
the lords there would not agree; and then after some further tyme
lyinge in prison he was againe released upon his undertakeinge that
he should leave the kingdome, and then took an opportunity and
came to London, where he lyes now restrayned. All this matter
doe appeare by his Low affidavit, and by severall other certificates
and testimonialls subscribed under the hands of many noble par-
sonadges and others, testifyinge the same, and heereupon doth pray
that this matter may be specially reported togither with his fine,
hopeinge as his cause is to finde the favor of the howse therein.

He hath taken the nationall covenant and negative oath before
the Comrs of the Greate Scale and before Samuell Gibson, minister
of Margaretts, Westm, the 28th of Aprill, 1646.

That he compounds upon a perticuler delivered in under his
hand, by which he doth submit to such fine, &c., and by which it
doth appeare: —

That his Lo?e is seized of a francktente for life in possession, the

32 PAPERS RELATING TO THE

remainder to his first sonne in taile . . . &c. of and in the mannor of
Howley, lyinge and beinge in the county of Yorke, and of divers
demeasnes, lands, and tents in Howley and Woolchurch, and of the
rectory of Morley and of other lands and tents lyinge in East and
West Ardislawe, and of the mannor and lands in Clynt, and of other
lands and tents in Christall, Hedingly, Burley, Haighall, Lowe Cutles,
and of the mannor and lands of Moreley, and the mannor and lands
of Stapleton, all perticulerly mentioned in the perticuler given in of
his Lo?3 estate, and doe amount togither in the whole unto
1,674Z. Os. 2d., for which his fine at a third comeinge in before the
first of December is 8,370£ Os. lOd.

That heeretofore his Lo?e purchased from Sr William Savile, of
Castle barre, knight, the mannor and IO?P of Darrington, in the said
county e, and divers lands and tenements to the same, belongeinge,
lyinge, and beinge in the townes and feilds of Darrington, Went-
briggs, and Smeaton, of the yeerely value before theis troubles 2001.
That for securinge of 4,160/. the purchase money, he hath by his
deed indented of the 21 Februarii, 17 Caroli, graunted, bargained,
sold, and demised unto the said Sr William Savile all the said lands
to hold for 99 yeeres under a pepper corne rent reserved, upon con-
dicon that upon paymte of the said 4,1601 upon the first day of
May after date of the said deed, then the same to be void, which
money he hath not paid at the day, but hath paid 2,400Z., or there-
abouts thereof, and is truely oweinge about 1,700?., the residue of
the purchase money, soe that he hath onely the revercon of this
after 99 yeeres and a right in equity to avoid this tearme upon
paymte of the money behinde, and is left to consideration.

His Lordship craves to be allowed an annuitye of 200/., which by
his deed indented, dated the 17th of A prill, 16 Caroli, he graunted
unto Robert Hytch and John Bradly, as feoffees in trust for the use
of his Lordship's sister, Mrs Frances Bradly, wife of Mr Thomas
Bradly, to hold duringe the tearme of his Lo?8 life, and was graunted
in consideration of a 1,OOOZ. that was her portion given by her
father and in his LoPs hands ; it is isstieinge out of his mannors and

DELINQUENCY OF LORD SAVILE. 33

lands of Merely, as by the deed thereof, which wee have perused,
and doe thereupon finde the same to be settled accordingly, and
for which he is to be allowed 5001.

Alsoe he prayes an allowance of another annuitye of 401.
graunted unto Edmund Savile, his brother, by the last will and
testamte of his father, as by the same will, dated the 23th of August,
1630, doth appeare, which wee have perused and doe finde the
same to be soe, and for which he is to be allowed 1001.

Alsoe he prayes an allowance of 400Z. with which his said lands
are further chardged by his father's will to be paid unto Mrs. Anne
Leigh, his sole executrix, towards the paymte of his debts, which
doth alsoe appeare to be soe upon perusall of the will, and for which
he is to be allowed 1001.

His Lope deposed that the grauntees of the said annuityes are
liveinge, and that the same annuityes doe nowe contynue payable,
and that the said some of 1,700£. or thereabouts is remayneinge due
and yet unpaid unto Sir William Savile, and that he is still oweinge
and indebted unto the said Mrs Ann Leigh the said somme of 4001.

JEROm ALEXANDER. D. WATKINS.

Fine 8,0001.

Concluding Note. — The fine of 8,OOOZ. however was not fully enforced. The
losses which Savile had previously sustained from the damage done to his house at
Howley, and from the seizures made upon his goods there and at other places, were
taken into consideration by the Commissioners, and the amount was reduced to
4,OOOZ. Of this sum the 1,OOOZ. paid to Captain Hotham " in a very needfull tyme
to pay his forces " was reckoned a part. The sum of 2,OOOZ. out of the 3,000?. to
which the fine was thus reduced was soon paid. A report of the Committee of the
House of Commons three years later, namely, under date llth June, 1649, shows the
balance to be still owing. The Committee then recommend to the House that Lord
Savile should be discharged of his delinquency and of all further payments. No
heed was paid to this recommendation, for so late as March, 1654, a list was issued
of those delinquents who had not yet paid their compositions, and Savile appears in it.

OAMD. SOC.

INDEX.

Anderson, Henry, deposition by, 23
Ardsley, East, 32

Ardsley, West, or Woodkirk; see Wood-
church

Beverley, 2, 25, 30

Birkby, William, 10

Bland, Lady, Katherine, 1, 13, 15, 22;

deposition by, 22
Bonnicar, Mr. 10
Bonrchier, Sir John, 4
Bradford, 10

Bradly, John and Thomas, 32
Brooke, Lord, 2
Burley, near Leeds, 32
Burneley, Kichard, 10

Cade, Elizabeth, 10

Calthrop, Sir Henry, 29

Carlisle, Lady, 4

Causfield, Colonel, 26, 30

Cawood Castle, 22, 23

Charles I. at York and Beverley, 2, 25,

30; at Nottingham, 2, 26, 30; his

charges against Lord Savile, 16, 27,

31

Copley, Mr. or Captain, 10, 13
Coventry, 3
Cumberland, Lord, 2, 11, 12, 14, 15, 24,

26,30

Darrington, 32
Derby, Lord, 6
Digby, Lord, 27
Doncaster, 10
Dorset, Lord, 2
Dover, Lord, 20

Fairfax, Lord, 13, 24
Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 9, 14
Falkland, Lord, 17
Farer, Mr. 4

Gibson, Samuel, minister, 31
Glemham, Sir Thomas, 26, 30
Goring, General, 13
Gray's Inn, 9
Greathead, Nicholas, 10

Headingley, 32

Henrietta Maria, Queen, 7

Heworth Moor, meeting on, 3, 4

Hinchcliffe, Abraham, 22, 23

Holland, Lord, 2

Hotham, Sir John, 1, 5, 12, 18

Hotham, Mr. or Captain, 7, 11, 15, 19,

22, 26, 30
Howard, Lord, 2
Howley, Yorkshire, 7, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15,

21, 26, 29, 32
Hull, 3, 26, 30
Hytch, Robert, 32

Kirkstall iron works, 22; abbey, 23

Langdale, Sir Marmaduke, 9, 10

Leeds, 9, 13, 15, 22

Leigh, Anne, 33

Loudoun, Lord, 6

Lovelace, Lord, deposition by, 28

Mackworth, Sir Francis, 10
Midleborrow or Middle brooke, Michael,

10, 23; deposition by, 22
Monckton, Sir Francis, 15
Morley rectory, 32; manor and lands,

32,33

Naseby fight, 28

Newark, 8, 14, 17, 21, 26, 30

Newcastle, Earl of, 5, 6, 7, 11, 13, 15, 17,
26, 28,30,31; letter to, 16

Nicholas, Sir Edward, draft by, 8 ; secre-
tary, 13, 18; letter of, 16

Nottingham, 2, 26, 30

11

INDEX.

Osborne, Sir Edward, 10, 15
Oxford, 13, 17, 21,23,27,31; documents
dated at, 8, 16

Pontefract or Pomfret, 9, 12, 15
Pym, John, petition drawn by, 2

Reyner, John, 4

Kigeley, Mr. 4

Risley, William, 9, 13; statement by, 24

Savile, Lord, letters of, 1, 5, 6, 9; at
Newark, 8, 14, 17, 21, 26, 30; infor-
mations against, 8; answer to, 11; the
king's charges against, 16, 27, 31 ; his
petition to compound, 21 ; his defence,
25; his delinquency and fine, 30

Savile, Sir John, 29

Savile, Sir William, 13, 32, 33

Saye and Sele, Lord, 2, 5, 25

Scott, Richard, 10

Skipton, 9, 12

Smeaton, 32

Sparlinge, William, 10
Stapleton, Sir Philip, 2, 5, 24
Stapleton manor, 32

Tadcaster, 12, 24

Temple, Lady, letters to, 1, 5, 6, 18

Temple, Sir Peter and Lady, In, 18, 24,

26

Thorpe, Mr. 29
Todd, Mr. 4

Westminster, St. Margaret's, 31

Wakefield, 10

Walker, Sir Edward, document signed

by, 21
Warwick, 3
Wentbridge, 32
Weston, Benjamin, 29
Woodchurch, Yorkshire, 10, 32

York, 2, 4, 8, 11, 15, 24, 25, 30 ; the
battle near, 28

A SECRET NEGOCIATION

WITH

CHARLES THE FIRST

1643-1644.

EDITED,
FROM THE TANNER MSS. IN THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY,

BY

BERTHA MEEITON GAEDINER,

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXXXIII.

PREFACE.

The following documents, from the Tanner Collection of MSS.
in the Bodleian Library, are especially interesting ; in the first
place, because so far as we know they contain the first overtures
ever made to Charles in which the practice of religious toleration
was proposed as means of effecting a settlement able to satisfy the
bulk of the nation ; in the second, because they help to explain
how it was that the Independents, who at the beginning of the
Civil war were few in number and unpopular, had become in
1645 a numerous and powerful party. Their proposal for the
re- establishment of Episcopacy with a new set of bishops and
toleration for those who wished to remain outside the Established
Church, had the support of large numbers of persons, who had been
converted into enemies of bishops by ceremonial innovations and
the system of Church government upheld by Laud, but who had
no theoretic or theological objections either to the service of the
English Church or to Episcopacy, and to whom the idea of sub-
mission to the galling yoke of the Presbyterian Church was as
distasteful as to the Independents themselves.

The outline of the story of the negociation is as follows : — A certain
Captain or, as he is sometimes called in these papers, Major Thomas
Ogle, a prisoner in Winchester House, conceived the idea that those
whom he terms " moderate zealous Protestants" and Independents
might be induced to combine together and defend the royal cause,
in order to prevent the establishment of a Presbyterian Church in

11 PREFACE.

England, which appeared to be imminent, in consequence of the recent
acceptance of the Solemn League and Covenant. He wrote a letter
(No. 1) to the Earl of Bristol, who had at that time great influence with
Charles, urging his views at length, and at the same time inclosed
a paper containing six propositions (No. 2), representing the terms
on which both Independents and moderate Protestants would be
ready to support the King. Ogle wrote this letter on Oct. 17,
1643, but it did not leave London till the 24th of the following
month : it was then sent to Oxford through Lieutenant-Colonel
Mosely, one of the officers of the garrison of Aylesbury, and
delivered into Bristol's hands on Dec. 2. Ogle says in this letter
that as proof of good faith Aylesbury should be delivered up to
the King's forces ; and it seems probable that it was through him
that Mosely was engaged to enter into the transaction. Ogle also
informed Bristol that if the King would send a warrant ordering
the keeper of Winchester House prison, Thomas Devenish, to set him
at liberty, the order would be complied with. The exact time at
which Ogle's plans were betrayed does not appear, but it is certain
that Mosely and Devenish were prepared to give information before
Ogle's letter to Bristol left London. Copies were made both of it
and the Propositions, and were exhibited to eome members of
Parliament in all probability before Nov. 24. Mosely at some
previous date, or when he forwarded Ogle's letter and the pro-
positions, must have written to Bristol, for the first letter of his to
Bristol which is in our possession (No. 3), dated Dec. 6, is clearly
not the first communication that he had had with the Earl.
Bristol had no knowledge of Ogle, but complied with his requests,
forwarding a warrant to Devenish to set him at liberty, also a safe
conduct with a blank left for the insertion of names, and further, a
bill of exchange for 1001. to enable him to pay his expenses and
make his way to Oxford. These documents were all forwarded to
Mosely at Aylesbury, and taken by him to London, where they

PREFACE. Ill

were examined by Lord Wharton, Gerard, and Clotworthy on
Dec. 11. Ogle was afterwards suffered to escape a and go to
Oxford, where he arrived on Jan. 3, and received an encouraging
reception both from Bristol and the King. From Oxford, besides
writing to Devenish, Ogle wrote to the Independent ministers,
Goodwyn and Nye, who were members of the Assembly of Divines,
then sitting in London, urging on them to come to Oxford, and
informing Nye that the King was prepared to make him his
chaplain.

Unfortunately the whole of the correspondence relating to this
affair is not in the Tanner Collection. It appears, however, from
the entries in the Journals, that Devenish wrote to Bristol offering to
betray Windsor Castle, and that the Earl replied, approving of the
design and sending to him a royal warrant to raise 200 men under
his son's command to put into that garrison. b Charles also wrote a
letter to Mosely, shortly before the royal forces marched against
Aylesbury, in which he instructed him, in case the plan of surrender
failed, to blow up the powder magazine.0 On Sunday night, Jan.
21, in spite of a heavy fall of snow, the royalists approached the
town, but only to find that they were deceived, and to withdraw
again to Oxford with the loss of many lives in consequence of the
inclement weather. Those who had cognizance of the negociation
doubtless had allowed it to continue so long with the object of
getting the better of the King, but it was not possible that Charles

a Ogle was son-in-law to Peter Smart, former prebendary of Durham Cathedral
(see No. 13, note). On Dec. 28 Smart petitioned the House of Lords that his son
Ogle might be at liberty to go abroad with a keeper, as in consequence of his
imprisonment he cannot prosecute or prepare for the hearing of his cause. — L. J.
vol. vi. p. 355. On Jan. 6 is the further entry : — " That whereas this House ordered
^hat Captain Ogle should have liberty to go abroad with a keeper to solicit for Mr.
Smart in his business, the said Ogle is ran away." — L. J. vol. vi. p. 367.

b C. J. vol. iii. p. 378. The King also wrote a letter to Devenish, dated Jan. 12.
— L. J. vol. vi. p. 394.

* L. J. vol. vi. p. 394. C. J. vol. iii. p. 378.

IV PREFACE.

should be longer hoodwinked, and on Jan. 26 Lord Wharton
brought the affair before the notice of the House of Lords.

Like most conspirators, Ogle immensely overrated his own im-
portance and underrated the difficulties in the way of the execution
of his plans. But it is none the less probable that the propositions
which he forwarded really represented the views of those whose
spokesman he declared himself to be. He informed Bristol that
they were drawn up by the advice of some of the principal men on
each side, and there is no reason for doubting his word on this
point. It is evident from his letters to Goodwyn and Nye that he
was personally acquainted with both of them, and it is of course
possible that men too honourable and too far-sighted to enter into
treasonable plots for the betrayal of garrison towns may yet have
been willing in the first instance to take advantage of Ogle's
overtures in order to discover whether there was hope that Charles
would ever be ready to make peace on terms acceptable to them.
There is besides reason for concluding that the Parliament felt more
uneasiness than it cared to confess, since in opposition to the usual
practice in such cases as little publicity as possible was given to the
details of the negociaticn. No advantage whatever could be gained
by spreading abroad such intelligence as that the Independents and
Brownists had drawn up a very high and daring petition, threaten-
ing if the Scots covenant were forced upon them to lay down their
arms;a a fact hitherto so well concealed that no notice of it had
appeared in any of the numerous papers and pamphlets published
on either side.

At the same time that Charles through the Earl of Bristol was
negociating with Ogle, through Lord Digby, Bristol's son, he was
carrying on a second negociation with other persons in London. b
This negociation was discovered and made public (Jan. 6) about
three weeks before information concerning Ogle's plans was laid

* See p. 5. b Referred to by Ogle, No. 23.

PREFACE. V

before Parliament ; and the different course pursued on the
two occasions reveals how differently the Parliament felt itself
affected by the two transactions. Two Roman Catholics, Sir Basil
Brooke and Colonel Read,a endeavoured to prevail on various
influential men in the city to enter into a plan of engaging the
Corporation of London to present peace propositions to Charles.
The desire for peace that existed in London as well as the national
jealousy of the Scots were the levers by aid of which the contrivers
hoped to effect their design. Thomas Violet, a goldsmith, who had
been imprisoned for refusing to pay a tax imposed by the Parlia-
ment, and Theophilus Riley, the scout-master of the city, both took
part in the business, and Violet, as well as an under-agent Wood,
conveyed letters from Digby and Read b at Oxford to Riley and
Brooke in London. Hints of the design were made to various
persons known to be desirous of speedily bringing the war to an
en(i) — Alderman Gibbes, Sir David Watkins, and others. Sir David
Watkins appears at once to have given information to certain
members of the House of Commons. Both Violet and Riley, when
examined, denied that it had been their intention to engage the
city to act independently of the Parliament; but from the evidence
brought before it the Parliament was perfectly justified in con-
cluding that the King's object was to inveigle the Corporation to

* Read, a Scotchman by birth, was a Roman Catholic, and had held the charge
of lieutenant-general in Strafford's army in Ireland. The revolted Irish had
employed him to negociate for them with the Lords Justices, but on his arrival at
Dublin he was seized and racked. He was afterwards sent to London along
with Lord Maguire and MacMahon (see No. 3, note). — History of the Irish
Confederation and War in Ireland 1641-1643, edited by John T. Gilbert, vol. i.
pp. 77, 78.

b Riley made use of his influence as scout-master of the city to obtain Read's
release, representing him to have been a Captain Read, made prisoner in England,
and getting him exchanged for a Parliamentarian prisoner at Oxford. Riley also
effected the release of Violet. — " A Cunning Plot to Divide and Destroy the Par
liament and the City of London," King's Pamphlets, E.y.

VI PREFACE.

enter into a negociation with himself at Oxford, and to recognize
the Assembly which was to meet at that town on Jan. 22 as the
lawful Parliament of England. A letter, of which the first draft
had been made in London by Violet, Brooke, and Riley, was written
by the King, and addressed " To our trusty and well beloved our
Lord Mayor* and Aldermen of our city of London, and all other our
well-affected subjects of that city." This was committed to the
care of Brooke, with instructions to cause its presentation or not,
accordingly as he should think fit.
After a preamble the letter ran : —

Being informed that there is a desire in some principall persons of that city to
present a petition to us, which may tend to the procuring a good understanding
between us and that our city, whereby the peace of the whole kingdom may be
procured, we have thought fit to let you know that we are ready to receive any such
petition, and the persons who shall be appointed to present the same to us shall
have a safe conduct. And you shall assure all our good subjects of that city whose
hearts are touched with any sense of duty to us, or of love to the religion and laws
established .... that we have neither passed any act, nor made any pro-
fession or protestation for the maintenance and defence of the true Protestant
religion and the liberties of the subject, which we will not most strictly and
religiously observe, and for the which we will not be alwaies ready to give them any
security can be desired. And of these our gracious letters we expect a speedy
answer from you. And so we bid you farewell. Given at our Court at Oxford, in
the 19 year of our raign, 26 Dec. 1643.

Propositions were agreed on between Kead, Riley, Violet, and
Brooke, fit to serve as a basis for negociation. According to
Brooke's evidence they were as follows: —

(1.) That the city might be satisfied that the King would settle the Protestant
religion, for without that neither the Parliament nor city would admit any treaty.

(2.) That the debts contracted upon the public faith, on either side by King or
Parliament, should be satisfied, and the most likeliest way for the doing thereof was
to settle the excise for these purposes.

a Sir John Wollaston, Pennington's successor. Violet, when examined, said that
he was directed by Read " to tell my Lord Mayor the King had directed his letter
to him, Lord Mayor of London, hearing he was a moderate man in his place."— -
A Cunnmg Plot, &c., King's Pamphlets, E. y .

PREFACE. Vll

(3.) That it was conceived that in respect of the King's declaration that the
Parliament was no Parliament, and that therefore the Kin,g could not treat with
them any more, this treaty was to be immediately between the King and the city,
and the city was to be the medium between the King and Parliament.

And this examinat further saith, That the said Wood told the examinat that if
any parliament men would joyne with the city in the treaty, they also might come
with them to Oxford under the safe conduct granted to the city, though it were not
exprest in the King's letter ; and that the said Wood received directions at Oxford
for this examinat to declare soe much to whom he should think fit.

(4.) That there must be an act of oblivion for all parties and delinquents what-
soever, and a generall pardon. That no cessation should be expected during the
treaty, if there had beene any. That no mention was made in all these Propositions
either of Scotland or Ireland.

It is characteristic of Charles that he should have carried on
negociations at the same time with Roman Catholics and with Inde-
pendents for the recovery of his power. Most probably indeed when
he allowed Ogle to make vague promises to the Independents of
toleration and preferment it was not his object to effect a peace,
but merely to prevail on the Parliamentary captains to surrender
Aylesbury and Windsor. In the same way when he encouraged
Read and Brooke in their designs he had probably little expectation
of doing more than exciting feelings of ill will and jealousy
between the Parliament and the City. His practice however of
accepting overtures from whatever side they came had the great
disadvantage that it destroyed belief in his sincerity. The readi-
ness of the Independents to treat with him would not be increased
by the discovery that he was equally ready to enter into negocia-
tions with Roman Catholics, and the Parliament, of course, did not
fail to use the opportunity offered by the discovery of Brooke's
plot of exciting popular prejudice against the King, and strength-
ening their own cause. After hearing the report of the committee
which had conducted the investigations the Commons resolved:

That the matter of the report contains a seditious and jesuistical practice and
design, under the fair and specious pretence of peace (having its rise and fountain
from known Jesuits and Papists), to work divisions between the Parliament and the
CAMD. SOC. b

Vlll PREFACE.

city of London ; to raise factions in both, and thereby to render them up to the
designs of the enemy, and tending also to the breach of the public faith of this
kingdom unto our brethren of Scotland, engaged by the late solemn covenant and
treaty entered into by both nations, thereby not only to weaken us in our united
forces against our popish and common enemy but also to embroil the two nations
in unhappy differences."

The Lords concurred in this vote, and a committee of both
Houses was appointed to communicate the business at a common
hall, which was held on the following Monday (Jan. 8). The
report of this committee was subsequently published, together with
the examinations and letters of the various persons concerned, and
an intercepted copy of the proclamation lately issued by Charles at
Oxford summoning the Parliament to meet at that town on Jan.
22, and offering a free pardon to any member of either House
who should within that time return to his duty and allegiance.1*
The occasion was made one for a great manifestation of union.
The Corporation invited the Parliament to dinner at Merchant
Taylors' Hall. On the appointed day, Jan. 11, the Lords and
Commons, the Scottish Commissioners, three ambassadors newly
arrived from Holland, the members of the Assembly of Divines, the
Lord Mayor and Corporation, Essex, Warwick, Manchester,
Cromwell, and other officers of note in London, met together at
Christchurch at nine in the morning to hear a thanksgiving sermon
from the lips of Stephen Marshall.0 The preacher prefaced his
sermon by a curious address, which shows how eager the Presby-
terian party was to prevent the idea getting abroad that division
existed in London : —

"You are first met here," he said, "to feast your souls with the fat things of God's
house, with a feast of fat things full of marrow, and wine on the lees well refined;
and afterwards to feast your bodies with the fat things of the land and the sea, both

* C. J. vol. iii. p. 358, Jan. 6.

b " A cunning plot to divide and destroy the Parliament and the city of London,
made known at a common hall," &c. London, Jan. 16, 1643. — King's Pamphlets, E. 2T9 .
c Tlw Parliament Scout, E. f£; The Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, E. y.

PREFACE. IX

plenty and dainty. But, if you please, you may first feast your eyes; doe but behold
the face of this assembly; I dare say it will be one of the excellentest feasts that
ever your eyes were refreshed with. You may first see the two Houses of Par-
liament, the honourable Lords and Commons .... preserved from so many

treacherous designs, secret treasons, and open violences Here you may

also see hu Excellency, the general of all our forces by land, and near him that
most noble lord, the commander of our forces by sea; and with them abundance of

noble and resolute commanders, all of them with their faces like unto lions

Here, also, you may behold the representative body of the city of London, the Lord
Mayor, the Court of Aldermen, the Common Council, the militia, and in them the
face and affection of this glorious city. This city .... after the expense of
millions of treasure and thousands of lives, still as faithful and resolute to live and
die in the cause of God as ever heretofore. Here you may likewise see a reverend
assembly of grave and learned divines, who daily wait upon the Angel in the Mount
to receive from him the lively oracles, and the patterns of God's house to present
unto you. All these are of our ovone nation; and with them you may see the honour-
able, reverend, and learned Commissioners of the Church of Scotland

All these you may behold in one view; and, which is more, you may behold them

all of one heart And, which is yet more, you may see them all met

together this day on purpose, both to praise God for this union, and to rejoice in
it, and to hold it out to all the world, and thereby to testify that, as one man, they
will live and die together in this common cause of God, of our Lord Jesus Christ
his Church, and these three kingdoms," &c.a

The sermon over, both entertainers and guests proceeded in pro-
cession from the church to Merchant Taylors' Hall, while on the
way the London trained bands lined the streets on either side : —

The first that went forth were the Common Councilmen and militia of London in
their gowns; after them the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen in their scarlet
gowns, on horseback, with their officers and attendants; next came the Lord General
and Lord Admiral together, with about sixteen earls and lords of the upper House
of Parliament, and divers colonels and military commanders, all on foot; and imme-
diately after them came near two hundred of the worthy members of the House of
Commons; and then the Commissioners of Scotland; and after all these about eighty
divines of the Reverend Assembly: all which did much content and delight the
spectators to see these so noble, faithful, religious, and honourable pillars of the
truth, and maintainers of their rights and privileges, and patrons of the true religion,
appear with so united a concurrence of hearts and spirits.1*

a " A sacred Panegyrick, or a sermon of Thanksgiving." — King's Pamphlets
E. 3^. The italics are as in the original.

6 The True Informer, King's Pamphlets, E. f f .

X PREFACE.

At Cheapside an entertainment was prepared for the spectators,
specially suitable to this celebration of the discovery of a plot
in which, happily for the Parliament, Eoman Catholics were
concerned. At Cheapside, where the cross formerly stood, light
scaffoldings of firwood had been raised, " all hung round with pic-
tures and popish trinkets, which caused a very thronged fair ....
there was crucifixes, and cunjering boxes, and velvet crosses, and
crosses embroidered with gold. There was the Virgin Mary
crowned Queen of Heaven . . . there was magic spells and jacks in
boxes. The bishops' crucifix, Jesus, and the nuns' holy bushes,"
along with candlesticks, images, beads, trinkets, and similar relics
of past times. As the procession passed by these erections were
set on fire, and were speedily reduced to ashes. •' The smoke of
the flames," says one of the papers, " like incense ascended towards
heaven, as that which was acceptable to God."

While the crowd amused itself with the bonfire the members of
Parliament and other guests dined in the Hall. At the close of the
entertainment Dr. Burgess, one of the members of the Assembly
of Divines, surprised the company by ascending the gallery, where
musicians formerly sat on festive occasions, and proposing that all
should join in singing the 85th Psalm. With this testimony of
union and thankfulness the proceedings were brought to an end.a
The following Sunday, Jan. 21, was kept as a day of public
thanksgiving, and the vote of the two Houses passed on the disco-
very of the plot read in the city churches.5

The effusions of the weekly papers and the address which
Marshall thought necessary to affix to his sermon make the reader
incline to exclaim, "Methinks the gentlemen do protest too much."
With regard to all that concerned Catholics and Catholicism,

* King's Pamphlets, Mercurius, &c. E. y; The Scottish Dove, E. f| ; The True
Informer, E. |f .
» C. J. yol. iii. p. 370; L. J. yol. vi. p. 384.

PREFACE. XI

the Parliament, the Assembly of Divines, the City, the militia,
and the army, might with justice assert that they presented an
united front ; but the procession in which marched side by side
such men as Cromwell and Manchester contained elements which
before the year had passed would be unable longer to work together.
As yet, however, only the beginnings of division had appeared;
and although evidences of ill-feeling between Presbyterians and
Independents were not wanting, these took rather a personal than
a political form, the Independents remaining stedfastly loyal to
the side of the Parliament, expecting when the King was beaten
that some solution of the religious question would be arrived at
satisfactory to themselves. It is remarkable that, while Ogle was
seeking to win Goodwyn and Nye to desert the side of the Parlia-
ment, overtures of like character were being made through another
source to the younger Sir Henry Vane. Lord Lovelace wrote a
letter to Vane from Oxford, in which he desired " to hold corre-
spondence with him, relying upon his true inclination to the public
good and knowing him to have a strong party in the House, and he
the chiefe of it." a Vane showed the letter to the Speaker of the
Commons and to the members of the committee appointed to inves-
tigate Riley's plot, and it was agreed amongst them that Lovelace's
proposal should be accepted. Vane wrote in reply to Lovelace,
and sent the chaplain of the Earl of Warwick, Mr. Wall, to have
an interview with him at Henley .b The matter was first brought
before the notice of Parliament in consequence, as it appears, of
Essex discovering that communication was being held with the
enemy. On Jan. 17 he complained to the House of Lords that
letters were passing between Sir Henry Vane and Lord Lovelace,
and that unless the correspondence was put a stop to he could not

• WMtacre's Diary, Additional MSS. 31116, fol. 108b.

•> Whitacre's Diary, Additional MSS. 31116, fol. 109a; C. J. p. 369.

Xll PREFACE.

discharge his duty as general.* The same day the Speaker of the
Commons gave information to the House of what had passed. The
letter written by Lovelace from Oxford, Vane's reply, and the
account given by Wall of his interview with Lovelace, were read
and then delivered to the Speaker, u to be kept by him from public
view." ] The matter, however, did not rest here. Lovelace, either
before or after this date, wrote to Vane from Reading, and Vane
again replied.6 The bearer of a letter written by Lovelace was
arrested on Jan. 18 as a spy and examined by Dorislaus, the advo-
cate of the army. His answers led to the examination of Wall on
the 19th, and the answers of Wall to the examination, on the 20th,
of a third man, Mr. Sterry, who was chaplain to Lady Brooke.d
The names of Vane and of other members of Parliament appeared
in the examinations, and a report got abroad that Vane was under
arrest, and that he and other members of the Commons were, in
accordance with an ordinance of Parliament, going to be tried by
a court of war for holding correspondence with the enemy.6
Vane complained in the Commons that the privileges of the House
had been broken, because witnesses had been examined with regard
to the actions of its members without communication having first
been made to the House (Jan. 24). f Essex received an order to
send the examinations to the House, with which he complied, at
the same time declaring through Strode that he had never thought
of causing any members of Parliament to be tried by martial law.s
He also in person presented copies of the examinations to the

a L. J. p. 381. b C. J. vol. iii. p. 369.

c Whitacre's Diary, Additional MSS. 33116, fol. HOb.
d C. J. vol. iii. p. 376.

0 Whitacre's Diary, Additional MSS. 31116, fol. llOb ; King's Pamphlets, The
Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, E. fg.

f Whitacre's Diary, Additional MSS. 31116, fol. HOb.
s C. J. vol. iii. p. 375.

PREFACE. Xlll

House of Lords, which ordered the Speaker to give him thanks for
his care, and declared that he had done nothing but what was in
accordance with his duty as Lord General.8 The Commons, on
their side, proceeded to summon before them and question Doris-
laus. After a long debate they appointed a committee to examine
the matter further and to report whether in its opinion a breach of
privilege had been committed or not.b

The letters which passed between Lovelace and Vane are not
printed in the Journals of either House ; but there is no doubt, with
regard to their contents, that offers made to Vane, as chief of a
large party in the Commons, would include some general promise
of religious toleration.0 It does not appear whether Lovelace
wrote at Bristol's instigation; but, according to Wall's report, he
acted with the authority of the King.d It was natural that some
other agent than Ogle should be employed to approach Vane, in
order to preclude danger of the discovery and betrayal of the
designs upon Windsor and Aylesbury. Charles by making propo-
sitions to Vane, if he did not succeed in much, at least succeeded
in nearly involving the two Houses in a quarrel over a question
of privilege. The Houses, however, could not afford to quarrel.
Two days after Essex delivered up the examinations Parliament
was informed of Ogle's conspiracy, and the ill-timed dispute

8 L. J. vol. vi. p. 391.

b L. J. vol. iii. p. 376. Whitacre's Diary, Additional MSS. fol. Ilia.

c The weekly papers only mention the affair slightly. Anti-Aulicus gives as
follows the contents of Lovelace's letter to Vane : — " That the King having taken
notice of him and of others of his judgment, and conceiving them to be reall and
hearts in their intentions, did promise unto them liberty of conscience, and that all
those laws that have been made by the parliament, and all others, the rights and
liberties of the people, should inviolably be preserved : of which hee would give
what assurance could be devised ; desiring likewise that either hee or some other
by his appointment would upon safe convoy treat further of the business at Henley,
or what other place he thought fit."— King's Pamphlets, E. \%.

d Whitacre's Diary, Additional MSS. 31116, fol. 108b.

XIV PREFACE.

appears to have been abandoned, since no further notices of it are
to be found in the Journals. On Jan. 26 Lord Wharton reported
to the House of Lords : —

A discovery of dividing the two kingdoms of England and Scotland, and the
design of the betraying of Alsebury, the effect whereof was to this purpose : — That
Devenish, the keeper of Winchester House, was dealt with to permit Captain Ogle
to make an escape out of his custody, which the said Devenish discovered to some
Lords ; and the moderate men (as they called them) and the Independents were to
join together for suppressing of the Presbyterians, and the Scots to be kept out
of the kingdom ; and Ogle had an hundred pounds sent him from the Earl of
Bristoll to bear his charges out of town. And further, the Earl of Bristoll dealt
with one Mosely to surrender the garrison of Alsebury ; and in case the King's
forces could not have the town surrendered them, to fire it and the magazine.

Four documents,* according to the entry, were then read, after
which,

Lieutenant-Colonel Moseley was called into the House and thanked for his fidelity
and good service done at Aylesbury for the Parliament : who acquainted the Lords,
" That he had been dealt withall from Oxon to have blown up the magazine at
Aylesbury and some part of the town, with two engines sent from Oxon, whilst
their forces should have surprised the said town." b

Upon the further report of Lord Wharton, " that Mr. Nye and

a (1) Ogle's letter to Bristol, dated Nov. 24 (No. 1). (2) The King's letter to
Lieutenant-Colonel Mosely concerning the surrendering up to him the town of
Aylesbury (missing). (3) The King's letter to Thos. Devenish, keeper of Win-
chester House, dated from Oxford, 12 Jan. 1643 (missing). (4) The Propositions
(No. 2).

b The Scottish Dove (E. |§) gives the following account of Mosely's share in the
business: " There having lately been some difference of discontent between Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Mostley and some other commanders, the Lieutenant, coming to
London upon his occasions, was closed with by some Oxford factors (for treachery),
and, after much sifting, the Lieutenant- Colonell carrying the business smoothly, the
bargain came to be confirmed, and 1,000 pound must be the reward to deliver up
Alesbury; the place was appointed where and how to agree of the time and way, to
which place, according to promise, Lieutenant Mostley sent his man. The time being
appointed, he desired money in hand; 100 pound was sent him, a good horse and a
sword; and on Monday l they came to have possession. But Lieutenant-Collonell
Mostley, when he had the 100" had all he looked for, and had made the business
known to the governour."2

1 They marched Sunday night, Jan. 21-22.

2 Colonel Aldridge, The Weekly Account, E.

PREFACE. XV

Mr. John Goodwin did refuse to meddle in the business," the
House —

thought fit that they should have thanks given them from the House for the
same ; and that Lieutenant-Colonel Mosely and Mr. Devenish should have thanks
given and a reward for their faithfulness in the carriage of this business. — (L. J.
vol. vi. p. 395.)

The same day, January 26, at the request of the Lords, a con-
ference by committees of both Houses was held in the Painted
Chamber. In the report of the conference afterwards made in the
Commons the House was informed :

That Ailesbury was much in the King's eye; that Mr. Devenish was very faithful
to the Parliament, and in discourse in the whole proceeding of this business; that
he got Ogle to pawn his seal unto him; and thereby got a new seal cut, and opened
Ogle's letters, and sealed them with the new seal. That Mr. Goodwyn, Mr. Nye,
with the privity of my Lord General and some members of this House, had con-
ference with Ogle. That the King's forces came on the Sabbath day a last towards
Ailesbury; and his forces at Tocester quitted that garrison in hopes of effecting this
design. That three hundred fresh foot were sent on that day by his Excellency into
the town; of which notice was given by Lieutenant-Colonel Mosely to his Majesty to
defer it a few days ; but, indeed, to the end, to defer the time, till my Lord General
and the Earl of Manchester's forces might march between the enemy and Oxford :
yet it so much concerned his Majesty to have that town delivered on that day, in
regard of upholding his reputation with his Parliament at Oxford, who were to
meet the next day, that he would defer the time no longer; but, in the great storm
and snow, marched within two miles of the town; and near four hundred men lost
in the march.b

• Jan. 21.

b The following is the list of documents entered in the Commons' Journals as
being read to the House; several are not in the Tanner Collection, while several in
the Tanner Collection are not entered in the Journals. The clerk does not appear to
have had regard to order of date: —

(a.) A Letter from Captain Ogle, prisoner in Winchester House, to the Earl of
Bristol.

(J.) Propositions of peace.

(c.) A Safe Conduct under the King's hand with a blank of three names.

(d.) The Earl of Bristol's letter to Lieutenant-Colonel Mosely.

(e.) Lieutenant-Colonel Mosely's Letter to the Earl.

(/.) Mr. Pevenish's Letter to the Earl of Bristol.

O.) The King's Warrant to Mr. tievenish to set Captain Ogle at liberty.
CAMD. SOC. C

XVI PREFACE.

The Commons, after hearing the report, resolved that thanks
should be returned to Mr. Nye, Mr. Goodwin, Lieutenant-Colonel
Mosely, and Mr. Devenish, and that the estate of Mr. Samuel Crispe
should be forthwith secured. With regard to the main question
both Houses dwelt as lightly upon it as possible, and sought to show
that the King, when making promises to the Independents, had no
other design in view than to foment discord and gain military
advantages for himself. The following resolution was adopted by
both Houses : " That it doth appear, upon the whole matter, that
the King and his council at Oxford do endeavour and embrace all
ways to raise and foment divisions betwixt us and our brethren of
Scotland, and amongst ourselves, under the fair pretence of easing
tender consciences ; that during these fair pretences, their immediate
design was the ruin of the kingdom by the destroying and burning
of the magazines thereof." a

What is here quoted from the Journals is all that was ever officially
made known. None of the documents were printed or published,
and the weekly papers either do not notice the affair at all or pass
lightly over it.b The Weekly Intelligencer, which has the fullest

(&.) Mr. Devenish, his Letter by Captain Ogle to the Earl of Bristol, in figures.

(i.) The Earl's Answer to Mr. Devenish.

(ft.) The King's Warrant to Mr. Devenish to raise two hundred men under his
son's command, to be put into the garrison of Windsore.

(I.) The Earl of Bristol's letter, in figures, to Mr. Devenish.

(m.) Sir George Strode's Letter to Mr. Samuel Crispe to pay one hundred pounds
to Captain Ogle.

(w.) The Bill of Exchange for the payment of the said hundred pounds.

(0.) Mr. Samuel Crispe's Letter to Sir George Strode.

O.) Captain Ogle's Letter to Lieutenant-Colonel Mosely, about the time of
delivering up of the town.

(q.~) His Majesty's Instructions to Lieutenant-Colonel Mosely to blow up the
magazine in case of sudden discovery.

The engines or fireworks delivered by his Majesty's own hands for the said service
was presented likewise to the House.

a C. J. vol. iii. p. 378.

b King's Pamphlets : the Parliament's Scout, E. V ; Anti-Aulicus, E. ff ; The
Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, E. f f.

PREFACE. XV11

account, dwells entirely on the military side of the negociation.
The writer mentions some details which are not in the letters that
we possess, and it is likely enough that he drew upon his imagina-
tion for some of them.a The chief portion of his narrative is as
follows :

After some debate, Ogle could not accomplish his ends unless he might have
his liberty. . . Master Devenish did wisely connive at his escape, Lieutenant-
Colonel Mosely nobly entertained him at Aylesbury, and concluded on conditions to
deliver up the town ; Ogle went to Oxford, kissed his Majesties hand. . . .
Hereupon his Majestic writes a letter, and the Earl of Bristol another, to Lieutenant-
Colonel Mosely, and also to Mr. Devenish, and thanks them for their affection to
his Majesties service. Mr. Devenish writes a letter of compliance to the Earle of
Bristol, and also sends him a figure to write by, but yet advises his Lordship that
Ogle may not be privy to what he writes, for he loves to be free with solid and
reserved men — of either of which Ogle was never guiltie. My Lord Bristol accepted
of the figure, answered it in kinde, approved of Mr. Devenish's advice, sent him a
letter of indemnity under his Majesties hand and seal for permitting Ogle to escape,
intimating unto him that his Majestic had made Ogle a gentleman of his privy
chamber, but a badge of greater honour was intended for him. Mr. Devenish
finding his addresses so acceptable, writ againe in figures to the Earle of Bristol,
and propounded unto him a designe he had to betray Windsor Castle at the same
time into his Majesties hands by taking advantage of a feare that would possess
them upon the surrender of Aylesbury. His Majesty and the Earl of Bristol well
approved of the designe, and both of them in several letters signed with their own
hands highly extolled his wisdom, promised great rewards, as by the letters
appear.

The plot goes on; Sunday, Jan. 21, at 12 at night, Aylesbury was to be delivered up ;
to that end his Majesty quits Tocester,b and draws all the forces he can also from
Oxford and elsewhere to enter Aylesbury: Lieutenant-Col. Mosely sends his Majesty
word that there was come in three full companies of foot, fresh supplies, which he
expected was sent upon some jealousies, therefore advised his Majesty to forbear to
send till a better opportunity: but his Majesty was resolved on the time appointed,

a See No. 23 and note.

b The Royalists had a garrison at Towcester, from whence they made plundering
excursions into the surrounding districts. A party of Cavaliers took Sir Alexander
Denton's house, Hilsdon, within a few miles of Aylesbury, but were driven away
by a body of Parliamentarians coming from Banbury and Newport Pagnell about
Jan. 17. On Jan. 18 the Royalist forces abandoned Towcester, after which the
place was occupied by the Parliamentarians. The Kingdom's Weekly Post,
Mercurius Oivicvs, E.ff; The Scottish Dove, E.||; Mercurius Civicus, E.3T°.

XV111 PREFACE.

for that the winde had blowne of late much against them, and the great meeting of
the Parliament was at Oxford the next day, and some action must suddenly ensue
to uphold his reputation at so great a meeting, and therefore sent him, by his own
man, some engines to fire the magazine in case he was discovered, that then the
towne might be easily taken by storming it: but when they came within two miles
of Aylesbury a the enemy perceived they were betrayed, so retreated in disorder, and
lost neer 400 men and horses in the snow, and lost Tocester besides; and had Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Moseley prevailed to hold off the day of appointment but two days
longer, as he endeavoured it, my Lord General's forces had marched between Oxford
and the enemy, and cut them off, but unseasonableness of the stonnes and wayes
were such that they could not march but with much prejudice, though they en-
deavoured it.b

Notice should be drawn to the peculiar use of the word
"agitations," on p. 1. which may help to explain the use of the
word " agitators " for the agents appointed by the soldiers in 1647.

a " The enemy quartered at Ethrop House within two little miles of Alesbury,
expecting the prize ; but by the next morning by some scout or secret intelligence
they had notice that their plot was blasted, so they returned back towards Oxford."
— The Scottish Dove, King's Pamphlets, E. f§.

b King's Pamphlets: The Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, E. \ a. The weather
was very inclement, and the operations of the forces on both sides impeded in
all parts of the country.

A SECRET NEGOCIATION WITH
CHARLES I.

(1.) THOMAS OGLE TO THE EARL OP BRISTOL.

. [Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 332.]

MY LORD,

Having by God's great marcy bin soported by his great
provydenss (after almost 7 months most myserable close improsin-
ment, aggravated with most exquiset acts of barbarissme and cruelty,
in the Lo: Fetter's* howse, and from thenss 20 days in the hoolr of
a ship) obtayned (not through favour but forgetfulnes of these
grand refformers) the lyberty of Winchester Howse, where now I
am a prisner, som of my freinds and aqueyntans had recorss to me,
wherby my former agitations (well known to Sir Nich. Crisp) b for

a Petre's.

b Sir Nicholas Crispe, a royalist, a former farmer of the customs, who had fled from
London to Oxford in the beginning of the year. On Jan. 18, 1643, several intercepted
letters were read in the House of Commons ; amongst others, one from Sir Robert
Pye, an Exchequer officer, whose son Hampden's daughter had married. In this
letter Sir Robert Pye " shewed that hee had paied 3700" due to Sir Nicholas Crispe
for secrett service done for his Matie, and would take a course to convey his Matles
revenue to him." l The money lent by Crispe to the King, Whitaker, in his Diary ,
informs us, was part of the money due to the Commonwealth for customs.2 When
questioned, Pye declared that he was entirely ignorant of the service for which the
money was paid to Crispe, who was summoned before the House, " and ther answered,
that this 3700" was due to him from his Ma°e for monies advanced when his Matie
went against the Scotts, which afterwards appeared to be a manifest lie by his often

1 D'Ewes' Diary, Harl. MSS. 164, fol. 277a.

2 Additional MSS, 31116, fol. 29b.
CAMD. SOC. B

2 A SECRET NEGOTIATION

the advansing his Mag* seuviss did not only revive, but upon the
passing the Scots Covynant my former hops and assuranss to add to his
Mag* the most considerable part of the people heere were doubled;
who as formerly they boothe insenced and mayntayned the warr
against his Mag*, so now are they censerly a desyrous to ther utmost
to assist his Mag* for sopresing this Covynant and the mylisha, som
humble desyes of thers for ther assuranss of injoying the benyfet of
his Mag* vehement prodistations and gratious declorations, being
granted by his Mag* (as an earnist thereof) for the beter setlement
and inabling them with his Mag* asistans to tourne the streame,
to which work they are only led through contiens towards God,
devotion to his Mag*, and compasion to the bleeding state of ther
native contry.

To intymate which to his Mag* they have made use of me, bothe
in regard of my former addresses to, and also sopossing that my
long and great sufferings for his Mag* has begot me confydenss and
credit at Coort, and lastly in cace of any myscoradg or discovry
heerof they know themselvs safe in my hand, wherfore I have made
bould to certyfy your honor, being well assured of your fydelity to
his Mag*, our Church and State, and also knowing your wisdom to

uncertaine and almost contradictorie answeares; soe as wee all concluded that this
monie had been lent his Matie since his departure from the cittie of London, though
the said Sir Nicholas Crispe absolutelie denied, being asked the question by the
Speaker; yet awhile after hee slipt away from the doore of the Commons house and
went to his Ma^e to Oxford, which easilie cleared the scruple, when the saied monie
had been lent for secrett service." * After this the Commons ordered all the goods
of the offender to be seized, Jan. 20.2 The following day Colonel Manwaring,
appointed to search the houses of Sir Nicholas Crispe at London and at Hammer-
smith, to see what money or plate could be found there, made his report, " but
of 300" that was found in his house; but he found of gold of his in the Tower, and
in other places of the city, to the value of neare about 500011; all which was seized,
because he had slipt away out of the sergeant's custody, and was not to be found." 8
* Sincerely.

1 D'Ewes' Diary, Harl. MSS. 164, fol. 277a, b; C. J. vol. ii. 933.

2 C. J. vol ii. 936.

3 Whitacre's Diary, Additional MSS. 31116, fol. 21b.

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 6

manadg the greatest afFayre aright. What the particulore passages
betwixt Sir Nich: Crispe and me were I shal not trouble your
Lodship with, he being at Oxford, and able to give your honor a
full and satisfactory acoumpt thereof, only thus much upon thes pro-
posisions to me. I then tould him it was not possible to setle the
comision of array in London untal som reall acts were don by his
Mag* to satisfye the people (who would not be satisfyd with words)
of the reality of his Mag* performanss according to his prodestations
and declarations, which corrs, if it had bin then taken, I may with-
out bouldnes or vanity afferm to your Lodship that the warr had
bin ended, a ferme peace and confydenss of his Mag* defending the
Protestant religion, the laws and liberty s of the kingdom, and
governing heerafter by the known laws, had bin most assuradly
setled in the people. And if it please God this overture be now
axeptable to his sackred Mag* and your Lodship it wilbe a notable
evydenss that the blessing of God is with us, and that this land is
not designed for ruen, which heer is more confydently beleved,
because his sackred Mag* having sene the myschefous evels of two
extremitys, the goulden meane is to be laboured for, which is
obtayned only by moderat not violent corses and counsels.

The only thing desyred for present, is a safe conduct for two or
three who on the behalf of many thousands may com to Oxford,
and propound ther humble desyrs to his Mag*, and receve such
satisfaction and derections conserning the further prosecution
thereof, as to his Mag* and your Lodships wisdom shall seeme
meete ; for the better effecting heerof I have sent inclosed the effect
of what is intended, to be presented to his Mag* at ther comming to
Oxford, with the circomstanses, grounds, and reasons of the same,
whereby your Lodship may the bettor facilytate the work and
guide them and me aright therin.

The party heer that have insenced and mayntaynd this warr
consists of 3 sorts of people, the fyrst and greatest are the moderat
zelous prodistants, lovers (though desyrous of som amendment) of
the Comon Prayer booke. The second and next considerable to

4 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

this are the rigid Presbyteryans ; the third are the Independants and
Brownists, among whom doe some few and very inconsiderable
anababtists and other fantastick sectuarys myx themselvs. Thes
3 though realy ayming at sevrall ends for ther speritual, yet ther
temporall intrests being one and the same, and conseving Episcopasy
and the prorogative were the only obsticle to ther desyrs in both,
and the way either to remove or abate this were only by this parla-
ment, did joyne together to soport the means against this soposed
enemys; evry one cherishing themselvs in ther several hops and
wishes for the injoyment of ther freedom in the exersise of ther
devotions; why 1st they knew they did unanimosly agree for the
security of ther outward estats.

And thus the cunning Presbateryan made a real use of both the
others power to effect ther owne ends, which they never aymd at;
but now, visably seeing, doe abhor this Scots Covynant, and the
rather because thay setle to establish that, they can scarce cal any
thing ther owne : hense having recorss to the use of ther reason, they
conclud that tis beter for them to live under episcopasy, injoying the
benyfyet of his Mag1 frequent prodistations and gratious declarations,
than under the terany of the mylisia and malisious Presbyteryan ;
upon which grounds both thes partys begin to stager, and repent of
ther formore actions ; and if his Mag* as a gratious father will reseve
thes prodygall children, they will not only quyte fall of from thes
Covynantors, but visably apere for his Mag*, which being don, your
Lodship easyly sees that the warr will quickly end, the Scots be kept
out of the kingdom, and his sackred Mag* returne home with honor
and victory, for what the soule is to the body, so were and are the
two to all the actions and opposisons that have bin don and made.

Som of the leading men, both mynisters and others of the fyrst
sort, upon passing the Scots Covynant, came to Winchester Howse
to me lamenting ther owne and the kingdoms myserys, afferming
that the moderat men who at a asisted the parlament to secure them-
selves and bring in delinkquents would now most willingly not

• Sic. 1 had.

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 5

only withdraw but assist his Mag1 agst this Presbyteryan warr, if
they could be assured of his Mag* parformanss according to his
prodestations and declarations. And the meere dispayre of his Mag1
had drove them and still would inforce them to continew the assistanss
contrary to ther desyrs, which were rather for moderated Episcopasy
than the Scots Presbitrys, and that the supreme comand of the
milisia should continew in the formor antient corss, and not be
violently extorted from the crowne.

But in cace ther were, as was affermed, a reall plot to reare Popery
and terany upon the ruens of this parlament, then skin for skin, and
all that he hath will a man give for his lyfe, how much more for
religion, the lyfe of the life, to setle and assure this mene. Thay
were assured by Corah and his complyces that popry and terany
was both the ends and ayms of al his Mag* actions, and that ther
was no other way to prevent them than a violent alteration of
goverment both eclesastycall and civell ; for profe heerof ther was
a Pops bull found and som victorys a sayd to be obtaynd.

The other sort, vid. Independants and Brownists, being more
fyry though not more inraged at the Scots Covynant, which wholy
blasted ther hops of a toleration or conivanss at the least of the
exercys of ther owne disyplyne, mett together, and drue up a
very high and daring peticion to the parlament, requyred that the
Scots Covynant might not pass, or at least not be pressed upon
them, for that thay did not take up arms for the Scots prisbitry,
which is as antychristian or more then the Einglish prelacy; if this
therfore were not don, they would not fyght themselvs into a worss
condision, but the 3 regaments in the army of thes men would lay
downe ther arms and the rest withdraw ther assistanss.

The Presbytiryan, seing the mischef and ruen which this petition
brought with it, bent all ther indevors to sopress it, and for this
end, as thay formerly sent Mr. Nye into Scotland for the cherishing
the hops of that faction then, soe now they imploy him agayne to
quyet the rage and quensh the fyre of this peticion, giving them
a Sic . 1 miscopied " writings."

6 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

assuranss they shall reseve satisfaction and be gratyfyd with what
kind of disyplyn ther humors cals for, wherby the peticion was
stopt for present.

But yet ther jelosy of the Scots Press[bytery] remayns greater
then ther displesur against the Einglish prelat, from whenss corns
this ther result of seeking to his Mag1, from whom if they can
obtayne so much favour as the papist eather formorely had or
heerafter shal have, thay will realy joyne to the utmost with his
Mag1 to sopress the Scots Covynant and the mylisha. Upon thes
reasons and grounds, by the advise of som of the princypall men
of both syds, this inclosed paper was drawne up, contayning the sub-
stanss of ther humble desyrs to his Mag1 with the grounds therof.

Thus have I, Right honoble, given your Lodship as breifly as I
could an acount of what was intrusted unto me, which if it shall prove
effectuall to re-establish his Mag1 just power and athority and the
peace of this myserable distraceda Church and State, I shall think
myself a most hapie man, to have contrybuted any thing to so pious
a work for my most gratious sovoragne and contry, and the rather
for that your Lodship (whose esteme next to his Mag1 I am more
covytous of then of anys in the world) shall be opefex b rerum et
meliorum temporum origo. And that your Lodship may be the more
confydent of suckses I have comision to assure your Lordshipp that
his Mag., gratiously satisfying those who shall com under safe conduct
in this humble desire, Alsbury will be surendred to his Mag1 in
earnist of further parformanss as need shall requyre, and that his
Mag* may not be jelos of any trechory as at Poolr,c ther wilbe

& Distressed. b Sic.

c In September 1643, Captain Francis Sydenham, one of the captains of the
garrison of Poole, agreed on a certain night, when he should be captain of the
watch, to admit the royalist forces, under the Earl of Crawford, into the town.
Crawford arrived at the appointed hour with 600 men, and found the gate, as had
been promised, left open; but no sooner had some of his force passed through it
than they were attacked by the enemy, who were lying in wait for them, and driven
out with loss of many arms, horses, and men. — Rutkrvorth, part iii. vol. ii. p. 286.

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 7

noe more strantha needfull then a comision under the broad scale,
whereof that your Lodship may be yet more asured thes letors are
safly convayd to your honor, and the answer wilbe as safly returned
hither to me, by the countnanss and power by b one of the chefe
offycers in this garyson.c

And for the further assuranss those who originaly began thes
ovorturs and actualy will compleate them, have such power and
intrest in the keeper d of this prison, that upon his reseving a warant
from his Mag1 for my discharg I shal com along with those who
com to Coort under the safe conduct, to the end I may add my best
asislanss for a hapie concluson therin.

I shall therfore feaer further to trouble your Lodship at this tyme,
hoping shortly to kiss his Mag1 hand and wayt upon your honor,
only desyring your Lodship to dispach this mesinger spedyly (who
knows nothing of the contents heerof ) with a safe conduct (leaving
a space for 3 nams under his Mag* riall hand and privy signit, with
your Lodship's atestation)-, and lickwise a warant so signed and
sealed, derected to the keeper of Winchester Howse, for my discharg
out of prison. The reason why the safe conduct is desyred with
a blank is in chanse this letor should myscaiy, the nams being con-
seld, noe man can suffer but myself; at our coming his Magisty
and your Lodship shall receve a full acount of the strantha and
state of the army.

Thus agayne humbly and earnisly praying your Lodship spedyly
to dispach this mesinger, and not to discover to any person save
his or hir Magt (who wilbe humbly peticioned to interpose and
medyate with his Mag1 in thir behalf) in any measure or kynd that
eather this or any thing of this nature, or of any great importanss
is com from London ; for tis known som great ons at Court hould
corespondanss heere. With my frequent prayers to Almyghty God

a Strength. b gi0t j of .

c Lieutenant-Colonel Mosely. See No. 4 and notes.

d Thomas Derenish, who caused a copy to be made of Ogle's seal, opened his
letters, and resealed them with the new seal.— C. J. vol. ii. p. 398.

8 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

for al the blesings of this and beter lyfe upon his and hir Most
Sackred Mag1 and posterity, whom that I may serve in this or any
other thing before I com to Coort, I beg your Lodships instroctions,
making bould to wryt myself, as I realy am, my Lord,

Yr Ho: most humble and faythful servant,

TH. OGLE.

Winchester Howse, the 17 of Octo: 1643.

The letter sent was dated 24 Noue. 1643.*

Indorsed: Coppy of Ogle's letter to Ld Bristow, 24 Nove. 1643.

(2.) PROPOSITIONS SENT BY THOMAS OGLE TO THE EARL OP

BRISTOL.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 334.]

Since its undeniable that nothinge can bee added to the happines
of thys Church and State, if the benefitts proposed and promised
in his Mats many and frequent protestacions and declaracions,
confirmed and attested by Oathe and Sacrament, can bee reallie
inveyed,b and that through diffidence of his Mats performance and
reallitie this unnaturall civill warre, with all the miseries of the
same, still rageth amongest us, which difference principally is caused
through a beliefe that all these late acts of grace in satissfaction of
the former misgovernement, for prevention of the like in tyme to
come, and for a through reformacion, were compulsivelie and by
constreant, and not voluntarilie and for the compassionate weale of
the subject passed by his Ma1?6 ; hence it is that the people beleive
that they cannot safely enjoy religion and lawes by the proffered
reformacion, nor bee free from the former courtc incroachments
upon theire soules, bodyes, and estates, by any other meanes then an
utter extirpacon and allteracon of Episcopalle governement, which
haveinge a strength in and uppon the civill power, and by diver-

a Information given by the copyist. b Sic. 1 injoyed.

c This may stand for " court " or " covert."

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST.

sion weakeninge his Mats auctoritie his Matye is necessitated to
defend the same, from whence ariseth the bloodie quarrell of the
militia. To settle therfore a confidence in the people of his Mats
reallitie in mayntenance of religion, the just priviledges of parlia-
ment, the lawfull libertie and propertie of the subject, and his future
government by the knowne lawes of the land, without the alteracon
of Episcopalle governement, and the trust of the militia reposed in
the Crowne.

1. Theese meanes are heartilie proposed and desired that his
Maiesty wilbee gratiously pleased to consent unto, and that all the
ould Bishopps, what have brought in and practised the late inno-
vations in the Church, whoe have tyranised and oppressed his Maw
subjects in theire severall judicatures, bee forthwith displaced, and
that his Ma*ye choose the ablest and most consciensious divines,
whoe through theire unblameable livs and doctrine have interest in
the peoples affections, in theire steade.

2. That his Ma^6 doe graunt out a commission as was doune lmo
Elizabeth, to certeyne visitors for regulateing of ceremonies, and
appointinge certeyne orders in the Church untill a free, nationall,
and right composed Synod can bee called for setlinge the distractions
of the Church, whoe may y media telie pull doune all allters, supersti-
tious pictures, and prohibitt the practise of the former innovacons,
as boweinge to or towards the allter att the name of Jesus, standinge
att gloria patri, and the diviscon of service, etc.

3. That a proclamacion bee forthwith published, as in primo
Hen. 8™, that all those whoe have byn oppressed in the former
misgovernemenc shall8 uppon theire repaire to Court shalbeea with
all speade repaied and the oppressors punished accordinge to justice,
that thereby the world may see his Ma^e will doe justice against
the Bishopps and the culpable ceremonious abettors, that the warre
is not mainteyned for defendinge delinquents from due punishment.

4. That all delinquents accused both by his Matye and the two

• Sie.
CAMD. SOC. C

10 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

Houses bee tryed either by a knowne lawe, or in a full and free
Parliament, or that his Majestic bee pleased to graunt such a gene-
rall and free pardon as by the advise of the two Howses of Parlia-
ment may secure all men's feares.

5. That his Ma^6 bee pleased to pass such an acte of parliament
as the two Howses shall advise for the repaireing the breach of
priviledges in his courtea to the House of Commons and secure the
Howses from the like hereafter.

6. That his Majestie bee gratiouslie pleased to graunt a safe con-
ducte and give audience to some whoe shalbee appointed to attend
his Ma^6 by many thowsands of inhabitants in and about London,
to propose to his Ma^6 the humble desires of the rest comeing for
easeinge of theire consciences from such heavye burdens as have byn
layd uppon them by Byshopps, and for givinge them assurances
for enjoyinge theire freedome from such oppressions and penalties,
submittinge themselves unto and obeyinge and mainteyninge his
Ma*ye, the lawes of the land, of the kingdom e in all civil affaires.

Indorsed: Propositions from Ogle to Ld Bristoll, sent with
letter to Ld Bristoll, 24 Novem: 1643.

(3.) LlEUTENANT-COLONEL MOSELY TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 418.]

Though my man be so trusty as I dare commit my life unto his
hands, yet the ever watchfull eyes of my enemys are soe over all my
actions that I conceive it very dangerous to send him often unto
your Lordshipp, which consideration had more startled me, had
not he informed me that it was your honour's expresse command

* Sic. 1 coming.

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 11

that he should attend your Lordshipp on this Thursday.* Yet I
question not (if any jealousy should arise by any misfortune) but I
should be able so to bleare their eyes as that noe degree of discovery
should followe; and I wish my ability to expresse the zealous affec-
tion I have to the peace of this kingdom and the prosperity of his
sacred Maty were such as could answere all objections your Lord-
shipps not knowing me can possibly suggest to your thoughts; for
then I should rest assured of your favour in a speedy returne of the
signification of his Mties and your Lordshipps will concerning the
busines in hand. But I knowe the matter requires most serious deli-
beration, though the agents in it heere even faint with expectation
of the issue. I need not trouble your Lordshipp with a declaration
of my particular condition ; my servant informs me he hath informed
your Lordshipp thereoff, only thus much I humbly beseech your
honour to know from me, that I accornpt myself only happy in this
world in being made an instrument capable of doing his M*? and the
kingdome service. My Lord, my man told me your Lordshipp sig-
nified unto him that he which should have been the prime actor in
this busines is nowe a prisoner with us, which I am not a little sorry
for.b Mr. D.c (who is a very friend of mine, and he which ingaged
me in this service) with myself (as privy therunto) had a way to
procure the liberty of my L. Mack Mahoone,d and had accomplished
our designe had not the tumultuous spirits of some citizens crossed

a Mosely was at Aylesbury at the time he wrote this letter, indorsed Dec. 6,
which was a Wednesday. " This Thursday " would therefore mean the following
day, Dec. 7. He went to London about the 9th, "taking with him Bristol's reply
(No. 4) to his letter, and also other documents (Nos. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9) received from
Oxford on the 8th or 9th, connected with the proposals made by Ogle in his letter of
Nov. 24. See No. 14 and note.

b As appears from Bristol's reply (No. 4), the person on whom he had his eye
was Thomas Ogle. But Mosely is either not aware of this, or affects not to be so.

e Devenish, the keeper of Winchester House, as appears from Bristol's reply
(No. 4).

d The allusion is obscure. Lord Maguire and Hugh MacMahon, both of whom
had taken part in the conspiracy to surprise Dublin in Oct. 1641, were at this time

12 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

our desire by complaining to the house of his remove (I question
not but your Lordshipp hath heard thereof), whereuppon he was
committed close prisoner to the Tower; yet our designe goes on and
I hope will shortly come to good effect. If we may doe any service
in the like kinde for the person your Lordshipp means (whom I
cannot guesse) upon the least intimation from your Lordshipp we
shall be as active as possible. I know not whether your Lordshipp
be acquainted with Major Ogle that sent yow the letter by my hand ;
if not, Sir Nic. Crispe can informe your Lordshippe of him ; he is a
man of a very working braine, and may possibly doe good service,
[Last words obliterated.'] JOHN MOSELY.

Indorsed: L.-Gol. Mosely to Lord Bristow, 6 Dec. 1643.

(4.) THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL MOSELY.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 419.]

For yourself.

Though the party you send to a be a stranger to you, as as b like-
wise to him,c I made the last addresse by this messenger, yet both
your desires seeme to be so reall for the procureing of peace and

prisoners in London. In May 1643 they had been removed from the Tower to New-
gate. On Oct. 13 there is the following notice in the Commons1 Journals:

" Mr. Corbett reports the examination of the business concerning Colonel Read,
Macquire, and MacMahun; the endeavour used to procure their escape.

" Resolved, &c. that the Lords Macquire and MacMahun shall be committed to
the Tower, and kept close prisoners there." MacMahon, one of the chiefs of the
sept of the MacMahons in the county of Monaghan, may have been spoken of in
London as Lord MacMahon. He was condemned of treason, and executed at
Tyburn in 1644." — C. J. vol. iii. p. 297. A Contemporary History of Affairs in
Ireland, edited by J. T. Gilbert, vol. i. part. ii. p. 563.

a Bristol himself. b Sic.

c The meaning of this passage is not clear and has probably been mis-copied.
The " him " may perhaps have been originally followed by " to whom," and so refer
to Ogle. It can hardly refer to Bristol himself, because the words " both your
desires " point to a third person.

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 13

quietness in the Church and kingdome that yow shall finde all the
assistance and incouragement he can give unto yow. And to the
purpose heere goeth a very punctual and exact dispatch of all things
that can be desired ,a the delivery whereof (with safty and speed) is
earnestly recommended unto yow, neither can yow employ your
paines in a better errand. For the close prisoner you mention in
your letter, and for whose release you make the kind offer, it was
spoken to your servant that he might conceive that the letters he
brought were only for the inlargment of a prisoner, but the prisoner
is the Major b yow write of. Mr. D. (if it be meant by one Mr.
Devonish, of Dorsetshire) if he be hearty and trusty therein the
busines will be the better liked of. for that he is knowne (by the
party that writeth this) to be an able and dextrous man. If the
busines on that side be carried prudently and calmly it shall not
here want secrecy nor assistance. Finde meanes (as soone as posibly
yow can) of advertiseing of the safe comming of this dispatch to the
partyes yow know of ; let both yourself and all others (that shall
have a hand in this good work) be confident to finde cleere and
reall proceeding.

Examined to bee a true coppy of the letter to L. C. M. 11th Dec.
1643, by us,

CP. WHARTON.

GILBERT GERARD.

JOHN CLOTWORTHY.

Dec: 7, 1643.

* Ogle's letter of 24 Nov. and the Propositions reached Oxford Dec. 2. See No. 8.

b Ogle.

c This is the first of the documents to which Wharton, Gerard, and Clotworthy
affixed their signatures. Mosely, no doubt, showed them a copy that he or some
other made of his letter, written to Bristol from Ayleshury (No. 3), but they could
not attest its genuineness. The fact that their names do not appear on the copies
of Ogle's letter to Bristol of Nov. 24, and the inclosed Propositions (Nos. 1 and 2),
suggest the inference that they did not see the original documents but only copies
of them.

14

A SECRET NEGOCIATION

(5.) ROYAL WARRANT TO THOMAS DEVENISH.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 429.]

CHARLES R.

Whereas you have under your custodye att Winchester Howse
the person of William a Ogle, gent, detayned prisoner there. Our
will and pleasure is [and we] doe heereby strictly charge and com-
maund you upon sigt heereof to release and sett att full libertye the
person of the sayd William Ogle, gent. Of this yow must nott
fayle, as you will aunsweare the contrary att your perill, and for soe
doeing this shall bee your sufficient warrant. Given under our
hand and signett att our court att Oxford this 6th of Decemb. in the
ninetenth yeare [of] our raigne.

By his Ma1?8 commaund,

GEORGE DIGBYE.
To Devenish, keeper att the

present of Winchester Howse in South warke.

Examined to bee a true coppy this iithb of Decem. 1643, by us,

P. WHARTON.
GILBERT GERARD.
JOHN CLOTWORTHY.

(6.) SIR GEORGE STRODE TO SAMUEL CRISPE.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 434.]

COZEN,

Monies doth grow scarce with us, having lyen heere long with
wyfe and chyldren (although not soe many as God sent me) ; my
meanes is kept and taken from mee, and my rents detayned. Tho.
Greene, of this cytty, will pay me 10011 on a noate of soe much
paid in London, unto Mr. William Ogle, who I know not. I have

& The name " William " was inserted in mistake for " Thomas." See No. 12.
. b i. e. 11th.

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 15

geiven him a by 11 at syght which I prey see punctually paid, and,
God willing, your said 10011 shall be repaid yow, with dammages ;
but yow may not fayle to pay my byll, my credite resting theron,
which is all wee have left to subsist by. I shall neede say noe
more. Your brother a is well in the west, from whom I have a
letter this morning. Restinge

Yr kinsman to serve you,

GEOG. STRODE.

Oxon, the 7° xbr, 1643.
Brother Samuell, I pray pay this 100 pownd for Sr Gorg Strod.

ANN CRISPED

For my honored kinsman Mr. Samuell Crispe, at the twoe
Black boys in Breed streete, these present, for London.
Examined 11th 10bris, 1643.

P. WHARTON. JOHN CLOTWORTHY.

GILBERT GERARD. OLIVER ST. JOHN.

(7.) BILL OF EXCHANGE INCLOSED IN A LETTER TO OGLE FROM
SIR GEORGE STRODE.

[On the same sheet as the preceding.]

FOR MR. SAMUELL CRISPE IN LONDON.

At syght heerof I pray pay this my only bill off exchange for the
some off one hundred powns, unto Mr. William Ogle, gent, and
put it to account, returninge unto mee his discharge for soe much ;
the 7°offxber, 1643.

Your servant,

GEO: STRODE.
Examined 11th 10bris, 1643.

P. WHARTON. JOHN CLOTWORTHY.

GILBERT GERARD. OLIVER ST. JOHN.

a Sir Nicholas Crispe. " ? the wife of Sir Nicholas Crispe.

16 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

(8.) LETTER OF SIR GEORGE STRODE TO THOMAS OGLE.

[On the same sheet as the preceding.]

FOR MR. W. OGLE.

Your letter of the 24 of November came safely to hand the 2d of
this month, but the party that writeth it is unknown to him to
whom it was directed ;a and the knightb mencioned in your letter,
with whom former correspondence was had, is absent in the west;
yet ther appearing therein soe greate a desyre of peace, and the
quiett of the Church and kingdom, all is effected that in your said
letter is desyred, and is sent, according to your directions therein
gieven, by which it will appeare how willingly all motions tending
to peace and accomodation have admittance heere ; and that party
that makes you this answerea as hee hath endevoured to satisfy you
in these fyrst beginnings, soe shall hee bee most redy to contribute
any thing further in his power that may conduce to the ending off
these miseries and dystracsions, by which this church and kingdom
are made soe unhappy, which he conceiveth (suitable to what you
write) can only be effected by ways of moderation and temper ; the
parties may com and goe,c most assuredly, and what is don, I
conceive, will geive you noe dyscouragement.
Dec. 7, 1643.

You must be careful that the bill of exchange and letter of advice
d together and that it bee dyscreetly carried.

The letter dyrected for Mr. W. Ogle hath bin examined, and what
is written on the other side is a true copy theroff together with a
byll of exchange inclosed therin. P. WHARTON.

GILBERT GERARD.

11 Decent 1643. JOHN CLOTWORTHY.

Indorsed : Coppy of letters to Ogle and Crispe, with letter of
Exchange for 1001J. 7 Dec. 1643.

* Bristol. b Sir Nicholas Crispe. See No. 1.

0 Between Oxford and London. d A word lost, the page being torn.

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 17

(9.) SAFE CONDUCT SENT BY THE KING FOR THREE PERSONS,
WITH A BLANK LEFT FOR THEIR NAMES.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 437.]

CHARLES K.

Charles, by the grase of God, King of England, etc., to our
generals, lieutenant generalls, gouvenours of townes, collonells,
captaines, and all other officers and soldiers belonging to any of our
armies or garrisons, and to all other whom it may conserne,
Greeting, Wheras the three persons heerin named, viz.:

are to repayre unto our Court at Oxford about our spetiall afFayres,
we do by thes present streightly charge and comand you to let them
passe freely from place to place unto our Courte att Oxford from our
cittye of London without lett or interuption. And of theis our
comandes we shall expect a due observance from you and every of
you. as you will answre the contrarey at your perille.

This safe conduct untill the tenth of Januari next ensuinge the
date hearof.

By his Mats commaund,

GEORGE DIGBYE.

Examined this 1 1th of Decem: 1643, to bee a true coppy by us

P. WHARTON.
GILBERT GERARD.
JOHN CLOTWORTHY.

Safe conduct.

CAMD. SOC. D

18 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

(10.) MR. SAMUEL CRISPE TO SIR GEORGE STRODE.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 438.]

HONOURED SiR, London, the 12 December, 1643.

Your letter dated the 7tha I have received, and according to your
letter and bill of exchange on me I have paide it on sight the
summe of one hundred pounds, and have take[n] up your bill of
exchange and a reciept for it, of which summe b is payde to Mr.
Will. Ogle, as will apeare with acquittance I will send by my cousin
Cox ; he tell me will goe this weeke. Sir, heere is a most miser-
able time of trading and no mony to be had from any man allmost
that oweth me mony. I pray God send better time, or else this
kingdome will suffer much. Sir, the halfe of our gould c that came
is voted in the house, and saith will pay us againe in March next.
God knowe howe it be performed. We could not help ourself,
being all the gould were in their possession, and as yet we have
none power to recover the other half, but shall. The Parliament
sent it all to the Tower to be guined d ; we gave the Parliament all
that the company were indebted, and want to pay debt. All would
not serve turne. I pray God to worke in the heart of the parlia-

* No. 6. b Sic.

c Sir Nicholas Crispe, Knight (the brother of Samuel Crispe), formerly a farmer
of the customs, had been found by the committee of the navy to owe to the
State more than 16,000?. On Feb. 18, 1643, the Parliament had ordered that
" the stock and adventure in the Ginny Company," belonging to Sir Nicholas, should
be sequestered in the hands of John Wood, treasurer to the company, towards pay-
ment of this debt. On the arrival of a vessel, " The Starre," laden with gold ore,
Wood and the other partners agreed to lend the half for the supply of the wants of
the navy, until it should be shown what part belonged to Sir Nicholas. Accord-
ingly, the two Houses ordered that whatever sums belonged. to the said Wood and
partners, over and above the said Sir Nicholas Crispe's part of the stock and adven-
ture, should be repaid to them upon the following 25th of March, out of the
customs collected in the port of London, with allowance of 8 per cent, interest.
2 Dec. 1643.— C. J. vol. ii. p. 326; L. J. vol. vi. p. 321.

d Coined.

WITH CHABLES THE FIRST. 19

ment to preserve this kingdome. Sir, I pray remember my service
to my Lady and all with yow. So praying God in his due time to
send us a joy full meeting, so shall ever rest

Your to be commanded,

SAMUELL CRISPE.

To my much honoured kinsman, Sir George Strowde, knight,
this present.

Attested to be a true coppy by
JOHN MOSELT.
THO. DEVENISH.

(11.) ACQUITTANCE OF THOMAS OGLE TO SAMUEL CRISPE ON
RECEIPT OF £100.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. folio 436.]

The xiith daye of December, 1643.

Receaved the day and yeare above written from the hands of Mr.
Samuel Crispe the som of on hundred pound of currant English
mony. I say received by me, WILL. OGLE.

Attested by *

JOHN MOSELY.
THO. DEVENISH.

Indorsed: Coppy of Ogle's acq. to Crispe.

(12.) THOMAS DEVENISH TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 450.]

RIGHT HONOURABLE,

Tusdaya last I received a vissite from two frends of my old
acquaintanc, whose erand mad them the better welcom, and for
answering both ther expectacons I shall not fayle to contribut

a Dec. 13, the day this letter is dated, was Wednesday; Tuesday last would be
Dec. 12.

20 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

my best endevors ; one hath his erand, and the other I hope shall
not stay long,a which at first I resolved to have performed in silenc
on my parte, not presuming to trouble your honour especially at
this time, but my duti and affection to the buysnes (which it
concerns), the progresse whereof I apprehend to conduce so much to
the publique good, that mad me wilfully repell all reasons that
might dissuade me, and adventure to give your Lordshipp this best
accoumpt, not only of my readeynis to do servic, but allso of the
hopes which I conceave of the suckcesse (ther being so good a
foundacon laid) if the maiorsb zeale doth not in the prevention
overballance his prudence, which I hope your wisdom will prevente,
and in that hope I humbly tak my leave.
Your honours to be

Commanded in what I may,
D.

London, 13° Decem. 1643.

Concordat cum originali.

exr per Tho. Devenish.

Indorsed: Coppy of letter of Devenish to Ld. Bristoll, 13 Decem.
1643.

(13.) THOMAS OGLE TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 458.]

MY LORD,

On Munday night last c late, I received your honours dispatch,
whereby T perceive your Lordship did not remember me. Tis

* Presumably Mosely and Ogle. Mosely came to London about Dec. 9. Com-
pare (No. 14) Mosely to Bristol. b Ogle's.

c Dec. 15, the day on which this letter is dated, was Friday; Monday last, therefore,
Dec. 11. All the letters, &c. written in Oxford Dec. 7 (Nos. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9) were
examined by Wharton, Gerard, and Clotworthy on Dec. 11. We have no letter
of that date from Bristol to Ogle, and the word " despatch " does not necessarily
imply a letter. Bristol may merely have sent the other letters by a messenger of
his own. Ogle probably refers to the opening words of Strode's letter to himself
(No. 8).

WITH CHAKLES THE FIRST. 21

trew I did not presume of any perticuler interest or acquantance
with your honour. But I was confident that, besides Sir Nicholas
his informations, your Lordship would easily call me to mynd
when you did but heare of Mr. Smart's a cause, to which your honour
and my Lord Digbyb were pious and just freinds, in the respective
houses. But principally the matter conteyned in the letter did
emboulden me to presume upon my generall acquantance (begun at
Rippon at the pasificatione ; and continued since in parliament]
upon occasione of my father's cause) with your honour, to make
that addres unto your Lordship, by the happy effectinge whereof
I hope with approbatione to be booth knowen and admitted by
your Lordship hareafter to be your honours faithfull and trusted
freind and servant.

My Lord, on Tusday c night last (as this enclosed letter and acquit-
tance will shew) I receved the money, for which I retourne your
honour most humble and hartie thanks, with assurance that I will
never faile upon occasione to requite soe greate a favour. And the
fulness of your Lordship's retourne shall spedily and really (God
willinge) be answered by a faithfull performance of the intimatione
given, which I assure your honour is heightned to that degre of
resolutione (by his Maties and your Lordship's effectual! resentment)
as ther is more resolved and wilbe actually done then I did hope
for before our arrivall at Courtt. And to give your honour the
better ground to assure his Matie hereoff, I send hereinclosed a letter

a Peter Smart, a prebendary of Durham Cathedral, who, for preaching a sermon
against the use of ceremonies, had been degraded from the clerical office by the
northern High Commission Court in 1629. In 1640 Smart brought his case before
the notice of the Long Parliament, and Dr. Cosin, who had taken a leading part in
his prosecution, was impeached. As Ogle was Smart's son-in-law it is probable
that he came from Durham, where a branch of the Ogle family, of Causey Park,
Northumberland, had long been seated. — Hodgson's History of Northumberland,
vol. ii. part ii. p. 135.

b Bristol's eldest son. c Dec. 12.

22 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

from Mr. Devenish,* whose harte is as right and indeavours wilbe
as cordial for establishinge his Maties full, just, and antient power and
authoritie, as can be desired. And fore that end he did first ingage
the partie who conveyes thes letters, who is most firme, as the
effectuall fruites, shortly answeringe your Lordship's expectation
and your promise, will evidently declare. Though for the present I
am found to delay my cominge (for strengthening our preparations
prudently and calmely as your honour advises) thereby to make the
event more certayne and infallible ; yet within a few weekes your
honour may expect us, and I hope shall b *

My Lord, I besech your honour pardon me for beinge thus
generall ; the names, the particulers, I am forced to conceale for
secrecies sake in case of miscarradge, that whatever becomes of me
the busines may happily goe on. And for I have noe more to
troble your Lordship with att this tyme, save to desire a few
lines to assure me of the receit hereof; and alsoe a kynd and
effectuall letter to Mr. Devenish for his and his freinds incouradge-
mentt, that his Mag1 will take them into his protectione and satisfy
ther disbursements about this busines ; with the presentment of my
unfeined service to the Right Honourable the Lord Digby, cravinge
your honour's pardon and patience, I rest

Your Lordship's faithfull and

Devoted servant till death,

TH. OGLE.

Winchester house,
X** 16, 1643.

My Lord, my name was mistake Will, for Thorn. Pray pardone
my bad wreitinge.

a Ogle, therefore, inclosed in this letter, dated Dec. 15 (1), Devenish's letter to
Bristol (No. 12), dated Dec. 13, and (2) Crispe's letter to Strode (No. 10), dated
Dec. 12, which contained his own acquittance for the 100Z. Mosely was probably
the bearer of all at least as far as Aylesbury.

b Here follow five words, which I was unable to read with certainty; but they
look like " shell a Christenmas pye in it."

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 23

Attested a true copy, 15 Dec. 1643,
JOHN MOSELY.
THO. DEVENISH.

Indorsed: Coppy of Ogle's letter to Ld. Bristow, 15 Decem:
1643.

(14.) LIEUTENANT-COLONEL MOSELY TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 462.]

MY LORD,

I have beene in London these eight or nine daies a to get money
for the regiment,b but have had farre better successe in my more
intended busineses. I hope your Lordship doth not thinke it long,
when you concider how much it stands us upon as yet (on this side)
to be most circumspect, especially my selfe, who having a command
am more deeply ingaged both in life and honour should it come to
be discovered. My Lord, I delivered the dispatch safely into the
person's hands to whom it was directed : the money is paid, the

* Mosely probably arrived at London from Aylesbury, Dec. 10 or 11. The
papers that he brought with him (Nos. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9) were all read by Wharton,
Gerard, and Clotworthy on Dec. 11. On Dec. 12 he visited Devenish. See No. 12.

b Mosely must have come to London with the double object of getting pay for the
garrison at Aylesbury, and of showing the letters which he had received from
Oxford. That the Commons were uneasy about the town is apparent from notices
in their Journals. The soldiers were unpaid, and threatening to disband. On Dec.
9 there is the following order: "Mr. Browne, Reynolds, Dacres, Fountaine, Sir Jo.
Clotworthy, Captain Wingate, Mr. Holland, are presently to go forth to receive in-
formations from the gentleman that is come from Aylesbury, and to consider of
some speedy way for the security of that place." Very probably this gentleman was
Mosely himself. But, however that may be, it is evident that after his arrival in
London the question of finding money for the garrison was recognised to be an
urgent one, and that he was not so unsuccessful in his endeavour as he sought to
represent.— C. J. Dec. 23, 25, Jan. 8; L. J. Jan. 10.

24 A SECRET NEGOTIATION

maior is at his owne will, and intendeth, I thinke, to waite upon
your honour the next weeke, unlesse your Lordship upon any service
of greater concernement shall command him to stay longer. I
percieve their doubtfullnesse, what answer it would please his sacred
Matie and your Lordship to give to their motion caused them a little
to suspend their activenesse, whereby they are not so fully prepared
as I hoped I should have found them ; but (may it please your
honour) sat cito si sat bene. Mr. D. is that Mr. Devenish of Dorset-
shire, whose fidelity, discretion, secrecy, and care, I hope your
Lordship shall never find cause to question, being a man who (I am
persuaded) would spend willingly his dearest blood in opposition of
the C[ovenant], which we are all cleare in (and so are thousands in
London) will lie heaviere upon us then Episcopacy ever either did
or can, which (if his Matie shall please to give a gracious answer to
our desires) I question not will be prevented.

My Lord, the only thing I am jealous of is discovery by occasion
of my sending to Oxford, both in regard of my many enemies, as
also the fate (I thinke) of the towne, which ever hitherto hath had
strange successe in discoveries: this doth a litle trouble me, and I
should be very happy if your honour would please to give me some
direction in it. Many waies have runne in my fancy to secure me ;
this stratagem doth like me best, if I may have your Lordship's
approbation (for without it I will doe nothing). I may pretend to
have large proffers made me to deliver up Alesbury to his Matie,
which I may discover to my Lord of Essex, and if I can get a
warrant from him to treat, omnis res erit in vado, I humbly conceive
it can be no prejudice to any service to be done (either in that or
any other kind) within the spheare of my power ; it will worke in
them a great confidence of my fidelity, and make them secure of
me ; and if my servants comming to Oxen be observed, and it come
to my Lord Generall's eare, your Lordship knows how I may frame
my answer; thus armed I shall be bold to serve his Matie and your
Lordship in anything you shall command.

Your honours devoted servant.

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 25

Attested to be a true coppy by

JOHN MOSELY.
Indorsed: 18 Dec. 1643, copy of L. C. Mosely to Lord Bristow.

(15.) THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL MOSELY.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 466.]

Your desyres are such for the publicke qiiiett that yow may be
confident of all assistance from hence. Yow goe upon a good
grounde and such a one as must unite all honest Englishmen,
although in other thinges of different mindes, which is not to be
overrunn by an invasion of the Scotts, who if they should prevayle
will tyranize both over our estates and consciences.

As for the pretexte you speake of, a way can hardely be sett
downe on the suddayne, but use your owne discretion to make such
papers and invitations as yow thinke fitt to serve for a pretence
uppon any occasion that should happen. But for your going to the
Earle you write of, stay a little befor yow resolve on it, untill yow
see thinges brought to a little more ripenesse.

Tuesday, at three o'clock, 19th.

Send no oftner then ther is necessity. The party is directed
whether to goe privately.*

(16.) THOMAS DEVENISH TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 494.]

MY LORD,

I hope by this time Ogle is arrived att Oxford.

The contrivance of his passage was soe happyly layde and
ordered, thatt noe reflection of prejudice reacheth mee, which in
relation to further services I ame nott sorry for.

* This letter has no indorsement on it to the effect that it is a copy.
CAMD. SOC. E

26 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

Before hee went wee tasted some, and perticularly Mr. Ny and
Mr. Goodwin, whoe as they are very eminent and have great
interest in the most active people, soe wee found them — and theire
principles leade them to itt — to bee very desirous of theire liberty.
They may proove very instrumentall when they shall have after-
wards from the King whatt they may trust too; till when as they
will not have sufficient grounds to bee thouroughly satisfyed in
theyre owne breasts, soe will they nott engage themselfes with con-
fidence to act upon the cyttysons for soe great an alteration, for if
they have nothing to moove them by way of allurement and that all
shall be left to theyre jealousy and feare of the Scotch and presbitery,
itt may prevayle with them perhapps to retire; but nott to apply
themselfes to the King without some reasonable invitations, which
these very feares and jealousy es may make way for the embrace-
ment of.

By Ogle your Lordship receaved a character whereof hee hath noe
key, because I desire hee should know noe more then your Lordship
shall thinke fitt, and for the farther and better prevention of any
discovery of this great busynesse of consequence in case of inter-
cepting any letters of or on, itt may please your Lordship by your
next to commaund mee to whome and whither I shall superscribe my
letters, and your Lordship may bee pleased to direct yours to mee to
Mr. Christopher Vine, in Peeter's Streete, in Westminster.

There is a way layde to gitt the names of the officers in the trayne
bands of the militia in London, and thatt beeing had, itt shall bee
seriously considered whoe will bee the fitter to worke by, and your
Lordship shall have an account thereof very speedyly.

Tis conceaved the fitt choyse of persons of severall vocations to
bee the first steppe to bee made in this worke, and therefore having
already chosen some few of the clergy and of the army (of which I
dare boldly reccommend L.-Coll. Mosely as a person of faythfulnesse
and ingenuyty) twas thought convenient to make this enquyry into
the cytty officers.

The time of the safe conduct will bee exspired the 10th of th[is]

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 27

instant, and therefore your Lordship will procure and send some of
a larger date for three or foure, and yow may bee pleased to cause
them to bee single ones, for 'twill be occasion of lesse suspition to
have persons goe singly, and there may bee occasion of severall
dispatches. However, itt can bee of noe disadvantage to have itt in
our choyce.

The bearer heerof is a person whome your Lordship may trust.
Hee is (without beeing made acquainted with perticular persons
engaged) in some measure made privy into the designe in generall,
as one whoe heereafter good use may bee made of, his interest in
that sort of people beeing greater then his outward condition
promiseth.

Reade to my Ld. Genrall, Sir Gilbert Gerard, Mr. Sollicitor, and
examined to bee a true coppy by us this 5th of January, 1643.

P. WHARTON.
THO. DEVENISH.

Indorsed: Coppy of Devenish letter to Ld. Bristow, 5 Jan. 1643.

(17.) THOMAS OGLE TO THOMAS DEVENISH a

[Tanner MSS. vol. bdi. foL 498.]

SIR,

On Weddensday b att night last late, I arrived safely here about
9 a cloke, where I found all the portes shutt, but upon informatione
thatt I was come by spectiall directions from his Mai** they were
opened and I brought to the partie yow know off, where, after a
iardge discourse, his Lordship sent a gent to se me provided for that

a The words in italics are in cipher, with a contemporary decipher written above
them. The MS. is probably a holograph, as it is hardly likely that the copyist
wonld have taken the trouble to copy the cipher. The address on the outside of the
MS. and the remains of a seal also suggest that the paper is that which Devenish
received.

b Jan. 6, the day the letter is dated, was Saturday; Wednesday, Jan. 3.

28 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

night, and the next day provisione made of chambers in Mawdlen
Colegge to the end they should be secretly treated with all. There
is nothing further can be don in the busines yntil they be a come.
Pray therefore in case they be not, then send them hither with all
possible speed, especially Mr. Nye whomb yow may assure to be
admitted his Majesties chaplain and highly preferred upon the con-
clusione. Pray therefore faile nott to send Mr. Nye to me, and lett
him make haste hither, as yow and he wish wel to the business. I
have no more to write until we mete, save only that all things are
in as good a posture and equipage here as your harte can wish ;
and in perticuler grea[t] care and respect had of yourselfe, of which
yow will assuredly injoye the benefitt in an ample manner ; and so
with my harty commendations to yow and your bedfellow I rest
your assured

Lovinge faithfull freind,

THOMAS OGLE.

Jan: six1, 1643.

Addressed : To my honored freind Mr. T. D. att W. in
London.

Indorsed: Ogle to Devenish, 6 Janur: 1643.

(18.) THOMAS OGLE TO PHILIP NYE.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 500.c]

SIR,

I hope before my letter come to London to se yow here with me,
yet doubtinge ther might be some occasione of longer stay than I
expected, 1 did thinke it very necessarie to give an account what
truly I find the state here since my short comminge.

* " They be " is the correct decipher, though in the MS. an unintelligible word
is written.

b So by the cipher; the word written is "thorn."
c The handwriting is the same as in No. 17.

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 29

On Weddensday* att night last, after the ports were shutt, I came
to Oxford, which were commanded by his Matie to be opened upon
intimatione that I was there, and after my cominge and stay at
court about an hower a lodginge provided for me alsoe, where I
made a lardge discourse and received as large a satisfactione as can
be desired : which was that those thinges desired should be con-
firmed, not only by his Matie but by the general! consellb appoynted
here to mete very shortly, which I assure yow was either caled or
at least hastned for this very busines upon my intimatione.

Sir, you are principally loked upon in this busines, and your
presence or absence here will mutch hinder or further the efFectinge
therof. Therfore, since your uttmost endeavers and abilities have
bene always bent this way, let nothinge hinder your presence here
to attayne the desired end, which is as sincerely intended on this
side as it is desired of you. Pray therfore, Sir, make some excuse
for your absence for 4 or 5 dayes, as you respect either the cause or
your owne preferment, and faile not to come to your very lo. freind
to serue you.

THOMAS OGLE.

Directed : for my reverend friend Mr. Nye one of the assembly
give this in Westminster, to his owne hands.c

Indorsed : Ogle to Mr. Nye, 7 Janu: 1643.

(19.) HEADS OF INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN BT THE EARL OF BRISTOL.

[Tanner MSS. rol. Ixii. fol. 502.]

The demandes in particular.
The particulars that may induce therunto.
That persons be imployed into all places, etc.
That the partyes be hastned away.

* Jan. 3. b i.e. the Oxford Parliament.

c The cipher is the same as that used in the previous letter, bat is not deciphered
in the MS.

30 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

L. Say, etc.

Independents wilbe.

Assembly goes on the same grounds.

A disguised hand.

To leave the papers.

[Another hand.J Direct letters sometimes to Mr. John Squire
at Mr. Chesterman's house over against the Crosse Inn in Oxon,
and sometimes to Mris Emma Brome at the president's lodgings at
Magdalen Colledge.

Indorsed: Ld. BristolPs Heads of Instructions to the Messenger.
9 Janu: 1643.

(20.) THOMAS OGLE TO THOMAS DEVENISH.

[Copy. Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 503.]

HONEST FRIND,

Here is inclosed a letter* from the Lord that write unto yow. I
did mutch admire yow write not to me, and send his letter b open
that I might understand the contents of it. Pray hereafter let me
receive your dispatches, and nothing be concealed from me in this
transactione, for it can serve for no end, but to doe great harme, to
create jelosies and suspitiones, and to bringe me into a disesteem
here : and the mayntenance of my reputatione here wilbe a princi-
pall meanes to effect as the means, soe the end, I and yow proposed
in this busines. I assure yow I have already met with mighty
clashes here, and shall every day have more, if I be discounte-
nanced. Pray therefore send me a coppy of the letter yow sent the
partie yow write unto, and me hereafter receive all the dispatches,
that therby I may be inabled happily to conclude this busines. I
have write to Mr. God.c for money. Pray let me have your

• No. 21.

b Devenish's letter to Bristol of Jan. 5 (No. 16).

c Mr. Goodwyn. See No. 22.

WITH CHAELES THE FIRST. 31

best assistance herein, for I assure yow, upon ther cominge, my
repayment of the 100U I received will doe them, me, and the busi-
nes an extraordinaire advantage and creditt; for as I know yow
doubt not my care and fidelitie herein, soe yow need not questione
a full, clere, reall, and ingenious dealinge here. This bearer will
informe perticulerly of his and my interteynment and conditione
here. Ther [fore] I shall write noe more, only dy[sire] yow to
hasten them here, to speake to Mr. G. for the money I write for,
and let Mr. M. goe to my wife from Mr. G. with the money I
mentioned in his letter.

Remember me, and recommend the busines to God in your
prayers. Vale!

Yr. lo. and assured freind.

9"° Jan. 1643.

Remember Wind[sor a] and your sone. Ther is somethinge in
your letter that seems a contradictione to what I have saide about
that busines. Pray avoyde this roke b here after by your addresses
and open letters to me.

Indorsed: Coppy of Ogles to Mr. Devenish, 9 Janu. 1643.

(21.) THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO THOMAS DEVENISH.C

[Tanner MSS. yol. Ixii. fols. 505-508.]

Yours of the 5th of Jan. is come safe to hand, and all things are
dispatched according to your desire, and I doubt nott butt the
readynesse yow find heere will bee a just ground to begett confi-

a See No. 23. & i.e. "rock."

c There are two copies of the EarPs letter. The one partly in cipher, with a con-
temporary decipher, possibly the paper transmitted to Devenish from Oxford; the
other a transcript of the whole, withont any cipher. The opening words show that
Bristol was writing to Devenish— " Yours of the 5 Jan." (No. 16).

32 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

dence, which is the first thing yow must labor to settle, of which
this bearar hath instructions to speake with yow. Ogle is heere,
and I beleeve will be hearty ; yett if itt were nott for the reliance
I have upon your discretion and affection in this cause I should nott
have those hopes which I have of good successe. I hope God 'will
make yow an instrument of doeing much good and meriting much.

The grounds that in the first place are to bee layd are these :

Thatt men bee induced to unite themselfes agaynst the invasion
of the Scots, whose intent can bee noe other then to overrunne this
nation.

Thatt men bee convinced in theire judgements that if the pres-
bittery bee once brought in, all sorts of men thatt shall not conforme
to them must exspect more severity and persecution in poynt of
conscience then from the Spanish inquisition itselfe.

Agaynst this tiranny both over men's fortunes and consciences
there must bee an absolute union and conjunction settled in the first
place, and this nott onely in London but over all the kingdome of
England, thatt the odiousnesse of the Scotts invasion may possesse
all true Englishmen's mindes.

In the second place for the securing of the Independents of theire
owne ease and liberty, I noe wayes doubt but when the particulars
shalbe propounded there will be such satisfaction as will give con-
tent to yow or any discreete person or persons that shall be imployed
therein. Wherein I most earnestly intreate yow that noe more
tyme may be lost, but that some trusty and able parson or parsons
be speedily imployd, for it wilbe of greate importance that the
buisinesse be in some sort settled before the assembly heere begins
the 22th of this month.a And as this care is taken for satisfying
of Independents, soe they must lay the grounds of the assistance
and advantages that may acrew to the King by which he may be
induced to this favour and indulgence towards them. And truly it
will be expected that those which have above all men bin most
active in another way should now be as active in all things that

* Charles's Oxford Parliament.

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 33

may conduce to the King's service, and resisting this wicked invasion
of the Scotts, and they must endeavor to make themselves as con-
siderable to the King as possibly may bee.
January 9th, 1643.

Sir John Digby, brother to Sir Kenelme, is in some place prisoner
in London. I shal intreate yow to enquire after him and to afford
him as much friendship as with discretion yow may, and if hee
should bee in any want I pray yow supply him, and I will see yow
satisfyed, and lett him know that yow have such order from mee.

(22.) THOMAS OGLE TO THOMAS GOODWIN.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 504.]

REVEREND SIR,

This bearer can informe yow what interteinment I and he have
had here. And what yow, your brother N.a and the rest are like to
find; therefore I shall add nothinge, save to desire yow and him,
as yow love the cause and your owne contrie and preferment, make
haste to me. This bearer can tell yow what I have done in your
busines ; my care and interest shall not be wantinge to finish itt,
which certainly wilbe if yow be not wantinge to yourselfes, for as
yow shall receive full satisfactione soe it is here expected that yow
give assured testemoneye of your strength and abilities to doe the
works proposed; for that end bringe the remonstrance with yow
which your brother N.a toold me of, and a list of the mil[itia] and
com[manders] C[ity] of L[ondon], with an estimate of your
strength in booth Ar[mie]s. And alsoe I pray bringe 10011 or 200li
alonge with yow, for I am in verie great want of money, etc.
Ther is none to be had here to supply either me or themselves.
Except, therefore, as I labour in your worke, soe you in some
measure assist me to live, and follow it, I cannot continew in this

CAMD. SOC.

34 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

place, but must retire myselfe elsewhere into employment. I know
your credit is soe good amongst your congregation] that yow may
have 200h for askinge. In the meane tyme pray furnish my wife
with 4011 or 50U, that she spedily come to me with her children.
And leave something with her disstressed father a towards his releife
untill I can take further care for him. This gent, hath promised
me the utmost asistance for the procuringe this money. Mr. D.
will tell yow wher to find and how to send to my wife. Kemember
me in your prayers, and make what haste you possibly can to

Your assured lo : faithfull

frind to serve you.
9n° Jan. 1643.

Indorsed : Coppy of Ogles to Mr. Goodwin, 9 Janu. 1643.

(23.) THOMAS OGLE TO THOMAS DEVENISH.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 533.b Undated.]

HONEST FRIND,

The newes we received from London of Mr. Roylies and the other
committment0 haith made a stay of my first dispatch. Thes inclosed
copies will instruct you sufficientlie of the trew state of that busines
and its originall here, which was upon an overture from London by
an unknowne man. I conceive its some that I have discoursed unto
of the moderate sorte of men, who had not patience to tarry my
addres, beinge soe longe delayed. Now your worke is to se if this
partie and our correspondents can be joyned firmly together, since
the busines is soe sowne brooke outt. Assure yourselfe that ther is

a i.e. Peter Smart.

b This letter, and No. 25, are neither dated, signed, nor indorsed. The hand-
writing in both is the same, and both, as internal evidence shows, were written by
Ogle, the one to Devenish, the other to Mosely. The handwriting is not the same
as in Ogle's letters to Devenish and Nye (Nos. 16 and 17). If, therefore, these two
last are holographs, Nos. 23 and 25 must be copies.

c As Ryley and Violet were committed to the Tower on Jan. 6, it seems most
probable that this letter was written before Bristol's letter to Mosely of Jan. 15, and
I have, therefore, reversed the order which the two hold in the Tanner MSS.

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 35

the most really tie here can be imagined, soe gratiouse a kinge, soe
willinge expressiones he made to me, as would have moved an harte
of stone. Pray use your utmost dexteritie to joyne the strenght of
booth thes parties together, and be confident of all the helpe and
assistance from his Matie thatt can be possiblelie. Upon any way
we shalbe advertised, inquire exactly of the busines, the state of itt,
and write bake to me in my owne caracter.

I have sent yow a gratious and fre warrant a from his Magtie, who
is soe well pleased with your affectiones and the settlementt of the
desinge for Windsor before my cominge away, thatt yow may be
assured of the benefit. Pray therefore actually and really intend it,
and withe all speed settle it accordinge to this warrantt, that att
worst will preserve us all, and abate the furie of this presbyterian
factione.

The Lord direct us all aright. Vale [?]

Your assured faithfull freind.

Pray seind me bake all those papers I left with yow while yow
kepe [?] att Westminster. Haste our frind's letter.

a In the list of documents in the Commons' Journals (iii. 378) is mentioned,
" The King's warrant to Mr. Devenish to raise 200 men, under his son's com-
mand, to be put into the garrison of Windsor." In the Lords' Journal* (iv. 395)
" The King's letter to Mr. Devenish, keeper of Winchester House, dated from
Oxford, 12 Jan. 1643." The Kingdom's Weekly Intelligencer, No. 41, tells the
tale as follows: "Mr. Devenish, finding his addresses so acceptable, writ again in
figures to the Earle of Bristoll and propounded unto him a design he had to betray
Windsor Castle at the same time into his Majesties hands, by taking advantage of
a fear that would possess them upon the surrender of Aylesbury. His Majesty and
the Earl of Bristoll well approved of the design, and both of them in severall
letters, signed with their own hands, highly extolled his wisdome, promised great
rewards, as by the letters appeares." (King's Pamphlets, E. fg). The only
letter written by the King to Devenish, of which report is made in the Journals
of either House, is the one mentioned above. We possess only two letters of
Bristol's to Devenish, and in one of these (No. 21) there is no mention of a design
upon Windsor.

36 A SECRET NEGOCIATION

(24 ) THE EARL OF BRISTOL TO LIEUT. -COLONEL MOSELY.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 510.J

You are intreated to deferr your journey e and wholy to tende
the bussinesse. The tyme holdeth the first day and all thinges wil
be readye, according as is settled. You must not fayle to sende
your man hether on Friday, to retourne to yow on Saturday,* and
then advertise the major of all that is further needefull. You may
assure your frendes that all goeth here to their mindes, and they and
yow I doubt will have much comforte insteede of certeyne distrac-
tion otherwayes if Scots prevayle.

This is written by my Ld. of Bristow, my man standing by.b

Indorsed: Ld. Bristoll to L.-Coll. Mosely, 15 Janu: 1643.

(25.) THOMAS OGLE TO LIEUT.-COLONEL MOSELY.C

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixii. fol. 535. Undated.]

HONEST FREIND,

Last night I tarred at Court till past 11 a cloke. His Matie read,
debated, consulted, upon the paper we booth signed ; the result
whereoff you have in this inclosed paper which I received from that
Honourable Lord you write unto,d which yow must punctually
observe, and in case my Lord Wharton should press yow to goe up

a 15 Jan. the date of this lettter according to the indorsement, was Monday; the
following Friday and Saturday would therefore be Jan. 19 and 20. On Sunday,
the 21st, the royalist forces approached Aylesbury, and the allusion must relate to
the design upon the town.

b These words are written in another hand to the letter.

c See Note to No. 23.

d His Majesty's instructions to Lieutenant-Colonel Mosely, to blow up the maga-
zine, in case of sudden discovery, mentioned in the Commons' Journals, which may
be identical with the document mentioned in the Lords' Journals : " The King's letter
to Lieutenant-Colonel Mosely concerning the surrendering up to him of the town of
Aylesbury."

WITH CHARLES THE FIRST. 37

about those coates yow must faine yourselfe sicke, and wholy intend
the busines in hand. Send this bearer to me on Friday* without
faile by whom He retourne the instrument^ and for the dispatches
you have for our frinds send them to London by your brother
Sheifeild and pray send up ten pound to my wife that she may
come to me; and write by your brother Sheifeild to my L.
Essex secretary for a pass to be given your brother for Mrs.
Marshall, her two children, and Mr. Welbye. I have here taken
order for a wach one Mr. Simsone, which hath a pass to come
to the French Ambassador b on Weddensday or Thursday. Pray
therfore send away^ Mr. Sheifeild the morrow early and give our
frinds all assurance of reallitie, but intimate nothinge of the busines
in hand. I know your dexteritie and zeale attend the busines in
hand [Last words defaced.]

* Probably Friday, Jan. 19. The Royalist forces advanced towards Aylesbury on
Sunday, Jan. 21. This letter is probably identical with "Captain Ogle's letter to
Lieutenant-Colonel Mosely about the time of delivery up of the town," mentioned in
the Commons' Journals, vol. iii. p. 378.

b The Prince of Harcourt, a special ambassador, came to England to mediate
between the King and the Parliament. The two Houses, in answer to his overtures
made through the Earl of Northampton, replied " that if the Prince D 'Harcourt have
anything to propose from the French King to the Lords and Commons assembled in
the Parliament of England, the Houses have done nothing to bar or hinder the
Prince D'Harcourt from the usual and fitting ways of address to them." Dec. 6-
(C. J. vol. iii. pp. 319, 330.) As Charles at this time refused to recognise the two
Houses as the Parliament of England, Harcourt's efforts to bring about a negociation
were necessarily unavailing.

CAMD. SOC.

INDEX.

Aylesbury, promise to surrender, 6

Bristol, Earl of, prepares to correspond with Ogle, 12 ; Accepts overtures of
Moseley, 25 ; promises liberty of conscience to Independents, 32

Charles I. authorises the release of Ogle, 14 ; sends a safe conduct to Ogle and

others, 17

Crispe, Sir Nicholas, called before the Commons, escapes from London, 1 (Note b).
Crispe, Samuel, pays money to Ogle, 18

Goodwin, Thomas, overtures made to him by Devenisb, 26

MacMahon, projected escape of, 11
Moseley visits London, 23

Nye, Philip, in Scotland, 5 ; overtures made to him by Devenish, 26 ; offered a
chaplaincy to the King, 28

Poole, attempt on, 6 (Note c)

Strode, Sir George, sends money to Ogle, 14

Ryley, commitment of, 34

A LETTER

FROM

THE EARL OF MANCHESTER

TO THE HOUSE OF LORDS,

GIVING AN OPINION ON THE

CONDUCT OF OLIVER CROMWELL.

EDITED BY

SAMUEL EAWSON GABDINER, LL.D.,

DIRECTOR OF THE CAMDEN BOCIETY.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXXXIII.

PREFACE.

The following letter is ascribed in the Catalogue of the Tanner
MS 8. to Sir William Waller. Its real authorship is unmistakable,
and if it had fallen into Mr. Brace's hands it would have formed
part of the collection which, after his death, was edited for the
Society by Professor Masson. Its importance as showing what
were the grounds on which Manchester quarrelled with Cromwell
is at once evident.

LETTER

FROM

THE EAKL OF MANCHESTER

TO THE HODSE OF LORDS.

[Tanner MSS. vol. Ixi. fol. 205.]

Dec. ? 1644.

MY LORDS,

In obedience to your commands I shall give your LoPP3 an
account of that which with much trouble I have of late laboured
under; the discontents that have bin in that army wch I have the
honor to comaund. My Lords, when I found these differences in
my army to grow to some height, and considered the inconveniences
thatt might thence ensue, I brought to London twoe persons of my
army that were most concerned in these differences, and did represent
to the Comittee of both kingdoms the danger and prejudice that might
thereby arise to the publique service if some speedie course should
not be taken for removeall thereof. But the Comittee of both
kingdoms, holding it unfitt at that time to take them into their
consideracion, when there was a necessitie of putting the armies to
present action against the common enemie, directed mee to
endeavour that they should be composed, or at least laid aside till
further lea sure, in the time of our winter quarters. This advice I
willingly embraced, and did apply myselfe wth my full endeavours
to quiett those distraccions for the present ; but this hath not
satisfied the aimes of some who I heare (upon what grounds I cannot
imagine) doe fixe upon mee the character of being a discountenancer
of honest and godly men.

2 LETTER FROM THE EARL OF MANCHESTER

I cannot but wonder at soe high a slaunder, and if this relate to
those of my owne army, wherein I hope there are many honest men,
though differing in judgement to what I profess, yett I shall appeale
to them whether I have at any time been failing in my respects
unto them ; and I can say that upon some of them I have looked
wth that value and esteeme, as that the choice and approbacion of
most of the comaunders in the army have bin in their power. Lief-
tennant Generall Cromwell shalbe my compurgator in this particular.
Hee knowes that I alwaies placed him in cheefest esteeme and
creditt with mee. But it is true that of late I have not given soe
free and full a power unto him as formerly I did, because I heard
that he used his power soe as in honor I could not avowe him in it,
and indeed I grew jealous that his designes were not as he made
his professions to mee ; for his expressions were sometimes against
the Nobillitie ; that he hoped to live to see never a Nobleman in
England, and he loved such better then others because they did not
love lords. He hath further expressed himselfe wth contempt of the
Assembly of Divines, to whome I pay a reverence, as to the most
learned and Godly convention that hath bin this many ages, yett
these he termed persecutors ; and that they persecuted honester men
then themselves. His animositie against the Scottish nation, whome
I affect as joyned wth us in solemne league and covenant, and honor
as joyntly instrumentall wth us in the common cause; yett against
these his animositie was such as he told me that in the way they
now carried themselves, pressing for their discipline, he could as
soone draw his sword against them as against any in the king's
army; and he grew soe pressing for his designes as he told mee
that he would not deny but that he desired to have none in my army
but such as were of the Independent judgement, giving mee this
reason : —

That in case there should be propositions for peace or any
conclusion of a peace such as might not stand with those ends
that honest men should aime at, this army might prevent such a
mischeife.

TO THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 3

I must confess these speeches, some of them spoken publiquely,
others privately, yett soe as I saw .they had a publique influence
on the army, made mee jealous of his intencions ; and therefore I
did not communicate my councells to him wth that freedome
that formerly I had done ; and I hope this shall not make such an
impression upon the hearts of others that are godly, even of such
as are of his judgement soe as to derogate from my esteeme in soe
high a measure as to thinke mee fitt to be stiled an enemie to
Godly men. My conscience bears mee witnes that my afFeccions
are still sett upon such as love Christ in sincerity with the highest
value ; nay, I can in the cleerenes of my heart profess that to
those who have sought thus to traduce mee my prayers shalbe that
God of mercy would pardon of their uncharitable and unchristian
carriage, and my endeavours shalbe as farr as it may stand with
the vindication of my owne integritie to returne good for evill.

Indorsed : Concerning Leiutenauant Generall Cromwell, referred
xber4°, 1644.

LETTERS

ADDBESSED TO THE

EAEL OF LAUDEBDALE

EDITED BY OSMUND AIEY.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCO.LXXXIII.

PREFACE.

The Editor hopes in a future volume of the Society's publica-
tions to offer a selection from the correspondence comprised in the
Lauderdale Papers. That selection will be framed with the view
of illustrating with some fulness the main stream of the political
history of Scotland during the reign of Charles II., or, rather,
during the supremacy of Lauderdale* in Scotch affairs. The letters
now printed have been taken out of that correspondence as being,
to a great extent, isolated in their interest, while in themselves
curious. The first eleven are written by John Kennedy, Earl of
Cassilis, father of Lady Margaret Kennedy, with whom Lauder-
dale entertained so close an intimacy, and who afterwards became
the wife of Gilbert Burnet.

"Don John," as he is familiarly called by Tweeddale and others,
was one of the most marked figures in Scotland at the beginning of
the reign. He was noted, and is continually referred to in the
Lauderdale correspondence, as a proud, obstinate old man, dressed
in strange fashion, and eccentric in language and opinions. His
eccentricity was perhaps most to be noted in the sturdy integrity
with which, alone among the politicians who surrounded him, he
refused for fear or favour to betray his rigid Presbyterian principles,
by taking the oath of allegiance, which in his eyes implied the royal
supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs. He died in April 1668. Any-
one who reads the letters of Lady Margaret Kennedy, published by

11 PREFACE.

the Bannatyne Club, will be struck by the similarity between father
and daughter in style and tone alike.

The remaining thirty-three letters are from two of the most
distinguished of those numerous soldiers of fortune who left
Scotland to command the regiments of Scotch guards always
maintained by the French sovereign. Those from Lord Ruther-
ford, afterwards Earl Teviot, give a vivid picture of the harass-
ment s attending the command of an outstanding garrison, as well
as many curious scraps 'of information. It is interesting too to
notice in them that the wild and varied life in foreign countries
seemed never to weaken the strength of the national feeling.
Eutherford is always a Scotchman in the first place, and we are
vividly reminded of the picture which Scott drew of his class
in the character of Lord Crawford in " Quentin Durward." He
was killed in or about the year 1665, in a skirmish with the Moors at
Tangiers, of which he was made governor after the sale of Dunkirk.

The letters from Lord George Douglas illustrate the complica-
tions which necessarily arose between the French government and
these mercenary troops, when disagreements occurred between the
two crowns ; and they as well as Lord Rutherford's form an interest-
ing addition to the information given us by Mr. Burton, in " The
Scot abroad," and M. Michel in " Les Ecossais en France." The
papers are taken from the Additional MSS. in the British Museum.

The Editor reserves for a future occasion the pleasure of acknow-
ledging the assistance so courteously rendered to him at the MSS.
Department of the British Museum, while engaged upon the
Lauderdale correspondence.

LETTEES ADDBESSED

TO THE

EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

EARL OF CASSILIS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, Edinb. 28 der, 1660. 231H, f. HI.

I waited for yours with anxietis and reseaved it with muche
satisfaction, returning your Lo? now manie heartie thankes for your
respect to ray cousin, tho for hazard of the monosillabes reputation
I wishe it had onely come two dayes sooner. Your Lo. may give
assurance that whatsoever my thoghts wer long since for kingly
autoritie I am not come so farre to anie extremitie as to forget my
dutie to our native prince, or prove ingrate for his Ms kindness to
Scotland. Bot my earnest desire is that hee may so regulate his
power that the lustre of his government may keep his subjects
with delight under him and prove ane attractive to strangers, who
(as all men) love to embrace there apprehendit happines. If anie
should enquire why the king's plantations are so. farre scattered,
since by vicinitis they may bee the more help full to cache other,
and with lesse trouble to the croiine, I wold know what to answer.
It is thoght the Spanishe monarchic is the lesse formidable by the
great disfraction of her limbes. Whatsoever bee undertaken by
these dominions, that the blessing may be expected, let it bee on
cleer grounds. Jamaica gives mee some occasion of this. I doubt
not bot your stay there may bee of great use, yet it vexes me to
thinke with whom I shall communicate and advise the following one

2 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

the project that is not yet communicable ,a and which untimeously
vented may bee marred. The instructions your Lo. mentiones
please mee well and conduce to the end. If you shall procure ane
addition by letter in serious termes to the commissioner for laying
to heart and promoving what shall bee propond by your incatenatob
for inlarging his Majesties dominions and multipliing his subjects,
it may doe well being timely delivered by mee. If you bee instru-
mentall to increase our king's greatnes in a Christian and heroik
way I hope a greater then man will give the reward like himselfe,
that you may doe and get that from his free grace is the cordiall
wishe of

Your mere incatenato.

EARL OF CASSILIS TO THE EARL OP LAUDERDALE.

23115, f. 4. MY LORD, E4enb. 1 Ja. 1661.

Since my writing the other, beside my differing from the rest in
parliament] for choosing our preesident, I differd upon the oathe
preposid,c and whatsoever there determination bee, except I see a
a more cleer ground for it then I judge possible to shou, ere I take
it, I resolve to leave his Majesties counsels and dominions, whiche

a The project mentioned in this and succeeding letters is probably the con-
firmation of the Presbyterian government, which Lauderdale urged upon Charles as
being the best way to secure Scotland in his interest in case of complications with
his English subjects. Burnet mentions a long letter written to Cassilis' daughter,
Margaret Kennedy, by Lauderdale on this subject. See, on the whole matter,
Burnety vol. i. sect. 108.

b Italian " incatenare," to bind.

c The oath of allegiance which acknowledged the King's supremacy in ecclesi-
astical matters. See Mackenzie's Memoirs, p. 23.

He was declared incapable of trust on April 10, after a second refusal, when
summoned as an extraordinary lord of session. See 23116, ff. 17. 19.

THE EAKL OF LAUDERDALE 6

is as ill as anie thing that ever Oliver threatned mee with, tho he
knew I abhorid him and his way. If I sit and can bee of anie use
for prornoving that project whiche you onely knou, it will bee
expedient letters bee written seriously to such as bear suey besides
the commissioner which was shewed to your Lo. at iny being there

by

Your incatenato.

I pray your Lo. let mee not long so muche for the answer of this
as of my former.

If his Majestic thinke I merite anie trust I hope hee will intrust
the letters and timeing of the deliverie to mee, and let mee kenn
somewhat of the tenour.

EAKL OF CASSILIS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, Edenb. 8 Ja. 1661. 23115, f. 8.

Since your stay is necessitat, if I by our parlaments command
bee made incapable to acte in that bussines whiche I communicate
to you onely, I hope his Majesties justice will not put mee to
worke when my hands are cut off. The causes of there proced . . .
I have set doune in a paper aparte under a more legible hand. If I
had leav to prosecute that project, the helpe of the monosillabe of
whom I wrote lately to you might have beene of great use; he is
nou to his home in the countrey, upon his disabling to sil here as a
member, and that (as I suspect) by the cumming and his flung of
one against whom you formerly at Strivelinga protected him. Tho
you onely knou the whole, yet I glanced at severall things con-
ducing to it with him long since, which makes me knou, hee wald

a Stirling.

4 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

•

sympathize and assist powerfully by his pen when a doore opens
if hee bee not put in a capacitie to acte otherwise. I have made
bold to write a line to his Majestic, and if there bee need I hope
you will helpe to read it to him, and imparte more at large upon
conveniencie what I have written to you. I shall trouble your Lo.
no more now bot to shew that your returne will bee longed for by

Your incatenato.

EARL OF CASSILIS TO CHARLES II.

23115, f. 10. MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAJESTIE,

Whil upon your command I was here attending your Majesties
service in parlament ane oathe was urged whiche I desired to bee
explaind that I might take it with freedome, and tho they without
contradiction .... agreed, that what I propond was there true
meaning, yet they refused to adde it in write. If upon this I bee
secluded from a capacitie to prosecute, as I intendit that project
which I imparted to your Majestic, and by your command more at
large to another (whom you and manie of your subjects confide in),
I hope your Majestic will not blame mee to sit idle when I am
disabled to worke, and till I deserve worse must presume you will
esteeme mee that whiche I resolve to live and die,

Your Majesties faithfull and humble subject,

CASSILLIS.

Edenb. 8 Ja. 1661,

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

EARL OP CASSILIS TO THE EARL or LAUDERDALE.

Mr LORD, 23115, f. 100.

It might appear to some you had missed the copie of my reasons
inclosed in one of my last to you, for you nether ansuer nor mention
them, and I thoght you kneu mee too well to send mee offers
instead of ansuers, hot I hope wee shall not bee hastie to mistake.
As to the places which his Majestic pleases to nominat mee for,a you
knou I am free from moving for them, and if the barres that ly in
the way bee taken out I shall endeavour to serve him faithfully in
them, if my former cariage deserve not so muche as the removeall
of these. I should be sorrie that his Majestic should wrong himself,
the people, and you, whom I take mee to as the remembrancer at
least, to nominat suche a one. Wee have not manie newes here.
It is said they are going on with the processes, and that contest
about the acte craved to bee past betuixt creditor and debitor is like
to make heat, manie being interest on bothe sides. What is more
to bee exprest looke in another paper hirewith under a sure hand
from

Your incatenato.
Edenb. 7 Mar. 1661 [£j.

EARL OF CASSILIS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, 23116, f. 15.

I hope you will beleeve I am sensible of his Majesties favours,
and my gratitude for them obliges to keep my selfe free of that
staine of ambition by suallowing doune nou the pilles I have so
long stucke at, as may make me unserviceable to him, in that
designe whiche I conceave may be of consequence for him.

* Cassilis was nominated a member of the Scotch Privy Council, 1661, Feb. 13.
CAMD. SOC. C

6 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

Whether for that upon the proofes his Majestic hes alreadie had of
my fidelitie he will please to dispense with neu tyes it belongs to
himselfe to consider. What more I had to say is set doune other-
wise, being unwilling you should receave unnecessar trouble by

Your incatenato.
Edenb. 6 Apr. 1661.

a Whether your friends saying his Majestic was at Whitehall and
his commissioner here merites the castle threatned and confinement
to the toune execute you may enquire atr conveniencie.

More of this if not nou with the next.

EARL OF CASSILIS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23116, f. 17. Apryle G, 1661.

The Notte to which the letter of your incatenato relates.
What past anent the oath in the beginning of the parliament is
showen; and now the Earle of Cassilis being required to come to
the parliament as one nominat to be an extraordinar on the sessione
he appeared (tho he had a promeise before from the Commissioner
his grace of a post warrand to waite on his Majestic), and being
required to give his oath and subscrybe a declaratione which wes
large and never formerlie scene be him, he acknowledged he had
scene the oath long since, bot the declaration being new and large
he desyred tyme to consider. Withall declared he wes willing to
serve his Majestic in whatsoever statione he wes capable of, bot for
shunning miscoristructione of his ansuer desired there allowance to
waite upon his Majestic. The Chanceller b in passione and hcate
ansuered: " The King's power and authoritie is heire." The Earle
ansuered, " That is not denyed, bot yet the King is at Whythall."

a See following letter. b Glencairn.

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 7

Then the Chanceller said, "You dissoune the King's Commis-
sioner," which the said Earle contradicted, bot wes still interrupted
in passione and removed, and reinformed by eare witness that it wes
moved by some to send the Earle to the castell. and the result wes
that he should appeare and give his ansiier on Tiiisday the 9th, and
remaine confyned in Edinburgh in the meane tyme.

What the designe wes to hinder him from going up is best
knowen to the actors.

EARL OF CASSILIS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, 23116, f. 19.

If I have not merited the libertie to wait upon his Majestic for
representing my reasons in reference to my cariage upon the oathe
and declaration of parlament, when I conceave it for some advanc-
ment of his oune service, I shall regrate it and studie to deserve
better in whatsoever condition I bee under his Majestie. I have
writ so muche to your Lo. on this subject as I shall spair further till
to-morrou ordaind for a finall ansuer to bee given by a

Your incatenato.
Edenb. 9 Apr. 1661.

EARL OF CASSILIS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

My LORD, East Roxburghe, 28 7"er [1667]. 23128, f. 74.

I have muche satisfaction by yours of the 20th, and heartily wishe
a progresse sutable to the actings mentiond in it. I intind not to

» See footnote, p. 2.

8 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

make evill use of it, in reference to him most concerned.* The
going on that way is thoght a surer mean for quieting spirites then
raising of oppressing men under whatsoever name. I shall be brief
henc, purposing by a surer bearer tho slouer, that you shall have the
trouble of some lines more from

Your incatenato.

EARL OF CASSILIS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23128, f. 78. MY LORD, E»st Roxburghe, 30 7«« [1667],

It appeares by yours of the 20th that Donald b hes fallen on a
handsome way to discharge himselfe,c and the going on at that rate
you write,3 a probable mean to the ends whiche honest men desire
bee aimed at. It will not bee secure nor noble to doe his worke by
halfes. His keeping stedfast friendship with those of our profession
beyond sea e is a goode meane for making him indeed Donald on
that element, probably likewise in plantations, and for breaking the
bridge f whiche his great neighbour might have troubled us by.
It is no shame to imitate a woman (who ruled famously) in the
support of the protestant cause bot glorious to outgoe her. I wishe
hee had a true convert in his bosome,g I am sure it is a dutie to use
the meanes, and I can imagine nothing obliging to a tolleration of

a Probably referring to Earl Rothes, the King's Commissioner, who at this time had
his commission taken away. In a letter to Landerdale, dated Sept. 7, 1667, Tweed-
dale says: " For God's sake, let ns but have a trial of securing the peace and quiet
of the country without a commissioner, having a chancellor and the old form of
government."

b Charles II. c From the war with the Dutch.

d Probably the negociations which ended in the Triple Alliance.

e Holland. f French conquest of Holland [?].

e The Duke of York [?]

THE EARL OP LAUDERDALE. 9

superstition and idolatrie. The actings of those in his station are
exemplari. I need not repeat to you the poets sentence to that
purpose. If it bee a goode worke to gain one soule what must it
bee to bring in millions running headlong in the broad way, either
plainly worshipping divils, or at best ther oune fancies without
neglecting our oune ignorants at home. Hou well might a parte of
that wasted in the 3 kingdomes on belligods bee bestowed for
preserving worlds of heathen. If parents providing temporall
things for there children bee a great addition to the naturall
obligation, hou muche should providing spirituall and faithfull
steuarts to distribute ingage the hearts of suche as doe or shall
beeleeve (on right grounds) ane immortalitie. I have sent abroad
a youth on whom paines have beene tane for advancing him in
knouledge, perhaps not without successe, some advise it for lousing
his tongue and making what hee hes more communicative. My
designe is that hee may bee made more serviceable to our almightie
king and his vicegerent and generally to all to whom hee oues
dutie. I hope you will not bee spairing of advice to him and so
comme another incatenato, and likewise to Mr. Pat. Lyon, who hes
attendit him these five years past you may use freedome with him,
for hee will bee found muche above the pitche of those who take
them to suche employment. I wishe they may be hasted away when
the youth hes done his dutie to his Majestic and the rest of the
royall familie as you will direct. I hope you will please to signifie
your minde in reference to a students cariage to the Prince of
Orange and others there at his comming or afterwards, I thinke hee
will not have occasion to fall in that ceremoniall solsecisme which
Hemfleet in haste made a friend commit, This occasion makes mee
presume to bee the more large, whiche I trust you will not mistake in

Your incatenato.

If you shall procure from his Majestic suche allowance for going
abroad or recommendation as hes been given to others of his con-
dition, it will bee a further obligation.

10

LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

EARL OF CASSILIS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23128, f. 85. MY LORD, East Koxburghe, 1 Oct. [1667].

Since the writing of my other of yesterdayes date I have thoght
of some things which the bearer, Henry Kennedy, can informe and
concern his Majestic to knou. He is so well knoune to you and
others employed as you wer, as it seemes needles to write how
faithfully he did acquit himself in everie station hee was set in, and
how well hee deserves trust. Hee is to speake of some particulars
whereof you have heard (as I thinke) muche alreadie. I hope you
will make your best use of what he 3 speaks. If anie of his relations
have beene wrongd, or himselfe frustrat of what is due to him, your
help will yet further oblige,

Your incatenato.

LORD RUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23116,12. MY LORD, [30 March, 1661.]

Displease your Lo. I must, since little better as stealing I ame
casting your 1: moneys at the cocks. Your two sutes of cloaths are
bocht with the consent of three different enouch fancies other
wayes of taylours and courtiers, all the other things contained
in the memoire are also bespoken so yt your Lo. sail hav them wl
in the tyme prefixed. Your 200lb ster. will pairt fro your Lo.
thoe to Mr. Kinlochs great grudging, soit dit entre nous, I did buy
all myself, Ke looking on wl ready moneys, which saved allwayes
5 of the hindred.

At my arryval heir Mr. Le Tellier,a secretaire of State, caressed

* Noted for Ms persecution of the Huguenots. His last signature was given to
the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. See Felice, Histoire des Protestants de
France, pp. 399, 411.

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 11

me much, prodigalising the King's favors on me, and did propose to
keep our reg* at 20 companies, making them to 2000 sogers, but be
the reduction of Lo. George Douglas regfc into ours, but when we
came to conclude our traitte he told me I behoved to renonce the
title and qualitie of Scots Gardes. This did so move me yt I
replyed (in good earnest) yt not only would I loose all my preten-
sions and fortune, yea, but rather suffer the rake befor I con-
discended to so base ane agreement. The regiment belonged to the
nation not to me, and y1 no man heirafter could wl assurance treat
w1 the King of France since he would violat his bargaines made so
authentiquely and signed be his secretaires of State. He seing me
so hotanosed, left me to myself, and I went immediatly to my Lo.
St. Albans and related what had passed. The Duk of Anious
fiancailles are to be this day, to-morrow the marriage : till this be
past nothing will be acted. I ame affray ed y* betwixt stooles — I
begg of your Lo. to let me hav your counsell and orders heirin
whither his Majestic our maistre hav use for me or not befor I
undertake any thing to chocq our nation or below myself. I rather
renonce all and goe fere abroad.

The Queen hath told publicqly heir to several of the French
grandes yl the King hath made me governeur of Dunkerk. 1 know
not fro whom her Maiestie hath it.

Beggs most humbly pardon for, my Lord,

Your Lo. most humble, most obedient, most
obliged serviteur,

KETORFORT.

LORD EUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, [beg. April, 1661.] 23116, t 6.

Yesterday my man pairted with your Lo: coffres. I wisch they
come to a good port, for this day news cometh y* on all hands

12 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

robberies are committed be the cavaliers y1 wer disbanded without
moneys or recompense, which hath so desesperated them yfc they
attacque all they meit with. I hav used all diligence to let your
Lo. hav them in tyme as also all necessarie precaution, soe my man
is gone wfc them on the chassemareea to Calais. I will not sleip
sound till I hear of them fro thence.

I hav given him instructions how to doe at his landing, and a
letter to Mr. Burnet at Heth,b ane other to Mr. Touris, the searcher
at Dover, at the signe of the Prince of Orange, to keip them up
and not let them be visited till orders come fro your Lo. as
belonging to your Lo. All things are very dear heir be reason of
the great number of buyers for the coronation.

My Lord Ormond and others will find theirs very dear passing
be the hands of merchands and taylors. I daresay I hav saved
something to your Lo.c thoe I find all very dear, for I did buy all
myself wl ready money, which hath so incensed the taylors y*
heirafter if your Lo. hav any commissions for me you will be
pleased not to astrict me to any in particular, but let me choyse
my man.

I send heirin a little memoire of what is in the coffres. I hav
not got Mr. Kinloch's compts for the faschion and garniture of
your Lo. cloaths, which sail cause the compts be differd at this
tyme. Kisses most humbly your Lo. hands, and be your Lo. per-
mission, my Lady Countesss, and my Lady Mary's,

My Lord,
Your Lo. most humble most obedient serviteur,

RKTORFORT.

(Enclosed with 23116, f. 5.)

23116 f 7. I*1 ^e con°re f°r mv Lord ane sute w* black cloak lyned wl velvet

chamared, wfc breeches chamared, garnisched with bleu rubans, and
the doublet brocurd dor chamared, lyned with whyt satin.

» Fishing smack. b Hythe [?].

c During the early part of his career Lauderdale was comparatively needy.

THE EAEL OF LAUDERDALE. 13

A sute of rich oliv-coloured stuff chamared w* a rich gold dental
cartison, the cloak lyned w* a cloath of gold and silk sutable, the
breaches chamared, also garnisched w* a cherie-colored ruban.

Two pair of gloves of dogg leather deiply parfumed, garnisched
according to the sutes, a bever very good and lairge w1 a gold hate
band, a boderier of gold and black fond, wl a sword or couteau of
silver guilded sett with turquois, and a base blade, but damasced
and musqued.

Their are 4 bands w* two pair band strings rich, wheirof on is
very rich; of the other three your Lo. may choyse and leav the
other two for Mr. Mercer. The bands I say will mount to 400U, the
two best, yea the on cost 28 5U 10s. wfc the handcuffs. This is
the dearest merchandise.

For my Lady Countess.

A black goune of Venetien stuff, w1 two paire of gloves and
garnitures conforme, and two musqued eventailes.

For my Lady Mary.

A goun of coloured brocard, w1 a petticoat of whyt satin faschioned
in chamarrure of the new mode, w* two paire gloves and garniture,
and two eventails conforme.

In a sappin boxe or coffre.

A little boxe with 12 little phiales of Essence of Koses and six of
Jessemin. Ane other w* a silver little box guilded, set w1 turquois
(good or bode), full of eau d'ange, and half a douzen bottels of
essence of orange; a bigg bottell of water of flower of orange, a bigg
boxe of fyne pomode wl jessemin poudre, a paire of very great tables
or trick- track, w1 4 rame of paper and musqued waxe and black waxe,
w* ane escritoire as was desyred.

CAMD. SOC. D

14 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

For Sir Eobert Morray.

A black sute of Venetienne brode plain doubled wl velvet,
garnisched w* black salined rubans and dogg, musqued gluffs
conforme.

Their are a sute of cloaths for Mr. Mercer, w* sword and belt and
feathers and perruque, and garniture conforme, w* two bands, as
your Lo. will leav to him.

LORD RUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LATJDERDALE.

23H6, f. 74. MY LORD,

I arryved heir yesternicht and hav schowen my Commission
under the Royal Seal, his Maiesties lettre to me, and M. Secretarie
Morice's. The Governeur hath delt most civilly with me and is
ready to resigne the chairge, only desyrs for his own dischairge y*
as his Maiestie hes been pleased to wryt to me to receav and take
the place in my hands, so his Maiestie will be pleased lykwayes to
wryt to him y1 he may delyver it to me, and on sayd of this lettre
or ordre being for his dischairge he will immediatly after resigne.

Meantyme he is to schow me and giv accompt of all the munition,
artillerie, and other materials belonging to the place. I sail begg of
your Lo. to sollicit his Maiestie y1 w* all diligence the ordre may be
sent to Sir Edward Harley, for he tells me himself yfc at his pairting
fro Court some ten dayes agoe his Maiestie did tell him of my
coming, and yl he sould hav at Dunkerke his Ma. directions for
resigning.

Your Lo. will be pleased to remember to send me a cyphre wl
the key.

I ame advysed be Sir Edward to desyre y* in my Commission

THE EAEL OP LAUDERDALE. 15

(wheiras it is sayd to the Governeur of Dunderk wl command of all
the forces, forts, and strenths their-to belonging) it may be specified
of Mardik fort Royal and all others which I begg of your Lo. may
be told to the Secretaire Morice to be inserted in my Commission
under the Great Seal.

My Lord,

Your Lo. most humble most obedient serviteur,

RETORFORT.

Dunkerke, 30 May, 1661.

LORD RUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, 23116, f. 78.

At my arryvai heir Sir Edward Harley did send ane express to
his Maiestie, and be his means I did wryt to your Lo. He hath
gotten a returne fro his Matie to surrender me dunkerk, wheirof I
ame in possession, but I hav had no news of your Lo.

However, my most noble Lord, I sail begg of your Lo: to be
kynd and gratious to this noble cavalier. Sir Edward, of whom I
hav receaved great and reall civilities, and who will sympathise w*
your Lo: both in point of policie and religion, for he is a most
honest wyse gentleman.

And in case my commission under the great seal of England be
not as yet expected suffer me, my Lord, to begg yl it may hav the
same termes and latitude ye Sir Edward's had, specifying both
ports, forts, and strenths, and mardyk and others in particular. If
your Lo, secretaire, Mr. James, will be pleased to doe me this
grace I hope your Lo. will ordain him to doe it. I expect w*
impatience your Lo. instructions and ordres. Kisses most humbly
your Lo. hands.

My Lord,

Your Lo. most humble most obedient serviteur,

RETORFORT.

Dunkerk, 8 Juin, 61.

16 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

LORD KUTHERFORD TO

Dunkerk, 18 7bre, 1661.

23116, f. 128. I did wryt a long confused piece to my Lord Lauderdaile last
weik amongst others my grievances on was about the sending
over Sir Philip Monkton heir to be controlleur to my preiudice and
affront, if he sculd hav the latitud he pretends.

And becaus I hear now my Lord is indisposed, and yrfor not to
be importuned, and y* the sayd Sir Philipp is pairted fro this
yesternicht for London not weell satisfyed w* me, no mor as I ame
with him I must hav recours to you to imploy my Lords credit
and your oun to keip me fro Sir Ph. his bade impressions of me to
my Lord Tresorier Southampton or any els, and yrfor first remitting
you to y* pairt of my Lord's lettre to instruct you concerning Sir
Phil, and his chairge, I sail next giv you ane accompt of the rest.

Sir Philipp Monkton it seimeth is a favorit of my Lord Treso-
riers hath obtained a patent to be controlleur of the customes heir,
to which I have nothing to gainsay, but be vertew of his patent
pretends to hav a general inspection in all business and to reduce
and bring in the droits of the governour into the King's tresorie,
a thing never practised be any befor in the tyme of any governour,
Spaniard, French, or Inglisch, and since it hath pleased his Maiestie
to giv me a patent not only to inioy what any of my predecessours
had, but what they ought to Jiav if any thing be omitted, I cannot
without jealousie of ane affront to me or my nation suffer any
novelties come in upon me to crye down my authoritie heir, which
is every day a brauling too the malignant humors of the old ill
principled officers, who as they abhorr as they call it arbitrarie
power, so if they get their will the King sail never be absolut
maistre heir nor will I undertak to command and assure the place
on y* accompt.

It is trew the King is maistre, and I ame ready when he com-

a Unaddressed, but doubtless to Sir Robert Moray, Justice Clerk, Lauderdale's most
intimate friend, and appointed his Deputy-Secretary, 1663, June 5.

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 17

mands to resigne not only any interest but the chairge of gouver-
neur yea to expose my lyf for his service, but for others to get
patents be surpryse to my preiudice in things wheirof my predeces-
sors hav all bein possessors and never troubled theirin this is of
hard digestion. Au pis aller, if my Lord Tresorier will hav all in
on the King's accompt, which I ame confident his Maiestie doeth
not intend, I can be as answerable my self as any els to giv accompt,
and on pain of my body, confiscation of goods, and all els, give full
satisfaction and safe the expenses and chairges of a supranumerarie
officers.

The particular disput is about a droit heir called the brewers'
gulden. Col. Lockart and Sir Rob. Harley have inioyed it, and
yet I must be questioned. It is enouch I ame a Scot, yea thoe
I never received a pennie of the sayd droit and yt I ame not so
avaritious to prey having few or non successors to my tresors.

If you can doe any thing heirin during my Lord's indisposition,
act as you think fitt.

The King promised me at pairting yl no commission nor patent
sould be given in dunkerk w*out my advyse or advertisment. Heir
is a new creation be surpryse, all others Governours inioyed what
they incroach upon in my tyme. I ame as ready as willing and
wlout vanitie able to rend re compt as any of them my predecessours.
Why treat me thus I hav done.

Your own man.

LORD RUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, Dunkerk, 23 7bre, 1661. 23116, f. 130.

I was overioyed at the recept of your Lo. the other day. Your
Lo. sail not want a sogers prayers for your health becaus I ame so
much interessed therein.

18 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

Your coach will be ready next moneth. Let me know if I sail
cause put on your armes or if your Lo. will not hav her, for I will
make use myself als, and yr for let me ones mor hav your Lo.
armes with the colours for I hav lost the former.

I must recommend the bearer heirof to your Lo. Lieut. Col.
Knichtly; he is a very prettie gallant gentleman, most necessare
for this Garnison, he is casseird be a Court Martial heir. Thoe be
vertew of my authoritie I could remitt him, yet I rather hav it
from his Maiestie, be an lettre and ordre to me to receav and
rehabilitat him again his Maiestie having pardoned him he will
giv your Lo. an accompt of alle, and truely he is not so criminel
as they make him ; had he don it in France he had never bein
called to a Court Martial, but bein reconciled without much pain.
Ones mor I recommend him to your Lo. to soliicite for him with his
K. H. to whom I hav made my supplications too in his behalf.

Since your Lo. commands me to tell you what was layed out for
your Lo. in france I sail say freely I have not tyme to cast upp
the compts exactly, but I conceav it will amount to two hundred
and betwixt twentie fyv and threetie punds sterling.

I begg yl your Lo mak no hast, but when your Lo. is resolved
to giv it to Mr. Willschaw Scots, Merchands.

My Lord,
Your Lo. most humble most obedient serviteur,

EUTHERFURD.

LORD RUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23116,1148. MY LORD, Dnnkerk, 69^, 1661.

278:

At the very houre I receaved your Lo. with your Lo. seal of
armes and colours, your coach arry ved heir, for I had sent ane Captn
to Bruxelles, who brocht it be land be four horses from thence ;

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 19

it would hav bein spoyled be water as they informed me, and would
hav coast as much be reason of frequent changing of boats they
say the coach is cheap but I find it dear. All the nails of harnois
and coach are double guilded, their are six harnois w* the postilions
sadles. If it doe not fit your Lo. I sail take it back again for it
will cost nothing the transportation having sent this hoys express.
It comes to 1700U permission silver, and twentie four crounes for
the bringing, with 8 crounes for other little compts, making in all
(as they compt to me) ane hundred seventie on pund, fyf schilens
ster. nay if it pleas not your Lo. and yi any other will hav it, I
hav set the pryce for y1 end, for els I sould not compt so exactly
with your Lo.

I sail hav the honor to wryt to your Lo. be the next ordinare
and giv ane accompt of all things heir. I have constantly 700
men at work yet advanceth but slowly. Rome was not built in
on day.

My Lord,
Your Lo. most humble most obedient servant,

RUTHERFURD.

I send your Lo. a piece of new wyn of daye,[?T it is entiere rare
heir, and nou cometh this way; when I find any good your Lo. sail
hav pairt.

MY LORD, Dnnkerk, 13 9bre, 1661. 23116, f. 150.

I ame advertised by his grace my Lord of Albemarle y* Sir Rob.
Harley's regiment is destined for Tangiers and sould pairt from
hence schortly ; if they get not their decompts and arriers they will
make a hurlie burlie, or a richt doun mutinie, and the poor scot
may suffer.

20 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

If England wer farther fro us heir I would be mor a tease and
securitie. Never officers loved their countrey so weill as ours heir
doeth, for I beleiv giv them their pay and let them stay in England
they would hardly weary many of them, yea our very ingenier thoo
a Dutch mate hath left me in the heat of our business, but I forgiv
him. Many of our officers are sick heir and mor as the tienth of
our sogers payeth tribut with sickness. I dare not tell how I am
keipt in hot water heir, only beleiv me my good Lord je ne suis pas
icy pour casser des noix. Pray God make me and continue me a
loyal fidel subiect and creature to his Majestic.

I intend to sell my coach mears and three Spanish horse I hav
heir, on my word of honor botht with the French kings moneys, of
whom since my pairting I hav gotten 10,000lb currant. If your
Lo. hav a mynd for the 7 coach gray dapled mears, I sail send
them over ; if not and y* any of your court hav a mynd for them and
my horses I sail send them on your Lo: advertisement, it is too
much macquinioned [?] begs most humbly pardon for

My Lord,
Your Lo. most humble most obedient servant,

RUTHERFURD.

LORD RUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23116, f. 155. MY LORD, Dunkerk. A 9"«, 1661.

The Doctor General of this garnison is dead, thoe I hav the
power to place ane other, yet because Doctor Burnet (on whom I
hav cast my eyes for his abilities rather as his relations to me) being
a Scot, and fearing to giv ether subject or appearence of jealousie
to the garnison y* two Bretheren Burnets, both Scots and of my
relations, sould have chairge and direction of soul and bodie over

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 21

the Inglisch heir. Theirfor doe I supplicat your Lo. that his Matie
may be intressed in it, that the commission for the sayd chairge may
come fro the secretaire his Majestic, and your Lo. hav the thanks
and acknowledgement only my consent attached becaus this was
the treatie betwixt Sir Edward Nicolas and me about the creation
of any officer. This is the humble requeist of,

My Lord,
Your Lo. most humble most obedient servant,

KUTHERFURD.

LORD RUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, Dunkerk, ft 9"re, 1661. 23116, f. 166.

Not having receaved any ordres of your Lo. of a long time, I
hoped my man sould bring me some whose arryval without a lettre
fro your Lo. did a little trouble me, supposing it was be his cairles-
ness.

I intended to hav sent in a little paper to your Lo. a memoire of
some things to be presented to his Ma. but being certainly informed
be M. de Puij, the Duk's valet de chambre, y* his H. R. will be
heir this nicht, I will not trouble your Lo. he being on the place to
take connoisance. I have written a letter to Sir Will. Waller in
his son's behalf. I sail plainly tell your Lo. he is not fitt for this
service or trade, he may prove other. It is not but he is very
honest, deutifull, and willing, but their is something wanting. I
hav written so categorically to his father yl whatever he desyrs
sould be done I sail obey, thoe to my preiudice and others. I sail
desyre your Lo. with all secrecie to let me know if the cloaths yl
cometh over heir to the King's regt. be payed be his Maiestie, or if
the regt. must pay for them.

CAMD. SOC. E

22 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

Becaus my L. Wentworth sends me ordres or word to send him
over the moneys y* is due in arrieres to that reg* be reason of the
payement must be made for them cloaths at London. This is most
iust in y* case, and if the King pay for them I think as iust he
may dispose of those moneys, for he is not rich enouch to giv in all
and all, and to hav so many Iron in the fyre to me it is all on,
for I have the moneys. It would help heir the fortifications when
moneys lacketh. I begg your Lo. service, kisses most humbly your
Lo. hands.

My Lord,
Your Lo. most humble most obedient servant,

RUTHERFURD.

LORD EUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23116, f. 168. MY LORD,

I receaved two of your Lo. at ones, next day after his H. Royal
was pairted fro hence, whose arryval as it did surpryse us no less
did his sudden depairture deiect us. He was pleased to leave
ordres for the modelling and ranking the companies of those regts.
destined for Tangiers. Our Scots regt. of Neubruch is reduced to
two companies, and they cast in to ane Irisch reg. Sir James
Hamilton's sonn commandeth on of the companies. It is not my
pairt (because too much interessed) to say y* his Maiestie having so
many Englisch reg. on foot, and four Irisch regts. with his H. R.
micht have on poor Scots regt. I ame sorry his Maiestie sould hav
promised anything to Doctor Burnet, but it floweth fro his unpara-
lelld bountie to accord to all what men desyr. This is a little ruffle
to me so much the more sensible, becaus my own lieut.-col. without
my knowledge did wryt over to M. Halsey, cupbearer, to sollicit

THE EARL OF LAUDEKDALE. 23

the chairge of Doctor for yfc man Vial, as also heir at Dunkerk
w'out my knowledge did sollicit his H. R. I will not say it is
ingratitude in him, but Dieu m'en garde des ces gens cij peice and
piece they will wear me out of all authoritie. Pardon, my Lord,
this digression.

Never any sets forward this way but it is to put me out of Dun-
kerk. Sir Will. Compton was the man in his tyme, and now my
Lord Gerald, who sould have corned with the Duke, my Lord
Tresorer, and Lord Roberts will hav me out. What a poxe wfc per-
mission aileth the world to persecut so a poor Scots body. God
save the King, and make me a constant loyal subiect, even to spend
my heart blood for him, thoe he sould chass me away.

My Lord,

Your Lo. most humble, most reall, and obedient servant,

RUTHERFORD.

Dunkerk, 6 X1*6, 1661.

LORD RUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, 23116, f. 173.

I receaved your Lo. of the 10th instant, which sould make me
proud be the relating of his Maiesties most kynd and charitable
expressions towards me. I pray God keip me allwayes constant
and loyal. I will bragg no mor. I hav merited least of any of his
subiects and creatures. On thing I must communicat to your Lo.
yi wer it not his Ma. service in a most particular way to be heir in
conscience and point of honour, I sould be presently wearied of the
imploy. I hav 4000 spyes about me, and nou I dare impart myself
too, since he that was confident hath acted against me and the
principles of freindschipp. I must confess that I make profit of this

24 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

strait, it makes me mor circumspect and goe the cheirfuller for the
King's service, teste elevee malgre 1'envie.

Because this year is at ane end, and I have many compts of
the garnison on my hands to dischairge myself, and let my Lord
Tresorer and others see y* sogers may be frugal, honest, and able to
menage. I sail beg of your Lo. that his Matie will permitt me to
come over for 8 dayes only to rendre compt to his Ma. or my Lord
Tresorer (but be his Ma. special ordre alenerlya), of my recepts
and despenses heir for this garnison. If it be graunted it must be
speidily, for we must beginn to hasten our new works with the new
year. I expect with impatience the honor of your Lo. return to
this prayer.

My Lord,

Your Lo. most humble most obedient servant,
RUTHERFORD.

Dnnkerk, f$ Xbre [1661].

LORD KUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23117, f. 59. MY LORD, Dunkerk, 26 Jmi. 1662.

I hav vowed (beggerly to) to importun your Lo. till I get my
ansuer. The subiect theirof be your Lo. weilfaire in body, Court,
and State, and my being in your Lo. good graces I told be my
precedent in a prophetique humor y* a body of our own C.b men
would prov usefull heir and not chairgeable.

I had ane lettre of his Grace of Albemarle last day with ane
inclosed petition which had bein presented to the Counsell, signed
be several officers reduced of Dunkerk. I know not how you relisch
those petitions signed in England be so many sogers hands, having

• Only b Country.

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 25

bein all at their several homes and theirfor behoved to hav a
rendevous to doe it, but wheir I hav bein bred it would hav passed
for richt down mutinie. God giv us all as much of honestie and
loyaltie as I see we hav of interest. Then sail his Matie be happie
in his subjects.

My Lord,
Your Lo. most humble most obedient servant,

KUTHERFURD.

LORD RUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, [No date.] 23117, f. 76.

I hav reason to suspect your Lo. silence, the rather that I ame
informed some good godly soules had dreamd and vented in Ingland
or your Court that this place was to be betrayed to the frenches be
my muschipe, yea some of our oun countrey peers contributed with
their good opinions to the same. God rewaird them all. I sail not
be obliged to burne Dianar's temples. They will save me those
paines. Our trouppes for Tangers are embarqued, all well satisfyed
with me and I most satisfyed with them.

I hav advertised his Maiestie be Secretarie Nicolas that the report
is heir that M. de Caracenea is in arrest be M. de Marsine. Maybe
yow know mor and sooner as I doe heirof. My Lord, thoe your
Lo. doe not honour me with your commands, be not afirayed of me,
I beseich your Lo. In good earnest I hope to proof steal to the
back. God make every subiect alyk.

My Lord,

Your Lo. most humble most obedient servant,
KUTHERFURD.

a Spanish ambassador at the Hague.

26

LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

LORD RUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23117, f. 84. MY LORD, Dunkerk, 21 7»»«, s. v. 1662.

I receaved your Lo. of the 18th w.ith the inclosed, to both which
I returne ane succinct ansuer, being surprysed and galled at the
contents theirof.a I hav ever professed to be your Lo. most in all
obliged servant, and now if I wer not touched with your concerns,
and hazard all that is dear to me for them, I sould prov but a
scholemb and a farfarr. I signify but little in this world, but what
I ame good for I begg your Lo. will make use of, for still I say I
ame most perfectly,

My Lord,

Your Lo.

A vendre et dependre.

I ame affrayed that my designe on teviotdaill will prov ridiculous.
God keip me from it if you continue so at home — I mean Scotland.
It will be better to supp a french potage neir Orleans.

LORD RUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23117, f. 88. MY LORD, Dunkerk, 3 8««, 1662.

I receaved your Lo. of the 27 7bre, as I hav receaved the lettres
wheirof your Lo. wryts, so hav I returned ane ansuer to that freind
with ane other inclosed which I hope are safely corned to hands.

For mv proiect in Teviotdaill I sail not be very instant in the
sollicitations till it be fairer weather.

• Probably Lauderdale had written to him regarding the Billeting Conspiracy.
b Schelm.

THE EARL OF LAUDEBDALE. 27

But for my pass to France I hav got it at such a tyme that
I ame quyt disoriented and to giv your Lo. accompt yrof I sail
begg your Lo. patience and attention for a little. Their hath
runn a bruit heir neir this moneth of the reddition or exchange of
Dunkerk, every day confirmed fro all places (safe Whythall) with
all imaginable appearences of truth. I did wryt to Sir Edward
Nicolas theirupon to know his Ma. will and pleasure, answered it
was y* their was no such matter.* Yet last day 1 see a lettre fro
the Maior of Graveline, saying in positiv terms y* Mr. d'Estraches
was Governeur of Dunkerk and M. de Belfont in his place of
Graveline. This I confess alarmed me, wheirupon I did wryt to
Sir Edward again and inclosed ane narrativ of all business heir to
be schouen to his Ma. containing the inconvenients may arryes be
concealing it fro me (en tel cas). I expect every moment news
theirof.

Last nicht the same reconfirmed be a letter fro Count de Charrois
in doun richt terms, yea Batillier the sec. il embassade, passing last
day at Calais fro Paris, told he had the contract signed be his Ma.
of France. This is knowen to all the officers and sogers, who are
in a most deip consternation. This begets a contempt of me in all
their spirits, either y* I conceal the veritie, or y* I ame not worthie
it sould be communicated; whatever be the matter, provyded it be
for his Ma. weil, I ame aboundantly satisfyed. It wer too tedious
to tell your Lo. the number of inconvenients following thir news,
but in particular all my measurs are broken for the next year's
proiect, and had I knowen only 20 dayes agoe (if it be trew) I had
saved his Maiestie neir 250011 ster.

Now, my dear Lord, most pressingly I supplicat your Lo. with
all hast let me to know in particular of his Ma. if it be so or not,
and how I sail behav myself, for at present I signifye little heir in
the opinion of all. Most cheirfully sail I retyre, and wheirever his

a The first mention in Pepys of this transaction is Oct. 19, 1662. The charge for
maintaining this garrison had greatly increased under Kutherford's management,
amounting to 120,0002. a-year.

28 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

Ma. service call me, runn and hazard for it the best of my blood till
their be no mor. God bless his Ma. with all felicities, and in
particular with wyse and fidel counsellors.
Pardon, my Lord,

Your Lo. most humble, most obedient servant,

RUTHERFURD.

23119, f. 21. LORD RUTHERFORD TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, Doil, 27 April, 1663.

This nicht we schipp all in with a resolution to pairt to-morrow.
I hav the reserv his Maties schipp wfc me and three other loadned wl
sogers and munition. Their are tuo behind in the river, and so
ame forced to leav them with 100 sogers to wait on Sir Jhon
Lauson or ane other convoye. I hav nether my commis nor instruc-
tions nor the Establischment, nor my old compts of Dunkerk closed
with a quietus est, yet to serv his Matie I goe most willingly. I
wisch we could flye, he is so good a maistre their is pleasur to serv
him weill. God giv me the grace and force to doe it till my last
breath.

[Torn away.]
to be recommended to the Embassadeur particularly.

Next to advertise his Matie y1 I may hav a secret ordre for
keiping up a Scots companie and cap. in Col. Geraldin's reg1,
becaus befor ever his own regfc was in the King's service my Lord
Neuburg's was, and it is iust, if not the reg1 at least on companie
be keipt up. I hav done. God preserv yow long, yt I may hav
the confort of your freindschipp. I sail provyd your Lo: w* a M[?]
for Mr. Jean and a Lyon for Prince Rupert. To your Lo. and all
those yl honor yow. I ame most really,

My Lord.
[Torn away.]

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 29

LORD TEVIOT TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY BEST OF LORDS, 23120' f* 42-

Since my pairting fro England the 28 Apryl we hav seen the
ennemy tuo tymes in great bodyes and w* him spoke. We built
fyv redouts of stone and lyme, whither he would or not, and after-
wards made peace, concluding it on the head of his armie, he and
I sitting in two chaires. It is only for six moneths and to cur
King's pleasure herein wl intention to giv him accompt of all. I
pairted fro Tanger the 27 Agust, leaving it in good ordre w* 9
moneths provisions, abondance of merchandise. I passed throw the
kingdome of Algarves, kissed the King of Portugal's hands at
Lisbone, arryved at Portsmouth the 16 7bre, wheir I had the honor
to kiss the Duk and Dutchess hands, fro thence came to the Baith,
kissed their Maties hands and Sir E. Morray and passed be Chichester,
wheir was the Earle of Middletona and Neubourg,b kissed the Chan-
cellour's hands at Corneberry, and now iust now arryv at London.

Now since your Lo. hath given me the libertie to be saucie and
too familiar, I sail make a humble petition to your Lo. y* yow will
favorise me in the purchase of Rutherfurd, be persuading the owner
to pairt w* it in just and reasonable termes. I will take no advan-
tage on him, but submitt myself to tuo freinds whatever they judge
the valeur of a land without ane house, holding ward not seigneur
of the church, according to its rents I ame content to pay. I hav
written to my Lords Bellenden and Whytkirk to make their
addresses to your Lo. about this subject. I intend to pairt wrin a
moneth at fardest to come kiss your Lo. hands in Scotland. The

a Royal Commissioner for Scotland from 1660 to the summer of 1663, when the
rivalry between him and Lauderdale ended in the victory of the latter. He succeeded
Lord Teviot at Tangiers.

b Lauderdale' s competitor for the Scotch secretaryship : appointed captain of the
King's Guards. He was in strict alliance with Middleton, and came with him to
Court after the failure of the Billeting Conspiracy.

CAMD. SOC. F

30 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

' King pairted yesterday fro Baiths. Dynes on Wednesday at Corne-
berry, wheir the Duk meits him and cometh y* nicht to Oxford,
wheir he is to stay 7 dayes.

My best Lord,

Your Lo. petit valet,

TEVIOT.

London, 22 7bra, 1663.

LORD TEVIOT TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23120, f. 57. MY BEST OF LORDS,

I waited at York on his Grace and your Lo. coming, but when I
learned that yow pairted fro Newcastel yesterday I came this lenth
thinking to find your Lo. heir or at Alerton, but Mr. Mackiea
incertain what way yow are to come and affrayed to miss I giv
your Lo. the trouble of this, begging most humbly pardon if I
wait no longer on his G. or your Lo. My tyme prescryved for
my returne is so schort y* I will hardly adiust my business w* it.
Your Lo. hath many ennemys, at least envyers at Court, and I lyk
you all the better for it. God's blessing on yow. I leav yow to
Sir Kob. for those things.

The Duke of Buckinghame professeth much freindschip to yow
and told me the same y* yow had illwischers. I hope you will
thryv the better. I kissed the King's hands on Thursday at 11 of
the clock coming out fro the Queen's bed chamber. Very sade
Her Matie abandoned be all and speechles ; when I pairted schee was
not dead but without miracle depairted ytinicht or next morning.

If his G. or your Lo. hav forgot anything in Scotland or on the
waye let me have your ordres. Thoe I did kiss my Lady Countesses
hands at Highgate and got regales w* Sir Eo: yet hearing your

a A confidential servant of Lauderdale, often employed in carrying despatches to
and from Scotland.

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 31

Lo. to be on the way hither I did not receav her commands at
pairting.

My best of Lords,

Your Lo. petit valet,

TEVIOT.

Borrowbridge, 27 8*™, 1663.

LORD TEVIOT TO THE EARL OP LAUDERDALE.

MY BEST OF LORDS, Tanger, 24 Jan. 166|. 23121, f.

We arryved safe at this place the 14th instant with the loss of
9 horses. I hav payed for them all but ame not sure as yet how to
be reimbursed. Our deputie governour fearing my stay in England
had continued the peace for two moneths, but becaus I intend to
make our new fortifications which is contraire to our peace already
made, I ame of opinion we sail break, for work I must and hav
advertised Guy land. The Kent fregat, Cap. Teileman, will bring
your Lo. a pype of Cery wyn and some orange waters,

My best of Lords,
Your Lo. most humble and most obedient valet,

TEVIOT.*

Our deputie Governeur hath acted with great prudence in my
absence, we are most entyre, and I begg your Lo. will be kynd to
his at his arryval.
Earle Lauderdaill,

EARL OF ROTHES TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY DEAR LORD, Julay the 6 [1665.] 23123, f. 120.

I am much trublid that by the courts remuffal it uill be impossibell
for you to leat me hear so oftin ffrom, bot 1 most in treat ffor it als
oftin as posiblie you can. The taym ffor the conuensioun dus nou

a He remained in charge of Tangiers until his death in a skirmish with the
Moors, 1665,

32 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

draue nier, and I shall by the nixt post or tuo gift you acaunt of
uhat I shall in all humilatie expeckt ffrom his Majestie as letiers or
instruxions in relasion to the conuensione. You may remember a
great uhayl ago his Majestie did in a prayffit letier ureatun by your
Lo. comand me to retard the leues of the ffranshe ofisiers undier my
Lord jorge duglies, of thos thrie hunder men uhich hie brought
a uarant ffor. I uas tu long of geating the comand ffor me to meack
a stop bot that it uold have esalie bin perseued, and tho I haue
indeuoried it to put all the stop I could prayfitlie yit I ffaynd thay
uill be in redines aganst the tuintiethe of this munthe, ffor thay ar
uerie dilieant ouer the kingdum, and the ships uill be hear presislie
aganst that day sent by the ffrenshe king ffor transporting of them,
so that I most expeck a positiff comand uhat I shall du, ffor iff a
stop be put to them it uill in my opinion be luckt upon as a breathe
and the considerasion of that meack s me not enou uhat to du, bot
iff ther be not a spidie breath layck to be I shuld thinck so small a
number of men is not much uirthe of being notified, bot leat me
haue an ansuier to this als sun as you can, and so ffor this post adeaie
my dear Lard,

[ROTHES.]

LOUD GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23124, f. 11. Since that our kings ambassadeur hes takin his leuve of this court,
and that it is thothit that ther shall be wars betuixt his Majeste and
the king of France,a I wold intrait thet faveur of your Lo. as to
assour his Majeste of my most faithfull loyalnesse and all the
regiments that I dow command, as also that I might know what is
his Majestes will that I should dow, for altho as your Lo. dis know
that I have nothing in my ouin contray and no other livlyhod but

a In 1666 France was in alliance with Holland.

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 33

be my regiment hier, yet whatever commands his Majeste will
honnor me and my regiment with shall be most punctuall and faith-
ually obyed ; as your Lo. hes alweis doun me the honneur as to be
my frind I hop you will continued now and lat me know what is
the kings intention we should dow. I should wish that your Lo.
wold lat me hier from you as soun as possibl can, for I belive I may
may be commanded to go towards jttallie or cattalloing. I begge
your Lo. will excusse me for this fridom I tak as to give you this
trouble, since I am most really,

My Lord,

Your Lo. most humbl and obedient servint,

DOUGLAS.

Paris, 9 Janvir, 1666 [6£].

LORD HOLLES (English Ambassador at Paris) TO THE EARL OF

LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, Paris, # February [16] 6$. 23124, f. 69.

This is but to acknowledge the receite of your Lo?3 letter and to
present you with my most humble service, for my Lord Douglas
doth himself give your Lop an account of the little which wee both
of us yet know will be done in his busines as to the transporting of
his regiment, of which some difficulty as yet seemes to be made
here; by the next post more may be knowen, of which he or I or
both will give your LO? an account. In the meane time lett me
begg the continuance of your Lo?8 favor to esteeme me as I
really am,

My Lord,

Your LoP3 most humble servant,

HOLLES.

34

LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

THIERRY CHARPENTIER (Secretary to Marquis of Louvois) TO
LORD GEORGE DOUGLAS.

23124, f. 70. MONSIEUR, A St. Germain en laye, le 2 Mars, 1666.

J'ay pris les ordres de monseigneur le Marquis de Louvois sur ce
• qui vous regarde. Votre regiment doibt estre assemble a St.
Quentin et estre embarque a St. Vallery. Je travailleray des demain
a ce qui est a faire pour faire rendre toutes vos comp[agnie]s a St.
Quentin, mais vous scavez, Monsieur, qu'elles ne peuvent partir des
quartiers ou elles sont qu'elles n'yayent este remplacees. Ainsy je
ne croy pas qu'elles puissent estre avant trois sepmaines icy? toutes
ensemble. Je ne perdray aucun moment de temps a ce que je doibt
faire en cette occasion. Et je cheriray toujours beaucoup celles qui
me donneront moyen de vous tesmoingner combien je suis,
Monsieur,

Votre tres humble serviteur,

CHARPENTIER.

LORD GEORGE DOUGLAS TO EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23124,172. My LORD, Paris, 3 Marche, 1666.

According as I did wryt to your Lo. by my last, the King of
France has given me my pass conforme to our capitulation, and as
your Lo. will si by the enclosed which I have just now recevid
from Monsieur de Louvois, his secretaire, we ar to be embarqued
at St. Vallery, so your Lo. most be plaissed to send the passes for
the wessells that will transporte us from thence. I cannot spessefie
the number so your Lo. most procure passes for such wessells as

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 35

shall serve for the transpotation of the regiment. By my last I
dissaired your Lo. to let me know in what place the king dissaired
we should land at ; now that yow dow know the place that we ar
to be imbarqued at your Lo. will be plaised to lat me know his
Majesties plaiser in it, which shall be punctually observid, wind
and wather serving. St. Quentin, which is the place of our
randevous, is six days' march from St. Wallery, and it will be thri
weiks before we can be ther, so it will be the last of this month
before we can be imbarqued. My Lord Holies dis pairt from this,
he dis tell me with in ten or tualve days ; so, my Lord, what letters
yow dow send to me efter his pairting, addresse them under a
cover, A Monsieur, Monsieur Richard, maistre de la poste d'Angle-
ttere. I am with respect, my Lord,

Your Lo. most humbl and obedient servint,

DOUGLAS.

LORD GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, Paris, 6 March, 1666. 23124,178.

Sine my last to your Lo. things ar changed, for now the King
of France dis trait us in the most crouel way that ever was, for he
hes told me that he has no mony to pay us what is ouing us, and
that we shall have our rout according as I did wryt to you by my
last, and ships at St. Wallery, but no mony to pay us what is ouing
us, that we might pay our debts in the places we ar in, nor to carry
us to the seaside. He dis this thinking to make our sojers stay
behind and distroy the regiment. I hop this shall not have the effect
they belive, for I am assowred non of our sojers will stay, and they
should beg ther bred thorow the contray. I beliv ther was never
such a crouel and barborus action doun efter so many years services,
spending our bleuds and fortuns in his service, to be nessesitate to

36 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

beg horn, and perhaps putt in prison for my debts, and refuss the
payment of our arriers as also my pension. I believe such a traitte-
ment as this will be a warning to all my contremen or any of our
kings subject. I have sothit my pass presently with our rout that
we may go to the sea sid the best way we can, and ships for our trans-
portation according to ther last promis which the secretaire of state
said I should have, but that before I but to give him the pasports
for the saif retourne of the ships, so my Lord I pray you to lat me
have them by the first post, as at so to lat me know what I should
dow in this. I refer other particullaires to my Lord Holies letters
to your Lo. and my Lord Arlington, only I intrait a spidy and
diligent ansur, for befor I can recev it I will presse them, so that I
hop to gaitt all my ordres and pass from them, and will pairt
immediatly upon any account out of this most ungraitfull countray,
wher thy begin to louk now opon me in a most strange way. So
expecting with impatiance to hier from your Lo. and to be in
Ingland, I dow remaine,

My Lord,
Your Lo. most humbl and obedient servint,

DOUGLAS.

LORD GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23124, f. 87. MY LORD, Paris> 10 Marche, 1666.

Yesterday 1 did disaire of the King of France that since he was
not plaissed to pay us what he was ouing us, that he would be
plaissed to give me immediatly my conge and routte and ordres for
my transportation according to his promis to me. He told me, Je
vous ay deja ditte que je suis court d'argent pour le present^ mais
je donne ordre a Monsieur de Louvois de vous donner tous vos

THE EARL OF LAUDEBDALE. 37

ordres nessesaires, et vous depecher ; and he did immediatly call for
Monsieur de Louvois and commanded him to dispache me, who
told me he should dow it with all diligence, and for that effect the

ordres dis pairt to morrow to thri companies marche

that is towards Lorraine. He told me also that we should have
estapes upon our routte, which is so much flech, bred, and drink
for every sojer, and to the officirs a proportion, and that we should
find our shipes redy at St. Wallery for to cairy us over, and as for
our tow months pay which was ouing us and my pension, that the
king wold pay us when he had mony if I would live an officire
behind, so that I had no raison to complaine of the King, and that
he did kip our capitullation to us. The raison why thy dow not
pay us our arriers was that thy thothit that that wold brek the regi-
ment and oblige the officirs to stay, of the which thy ar extraimly
desseved, for we shall cairy over seven hundrid as good sojers as is
in the world ; this is now ther last dessein how thy will trait te us,
which your Lo. may belive for certine, as all so that we shall be
imbarqued against the first of Appryll. Now that I have had my
conge of the King of France I will not si him no mor till I be redy
to pairt for to tak my liv of him. I dow expect with impatiance the
passports for the wessels, for the secretaire told me that befor I went
from court I but to delivre them to him. I told him that it was
litle honnor for the King of France for to reffuse to pay us our
arriers and si us put in prison, or at list striped naked for our debts
in our quarters. His ansur was that the King had a dowa with
his monyes, for to richeb out shipes to fight against us. I shall
not faill to advertis your Lo. when we marche from St. Quentin,
our lieu d'assamble, and at our arrivall at St. Wallery, and I hop
your Lo. will pardon me for the trouble I give you by my letters,
and that I am,

My Lord,

Your Lo. most humbl and obedient servint,

DOUGLAS.

a [?] enough to do. b Rig.

CAMD. SOC. G

38 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

LORD GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23124, f. 94. MY LORDj Paris, ce 13 Mars, 1666.

Immediatly after the wryting of my last the secretaire of state
send for me and told me that the King had maid une efort, and
had borrowed moneys for to pay us, and that we shall be payed to
the day of our embarquement, and at the King's retourne from the
reveu at Compienne, wher he is gon this day and will be againe this
day agithit [eight] days I should have my orders, so this will
retarde us aight or ten days longer nor I expected, but my Lord I
shall mak all the heast that can be, and I hop to cairy over a good
regiment and at leist seven hundred men, for ther was never men
so overjoied and willing as all the officirs and sojers ar. I asked the
secretaire if the king wold not pay me my pensions he was owing me ;
he told me that he had no ordres from the King to dow it, for it was
a particullaire bissinis that regardit myself, and that for the capitul-
lation the king wold kip it, and bad me spik to the king ; what
he will dow I know not, but I am affrayed of the warsit. I dow
expect with impatience for thos pasports for the wessills as also to
know in what place I should land at. I pray yow my Lo. to
lat me know if your Lo. will command me anything hier for your
service, for now we have the foire de St. Germaine hier, and I can
be abl to cairy over things with me conveniently. I shall wish to
God I may be abl to testifie how much I am your Lo. servint, and
sensibl of thos obligations I have to your Lo. and in particullaire in
this last, which shall be the greatest passion of him that is with
respect,

My Lord,

Your Lo. most humble and most obedient servint,

DOUGLAS.

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 39

LORD GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, Paris, 24 March, 1666. 23124, f. 108.

At the retourne of the court to St. Germains, I went ther, so
yesterday the secretaire of stat told me that he should send presently
the ordres for to casse the regiment assembl at St. Quenten, and
that he had ordres from the king to command me to rettire me self
immediately to my regiment, that the king was not satisfied with
me, and that for my pensions the king wold not pay me. I told
him that I was ouing a great daill of debt hier and I had not a
farding mony ; he told me the king wold pay the regiment but as
for me not, and that I must be going presently, so my Lord you
may juge in what a sad condition I am in. My Lord Ambassadeur
hes bein plaised to casse lenne me opon his credit thri hundrid
pounds sterling for to pay my debts and to retir myself, so I will
pairt within thri or four days for St. Quentin, wher I wold stay till
my regiment be assembled. The secretaire of stat told me he should
send me what ordres should be nessesaire to me you may jug my
Lord how things stand with me hier by this hard usag I recev. I
know not if I dar trusit ther promis in what they say they will
dow concerning the regiment ; therfor my Lord if they should put
me aff with delays (as I dow not think thy will) lat me know
what I shall dow. I have recevid yesterday the passes for the
waissels, but no ordre for my landing nor wher I should dow it.
My Lord Ambassadeur does wryt by this post to my Lord Arlington
of it, as also to addresse his letteres and ordres for me in our queen
mothers pakit, for his Lo. does pairt within tow or thri days, if thy
should braik ther words to me hier concerning my regiment. I have
told Collonel Gerardin what may be douin in that conjunctur, who
will acquaint your Lo. with it. I arn,

My Lord,

Your Lo. most humble servint,
DOUGLAS.

40 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

LORD GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23128, f. 140. MY LORD, Diepe, the 16 Octobre, 1667.

I dow send over this officire for to intraite your Lo. to spik to
the King, that his Majestic will be plaised according to his word
to me (upon the which I payed my regiment four days pay of my
ouin mony) to order me the payment of it, which was four days I
stayed longer nor I receved pay for, and his Majestie did assour me
I should be payed for it befor the Duke of York, and my Lord
Generall told me so to. I dow assour your Lo. that insted of
gaining upon this bissinis I will be a grait lousser, for ther was sum
personnes that was plaised to mak a reporte go amongst my regi-
ment that I was going for Tangere, so that ther runeaway almost
thrie hundred men the day befor I shiped, so that with thos and the
sik men I was forced to live be hinde; all that I have broght over
is seven hundred and six men in sted of twelve, so that I most
repay the superplus, which really my Lord will putt me extraimly
to it, what with the weknisse of my regiment, so my Lord I will
have nide of the continuatione of your Lo. faveur to spik to the
King for me, and if his Majestie wold be plaised to confer that
honor upon me that I dissaired your Lo. to spik alredy to his
Majesty of, it wold be extraimly for the advanement of my fortune,
so if your Lo. thinks fitt to spik againe to the king of it, you will
oblige me extraimly in it, and to assure his Majesty that whatever
service he hes a dow with me or my regiment I shall obey his
commands most faithfully and punctually. I hop your Lo. will
pardon me for this trouble I give you, and belive I am,

My Lord,

Your most humbl and obedient servant,
DOUGLAS.

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 41

LORD GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE EARL OP LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, Paris, 9 May, 1668. 23129, f. 100.

Now that the peace is maid hier thy ar g'oing a mak a wery great
reforme a mongst the troups, and I am affrayed that it faill havily
upon my regiment, ther for I wold intraitte your Lo. that you wold
be plaised to spik to the King that he wold be plaised to wryt a
latter hier in my faveurs, and also to Sir Jhon Trever to spik to the
King of France and Monsieur de Louvois. If your Lo. will be
plaised to dow me this faveur it must be doun by the first post; for
the reforme of troups ar to be presently doun, so ther is no tyme to
be lost. I shall begg the honnor of your ansur, and to belive I am,

My Lord,

Your Lo. most humbl and most obedient servant,

DOUGLAS.

LORD GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

MY LORD, Paris, 19 Decembre, 1668. 23131, f. 44.

I have receved from Major Monro the letter your Lo. was plaised
to honnor me with. I dow assour your Lo. all of us in the regi-
ment ar extraimly sensible of your Lo. faveur in this last particu-
laire as we ar also of the formers we have to your Lo. ; and I begge
of your Lo. to assour his Majesty that ther is non of his subjects
shall be mor redy to obey his commands nor I and all my regiment,
which we shall allwais dow most faithfully and punctually. My

42 LETTERS ADDRESSED TO

Lord Major Monro told me that it hes bein reported to your Lo.
and to several others that I was maryed hier. I dow assour your
Lo. it is most false, for upon my word of honnor I had nevr any
such thothits, and I pray your Lo. to dow that justice to belive that
I am incapable to dow a basse actione; and, my Lord, if you hier
any such thing spok you will oblige me extraimly to assur the
contraire, and to belive I am,

My Lord,

Your Lo. most humbl and most obedient servant,

DOUGLAS.

LORD GEORGE DOUGLAS TO THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

23131, f. 89. MY LORD, A Paris, 16 Feb. 1669.

By the last post I gave your Lo. notis of our merche for Vienne
en Dauphine, and being destined for Candy, as this will be the
absolat rouing and destructione of my regiment, our only resource
is to your Lo. to intraite you to spik to the King to spik to the
French Ambassadeur, and that his Majesty wold be plaised to wryt
hier in our faveurs; for, if my regiment com to be weik, as it will
most certinly , we will never be in conditione to mak it up a gaine ;
and your Lo. knowis that it is all my fortune and my officirs. As
you have alwais bein our frind, now is the only and last strock for
to help us. I have bein with Monsieur de Rouvigny and shoed him
how we war not fitt for that service, and how strange it is to send
us for our absolut rouing, which he conffessed and hes spok of it to
Monsieur de Turenne. But ther is sum other raisons, for all the
holl world admirs why my regiment should be sent. So, my Lord,

THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 43

our last refuge is to the King and you, that his Majesty wold be
plaised to tak our intrests and spik for us serieusly. But what his
Majesty dis most be sudenly ; and, my Lord, as 1 wryt to you by
my last, I dow not know but the Kinges Ambassadeur and the
Jnglishe merchants my suffer by it that is in Turky. So, expecting
your Lo. speedy ansur, I remaine,

My Lord,

Your Lo. most humbl and most obedient servant,

DOUGLAS.

INDEX.

Albemarle, Duke of, 10
Anjou, Duke of, 11
Arlington, Lord, 36, 39

Bellenden, Lord, 29
Buckingham, Duke of, 30

Charpentier, letter to Lord George

Douglas, 34
Caracene, M. de, 25
Cassilis, Earl of, i.; letters to Lauder-

dale 1-10, inclusive; to Charles II. 4
Compton, Sir William, 23

Douglas, Lord George, letters to Lauder-
dale, 10-30, inclusive ; his regiment
mentioned, 11

Dunkirk: gee letters from Douglas and
Rutherford, passim

Fort Royal, 15

Gerald, Lord, 23
Glencairn, Earl of, 6

Harley, Sir Edward, 14, 15
Harley, Sir Robert, 17, 19
Holies, Lord, letter to Lauderdale, 33;
mentioned, 35, 36, 39

Knichtly, Lieut.-Col. 18

Lauderdale, Countess of, 13
Lawson, Sir J. 28
Le Tellier, 10

Lockhart, Col. 17

Louvois, Marquis de, 34, 36, 37, 41

Maitlaiid, Lady Mary, 13
Mardyke, 15
Marsine, M. de, 25
Middleton, Earl of, 29
Monckton, Sir Philip, 16
Moray, Sir Robert, 14, 29, 30
Morrice, Secretary, 14-15
Munro, Major, 41, 42

Newburgh, Earl of, 29
Nicholas, Sir E. 21, 25, 27

Ormond, Duke of, 12

Roberts, Lord, 23

Rothes, Earl of, letter to Lauderdale, 31

Rouvigny, M. 'de, 42

Rupert, Prince, 28

Rutherford, Lord (afterwards Earl

Teviot), letters to Lauderdale, 10-30;

letter to Sir Robert Moray, 16

Southampton, Lord Treasurer, 16, 17, 23
St. Albans, Lord, 11

Tangiers, 19, 22, 25
Trevor, Sir J. 41
Turenne, M. de, 42

Waller, Sir W. 21
Wentworth, Lord, 22
Whytkirk, Lord, 29

York, James, Duke of, 21, 22

ORIGINAL LETTERS

OF

THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH,

IN THE BODLEIAN LIBEARY.

EDITED BY

SIR GEORGE DUCKETT, BART.

FEINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.LXXIX.

OBIGINAL LETTEES

OF

THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH

It is unnecessary to recapitulate more of the history of James,
Duke of Monmouth, son of Charles II., than is already known;
how he raised the Standard of Rebellion in 1685, and how, after
the Battle of Sedgemoor, he was eventually taken prisoner, and
committed to the Tower.

Our object in the present paper deals exclusively with the auto
graph letters which are extant of him. Those which he wrote to
the King and the Queen Dowager from Ring wood, the place of his
capture, on the 8th and 9th of July, have been often published,* as
far as their substance goes ; but the originals of all, save that to the
Queen Dowager, are now in the Bodleian Library, and of these,
two appear never to have been published ; in fact, from what
Roberts (Monmouth 's historian) quotes from the tf Clarendon
Papers " of a non-delivered letter to the King, and that which an-
other version of the account (given hereafter) has on the same
subject, we have no hesitation in asserting, that not one only, but
both these letters, were suppressed.

There are four original letters of Monmouth in the Bodleian ;b

a Roberta's " Life of Monmouth," II , 112, 119 ; Fox's "History of James II. ; "
Ellis's "Historical Letters," ill.; "Lansdowne MSS.," 1236, art. 230; Harl. MSS.
7006, 7198.

bRawl. MS. A. 139 b.

4 ORIGINAL LETTERS OF THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH.

one to the King from Eingwood, dated 8th July; another to the
King from the Tower, dated 12th July; one to the Queen from the
same place, and on the same day; and lastly the Declaration, made
just before his execution, in the presence of the Bishops of Ely and
Bath and Wells and Drs. Tennison and Hooper.

The following are the unpublished letters in question with the
exception of the first, which is that dated from Ring wood : —

"Sr

"Your Ma*y may think it is the misfortune I now ly under
makes me make this application to you, but I doe assur your Maty,
it is the remorce I now have in me of the rong I have done you in
severall things, and now in taking up Arms against you, for my
taking up arms, it never was in my thoughts since the King dy'd;
the Prince and Princess of Orange will be wittness for me of the
assurance I gave them, that I would never stir against you, but my
misfortun was such, as to meet wth some horrid people that made
me believe things of your Ma**, and gave me soe many false argu-
ments, that I was fully led away to belive, that it was a shame and
a sin before God not to doe it ; but Sr, I will not trouble your Ma*?
at present wth many things I could say for myself, that I am sur
would move your compation, the cheif end of this letter being only
to beg of you that I may have that hapiness to speak to your Ma1*,
for I have that to say to you, Sr, that I hope may give you a long
and happy Rain. I am sur, Sr, when you hear me you will be
convinced of [the] zeal I have for your preservation, and how
hartily I repent of what I have done. I can say noe mor to your
Ma*? now, being [seeing ?] this letter may be seen by those that
keep [me] ; therefore, Sr, I shall make an ind in beging of your
Ma1* to belive so well of me, that I would rather dy a thousand
deaths then to excuse any thing I have don, if I did not realy think
myself the most in the rong that ever any man was, and had not
from the bottom of my hart an obhorance for those that put me
upon it, and for the action it self, I hope, Sr, God Almighty will

ORIGINAL LETTERS OF THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH. 5

strick your hart wth mercy and compation for me, as he has done
mine wth the obhorance of what I have done; therefor I hope, Sr,
I may live to show you how zealous I shall ever be for your
service, and could I say but one word in this letter you would be
convinced of it, but it is of that consequence that I dare not doe it;
therefor, Sr, I doe beg of you once mor to let me speak to you, for
then you will be convinced how much I shall ever be your Ma1^
humble and dutifull,

(Signed) " MONMOUTH.
(Addressed)
" For the King."

[Seal in red wax, broken.]

"S%

I had forgot to tell your Ma^ that it would be very neses-
sary to send some troupes down into Chesehire, for there ar
severall gentlemen there, that I beleive wear ingaged in this
re . . .a I hope your Ma1? will not be angry wth me, if I take this
opertunity to put you in mind, that there ar several], doe wish me
out of the way for there own sakes, without considering your Ma^8
service, but I am sur, Sr, you ar soe just and soe good, that noe
such people will have any credit wth you. Pray, Sr, doe not be
angry wth me, if I tell you once more that I long to live to shew
you, Sr, how well and how trully I can serve, and if God Almighty
sends me that blessing, tis all upon earth I will ever aske, being
that I hope I shall end my days in showing of you, that you have
not a truer and a faithfuller subject than your most dutifull,

(Signed) " MONMOUTH.

(Endorsed)
"D: of Mon: Letter
"July 12, 1685."

[Seal of red wax, abstracted.]

a Erased in the original ; the word being evidently " rebellion."

ORIGINAL LETTERS OF THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH.

" Madame,

" I would not take the boldness of writting to your Ma'y, tell I
had shew'd the King how I doe abhor the thing that I have done,
and how much I desire to live only to serve him. I hope, Madam,
by what I have sed to the King to day, will satisfy him how sinceir
I am, and how much I detest all those people, that has brought me
to this. Having done this, Madame, I thought I was in a fitt
condition to beg your intersesion, wch I am sur you never refuse
to the distresed, and I am sur, Madame, I am an object of your
pity, having bine cousened and cheated into this horid busines.
Did I wch [wish], Madame, to live, for living sake, I would never
give you this trouble, but it is to have life to serve the King, wch I
am cable to doe, and will doe, beyond what I can express ; ther-
for, Madam, upon such an account as that, I may take the
boldness to presse you, and beg of you to intersaid for me, for
I am sur, Madam, the King will harken to you ; your prairs
can never be refused, espetially when tis beging for a life, only
to serve the King. I hope, Madame, by the King's generosity and
goodness, and your intercession, I may hope for my life, wch if I
have, shall ever be employ'd in shewing to your Maty all the sence
immadginable of gratitud for your great goodness, and in serving
of the King, like a true and faithfull subject, and ever be your M^8
most dutifull and obedient servant

(Signed) " MONMOUTH.

" To the Queen."

The main consideration in the present inquiry, which will be
apparent by the annexed correspondence, is the presumed suppres-
sion of these concluding letters. The account given by Roberts from
the " Clarendon Papers," of the non-delivery of one of Monmouth's
letters,* and that given, hereafter, by Dr. Rawlinson's friend,

a Roberts, n. 135.

ORIGINAL LETTERS OF THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH. 7

though differing in detail, still agree as to the main fact, that
a letter to the King was kept back. There is a discrepancy in the
version of these two narratives, which is decidedly in favour of the
Rawlinson account, for Dr. Samuel Jebb, of Stratford, in Essex,
who relates it, was present at the hearing of the story by the prin-
cipal actor in it, Colonel Scott of the Guards, and vouches for its
accuracy. The same may be said of another particular, related by
Roberts, in which the interview between Ralph Sheldon and the
King, in respect of a message from Monmouth, by which the Earl
of Sunderland (James's Lord President of the Council) was impli-
cated,8 is differently related ; the probably real account of the
same being, as with the former, in favour of Dr. Jebb. According
to this gentleman, Bridgeman, an Under- Secretary of State and
Clerk of the Council at that time, and of course under the direct
influence of Sunderland, or, in fact, his devoted servant and
creature, was the person said to have suppressed the letter de-
livered to him. This is rendered more than probable, from the
knowledge we have of Sunderland's character, of whom the
Princess Anne said that he was " the subtilest working villain
that is on the face of the earth" ;b equally so from the fact, that
he had been all along plotting and intriguing with Monmouth
as to the future, but, above all, that in the very letter (this pre-
sumed suppressed letter) the Duke points to him as one of those
'* who wished him out of the way for their own sake." These cir-
cumstances go far to invalidate the accounts handed down to us as
historical, and very much tend to complicate the general opinion
of James the Second's character. Relying upon the veracity of
Colonel Scott's interview with the King, and what he said on the
occasion, it would certainly seem that James, receiving no reliable
intimation of the Duke's sincere remorse and contrition, or, to use

a Roberts, II. 114; Clarke's Life of James II.

b Dalrymple's Memoirs, Appendix, Part i. 301. The Princess Anne on several
occasions expresses her bad opinion of Sunderland. In a letter to her sister the
Princess of Orange she says: "You may remember I have once before ventured to
tell you that I thought Ld Sunderland a very ill man, and am now more confirmed
every day in that opinion."

8 ORIGINAL LETTERS OF THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH.

his own words to Colonel Scott, " his sincere discovery," became
less susceptible of any merciful impulse, and supported, as he
undoubtedly was, in this frame of mind by his chief adviser the Earl
of Sunderland, there is a want of generosity and a harshness about
his acts in respect of Monmouth which the evidence now brought
forward would seem to qualify if not to contradict; indeed, it is
evident from his own " Memoirs," if they are to be trusted, that the
King regretted being forced to carry out the execution of Monmouth.
On the other hand, all testimony points to James as a man void of all
feeling, inexorable and unrelenting. That one of the letters was not
delivered we have ample proof, and it is reasonable to infer the
same of the other.

Before, however, we proceed to give the correspondence in
evidence of this assertion, we may observe as to the way in which
the Monmouth letters came into Rawlinson's possession. They
formed part of a collection of State Papers of about the same
period, and their authenticity is proved from, having at one time
been in the possession of the aforesaid William Bridgeman, in his
official capacity :as Clerk of the Privy Council and Under- Secretary
of State to James II. They were purchased by Rawlinson at the
sale of the library and pictures of William Bridgeman's daughter
(Catherine) in 1743, and this fact is alluded to by him in a letter
on the subject among the Ballard MSS. [ii. No. 78]. a

At this lapse of time one can only hazard a conjecture as to the
cause of Bridgeman's visit to Monmouth at the Tower. At that
time he would appear to have been Clerk of the Privy Council to
James II., but in 1694 (or earlier) he was Secretary to the Admi-
ralty. Some years before these events, i.e., in 1677, Monmouth
had been one of the Commissioners of the Navy (or, as now termed,
Lords of the Admiralty), so that the visit is as likely to have been
in a private as in an official capacity. Catherine Bridgeman, to
whom the Duke's autograph letters descended, married her cousin
Orlando, son of Sir John Bridgeman, and was therefore one of the
same family since promoted to the Earldom of Bradford.

a For this last information we are indebted to the recently published Catalogue of
the Rawlinson MSS. by the Rev. W. D. Macray.

ORIGINAL LETTERS OF THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH.

It is on the acquisition of these original letters that Dr. Rawlinson
is congratulated in the first part of the ensuing correspondence.

[Letters from Dr. Samuel Jebb to Dr. Rawlinson.]

"HondSr

u I heartily congratulate you upon your late acquisition. The
D. of Monmouth's letters is one of ye greatest curiositys extant.
They were never delivered to ye King. If they had been given
him, they might possibly have prevented his ruin. I have a
strange story to tell you about 'em, for wch I can produce authen-
tick vouchers. The inclos'd parcel I am afraid is of no great value,
but, such as it is, it is at your service. I shall hope for ye pleasure
of seeing you soon at Stratford, and in ye mean time am, wth all due
regard, Sr, yr most obl Sl

"Feb 19, 1743 " S. JEBB.

" Stratford.
(Addressed)
" To Dr Rawlinson
" at London-house in
" Aldersgate- Street

" London."

" Stratford
"Hond Sr "March 1, 1743.

" I had ye favour of both yr letters.

" Ye Story you give me in yr former, stands in need of some
little correction. The person sent to ye D. of Monmouth by ye K.,
was Ralph Sheldon, ye brother of Dominick, but was not sent to
him when in ye Tower, but immediately upon his been seiz'd in ye
West, before he was brought up to town. When this gentleman
return'd, he found ye King in ye Circle, & upon his saying, ye Duke
had engag'd him to deliver his message only to ye K., his Majesty
ordered all to withdraw, except my Ld Sunderland. Upon Mr

10 ORIGINAL LETTERS OF THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH.

Sheldon's pressing y1 ye Lord Presid* might likewise retire, &
urging y* ye D of Monmouth had oblig'd him to swear, y* he would
tell ye secret he had entrusted him wth to none but ye K. in private,
ye K. warmly told him that 'twas an unlawfull oath, & charg'd him
upon his allegiance to declare what it was. He then said y1 ye D.
had bid him tell his Majesty, y* if he had succeeded, my Ld Sd
was to have been his first Minister ; to wch ye K. answer'd wth a
smile — ' Poor Monmouth ! he was always easy to be impos'd on ' —
But this was not ye story I refer'd to. When I was at Boulogne
in ye year 1723, amongst other gentlemen I found there, was one
Col. Scot, formerly an officer in ye Guards, who upon ye Revolution
follow'd ye fortunes of K. James, & attended upon him at S*
Germains. Whilst ye D. of Monmouth was in ye Tower, it was
this gentleman's office to . be one day there upon guard, wch, if I
mistake not, was ye day before his execution. The D.. who knew
him, desir'd to speak wth him, & upon his coming into ye room, ye
D., wth great earnestness press'd y1 he would immediately deliver
to ye K. a letter he had wrote, & wch then lay before him upon ye
table, assuring him y* he had reason to believe, he might still find
mercy, if that letter was rightly delivered. Col. Scot excus'd him-
self from deserting his post before ye proper time of his being
reliev'd, & laid before ye Duke ye hazard he should incurr by doing
it, but at ye same time assur'd him, y1 when his duty was over, if
that would suffice, he would not fail to give the letter into ye K.'s
own hands. In ye mean time a third person enter'd ye room, wch if
I misremember not, was Mr Bridgeman, (tho' I cannot certainly
charge my memory with it)a, upon sight of whom ye D. said, ' Col.
Scot, here comes one upon whom I can rely no less than upon
yrself, I will send my letter by him ;' & accordingly he sealed it up,
& gave it him. This letter I suppose to be the letter you have

a According to Roberts, a certain "Captain Blood" (whom he calls the
" infamous ") was the person intrusted with the letter ; but, if this person is
intended to be identical with the notorious Colonel Blood, it cannot be correct,
for he was not then living, having died in 1680.

ORIGINAL LETTERS OF THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH. 11

purchas'd, & suppressed by ye person to whom it was intrusted.
For as this gentn (Col Scot), about four years after the Kevolution,
was walking in ye garden at S* Germains, ye King call'd him to him,
& told him he had je night before been inform 'd, y* ye conversation
mentioned above had pass'd betwixt him & ye D. of Monmouth,
whilst he was a prisoner in ye Tower, & desir'd to know if he had
been rightly informed; and upon Scot's answering in the affirma-
tive, ye K, averr'd, y1 he had never receiv'd any such letter from ye
D., nor ever heard of it till that time, & y1 it was in his inclination
to have sav'd the D.'8 life, if he" could have had any proper assur-
ances y* ye D. was dispos'd to have made a sincere discovery. This
story Col. Scota told in ye presence of Mr Cotton, Mr Panton &
several other English g entlemen of reputation & credit, at that time
residing in Boulogne. The particulars of ye letter, Col. Scot de-
clared, he was a stranger to, but ye letter itself, he said, was a long
one. The last parcel of letters I sent you, I apprehended, would
not be judg'd of equall value w^ ye former, but as in ye letter I
receiv'd from you some time ago, you was pleased to say you some-
times reserv'd letters of accts, I was willing to lay these before you,
to be dispos'd of F<» you thought fit; tho' ye letters from ye B?s
daughter, Mrs Goulston, & her husband, to Dr Turner, I should
think might be worth saving, & if they are not agreeable to you, I
should be glad to have 'em return'd. I have look'd over some of
ye sermons I have by me, & find abundance of ye B?8, but have not
been able to pitch upon one, y* I have had reason to think the
Doctor's, unices this wch I have sent you be his, wch yet I doubt.
I mention'd some time ago a large collection of controversial tracts
& letters, wch are still remaining, & of wch I sent you a specimen.
These I have not yet been able to digest in proper order, & I imagine
are some of 'em printed, but when you favour me wth a visit, you
shall look over ye whole, and have such of 'em as you have not
already. In Mr Dodwell's life by Brokesby I suppose too we shall

a Colonel Scott was evidently one of the Buccleugh family.

12 ORIGINAL LETTERS OF THE DUKE OF MONMOUTH.

find some of 'em. I am much oblig'd to you for ye catalogue, &
should be glad of a book or two therein, if they are not of too high
a price; the one is in ye third nights sale, N° 122, & call'd Cooper's
Anatomy, but I suppose is Cooper's Anatomical Treatise of ye
Muscles ; in ye 5th night's sale is also a little piece of Caius, bound
up wth a treatise of Lommius, N° 66, wch would be of use to me, as
also ye Oxford Aretseus in ye 6th night's sale, No. 108, if ye price of
it did not run too high. But as these are books, wch I wd not chuse
to buy, unless they were penny worths; so neither would I trespass
upon yr good nature to lay out any considerable sum for 'em upon
my account. I am, Sr, wth all possible regard,

" Yr most obed' &c.

" S. jEBB."a

a The identifying history of the Monmouth Letters being, in a great measure, due
to Dr. Jebb, a short notice of him may not be out of place. He was decidedly a
remarkable man for the age in which he lived, and was probably born somewhere
about 1696, for in 1716 we find him a member of Peter-House, Cambridge, being
ordained Deacon among the Non-jurors by (Bishop) Jeremy Collier, and Priest in
January of the year following, at which time also he published a translation of
"Martyn's Answers to Evelyn." In 1722 he was Editor of the "Bibliotheca
Literaria," and appears at different periods to have been the author of several learned
and important works, His name is associated with an Epitaph, written by him in
memory of four English gentlemen, who, with their servants, were murdered in
1723, between Haut-Buisson and Marquise, on the road from Boulogne to Calais,
but the pyramid on which it was inscribed, marking the site of the murder, has
long since vanished, a chapel or oratory having been afterwards erected on the
spot. According to Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary, Dr. Jebb was, in 1749, in
possession of all Bridges' MSS. relative to the "History of Northamptonshire."
He practised, nearly until his death (in 1772), with great success and reputation as
a physician, at Stratford, in Essex, and the works which he commissions Dr
Rawlinson to purchase for him, on medical and chirurgical subjects (in the
above letter), have an interest at this day, in respect of a profes sion, at that time
more or less in its infancy. His son, Sir Richard Jebb, followed his father's calling,
and was created a Baronet by George III., having been made Physician-Extra-
ordinary to the King in 1777, and employed about the Royal Family from that time
till his death.

INDEX.

Anne, Princess, afterwards Queen, 7
Aretaeus, the Oxford, 12

Bath and Wells, Bishop of, 4
Bibliotheca Literaria, 12
Biographical Dictionary, Chalmers's, 12
Blood, Captain (supposititious), 10
Blood, Colonel, his death, 10
Boulogne, 11, 12
Bradford, the Earl of. 8
Bridgeman, Catharine, 8
Bridgeman, (Sir) John, 8
Bridgeman, Orlando, 8
Bridgeman, William, 7, 8, 10
Brokesby, Francis, 11

Caius, 12

Cambridge, Peter House at, 12

Catharine of Braganza, Queen Dowager,

3
Chalmers, Alexander, his Biographical

Dictionary, 12
Cheshire, rebels in, 5
Clarendon Papers mentioned, 3, 6
Collier, (Bishop) Jeremy, 12
Cooper, Sir Astley Paston, 12
Cotton, Mr. 11

Dalrymple, Sir John, 7
Dodwell, Henry (the elder), 11

Ellis, Sir Henry, his original letters,

&c. 3
Ely, the Bishop of, 4

Fox, Charles James, his History of
James II. 3

George III. 12

Goulston, Mr. and Mrs. 11

Hooper, Dr. 4

James II. passim
Jebb, (Sir) Kichard, 12
Jebb, (Dr.) Samuel, 7, 9, 12

Lommius, 12

Manuscripts : Ballard, 8 ; Bridges, 12
Harleian and Lansdowne, 3; Rawlin-

Marie Beatrix, Queen, 4, 6, 8
Martyn's answers to Evelyn, 12
Monmouth, James Fitz James, alias
Scott, Duke of, his rebellion, 3;
letters from Bingwood to James II.
4, 5; from the Tower, 5; to the Queen
Marie Beatrix, 6; his intrigue with
Sunderland, 7 ; visited by Bridgeman,
8; earlier by Kalph Sheldon, 9; his
interview with Colonel Scott, 10; the
same related to the King, 11

Northamptonshire, History of, 12
Orange, William and Mary of, 4
Panton, Mr. 11

Eawlinson, Dr. 6, 8, 9, 12
King wood, 3, 4

Roberts, George, his Life of Monmouth,
3, 6, 7, 10

St. Ger mains, 11
Scott, Colonel, 7, 10, 11
Scott, James: see Monmouth
Sedgemoor Fight, 3
Sheldon, Dominick, 9
Sheldon, Ralph, 7, 9, 10
Stratford, in Essex, 7, 9, 12
Sunderland (Robert Spencer), Earl of,
7,8,9

Tennison, Dr. 4
Turner, Dr. 11

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

THE FAMILY OF HADDOCK

1657—1719

EDITED BY

EDWARD MAUNDE THOMPSON

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY

M.DCCC.LXXXI.

PREFACE.

Settled from remote times in the little town of Leigh, in Essex,
at the mouth of the Thames, the family of Haddock, we may be
sure, took early to the sea, as was befitting their name. There
are traces of Haddocks of Leigh to be found as far back as Edward
the Third's days; but we need not search for earlier generations
than those which sprang from Richard Haddock, a captain in the
Parliamentary Navy. That the family had followed the sea from
father to son in bygone times, and had so established a tradition to
be observed by their descendants, might be argued from the regu-
larity with which the Haddocks of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries served in the Navy for upwards of a hundred years. This
regularity is only to be equalled by that with which they named
their children Richard, to the perpetual confusion of their bio-
graphers.

Captain Richard Haddock, to whom reference has been made
above, served under the Commonwealth. In 1642 we find him in
command of the ship Victory, and in 1652 he received a reward of
£40 for good service. He died in 1660 at the age of 79. His

1V PREFACE.

eldest son William, also a Parliamentary captain, commanded the
ship America in 1650, and the Hannibal in 1653. He survived
his father only seven years, dying in 1667, aged 60. Captain
Richard Haddock had another son, Richard, who was probably
a good deal younger than his brother. He served with distinction
in the Dutch war in 1673 ;* and was in all probability the father
of William Haddock whom the family papers show to have been a
lieutenant in the Cornwall in 1696-1697, and who commanded a
ship in the action off Cape Passaro in 1718 (p. 54) and died in
1726.

William Haddock, the Parliamentary captain, had at least four
sons: Richard, Andrew, Joseph, and William. Richard will be
noticed presently. Andrew is mentioned in the first letter of this
Correspondence. William was at sea with his brother Richard in
1657 and 1658. Joseph was a lieutenant in the Lion in 1672r and
in the Royal Charles in 1673, and served in the Dutch war in those
years ; and afterwards held a command in the East Indies, whence
he wrote an interesting letter here printed (p. 37), Richard
Haddock was born about the year 1629, and must have entered the
service at an early age ; for in 1657, when the present Correspond-
ence begins, he was already a captain in command of the Dragon
frigate, which formed part of the squadron cruising off Dunkirk.
In 1666 he was captain of the Portland ; but from 1667 to 1671

* See p. 19 in the Correspondence. Charnock in his BiograpTiia Navalis, i. 334,
has made him out to be the son of Andrew Haddock, his own nephew.

PREFACE. V

he appears to have temporarily left the Navy and engaged in
trading to the Mediterranean. On the breaking out of the Dutch
war, however, he was made captain of the Koyal James, the ship
on which the ill-starred Earl of Sandwich hoisted his flag in the
battle of Southwold Bay. He was one of the few officers of that
vessel who survived the day. though he did not escape un wounded.
He next commanded the Lion; but early in 1673 he was appointed
to the Eoyal Charles, Prince Rupert's ship, and within a few weeks
followed the Prince into the Royal Sovereign, when the bad
qualities of the former ship in action became evident. In July of
the same year he was made Commissioner of the Navy ; and on the
3rd of July, 1675, he was knighted. In 1682 he was appointed to
the command of the Duke and to the chief command of ships of war
in the Thames and narrow seas ; and in the next year became First
Commissioner of the Victualling Office. After the Revolution he
was named Comptroller of the Navy, which office he continued to
hold till his death, and received a pension of £500 a year. He was
one of the joint commanders-in-chief of the fleet in the expedition
to Ireland in 1690. He died on the 26th of January, 1715, in his
eighty- sixth year, and was buried in his native town of Leigh.

Sir Richard represented the borough of Shoreham in the parlia-
ment of 1685-1687. He was twice married, his first wife being
named Lydia, probably a member of the family of Stevens, which
was settled at Leigh. The maiden name of his second wife Eliza-
beth is unknown. He probably married her not earlier than 1670,

VI PREFACE.

when she was about twenty years of age, the inscription on her
tomb recording her death in 1709, at the age of 59.

Sir Kichard appears to have had at the least six children, three
sons and three daughters. The sons were Richard, William, and
Nicholas. Of the daughters the name of only one, Elizabeth, has
survived, who married John Clarke, of Blake Hall in Bobbing-
worth, co. Essex. Another daughter married a Lydell. The
third daughter died unmarried. William, apparently the second
son, died young. Richard and Nicholas both entered the Navy.

Richard, the eldest son, was, in 1692, fifth lieutenant of the
Duchess, and was present at the battle of La Hogue. He after-
wards served in the London, and in 1695 was in command of the
Rye. At the beginning of 1702 he received his commission as
captain of the Reserve, and in the following year succeeded to the
Swallow. In the latter ship he served with Sir George Rooke in
the Mediterranean. But in 1707 he had the misfortune to be
surprised by the French when convoying the Archangel merchant
fleet and to lose fifteen ships ; and, although appointed to the
Resolution early in the following year, he seems to have soon
retired from active service. In 1734, however, he re-appears as
Comptroller of the Navy, and held the post for fifteen years, dying
at an advanced age in 1751. From the entries in Leigh parish
registers it seems that he was married thrice and had issue, none of
whom, however, survived him many years.

Of Nicholas, the youngest son of Sir Richard Haddock, we first

PREFACE. Vll

catch sight in the following pages (p. 43) as distinguishing himself
at Vigo in 1702, and serving in Spain in 1706. In the following
year, on the 7th April, he received the command of the new ship
Ludlow Castle, being not yet twenty years old. At the battle of
Cape Passaro he fought his ship, the Grafton, with great gallantry;
and indeed at all times proved himself a very skilful and dashing
officer. He rose eventually to the rank of Admiral of the Blue,
and commanded the squadron sent into the Mediterranean to
overawe the Spaniards in 1738-1741. He returned to England
invalided and did not long survive, dying in 1746, aged 60.

About the year 1723 he purchased Wrotham Place, in Kent,
where he occasionally lived. He left three sons : Nicholas,
Richard, and Charles. The first died in 1781 ; Richard served in
the Navy; Charles was still living at Wrotham in 1792.

Here the male line of the Haddocks fails : and it is not necessary
to follow the family history further. A pedigree, which may be
found useful, is appended.*

It will be seen that the letters and papers here printed belonged,
for the most part, to Sir Richard Haddock. His long life enabled

* The best account of the Haddock family is to be found in a paper written b}
Mr. H. W. King and printed in The Archaeological Mine, a work relating to
Kentish history by A. J. Dunkin, vol. ii., pp. 41-51. Charnock's Biographia
Navalis of course gives particulars of the services of the family ; and a number of
original naval commissions of its different members are still extant in Egerton MS.
2520. See also The History of Rochford Hundred by Philip Benton, 1872, pp.
35 tqq.

Vlll PREFACE.

him to embrace four adult generations in his correspondence* The
collection of documents from which they have been selected was
purchased by the Trustees of the British Museum in 1879, and now
forms the Egerton MSS. 2520-2532.

It is to be regretted that the Correspondence is so comparatively
scanty, for no doubt at one time the collection was a good deal
larger. From Nichols's Literary Anecdotes (vol. v. p. 376) we
know that the Haddock papers were placed in the hands of Captain
William Locker, the Lieutenant-Governor of Greenwich Hospital,
who contemplated a publication of naval biography which was
carried out by Charnock in his Biographia Navalis from the same
materials. There is also evidence among the papers themselves, in
the form of a letter written by Charles Haddock in 1792, to
show that they were placed in Locker's hands. The fate of
borrowed books and papers is a mournful one.

But, few as they are, a selection from the Haddock Papers has
been thought worthy to appear in print. As specimens of the letter-
writing of a seafaring family of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, the letters have a value of their own, even apart from the
personal interest which they inspire as the record of long and
honourable service.

E. M. T.
24 March, 1881.

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CORRESPONDENCE

OF

THE FAMILY OF HADDOCK.

CAPTAIN RICHARD HADDOCK a TO HIS FATHER.

HoNd FATHER, Dragon frig* in the Downes, this 30th May, a° 1657.

Sir, these I hope will congratulate yor safe arrivall at Leghorne,
wch God graunt may be with yor health and well fare, for the con-
tinuation whereof I shall ever pray.

I cannot yet forgett my unhapynes y* soe short a tyme and small
distance hindred me the inioym* of seeing you before you gote out
ye Channell, seeing I made it my aime and bussines to performe it,
but pleased God to frustrate me of my intended hapynes. I hope
y* our next interview may be with the greater ioy and comfort.
Indeed, when I returned to Dover, which was the Sonday following
yor departure, I was not a little greived when Major Gen11 Kelseyb
tould me ye unwellcome news of yor being past by; and himselfe
was very sory when I gave him an ace* y* I mett you not, and tould
me, if I had in ye least desired not to have gone for Zeinhead, he
would have ordered an other ship in or roome. I was very thank-
full for his respect he exprest towards you, but I knew not before y1
I might be soe bould wth him as to desire such a favor. You saild
hence ye Fry day evening; and Satuarday, by 10 in ye forenoone,
we were soe neare ye head of Beachy y* noe shipp could or did passe

a Afterwards Admiral Sir R. Haddock.

b Major-General Thomas Kelsey, commanding in Kent and Surrey.
CAMD. SOC. B

2 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

by us, but we spake wth in hopes of meeting you. Surely the wind
blew the harder to deny me yl hapynes. God in mercy goe alongst
with you and preserve you from the rage of unreasonable men. I
shall not be wanting, as I am bound in duty, to make it my earnest
request to God for yor preservation. My wife, in good health,
presents her humble duty to you, and hath ever since bine very sor-
rowfull she stayed not behind to present her duty and respects to
you at yor departure.

Sir, litle of novelty ofers at present, only of great preparations for
ye fitting out seavrall great shipps, as ye Kesolution, Naiesby, and
Andrew, from Portsm0 ; ye Tryomph, Victory, Yantguard, and
Entrance, from Chatham. I cannot give you an ace1, ye occasion or
upon w* designe ye shipps are prepared; only suppose it may be to
be in a readynes to defend our selves if any treachorus act should be
ofered by the Hollander, who will have 70 saile men of warr out
very sodainely, as is certainely reported. I hope noe act of hostillity
against us is intended. We have iust cause to feare ye worst; and I
think, as farr as I am able to aprehend, you will have little occasion
to trust or put any confidence in them abroad. God send us peace
at home and abroad ; but, if these faile us, peace wth God will beare
up our spirits in the greatest dificulties y* doe atend our earthly
pilgrimage.

Sir, my wife desires you please, at yor arrivall at Ven% to buy for
her a foiled stone of the measure I conseave was given by her sisters
to Brother Andrew at Leigh ; as alsoe a pott ketle and 2 stue panns,
one lesser than the other; as alsoe a jarr from Leghorne, with w1
other things nessesary for a howse, to ye value of £3 in fower pound
in all, which shall be thankfully repayed. I intend to wright you
to Ven% when [I] conseave you may ataine thither, and what ofers
shall not be wanting of advizeing you.

My Lord Protector hath denyed ye governm1 of the Comon wealth
under ye title of King,a and since, its established to him in the title
he now beares.b

a On the 8th May. b On the 25th May.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. o

I have not heard from home since yor departure. My intire love
with my wives remembred to our 3 brothers wth all or freinds on
bord you. Brother Wm., in health, prests his humble duty to you,
wth his love to his Bror. My saluts to Mr. Holder; and, with my
most humble duty presented to yor self, I remayne,

Sir, yor ever lo. and obedient sonne till death,

KICHARD HADDOCK.

My wife being present desires, wth ye presenting her humble duty
to you, to subscribe herselfe yor lo. daughter till death,

LYDIA HADDOCKE.*

Since ye wrighting ye above lynes I have recd order to goe over
and ryde before Dunkerk, and to take ye comand of y* squadron
now riding there. This day is arrived hapy news, Gen11 Blake's
burneing and sinking 16 saile of the K. of Spaine's gallions and
shipps at Sta Cruse, most welcome and true.b R, H.

To his hond. father, Capt. Wm. Haddock, Comander of the
shipp Hanniball, these present, Livorno.

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

Dragon frig* in Dunkirk Road, this 15th June, a° 1657.

HoNd FATHER,

Sr, my most humble duty wtb Bro. Wms. presented unto you wth
or intire loves to or loveing brothers and freinds wth you. These
only serve to advize you of our wellfare, hopeing and earnestly
praying to the Lord that ye like good health atends you y*, blessed

a Eichard Haddock's first wife. Perhaps her maiden name was Stevens. (See
letter of 1 May 1658, in which Haddock sends his duty to "Father and Mother
Steevens.")

b Blake's last victory at Santa Cruz, in the Canaries, 20th April. He died on his
voyage home, in sight of land, on the 17th August.

4 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

be God, we injoy. These I hope will find you safe arrived at
Leghorne. My last from the Downes gave you an ace1 y* we were
ordered over hither to take the command of this squadron that now
lyes wth us before this place.a Since or arrivall heere, wch is 14
dayes since, not anything of action hath ofered worth yor advice;
the good we doe heere is only to keepe there men of warr in y* are
in, and prevent those comeing in wth there prisses y* are abroad.
But they want not harbours in Holland to secure them and w* they
ketch from us. I conseave you want not letters of caution from yor
owners to be carefull of trusting the Hollanders. I feare they will
prove treacherous to there ingagem18 wth us in the peace agreed
betwixt us. They are almost ready to saile wth 50 or upward men
of warr, besides 16 saile now in or Channell. My Lord Protector is
not wanting to prevent there treacherous actions, if any intended
against us. I conseave in 14 dayes we may have upwards of 40
saile, considerable men of warr, in the Downes, to answer any atempt
may be ofered by them; and doe beleive both we and the squadron
before Ostend may be called of, as soone as we have any intelligence
of there redynes to saile.

All or freinds in England, I heare, are in health. My wife still
at Deall, and stayes to accompa Aunt Morgan to London ; my unkle
now being in the Downes, and conseave may saile very sodainely,
the wind presenting faire at present. Sir, please at yor arrival at
Vena to present my service and respects to my Mr. and Mrs. Hobson,
with Mr. Jno. Hobson, junr. my saluts ; as also to Mr. Jones and his
wife.

Sir, I have not else at present worth yor advice. With my earnest
prayers to Almighty God to preserve you out of the hands of yor
mercyles enemyes, and send you a safe returne to the injoy ml of yor

* By the treaty (23 Mar. 1657) with France against Spain, Cromwell agreed to
find 6000 men, with a sufficient fleet, to operate against Gravelines, Mardike, and
Dunkirk ; the two latter towns, when reduced, to be delivered to the English. Mar-
dike was captured in September of this year, and Dunkirk in June 1658 ; and both
towns were duly handed over to the English forces.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 5

relations, for the happy accomplishm* whereof itt shall be the earnest
request of,

Sir, yor most affetionate and obedient sonne till death,

KICHARD HADDOCK.

To his hond freind Capt. Win Haddock, Comander of the
ship Hanniball, these present, at Livorno.

THE SAME TO THE SAME,
Dragon frig* in Dnnkirke Road, this 26 Aprill, 1658; Monday.

HoNd FATHER,

Sr, my most humble duty presented unto you wth my deare Mother,
Grandfather, and Grandm0, wth my loveing saluts to my wife, bros,
sisters, and freinds. My last, of 18 instant, I sent by my Bror Wm.,
whome I gave leave to goe to London ; wch hope is safely arrived
with you. Since wch, litle of acction here in these parts. The
21 instant, about midnight, heere escaped out a small pickeron of
4 or 6 guns out this habor, notwthstanding our vigilancy and
indeavors for his surprizall, haveing or boates in wth the shore and a
small frig1, who gave him chase and fired seavrall guns at him ; but
the darknes of the night prevented there long keepeing sight of him,
and, notwthstanding they made after him to the best of there under-
standing, yet he got away and noe sight of him at day light. Last
Saturday heere went from Mardike Marshall d'Aumon, Duke of
Bouligne,a wth 13 hundred French souldiers, imbarqued in seaverall
vessells, and gone to Oastend, before wch place they arrived that
night wth the Vice Admirall.b

a Antoine, Marshal d'Aumont, Governor of Boulogne. Negotiations had been
opened with traitors within Ostend; but the matter was kept no secret, and the gar-
rison was prepared. When therefore D'Aumont attempted a surprise, the tables
were turned; he was caught in a trap and had to surrender. — Sismondi, Hist, des
Frangais, vol. xxiv. (1840), p. 564.

b Edward Montague, afterwards Earl of Sandwich, who had command of the
English fleet.

6 HADDOCK COKRESPONDENCE.

If the intelligence given me be true, we shall see a sodaine altera-
tion in Flaunders. Its said y*, for a considerable summe of mony,
the towne of Ostend is to be delivered up to ye King of Fraunce by
the Governor and inhabitants of sd place, they being in such a sad
condition by reasone of the extreame burden y* lyes upon them.

For security of performance there is a considerable man, who hath
confirmed the accord wth the K. of Fraunce, now wth Marshall
d'Aumon, that belongs to Ostend, who hath ingaged his life for per-
formance. I pray God they faile not in there undertakeings ; and,
although treachery be hateful and odious throughout the world, yet
doubtles 'twill prove hapye for our poore traders when such a con-
siderable place as y* is, a neast of roages, shall be routed. If it
proves efectuall, farwell most pts of Flaunders this sumer.

Sr, please to keepe this intelligence to yor selfe, least it should
come from me, being privately advized me. I hope, when our vic-
tualling is out, we shall come over to tallow; wch God graunt, that
I may not fayle of my earnest desire of seeing you before you goe
forth. I intend sodaynly to send to the Vice Admirall to know
where we shall be disposed by him or otherwise from the Comissrs
of Admiralty. Sr, I have not other at present. Wth my humble
request to ye Allmighty for yor preservation, I remayne

Yor most loveing and obedient son till death,

RICHARD HADDOCK.

To his hond freind Capt. Wm. Haddock, at his howse nere the
Newstaires in Wapping, these present, in London.

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

Dragon frig* in Dnnkirke Road, this prim0 May, 1658; Satuarday.

HoNd FATHER,

Sr, my last from this place was of 26th past, since wch not any-
thing hath ofered. The great Monsr with the soldiers I gave you
ace* of are yet before Oastend with the Vice Admirall have efected

HADDOCK COKRESPONDENCE. 7

nothing, not haveing had opertunity, these out winds preventing
there landing. God sending us shore winds, we shall quicklie see
the result of the action in hand.

I sent to the Vice Admirall to desire he would order us into the
river to tallow and revictuall ; but he wrights me, in regard he hath
noe ship with him to place in our roome, he will not wthout order
from the Adm^. Soe this day I have wrote to them, advizeing the
neere expiration of our victualling, also makeing it my humble
request that we may come to Chatham to tallow and revictuall; wch
I hope they will graunt, but am dubious of my desired hapynesse of
seeing you before you goe forth. My humble duty presented to my
deare Mother, Grandfather, and Grandm0, Father and Mother
Steevens, wth my loveing saluts to my wife, brothers, sisters, and
freinds in gen11; and, wth my most humble duty to yor selfe, wth
prayers to the Allmighty for yor continued preservation, I remaine,
Sr, your most loveing and dutyfull sonne till death,

RICHARD HADDOCK.

Being hast, ye frig* under saile with a lee tyde, my wife must
excuse my not wrighting her at present.

THE SAME TO SIR WILLIAM COVENTRY.**

Portland frig" in Oasely Bay,b 11th Sept. 1666; Tuesday, 8 at night.

RIGHT HoNble,

Yours of 8th instant, wth his R. Highnesse order inclosed, I
received this afternoone; wch shall put in execution to morrow
morning, wind and weather permiting. Sonday last, in compa wth
the Adventure and a fire ship, we sayled out of Oasely bay through
the Slade Way,c intending for the North Forland, and soe unto the

a Sir William Coventry was at this time one of the Commissioners of the Navy.
b Hollesley Bay, or Haven, on the Suffolk coast, between Orford Ness and the
River Deben.

c The channel leading south from Hollesley Bay.

8 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

Downes, in search of our fleet. About noone we gote sight of the
Forland, and within one hower after we espied a fleet of shipps on
the back of the Goodwin sand, wch we deemed to be our fleet; but,
standing wth them, we found them to be the Dutch fleet, consisting
of 70 in 75 sayle. Two ships of the fleet makeing us bore downe
wth us, and presantly after two more followed them. We stood away
from them to the eastwards, towards a ship then to leewards, wch we
suposed to be a Hollander, but proved a Sweed bound for Burdaix
Light; and, finding two of the men of warr spring there luffs againe
and only 2 bore downe wth us, we clapt upon a wind and stood
towards them, haveing gote them about 5 or 6 miles to leewards of
ye body of there fleet. But, when they came wthin neere shote of
us, they keept there wind, would not come neere to fight us, but
kept fireing guns to windwards and makeing a waft wth there
ensignes for more assistance; whereupon 7 or 8 sayle more bore
away wth us. Night comeing on, we thought it not convenient to
lye by for them, but stood away for our owne coast, not being able
to keep our lower tire of guns out to windwards, and but 32 brlls
powder on bord. Yesterday we got into Alborough bay, when I
gave ace* to the Comissr at Harwch by an expresse from Alborough
of our proceedings, desireing him to send the said letter to yor Honr,
if he thought it convenient. I have now recd from Harwch an
aditionall suply of sixty barills of powder. The Adventure intends
alongst wth us. The Litle Mary, I understand, will not be ready in
3 or 4 dayes. To conclud, Sonday night proved such a hard galle
of wind y* I iudge the Dutch fleet either drove or bore away towards
there owne coast, for we saw them all under sayle before twas dark.
I shall not be wanting to give yor Honr an ace1 of our proceedings,
wch js wt ofers at present from,

ft* Honble, yr humble serv* att Comd,

KICHARD HADDOCK.

Endorsed: "Copie of lettr to SrWm. Coventry, from Sr Kd Haddock."

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.
DECLARATION OF CAPTAIN RICHARD HADDOCK.

A° 1657,

Noveinb*. Dragon frig*, Novembr, 1657.

18. The 18th November I recd orders from Sr Richard Stainera
to sayle out ye Downes, and in company wth the Colchester frig" to
plye of of Ostend.

26. The 26 day, Thursday, we sailed out ye Downes, ye wind at
west. We went out at ye North Sand Head, twixt ye Brake and
Goodwin. This noone we spake wth the Pembrooke frig", come
from Harwich cleane tallowed; N.E. from ye north Forland, in 15
fadoms watter, we clapt by under a maine course, intending to drive
all night; but, upon sight of 6 sayle of Holland men of warr, 3 wth
there flaggs abroad, to say Adm11 Vice and Rear Admirall, we stood
with them. Ye Pembrooke haveing espied them before us, though
bound into ye Downes, bore away on the back of the Goodwin
towards them; comeing up with them, first fired at ye Admls flagg,
but was not struck. Upon wch ye Comandr of the Pembrooke sent
his boats on bord to know ye reason of itt. Whilst they were in
dispute, we, comeing in shote, fired at ye AdmUs flagg alsoe, and
presantly after they sent up a man to topmasthead and struck the
flagg, wch his Vice and Reare Adm11 did the like. Then we bore
under his lee ahead of him, and hayld him and stood asterne, and,
after, tackt and came and lay on his weather quarters. There flaggs
hang as a waft for about J an hower, and afterwards furld them ; the
Adm11 fired a gun to lewards, filld, and stood away to ye eVards.
We answerd him with another; lay by and drove all night. These
men of warr came there from ye coast of Portugall, ye Ld Updam
Adm11, as I was informed by Sr Richard Stayner at my returne into
ye Downes. This I can testifie upon oath, if calld thereunto.

Given under my hand this primo January, 167J.

RICHARD HADDOCK.

• Admiral Sir Richard Stayner was knighted for his gallantry in Blake's attack cm
Santa Cruz. (See above, p. 3.)

CAMD. SOC. C

10 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE .

CAPTAIN KICHARD HADDOCK TO HIS WiPE.a

On bord ye R. James, at anchor 4 miles wthout St. Hellens,
this 5th May, 1672; Sonday night.

MY DEARE BETTY,

This afternoone we arrived this place wth our noble fleet. Wthin,
at Spitthead, we see ye French fleet gote heere before us wilbe
good company. Tomorrow I doubt not but we shall joyne wtb
them. A few daies will prepare us to goe to seeke ye Hollanders,
who are out. We saw some of there scouts that day we sailed out
ye river. I have no other news to write thee at present.

I hope these will find ye at London, where I advize thee to stay
that I may the more certainely direct my letters to the. I shall not
be wanting to give the advice by all opertunities how itt fares with
us. God Almighty preserve and keepe the and us in good health,
and in His good tyme send us a ioyfull meeteing. My deere love to
all myne and thy loveing relations. Wth intire saluts to thy selfe and
my daughter, I remayne thyne, whilst I am

KICHARD HADDOCK.

My love to my deare Coz Goodlad at Wapping. Pray venture a
letter or two to Portsm0 to me. R. H.

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

On bord the Koyall James, this 14th May, 1672; Tuesday
evening, at anchor neere Dungenesse.

MY DEAREST LOVE,

These are to give the an ace* of my wellfare and good health r wch
I blesse God I doe injoy. We are now at anchor neere Dungenesse
wth our whole fleet, consisting of 80 men of warr, English and
French, about 20 or 22 fireships, and many small vessells besides.
We have bine tydeing it up from the Isle of Wind (sic). Ever since
a His second wife, Elizabeth; maiden name unknown.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE 11

Wedensday last the winds have hung easterly. The Dutch fleet,
we heard yesterday, were at ye North Forland. We doe our utmost
endeavor to get to them, if they have a mind to fight us. To ye
westwards of ye Downes they may easely be wth us; but we judge
there designe is to ingage us amongst the sands, wch posibly they
may be deceaved in there expectation. God Almighty goe along
wth us and give us victory over our enemyes. I know I shall not
want thy prayers and the well wishes of all my deare relations for
my preservation. We have a brave fleet and, in the maine, well
mand. For our parts we doe not complayn, haveing neere 900 men
on bord us; ye Duke 1000, I beleive, and upwards. It is probable,
before we ingage, we may have ye ships in the river ioyne w*11 us,
wch are 10 or 11 men of warr and 4 fire ships. I desire we may put
our strength in God Almighty; but soe noble a brave fleet have not
bine seene together in our dayes.

My deare, speake to my bror Joseph for the ballence of the mony
I desired him to rece for me of Mr. Forth and Mr. Beare, and to pay
out of it severall debts wch at present I doe not remember the per-
ticulars. I know not how to direct the to answer these, nor where
you may send to meet us. If this arrive you on Thursday, you may
venture a lyne or two to Dover Road, where posibly we may stop 24
houres to watter, and next I supose for Sowle Bay or the coast of
Holland. Desire my Coz Goodlad, the draper, to rece three pounds
for the of Cozen Boys, wch is due April last; and pray, when the
bond is due of Mr.Welsted and Temple, goe to them and rece the
interest £9, and desire them to lett me have £100 or more, if
posible, to suply my occasions. Thou knowest the imploym* I am
in is very expencive, and therfore let me not faile of haveing £100
at least of them. Twas Mr. Welsted's promise in a month, but I
have stayd neere 10 weeks. Pray let me know w* is done wth the
mony in bror Hurleston's hands and brother Thornburgh. I know
they will be very kind. I have heere inclosed sent the my will, wch
have made for all good respects. I desire the to keepe it by the,
sealed as it is. If God Almighty in His providence should take me

12 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

out this life, you will find I have not failed of my promise to thee,
though I have some reason to lament the kindnes done me by thy
freinds ; but that shall not trouble me at this tyme. God Almighty,
I doubt not, will preserve me, that I may live to see the againe wth
ioy and comfort. Pray lett me know by some meanes or other of
the receipt of these. My deare love to my sister Jessen, bror and
sister Thornburgh, bror Hurlestone. My respects to my Unckle
Moyer; all of them. My kind saluts to my dear Coz Goodlad at
Wapping. To all my loveing freinds comend me. My deare, I
have only to add my prayers to God for thy wellfare. Wth my intire
love and saluts to thee and my daughter, I remaine

Thyne, till death us p*,

RICHARD HADDOCK.

These I send to Dover by our kitch, who is goeing to watter foi
us, but doe beleive we may get thither ourselves as soone.

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

R. James, neare Sowle Bay, this 21 May, 1672;
Tuesday evening.

MY DEARE BETTY,

The 18th instant, wch was Satuarday last, I wrote the by one of
the yachts, and as thou advised. Ye next day we saw the Dutch
fleet. We drew ours into a lyne of bataile, the French leading, we
in the reare, all prepared to fight, haveing stav'd and heft over bord
all ours, and I think all the cabins of the whole fleet. The Hol-
landers stood over for ye Flaunders Banks and ye Weelings. About
7 at night we were up wth them in a lyne, as they lay in the same
posture very orderly to rece us ; but, finding it would have bine
darke before we could have well began with them, being about 4 or
5 miles to leewards of us, ye wind at W.S.W., we thought it not
convenient to ingage them. Ye night following, upon there tacking
of, we tackt in ye reare, ye whole fleet following to keep them to

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 13

leewards of us, as we did y* night by our twice tacking againe.
Yesterday morning it proved a very thick fogge. We wth our
division anchored, standing in wth the Banks of Flaunders of Oostend.
About 10 in ye morning, upon cleareing up, we wayed anchor, ye
Dutch fleet 3 miles to leewards of us. We stood of and mett our
fleet standing in. Ye Dutch stood of wth us. This day it proved
much wind, that we could not fight them ; whereupon we stood in
to our shore N.W., and about -J seas over we anchored all night.
This morneing we saw ye fleet again. We stood of towards them,
expecting they would have stood wth us ; but they stood of intending
to draw us over amongst those shoulds, to fight them there. We
keeping our wind, and they bearing away, as we suposed, from ye
wind, we lost sight of them. It blowing hard we tackt, and now
come neare to Sowle Bay, where I supose we may stay a day or two
to watter our fleet.

This day came into us the Katherine, Princes, and Advice, wth 2
fire ships more; soe y1 I supose we are neerer 90 then fowerscore
men of warr, upwards 25 fireships, amongst wch my unckle R. H. is
come. The Dutch fleet not soe many men of warr as we, I beleive,
by 8 or 10 saile, many small vessells and fire ships. Had it pleased
God yesterday to have given us faire weather, God assisting, we
had given a good ace* of or actions ; our men briske and brave and
very ready and willing to fight. The Earle of Bristowa on bord wth
us. I thinke a fourth part the nobles of England in the fleett. This
I send on shore to Sowle, to take its fortune towards thee. Being
in hast, have not tyme to wright any body else. If my bror Bra-
denham be in towne, shew him this letter. I two dayes since recd a
letter from Mr. Clarke, ye apothecary, wth a case of spiritts, come
very opertunely (as he wrights me) to raise my courage, but I have
not yet tasted them. Pray returne him my kind thanks. I hope
shall survive this warr to make him amends. My deare, I should
be glad to heare from the, but I know not how. I shall not be
wanting to give the a constant advice, as opertunity presents, of my
a George Digby, 2nd Earl of Bristol.

14 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

wellfare and our actions. Youl excuse me to my loveing relations
y* I wright none of them. At present it is fowle weather. Am glad
we gote hither, for stormy weather may shatter us and disable us
more then a bataile. God Almighty be our guard and defence, and
give us victory over our enemyes. His providence hath hitherto
prevented our ingageing twice. My deare and loveing saluts to all
my loveing relations at Eederif,a and to my lo: Coz. Goodlad at
Wapping and London, &c. Wth in tire love and saluts to thyselfe
wth my daughter, I remaine

Thy loveing husband till death us part,

KICHARD HADDOCK.

His Royal Highness the Duke of Yorke is very zeolus to ingage
ye Dutch, God sending a good opertunity and watter enough under
our keels.

I had almost forgot to desire the to returne my thanks to Capt.
Grantham for ye barill of Muscadine he brought me from Mr. Wil-
kinson, of Messina, and for a chest of Florence he sent me from him-
selfe, wth seavrall other things, all wch I reced, wth a chest of Florence
for my Lord Sandwch. Pray pay him three pound for itt. I shall
rece it heere of Mr. Lowe, my Lord's serv*. Thyne,

R. HADDOCK.

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

K. James, in Southold Bay, this 25th May, 1672; Saturday evening.

MY DEAREST LOVE,

These I send by Capt. Poole,b who, wth the Garland frig" in
compa, hath leave to goe his former intended voaidge for Barbados.
Pray advize my bror Bradenham of itt. They will be good convoy
for Mr. Naufan's ship wth masts, &c., wch lyes at Gravesend, to goe
thorough the Channell wth them.

* Kotherhithe.

b Sir William Poole, distinguished by his share in the reduction of Tobago, this year.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 15

This day I gote two protections from the Duke, one for Mr.
Naufan's ship at Lancaster for 50 men, ye other for ye ship wth stores
for 20 men, wch is speciall protections, y* the men will not be
molested. Tell my Bror Bradenham I have given them to Mr. Sam.
Hawkes, who is comeing wth them.

I am sory to heare poore Sam Lane was prest into ye French
Victory, and since caryed into Holland. I pitty the losse of the men
in her, but ye Capt. will have his reward for looseing her soe basely.
The Dutch fleet lye now neare the Gallaper in expectation of us;
we are very neere, ready to waite on them. 2 or 3 days must not
breake square wth us; but they are deceaved to think we intend to
fight them amongst the sands. I supose our martch wilbe over for
ye coast of Holland into sea roome and deepe watter. We are, not-
withstanding Capt. Poole and his consarts leaveing us, 90 men of
warr, 26 fire ships, many small vessells. I supose the Dutch
daylie add to ther strength as well as wee. God Allmighty be our
defence.

My deare, I am sory that my first letter from Southold, wch went
by land, advized the of our 2 days stay, whereas we have bine heere
4 days, and shall stay 3 or 4 longer. Then we shall have wattered
our whole fleet for one month, and victualld compleat for 2 months,
and mand I beleive thoroughout ye fleet, not 500 wanting. I
rather think, in a day or two longer, we may have 1000 super-
numeraryes. A very worthy brave fleet, I think, as ever were
together. God give us couragious hearts, and then I beleive they
may be ventured.

I hope all my loveing relations at Kederif and Wapping are in
health, to whome present my love and saluts. I expect to heare
from the by the yacht wch I sent my last letter by, Captain Burstow,
Comander.a I blesse God I am now in good health, though 5 or 6
days since, and when we were going to fight the Dutch, I had such
a paine in my right arme that could not use it but very litle ; but
now, thanke God, am very well. My deare Betty, I have only to

* William Bustow or Burstow, commanding the Mary yacht.

16 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

add my saluts to thyselfe wth my daughter; doe remaine thyne till
death us part, EICHARD HADDOCK.

This I intended thee by Capt. Poole, but was gone ere I could put
it on bord him; therfore doe send it by the post. I recd last night
bror Thornbrugh's letter, 23 instant, by ye Dreadnought's Leiveten1.
He wrights me of thy health, and y* I shall rece a letter from the by
ye Hatton ketch. I am thyne,

26 May, '72. R. HADDOCK.

COPY OF CAPTAIN RICHARD HADDOCK'S a ACCOUNT, GIVEN
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF YORK, OF THEIR
ENGAGEMENT, MAY 28TH, 1672, IN THE ROYAL JAMES.

In obedience to your Royal Highness's commands, I here humbly
present to your view a brief narrative of our actions on board the
Royal James, the 28th May last past, as followeth:

Upon signal from our scouts of the Dutch fleet's approach
(betwixt 3 and 4, the wind E. by S.), we put our ships immediately
into a fighting posture, brought our cable to the capston, and heaft
a peak of our anchor, which, upon firing a gun and loosing foretop-
sail of your Royal Highness's ship, we presently weighed, and after-
wards lay kedging with our headsails at the mast till our anchor was
up; which done (steered N.E. by N.), we made sail and stood on0,
with our signal abroad for the squadron b to draw into their line of
battle, which was done as well as the short time we had would
permit. But, finding myself one of the weathermost ships, I bore
to leeward till I had brought ourselves in a line ; the Vice Admiral
and part of his division right a head, the Rear Adm1 and his right
astern; only two or three frigates to leeward, and so near, one of

a The MS., which is a modern transcript, has "Sir Richard Haddock;" but he
was not knighted until 1675, and therefore, for uniformity, the title is suppressed.
b The blue squadron.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 17

them within call. The Dutch squadron, Van Ghent, attacked us in
the body and rear very smartly, and let the van go ahead sometime
without engaging them, so far as I could perceive. We engaged
about an hour and an half very smartly. When the Dutch found
that they could do no good on us with their men of war, they
attacked us with two fire ships, the first of which we fired with our
shott, the second disabled by shooting down his yards. Before
which time I had sent our barge, by my Lord's a command, ahead
to Sir Joseph Jordaine,b to tack, and with his division to weather
the Dutch that were upon us and beat them down to leeward of us,
and come to our assistance. Our pinnace I sent likewise astern
Cboth coxswains living) to command our ships to come to our assist-
ance ; which never returned, but were on board several who endea-
voured it but could not effect it.

About two hours after we engaged we were boarded athwart
hawse by one of their men of war, notwithstanding our endeavours
to prevent him by wearing our ship two or three points from the
wind to have taken him alongside. When he had been athwart our
hawse some short time, my Lord would have had me boarded him
with our men and taken him, which I refused to do by giving him
my reason that it would be very disadvantageous to us : first, that I
must have commanded our men from our guns, having then I believe
300 men killed and wounded, and could not expect but to lose 100
in taking him; secondly, had we so done, we could not have cut
him loose from us, by reason the tide of flood bound him fast;
and, thirdly, had we plyed our guns slowly by taking away our
men, we had given cause to the enemy to believe we had -been
disabled, and consequently more of them would have boarded us,
which might possibly have overpressed us, and would have been
more dishonour to have lost her by that means than being at last
burnt;— so that my Lord was satisfied with my reasons, and

a Earl of Sandwich.

b Sir Joseph Jordan, Vice- Admiral of the Blue. See a defence of his conduct, as
described in this letter, in Charnock's Biograpliia Navalis.
CAMD. SOC. D

18 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

resolved we should cuff it out to the last man, still in expectation of
assistance.

About 10 o'clock Van Ghent himself, finding those his other flags
could do no good upon us, nor the party with them, came up with
us himself, we having lost the conduct of our ship. He ranged along
our side, gave us a smart volley of small shot and his broadside,
which we returned to him with our middle and lower tier, our upper
guns almost all disabled, the men killed at them. He passed ahead
of us and brought his ship too to leeward, and there lay till I was
gone off the deck.

Some short time after. Sir Joseph Jordaine (our barge having
been with him and given him my Lord's commands) passed by us
very unkindly to windward, with how many followers of his division
I remember not, and took no notice at all of us; which made me call
to mind his saying to your Royal Highness, when he received his
commission, that he would stand betwixt you and danger; which I
gave my Lord account of, and did beleive by his acting yourself
might be, in his view, in greater danger than we, which made my
Lord answer me: " We must do our best to defend ourselves alone."

About 12 o'clock I was shot in the foot with a small shot, I sup-
posed out of Van Ghent's main top, which pressed me after a small
time to go down to be dressed. I gave my Lord account of it, and
resolved to go up again as soon as was dressed. In the mean time,
when I went off the deck, sent up both Sir Charles a and Lieutenant
Mayob to stand by my Lord; and, as soon as I came down, remem-
bring the flood was done, sent up to my Lord to desire him to
command the ship to anchor by the stern, which was immediately
done; and, after we had brought up, the ship athwart our hawse fell
away, and being entangled with our rigging our men boarded and
took her, cut her loose from us, and, at my Lord's command,
returned all aboard again. Upon which I, hearing the ship was
loose, sent up to my Lord that the cable might be cut and the ship

* Sir Charles Harbord, who served as a volunteer and perished.

b Thomas Mayo. He was one of the few who escaped from the Royal James.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 19

brought to sail before the wind, and loose our mainsail; which was
presently done. Then my Lord sent me his thanks for my advice,
and withall doubted not but to save the ship. At that time the
surgeon was cutting off the shattered flesh and tendons of my toe;
and immediately after we were boarded by the fatal fire ship that
burnt us.

CAPTAIN EICHARD HADDOCK TO HIS WIFE.

On bord the R. Charles, this 29th May, 1673;
MY DEAREST LOVE, 7 leagues of Oostend.

These are to give the an ace* of God's goodnes to me. I am very
well and in health, praised be His name therfore. Yesterday, the
28th instant (ye same day twelve month they atacqued us in Sowle
bay), we atacqued the Dutch fleet, consisting of 74 or 76 men of
warr and 20 fire ships, as the Dutch prisoners informe us. We set
upon them in the Schoon Velt, the wind at W.N.W1., but changed
to ye N.N.E. in the bataile towards evening. We buoyed the out-
ward banks wth our smacks and ketches, and had a smart brush with
them from 12 at noone as long as daylight lasted. The damage we
have done them we certainly know not. Severall of ther ships we
disabled, wch we forced into leewards. Trump, whose squadron we
ingaged wth ours, shifted his ship once, if not twice. What number
of men we have lost in the fleet not yet know; I believe not 500.
In our ship not above 20, as I can learne ; some mortality wounded,
others dismembred. Amongst our dead men is poore Capt. Wasey,
who first lost his arme close to his shoulder, and about 6 howers
after dyed of his wounds. My brother Joseph very well; was wth
me last night after ye bataile. My unckle Richard very well : he
hath burnt his ship ; was faire to burne De Rutter within his length,
when they shote his masts about his eares; for wch indeavoured
service ye Prince* hath given him one hundred pounds, and gratified

a Kupert.

20 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

also his oficers, &c. I supose we shall not atacque them in that
place againe. Our greatest care was to keepe cleere of the sands in
that narrow hole. Our ship, so tender with a saile that we fought
w^ the watter some tymes comeing into our lower tire of ports,
wch was very disadvantagious, could not do that service intended
by us.

There is severall Capts killed that we have already an account of;

1 hope no more. Capt. Finch in the Yorke, Capt. Tempest in the
Sweepestakes, Capt. Fowles in the Lyon; and Capt. Werden, in the
Heneretta, mortality wounded.8 We have severall of our ships
shattered, not above two disabled, and none, as I heare of, lost, but

2 or 2 fire ships burnt.

We ride now wthin 3 leagues of the Dutch fleete; they ride in
the place we atacqued them in, and we in our former birth, only
about 2 leagues further of the shore. How soone we shall fight
them againe cannot resolve, but in ye place they now ride I iudge
we shall not atacque them a second tyme. I beleive the Prince may
shift his ship and goe into some other ; but of y * in my next.

I desire that thanks and prayes may be returned to Almighty
God for his preservation of me. My humble duty to my deare
mother; loving saluts to my brothers and sisters, and all my deare
relations. God in mercy blesse and preserve them all, and send us
a joyfull meeteing. W^1 my intire love and saluts to thee wth my
daughter and litle Dickee, I remaine

Thine, till death us part,

KICHARD HADDOCK.

We have a rumor that Capt. Trevanion5 is killed, comds the
Dreadnought; but I hope it is not true.

* William Finch, third son of Thomas, first Earl of Winchilsea; John Tempest,
Thomas Foules, and Robert Werden. The last was not killed in this action,
according to Charnock, Biogr, Navalis.

b Richard Trevanion. He was not killed. He followed James II. into exile.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 21

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

Yet on bord ye R. Charles, this 31 May, 1673.

MY DEARE BETTY,

I wrote the two dayes since of God's goodnes to race in or late
bataile. I gave the ace* of Capt. Trevanions suposed to be killed,
but he is well ; and allso Capt. Courtney,* wch was reported to be
killed, is alive and well. Capt.Worden is since dead of his wounds.b
We are now shifting ships, goeing on bord the London ; the reason
I gave in my last. Sr Jn° Harman c goes from the London into the
Sovraigne, and Capt. Hay ward d out ye Sovraigne into this ship. It
is no smal trouble to me to part from this brave ship; her only fault
is she is tender sided, in all respects otherwayes the best ship in the
world.

My deare, I am very well; My bror Joseph and unckle Richard
likewise. The Prince in good health, and our fleet prepareing for
another incounter, if the Dutch comes out. My deare, I am thyne
till death, RICHARD HADDOCK.

Pray, if Comr Deane e be not in towne, send forward the inclosed
to Portsm0.

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

R. Charles, rideing N°, 7 leagues from Oostend,
this 1st June, 1673; Sonday.

MY DEARE BETTY,

Wee ride in sight of our neighbours the Dutch, not above 3 in 4
leagues distant. This morning they were under saile; we thought

* Francis Courtney. He fell in the action with the Dutch on the llth August of
this year.

b This is denied. (See above, p. 20, note a.)

c Became Vice-Admiral of the Red, on the death of Sir Edward Spragge, this year.

d John Hay ward. He fell in the action of llth August, this year.

• Anthony Deane, Commissioner of the Nayy at Portsmouth.

22 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

they would have come of to us. We put ourselves in a posture to
rece them. They have now the wind of us, being easterly; and may
come out if they please. This morning we have ace1 from a good
hand from Oostend y1 they sent in 6 or 7 disabled ships to Flushing,
two whereof sunck in going in. They likewise sent on shore 400
or 500 wounded men, and, as they advize from Oostend, comd was
given not to speake of the fight at Flushing. So doe beleive, till
they recrute ther strength, we shall not heare of them ; however, we
are not wanting to prepare ourselves agl they come. The Swiftsure
is this day come to us; had like to have bine snapt Tuesday last by
the Amsterdam squadron yi came into the Schoon Velt tyme enough
to fight.

I have but little else to write to thee. Sr Roger Strickland sends
his hoy to Deptford for watter; and these goe by Sr Ed. Spragg's-
yacht, who caryes up one Coll. Hambliton into the River, who lost
his legg on bord us. Pray lett me heare from thee by one or both
of them. My humble duty to my deare mother; love and saluts to
all freinds in gen11. Wth my deare love to thy selfe, my daughter,
and little Richard, I remayne

Thyne, till death us part,

RICHARD HADDOCK.

JOURNAL [OF CAPTAIN RICHARD HADDOCK] IN HIS
SHIP R. CHARLES, MAY, 1673.

A°. 1673.

May 11. This Sonday morneing, about 7 aclock, we anchored in
the Prince's fleet, to the westwards of them, about 2 leagues to the
westwards of Dongenesse, in 1 fadom watter, ye lighthouse beareing
N.E. by E. This day I went on bord the St. Michell to waite on
ye Prince, who comanded me to weigh and plye up to his ship;
but, bloweing so hard, could not.

12. This Monday morneing wind at N.E. and N.E. by N.; blew
•very hard, and raine some part of the forenoone ; could not weigh.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 23

13. This Tuesday morneing, ye wind at north, we wayed and gote
up to the Prince's ship, the St. Michel ; anchored alongst her side
without her. This forenoone his Highnes Prince Rupert came on
bord us, but went of at.noone; dyned on bord the R. Prince; after
diner returned on bord us. This day we tooke on bord all the
Prince's retenue and goods, &c. ; struck downe some of our gunns
into hold, to rece new ones in ther roomes. All this afternoone ye
wind at north ; constant rain.

14. This Wedensday we tooke on bord seaverall of the new gunns
and mounted them. The wind this day came round from the N.W.
to S.W*., S.E. and E. by N°. This day the French fleet apeared in
sight about noone ; being litle wind, they anchored short of us about
3 leagues.

15. This Thursday we mounted all the rest of the new gunns;
the wind at N.E*. to E.N.E. Ye French fleet wayed and plyed
towards us ; anchored about 4 miles short of us.

16. This Fry day morneing the French fleet weighed and plyed up
to us. About 9 a clock this morneing Monsr Conte d'Estrees,a ther
Adm11, who wore his flagg at ye foretopmast head, being V. Adm11
of Fraunce, past by us about musket shote or somew* more asterne
of us; struck his flagg, lored his topsailes and saluted us, I meane ye
Prince, wth 13 peece of ordnance; we returned him eleven in answer.
Presantly after Monsr Conte d'Estrees came on bord us, to waite on
his Highnes ye Prince. This evening came of from Rye his Maj^ and
R. Highnes in there yachts ; came on bord us ; stayed about one hower
and a halfe, and then returned to the yachts againe after 8 at night.

17. This Satuarday morneing, the wind at N. by E., blowing very
fresh, the Prince went on bord the Cleeveland yacht to waite upon
his Maj*y; and about £ an hower after the King, Duke, and Prince
came on bord this ship. This forenoone we spread a standard in the
mizen shrowds, fired a gunn to call on bord us the flagg oficers.
This day the King and Duke dyned on bord us. The wind hath
blowne very hard at N.N.E. and N.E. by N. all day.

a Jean, Comte d'Estrees.

24 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

18. This Sonday the wind vered to the east and by north, and
back to ye N.N.E*. at night; blew very fresh all day. This day the
King dyned on bord Conte d'Estrees; the standard at maine top-
mast head ; his flagg struck wch he wore at the foretopmast head.
This evening the King and Duke supt on bord us, and at 9 aclock
tooke ther leaves of us and went on shore to Rye. This day the
noble Lord Ossory a hoysted the Reare Adm11 blew flagg on bord the
St. Michael.

19. This Monday morning, about 3 aclock, being at anchor still,
the wind at E.N.E*., we designed to weigh, but, bloweing fresh, we
rode fast all this day.

20. This Tuesday, at 3 in the morneing, being alaramed by
seavrall gunns from the eastwards, we fired a gunn and put out a
light in the mainetopmast shrowds, our signall of weighing, but did
not weigh by reason of the ebb tyde, the wind being at S.E*. We
had intelligence, by a sloop, of 70 saile of Hollanders seene on the
back of ye Goodwin, and wthout the S° Sands Head; but proved to
be, by our 2d intelligence by the litle Greyhound, a fleet of Ham-
burghers of 26 saile only. This forenoone we weighed with all the
fleet; stood to the southwards; at noone tackt; litle wind. We
anchored about 2 aclock, ye Nesse light howse N. by E., in 21 fadoms,
7 miles distance. This day his Highnes the Prince dyned on bord
the Conte d'Estrees, who struck his flagg as soone as the Prince was
on bord him, and the Prince's Jack flagg hoysted up at mainetop-
mast head; and, whilst the Prince remaind on bord him, his flagg
(I meane ye Conte d'Estrees) was kept furld. Towards evening the
Hamburg1"8 fleet plyed by us to the wVards; gave us many gunns
in saluts. Ye wind, since 4 in the afternoone, at W.S.W. and W1.
This night we rode fast.

21. This 21 day, Wedensday morneing, at 4 aclock, we wayed
wth the whole fleet; wind at W. by N°., a fine fresh gale. By 10
aclock the wind came to ye S.W*. We steered away on the back of
the Goodwin. About 4, afternoone, we anchored in 10 fadom watter,

* Thomas Butler, Earl of Ossory.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 25

on the flatts of the N° Forland, the lighthouse beareing W by S.
southerly, about 6 miles distant.

22. This Thursday morneing we wayed by 5 aclock; steered
away E. by N°. and E.N.E*. to goe cleare of the showld of the Falls; *
the wind at S.W., a fine gale. After we had gote without ye Falls,
we hauled up E. b. S. and E.S.E.; a fresh gale at S.W. About 4
in the afternoone we made the coast of Flaunders. At 6, evening,
we anchored in 15 fadoms watter, Oostend spire steeples beareing
S.E. by S°, 5 leagues distant. This evening we saw the Dutch fleet,
part of them ; they rode in Schonvelt. Our scout gave us ace1 they
were but 86 saile, the outside, small and great. They wayed and
turned up amongst ye bancks towards the Weelings.

23. This Fry day morneing, by 6 aclock, ye flood being done, we
wayed; wind at S.S.W., litle wind. We stood in; drew our ships
into a lyne of batayle. Our squadron ledd the van, the French in
the midle, and ye blew squadron in the reare. We sayled and drove
soe farr to the N.E. wards that we brought Oostend steeples south
easterly, about 5 leagues or six leagues of. Anchored in 1 1 fadom
watter, within the oyster bancks. Ye Dutch fleet, ye n°most, bore
E.N.E.; and ye southmost E1, southerly from us, about 3 leagues.
This night have had but litle wind at S.S.W. and S.W*.

24. This Satuarday morneing we intended, if the should watter
hindred not, to goe in w01 our fleet and set upon the Dutch ; sending
a party of 35 men of warr, 13 fire ships, and 24 tenders ahead of
us, to make the onsett, and we wth the whole fleet to have seconded
them. But this our intention was this day prevented by God
Almighty's providence, the wind bloweing very hard at S.W. and
W'.S.W*. This morneing came in to the fleet the Soveraigne,
Victory, and Dyamond, out of the river of Thames. Yesterday our
scouts gave us ace1 that ye Dutch fleet, of all sorts that could be told,
did not exceed 84. All this day the wind hath blowne very hard
at S.W. and W.S.W.; forct us strick our yard, and some ships both
topmast and yard.

a A long narrow shoal off the North Foreland.
CAMD. SOC. E

26 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

25. This Sonday the wind hath blowne very hard at W.S.W1.;
forct us in ye afternoone to strick our topmasts and get our sprit-
saile yard under the boltsprit. This day severall of the French
ships broke from ther ground tackle, but brought up againe wth
other anchors and rode fast.

26. This Monday, in the forenoon, the wind continued bloweing
hard at W.S.W., as did also the night past, but not so violently as
the day formerly. In the afternoone the wind dullered. We sett
our topmasts and got up or yards ; our neighbours the Dutch did
the like also. Toward evening indiferent faire weather.

27. This Tuesday the wind hath bine from the S.W*. back to ye
S.E*., wth very thick weather, and then veered to the N.W*., wth
some tymes very thick [weather] and raine and wind ; all this day
very unconstant weather. This afternoone we spread our red flagg
for the severall divissions drawne out of the fleet to get themselves
into a body for the first onsett upon the enemy; but did not weigh
ourselves. Our party out of our squadron anchored to leewards of
us, and neere half way betweene ye Dutch fleet and ours. This day
ye standard was spread for the flagg oficers. When come on bord,
twas resolved that tomorrow, about 10 in the morning, the flood
being done and faire weather, that we weigh and atacque the Dutch
fleet now rideing in the Schoonvelt, steereing with an easey saile
upon them; and, in case they go in to Flushing, then to anchor in
their places; and, that they stand of into sea, to stand out with them.

28. This Wedensday morneing, being indiferent faire weather,
we prepared our ship ; gote upp our sheat anchor, slung our yards,
&c. The wind at west, a fresh gale. By 10 aclock we gote up our
anchor, and made sayle. Brave weather; wind at W. b. X. and
W.N.W*. We wth our squadron steered N.E. b. E. wth the north
end of the Dutch fleet, ye French wth the body, and ye blew squadron
wth the south part of them. To 1 1 aclock thay rode most of them
fast at anchor, not so rmuch as ther fore topsailes loose. About 12
at noone we bore downe upon the Dutch and ingaged ther van, and
the French in the body, our blew squadron in the reare. We fought

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 2?

till twas darke, tacking to and againe in the Schoon Velt. What
certaine damage we did the enemy we cannot tell. This night we
sailed and drove out againe ; came into 6 fadom watter on ye oyster
banck. By day light we were gote 3 leagues without the Schoon
Velt.

29. This Thursday morneing we anchored in 13 fadom watter by
our judgement, S. b. E*. from Oostend, 6 or 7 leagues of. This day
ye Prince called a councill of flagg oficers. Ordered, that ye
respective flaggs call ther divissions on bord and take ace1 of what
damages recd yesterday in the bataile. This day the wind blew very
hard at S.W*. ; forct us to strick our topmasts and yards and veere
out our shot of cable 2J without bord. This afternoone, about 3
aclock, the Prince sent away a packet for Whitehall, by whome I
wrote for London.

30. This Fryday the wind blew very hard, most part of the day,
at S.Wfc. and W.S.W*. Towards evening lesse wind. We got up
our topmasts.

31. This Satuarday forenoone, foggy weather; afternoone, very
faire weather; the wind at N.E1. This day the Prince tooke reso-
lution to shift shipps, ours being so tender that we could not beare
out our lower tire of gunns in the late bataile.

June 1. This Sonday, ye first day of June, the Dutch fleet many
of them were under saile, but came not, out to us. We gote up our
anchor and came to saile wth all the fleet, but anchored againe and
birth' t our selves in our anchoring posture agreed on, to say: the
flaggs to ride N. and south of each other, 4 cables length distant ;
and the ships of the severall divissions to ride N.W. and S.E. from
there flaggs, 2 cable length distant of one side and the other; the
flagg ships as they are ranged in ther line of bataile. This day we
struck some broken gunns down into hold, and some whole, to the
number of tenn, to stiffen our ship if posible.

2. This Monday the wind blowes very fresh at N.E., and did so
all the last night and the day before. This day the Prince resolved
to shift his ship and goe on bord the E. Soveraigne.

28 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

3. This Tuesday evening his Highnes the Prince went on bord
the Soveraigne. I and Capt. Young a followed him, and this night
lay on bord her.

4. This Wedensday morneing, very early, I went on bord the
K. Charles to shift the men. Chose out 250 men to come on bord
the Soveraigne.

JOURNALL IN THE R. SOVERAIGNE, JUNE, 1673.

This 4th day of June, Wedensday, before noone, the Dutch fleet,
then rideing in Schoonvelt, all wayed and came to saile and came
out to us. We wayed with our fleet; put ourselves in the best
posture we could ; but, makeing saile, we gote ahead next the blew
squadron, leaveing most of the French in the reare, with our Vice
Admirall. Betwixt 4 and 5 aclock the Dutch fleet— Trump in the
van, De Rutter in the body — bore downe towards us (the wind at
N.E*., a very fresh gale). We ingaged till twas darke, more then
•£ range of our shot distant. We kept our lufe ; they did likewise
the same; would not come close to us. What damage we did them
we know not. On our parts we lost 2 fire ships; shatterd our ships,
many of them, in hull, masts, yards, and rigging. Comdrs killed
were: Capt. White of the Warspight, and Capt. Sadleton of the
Crowne.b What number of men slaine in the fleet, know not. This
night we stood to the northwards with our foresaile and mainetop-
sailes only. Most of the Dutch fleet, at 12 aclock at night, tackt
away from us; the remainder tackt after them at 2 aclock.

5. Betwixt 4 and 5 we tackt of after them; stood of wth 2 top-
sailes; put out our Jack flagg. Called a council of warr to know
the condition of our fleet ; found our ships to be shatred in our masts
and rigging, not to be repaired in the sea ; our powder and shot the
greatest part spent in two batailes. Haveing no shot in the fleet for

a Henry Young.

White and Kichard Sadlington.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 29

recrute, twas resolved by the Prince, for the more expedition (sic)
fitting the fleet out againe, to saile for the buoy of the Nore. We
tackt; stood in for the shore, seeing Laistoforland.a Stood away
alongst the shore, wthout the sands called Alborough knapes. The
wind at N.E., we steered away S.W. by S., haveing an ebb tyde to
goe without the Shipwash.b The flood comeing upon us sett us in
so neare ye Sheepewash, that we were within a mile and a halfe of
itt. We hauld of south, and, after we were about that sand, we
steered up the Swine.c After 8 at night we anchored in 13 fadom
watter, above the Gunflit at least 2 miles. All the fleet likewise
anchored.

6. This Fryday morneing the wind came to the S.W. ; litle wind.
We wayed to plye up, and plyed the tyde to an end. Anchored
about 2 miles belowe the Midle Ground buoy,d in 8 fadom watter.

7. This Satuarday, 8 in the morning, we wayed ; wind at W*.
and W. b. N. We turned up as high as the Oase Edge buoy ; e
there anchored and rode all night.

8. This Sonday, wind at east, we wayed and ran up to the buoy
of the Nore. There anchored, about a mile below the buoy.

9. This Monday the wind blew very hard at E* and E.S.E*, with
raine ; forct us to strick our topmasts and yards. The wind hath
blowne very hard all this day, and vered back to the E.N.E*.

10. This Tuesday, wind came to tho north. Slaby weather and
cold; bloweing a fresh gale.

11. This Wed ensday wind at N.W*. and north. This day the
King and Duke came on bord us. At night, after they had supt,
went on bord ther yachts.

12. This Thursday the wind at E* to S.Efc. Tho King came

a Lowestof t Ness.

b The Ship-wash sand-bank off the month of the Deben.

c The King's Channel or East Swin, running down east of the Gunfleet sands, off
the Essex shore.

d The Middle Ground shoal lies at the mouth of the Thames, some miles below the
Nore, on the Kentish side of the river.

c The Oaze Edge shoal near the Middle Ground, but on the Essex side.

30 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

out Sheerenes about noone and dyned on bord us. This evening
his Maj^ and Duke of Yorke tooke there leave of us and went in
ther yachts to London.

13. This Fryday the wind blew hard at E.N.E*. This day we
were falcely allarum'd by the Holmes frigtt; comeing up from the
Gunflet wth topgalant sails flying and fired gunns, uppon a certaine,
or rather uncertaine, intelligence that 19 or 20 saile of Dutch
men of warr were scene wthout the Gallaper. All this day it
hath blowne very hard, wth some raine.

14. This Satuarday morneing, about 5 aclock, his Highnes Prince
Eupert went up the river in our barge for Black Heath. The
wind at S.E*. This day Sr John Harman, upon the receipt of a
packet from Whitehall, called a councill of warr. There ordered to
send downe 7 or 8 frigtts and as many fireships, to ride twixt the
Oase Edge and Eedd Sand,a and the rest to birth themselves
N.N.E. and S.S.W. one of each other, at ye Nore.

15. This Sonday the wind hath bine from north to W.S.W.j
little wind till evening. It then blew hard, westerly. This day
we had intelligence, by a Hellicar land b dogger, that 17 saile of
Dutch men of warr were rideing without the Gonflitt. Yesterday
he was on bord them.

16. This Monday the wind hath bine at Wfc. bloweing fresh .
Towards evening the wind came to the S.S.W*. This day I sent
up the Barbabella wth our empty caske to London. Tookeing (sic)
aship of beere about 60 ts.

17. This Tuesday wind at S.E.; faire weather ; I sent Bassets hoy
up to Chatham againe for store?.

• 18. This Wedensday morning wind at south and S.E*. I went
into ye Swale, to setle jur muster booke of the R. Charles.

19. This Thursday wind at north and N.W1.; some tyme badd
weather.

20. This Fryday we tooke on bord 16ts. of watter. The wind

» The Red Sand lies between the Ooze Edge and the Middle Ground,
b Heligoland.

HADDOCK CORKESPONDENCE.

31

hath bine at north and back to W.S.W1.; sometymes badd
weather.

21. This Satuarday the wind at S.W. In the afternoone the
Prince returned on bord againe.

22. This Sonday wind southerly. The Prince went into Sheere-
nes.

23. This Monday wind at S.S.W. to W.N.W'.; sometymes bad
weather. This day ye Prince went on shore on Essex side; came
on bord againe at noone. This day severall of our fleet came out
Sheerenes.

29. To this Sonday we have had the winds southerly to the
west; some 3 days badd weather. Have bine dispatching our
ships out Sheerenes, and takeing in our provissions. The Dutch
fleet rideing in the Slade Way and at the Gonflitt since Wedensday.
This night his Highnes ye Prince lay on bord the Monmouth
yacht.

NAVAL OPERATIONS, 1652 — 1673; WITH OBSERVATIONS BY
CAPTAIN EICHARD HADDOCK.

Year.

Mo.

D.

Observations.

1652

June*

19

Fight in.Downes between
English and Dutch.

Gen1 Blake comanded. Fight
to the w*ward off Dover.

Sept.

5

French fleet beat by En-

Gen1 Blake comanded.

glish.

Nov.

15b

Blake worsted by Dutch.

True; and retired to the Buoy

of the Nore over the Flats.

Feb.

18,19,20

Fight near Portland.

True. Blake, Deane, and

Dutch beaten.

Monck. Gen1 Blake and

Deane in the Tryumph ;

Monk in the Vanguard.

Blake wounded.

English worsted in Le-

True. Cap* Kd Balilo com-

vant by Dutch.

anded.

a A mistake for May.

b On the 29th November. It was after this action that Van Tromp hoisted the
broom at his mast-head.

32

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE

NAVAL OPEEATIONS, 1652-1673— continued.

Year.

Mo.

D.

Observations.

1652

June

a

Dutch beaten.

Deane and Monk Genls. Deane

killed.

'53

July

29,30

Fight between English

True. Dutch beaten. Gen1

and Dutch.b

Monk only comanded. Trump

'64

Dec.

30 °

Fleet off Portsmouth took

killed, and his flag shot down.
True. Brought into Portsm0

112 Dutch prizes,

and afterwards made prizes.

'65

Apr1

20

De Ruyter attempted

True.

Berbadoes; and beaten.

May

30

Hamburgh fleet taken by

True. Were taken with their

Dutch.

convoy.

June

3

Dutch beaten by ye Duke,

True. Opdam then blown up;

and 30 capit1 ships

the rest taken and burnt.

taken and destroyed.

Aug.

16

Dutch Smerna Streights

True; and was forced away by

East India ships at-

the Danes and Dutch, who

tacqu'd by Rr Adm1
Tiddimand in Bergen.

landed ther gnns, contrary to
the concert between the two

Crowns of England and Den-

mark.6

Sept.

4

2 East India and sev1

True ; and two men-of-war

merch* ships taken by

then taken by Sprag in the

E. of Sandwich.

R1 James, formerly called

the Richard.

»

9

18 s1 of Dutch beaten, and

True.

greatest part taken

Feb.

8

Dutch chas'd intoWeilings

True.

by Myngsf

'66

June

1

Duke Albem* engaged 90

Fought 3 days. Then came

s1 of Dutch on coast of

Prince Rupert in the R1

Flanders.

James, wth the squadron wch

had been to the westw* to

look out for Beaufort from

Toulon. Were sent for back.

Ye 3d day, Sonday, on our

retreat, the R1 Prince was

lost on the Galliper; set on

a On the 2nd and 3rd June, off the North Foreland.

b Off the Dutch coast.

c Before declaration of war, in retaliation for attacks by the Dutch on the
colonies.

d Sir Thomas Tiddiman, or Teddiman.

e The Governor of Bergen not having yet received the instructions from his
Government and refusing to admit the English fleet.

f Sir Christopher Mings ; died of wounds received in the action of 1st June.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

NAVAL OPERATIONS, 1652-1673 — continued.

33

Year.

Mo.

D.

Observations.

1666

June

4,5,6

Dutch beaten.

fire. The Swiftsure taken

by the Dutch. The 4th day

both fleets retird : Prince

Rupert and Duke of Albe-

marle to the Nore, the Dutch

to their own coast.

«

July

25,26

Dutch beateu by Prince

The Dutch run home to their

Rupert and Dk Albe-

harbours.

marle.

M

Ang*

7

Sr R* Holmes burnt 150

True. .Sr R* Holmes went in

Dutch in ye Fly.

the Tyger wth the Dragon

and some fireships and

ketches. Burnt 3 men of

war that were in the Fly

amongst the number. After-

wards burnt the town of

Brandros a before he went

out.

Dec.

25

Robinson b took and de-

True. It was in his return

stroyed 3 Dutch men

from Gottenburgh, whither

of warr near ye Texell.

he was sent to convoy home

a great fleet laden with

naval stores.

1667

April

30

Dutch attempted Burnt

True, I beleive.

Isleand in Scotland

and beaten of.

June

llc

12 Dutch taken and 2

True.

sunck near Norway.

June

20

Rich Dutch East India

True. Taken by Sr Jeremy

ship, 74 guns, taken.

Smyth in his sayling about

Scotland to Ireland.

?.

June

25

Sr Jno. Harman wth 16

True.

Engl. men of warr en-

gaged 30 French near
Martinego ; burnt and

destroyed most of them.

„

26

8 Dutch prizes with masts

True, I beleive.

and deals taken.

„

July

19

Dutch attempt4 Torbay,

True.

but beaten off.

w

23

23 Dutch make up ye

Thames.

a Bandaris in the island of Schelling.
b Sir Robert Robinson.

c The day that the Dutch were in the Medway.
CAMD. SOC. F

34

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

NAVAL OPEBATIONS, 1652-1673— continited.

Year.

Mo.

D.

Observations.

1667

July

24

Fought by Spragg near

True. He forc't 'em out of

ye Hope and retire.

the River, after having

burnt and taken 12 sayle

of their fireships; and we

lost but one of our 12. So

forct them down the King's

channel below the Middle,8

having but 6 men of war

and 12 fireships. Sr Joseph

Jordain came from Harwich

in a smal man of war with

sev1 colliers made fireships.

We rode then at Lee Road.b

Dutch at the Nore. Wind

blew hard easterly. Did no

execution on the Dutch.

»

Aug*

3

De Kuyter attempts y*
Virginia fleet.

True, bnt did no execution on
ym.

»»

24

Six EngL, cruiseing

I beleive it true, but know not

northwa, fought a

of it.

squadron of Dutch

and took 3.

71

May

10

10 Algerines burnt at

True. The boom was first cut

Bugia by S* Ed.

by Capt. Harman,0 that co-

Spragg.

manded the boats

>»

July

5

Sr Christoph' restor'd by

the French.

'72

Mar.

14

SrR* Holmes fought ye

True ; but 'twas not for re-

Dutch refusing to

fusing to strike.

strike.

>»

May

28

Fight wth ye whole Dutch

True. In that fight the R1

Fleet off Southwold

James was burnt, after she

bay.

had quitted herself of Brac-

kel,d a Dutch 70 gun ship, that

lay athwort her hawse, which

she took ; and being disabled

gave opportunity of a fire-

ship clapping her aboard.

>j

Dec.

20

Tobago Island taken

True.

from ye Dutch.

a The Middle, a shoal off Foulness, between the West Swin and the East Swin
or King's Channei-

b Near the mouth of the Thames, off the village of Lee on the Essex side.

c Thomas Harman.

d Adrian Brackell, the captain of the Dutch man-of-war.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

35

NAVAL OPERATIONS, 1652-1673 — continued.

Year.

Mo.

D.

Observations.

'72

Dec.

31

S* Hellena taken by ye

True.

Dutch.

'73

May

6

S* Hellena retaken by

True.

Capt. Monday.

»

May

28

Engl. Fleet engage y*

True. Fought in ye Schon-

Dutch and force them

velt.

to retreat.

»

June

4

2d engagem* wth ye Dutch

True. Fought ye Dutch on

on y* coast.

yr coast, but stood over to

our own all that battle. The

next morn we tackt on the

Dutch: but they stood away
for their own coast ; and we

stood back and came to the

Nore after 2 battles in eight

days.

j>

Aug.

11

3d victory against ye
Dutch by Pr Rupert.

Fought the Dutch ; but no
great victory. The French

declined fighting, and fleet

retired to the Nore some

time after. Sr Edwd Sprag

then drownd. R1 Prince's

mainm* shot down ; had like

to have been burnt.

WILLIAM BRANDON TO SIR RICHARD HADDOCK.

Portsm0 Victuall* Office,
July 24th, 1688.

HoNble Sr,

The last post brought a news letter to this place, wherein are
these words: It is reported that Sr Richd Haddock, Capt. Penny-
man, and severall other seamen, are gone for Holland; wch are
lookt upon heere as a verry greate reflection upon your Honr, that
cannott without ingratitude and breach of duty omit acquainting
you with itt and the author's name, wch is Edmond Sawkell, att

36 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

the Generall Post Office. I have and shall vindicate your Honr
to my outmost power; and begg leave to subscribe myself

Yor Honrs
Most humble and obedient serv*,

Wm BRANDON.

To the Honble Sr Eichd Haddock, Kn*, one of the
Comm18 for Victualling his Maj'J' Nayy, att
the office on Tower Hill, London, These.

SIR EICHARD HADDOCK TO PHILIP FROWD.*

Tower Hill, London, this 29th July, 1688.

Sff

The last weeke, in a news lettr wrote by a serv1 of yours, one
Mr. Edmd Sawkell, there is a scandallous reflection on my honr
and reputation, by his writeing that Sr Kd Haddock wth seuerall
other seamen were gone into Holland, wch I have recd acct of sd
letter from 3 or 4 countys, and must beleive it hath flowne all the
kingdome over.

Sr, I was this day to waite on you at yr post ofice ; but, haveing
ace1 given me that you were in the country, thought fitt, before I
spake wth Mr. Sawkill, to give you notice hereof, and y1 you will
ready lie conclude I shall expect satisfaction from him for this scan-
dall, at least y* he finds out his author or else must conclud him to
be the inventor himselfe. I do presume you know me so well as to
beleive, however the King may please to deale wth me (wch hetherto
hath bine extra kind), I shall never forsake my loyalty and duty to
him, even to my last breath. Praying a lyne or two in answer,
with great respect, I remaine

Your very afecte servant,

Rd H.
To JN. (sic) FROWD, ESQ.

a Postmaster-General.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 37

CAPTAIN JOSEPH HADDOCK TO HIS BROTHER,
SIR KICHARD HADDOCK.

Abord the Ship Princess of Denmark,
17th Xber, 1688. Balasore Koade.

Sr KiCHd HADDOCK.

MY EVER HONd BROTHER,

My last, of the 7th Aug* from Yisagapatam, gave yor Honr ace*
of our arrivall Madras and of our affaires to that tyme. The 10th
Aug* we saild thence for Balasore, wher we arrived the 15th; in wch
bay we have contd and rid out the monsoone, wch has prov'd favour-
abler then expected (beinge leape yeare).

The 15th 7ber Cap* Heath arriv'd this place, who, by virtue of
the President and Counsell of Madras order requir'd my goeinge
up wth hime to Chuttynutte* in the river of Hugly (the place
where our Agent and factorie resided), myselfe wth the rest of the
comandrs of the Europe Shipps then in the river to assist hime in
the R* Honble Compb affairs.b In fews days after our getting up to
Chuttynutte, a letter was writ to the Nabob of Dacca (the cheife
govenr of that citty), who had formerly requested our Agent that
if we would assist hime wtb ships to transport soulders and horss
from Chottagam to Arraccan (they beinge in warrs wth that Kinge),
he would give us his Pharwanna c of a settlem1 of trade, wth preva-
ledges as formerly accordinge to the 1 2 articles formerly sent hime
from our agent &c. Capt. Heath, in the letter sent, condesended to

a Chnttannttee, now Calcutta.

b Early in 1686 the Company fitted out an expedition to retaliate on the Nawab
of Bengal for past injuries, and to attempt to seize Chittagong. But before the
arrival of the forces a premature quarrel with the natives forced the English to
abandon Hoogly and retire to Chuttanuttee. In Sept. 1687, a truce was patched up,
but the Company was not satisfied. An armament was despatched under com-
mand of Heath. The result was the attack on Balasore, as told in this letter, an
abortive attempt on Chittagong, and the abandonment of the Company's factories
in Bengal. — See Mill's Hist, of British India, book i. chap. v.

e Farwana, the licence granted by a viceroy; as distinguished from a firman,
granted by a sovereign.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

the Nabob's request, in suplyinge hime wth 10 ships and vessells for
the Mogull's occations, to transport ther soulders and horss, pro-
vided they would allow of the buildinge of a fortyfiction wthin the
river of Hugly, for the better security of the Ei Honble Comp9
estate and serts; wthout wch grant of a fortyfied place the Comp9
ordrs possitive are, to wthdraw off all our factory from this place.

We continued heere 5 weeks for the Nabob's answer to the
proposall : but not comeing, we, haveinge taken off all the Honble
Comp8 concernes from the shoare, saild from Chuttynty the 8th pber,
and passed by ther fortts peaceably. At our arrival Balasore found
that the govenr of the towne had (some tyme before our comeinge)
detaind the R* Honble Comp8 goods, beinge this yeares investm18,
alsoe partic. mens goods ; and would not permit none of the factors,
nor our people that were ashoure buying provitpons], to come off.
Cap* Heath sent 2 of our factors wth a letter to the govenr (who was
come downe to the bancksall, or point of sand goeinge into the
river, wher he was makeinge a fortyfication), to demand the R*
Honbe Comp8 goods wth all our men. His answer was, what he
did was by order from the Nabob ; and, if he did dilliver our goods
and men, should loose his head. 3 days after, 2 of the factors were
againe sent to aquaint the goven1" that our intention was to depart
out these parts peaceable, we haveinge come away out Hugly river
wthout doeinge any act of hostillity to any of the Mogull's subjects;
therfore requird hime to send off our goods and people by faire
meanes ; if not, we would have them by force of armes. Wch hee
not permitting them too goe off, the next day all our soulders, about
320, and upwards 240 seamen were put into the small vessels and
all our boates; and early next morninge they landed a mile to the
W.ward of the fort (wch the govnr had rais'd) ; against wch landinge
place they had planted 5 small guns on a sandhill, wch they dis-
charg'd at our men, and killd 2 and wounded 2 more; soe fled
from the guns. And soone after, the cheife cap* of our soulders
had drawne all the soulders and seamen in order of battalia, marcht
up to the fort, wch, at ther aproach, fired all ther guns they had

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 39

planted to the land ; but, soone after, the govenr and all his men
fleed out the fort w^out doeing much harme to our men ; the wch
we possest wthout any farther opposition. In and about this fort
they had upwards 40 guns mounted and a good wall made wth
timber and clay; might have bine sufficient (if managM by
Europeans) to [have] wth stood a great armie of men, or at least
done much more mischief then they did.

The govenr, after deserted his fort, made all hast possable up to
Balasore towne, and orderd the factory house (in wch were confind
all our people, thirteene in number) to be sett on fire. Our people
in the house defended themselves bravely, killinge sev1 of the
Moors ; but by the firsness of the fire were forct to surrender them-
selves on tearmes to have ther lives and good useage. The next day
Capt. Heath (who went ashoare wth the soulders — Cap* Sharpe
comanded the small vessells and boates that were to goe over the
barr, leaveinge mee in comand of the ships in the roade) went up
with all the soulders and seamen to Balasore towne by watter and
landed short of old Balasore fort, the wch they soone tooke; soe
marcht into the towne, few or noe people beinge left to oppose
them ; the govenr disertinge it at ther comeinge, caryinge wth hime
all our English, amongst wch are 3 of our ships compa, viz*. Mr.
Davenant (beinge ashoare buyinge pro vit [ions] ), Charles Scarlet,
midshipman, and Sam Harbin, gunr, ser* of Capn Heath's, his
pursur, and 3 more, Mr. Stanly, cheife of the factory, the rest free
men that trades in the country. As yet we cannot gett the govenr
to give ther releasem*. We have sent sev1 messingers to hime,
that we have not burnt ther towne nor ships, expectinge he would
dilliver up our men; but, if not, we will returne and doe both.
Our soulders (but seamen more espetially) have comitted many
inhuemane actions in the towne, plundringe not only Moors but
sev1 Portugeese houses, and killed sev1 innocent people. We have
had the greatest loss in this axtion, viz*. 4 men killd and 3 wounded.
Ther names are: Mr. Starland, 3d mate, Henry Grove, cheife
trumpetter, Christopher Hogg, and Jn° Hinton, who very indis-

40 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

erectly went out wt]l sev1 more seamen to a garden house, expect-
inge great plunder, were cut off, sev1 of them, by a party of
horss. The 3 wounded are Henry Roxby, Fran8 Johnson, and
Jn° Smart.

I have, by the Williamson (by whom this is alsoe intended you),
sent Sr Hen*? Johnson and Sr Tho. Rawlinson, and alsoe to my wife,
a list of our dead &ca men, in all 44. Our supernumery men wch
I brought out of England, beinge 27, at my arivall Madras, I
aqnaintd the President therwth, who offred them to Cap. Brom-
well, the Rotchester haveinge lost most of ther men. But he
refuseinge to pay the charge* the Honble Compa were at sendinge
them out, they were not taken out ther; and what of them that
are alive doe still remaine in our ship, not beinge demanded here
by the agent. I supose our owners will be alowed for them at 50s
per m°, noe longer then our departure Madras, to wch tyme we had
lost 30 men. I doe not repent ther continueinge abord, haveinge
had soe great mortolaty and most of them the best of our seamen.

I supose our next enterprize will be towards Chottagam, a place
neere the coast of Arraccan. The Rl Honble Compa possative orders
are for endeavouringe the takinge it ; but 1 feare we shall not have
strength sufficient to effect it, the Nabob haveinge sent many thou-
sand of [men] this yeare ther to over run and take the kingdome of
Arracan. The king of that country beinge some tyme since dead,
part of the people are in rebelion against the present govern^ ; by
whch its supos'd the Mogullers will goe farr in takeing that country
this yeare, and we frustrated of our designe.

Honble Sir, I have not writt to any of owners (except the 2 in
charty party), beleivinge we shall returne to Madras before the
Williamson sailes for England. Our ship is in a very good condition
and very thite. I beleive our stay in India will be the extreme of
our tyme, for at present noe prospect of a freight for Europe; and
I feare the brave trade of Bengali will be lost, at whch the Dutch
and French rejoyce, that this trade may wholy fall to them.

I have not elce to add ; only please to present my duty, respects,

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 41

and love to all our deere relations and freinds. Thus, wth my due
respects to yor selfe and my good lady sister, doe remaine,
Honble Sr, yor affectionate bro. and
Ser*, whilst

Jo8 HADDOCK.

Sr I recd yor letter, alsoe one from my wife sent per the Defence ;
and returne my humble thancks for it.

For the Honble Sr Rich* Haddock, at his house on
Tower Hill. Present. London.

Pr the Williamson,

Capt. Ashby, Comand', D.G.

RICHARD HADDOCK a TO HIS FATHER, SIR RICHARD
HADDOCK.

Aprill b y« 23d [1692] ; Mnnday, in y« Hooke.c
HONOURD Sr,

This is to acquaint of our ingaging wth ye French and of our
haveing gott ye victory. Wee mett ym of sea, May 19. There
was about 60 saile. Wee fought ym from 1 1 to 9 att night ; since
wch, have been in pursuit of ym. There is run ashoare, in Sherbrook
bay, Torveild wth 3 more capitall ships, wch are now burned. Cozen
Tom Heath e burnt Tor veil ; and have chased 14 saile more in ye
Hooke, where wee now are. Sr Cloudsly Shovel is goeing in wth
ye 3d rates and fire-ships to destroy ym. Wee have been soe un-

a Afterwards Comptroller of the Navy. See Preface.

b A slip of the pen for May.

* " The Hooke " and " Sherbrook," nautical English for La Hogue and Cher-
bourg.

d Tourville fought in the great three-decker "Koyal Sun," the largest vessel
afloat.

« Afterwards captain of the Chester. Died in the West Indies in 1693.

CAMD. SOC. G

42 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

fortunate as [to] lose Eear Adm11 Carter & in ye fight. I am very well
and have received no wound ; only a small splinter hitt mee on ye
thigh, but did no damage, only made itt black and blew. I would
write more particularly, but ye vessell I heare is goeing away pre-
sently ; soe, haveing no more att present, butt duty to your self and
my mother,

I remain your dutyfull Son,

RICH* HADDOCK.

Cozen Kuffin is alive and very well. I will write ye particulars
of our fight as soon as wee come into any port.

RdH.

For Sr Eichd Haddock, att ye Navy Office, in
Crutched Fryers, London.

ISABELLA CmcHELEYb TO SIR Ei CHARD HADDOCK.

Wedensday night, the 4 July, [16]94.

Your good nature, Sr, hath drawne upon you the gossupin of a
company of women. My sisters desire we may drinke our punch
with you to-morrow in the evening, about six aclocke, if it is not
inconvenient to you. I should have sent to you to day, but was
prevented. However, Sr, it may yett be ajorned for longer time,
if you are othere wise disposed. The docters are sending me to
Tunbridge ere long, soe that a warm foundation before drinking
those cold waters will not [be] amisse for, Sr,

Your oblidged, humble servant,

ISABELLA CHICHELEY.

For Sr Kich. Haddocke, These.

a " Carter was the first who broke the French line. He was struck by a splinter
of one of his own yard-arms, and fell dying on the deck. He would not let go his
sword. ' Fight the ship,' were his last words ; ' fight the ship as long as she can
swim.'" — Macaulay, Hist, of England, chap, xviii.

b Probably related to Admiral Sir John Chicheley.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 43

SIR EICHARD HADDOCK TO HIS SON KICHARD.

Navy Office, this 27th Noyr, 1702.

DEARE SON,

I have yors of yesterday's date, from the Downes, wch brings us
the joy full tydeings of yor safe arrivall there. Yor long passage
from Newfoundland put us in great feare of your wellfare, and per-
ticularly your mor hath bine for a month or 5 weekes crying for
you and yor brother Nics safety ; but blessed be God you are both
come well home. Your bror now with us came up from the
Downes by leave from his Captn, and hath behaved himself with so
much bravery and couradge that he hath gained the good report
of the Duke of Ormond, his Captn, &c., both in the action at Kotta
and St. Mary Port,a and Vigo, and was the first man that borded
one of the gallions at Vigo,b wch is come home. I do not find by
yor letter that you were wth your Comodore at the takeing and
destroying the French shipps to the southwards of Trepassa,c and
consequently you will not come in for your share of that capture.
The news papers tells us yor prize is got into Plyrn0, and for your
boate wth 5 men you say you left behind at Plyrn0 we never heard
anything of it, wch gives you trouble; and because you write not
of my Coz Wm's d wellfare, I am conscernd for feare he might be in
that boate. To morrow morning I intend to go to ye Admty and
endeavor you may come into the Eiver, if his R. Highness orders
your cleaneing.

God Allmighty hath blest ye forces of her Majty and her Allies,

a In the expedition against Cadiz, the Duke of Ormond effected a landing at
Rota at the north end of the Bay of Cadiz, on the 15th August, and occupied Puerto
de Santa Maria, on the east of the Bay, six days afterwards.

b The attack on the shipping in Vigo took place on the 12th October.

c Trepassey, in Newfoundland.

d This is probably the William Haddock noticed by Charnock, Biographic^
Navalis, iv. 44, who died in 1726. He may have been the son of Richard Haddock,
Sir Richard's uncle.

44 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

both by land and sea, in a wonderfull manner; for wch we lately
had a publick day of thanksgiveing in this citty. The Queene,
House of Lords and Comons, wth the Bishops, Judges, &c. came
to S* Paul's Church, where, after sermon, Te Deum was sung.

Since your leaveing England, two of our bord are dead, viz*.
Mr. Sotherne and my good freind Comr Willshaw,a who dyed ye
23d Sepr last. My Coz Anna Babb, that was in one of our almes
houses at Stepny, is likewise dead, and my poore Cozn Lockwood's
son in law, Cozn Hodges, dyed lately at Gosport, since his arrivall
from Cadix and Vigo, who waited a tender on ye Duke of Ormond's
shipp. We are all in good health, praised be God, and do kindly

salut you. I am your most afection1 father,

Rd HADDOCK.

Pray let me know how yor shipp proves. I have concernd my
selfe to get one of ye 4th rates building at Deptford for you, and
this day spake to Sr Geo. Eooke about it, and formerly to ye other
3 Councill of ye Lord High Adm11. I know she is tender by your
reifeing your courses ; and twas well hinted in yours to ye Adm^.
I am glad you past by Plyrn0. Orders went thither some tyme
since to cleane you and severall of yor consarts. Rd H.

On Her Majesty's Service. To Captn Richard Haddock,

Comandr of her Maj'y Shipp the Reserve,

these present, In ye Downes.

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

Navy Office, this 10th Decembr, 1703.

MY DEARE SON,

Your letter of the 17th Novr past, giveing me ace* of the unhapy
disaster of your ship being run ashore by a Dutch pilot and of your
happy getting off againe, I recd 3 or 4 ds. after its date ; but, hope-

a Thomas Willshaw, Commissioner of the Navy and Master of the Trinity
House.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 45

ing you might have gote away before an answer could arrive you, I
forbore answering it to you to Helvoet Sluce. I have just now recd
yours of the 7th instant, Tuesday, and, to our great joy, the ace* of
God Almighty's wonderfull preservation of you in the late most
dreadfull storm,a wch no man liveing can remember the like. I per-
seave you have had an ace* of the most sad and lamentable efects of
it heere in England, not only in the losse of our shipppng], but
about 1500 men in the Queen's shipps. I shall not eneumerate ye
perticulars of the losse, only that Capt. Emes,b wth his wife and son
and all ye men in ye Restauration, lost on ye Goodwin, and poore
Tom Blake drowned at Bristoll in ye Canterbury store ship cast
away. The Dorcetshire we have ace* of her being on ye back of
Yarrn0 Sands, cruseing, I supose for want of anchors and cables, and
hope ye Association is cruseing in the sea on the like occasion. My
deare son Nic° hapend to be sick on bord her, as Sr S. Fairebone b
wrote me from the Downes. I sent Tom Apleby imediatly to
Deale to bring him up ; but the ship sailed ye morning before he
gote downe. I hope he will come well home to us. Pray God the
Russell may be got of ye sands and into Helvoet Sluce.

Wee haue 7 or 8 vessells w* anchors and cables in Harwch or
Oasely bay, ready to put to sea when we heare where Sr Stafford is.
Sr Cloud. Shovell I hope now safe at the Nore ; his mainemast cut
downe after he had drove 3 leag8 from ye Longsd, very neare the
Galloper. Ye S* Geo. and R. Cake, now at Blackstakes, rode out
ye storme wthout damage; and the Cambridge I beleive the same.
The 4 ships that broke from their ground takle was the Association,
Russell, Revenge, and Dorcetshire. The Revenge was in Solebay
some tyme since, and furnish wth anchors and cables from ye Not-
tingham and another man of warr y* went out Yarrn0 roads to looke
for our shipps. Capt. Kerr d in ye Revenge gave ace* that he saw

* On the 26th November. b Fleetwood Emms.

c Sir Stafford Fairborne, Vice-Admiral of the Red.

d William Kerr. Dismissed the service, in 1708, for joining in a contraband
trade with the enemy.

46 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

ye Association, Monday last was sevenight; so that we are in hope
she is very well. I shall not inlarge, only to give you our kind
saluts. Pray God send you wth ye King of Spaine well out that
place and over to us. My harty and humble service to Sr Geo:
Rooke.

I am your most afec* father,

R. H.

CAPTAIN EDWARD WHITAKER a TO SIR RICHARD HADDOCK.

Dated on board her Majties ship Dorsetshire,
in Gibralter Bay, July ye 29th [1704].

sr,

I heare give you an acco1 of our good success, especially what
has related to my own particular part. July 21st we anchor'd here
in ye Bay, and about 4 in the afternoon landed about 2000 mar-
rines, Dutch and all. I commanded ye landing with three cap-
taines more; all which was don wth little opposition. About 40
horse came downe from ye towne5 wch was all ; and they run away
soe soon as our guns began to play upon them. We landed
about 2 miles from the towne, in ye Bay, and march'd directly to
the foot of the hill, were they posted themselves within muskett
shott of the gates ; so cutt of all manner of communication from
ye land. We hove into ye towne this evening about 17 shells. The
Prince of Hess b landed with us and immediatly sent a summons
to the Governor, wch did not returne any answer tell the next
morning, and then the Governer said he would defend the towne
to the very last. Then Admirall Byng, who commanded the can-
nonading, began to draw up all his ships in a line before the towne ;
but, it proving little wind, could not gett in with them all, so

a Afterwards knighted and Bear-Admiral. This letter has been printed by Char-
nock in his BiograpJiia Navalis; but it is worth re-printing,
b George, Prince of Hesse-Darmstadt.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 47

that we did little this day. There was three small ships in the
old mold, one of which annoy'd our camp by fireing amongst them,
having about 10 guns lying close in the mold and just under a
great bastion at ye north corner of the towne. I proposed to Sr
George a the burning her in the night. He liked itt; accordingly
ordered what boats I would have to my assistance; and about 12
at night I did it effectually, wth the loss of but one man and 5 or
6 wounded.

July 23rd. At 4 this morning, Adm1 Byng began with his
ships to cannonade, a Dutch Rear Adm1 with 5 or 6 ships of theirs
along with him ; which made a noble noise, being within half shot
of the towne. My ship not being upon service, I desired Sr George
to make me his aducon to carry his comands from tyme to tyme to
admirall Byng, which he did accordingly ; and after about 2 hours
continuall fireing sent me with orders to forbare. Upon this I
went to every ship in the line wth this orders, and coming on board
Capt. Jumper,b in ye Lenox, found him extraordinary well posted
within muskett shott of the new mold head, and had beat them all
out of ye battery and of the mold, so that I beleived we might attack
it with our boats. I went immediatly and acquainted Adm1 Byng
wth it, who ordered all the boats to be man'd and arm'd. From
him I went to Sr George and gave him my oppinion that the mold
might be attack'd. He immediatly made the signall for all the
boates in ye fleet, and gave me the command of ye attack, wth 3 or
4 captaines along wth me. I made all the hast I could with orders
to Admirall Byng to send me accordingly; but some of the boats
got ashore before I could reach them, wth little or no opposition.
Severall of our men gott into ye Castle ; upon which it blew up.
We had kill'd between 40 and 50 men. Most of all the boates
that landed first were sunk; about 100 or two wounded; upon
which, all yl remain'd came running downe and leap'd into the
water, being so mighty ly surprized. I landed within a minute

a Eooke.

b Afterwards Sir William Jumper, Commissioner of the Navy.

48 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

after the accident, and rallied our men. We went over a breach
in the wall but one at a time, and took possesstion of the hill. I
immediatly sent Capt. Roffya and Capt. Acton , b wth between 40
and 50 men, and took possesstion of a bastion of 8 guns within less
then half muskett shott of the towne wall; and there we pitch'd
our collours. Soon after, Adm1 Byng came ashore to me and sent
in a drumer wth a sommons, who returnd in about 2 hours wth a
letter in answer that they would surrender the next day ; wch they
accordingly did. I beleive I had wth me, at the first onsett, between
2 and 300 men; but we grew in a very little time to neare 1000.
This was the manner we took Gibralter, which I hope we shall
maintaine.

I hope, Sr, youle excuse this trouble I give, butt, beleiving that
every boddy here rights att this tyme uppon this occation, I could
not forbeare giveing my very good friend Sr Ricd this perticuler
accu of ye whole matter ; which I dont doubt butt Capt. Haddock
will give ye much ye same acco". Pray please to favour my spouse
with a line or two, feareing mine should miscarry. My most
humble servis to my good lady and all yr good family. I beg youle
make use of this as farre as you shall think fitt, itt being a trew
acco" of ye whole matter. I am

Yr most harty humble Ser* and

kinsman to serve, whilst

EDwd WHITAKER.

P.S. This is rite all in a hurry, so y1 I hope youle excuse me.

Kerril or Kerrit Roffey. b Edward Acton, killed in action in 1706.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 49

NICHOLAS HADDOCK* TO HIS FATHER SIR RICHARD
HADDOCK.

S* George in Barcelona Road, this I8t of May, 1706, O.S.

HoNd Sr,

This comes to you by the Faulcon pink, which is sent home
express wth the good news of our releiving Barcelona in the greatest
extremity. The French had made preparations for a generall assault
that very day we came; and it must have been infallibly taken, had
we not had the luckiest passage imaginable (being but five days
from Lisbon to Cape Martin, where we joynd Sr Jno. Leake).

Saturday last in the morning, when were about 5 leagues to the
wtward of Barcelona, my Lord Peterborow came of to the fleet wth
twleve hundd soldiers embarqued in felucas and boats, and in the
afternoon got in and landed them, wth all the soldiers out of the
transports and most of the marines of the fleet. We have now
about nine thousand soldiers in the towne. The French army con-
sisted at first of twenty thousand ; four of wch, horse under the com-
mand of the Duke of Anjou.b Their loss during this seige is com-
puted to be five [thousand] including a thousand sick and wounded
they have left behind, when they raised the seige, wch was at twelve
aclock last night. They have left 50 peices of brass cannon
mounted and 15 mortars, and are now bound to Roussilion. They
will find great difficultys on their march. The Miquelets,c being
very numerous and all in arms, will destroy a great many of 'em
before they get out of Catalonia, it being a close country. The
French squadron before this place consisted of 26 saile, line of battle
ships. They sailed the night before we came, having intelligence
of us by their scouts. They were all the supply the army had for
provisions, for the Catalans have not given them the least ; nor
could a man of 'em stirr from his tent a musquet shot out of the
Camp but they killed him. We are now sending four ships with

a Afterwards Admiral. b Philip V. of Spain.

c Irregulars of the militia of Catalonia.
CAMD. SOC. H

50 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

6 hundred soldiers for Girone, to reinforce that garrison, lest the
French should make any attempt on it, it lying in their way.

I hear there is an express come to Barcelona from my Lord
Gallaway, giving an account of his being got to Toledo and on his
march for Madrid. The lucky turn Providence has given to our
affairs in these parts I suppose will be joy full news in England; and
this being the first certain ace1 youl have, this long letter wont
seem tedious.

I can expect no letters from you till Sr Clowdsly joyne us, and
then do hope shall hear of your welfare and some good news in
return of all this, which, with my duty to yr self and mother and
love to all friends, is from,

Hem* Sir,

Yr dutifull Son,

N8 HADDOCK.

P.S.— We have had an eclipse of the sun to-day; lasted above
two hours, and for a quarter 'twas total and as dark as night. W* it
may portend, I leave to the learned. Our fleet consists of 50 saile
in the line; 13 of wch, Dutch.

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

Alicant, this 318t of July, 1706.

HoNd Sr,

I have both yr letters by Captn Delevall,a as also the butter and
cheeses, for wch I returne you thanks. I'm glad to hear both my
sisters are so well recovered by the Bath. Pray God continue their
healths. Sunday last we took this place, attacking it by land and
sea; and almost all the people of it are run up to the castle, wth
the garrison, for protection. We assisted our army with 500 sea-
men. I have been ashore with 50 of our ship's company during

a George Delaval, of the Tilbury.

HADDOCK COKRESPONDENCE. 51

the seige ; am very heartily fateigued, but very well in health.
After we have got the castle, I hear the fleet will go for the Islands
of Minorca and Majorca, and, after that, I hope home. If the
S* George should not do, intend asking Sr Jn° Leake leave for
my self.

I'm glad to hear the ship at Sheernes will be launcht so soon as
March. I hope I'm pretty secure of her. I desire your excuse for
this bad scrawle and blotted paper, but I write wth a pen made wth
an old razor that I find in the house I'm quartered in. I have no
more to say but my duty to yr self and mother and love to all
freinds in London and Mile end, and remaine,

Hond Sr,

Yr dutifull Son,

N. HADDOCK.

P. S.— This lettr goes by the Rye.

To Sr Richd Haddock, at the Navy Office in
Crutched Fryars, London, these.

SIR RICHARD HADDOCK TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE
ADMIRALTY.

25th July, 1709.

GENTLEMEN,

In the yeare 1672 I comanded as Captn of the Royall James,
under the R' Honble the Earle of Sandwch, in the Sowle Bay fight.
The said shipp, after a vigorous defence, was burnt by the Dutch;
in wch action I was wounded, the cure of wch cost me, in surgeons,
apothicary, nurses, &c., betwext fower score and a hundred pounds.
I have bine so remise and negligent as not to demaund satisfaction
for my reimbursem*. Do pray the favor of the bord I may have a
bill made out, what you shall think convenient, haveing bine out of
my mony now 36 ys. I likewise, in the yeare 1690 (being then
one of the Comrs for Victualling) , was taken into custody at Portsm0,

52 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

and brought up a prisoner from thence by order of the then House
of Comons, and remained as such a considerable tyme in ye hands of
Mr. Topham, then sergant at armes to sd house, under pretence of
our poisoning the fleet then at sea (under comd of Adm11 Herbert,
now Earle of Torrington), with gutts in our beere and gaules in our
beefe;a and with great dificulty obtained to be bailed. I must not
call it injustice in that august assembly, what they did to me; but it
cost me about a hundred pounds to Mr. Topham for his fees, and to
lawyers soliciting the House of Comons, wth expences of entertain-
ment whilst in custody; for satisfaction of wch I presume the bord
will not think fitt to allow me, except directed soe to doe by order
of the Lord High Adm11, for wch shall make my aplication to him;
but for my cure, I doubt not the favor and justice of the bord in
ordering a bill to be made out.

I remain, Gentn, yor very humble serv*,

Kd. HADDOCK.

SIR RICHARD HADDOCK TO HIS GRANDSON.**

Clapham, 28th May, 1712, Wedensday.

DEARE GRANDSON,

I came yesterday to this place, and, according to my promise, do
answer yours of 18th instant from Christ Colledge in Oxford.

It happens to be this day 40 years that I was burnt out of the
Royall James in the Sole Bay fight against the Dutch. Am well
pleased to find the efforts you intend to make yourselfe famous in
Westminster Hall. It is like the saying of your Unckle Nich3, who
doubted not but to be as great as Sr Cloudesly Shovell was; and he
pushes very faire for it. Your father and family went to Wakehurst

a Macanlay's " casks of meat which dogs would not touch, and barrels of beer
which smelt worse than bilge water." — Hist, of England, ch. xiv.
b This must be a son of Sir Richard's daughter, who married a Mr. Lydell.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 53

Satuarday last ; tooke Betty and Fanny Clark * downe w111 them ;
gote well thither. Yor Unckle Richard, the weeke past, hath bine
very ill wth a feavor and ague, wch kept me from hence longer then
I designed ; is under the advice of Doctor Ratclif,b who gave me
leave to come downe hither, promiseing his care of him ; and was
downe staires when came away.

With my harty prayers for yor health and wellfare, I am

Yor most afec* grandfather,

Rd. H,

CAPTAIN NICHOLAS HADDOCK TO HIS WIFE.

Graf ton at sea, about 10 leagues from Cape Ps
Aug. the 4th, 1718.

MY Dr FANNY,

The Superbe being orderd from the fleet wth the Admirall's letters,
I send this to tell you I am well.

Five days ago we had a battle wth the Spanish fleet off of Cape
Passaro,c on the Island of Sicily, in wch severall of their ships were
taken and some destroy d. The Grafton had her share in that action,
and the Admirall has been pleased to make me great compliments
on my behaviour that day. I shall soon be orderd to be refitted at
Port Mahon, the ship requiring it. I had fifty men killd and
wounded. Among the former was L* Bramble, who was appointed
by the intrest of Sir Cha. Wager. I'm sorry for him, he being a

a Children of another of Sir Eichard's daughters, who married John Clarke, of
Blake Hall, in Bobbingworth, co. Essex.
b No doubt Dr. John Kadcliffe.
0 On the 31st July, when Sir George Byng almost destroyed the Spanish fleet.

54 HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE.

good officer. My Cousin Haddock a chased towards the shoar after
part of the Spanish fleet, when they separated, wth 4 or 5 other ships
whose signalls were made for that purpose, and they are not yet
come into the fleet. However, I doubt not but he is well, the ships
that they were sent after being of the smaller sort.

My dr, pray send to Mrs. Harris to tell her her spouse is well.b
He dined aboard me the day after the action ; he was one of the
ships engaged.

Just before we saild from Naples I received yr letter, and am glad
to hear yrself and the little boy are well. I give my love to all
freinds, and remaine, my dr Fanny,

Yr most affec* husband,

N8. HADDOCK.

THE SAME TO THE SAME.

Grafton, at Begio, Jan1? the 19tb, O.S., 171f.

MY DEAR SPOUSE,

I send this to tell you I am well. I believe, before this come to
you, you will have heard of my having forced ashoar on Sicily a
Spanish man of war of 70 guns, wch is overset and sunk. I recd
some shot from her, but without much damage. My dr, we are here
at an anchor, in company wth the Kent, Koy1 Oake, and Eochester,
to block up Camock,0 who is at Messina and will not venture out,

* Probably William Haddock. See above, p. 43, note d.

b Captain Barrow Harris, of the Breda.

c George Cammock,the Spanish Rear-Admiral, who had taken refuge in Messina,
He slipped out in a frigate, which however he had to abandon, and escaped by boat
to land. He was an Irishman who had served with distinction in the English navy
Tinder Queen Anne, but had been dismissed on account of his Jacobite tendencies.
He then entered the Spanish service; and it is said that, if the Spanish Admiral
had followed his advice, the battle off Cape Passaro might have had a different
result.

HADDOCK CORRESPONDENCE. 55

his squadron being much inferiour to us. By the news we receive
from England, I conjecture Spain will soon be oblidgd to accept the
terms proposed to 'em ; after wch I suppose the bigger ships will be
orderdhome, where I shall always be glad to be, whenever it consists
wth my honour ; for, indeed, my dear Fanny, I heartily love you.
Pray give my love to all freinds, and I remaine, my dr,

Yr most affect, husband,

N8. HADDOCK.

P.S. This goes for Naples wth an express that Capt. Mathews a
sends to the A dm1, and from thence it will be forwarded to you.

Ns. H.

a Thomas Mathews, afterwards Admiral, who commanded the blockading force.

57

INDEX.

Acton, Edward, Captain: at the capture

of Gibraltar, 48
Aumont, Antoine d', Marshal: attempt

on Ostend, 5, 6

Babb, Anna: 44

Balasore: attacked by the English, 37-39

Barcelona: relief of, 49

Blake, Kobert, Admiral: his last vic-
tory, 3

Blake, Thomas: 45

Bramble, Lieutenant: 53

Brandon, William: letter, 35

Bristol, George Digby, Earl of: 13

Burstow, William, Captain: 15

Byng, Sir George, Admiral : at the
capture of Gibraltar, 46-48

Cammock, George, Spanish admiral: 54
Carter, Eichard, Admiral: killed at La

Hogue, 42
Charles II. of England: visits the fleet,

23, 24, 29

Chicheley, Isabella: letter, 42
Clarke, Elizabeth: 53
Clarke, Fanny: 53
Courtney, Francis, Captain: 21
Coventry, Sir William: 7
Cromwell, Oliver, Lord Protector: 2

Davenant, : 39

Deane, Anthony, Navy Commissioner: 21
Delaval, George, Captain: 50

Emms, Fleetwood, Captain: 45
Estrees, Jean d', Comte, Admiral: 23, 24

Fairborne, Sir Stafford, Admiral: 45
Finch, William, Captain: 20
Foules, Thomas, Captain: 20
Frowd, Philip, Postmaster: 36

Galway, Henry de Massue de Rnvigny,
Earl of: 50

CAMD. SOC.

Gibraltar: its capture, 46-48

Goodlad, : 10, 11, 12, 14

Grove, Henry: 39

Haddock, Andrew: 2

Haddock, Elizabeth: letters to, 10, 12, 14,
19,21

Haddock, Fanny or Frances: letters to,
53, 54

Haddock, Joseph, Captain: 11, 19, 21;
letter from India, 37; at attack on
Balasore, 37-39

Haddock, Lydia: 3

Haddock, Nicholas, Captain: at Vigo, 43:
45; letters, 49, 50, 53, 54; at Barce-
lona, 49 ; at Cape Passaro, 53 ; at
Messina, 54

Haddock, Eichard: 4, 13, 21; his gal-
lantry, 19

Haddock, Sir Eichard, Admiral: letters,
1, 3, 5, 6, 7, 10, 12, 14, 19, 21, 36, 43,
44, 51, 52; with squadron off Dunkirk,
3-7; declaration on the Dutch striking
their flag, 9; serves against the Dutch,
10-31; account of the battle of South-
wold Bay, 16-19; wounded, 18; journal,
22-31 ; observations on naval engage-
ments, 31-35; reported desertion, 35,
36; claim for compensation, 51, 52

Haddock, Eichard, Captain: 43, 44,53;
letter on the battle of La Hogue, 41-42

Haddock, William, Captain: letters to, 1,
3,5,6

Haddock, William: 3, 5, 43; at battle of
Cape Passaro, 54

Hambliton [Hamilton?] Colonel: 22

Harbin, Samuel: 39

Harbord, Sir Charles, 18

Harman, Sir John, Admiral: 21, 30

Harris, Barrow, Captain; 54

Hay ward, John, Captain: 21

Heath, Captain: attacks Balasore, 37-39

Heath, Thomas: gallantry at La Hogue,
41

58

INDEX.

3-Darmstadt, George, Prince of: at
the capture of Gibraltar, 46
Hinton, John: 39
Hodges, Captain: 44
Hogg, Christopher: 39
Hogue, La: battle of, 41-42

Johnson, Francis: 40

Jordan, Sir Joseph, Admiral : his conduct

at Southwold Bay, 17, 18
Jumper, William, Captain: at the capture

of Gibraltar, 47

Kelsey, Thomas, Major-General: 1
Kerr, William, Captain: 45

Lane, Samuel: 15
Lydell, : 52

Mathews, Thomas, Captain: 55
Mayo, Thomas, Lieutenant: 18

Ossory, Thomas Butler, Earl of: 24
Ostend: attempt on, 5, 6

Passaro, Cape: battle of, 53

Pennyman, Captain: 35

Peterborough, Charles Mordaunt, Earl

of: relieves Barcelona, 49
Philip V. of Spain: 49
Poole, Sir WiUiam, Captain: 14, 15, 16

Eoffey, Kerril, Captain: 48

Rooke, Sir George, Admiral: 44, 45: at

the capture of Gibraltar, 47
Roxby, Henry: 40
Rupert, Prince: 23, 24, 28, 30, 31; his

actions with the Dutch, 19, 20, 26-28

Sadlington, Richard, Captain : 28
Sandwich, Edward Montague, Earl of,

Admiral: commanding off Dunkirk, 5;

at Southwold Bay, 16-19
Sawkell, Edmond: 35
Scarlet, Charles: 39
Sharpe, Captain: 39
Shovel, Sir Cloudesley, Admiral: at La

Hogue, 41, 45
Smart, John: 40

Sotherne, : 44

Southwold, or Sole, Bay: battle of, 16-19
Stanier, Sir Richard, Admiral: 9

Stanley, , Factor at Balasore: 39

Starland, : 39

Storm of 1703: 45

Strickland, Sir Roger, Admiral: 22

Tempest, John, Captain: 20
Thanksgiving-day: 44

Topham, , Serjeant-at-Arms: 52

Trepassey, in Newfoundland: action off,

43
Trevanion, Richard, Captain: 20, 21

Wasey, , Captain: 19

Werden, Robert, Captain: 20, 21
Whitaker, Edward, Captain: account of

the capture of Gibraltar, 46-48
White, Richard, Captain: 28
Willshaw, Thomas, Navy Commissioner:

44

York, James, Duke of: account of battle
of Southwold Bay addressed to, 16-19;
visits the fleet, 23, 24, 29

Young, Henry, Captain: 28

LETTERS

OF

EICHAED THOMPSON

TO

HENRY THOMPSON,

OF ESCRICK, CO. YORK.

EDITED BY

JAMES J. CARTWBIGHT, M.A.,

TREASURER OF THE SOCIETY.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.LXXXIII.

PREFACE.

The few letters which follow came quite recently into the
possession of the British Museum. But little introduction is needed
to them. The Thompson family was a very prominent one in
York in the seventeenth century, and some account of it is given
by the late Mr. Robert Da vies in his Life of Marmaduke Rawdon,
printed by the Camden Society in 1863. Sir John Reresby, who
must have known most members of it very well, speaks of some of
them as " very anti-monarchical persons." Henry Thompson was
elected for York city in the Parliament which met in March 1690,
and was dissolved in October 1695. He was an ancestor of the
present Lord Wenlock, whose seat is at Escrick.

LETTERS

OF

RICHARD THOMPSON TO
HIS BROTHER HENRY.

[Egerton MSS. 2429A.]

DEAREST BRO. [1684.]

Tho I have no business nor news to send you, yet write I must,
if it be only to plague you for yr silence ; but (to confess a truth) I
myself take a vast pleasure in this sort of entertainment; and this
way of enjoying you by ye strength of imagination is ye only con-
solation left me, for ye want of ye reall enjoyment. And since my
fancy runs low I shall supply ye defect of it by telling you 2 or 3
idle stories which fly about town. T'other day (then to fall upon
ye matter) one Mr. Evelyn, son to ye virtuoso Evelyn, and Mr.
Foster with another gentleman, were all in a certain musick club
room, after having drunk to a great pitch, and it happened that
one of 'em, finding himself dispos'd to be musicall, took up a violin
and began to fumble upon it. Mr. Evelyn, having likewise an har-
monious soul, was resolv'd to bear some part in ye musick, and,
being able to do nothing else, kept time with a great heavy case
knife y* laid very conveniently for ye purpose upon ye table ; ye
other gentleman, Mr. Foster, while his camarades were in ye heat
of action, chanc'd by ill luck to lay his finger on y* part of ye table

2 LETTERS OF RICHARD THOMPSON

upon which his neighbour beat time, and whether it was y1 ye man's
ill genius guided his hand or how it came about, adhuc sub judice
est, but he cut ye poor finger of, with ye greatest dexterity imagin-
able, insomuch y* ye surgeons do all admire ye man's address in
nicking ye joint so critically. However its a bad wind y* blows
no body profitt, and this ill accident is likely to make work for ye
lawyers, ye man y* is maimM designing to bring his action of
assault and battery against his companion. We have every day
actions of scandalum magnatum brought against some honest
fellow or other ; not long since there was one brought against Mr.
Gelstrop, an apothecary, for speaking scandalous words agst ye Duke.
Dick Nelthorp a had a false allarum given him, and was inform'd yfc
ye action was against him, ye nearness of ye names raising ye mis-
take ; but it put him in a horrible sweat and spoyl'd his sleep for
one night, so y * ye next morning he was for decamping and packing
up his tools and away beyond sea ; but ye next day, to his unspeak-
able joy, he was undeceiv'd, and so his voyage stopt. The report
too of ye scandalum against Williams, ye quondam Speaker,5 was
founded upon a like mistake, for it is really agst Sr Trever Williams.
Not long since a clergy-man came into a coffee house with some of
his acquaintance, amongst whom was Poet Flatman.c Ye Levite
told his friends of a design y1 he had to take a spouse, and desir'd
each of 'em to give him somthing towards housekeeping, which
their generosity made no scruple to doe; but knowing Mr. Flatman
to be in a poeticall condition and yl he had but very little of ye
bona fortunae, as ye philosophers call it (quoth Mr. Slip), he only
beg'd of him a motto for his wedding ring. Mr. Flatman cou'd not

a Richard Nelthorpe, a barrister, was implicated in the Rye House Plot, and
afterwards in the Monmouth Rebellion.

b William Williams, recorder of Chester and member for that city, was elected
Speaker in October 1680; and filled the same office during the short parliament
which sat at Oxford in March 1681. He conducted the prosecution of the Seven
Bishops. Sir Trevor Williams sat many years for Monmouthshire.

c Thomas Flatman, born about 1633, was educated at Winchester and New Col-
lege, Oxford. His poems were printed in 1682. He died in 1688.

TO HIS BROTHER HENRY. 3

deny so reasonable a suit, and, knowing ye size of ye parson's abili-
ties and being acquainted with ye dimensions of his spouse in future,
he told ye pedagogue gentleman he wou'd supply him out of his
friend Lilly, and so presented him with ye motto of Sus atque
Sacerdos. Tom Rymera is writing ye history of ye Barons' warrs;
to this end he has rummag'd all ye libraries in town and ferreted all
ye old manuscripts he cou'd lay his hands on. He is now gone to
my Ld Stamford's in Leicestershire, who desired ye favour of his
company, and promis'd him ye use of his own library (which is an
excellent one) for ye carrying on his laudable design. I suppose
you have seen ye lives of Plutarch, i.e. ye first volume of ye trans-
lation, to which is prefix'd an epistle to ye D. of Ormond by J.
Dry den, which is ye most nauseous satyr y* was ever penn'd, and
they say ye Duke himself is extreamly offended with it, because he
makes him an Irishman, whereas he was born in London; this
nettles ye Duke devilishly, and I hope he may have ye grace to
bring an action of scandalum agst him for't. We may expect ye
next volume to be much better done than this. Dr. Sprat and T.
Rymer have each of 'em a life in't. Sed quousque tandem, say
you. Well, I'll abuse yr patience no longer, and only add my sin
cere protestations of being all my life,

Dear bro.
Your most affect, bro. and humble serv1,

R. THOMPSON.

My service pray to Philip.

Prince and Monsieur Gibson, Mun Waller, and ye rest, often
remember you. I add nothing to my Ld Mayor, because I hope you
are so kind as always to assure him of my respects whenever you
see him.

» Thomas Kymer, afterwards the well-known historiographer royal, and editor of
the Fcedera, was probably born at Yafforth, in the North Biding; he was educated
at Northallerton and Sidney College, Cambridge. The most complete account of
him is to be found in the preface to the first volume of the late Sir T. Duffus
Hardy's Syllabus of the Foedera, published in 1869.

LETTERS OF RICHARD THOMPSON

If you please you may tell my Ld Mayor y* Mr. Sacheverill talks
of him in ye London coffee houses as of ye greatest heroe of ye age.
It is no small thing to merit ye praises of a person who, tho' all
people commended him to ye world's end, yet can never be com-
mended enough. So vous avez a my Lord Mayor.

Twenty kisses to little Harry de ma part.

Pray write me word how my father do's, it is long since I heard
of him.

For Henry Thompson, Esq.

in Escrick, near York.

CARD MIO, [February, 1688-9.]

I did not write to you ye last post, because I had not then seen
Tom Kymr nor any man able to inform me tolerably of ye present
state of affairs. I thought by this post to receiv light enough to
give you som smal acount of afairs, but truly after having talk'd
with several of my friends, I do not find my self in any condition
to satisfie you. I do not send you ye adress nor ye K.'s answer,
becaus you will certainly have 'em at ye Gaffe houses. You will
find ye K.'s speech to be extreamly gracious and not less handsom,
and to my thinking ther is something in it, of ye manner of Dr.
Burnet. You may suppose yt upon so extraordinary a turn, all
people can not be satisfied, ye Church of Engl: seem rather to
comply outwardly then from ye heart, tho tis thought ther wil not
be above two or three Bps. who wil refuse ye oaths. Ken and Ely
are guess'd to be two of ye obstinate refusers. You know their
characters.1* Danby and Hallif : seem to be in great favour, tho' ther
is an honest party yl peck at 'em. It is not known who are of ye

• Sic.

b Ken, Bishop of Bath and Wells, and Turner, Bishop of Ely, were both deprived
of their bishoprics for declining the oath of allegiance.

TO HIS BROTHER HENRY. 5

K.'s Cabinet — Benting* is ye premier favourite, tho' his parts seem
to be rather solid than fine. I believe ye K. himself has ye best
head ; he is close, says little, hears all, and whether you tell him
things agreable, or disagreable, preservs ye same meen. Matters
are carried with deep secrecy, and in al apearance they can not
miscarry under so great a King. My Lord Churchil, and Kirk,
were not look'd upon with a very good eye, so ye first is to be sent
a comander into Holland, ye 2a into Ireland. The parliamt seems
to proceed slowly. Dr. Burnet is Bp. of Salisbury, and perhaps wil
be remov'd to Durham. Bob Sawyer b has retir'd himself upon ye
enquiry's made by ye Committee of grievances. Tom Rymer and I
drank yr health this afternoon. Ye little burgess has sent for me, so
I am forc't to cut short. My service to my sister, &c., to Ned, and
al ye fox-hunters.

For Henry Thompson, Esqre,

at Escrick, near York.

CARO MIO, [March or April, 1689.]

******

Ye Parliam* men know nothing, and our brave esprits — T. Eymer,
Dr. Blackmore,c &c. — with whom last night I drank yr health, are
al in ye dark. The K. seems to be complaisant to al parties, espouses
no faction, which is ye reason why no one sett of men admire him.
He has reason. The Bp. of Lond. [Compton] has som stroak ; he
has put in, in one county, several Tory justices of ye peace, for

» William Bentinck, afterwards Earl and Duke of Portland.

b Sir Robert Sawyer, Knt. was member for Cambridge University. He had been
Attorney-General, and at this time was attacked by the Whigs for his part in the
trial and condemnation of Sir Thomas Armstrong. He died in 1692.

c Richard Blackmore, poet and physician, knighted by King William. He was
a favourite butt of the satirists of that age, otherwise his writings would have been
forgotten.

CAMD. SOC. B

6 LETTERS OF RICHARD THOMPSON

which ye Whigs let fly at him, but there may be a trick in't. It is
a general complaint, y* he and his family govern my Ld. Chamber-
lain (my Ld. Dorset). I am pleas' d with it. Thus much for publick
news ; I must now beg leave to talk with you of private. My Lady
Calverley, who says she can't endure to see a person of my rank
shut up in such a lowsy apartment, as I am at present confin'd to,
has generously offer'd to lend me 200£. in order to buy me a chamber
in ye Inn. There has accordingly fal'n out a convenience of one
just under L. Agar, which I might be able to compass provided I
cou'd find credit in ye world for ye borowing 1501. It wou'd be a
fine establishment for my life, and ye chambers are always worth ye
mony yl is demanded for 'em. .....

For Henry Thompson, Esqr,

At Escrick, near York.

CAKO MIO, [APril> 1689-3

I wonder I have not heard from you since I came to town, you
are two letters in arrear to me. Our proceedings of parliam1 seem
to be very slow. I don't send you ye votes of ye houses, becaus they
are comon, and you can not miss 'em at ye public houses. Ther are
two or 3 of ye Bps. y1 stil hold out agst reason, and ye oaths, 'tis a
wonder there are no more; Canterbury, Ely, Bath and Wels. The
Bp. of Rochester [Sprat] has writ a handsom letter to Justine or
excuse ye part he had in ye ecclesiactical corhission ; he addresses ye
letter to my Ld Dorset, it is printed, and I supose you may have
it at York. Watson is likewise a dissenting Bp. A propos of him,
I met last night ye University Oratour Billers,a with whom I had
two hours conversation. I perceiv by him ye Cantabs are for ye
most part disafected, they do not so much as pray for ye K. and Q.

* J. Billers, LL.B. of St. John's College, was elected public orator of Cambridge
in 1681.

TO HIS BROTHER HENRY. 7

at St. Marie's. It is impossible this shou'd not be resented ill, so
they are contriving an oath for al Clergymen to take, all ye refusers
of which are to be turn'd out of their livings. A bill is brought
down to reverse ye attainder of my Ld Russel. Soil. Finch made a
speech in ye house, to satisfie yem concerning ye part he acted in y*
tragedy, but ye harangue was ill relish'd. My Ld De la Mere has
writ observations upon my Ld Russels tryal, but I fear they are of
no great force ; however 'tis sure he is full of indignation ag8t ye
family of ye Notingham's. 'Tis thought Notingham is in to gain
ye Churchmen, but I doubt they will neither lead nor drive. For
ye rest, matters go on calmly, and by consequence wisely, ye hot
men speak ill of Benting, and for y* reason I guess him a man of
prudence. We have nothing to fear but too much eagernes. I
find by Harry Trenchard, who is himself warm, yl they are apt to
overdo, they are for removing in an instant al ye old instruments to
that purpose. Jack How a told em in ye hous yfc if in ye cobler's
shop, ye same lasts, ye same tools were found, it was ye old cobler's
shop stil; thus violent are they, they wou'd not leave so much as
one last in ye shop. I have run my self out of breath, and wish you
heartily a good night.

Yrs.

My service to al at home; Mr. Tailour, &c.

Tuesday.

For Henry Thompson, Esq.

at Escrick, near York.

[Dec.1693?]

Quid cum illis agas, qui neque jus, neque aequum sciunt ? said yc
comoedian, before Deans and Chapters were instituted indeed, but
having an eye without doubt upon their deanships in futurity. In

* M,P. for Cirencester, and vice-chamberlain to Queen Mary at this time, the
" quick-witted, restless, and malignant politician," celebrated by Macaulay.

8 LETTERS OF RICHARD THOMPSON TO HIS BROTHER HENRY.

effect they are odd things to deal with. In answer to yr letter,
I think it proper enough to send you one I received from Mr. Rob:
Squire, formerly by which you wil find ye Dean's demands run
somthing higher then they did, and y* there seems to be a change
in ye church-measurs. Methinks when they talk of rents, or clear
yearly value, they shou'd have som regard to what Tenants will,
and do pay, as well as to what they ought to pay

My Lord Colchester,* who was thought to be taken by ye French,
is safely arriv'd. T. Rymer is going to pursue his critique upon
som mor of ye old celebrated plays, and to lay down further
instructions for ye reformation of ye stage. Yr Diocesan is preparing
for his journey into Yorkshire. They say in town, ye poll-mony
fals short of what was expected, ye tradesmen all swearing them-
selves off. I want to hear wh* becoms of Scarb: elect, it makes a
great noise here.b My service to every body.

Thursday.

For Henry Thompson, Esq.

Member of Parliam*,

at Escrick, near York.

a Richartf Savage, who succeeded his father in the Earldom of Kivers in 1694;
father of the poet Savage.

b On 11 Dec. 1693, Viscount Irwiri was returned for Scarborough in the place of
Francis Thompson, deceased.

INDEX.

Agar, L. 6

Bentinck, afterwards Duke of Port-
land, 6, 7

Billers, J. public orator, 6

Blackmore, Dr. afterwards Sir
Richard, 5

Burnet, Dr. 4, 5

Calverley, Lady, 6

Cambridge, feeling against William

HI. in, 6

Churchill, Lord, 5
Colchester, Lord, afterwards Earl

Rivers, 8
Compton, Bishop, 5

Danby, Earl of, 4
Dorset, Lord Chamberlain, 6
Dryden, John, his epistle to Ormonde, 3
Delamere, Lord, 7

Evelyn, John, his son, anecdote of, 1

Finch, Solicitor-General, 7

Flatman, Thomas, the poet, 2; motto

by, 3
Foster, Mr. accident to, 1

Gelstrop, Mr. an apothecary, 2
Gibson, Monsieur, 3

Halifax, Marquis of, Savile, 4
Howe, John, 7

Irwin, Viscount, 8, note

Ken, Bishop, 4, 6
Kirk, General, 5

Nelthorpe, Richard, the plotter, 2
Nottingham, Lord, 7

Ormonde, Duke of, and Dryden, 3

Rochester, Bishop of, Sprat, 6
Russell, Lord William, his trial, 7
Rymer, Thomas, his History of the
Barons' Wars, 3 ; his dramatic criti-
cisms, 8 ; other references to, 4, 5

Sacheverill, Mr. 4

Sprat, Dr. 3

Squire, Robert, 8

Stamford, Lord, his library, 3

Trenchard, Harry, 7
Turner, Bishop, 4, 6

Waller, Mun, 3
Watson, Bishop, 6

William III. his conduct and charac-
ter, 4, 5

Williams, William, late Speaker, 2
Williams, Sir Trevor, 2

CAMD. 80C.

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL

OF

THE CAMDEN SOCIETY,

READ AT THE GENERAL MEETING
ON THE 2ND MAY, 1883.

THE Council of the Camden Society has to regret the loss of two of
its Members —

EVELYN PHILIP SHIRLEY, Esq. M.A.
J. R. DANIEL-TYSSEN, Esq. F.S.A.
who have died during the past year, and of
HENRY HILL, Esq. F.S.A.

who had for many years acted in the most efficient manner as one of the
Auditors to the Society, and who was at all times most helpful in giving
advice on financial questions.

The Council has also to regret the loss by death of the following
Members : —

DECIMUS BURTON, Esq. F.S.A.
CHARLES CLARKE, Esq.
CHARLES HOPKINSON, Esq.
Rev. T. F. KNOX, D.D.
C. R. SCOTT MURRAY, Esq.

2 REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1883.

The following have been elected Members of the Society during the
past year : —

SOUTH AUSTRALIAN INSTITUTE.

BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD.

EDMUND BOYLE, Esq. F.S.A.

F. A. BROCKHAUS, Esq.

CHARLES HARDING FIRTH, Esq. M.A.

E. LEIGH GRANGE, Esq.
WM. H. HATTON, Esq.

WILLIAM KELLY, Esq. F.S.A., F.R.H.S.
R. BOWNAS MACKIE, Esq. M.P., F.S.A.
W. T. MARRIOTT, Esq.
Mr. S. J. MULLEN.

F. YORK POWELL, Esq.
SCHOOL LIBRARY, RUGBY.

ST. Louis MERCANTILE LIBRARY.
EDWARD SIMPSON, Esq.
Miss L. TOULMIN SMITH.
F. E. WHEELER, Esq.

In the last Report, the Council expressed a fear that, in consequence of
financial pressure, it would be unable to issue to the subscribers of the
years 1882-3 more than one book, the CATHOLICON ANGLICUM. For-
tunately, the financial situation cleared up as the year proceeded, and, if
not before the Annual Meeting, the Members will very soon afterwards
have in their hands the eighth volume of the CAMDEN MISCELLANY.
These publications have always been favourably regarded, and the Council
trusts that, on this occasion, the matter furnished will be thought of at
least equal interest to that given in any of the preceding volumes of this
Miscellany.

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1883. 3

In the forthcoming year, unless unforeseen accidents occur, three
volumes will be published : —

1. The Official Narrative of the Cadiz Voyage in 1625. Edited by the Rev. A.
B. GROSART, D.D.

2. Gabriel Hervey's Note Book. Edited by E. SCOTT, Esq.

3. Selections from the Lauderdale Papers, Vol. I. Edited by OSMUND AIRY,
Esq.

Of these, the first gives a full account of an expedition in the reign of
Charles I. the failure of which was attended with important political
results; the second throws light upon life in the University of Cambridge
in the age of Elizabeth ; whilst the third will illustrate the Restoration in
Scotland, and clear up what has hitherto been a dark page of history.
Amongst other valuable information it will, it is hoped, set at rest con-
troversy on the character of Archbishop Sharpe.

The Council, in conclusion, would express a hope that the publication of
these three volumes will be taken as evidence of their anxiety to throw a
light upon the history of the country, and will thereby induce some of
those who take an interest in that history, and who are not yet subscribers,
to support them in the efforts which they are making.

By order of the Council,

SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, Director.
ALFRED KINGSTON, Hon. Secretary.

REPORT OF THE AUDITORS.

WE, the Auditors appointed to audit the Accounts of the Camden Society, report
to the Society, that the Treasurer has exhibited to us an Account of the Receipts and
Expenditure from the 1st of April 1882 to the 31st of March 1883, and that we
have .examined the said accounts, with vouchers relating thereto, and find the same
to be correct and satisfactory.

And we further report that the following is an Abstract of the Receipts and
Expenditure during the period we have mentioned : —

RECEIPTS. £ s. d.

To Balanceof last years' account... 119 15 11

Received on account of Members
whose Subscriptions were in ar-
rear at last Audit, and on account
of new Members' Subscriptions
for preceding years

The like on account of Subscriptions
due on the 1st of May, 1882 193

The like on account of one Composi-
tion in lieu of Annual Subscription 10 0 0

The like on account of Subscriptions
due on the 1st of May, 1883......

One year's dividend on ,£466 3 1
3 per Cent. Consols, standing in
the names of the Trustees of the
Society, deducting Income Tax. . 1312 3

To Sale of Publications of past
years

To'Sale of theMedieval English-Latin
Dictionary Promptorium Parvu-
lorum (3 vols. in 1) 4 15

67 0 0

1 3

13 1 0

22 4 0

£443 9 5

EXPENDITURE. £ s. d.

Paid for Binding ; 17 6 0

Paid for Transcripts 806

Paid for Miscellaneous Printing 12 1 0

Paid for delivery and transmission of Books, with
paper for wrappers, warehousing expenses (in-
cluding Insurance) 17 14 10

Paid for postages, collecting, country expenses, &c. ... 3
Paid for Advertising 2

£60 12 11

By Balance.— Bank Current Account ... 182 16 6
On Deposit 200 0 0

£443 9 5

And we, the Auditors, further state, that the Treasurer has reported to us, that
over and above the present balance of £382 16s. 6d. there are outstanding various
subscriptions of Foreign Members, and of Members resident at a distance from
London, which the Treasurer sees no reason to doubt will shortly be received.

JAMES RAE.
WYNNE E. BAXTER.

DA Camden Society, London
20 C?ublicatigns3
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no. 31

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