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THE

History of Korea

HOMER B. HULBERT, A. M., P. R. O. S. Editor of The Kokea Review

TWO VOLUMES

lEEUSTRATED

Skout^, loos

The Methodist Pubt-isuing Hot:aE.

CONTENTS.

Pkp:face I

Introductory xote V

Ancient Korea 2257 B. C.-S90 A. D. Vol. I 1

Medieval Korea 890-1392 Vol. I 127

Modern Korea 1392-1904- Vol. I 295

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Preface.

The sources from which the following History of Korea is drawn are almost pureh' Korean. For ancient and medieval history the Tong-sa Kang-yo has been mainU' followed. This is an abstract in nine volumes of the four great ancient histories of the countr3^ The facts here found were verified by reference to the Tong-guk Tong- gam, the most complete of all existing ancient histories of the country. Manj^ other works on history, geog- raph^' and biography have been consulted, but in the main the narrative in the w^orks mentioned above has been followed.

A number of Chinese works have been consulted, especialh^ the Mun-hon Tong-go wherein we find the best description of the wild tribes that occupied the peninsula about the time of Christ.

It has been far more difficult to obtain material for compiling the history of the past five centuries. B3' un- written law the history of no dj^nasty in Korea has ever been published until after its fall. Official records are carefully kept in the government archives and when the dj-nasty closes these are published b3" the new d\masty. There is an official record which is published under the name of the Kuk-cho Po-gam but it can in no sense be called a history, for it can contain nothing that is not complimentary to the ruling house and, moreover, it has not been brought down even to the opening of the 19th centurv. It has besn necessary therefore to find private

II

manuscript liistories of the dynasty and hy imitin;^^ and c()mparin*2: them secure as accurate a delineation as pos- sil)le of the salient features of modern Korean histon'. In this I have enjoyed the services of a Korean scholar who has made the history of this dynast3^ a special stud^'- tor the past twenty-five 3'ears and who has had access to a large number of j)rivate manuscripts. I withhold his name Ijy special request. By special courtesy I have also been <j^ranted access to one of the largest and most complete private libraries in the capital. Japanese re- cords have also been consulted in regard to special points bearing on the relations between Korea and Japan.

A word must be said in regard to the authenticity' and credibility of native Korean historical sources. The Chinese written character w^as introduced into Korea as a pernicinent factor about the time of Christ, and with it came the possibility of permanent historical records. That such records were kept is quite apparent from the fact that the dates of all solar eclipses have been carefully preserved from the year 57 B. C. In the next place it is worth noticing that the history of Korea is particularly free from those great catacl^'sms such as result so often in the destruction of libraries and records. Since the whole peninsula was consolidated under one flag in the days of ancient Sil-la no dynastic change has been effected by force. We have no mention of any catastrophe to the Sil-la records : and Sil-la inerged into Koryu and Koryu into Cho-sun without the show of arms, and in each case the historical records w^ere kept intact. To he sure, there have been three great invasions of Korea, by the Mongols, Manchus and Japanese respectively, but though much vandalism was committed by each of these, we have reason to believe that the records were not tamjjer- ed with. The argument is three-fold. In the first place histories formed the great bulk of the literature in vogue among the people and it was so widely disseminated that it could not have been seriouslv injured without an- nihilating the entire population.

In the second place these invasions were made by peoples who, though not literary themselves, had a some-

Ill

Avhat high reg'ard for literature, and there eould have been no such reason for destroying histories as might exist where one d^vnast}' was forcibly ejected bj' another hostile one. ' In the third place the monasteries were the great literary centers during the centuries preceding the rise of the present dynast^-, and we may well believe that the Mongols would not serioush- molest these sacred re- positories. On the whole then we ma3' conclude that from the 3'ear 57 B. C. Korean histories are fairh^ accur- ate. Whatever comes before that is largely traditional and therefore more or less apocryphal.

One of the greatest difficulties encountered is the selec- tion of a sj'stem of romanisation which shall steer a mid- dle course between the Scilla of extreme accuracy and the Charvbdis of extreme simplicity-. I have adopted the rule of spelling all proper names in a purely phonetic wa3' without reference to the v^ay the3" are spelled in native Korean. In this way alone can the reader arrive at any- thing like the actual pronunciation as found in Korea. The simple vowels have their continental sounds : a as in "father," / as in "ravine," £> as in "rope" and u as in "rule." The vowel e is used onh^ with the grave accent and is pronounced as in the French ''recite When a A'owel has the short mark over it, it is to Idc given the flat sound: d as in "fat," 0 as in "hot." « as in "nut." The umlaut 0 is used but it has a slightly more ojien sound thang in German. It is the "unrounded o" where the vowel is pronounced without protruding the lips. The pure Korean sound represented by o'e is a pure diphthong and is pronounced by letting the lips assume the position of pronouncing 0 while the tongue is thrown forward as if to pronounce the short ^ in "met." Eu is nearh' the French eu but with a slightlj' more open sound. As for consonants they have their usual sounds, but when the surds k, p or t in the body of a word are immediately pre- ceded b3^ an open s^dlable or a s^dlable ending with a sonant, the\' change to their corresponding sonants : k to g, p to b and / to d. For instance, in the word Pak-tu, the t of the tii would be d if the first syllable were open. No w^ord begins with the sonants g^ b or d.

IV

hi Korcmi \vc have the long and short quantity in vowels, //an may be pronoiineed either simply /nrj/ or longer /laafi, but the distinction is not of enough import- ance to compensate for encumbering the s\'stem with adtlitional diacritical marks.

In writing proper names I have adopted the jilan most in use by sinologues. The patron3'mie stands alone and is followed In- the two given names wnth a hyphen between them. All geographical names have h3q3hcns between the syllables. To run the name all together would often lead to serious difficulty, for who would know, for instance, whether Saui^a/c were pronounced 5c;/- £ci/c or So7ig-ak ?

In the spelling of some of the njimes of places there Avill be found to be a slight inconsistency because part of the work was printed before the Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Societ^^ had determined upon a sj^stem of romanization, but in the main the s^^stem here used cor- responds to that of the Societ3\

This is the first attempt, so far as I am aw^are, to give to the English reading public a history of Korea based on native records, and I trust that in spite of all errors and infelicities it may add something to the gen- eral fund of information about the people of Korea.

H. B. H.

Seoul, Korea, 1905.

Introductory Note.

Geographj' is the canvas on which history is painted. Topography means as much to the historian as to the general. A word, therefore, about th^ position of Korea will not be out of place. -

The peninsula of Korea, containing approximated 80,000 square miles, lies between 33° and 43° north latitude, and between 124° 30' and 130° 30' east long- itude. It is about nine hundred miles long from north to south and has an average width from east to west of about 240 miles. It is separated from Manchuria on the northwest b3' the Yalu or Am-nok River, and from As- iatic Russia on the northeast bj^ the Tu-man River, be- tween the sources of these streams rise the lofty peaks of White Head Mountain, called b}' the Chinese Ever-white or Long-white Mountain. From this mountain whorl emanates a range which passes irregularh' southward through the peninsula until it loses itself in the waters of the Yellow Sea, thus giving birth to the almost countless islands of the Korean archipelago. The main watershed of the country^ is near the eastern coast and consequenth^ the streams that flow into the Japan Sea are neither long nor navigable, while on the western side and in the extreme south we find considerable streams that are navigable for small craft a hundred miles ormore. While the eastern coast is almost entirely lacking in good har- bors the western coast is one labj^rinth of estuaries, baj'S and gulfs which furnish innumerable harbors. It is on the western watershed of the country that we will find

VI

most of the arable land and by far the i^reater portion of the population.

We see then that, ^geographically, Korea's face is to- ward China and her back toward Japan. It mny be that this in part has moulded her history. During all the centuries her face has been politically, socially and re- ligiously toward China rather than toward Japan.

The climate of Korea is the same as that of eastern North America between the same latitudes, the only dif- ference being that in Korea the month of July brings the "rainy season" which renders nearly all roads in the in- terior impassable. This rainy season, by cutting in two the warmer portion of the 3'ear, has had a powerful in- fluence on the history of the country; for military opera- tions were necessarily suspended during this period and combatants usually withdrew to their own respective territories upon its approach.

The interior of Korea is fairh- well wooded, although there are no very extensive tracts of timber land. A spec- ies of pine largely predominates but there is also a large variety' of other trees both deciduous and evergreen.

Rice is the staple article of food throughout most of the country. Among the mountain districts in the north where rice cannot be grown potatoes and millet are largely used. An enormous amount of pulse is raised, al- most solely for fodder, and other grains are also grown. The bamboo grows sparseh- and only in the south. Gin- seng is an important product of the countr3^

The fauna of Korea includes several species of deer, the tiger, leopard, wild pig, bear, wolf, fox and a large number of fur bearing animals among which the sable and sea-otter are the most valuable. The entire pen- insula is thoroughl}^ stocked with cattle, horses, swine and donkeys, but sheep are practically unknown. The fisheries off the coast of Korea are especially valuable and thousands of the people earn a livelihood on the banks. Pearls of good quality are found. Game birds of almost infinite variety exist and all the commoner domestic birds abound.

As to the geology of the country we find that there is

VII

a back bone of granite formation with frequent outcrop- pings of various other forms of mineral life. Gold is ex- tremely abundant and there are few prefectures in the country where traces of it are not found. Silver is also common. Large deposits of coal both anthracite and bituminous have been discovered, but until recentl3^ little has been done to open up the minerals of the coun- try in a scientific manner.

Hthnologically we may say that the people are of a mixed Mongolian and Malay origin, although this ques tion has as yet hardly been touched upon. The language of Korea is plainly agglutinative and ma^^ without hesita tion, be placed in the great Turanian or Scythian group

The population of Korea is variously estimated from ten to twent3^ millions. We shall not be far from the truth if we take a middle course and call the population thirteen millions. Somewhat more than half of the people live south of a line drawn east and west through the capital of the countr3\

■1

I^^VRT I

ANCIENT KOREA

Chapter I.

Tan-gun . . . .his antecedents. . . .his origin . . . .he becomes king. . . . he teaches the people. . . .his capital . . .he retire.-. . . .extent of his kingdom. . . .traditions. . . .monuments.

In the primeval ages, so the story runs, there was a di- vine being named Whan-in, or Che-v o :, "Creator." His son, Whan-ung, being affected by celestial cuuui, obtained permission to descend to earth and found a mundane kingdom. Armed with this warrant, Whan-ung with thr ^e thousand spirit companions descended upon Ta-bak Mountain, now known as Mj'o-hyang San, in the province of P'yu ig-an, Korea. It was in the twenty-fifth 3'ear of the Emperor Yao of China, which corresponds to 2332 B. C.

He gathered his spirit friends beneath the shade cf an ancient pak-tal tree and there proclaimed himself King of the Universe. He governed through his three vice-gerents, the "Wind General," the "Rain Governor," and the "Cloud Teacher," but as he had not yet taken hmnan shape, he found it difficult to assume control of a purely human king- dom. Searching for means of incarnation he found it in the following manner

At early dawn, a tiger and a bear met upon a mountain side and held a colloquy.

"Would that we might become men" they said. Wlian- ung- overheard them tind a voice came fi-t;m ov.t tlie void say- ing, "Here are twenty garlics and apiece of arteiuisia for

2 Tirrj Kor^rA Rnvirw.

each of yon. Jlat them and retire from the lit^ht of tlic sun for thrice seven dnys and you will become men."

They ate aaid retirctl into the recesses of a cave, but the ti!;er. by reason of the fierceness of his nature, could not en- dure the restraint and came forth before the allotted time; but tl:e bear, with gTeater faith and patience, waited the thrice seven days and then stepped forth, a perfect woman.

The first wish of her heart was maternity, and she cried, "Give me a son." Whan-ung, the vSjirit King, passing on the wind, beheld her sitting there beside the stream. He cir- cled round her, breathed upon her, and her cry was answered. vSlie cradled her babe in moss beneath that same pak-iai tree and it was there that in after 5'ears the wild people of the coiwitry found him sitting and made him their king.

This was the Tan-gun, "The Lord of the Pak-tal Tree." He is also, but less widely, known as Wang-gum. At that time Korea and the territory immediately north was peopled bv the "nine wild tribes" commonly called the Kii-i. Tradi- tion names them respectively the Kyiin, Pang, Whang, lak, Chiik, Hyiin, P'ung, Yang and U. These, we are toid, v/ere the aborigines, and were fond of drinking, dancing and sing- ing. They dressed in a fabric of woven grass and their food was the natural fruits of the earth, such as nuts, roots, fruits and berries. In summer they lived beneath the trees and in winter they lived in a rudely covered hole in the ground. When the Tan-gun became their king he taught them the re- lation of king and subject, the rite of marriage, the art of cook- ing and the science of house building. He taught them to bind up the hair by tying a cloth about the head. He taught them to cut down trees and till fields.

The Tan-gun made P'yimg-yang the capital of his king- dom and there, tradition says, he reigned until the coming of Ki-ja, 1 122 B. C. If any credence can be.giv--n this tradition it wiU b; by supposing that the word Tan-gun refers to a line of native chieftains w^ho may have antedated the coming of Ki-ja.

It IS said that, upon the arrival of Ki-ja, the Tan-gun retired to Ku-wnl .'-'an (in pure Korean A-sa-dul) in the present town of Mun-wha, Whang-hfi Province, where he re- sumed his spirit form and disappeared forever from the earth.

ANCIENT KOREA. 3

His wife was a woman of Pi-ro-ap, whose location is unknown. As to the size of the Tan-gun's kingdom, it is generally believed that it extended from the vicinity c f the present town of Muu-gyung on the south to the Heuk-yong River on the north, and from the Japan Sea on the east to Yo-ha (now Sung-gyiing) on the west.

As to the events of the Tan-gun's reign even tradition tells us very little. We learn that in 2265 B. C. the Tan-gun first offered sacrifice at Hyiil-gu on the island of Kang-wha. For this purpose he built an altar on Mari San which remains to this day. We read that when the great Ha-u-si (The Great Yii) , who drained off the waters which covered the interior of China, called to his court at To-san all the vassal kings, the Tan-gun sent his son, Pu-ru, as an envoy. This was supposed to be in 21 87 B. C. Another work affirms that when Ki-ja came to Korea Pu-ru fled northward and founded the kingdom of North Pu-yu, which at a later date moved to Ka-yiip-wun, and became Eastern Pu-yu. These stories show such enormous discrepancies in dates that they are alike incredible, and yet it may be that the latter story has some basis' in fact, at any rate it gives us our only clue to the founding of the Kingdom of Pu-yu.

L,ate in the Tan-gun dynasty there was a minister named P'ang-o who is said to have had as his special charge the mak- ing of roads and the care of drainage. One authority says that the Emperor of China ordered P'ang-o to cut a road between Ye-niak, an eastern tribe, and Cho-siin. From this we see that the word Cho-sun, according, to some authorities, ante- dates the coming of Ki-ja.

The remains of the Tan-gun dynasty, while not numer- ous, are interesting. On the island of Kang-wha, on the top of Mari San, is a stone platform or altar known as the "Tan- gun's Altar," and, as before said, it is popularly believed to have been used by the Tan -gun four thousand years ago. Tt is called also the Ch'am-sdng Altar. On Chun-dung San is a fortress called Sam-nang which is believed to have been built bv the Tan-gun's three sons. The town of Ch'un-ch'un, fifty miles east of Seoul, seems to have been an important place during this period. It was known as U-su-ju, or "Ox-hair Town," and there is a curious confirmation of this tradition

in tl-.c fret ll;at in the \"icinity thcrj is today a plot iT g-rotmd call';G the U-du-hol, or "Ox-licad, Plain." A stone tablet to^ P'ang-o-is erected there. At Mnn-'.vha ther^ is a shrine to the Korean trinit}',. Whan-ir, Whan-ung and Tan-gun. Tliough tlie Tan-gun resumed the spirit form, his grave is shown in Kang-dong and is 410 feet in citrcumference.

Chapter [L

Ki-ja. . . .ffrikirg' character. . . .cn\Lnn. . . .corrupt Chu. . . .story of Tal- t.'eni. . . .i-'hrng dynat^ty falls. . . .Ki-;a departs. . . .route. . . .destina- tion. . . .allegieiice to Chira. , . .condition of Korea. . . .Ki-ja's com- panions... .reforms. .. .evidences of genius. .. .arguments againit Korean theor)-. . . .details of history meager. . , .Cho-sun sides againit China .. .delinrltation of Chc-sun. .. .peace with Tsin dynasty.... Wi-man finds as-vlum. . . .betrays Cho-sun. . . .Ki-jun's flight.

Without doubt the most striking character in Korean his- tory is the .sage Ki-ja, not only because of his connection with its early history but because of the striking contrast between him and his whole evironment. The singular wisdom which he displayed is vouched for not in the euphemistic language of a prejudiced historian but by what we can read between the lines, of which the hi.storian was unconscious.

The Shang, or Yin, dynastj' of China began 1766 B. C. Its twenty-fifth representative was the Emperor Wu-yi whose second son, L,i, was the father of Ki-ja, His famil}' name was Cha and his surname Su-3'U, but he is also known by the name So-yu. The word Ki-ja is a title meaning "L,ord of Ki," which we ma}^ imagine to be the feudal domain of the family. The Emperor Chu, the "Nero of China" and the last of the dynasty, was the grandson of Emperor T'-'i-jun;; and a second cousin of Ki-ja, but the latter is usually spoken of as his uncle. Pi-gan, Mi-ja and Ki-ja formed the advisor/ board to this corrupt emperor.

All that Chinese histories have to say by way of censure against the hideous debaucheries of this emperor is repeated in the Korean histories; his infatuation with the bccutilul concubine, Tal-geui; his compliance with her ev^ry v/him ; his

ANCIENT KOREA. c

making a pond of wine in which he placed an island of meat and compelled nude men and women to walk about it, his tor- ture of innocent men at her request by tying them to heated brazen pillars. All this is told in the Korean annals, but they go still deeper into the dark problem of Tal-geui's char- acter and profess to solve it. The legend, as given by Korean traditon, is as follows.

The concubine Tal-geui was wonderfully beautiful, but surpassingly so when she smiled. At such times the person upon whom she smiled was fascinated as by a serpent and was forced to comply with whatever request she mads. Ponder- ing upon this, Pi-gan decided that she must be a fox in human shape, for it is well known that if an animal tastes of water that has lain for twenty j-ears in a human skull it will acquire the power to assume the human shape at will. He set in- quiries on foot and soon discovered that she made a monthly visit to a certain mountain which she alwa5-s ascended alane leaving her train of attendants at the foot. Armed detectives were put on her track and, following her unperceived, the}- saw her enter a cave near the summit of the mountain. She pre- sently emergexl, accompanied b}^ a pac-k of foxes who leaped about her and fawned upon her in evident delight. When she left, the spies entered and put the foxes to the sword, cutting from each dead bod}' the piece of white fur which is always found on the breast of the fox. When Tal-geui m;t the emperor some days later and saw him dressed in a sum;:- tuous white fur robe she shuddered but did not as yet guess the truth. A month later, however, it became plain to her when she entered the mountain cave and beheld the festering remains of her kindred.

On her way home she planned her revenge. Adorning herself in all her finery, she entered the imperial presence and exerted her power of fascination to the utmost. When the net had been well woven about the royal dupe, she said.

"I hear that there are seven orifices in the heart of every good man. I fain would put it to the test."

"But how can it be done?"

"I would that I might see the heart of Pi-gan ;" and as she said it she smiled upon her lord. His soul revolted from the act and yet he had no pow^r to refuse. Pi-gan was sum-

', THE KORKA RlCAIlvW .

luoned and the exectitioner sttxid ready wrth the knife, but at the moment when it was plunged into the victim's breast he cried,

"You are no woman; you area fox in disguise, and I charge you to resume your natural shape."

Instantly her face began to change ; hair sprang forth upon it, her nails grew long, ■ and, bftrsting fprtb f rom ; hfej- garments., she stood revealed in her tri:e clmracter- — a white fox with nine tails. With one;parting snarl at the assembled court, she leaped from the wiii'dd\y ^ and-^nade good her escape.

But it was £00 late to save the dynasty^ Pal, the son of Mun-wang, a feudal barou, at the head of an.;army,;\vasalre^dy thundering at the gates, ^aud; in a.f^w.days, a nervv^j&ynasty- asr sumed the yellow and Eal^ ^njier the title Mu-wang, became ts first emperor. ._- . , - r

Pi-gan and Mi-ja had both perished and Ki-ja, the sole survivor of the great trio of statesmen, had saved his life only by feigning madness. He was now in prison, but Mu-wang came to his door and besought him to assume the _oflBce of Prime Minister. Loyalty to the fallen d3'nasty compelled him to refuse. He secured the Emperor's consent to his plan of emigrating to. Cho-sun. or- '.'Morning Freshness," but before setting out he pr?seii"ted tlje*- Emperor with that great work, the tlong-bura; or "Great Law," which had been found in- scribed upon the back o-f-tlie: fabled tortoise which came up out of the waters of the ,"Nak' River in. the days of Hg-Ursi; over a thousand years before, but-wh-ch no one had been able to decipher till Ki-ia took it -in iiand. Then- with his five thousand foilowers he, passed eastward into the peninsula of Korea.

WTiether he c.athe-.to-;K-orea.by bpat or by. laitd. cannot.be certainly determined. It is improbable that he brought^ such a large company bj/ water and yet one tradition says that he came first to Su-w^un^ w;hich is somewhat south of Chemulpo.^ This Would argue an approach by sea. . The theory which has been broached that the Shantung promontory- at one time joined the projection of Whang-ha Province on the Korean coast cannot be true, for the formation of the Yellov,' Sea must have been too far back in the past to help us to solve this question. It is said that from Su-wun he went northv.-ard to

AXCIENT KOREA. /

tl-.e is!:iii"d Cli'ul-do, off Whang-ha Province, where today tliey poinV. out a "Ki-ja Well." From there he went to P'yung yang. His going to an island off Whang-ha Province argues against the theory of the connection betv.-een Korea and the Shantung promontory.

In whatever way he came, he finally settled at tlie tovvr. of P'vung-yang which had already been the capital of the Tan- gun dynasty. Seven cities claimed the honor of being Homer's birth place and about as many claim to be the burial spot of Ki-ja. Tke various authorities differ so widely as to the boundaries of his kingdom, the site of his capital and the place of his interment that some doubt is cast even upon the ex- istence of this remarkable man ; but the consensus of opinion points cl'-arly to P'yung-j^ang as being the scene of his labors.

It should be noticed that from the very first Korea was an independent kingdom. It was certainly so in the days of the Tan-gun and it remained so when Ki-ja came, for it is distinct- ly stated that though the Emperor Mu-wang made him King o-f Cho-sun he neither demanded nor received his allegience as vassal at that time. He even allowed Ki-ja to setid envoys to worship at the tombs of the fallen dynasty. It is said that Ki-ja himself visited the site of the ancient Shang capital, but when, he found it s^own with barley he wept and composed an elegy on the occasion, after which he went and swore allegience to the new Emperor. The work entitled Cho-so says that when Ki-ja saw the site of the former capital sown with barley he mounted a white cart drawn by a white horse and went to the new capital and swore allegience to the Emperor ; and it adds that in this he showed his weakness for he had sworn never to do so.

Ki-ja, we ma^- believe, found Korea in a semi -barbarous condition. To this the reforms which he instituted give abundant evidence. He found at least a kingdom possessed of some degree of homogeneity, probably a uniform language av.d certainly ready connuunication bevveen its parts. Ix is difficult to believe that the Tan-gun's influence reached far beyond trie Amnok River, wherever the nominal boundaries of his kingdom were. We are inclined to limit his actital power to the ter- jtory now included iu the two provinces of P'yting- an ;ind Whaiig-ha.

_ THE kori:a ki;vii:\v.

We must now iiKjuire of what inateriil v.as Ki-ji's cor.i- pany of five thousand men made up. We are loUl that lie brought from China the two great works eallcd the Si-Jmi and the So-Ji(?i, which by liberal interpretation mean the books 0:1 history and poetry. The books which bear these names were not written until centuries after Ki-ja's time, but the Koreans mean by them the list of aphorisms or principles which later made up these books. It is probable, therefore, that this company included men who were able to teach and expound . the principles thus introduced, t Ki-ja also bro tight the sciences of manners (well named a science), music, medicine, sorcery and incantation. He brought also men capable of teaching one hundred of the useful trades, amongst which silk "ulture and weaving are the only two specificalU' named. When, there- fore, we make allowance for a small military escort we find that five thousand men were few enough to undertake the carrying out of the greatest individual plan for colonization which historj' has ever seen brought to a successful issue.

These careful preparations on the part of the self-exiled Ki-ja admit of but one conclusion. They were made with direct reference to the people among whom he had elected to cast his lot. He was a genuine civilizer. His genius was of the highest order in that, in an age when the sword was the onl}- arbiter, he hammered his into a pruning-hook and carved out with it a kingdom which stood almost a thousand jears. He was the ideal colonizer, for he carried with him all the ele- ments of successful colonization which, while sufficing for the reclamation of the semi-barbarous tribes of the peninsula, would still have left him self-sufficient in the event of their con- tumacy. His method was brilliant when compared with even the best attempts of modern times.

His penal code was short, and clearly indicated the fail- ings of the people among whom he had cast his lot. Murder was to be punished with death inflicted in the same manner in which the crime had been committed. Brawling was punished by a fine to be paid in grain. t Theft was punished by enslav- ing the offender, but he could regain his freedom by the pay- ment of a heavy fine. There were five other laws which are not mentioned specifically. Many have surpiised, and per- hai:s rightly, that they were of the nature of the o-Jiang or

AKCrexX S.OREA. Q

"five pt^iCepts" Wiilch inculcate right relations between king and subject, parent and child, husband and wife, friend and friend, old and young. It is stated, apocryphally however, that to prevent quarreling Ki-ja compelled all males to wear a broad-brinmied hat made of clay pasted on a framework. If this hat was either doffed or broken the offender was severely punished. This is said to have effectually kept them at arms length.

Another evidence of Ki-ja's genius is his 'mmediate recog- nition of the fact that he must govern the I orean people by means of men selected from their own number. For this pur- pose he picked out a large number of men from the various districts and gave them special training in the duties of go- vernment and he soon had a working corps of officials and prefects without resorting to the dangerous expedient of filling all these positions from the company that came with him. He recognised that in order to gain any lasting influence with the people of Korea he and his followers must adapt themselves to the language of their adopted country rather than make the Koreans conform to their form of speech. We are told that he reduced the language of the people to writing and through this medium taught the people the arts and sciences which he had brought. If this is true, the method by which the writing was done and the style of the characters have entirely disap- peared. Nothing remains to give evidence of such a written language. We are told that it took three years to teach it to the people.

The important matter of revenue received early attention. A rovcl method was adopted. All arable land was divided into squares and each square was subdivided into nine equal parts; eight squares about a central one. Whoever cultivated the eight surrounding squares must also cultivate the central one for the benefit of the government. The latter therefore re- ceived a ninth part of the produce of the land. Prosperity was s.-^^en on every side and the people called the Ta-dong River t:ij Yellow River of Korea.

/s a sign that his kingdom was founded in peace and as a constant reminder to his people he planted a long line of willows along the bank of the river opposite the cit}', so P'yung-yang is sometimes called The Willow Capital.

jQ TTTK KOKKA RICVTKV.'.

It is contended b}^ not a few that Ki-ja never cnnie to Korea at all and they base their belief npon the following facts. When the Han Knipcror I\Iu-je overcame nortlieru Korea and divided it into four parts he called the people savages, which could not be if Ki-ja civilized them. The Chinese his- tories of the Tang dynasty affirm that Ki-ja's kingdom was m Liao-tung. The histories of the Kin dynasty and the Yuan or Mongol dynasty say thot Ki-ja had his capital at Kwang- nyiing in Liao-tung, and there is a Ki-ja well there today and a shrine to him. There was a picture of him there but it was burned in the daj-s of Emperor Se-jong of the Ming dynasty, A Korean work entitled Sok-mun Heun-t'ong-go says that Ki-ja's capital was at Ham-pyiing-no in Liao-tung. The Chinese work Il-t'ong-ji of the time of the Ming dynasty says that the scholars of Liao-tung compiled a work called vSong- gyang-ji which, treated of this question. That book said that Cho-sun included Sim-yang (Muk-den), Pong-ch'ii.n-bu, Eui- ju and Kwang-nyiing ; so that half of Liao-tung belonged to Cho-sun. The work entitled Kang-mok.says that his capital was at P'yung-yang and that the kingdom gradually broaden- ed until the scholar O Si-un said of it that it stretched from the Liao River to the Han. This last is the commonly ac- cepted theory and so far as Koreaii evidence goes tiiere seems to be little room for doubt.

Ki-ja was fift3'-three 5"ears old when he came to Korea and he reigned here forty years. His grave may be seen to- da}' at To-san near the city which was the scene of his labors. Some other places that claim the honor of containing Ki-ja's tomb are M^oug-hyun, Pak-sung and Sang-gu-hyun in nort]).- ern China.

It was not till thirty-six generations later that Ki-ja re- ceived the posthumous title of T'a-jo Mun-sung Ta-wang.

The details of the history of K-ja's dynasty are very mea- ger and can be given here only in the most condensed form. *

*The following details of the Ki-ja dynasty are taken from a wcrk recently' compiled in r'yung-yang and claiming to be based on private family records of ibe dtscendanty of Ki-ja. It is difficult to say whether any reli.nice can be pl;iced upon it but as it is the only source of informa- tior. obuinuble il secnis, best to give it. The dates are of course all B. C.

ANCTHNT KOTJItA, II

In 10S3 Ki-ja died and was succeeded by 1 is son Song. Of his reign of twenty-five 3-ears we know little beyond the fact that he built an Ancestral Temple. His successor, Sun, Avas a man of such filial piety that when his father died he went mad. The next king, lak, adopted for his officials the court garments df the Sang Kingdom in China. His son, Ch'un, who ascended the throne in 997 raised fifty-nine regiments of soldiers containing in all 7300 men. The flag of the army was blue. In 943 the reigning king, Cho, feeling the need of cavalry, appointed a special commission to attend to the breeding of horses, and with such success that in a few years horses were abundant. In 850 King Silk hung a drum in the palace gate and ordained that anyone having a grievance might strike the drum and obtain an audience. In 843 a law was promulgated b}- which the government undertook to support the hopelessly destitute. In 773 King W ili forbade the prac- tice of sorcery and incantation. • In 74S naval matters received attention and a number of war vessels were launched. The first day of the fifth moon of 722 is memorable as marking the first solar eclipse that is recorded in Korean history. A great famine occurred in 710. King Kwul selected a number of men who could speak Chinese and who knew Chinese customs. These he dressed in Chinese clothes which were white and sent them across the Yellow Sea with a large fleet of boats loaded with fish, salt and copper. With these they pur- chased rice for the starving Koreans. At this time all official salaries were reduced one half. In 702 King Whe ordered the making of fifteen kinds of musical instruments. He also executed a sorceress of An-ju who claimed to be the daughter of the Sea King and deceived many of the people. In 670 King Cho sent an envoy and made friends with the King of Che in China. He also revised the penal code and made the theft of a hundred million cash from the government or of a hundred and fifty millions from the people a capital crime. He ordered the construction of a building of 500 kayi for an asylum for widows, orphans and aged people who were child- less, In 604 one of the wild tribes of the north sent their •chief, Kil-i-do-du, to swear allegiance to Cho-siiii. In 659 there came to Korea from the Chu Kingdom in China a man b^- the name of Pak Il-jung, wUo brought with him a medi-

J , TITK KORKA REVTKV/,

cine called viyjt}j-dan-bang which he claimed was the elixir of youth. By his arts he succeeded in gaining the ear of the king and for many years was virtually ruler of the countr\'. At last a king came to the throne who had the wisdom ar.A nerve to order his execution At this the whole land rejoiced. Banished men were recalled and prisoners were liberated. In 593 King Ch'am came to the throne at the age of five. His uncle acted as regent. But a powerful courtier Kong Son- gang secured the regent's assassination and himself became virtual ruler. He imprisoned the king in a small pavilion and tried to make him abdicate, but in this was unsuccessful and himself met the assassin's steel. In 560 the Ha tribe, in- habiting the northern Japanese island of I-so, sent their chief, \\lia-ma-g\-un-hu-ri, to swear allegiance to Cho-siin. In 50^ the wild tribes to the north became restive and King \ a gathered 3000 troops and invaded their territory, taking 1000 heads and adding a wide strip of country to his realm. He put teachers in each of the magistracies to teach the people agriculture and sericulture. In 426, during the reign of King Cheung, occurred a formidable rebellion. U Yi-ch'ung of T'a-an (now Cha-san) arose and said "I am the Heaven vShaker." With a pow^erful force he approached the capital and besieged it. The king was forced to flee by boat and take refuge at Hj-ul-gu (probably an island). But not long after this the loyal troops rallied, about the king and the rebel wcs chased across the northern border. In 403 the king of Yun sent an envo}^ to Korea with greetings. This Yiin kingd ni had its capital at Chik-ye-sung where Peking now stands, and its territory" was contiguous to Cho-^iin on the w^est. But in spite of these friendly greetings the king ofY un sent an aimy in 380 and seized a district in western Cho-su 1. They were soon driven back. Fifteen years later a Y un general, Chin-ga. came w^ith 20,000 troops and delimited thew^estern border of Cho-siin but the Cho-siin general Wi Mun-un gathered 30,000 men and lying in ambush among the reeds beside the O-do River surprised the enemy and put them to flight. In 346 a wild chief- tain of the north came and asked aid against Yun. It was granted to the extent of 10,000 troops. These with 1000 cavalry of the wild tribe attacked and took the border fortress of Bang- kok. Soon a.ter, Yun sucd lur peace and it was granted.

AT,'CIENT KOREA. j ,

Tiiis ends the apocryphal account of the Ki-ja d\-nasty. Its contents are circumstantial enough to seem plausible yet we cannot but doubt the authenticity of any records which pretend to go back to such a remote period.

The Cliou dynasty in China had long been on the decline and now, in 305 B. C. had reached a point of extreme weak- ness. In view of this the governor of the tributary state of Liao-tung who had alwa^-s passed under the title of Hu or "Marquis" dared to assume the title Wang or "King" and so to defy the power of China. Cho-sun threw herself into the balance in favor of her great patron and hastened to attack Liao-tung in the rear. But before this course had become in- evitable a warning voice was raised and one of the councillors, Ye, who was gifted with more knowledge of the signs of the times than his fellows pointed out the inevitable overthrow of the Chou dynasty, and he advised that Cho-san make her peace with the new "King" of the Yon kingdom of L,iao-tung, rather than brave his anger by siding against him. The ad- vice was followed and Cho-siin threw off the light reins of al- legiance to China and ranged herself alongside the new king- dom. This we learn from the annals of the Wei dynasty of China. But apparently Cho-sun, stretching as it did to and beyond the Liao Riv^r, was too tempting a morsel for the ambitious king of Yun to leave untasted. So he picked a quarrel with the king of Cho-sun and delimited his territory as far as the Yalu River, a stretch of 2,000 //, even to the town of Pan-han whose identity is now lost. He followed up this success by overcoming the wild tribes to the north and added 1,000 li more to his domains, securing it from attack, as he supposed, by building a wall from Cho-yang to Yang- p'yung.

When Emperor Shih of the Tsin dynasty ascended the throne of China in 221 B. C. and soon after began that tre- mendous work the Great Wall of China, the fortieth descend- ant of Ki-ja was swaying the scepter of Cho-sun under the name Ki-bi, posthumous title Chong-t'ong Wang. As soon as the news of this great undertaking reached the ears of this monarch he hauled down his colors and surrendered at discre- tion, sending an envoy to do obeisance for him.

King Ki-bi died and his son Ki-jun, the last of the dy-

M TIIK KORKA RKVIKW.

r.asty re'g-iicd in his stead. For some 3'ears all was quiet, bul at last the scepter was wrested from the hands of the short- lived Tsin dynasty by the founder of the illustrious Han, and across the border from Cho-sun all was turmoil and confusion. Fugitives from Lhe three states of Yun, Che and Cho were seeking asylum anywhere, and thousands were hurrying across the Y;ilu and craving the protection of Ki-jun. The only pro- tection he could give them from the victorious Han was re- moteness from tlie latter's base of operations ; so he allowed them to settle a^ong the valley of the Yalu and its southern tributaries. Thib was in the t^^£nLieth year of his reign, 200 B. C.

Unfortunatel}- for CL'0-s.iin, the Han emperor made No- gwan, one of his generals, governor of Yiin. This gentleman had ideas of his own, and finding such good material for an army among the half-wild people of his province he decided to go on an empire hunt on his own account.

The story of his desperate fight and final defeat at llie hands of the Han forces, of his flight northward to the wild tribe of Hyung-no, is interesting ; but we must turn from it to follow the fortunes of one of his lieutenants, a native of the Yun, named Wi-man. Retreating eastward alone and in disguise, according to some writers, or according to others with an escort of 1,000 men, he eluded his pursuers and at last crossed the PTi-su (the Yalu of today) and was received with open arms by his own kin who had already settled there. In the days of the Han dynasty the word P'a-su meant the Yalu River, but in the days of the Tang dynasty it meant the Ta-dong. Hence much confusion has arisen.

Wi-raan threw himself upon the protection of Ki-jun who, little kncw-ing the nature of the man he was harboring, good- naturedly consented and accompanied his welcome with the substantial gift of a hundred li square of land in the north. Wi-man, on his part, engaged to act as border guard and give timely warning of the approach of an enemy. He was already on good terms with the people of the Chin-biin tribe, and now he began to cultivate their friendship more assiduously than ever. In a short time he found himself at the head of a con- siderable following composed partly of Yi-in refugees and part- ly ol Chiu-bun ao.'. tuiuicrs.

ANCIENT KOREA. 15

Being thus prepared and weighing all the chances, hs concluded to stake his whole fortune on a single throw. Send- ing a swift messenger to the court of Ki-jun at P'yung-3^ang, he informed that peace loving monarch that an innumerable army was advancing from China in four divisions and would soon be at the doors of Cho-sun, and that he, Wi-man, must hasten to the capital with all his force to act as body-guard of the King. The ruse was successful and before Ki-jun and his court had awakened to the situation Wi-man was on them. An attempt was made to stop his advance when quite too late, but it held the traitor in check long enough for Ki-jun and his immediate court to load their treasure on boats ; and as the triumphal army of Wi-man entered the gates of P'yiing- yang the last representative of the dynasty of Ki-ja slipped quietly down the river, seeking for himself a more congenial home in the south. This occurred, so far as we can judge from conflicting documents, in the year 193 B. C.

This was an event of utmost importance in the history of the peninsula. It opened up to the world the southern por- tion of Korea, where there were stored up forces that were destined to dominate the whole peninsula and impress upon it a distinctive stamp. But before following Ki-jun southward we must turn back and watch the outcome of Wi-man 's treachery.

Chapter III.

Wi-niau . . . .establishes his kiiifigotti. . . .extent. . . .power soon waned. . . . ambitious de.sitjns. . . .China aroused. . . .invasion of Korea. . . .U-gu tries to make peace. . . .siege of P'yung-yang . . .it falls. . . .the laud redislribuled. . . .the four provinces. . . .the two provinces.

Having secured possession of Ki-jiin's kingdom, Wi-man set to work to establish himself firmly on the throne. He had had some experience in dealing with the v.ild tribes and now he exerted himself to the utmost in the tasic of securing the allegiance of as many of them as possibhj. He was literally suneunded by them, and thit. policy 01 frieiidiiness was an

l6 TlIK IIORKA P.KVIRW.

abro!nte necessity. He sncceecicd so wt:ll that ere long lie had won over almost all the adjacent tribes whose chieftains frequented his court and were there treated with such liber- ality that more than once the}'' found themselves accompany- ing embassies to the court of China,

It is said that when his kingdom was at its height it e?:- tended far into Liao-tung over all nortl.e n and eastern Korea and even across the Yellow Sea where it included Ch'ung-ju, China. Its southern boundary was the Han River.

So long as Wi-man lived he held the kingdom together with a strong hand, for he was possessed of that peculiar kind of power which enabled him to retain the respect and esteem oi the surrounding tribes. He knew Avhen to check them and when to loosen the reins. But he did not bequeath this power to his descendants. His grandson, U-gii, inherited all his ambition without an}'- of his tact. He did net realise that it was the strong hand and quick wit of his grandfather that had held the kingdom together and he soon began to plan a still further independence from China. He collected about him all the refugees and all the malcontents, most of wliom had much to gain and little to lose in any event. He then cut off all friendly intercourse with the Han court and also prevented the surrounding tribes from sending their little embassies across the border. The Emperor could not brook this insult, and sent an envoy, Siip-ha, to expostulate wi'.h the headstrong U-gii ; but as the latter would not listen, the envoy went back across the Yalu and tried what he could do by sending one of the older chiefs to ask what the king meant by his conduct. U-gu was still stubborn and when the chief returned to Sup-ha empty-handed he was put to death. Snp- ha paid the penalty for this rash act, for not many days after he had been installed governor of Liao-tung the tribe he had injured fell upon him and killed him.

This was not done at the instigation of U-gii, but unfor- tunately it was all one to tlie Emperor. It was the "Eastern Barbarians" who, all alike, merited punishment. It was in 107 B. C. that the imperial edict went forth commanding all Chinese refugees in Korea to return at once, as U-gu was to be put dov\n by the stern hand of war.

ANCIENT KOREA. 1 7

r

In the autumn of that year the two generals, Yang-bok and Sun-ch'i, invaded Korea at the head of a strong force ; but U-gu was ready for them and in the first engagement scat- tered the invading army, the remnants of which took refiige among the mountains. It vras ten days before they rallied enough to make even a good retreat. U-gu was frightened b^'- his own good luck for he knevv- that this would still further anger the Emperor ; so when au envoy came from China the king humbled himself, confessed his sins and sent his son to China as hostage together with a gift of 5,000 horses. Ten thousand troops accompanied him. As these troops were armed, the Chinese envoy feared there might be trouble after the Yalu had been crossed. He therefore asked the Prince to have them disarmed. The latter thought he detected treach- ery and so fled at night and die .jt stop until he reached his father's palace in P'yung-yang. The envoy paid for this piece oi gaucherie with his head.

Meanwhile Generals Yang-bok and Sun-ch'i had been scouring L,iao-tung and had collected a l::rger army than be- fore. With this they crossed the Ya-lu and marched on P'yiing-yang. They met with no resistance, .for U-gii had collected all his forces at the capital, hoping perhaps that the severity of the weather would tire out any force that might be sent against him. The siege continued two months during which time the two generals quarreled incessantly. When the Emperor sent Gen. Kong Son-su to see what was the matter. Gen. Sun-ch'i accused his colleague of treason and had him sent back to Chinft, where he lost his head. The siege, continued by Gen. vSun-ch'i, dragged on till the fol- lowing summer and it would have continued longer had not a traitor within the town assassinated the king and fled to the" Chinese camp. Still the people refused to make terms until another trcito: opened the gates to the enemy. Gen. Sun- ch'i's first act was to compel Prince Caang, the heir apparent, to do obeisance. But the people h; d their revenge upon the traitor who opened the gate for they fell upon him and tore him to pieces before he could make good his escape to the Chinese camp.

Such was the miserable end of Wi-man's treachery. He had cheated Ki-jun out of his kingdom which had lasted al-

iS KOREAN HISTORY.

most a thousand years, while tl:e one founded !:>>- him -'If last- ed only eighty-eight. It fell in the thirty-fourth year ol the Han I'hnpcror Wu-ti, in the year io6 B. C.

I'pon the downfall of Wi -man's kingdom, the country was divided by the Chin:;se into four provinces called respect- ively Nang-uang, Im-dun, Hyun-do and Chin-bun. The first of these, Nang-nang, is supposed to have covered that portion of Korea now included in the three provinces of P'yung-an, Whang-ha and Kyiing-geui. Im-dun, so far as we ca,n learn, was located about as the present province of Kang-wan, but it may have exceeded these limits. Hyun-do was about coterm- inous with the present province cf Ham-gyiing in the north- east. Chin-bun lay beyond the Yalu River but its limits can hardly be guessed at. It may have stretched to the Liao River or beyond. It is exceedingly doubtful whether the conquerors themselves had any definite idea of the shape or extent of these four provinces. Twenty-five years later, in the fifth year of Emperor Chao-ti Si B. C. a change in ad- ministration was made. Chin-biin and Hyun-do were united to form a new province called P'yung-ju, while Im-dun and Nang-nang were thrown together to form Tong-bu. In this form the country remained until the founding of Ko-gu-ryii in the twelfth year of Emperor Yuan-ti, 36 B. C.

It is here a fitting place to pause and ask what was the nature of these wild tribes that hung upon the flanks of civ- ilization and, like the North American Indians, were friendly one day and on the war-path the next. Very little can be gleaned from purely Korean sources, but a Chinese work entitled the Mun-hon T'ong-go deals vs'ith them in some detail, and while there is much that is quite fantastic and absurd the main points tally so well Vv'ith the little that Korean records say, that in their essential features they are probably as near- ly correct as anything we are likely to find in regard to these aborigines (shall we say) of north-eastern Asia.

Chapter IV.

The wild tribes. .. .the "Nine Tribes" apocryphal. .. .Ye-mak. .. .posi- tiou. . . -histery. . . .cust'-'iiis. . . .Ye and Mak perhaps two. . . .Ok-ju

ANCI.VN'T KC'RK\. IQ

position . . .historj'. . . .customs. . . .Nortl.'. Ok-jo. . . .■Eiiiii-uu. . . .

t)c>:ition. . . .custo . . . .the v.esterii tribes. . . .the ?.I;il-g;ii group. . . . Dosition. . . .criritoms. . . .other biider tribes.

As we have already seen, tradition gives us nine original wiLl trib-rs in the north navjied respectively the Kyan,. Pang, Whang, Fiik, Chii;< H3Un, P'nng, Yang, and U. These we are told occupied the peninsula in the very earlie.st times. 3"t little credence can be placed in this enumeration, for when it comes to Vae narration of events wc find that these tribes are largely ignored and numerous other names are intro- diiced. The tradition is that they lived in Yang-gok, "The Place of the F.isi-g Sun." In the days of Emperor T'ai- k'B.n of the Hsia dynasty, 218S B. C. the wild tribes of the cast revolted. In the days of Emperor Wu-wang, 11 22 B. C. it is said that representatives from several of the wild tribes came to China bringing rude musical instruments and per- forming their queer dances. The Whe-i was another of the tribes, for we are told that the brothers of Emperor Wu-wang fled thither but were pursued and killed. Another tribe, the So-i, proclaimed their independence of China but v\ere utterly destroyed b\' this same monarch.

It is probable that all these tribes occupied the territory north of the Yalu River and the Ever- white ^Mountains. Cer- tain it is that these names never occur in the pages of Korean history proper. Doubtless th^re was more or less intermix- ture and it is more than pos^ibls that their blood runs in the veins of Koreans today, but of this we cannot be certain.

We must call attention to one more purely Chinese notice of earl}- Korea because it contains perhaps the earliest men- tion of the word Cho-si1n. It is said that in Cho-siin three rivers, the Chiln-su, Yul-su, and San-su, unite to form the Yiil-su, which flows bj' (or through) Nang-nang. This cor- responds somewhat with the description of the Yalu River.

We now come to the wild tribes actually resident in the peninsula and whose existence can hardly be questioned, what- ever may be said about the details here given.

W^e begin with the tribe called Ye-mak, about which there are full notices both in Chinese and Korean records. The Chinese accounts deal with it as a single tribe but the Korean accounts, which are more exact, tell us that Ye and

20 KOREAN HISTORY.

Milk were hvo separate "kingdoirs." In nil probabilit}' they wer^ of the same stock but separate in go\-nunent.

Ye-guk {i^i/Zc meaninp; kingdom) is called by some Ye-wi- guk. It is also know as Ch'nl, It v/as situated directly north of the kingdom of Sil-la, which was practically the present province of Kyung-sang, so its boundary must have been ths same as that of the present Kang-wvin Province. On the north was Ok-ju, on the east the Great Sea, and on the west Nang- nang. We may saj- then that Ye-guk comprised the greater portion of what is now Kang-wun Province. To this day the ruins of its capital may hz seeti to the east of the town of Kang-neung. In the palmy days o^ Ye-guk its capital was called Tong-i and later, when overcome by Sil-la, a ro3^al ser.l was unearthed there and Ha-waiig the king of Sil-la adopted it as his royal seal. After this town was incorporated into Sil-la it was known as M\-ting-ju.

In the days of the Emperor Mu-je, 140 B. C, the king of Ye-guk was Nam-n3-u. He revoked from \Vi-man's rule and, taking a great number of his people, estimated, fantastically of course, at 380,000, removed to Liao-tur.g, where the Em- peror gave him a site for a settlement at Chang-ha-gun. Some accounts say that this colony lasted three years. Others say that after two years it revolted and was destroyed by the Emperor, There are indications that the remnant joined the kingdom of Pu-yii in the north-east for, according to one writer, the seal of Pu-yu contained the words "Seal of the King of Ye" and it was reported that the aged men of Pu-yii used to say that in the days of the Han dynasty they were fugitives. There was also in Pu-yVi a fortress called the "Ye Fortress." From this some argue that Nam-nyu was not a man of the east but of the north. Indeed it is difficult to see how he could have taken so many people so far especially across an enemy's country.

When the Chinese took the whole northern part of Ko- rea, the Ye eountr}' was incorporated into the province of Ir.i- dun and in the time of the Emperor Kwang-mu the governor of the province resided at Kang-neung. The Emperor re- ceived an annual tribute of grass-cloth, fruit and horses.

The people of Ye-guk were simple and credulous, and not naturally inclined to warlike pursuits. They were modest

ANCIENT KOREA. 21

and unassuming, nor were tliey fond of jewels or finery. Their peaceful disposition made tliem an easy prcj- to their neighbors wlio frequently harassed them. In later times bo>.h Ko-gu-ryii and Sil-la used Ye-guk soldiers in part in effecting their conquests. People of the same familj^ name did not in- termarry. If a person died of disease his house wis des::rted and the family found a new place of abode. We infer from this that their houses were of a very poor quality and easily built ; probably little more than a rude thatch covering a slight ex- cavation in a hill-side. The use of hemp was known as was also that of silk, though this was probably at a much later date. Cotton was also grown and woven. By observing th:^ stars they believed they could foretell a famine ; from v^-hich we infer that they were mainly an agricultural people. In the' tenth moon they worshipped the heavens, during vrhich ceremony thej^ drank, sang and danced. They also worship- ped the "Tiger Spirit." Robbery was punished by fining :]ie offender a horse or a cow. In fighting they used spears as long as three men and not infrequently several men wielded the same spear together. They fought entirel_v on foot. The celebrated Nang-nang bows were in reality of Ye-guk make and were cut out of pak-tal wood. The countrj' was infested with leopards. The horses were so small that mounted men could ride under the. branches of the fruit trees without dif- ficulty. They sold colored fish skins to the Chinese, the fish being taken from the eastern sea.

We are confronted by the singular statement that at tlie time of the Wei dynasty in China, 220 — 294 A. D. Ye-guk swore allegiance to China and despatched an envoy four times a year. There was no Ye-mak in Korea at that time and thir must refer to some other Ye tribe in the north. It is said thej' purchased exemption from military duty by paying a sti^ - ulated annual sum. This is manifestly said of some tribe more contiguous to China than the one we are here discussing.

Mt1>k-guk, the other half of Ye-mak, had its seat of gov- ernment near the site of the present town of Ch'un-ch'un. I^ater, in the time of the £il-la supremacy, it was known as U-su-ju. It was called Ch'un-ju in the time of the Ko-ryu rule.

The ancient Chinese work, Su-jtin, says that in tiie days

22 KOEKAN ntSTORr.

of Emperor ^.Tu-joiig (antedating; Ki-ja) tire people of Waa- ha M.m-niak came and did obeisance, to China. This may have been the Korean Mil'c. Menciiis also makes mention of a greater Muk and a lesser Mak. In the time of the Han dynast)^ they spoke of Cho-siin, Chin-bnn and Ye-mak. IV'cn- cins' notice of a greater and lesser Mak is looked upon Ly some as an insult to the memory of Ki-ja, as if he had call d Ki-ja's kingdom a wild country ; but the above mention of the three separately is cjUoLed to show that Mencius had no such thought.

The anrals of En^peror T.Iu-je state, in a commcnear}'-, that Mak was north of Chin-han and south of Ko-gu-ryu and Ok-ju and had the sea to the east, a description which exactly suits Ye-mtik as we know it.

The wild tribe called Ok-ja occupied the territory east of Ka-ma San and lay along the eastern sea-coast. It was nar- row and long, stretching a thousand // along the coast in the form of a hook. This well describes the contour of the coast from a point somewhat south of the present Wiin-san north- ward along the shore of Ham-gyung Province. On its south was Y^e-mak and on its north were the wild Eum-nu and Pu- yu tribes. It consisted of five thousand houses grouped in sep- arate communities that were quite distinct from each other politicalh', and a sort of patriarchal government prevailed. The language was much like that of the people of Ko-gu-ryu.

When Wi-man took Ki-jun's kingdom, the Ok-jii people became subject to him, but later, when the Chinese made the jour provinces, Ok-jii was incorporated into Hyiin-do. As Ok-jil was the most remote of all the wild tribes from the Chinese capital, a special governor was appointed over her, called a Tong-bu To-wi, and his seat of government was at Pul-la fortress. The district was divided into seven parts, all of which were east of Tan-dan Pass, perhaps the Ta-gwul Pass of to-day. In the sixth year of the Emperor Kwang- niu, 31 A. D., it is said that the governorship was discontinu- ed and native magnates were put at the head of affairs in eacli of the seven districts under the title Hu or Marquis. Three of the seven districts were Wha-ye, Ok-jil and Pul-la. It is said that the people of Ye-guk were called in to bnild the gov- ernment houses in these seven centers.

ANCIENT KOREA, 23

Wlieii Ko-gu-r} u took over all northern Korea, she placed a single governor over all this territory with the title Ta-in. Tribute was rendered in the form of grass-cloth, fish, salt and other sea products. Handsome women were also requisition- ed. The land was fertile. It had a range of mountains at its back and the sea in front. Cereals grew abundantly. The people are described as being very vindictive. Spears were the weapons mostly used in fighting. Horses and cattle were scarce. The style of dress was the same as that of Ko-gu-ryii.

When a girl reached the age of ten she was taken to the home of her future husband and brought up there. Having attained a marriageable age she returned home and her fiance then obtained her by paying the stipulated price.

Dead bodies were buried in a shallow grave and when only the bones remained they w^ere exhumed and thrust into a huge hollowed tree trunk which formed the family * 'vault." Many generations were thus buried in a single tree trunk. The opening was at the end of the trunk. A wooden image of the dead was carved and set beside this coffin and with it a bowl of grain.

The northern part of Ok-ju was called Puk Ok-ju or *'North Ok-ju." The customs of these people were the same as those of the south except for some differences caused by the proximity of the Eum-nu tribe to the north, who were the Apaches of Korea. Every year these fierce people made a descent upon the villages of the peaceful Ok-jii, sweeping everything before them. So regular were these incursions that the Ok-ju people used to migrate to the mountains every summer, where they lived in caves as best they could, return- ing to their homes in the late autumn. The cold of winter held their enemies in check.

We are told that a Chinese envoy once penetrated these remote regions. He asked ' 'Are there any people living be- yond this sea?" (meaning the Japan Sea.) They replied "Sometimes when we go out to fifh and a tempest strikes us we are driven ten days toward the east until we reach islands where men live whose language is strange and whose custom it is each summer to drown a young girl in the sea. Another said "Once some clothe.s floated here which were like ours except that the sleeves were as long as the height of a man."

24 KORR.VN HISTORY,

Another said "A boat once drifted here containino^ a man with a double face, one above the other. We could not understand his speech and as he refused to eat he soon expired."

The tribe of Ok-ju was finally absorbed in Ho-gu-ryu in the fourth 3-ear of Kin<^ T'a-jo Wang.

The Eum-nu tribe did not belong to Korea proper but as ita territory was adjacent to Korea a w ord may not be out of place. It was originally called Suk-sin. It was north of Ok-ju and stretched from the Tu-man river away north to the vicinity of the Amur. Its most famous mountain was Pul-ham San, It is said to have been a thousand // to the north-east of Pu- j-u. The country was mountainous and there were no cart roads. The various cereals were grown, as Avell as hemp.

Th-j native account of the people of Eum-nu is quite droU and can hardly be accepted as credible. It tells us that the people lived in the trees in summer and in holes in the ground in winter. The higher a man's rank the deeper he was al- lowed to dig. The deepest holes were "nine rafters deep." Pigs were much in evidence. The flesh was eaten and the skins were worn. In winter the people smeared themselves an inch thick with grease. In summer they wore onlv a breach-cloth. They were extremeh^ filthy. In the center of each of these winter excavations was a common cesspool about which everything else was clustered. The extraordinary statement is made that these people picked up pieces of meat with their toes and ate them. They sat on frozen meat to thaw it out. There was no king, but a sort of hereditary- chieftainship prevailed. If a man desired to marry he placed a feather in the hair of the damsel of his choice and if she ac- cepted him she simply followed him home. Women did not marry twice, but before marriage the extreme of latitude was allowed. Young men were more respected than old men. They buried their dead, placing a number of slaughtered pigs beside the dead that he might have something to eat in the land bej^ond the grave. The people w^ere fierce and cruel, and even though a parent died they did not weep. Death was the penalty for small as well as great offences. They had no form of writing and treaties were made only by word of mouth. In the days of Emperor Yiian-ti of the Eastern Tsin dynasty, an envoy from this tribe was seen in the Capital of China.

ANCIENT KOKKA. 25

We have describra the tribes of eastern Korea. A word now about the western part of the peninsula. All that por- tion of Korea h'ing between the Han and Yalu rivers con- Eiituted what was known as Nang-nang and included the pre- .' ent provinces of P'yung-an and Whang-ha together v\-ith a portion of Kyung-geui. It was originally the name of a single tribe whose position will probably never be exactly known ; but it was of such importance that vrhen China divided north- ern Korea into four provinces she gave this name of Xang- nang to all that portion lying, as we have said, between the Kan and the Yalu. The only accounts of these people are given under the head of the Kingdom of Ko-gu-ryu which we shall consider later. But between Nang-nang and the ex- treme eastern tribes of Ok-ju there was a large tract of coun- try including the eastern part of the present province of P5-'ung-an and the western part of Ham-gyung. This was called Hyun-do, and the Chinese gave this name to the whole north-eastern part of Korea. No separate accounts of Hyun- do seem to be now available.

Before passing to the account of the founding of the three great kingdoms of Sil-la, Fak-je and Ko-gu-ryu, we must give a passing glance at one or two .of the great border tribes of the north-west. They were not Koreans but exercised such in- fluence upon the life of Korea that they deserve passing notice.

In that vast tract of territorj^ now known as Manchuria there existed, at the time of Christ, a group of wild tribes known under the common name Mal-gal. The group was com- posed of seven separate tribes, named respectively — Songmal, Pak-tol, An-gu-gol, Pul-lal, Ho-sil, Heuk-su (known also as the Mul-giland the Pak-san. Between these tribes there was pro- bably some strong affinity, although this is argued only from the generic name INIal-gal which was usually appended to their separate names, and the fact that Mal-gal is commonly spoken of as one. The location of this group of tribes is determined by the statement (i) that it was north of Ko-gu-ryu and (2) that to the east of it was a tribe anciently called the Suk-sin (the same as the Eum-nu,) and (3) that it was five thousand // from Nak-3-ang the capital of China. We are also told that iu it was the great river Sog-mal which was three // wide referr- ing it would se^ni to the Amur River. These tribes, though

26 KOREAN HISTORY

meinbers of one family, were constantly ftgliting each other and their neighbors and the ancient records say tkat of all the wild tribes of the east the Mal-gal were the most feared by their neighbors. But of all the Mal-gal tribes the Heuk-su were the fiercest and nust warlike. The}^ liv^ed by hunting and fishing. The titl:: of their chiefs was Ta-mak-pul-nian- lol-guk. The people honored their chiefs and stood in great fear of them. It is said that they would not attend to the duties of nature on a mountain, considering, it would seem, that there is something sacred about a mountain. They lived in excavations in the sides of earth banks, covering them with a rough thatcli. The entrance was from above. Korses were used but there were no other domestic animals except pigs. Their rude carts were pushed by men and their plows were dragged by the same. They raised a little miibt and barley, and cultivated nine kinds of vegetables. The water there, was brackish owing to the presence of a certain kind of tree the bark of whose roots tinged th^ water like an infusion. The}' made wine by chewing grain and then allowing it to ferment. This was very intoxicating. For the marriage cer- emony the bride wore a hempen skirt and the groom a pig skin with a tiger skin over his head. Both bride and groom wash- ed the face and hands in urine. They were the filthiest of all the wild tribes. They were expex't archers, their bows being made of horn, and the arrows were twenty-three inches long. In summer a poison was prepared in which the arrow heads were dipped. A wound from one of these was almost instant- ly fatal. The almost incredible statement is made in the na- tive accounts that the dead bodies of this people were not in- terred but were used in baiting traps for wild animals.

Besides the Mal-gal tribes there were two _ others of con- siderable note, namely the Pal-ha and the Ku-ran of which special mention is not here necessary, though their names will appear occasionally in the following pages. They lived some- where along the northern borders of Korea, within striking distance. The last border tribe that we shall mention is the \u-jin whose history is closely interwoven with that of Ko- gu-ryu. They were the direct descendants, or at least close relatives, of the Eum-nu people. They were said to have been the very lowest and weakest of all "the wild tribes, in fact

ANCIENT KOREA. 2J

a mongrel tribe, made up of the offscourings of all the others. They are brieti}- described by the statement that if they took up a handful of water it instantly turned black. They were good archers and were skilful at niimicing the deer for the purpose of decoying it. Thej' ate deer flesh raw. A favorite form of amusement was to make tame deer intoxicated with wine and watch their antics. Pigs, cattle and donkeys abound- ed. They used cattle for burden and the hides served for covering. The houses v\'ere roofed with bark. Fine horses were raised by them. It was in this tribe that the great con- querer of China, A-gol-t'a, arose, who paved the way for the founding of the great Kin dynasty a thousand years or more after the be.srinning of our era.

Chapter V.

Southern Korean. . . .Ki-jun's arrival. . . .differences which he found. . . , three groups. . . .Ma-han. . . .position. . . .peculiarities. . . .characteris- tics. . . .worship tatooing. . . .numbers Chin-han Chinese

imigration customs .... P3-6n-han position habits the

philological argument. .. .southern origin .... Ki-jun and his des- cendants.

We must now ask the reader to go with us to the south- ern portion of the peninsula where we shall find a people dif- fering in many essential respects from the people of the north, and evincing not merely such different but such opposite char- acteristics from the people of the north that it is difficult to believe that they are of the same origin.

When King Ki-jun, the last of the Ki-ja dynasty proper was driven from P'yung-3'ang by the unscrupulous Wi-man, he embarked, as we have already seen, upon the Ta-dong River accompanied by a small retinue of officials and servants. Faring southward along the coast, always within sight of land and generally between the islands and mainland, he deemed it safe at last to effect a landing. This he did at a place ancient- ly known as Keum-ma-gol or "Place of the Golden Horse," now Ik-san. It should be noticed that this rendering is simp- h- that of the Chinese characters that were used to represent the word Keum-ma-gol. In all probability it v.-as a mere

28 KOREAN HISTORY,

ii-ansliteratioi'i of the native name of tiie place by the use of the Chinese, and tlie rendering here given was originally un- tlioiight of.

Tliey found the land inhabited, but by a people strange in almost every particular. The explicituess with which ail native accounts describe the people whom Ki-jun found in the .south Is in itself a striking argument in favor of the theory that a different race of people was there encountered. The south- era part of the peninsula was divided between three giroups of peoples called respectively Ma-han, Chin-han and Pyon-han. How these names originated can hardly be learn el at this date, but it would seem that they were native words ; for the last of the thi'ee, P^-on-han, was also called Pyon-iin, a word enter- ing into the composition of many of the names of the towns peopled b}' the Pyon-han tribes. It is necessar}'- for us now^ to take a brief glance at each of these three grou.>s, for in them we .shall find the solution of the most interesting and in:por- ta.nt problem that Korea has to oti'er either to the historian or ethuologi.st.

The Ma-han people occupied the south-western part of the penin.suia. comprising the whole of the present province of Cli'ung-ch 'uug and the northern part of Chiil-la. It may have extended northvv'ard nearly to the Han river but of this we cannot be ssure. On. its north was the tribe of Nang-nang, on the south was pr-.ibably a part of Pyon-han but one au- thority says that to the south of Ma-han were the Japanese or Wa-in. These Jai.ianose are carefully described and much col- or is given to this statement by certain coincidences whicli will be brought out later. No Korean work mentions these Japanese and it may l>e that tlie Japanese referred to were those living on the islands between Korea and Japan. But vv^e can easly imagine the thrifty islanders making settlements of the southern coast of Korea.

The first striking; peculiarity of the ISfa-han people, and one that differentiates them from the northern neighbors, was the fact that they vrere not one tribe but a congeries of small settlements each entirely independent of the others, each bav- in'-'- its own chief, its own army, its own laws. It is said that they lived either among the mountains or along the coast, which would ^oint co the existence of two races, the one in-

jar.d, indigenous, and the other, colonists from son'^e otlier country. » The Ma-han people were acquainted with agricnl-: ture, sericulture and the use of flax and hemp. ^ Their fowls had tails ninety-five inches long. Here is one of the interest- ing coincidence^' that uphold the contention that the Japanese were i'l the peninsula at that time. These peculiar fowls are now extinct, but, within the memory of people nov/ living, such fvjwls were quite common in Japan and preserved speci- mens ir. the museum at Tokyo show that the above measure- ments 'irc by no means unusual in that breed of fowl. It would seem then that Japan procured them from Korea, or -.Ise the Jopanese colonists introduced them into Korea.

Another point which differentiates the south from the north was the fact that a walled town was a thing unknown in the south ; as the Korean writer puts it "There was no dif- ference between town and country." Their houses were rough thatched huts sunken a little below the surfac- of the ground, as is indicated by the statement that the houses -.a ere entered from the top" These people oi Ma-han were strong and fierce and were known by the loudness and vehemence of their speech. This accords well with the further fact that they were the virtual governors of all south Korea, for it was Ma-han who furnished rulers for Chin-han. These people did not kneel nor bow in salutation. There was no difference in the treatment of people of different ages or sexes. All were addressed alike.

Another marked difference between these people and those of the north was that the Ma-han people held neither gold nor silver in high repute. We ma}^ safely reckon upon the acquis- itive faculty as being the most keen and pervasive of all the faculties of eastern as well as western peoples, and that the ' north should have been acquainted with the uses and values of these metals w^hile the south was not, can argue nothing less than a complete ignorance of each other. The southern peo- ple loved beads strung about the head and face, a trait that - naturally points to the south and the tropics. In the summer ' they worshipf -ed spirits, at which time they consumed large ' quantities of intoxicaiing beverag^^s while they sang and danc- • ed, several ' tens of men" dancing together and keeping time ' with theii feet. In the autumn, after the harvest, they-'

JO KjOSEAN HISTORY.

wo/ship<'-.d and feasted ao^aiu. In each of the little settle- ments thf^re was a high priest whose business it wa« to worship for the whol2 gommunity. They had a kind of monastic sj-s- tem, the devotees of which fastened iron drums to high posts and beat upon them during thtir worship.

Another striking statement is that tatooing was common. This is another powerful argument in favor of the theory of a Southern origin, for it is apparent that tatooing is a form of dress and is most in vogue where the heat renders the use of clothing uncomfortable. As might be expected, this habit has died out in Korea, owing without doubt to the compara- tive severity of the climate ; but within the memory of living men it has been practiced on a small scale, and today there is one remnant of the custom in the drawing of a red colored thread under the skin of the wrist in making certain kinds of of vow or promises.

In the larger towns the ruler was called Sin-ji and in the smaller ones Eup-ch'a. They had tests of endurance similar to those used by North American Indians. One of them con- sisted in drawing a cord through the skin of the back and be- ing hauled up and down by it without a murmur.

We are told that in Ma-han there were 100,000 houses, each district containing, from 1,000 to 10,000 houses. This would give an approximate population of 500,000. The names of the fifty -foui districts or kingdom included in Ma-han are given in the appendix together with those of Chin-han and Pyon-han.

We are told that the aged ^nen of Chin-han held the tradi- tion that thousands of Chinese fled to Korea in the days of the Tsin dynasty, 255-209 B. C, and that the people of Ma-han gave them land in the east and enclosed them in a palisade, and furnished them with a governor who transmitted the of- fice to his son. This could refer however only to a small por- tion of Chin-han. There was a large and widely scattered native population occupying approximaely the territory cover- ed by the present Kyung-sang P.t-ovince. It is probable that these Chinese refugees exercised a great influence over them and taught them many things ' It is not improbable that it was ovviug to this civilizing agencv that Sil-la eventually be- came master of the pei;nisu''a. But it should be carefully

ANCIENT KOkEA. • yi

noted that this Chin-1-an did not derive its name, from the Chin (Tsin) dynastv of China through these Chinese refugees. The character used in designating Chin-han is not the same as that used for the Chin dynasty.

The land was fertile. The mulberry flourished and silk culture was a cojumon employment. Horses and cattle Vvere used both under the saddle and as beasts of burden. Marriage rites were scrupulously observed and the distinction between the sexes was carefully preserved. When a body was interred men followed the bier waving feathers in the air to help waft the soul of the departed en its flight to heaven. The country contained much mineral wealth. Ye-mak, Ma-han and the Japanese all obtained metal from Chin-han. Iron was the medium of exoiiange. They were fond of music and the dance. Their music was made by means of a rude harp and an instru- ment made by stretching wire back and forth inside a metal cylinder which, when struck, caused the strings to vibrate. When a child was born a stone was placed against its head to flatten it. Tattooing was common in those parts contiguous to the Japanese, which would imply that the custom was a borrow- ed one. When two men met on the road it was considered good form for each to stop and insist upon the others passing first.

It is hardly necessary to dwell upon the characteristics of the Pyon-han people, for they were nearly the same as those of the people of Chin-han. Some say they were within the territory of Chin-han, others that they were south both of Ma-han and Chin-han, and nearest to the Japanese. They tatooed a great deal. Beyond this fact little is known of them excepting that their punishments were very severe, many of- fences being punished with death.

It is difficult to say what was the nature of the bond be- tween the dift'erent districts which made up the whole body of either Ma-han, Chin-han or Py6n-han. On the one hand we '.fre told that the districts were entirely separate and yet we find Ma-han. as a whole, performing acts that imply some sort of federation at least if not a fixed central government. In fact one Chinese v.-ork states tliat a twvn named Cha-ji was the capital of all three of the Hans. We must conclude therefore from those and subsequent statements that some sort of cen- tral government prevailed, at least in Ma-kau.

•52 •.UREAX IIW'roRV.

The name= of the several kingdoms which compoi-e 1 the three Hans are preserved to us, mutilated, in all probability, by reason of Chinese trai si teration, but still useful from a philological and ethnological standpoint If the reader will glance but casually at the list of these separate districts as given in the appendix, he will see that there was good cause for the division into three Hans, We will point out only the most striking peculiarities here, as this belongs rather to the domain of philology than to that of history. In Ma-han we fiaid seven of the names ending ro. We find two or three ox the same in Pyon-han but none in Chin-han. In Ma-han we find fourteen names ending in ri but none in either of the others. In Pyon-han we find ten names beginning with Pyon- jin which is wholly unknown to the other two. In this we also find three with the unique suffix mi-dong. In Chin-han wc find nine ending in ka7i and five in kayc, which are found ill neither of the others. It is hardly necessary to say that these cannot be mere coincidences. In each group we find at hast one considerable set of endings entirely lacking in the others. As our own ending to7i, ville. burgh, Chester and coin have an original significance, so these ending ro, ft, mi-dofig, kan and ka-ya have a meaning which should supply us with important clues to the origin of the people of southern Korea.

The marked polysyllabism of these names makes it im- possible to imagine a Chinese origin for them. It is seldom that a Manchu or Mongol name of a place exceeds two syll^ ables. On the other hand w^e find in Japan and Polynesia " common use of polys>'llabic geographical names. A thorough discussion of the subject here W'Ould be out of place, but thit* much must be said, that several of these endings, as ro, pin and kan, find their almost exact counterpart in the Dravidian languages of southern India, where they mean village, setUt^ meut and kingdom.

l^be argumen"- in favor of the southern origin of the pec*-, pie of the three Haas is a cumulative one. The main point are; the structure and vocabulary of the language, the nonint. course with the people of northern Korea, the custom of ta tooing, the diminutive size of the horses found nowhere eLs^ except in the Mala}' peninsula, the tradition of the southern origin of the people of the island of Qnelpart, the j^h} siologic-

MODERN KOREA. 33

al similarity between the people, especially the females, of Quelpart and Formosa, the seafaring propensities of thepeople of the three Hans, their ignorance of the value of gold and sil- ver, the continuous line of islands stretching along the whole coast of China together with the powerful ocean current which sweeps northward along the Asiatic coast, the tradition of the Telugu origin of the ancient sultans of Anam and the love of bead ornaments.

Such was the status of southern Korea when Ki-jun arrived at Keum-ma-gol. By what means he obtained control of the government is not related but the fact remains that he did so and founded a new kingdom which was destined to survive nearly two centuries. Ki-jun died the same year. No details are <iven of the events that transpired during the next hundred years or more exce{)ting that one Chinese work states that dur- ing the reign of Emperor Wu-ti 140-88 B.C. frequent envoys went from Ma-han to the Chinese court. We are also told that off the coist of Ma-hau among the islands lived a tribe called the Chu-ho, a people of smaller stature than the people of Ma-han, and speaking a different language. They cut the hair and wore skins for clothing but clothed only the upper part of the body. They came frequently to Ma-han to barter cattle and pigs.

Ki-jun's seventh descendant was Hun, with the title of Wun-wang. His reign began in 57 B. C during the reign of the Han Enperor Hsuan-ti and in the second year the great kingdom of Sil-la was founded in Chin-han. In his twenty- second year the great northern kingdom of Ko-gur-yu was founded, 35 B. C. , and nineteen years later the kingdom of Ma-han fell before the forces of Pak-je.

Chapter VI.

The foundiug of Sil li, Ko-gur— yu. aud Pak-je. . . Sil-la . . .legend. . . . growth. . . .Tsushima a vassal. . . .credibility of accounts . . .Japan- ese relations . . .early viciss.tudes. . . . Ko-gur-yu. . . .four Pu-yus. . . .

legend. . . .location of Pu-yu. . . .Chu mong founds Ko-yur yu

growth and extent. . . .products. . . .customs. . . religious rites. . . . oflBcial grades . . .punishments. . . .growth eastward. . . . Pak-je. . . . relations between Sil-la and Pak-je. . . .tradition of founding of Pak- je . . .opposition of wide tribes . . .the capital moved . . .siiuationof the peninsula at the time of Christ.

34 KOREAN HISTORY.

In the year 57 B. C the chiefs of the six great Chiii-han states, Yriii-jun-yang-san, Tol-sau-go-ho, Ciia-sa-jin-ji, Mu- san-da-su, Keiim sau-ga-ri and Myung-whal-san-go-ya held a great council at Yuu-chun-yang and agreed to merge their separate fiefs into a kingdou. rhey named the capital of the new kingdom Su-ya-bill, from which the present word Seoul is probably derived, and it was situated wheie Kyong-ju now stands in Kyiing-sang Province, At first the name applied both to the capital and to the kingdom.

They placed upon the throne a boy of thirteen years, named Hyuk-ku-se, with the royal title Ku-su-gan. It is said that his family name was Pak, but this was probably an after- thought derived from a Chinese source. At any rate he is generally known as Pak Hyuk-ku-se. The story of his advent is typically Korean. A co^npauy of revellers beheld upon a mountain side a ball of light on which a horse was seated. They approached it and as they did so the horse rose straight in air and disappeared, leaving a great, luminous egg. This soon opened of itself and disclosed a handsome boy. This wonder was accompanied by vivid light and the noise of thunder. Not long after this another wonder was seen. Be- side the Yun-yiing Spring a hen raised her wing and from her side came forth a female child with a mouth like a bird's bill, but when they washed her in the spring the bill fell off and left her like other children, tor this reason the well was named the Pal-ch'un which refers to the falling of the bill. Another tradition says that she was formed from the rib of a dragon which inhabited the spring. In the fifth year of his reign the youthful king espoused this girl and they typify to all Koreans the perfect marriage.

As this kingdom included only six of the Chin-han states, it would be diflficult to give its exact boundaries. From the very first it began to absorb the surrounding states, until at last it was bounded on the east and south by the sea alone, while it extended north to the vicinity of the Han River and westward to the borders of Na-han, or to Chi-ri San. It took her over fourhuudredyears to complete these conquests, many of which were bloodless while others were effected at the point of the sword. It was not until the twenty-second generati u that the name Sil-la was adopted as the ijame of this kingdom.

MODFRM KOREA. 35

It is important to notice that the island of Tsushima, whether actually conquered by Sil-H or not, became a depen- dency of that Kingdom and on account of the sterility of the soil the people of that island were annually aided by the gov- ernment. It was not until the year 500 A. D. or thereabouts that the Japanese took charge of the island and placed their magistrate there. From that time on, the island was not a dependency of any Korean state but the relations between them were very intimate, and there was a constant inter- change of goods, in a half commercial and half political man- ner. There is nothing to show that the daimyos of Tsushima ever had any control over any portion of the adjacent coast of Korea.

It gives one a strong sense of the trustworthiness of the Korean records of these early days to note with what care the date of every eclipse was recorded. At the beginning of each reign the list of the dates of solar eclipses is given. For in- stance, in the reign of Hyuk-ku-sethey occurred, so therecords say, in the fourth, twenty-fourth, thirtieth, thirty-second, forty-third, forty-fifth, fifty-sixth and fifty-ninth years of his reign. According to the Gregorian calendar this would mean the years 53, 31, 27, 25, 14, 12 B. C. and 2. A. D. If these annals were later productions, intended to deceive posterity, they would scarcely contain lists of solar eclipses. The marvelous or incredible stories given in these records are given only as such and often the reader is warned not to put faith in them.

The year 48 B. C. gives us the first defiuite statement of a historical fact regarding Japanese relations with Korea. In that year the Japanese 'Urates stopped their incursions into Korea for the time being. From this it would seem that even at that early date the Japanese had become the vikings of the East and were carrying fir^ and sword wherever there was enough water to float their boats. It would also indicate thae the extreme south of Korea was not settled by Japanese, for it was here that the Japanese incursions took place.

In 37 B. C. the power of the little kingdon of Sil-la began to be felt in surrounding districts and the towns of Pyon-han joined her standards. It was probably a bloodless conquest, the people of Pyon-han coming voluntarily into Sil-la. In 37 B. C. the capital of Sil-la, which had received the secondary

36 KOREA.N HISTORY.

name Keura-siing:, was surrounded by a wall thirty-five //, twelve miles, long. The city was 5.075 paces long and 3,018 paces wide. The progress made by Sil-la and the evident ten- dency toward centralisation of all power in a monarchy aroused the suspicion of the king of Ma-han who, we must re- member, had considered Chiu-han as in some sense a vassal of Ma-han. For this reason the king of Sil-la, in 19 B. C, sent an envoy to the court of Ma-han with rich presents in order to allay the fears of that monarch. The constant and heavy influx into Sil-la of the fugitive Chinese element also disturb- ed the mind of that same king, for he foresaw that if this went unchecked it might mean the supremacy of Sil-la instead of that of Ma-han. This envoy from Sil-la was Ho-gong, said to have been a native <^i Japan. He found the king of Ma-han in an unenviable frame of mind and it required all his tact to pacify him, and even then he succeeded so ill that had not the Ma-han officials interfered the king would have had his life. The following year the kin^: of Ma-han died and a Sil-la em- bassy went to attend the obsequies. They were anxious to find opportunity to seize the helm of state in Ma-han and bring her into the port of Sil-la, but -his they were strictly forbidden to do by their royal master who generously forebore to take revenge for the insult of the preceding year.

As this was the year, 37 B. C, weich marks the found- ing of the powerful kingdom of Ko-gur-yu, we must turn our eyes northward and examine that important event.

As the founder of Ko-gur-yu originated in the kingdom of Puyu, it will be necessary for us to examine baiefly the position and status of that tribe, whose name stands prom- inently forth in Korean history and tradition. There were four Pu-yus in all ; North Pu-yu, East Pu-yil, Chul-bun Pu- yu and South Pu-yu. We have already, under th^ head of the Tan-gun, seen that tradition gives to Pu-ru his son, the honor of having having been the founder of North Pu-yu, or Puk Pu-yu as it is commonly called. This is quite apocryphal but gives us at least a precarious starting point. This Puk Pu-yii is said by some to have been far to the north in the vicinity of the Amur River or on one of its tributaries, a belief which is sustained to a certain extent by some inferences to be deduced from the following legend.

AXCIKXT KOREA. 37

It must have been about fifty years before the beginning of our era that King Hfi-bvi-ru sat upon the throne of North Pu-yti. His great sorrow was that Providence had not given liini a son. Riding one day in the forest he reached the bank of a swift rushing stream and there dismounting he besought the Great Spirit to grant him a son. Turning to remount he found the horse standing with bowed head before a great boulder while tears were rolling down its face. He turned the boulder over and found beneath it a child of the color of gold but with a form resembling a toad. Thus was his prayer an- swered He took the curious child home and gave it the name Keum-wa or "Golden Toad." Soon after this the kingdom removed to PZast Pu-yu, or Tong Pu-yii, somewhere near the "White Head Mountain." known as Pak-tu vSan.

Arriving at the age of manhood. Keum-wa looked about for a wife. As he was walking along the shore of U-bal-su (whether river or sea we do not know) he found a maiden cry- ing. Her name was Yu-wha. "Willow Catkin." To his in- quiries she replied that she was daughter of the Sea King. Ha-b^k. but that she had been driven from home because she had been enticed away and ravished by a spirit called Ha-mo- su. Keum-wa took her home as his wife but shut her in a room to which the sun-light had access only by a single minute aperture. Marvelous to relate a ra}' of light entered and fol- lowed her to whatever part of the room she went. By it she conceived and in due time gave birth to an ^.gg, as large as five "measures." Keum-wa in anger threw it to the pigs and dogs but they would not touch it. Cattle and horses breathed upon it to give it warmth. A stork from heaven settled down upon it and warmed it beneath her feathers. Keum-wa re- lented and allowed Yu-wha to bring it to the palace, where she wrapped it in silk and cotton. At last it burst and dis- closed a fine boy. This precocious }outh at seven years of age was so expert with the bow that he won the name of Chu- mong, "Skillful Archer." He was not a favorite with the people and they tried to compass his death but the king pro- tected him and made him keeper of the royal stables. Like Jacob of Holy Writ he brought his wits to bear upon the situation. B}- fattening the poorer horses and making the sood ones lean he succeeded in reserving: for his own use the

'^S K()Ki:.\.N niSToRV,

fleetest steeds. Thus in the hunt he always led the rout and seeured the lion's share of the game. For this his seven brothers hated him and determined upon his death. By night his mother sought his bed-side and whisjiered the word of warning. Chu-mong arose and with three trusty councillors. O-i, ^hl-ri and Hyup-pu, fled southward until he found his path blocked by the luim-ho River, There was neither boat, bridge nor ford. vStriking the surface of the water with his bow he called upon the spirit of the river to aid him, for be- hind him the plain smoked with the pursuing hoof-beats of his brothers' horses. Instantly there came up from the depths of the river a shoal of fish and tortoises who lay their backs to- gether and thus bridged the stream.

Fantastic as this story seems, it may have an important l)earing upon the question of the location of Pu-yii. Can we not see in this great shoal of fish a reference to the salmon which, at certain seasons, run up the Amur and its tributaries in such numbers that the water is literally crowded with them ? If there is any weight to this argument th- kingdon) of Pu-yu, from which Chu-mong came, must ha\'e been, as some believe, along the Sungari or some other tributary of the Amur.

Leaving his brothers baffled on the northern bank, Chu- mong fared .southward till he reached Mo-tun-gok by the Po- sul River where he met three men, Cha-sa, clothed in grass cloth, Mu-gol in priestly garb and Muk-hu, in seaweed. They joined his retinue and proceeded with him to Chiil-bon, the present town of Song-ch'iin, where he founded a kingdom. He gave it the name of Ko-gu-ryu, from Ko, his family name< and Kii-ryu, a mountain in his native Pu-yii, Some say the Ko is from the Chinese Kao, "high," referring to his origin. This kingdom is also known by the name Chul-bon Pu-yii , It is said that Pu-ryu River flowed by the ca}-)ital. These events occurred, if at all, in the year 37 B, C, This was all Chinese land, for \i was a part of the great province of Tong- bu which had been erected by the Emperor So-je (Chao-ti) in Si B. C. Only one authorit}- mentions Chu-mong's relations with Tong-bu. This saj-s that when he erected his capital at Chiil-bon he seized Tong-bu. China had probably held these provinces witli a very light hand and the founding of a.

AxciKXT kok?:a. 39

vigorous native monarchy would be likely to attract the semi- Ijarbarous people of northern Korea. Besides, the young Ko- g'U-r}^! did not seize the whole territory at once but gradually absorbed it. It is not unlikeh' that China looked with com- placency upon a native ruler who, while recognising her suzer- ainty, could at the same time hold in check the fierce denizens of the peninsula.

We are told that the soil of Ko-gu-ryu was fertile and that the cereals grew abundantly. The land was famous for its fine horses and its red jade, its blue squirrel skins and its pearls. Chu-mong inclosed his capital in a heavy stockade and built store-houses and a prison. At its best the country- stretched a thousand // beyond the Yalu River and southward to the banks of the Han. It comprised the Nang-nang tribe from which Emperor Mu-je named the whole north-western portion of Korea when he divided northern Korea into four provinces. On the east wa^ Ok-ju and on its north was Pu- yu. It contained two races of people, one living among the mountains and the ether in the plains. It is said the}' had a five-fold origin. There were the So-ro-bu, Chul-lo-bu, vSun-no- bu. Kwan-no-bu and Kye-ro-bu. The kings at first came from the So-ro-bu line but afterwards from the Kye-ro-bu. This probable refers to certain family clans or parties which existed at the time of Chu-mong' s arrival and which were not discon- tinued. Chu-mong is said to have married the daughter of the king of Chul-bon and so he came into the control of affairs in a peaceful way and the institutions of society were not part- icularly disturbed.

Agriculture was not extensively followed. In the matter of food they were very frugal. Their manners and customs were somewhat like those of Pu-yii but were not derived from that kingdom. Though licentious they were fond of clean clothes. At night both sexes gathered in a single apartment and immorality abounded. Adultery, however, if discovered, was severely punished. In bowing it was customary for these people to throw out one leg behind. While travelling, men more often ran than walked. The worship of spirits was un- iversal. In the autumn there was a great religiotis festival. In the eastern part of the peninsula there was a famous cave called vSu-sin where a great religious gathering occurred each

40 K(»r)':an history.

aulunui. Their rcli<;ious rites included singintj: and drink- inj;-. At the same time captives were set free. They wor- shipped likewise on the eve of battle, slauohterin,*;- a bullock and examining the body for omens.

Swords, arrows and spears were their common weapons. A widow usually became the wife of her dead husband's brother. When a great man died it was connnon to bury one or more men alive with his body. The statement that sometimes as many as a hundred were killed is probably an exaggeration. These characteristics were those of the Nang-nang people as well as of the rest of Ko-gu-ryu. The highest official grades were called Sang-ga-dii, No-p'a, >'o-ju-da. Some say their official grades were called by the names of animals, as the "horse grade' " the ' 'dog grade' ' the ' 'cow grade. ' ' There w^ere special court garments of silk embroidered with gold and sil- ver. The court hat was something like the present kwan or skull-cap. There were few prisoners. If a man committed a crime he was summarily tried and executed, and his wife and children became slaves. Thieves restored twelve-fold. Mar- riage always took place at the bride's house. The dead were wrapped in silks and interred, and commonly the entire for- tune of the deceased was exhaused in the funeral ceremony. The bodies of criminals were left unburied. The people were fierce and violent and thieving was common. They rapidly corrtipted the simpler and cleaner people of the Ye-mak and Ok-ju tribes.

No sooner had Chu-mong become firmly established in his new capital than he began to extend the limits of his king- dom. In 35 B. C. he began a series of conquests which re- sulted in the establishment of a kingdom destined to defy the power of China for three quarters of a millennium. His first operations were against the wild people to the east of him. The first year he took Pu-ryu on the Ya-lu, then in 29 B. C. he tock Hang-in, a district near the present Myo-hyang San. In 27 B. C. he took Ok-jii, thus extending his kingdom to the shore of eastern Korea. In 23 B. C. he learned that his mother had died in far off Pu-yu and he sent an embassy thither to do honor to her.

The year 18 B. C. beheld the founding of the third of the great kingdoms which held the triple sceptre of Korea, and

ANCIPTNT KOREA. 4 1

we must therefor-e turn southward and examine the events which led up to the founding of the kingdom of Pak-je.

When Chu-mong fled southward from Pu-yii he left be- hind him a wife and son. The latter was named Yu-ri. Tradition says that one day while playing with pebbles in the street he accidentally broke a woman's water jar. In anger she exclaimed "You are a child without a father.'" The boy went sadly home and aked his mother if it was true. She an- swered yes, in order to see what the boy would do. He went out and found a knife and was on the point of plunging it into his body when she threw herself upon him saying "Your father is living and is a great king in the south. Before he left he hid a token under a tree, which you are to find and take to him." The boy searched every where but could not find the tree. At last, wearied out, he sat down behind the house in despair, when suddenly he heard a sound as of picking, and noticing that it came from one of the posts of the house he said "This is the tree and I .'■hall now find the token." Dig- ging beneath the post he unearthed the broken blade of a sword. With this he started sotith and when he reached his father's palace he showed the token. His father produced the other half of the broken blade and as the two matched he re- ceived the boy and proclaimed him heir to the throne.

But he had two other sons b\' a wife whom he had taken, more recently. They were Pi-ryu and On-jo. WMien Yu-ri appeared on the scene these two brothers, knowing how pro- verbially unsafe the head of a king's relative is, feared for their lives and .so fled southward. Ascending vSam-gak vSan, the mountain immediately behind the present vSeoul, they survey- ed the country soutliward. Pi-ryu the elder chose the country to the westward along the sea. On-jo chose to go directly south. vSo they separated, Pi-ryu going to Mi-ch'u-hol, now In-ch'un near Chemulpo, where he made a settlement. On-jo struck southward into what is now Ch'ung-ch'ung Province and settled at a place called Eui-rye-siing. now the district of Chik-san. There he was given a generous tract of land by the king of Ma-han : and he forthwith set up a little kingdom which he named South Pu-yn. The origin of the name Pak- je is not definitely known. vSome say it was because a hun- dred men constituted the whole of On-jo's party. Others say

42 ICOKlvW IIIS'roKN'.

ilint it was at first called v'^ip-je and then changed to Pak-jc when their numbers were swelled by the arrival of Pi-r\ u and 'lis partw The latter had found the land sterile and the oliniate unhealthy at Mi-eh'u-hol and so was constrained to join his bn)ther again. On the other hand we find the name Pak-je in the list of orig'inal districts of Ma-lian and it is pro- bable that this new kingdom sjirang- up in the district called Pak-je and this name became so connected with it that it has came down in history as Pak-je. while in truth it was not call- ed so by its own people. It the same way Cho sun is known today by the medieval name Korea. Not long" after Pi-ryu rejoined his brother he died of chagrin at his own failure.

It must not be imagined that these three kingdoms of vSil- la. Ko-gu-ryu and Pak-je, which represented so strongh' the centripetal idea in government, were alloweil to proceed without vigorous protests from the less civilized tribes about thenu The Mal-gal tribes in the north, the Suk-sin and North Ok-ju tribe in the north-east and Ye-mak in the east made fierce at- tacks upon them as opportunity presented. The Mal-gal tribes in particular seem to have penetrated southward even to the borders of Pak-je, probably after skirting the eastern borders of Ko-gti-ryu. Nominally Ko-gu-ryii held sway even to the Japan Sea but practically the wild tribes roamed as yet at will all through the eastern part of the peninsula. In the eighth year of On-jo's reign, lo B. C, the Mal-gal forces be- sieged his capital and it was onl}^ after a most desperate fight that they were driven back. On-jo found it necessary' to V)uild the fortresses of Ma-su-sung and Ch'il-chung-sung to guard against such inroads. At the same time the Siin-bi were threatening Ko-gu-ryu on the north, but Gen. Pu Bun-no lured them into an ambush and routed them completely. The king rewarded him wdth land, horses and thirty pounds of gold, but the last he refused.

The next year the wild men pulled down the fortresses lately erected by King On-jo and the latter decided that he must find a better site for his capital. vSo he moved it to the present site of Nam-han, about twenty miles from the present Seoul. At the same time he sent and informed the king of Ma-han that he had found it necessary to move. The follow- ina: vear he enclosed the town in a wall and set to work teach-

ANCIENT KOREA. 4-

lug agriculture to the people throughout the valley of the Haii River which flowed near by.

In the year which saw the birth of Christ the situation of affairs in Korea was as follows. In the north, Ko-gu-ryii, n vigorous, warlike kingdom, was making herself thoroughl\ feared by her neighbors ; in the central w^estern portion was the little kingdom of Pak-je, as yet without any claims to in- dependence but waiting patiently for the power of Ma-han so to decline as to make it possible to play the serpent in the bosom as W'i-man had done to Ki-ja"s kingdom. In the south was Sil-la, known as a peaceful power, not needing the sword because her rule was so mild and just that people from far and near flocked to her borders and craved to become her citizens. It is one of the compensations of history that Sil-la, the least martial of them all, in an age when force seemed the only arbiter, should ha\-e finally overcome them all and imposed upon them her laws and her language.

Chapter VH.

Change of Ko-gu-ryu capital. . . .Sil-la raided . . .Legend of v^uk-ta'l-h;! . . . .fall of Ma-hatJ . . . .beginning of Chinese enmity against Ko-gn- ryu....the three kingdoms differentiated .... King Yu-ri degraded . . . .extension of Ko-gu ryii . . .Japanese corsairs. . . remnant of Ma- haii revolts. . . .fall of Pu-3-n. . . .origin of in-guJU. . . .siege of Ko-gn- ryu capital raised. . . .Sil-la's peaceful polic}-. . . patronymics. . . .of- ficial grades. . . .unoccupied territory. . . .kingdom of Ka-rak. .. .le- gends. . . .position. . . dependencies.

We read that in 2 A. D. the king of Ko-gu-ryii was about to sacrifice a pig to his gods, when the pig escaped and taking to its heels was chased hy the courtier Siil-chi into the district of Kung-na. He caught the animal near Wi-na Cliff, north of the Ch'o-san of today. When he returned he described the place to the king as being rotigh and consequently suitable for the site of a capital. Deer, fish and turtles also abounded. He gave such a glowang account. that the king was fain to move his capital to that place, where it remained for two hun- red and six years.

In 4 A. D. Hyuk-ku-se, the wise king of Sil-la died and se\xn days later his queen followed him. It is .said that they

44 koki:ax history,

were so completely one llial neither could live without th-- other. Xani-lifv his son. with the title of Ch'a-ch'a-unj^, reij^n- ed in liis stead. A remnant of the Nano-nang tribe, hear- ino- of the death of King Hyiik-ku-se, thought it a fitting time to make a raid into Sil-la territory, but they were beaten back.

In the third yrar of his reign, Nam-ha built a shrine to his father and then put the management of the government into the hands of a man named Suk-t'al-l;a who had become his son-in-law. This man is one of the noted men of Sil-la and his origin and rise are among the cherished traditions of the people.

Somewhere in north-eastern Japan there was a kingdom known as Ta-p'a-ra and there a woman, pregnant for seven years, brought forth an egg. The neighbors thought it a bad omen and were minded to destroy it but the mother, aware of their intentions, wrapped the egg in silk and cotton and plac- ing it in a strong chest committed it to the waters of the Jap- an Sea. In time it drifted to A-jin Harbor on the coast of Sil-la where an old fisherwoman drew^ it ashore and found up- on opening it that it contained a beautiful child. vShe adopted him and reared him in her humble home. It was noticed that wherever the child went the magpies followed him in flocks, so they gave him the name of Silk, the fir.st part of the Chin- ese word for magpie. The second part of his name was T'al, "to put off" referring to his having broken forth from the egg, and the final syllable of his name was Ha meaning "to open" for the fishwife opened the chest. This boy developed into a giant both physically and mentally. His foster-mother saw in him the making of a great man, and so gave him what educa- tional advantages she could afford. When he had exhausted these she sent him to enter the service of the great statesman Pyo-gong the same that had acted as envoy to Pak-je. Pyo- gong recognised his merit and introduced him at court where his rise was so rapid that ere long he married the king's daughter and became vicegerent of the realm, the king resign- ing into his hands the greater part of the business of state.

The Axar 9 A. D. beheld the fall of the kingdom of Ma- han. We remember that Ki-jun became king of Ma-han in 193 B. C. He died the same year and was succeeded by hi^ son Ki-t'ak with the title Kang-wang, who ruled four years.

ANCIENT KOREA. 73

As this was without result, she ssut and asked openly that the Wei Emperor S2nd at army and chastis'S Ko-gu-ryu. The Emperor replied that until Ko-gu-ryu committed some overt ^ct of more hostile import than the mere cementing of peaceful alliances no notice could be talcen of her. In other words the Wei power refused to be the aggressor, much to Pfik-je's •chargin. The Wei Emperor sent this answer by wa 3^ of Ko- .gu-ryu and the king of that country was ordered to grant the messenger a safe conduct through_his territory. But Ko-gu- ryu, as though bent on self-destruction, refused to let him pass, <and 50 the great northern kingdom approached one step nearer the precipice which was to prove her destruction. Upon * learning the news of this affront the Emperor was highly in- censed and tried to send the messenger by waj' of a southern port ; but stress of weather rendered this impossible and Pak- je, receiving no answer to her missive, took offense and would have nothing more to do with China, for a time. By the time she had recovered her temper, Ko-gu-ryu had in some way patclied up her difficulty with the Wei court and so scored a point against Pak-je. And for a time she was on friendly terms with both the Wei aud Sung dynasties.

At this point Ko-gu-ryii decided upon a bold attempt to .swallow Pak-je bodih'. It was to be done partly by strategem and partly by force, A monk of Ko-gu-ryu named To-rim, a fellow of excellent craft, arrived at the Pak-je capital as if ^seeking r^uge. The king received him with open arms and, finding him an excellent chess player, made him his trusty councilor. This monk told the king that the palaces, walls, tombs and public buildings ought to be thoroughh- repaired, and so induced him to drain the public treasur3- in this work, and also in bringing a huge monolith from Uk-n3-i to the capital. This done the monk fled back to Ko-gu-ryil and announced that the treasur_v of Pak-je was empty and it was a good time to attack her. A large army was put in the field, g-uided by one Kal-lu, a Piik-je fugitive from justice. Almost before Pak-je was aware, her capital was surrounded. She had applied to Sil-la for help, but too late. First the suburbs were laid in ashes, and then access being gained, the palace was fired. The king fled with ten attendants out the west ,gate, but KlT-1u the renegade followed and overtook hhn.

74 i-:ori;an iiistorv.

The king- begged for ir.ercy upon his knees but Kul-hi spit thrice in his face, bound him and sent him to the fortress of A-han where he was killed. Then the Ko-gu-ryu army went back north carrying with them 8,000 captives, men and women .

Meanwhile Prince Mun-ju had ol)tained help from Sil-la and with 10,000 troops was hastening homew^ards. He found the city in ashes, his father dead, the people mourning their lost, who had been dragged away captive. He promptly assumed control of affairs, moved the capital southward to I'ng-jin the present Kong-ju, took all the Pak-je people away from Han-3-ang (Seoul) and moved them back across the Han River and abandoned all the territor}' beyond that ' natural barrier to Ko-gu-ryii to whom it had originally be- longed. The following year he tried to send a message to the Sung Emperor by way of Ko-gu-ryu but the messenger was intercepted and the message stopped.

Chapter X.

Uuelpart. . . .origiu of T'ani-na. . . .new alliances. . . .advances in vSil-la . . . .but not in PSk-je nor Ko-gu-ryu. . . .temporary peace .... Budd- hism in Sil-la. .. .remnants of barbarism. .. .influence of Chinese literature. . . .important reforms. . . .Ko-gu-r^u's foreign relations. . . . conquest of Dagelet Island. . . .posthumous titles. . . .colors in official grades. . . .Wei displeased. . . .the "miracle" of Yi Cha-don . . . .end of Ka-rak. . . .Sil-la rejects Chinese calendar. . . .confusion in China. . . . Pak-je attempts reform. . , .history of Sil-la. . . .two alliances. . . .Pak- je and Ko-gu-rj'ii envoys to China. . . .advance of Buddhism in Sil-la . . . .music in Sil-la. . . .war between Pak-je and Sil-la. . . .retrogres- sion in Sil-la because of Buddhism. . . .Ko-gu-ryu and the Sui Emper- or... . the Ondali.

Tradition .says that in the dawn of history when the island of Che-ju (Ouelpart) was covered only with a tangled forest three sages arose from a crevice in the ground. This spot is shown to this day by the people of Che-ju. These three men were Ko-uUa, Yang-uUa and Pu-ulla. As they stood upon the .shore they saw three .stout chests floating in from the south-east. Drawing them to land and opening them the three wi.se men discovered that each chest contain-

ANCIENT KOREA. 75

ed a calf, a colt, a dog a pig and a woman, together with sundr}- seeds, such as beans, wheat, barley, millet and rice. B3' the three families thus organised the island was populat- ed. During the early da5-s of Sil-la a certain court astrologer announced that the "Friend Star" was visible in the south and that a distinguished visitor would soon arrive. Soon after this three men came by boat from Quelpart, landing at the harbor of T'am-jin, now Kang-jin. They came straight to the court of Sil-la where they were hospitabl}- entertained. One of the visitors was Ko-hu one was Ko-ch'ung but the the name of the third is lost. The king called the first Sung- ju or "Lord of the Star," the second Wang-ja or "King's Son" and the third To-na or "The One who has Come." He named their country Tarn from the name of the port where they landed, an 1 na, which seems to have meant "Kingdom", for we find that the last syllable of Sil-la is this same /la changed by euphonic laws to la. It is the root of the present Korean word na-ra or "kingdom." So the kingdom was called T'am-na. The authorities are at a loss to tell the date or even the reign during which these events transpired. In the year 477 the little kingdom of T'am-na sent an envo>- to the court of Pak-je with gifts. This is the first really authentic mention of the place. If tradition is of any value it must be confessed that the story of the peopling of Quelpart points toward a southern origin.

In 479 the aged king of Ko-gu-ryu, Ko-ryun, now in tht sixty-eighth year of his reign, sought and obtained recogni- tion from Emperor Ko-je (Kao-ti) the founder of the Ch'i djniasty in China. That this occurred in the very first 3'ear after the founding of that dynasty shows how seduloush" Ko-gu-ryu was cultivating the good-will of the Chinese. Pak-je was not far behind, for she swore allegiance to the same Emperor only tw^o years later.

During all these years it is to Sil-la that we must look for an)- signs of internal improvement, any of those innova- tions w^hich are the mile-stones of progress. We saw above how she introduced the use of the cart and so raised a great burden from the shoulders of the people. The wheel is the great burden bearer of history. And now we find her in- troducing further reforms. The first was the horse relay

;6 k'o'KivW lnsT<>K■^^

system called the ijong-ma. It did not b-;ar so di'r jctly iipou the canditii>ii of the people but it afforded an opportunity for the rapid transmission of official information and thus in- directly had an important bcariui^' upon the wellfare of the masses. In the iiext place, she organised a g^eneral market ahere at stated inter\-als merchints from the vari&us districts could meet and txchang'e commodities. These are things that vra look upon as matters of course and we do not realise their impo-rtance till we imagine ourselves deprived of the com- forts that spring from the possibility of rapid comnntnication and exchange of commodities. That Ko-gu-ryu had not made similar advances in the line of industrial reform is shown bj- the fact that when the Empsror of the Wei dynasty sent to grant investiture tj Na-un the twenty-first king of Ko-gu-ryu in 499 he presented him with suits of clothes, flags, a crown and a cart. This shows that carts were not as 3-et in common use in Ko-gu-ryu. As for P:1k-je, disaster ^vas following" upon disaster. At one time a thousand people were swept awaj' in a flood. Then famine carried away three thousand. A few' years later ten thousand people passed over into Sil-la to save themselves from starvation.

The sixth century dawned upon a comparatively peaceful Korea; for the time being the dog's of war were held in leash and feuds seem to have been laid on the shelf. The three kingdoms employed their time in different but characteristic ways. The king of P:1k-je built an enormous pleasure-house and adorned it with all manner of curious flowers and animals. To the expostulations of his ministers he turned a deaf ear. A few years later he was murdered by one of his courtiers. In truth, peace was nearly as bad for Pak-je as war.

In Sil-la Buddhism had been introduced during the reign of Nul-ji, 417-458. A monk named Muk Ho-ja had been well received and was lodged in the palace. But, at the first, Buddhism did not find congenial soil in vSil-la. Tradi- tion gives the following account of the first set-back which it suffered there. In 502 while the king was idling an hour away in a favorite summer-house outside the city, a raven appeared bearing in its beak a letter. It laid the missive at the king's feet and flew away. The superscription said "If the king opens and reads this note two people will die ; if he

ANCIE;NT KOREA. 77

does not open it one will die". He determined not to open it, but one of his attendants said "The one referred to is Your Majesty and therefore you should open it even though two lives are sacrificed". He broke the seal and read the strange words "L,et the king take his trustiest bow, hasten to the palace and shoot an arrow through the zither case". The king obeyed the mandate, hastened back to the palace by a private gate, entered the queen's apartments unannounced and shot an arrow through a zither case that stood against the wall. The arrow pierced the zither case and the High Priest who was hidden behind it. The latter had taken advantage of the king's absence to attack his honor. He was strangled together with the guilty queen.

With all her attempts at progress some evidences of the grossest barbarity still lingered in Sil-la. It was not, so the records tell us, until the year 503 that Sil-la discontinued the horrible custom of burying people alive when a king's body was interred. It had been customary" to bury five boys and five girls alive on such occasions, but in 503 the king publish- ed a decree forbidding the continuance of the custom. The very barbarity of the custom renders its abolition the more striking and places the name of king Chi-jeung, the twenty- second of his line, among the names of Korea's benefactors. At the same time the custom of plowing with oxen was intro- duced, an innovation that had a most far-reaching effect upon society. It was in the beginning of the sixth century that vSil-la began to show evidences of the influence of Chinese literature and thought. In 504 she adopted the Chinese word Wang as the title of her kings in place of the pure Korean words I-sa-geum or Ma-rip-kan. She also changed the name of the kingdom from Kye-rim to Sil-la. We have been speak- ing of this kingdom under the name Sil-la but as a matter of fact it was not so designated until the year 504 A. D. Before that time it had been variously styled Su-ya-bul, Sa-ro, and Kye-rim. The word Sil-la is said to have been composed of the Chinese words Sin and ra, which when united become Sil- la according to Korean laws of euphon3^ It is more than probable that it was merely an adaptation of Chinese charac- ters to pure Korean words, for the last SAdlable la or na is the same as that used in other words, centuries before that time.

7S KOKKAX niSTORV.

in si)Ulherii Korea. .The ua of T'ain-na is the same character. To the word Sil-la was added the word Kuk or "kinj^doin" which put her in line with the other vassals of China. The Confucian code must have been making headway too, for in the following year the custom was adopted of assuming a mourning garb for three years upon the death of a parent. It was at this time that the influence of China upon Korea began to bear its legitimate fruit. Chinese religion, literature, government and art were beginning to mould the thought and life of the Korean people. Many Chinese words had been in- troduced into Korea before this time but the use of the Chin- ese character had not been general.

In the mean time Ko-gu-ryu had been paying attention not so much to internal reforms as to external alliances. She sent to the Wei Emperor begging him to remit the revenue in gold and jade, as they were obtained, the one in Pu-yii, which she claimed the Mal-gal savages had seized, and the other in Sup-na which she averred the wicked Piik-je had felonious!}' taken. But she added "Of course all that Ko-gu- ryu has is 3'ours". The Emperor good-naturedlj' remitted the revenue but urged his vassal to continue the good work of subduing the wild tribes of the peninsula. It is said that in a single year Ko-gu-ryu sent three separate embas sies to the Wei court. At the same time she was coquet- ting, si/d fosa, with the new Liang power which had arisen in 502. In this Pak-je of course followed suite. We thus see that the three kingdoms spent their time in different wa^-s ; Sil-la in internal improvement, Pak-je in self-gratifica tion and Ko-gu- ryu in strengthening her foreign rela- tions.

In the 3'ear 512 the kingdom of U-san was added to the crown of Sil-la. This was the little island of Dagelet, off the eastern coast of Korea, about opposite the prefecture of Kang-neung. How Sil-la happened to branch out in a policy of conquest we are not told , but having decided to do so she did it very neatly. The expedition wasled b}- Gen. Yi Sa- bu. He ordered the construction of .several lions with gap- ing mouths and enormous fangs. Tlie^^ were carved from wood. He placed one of these in the prow of each of the boats and when the little flotilla approached the shores of the island

!t^r?''^!^'"?;4*i.

AXCIEXT KOREA. 79

the natives were called upon to lay down their arms and surrender, or the lious would be set loose among them and would tear them to pieces. This, it is averred, brought the trembling islanders to their knees at once and Sil-la won a bloodless victory. This is among the most cherished tradi- tions of the Korean people.

With the accession of Wun-jongto the throne of Sil-la in 514 the Chinese custom of conferring a posthumous title Upon a deceased king was introduced for the first time into Korea. Long before this the custom had prevailed in Ko-gu- ryu of naming a dead king after the place in which he was buried but to the very last the Ko-gu-ryu kings did not receive posthumous honorific titles. Piik-je however follow- ed Sil-la's example ten 3'ears later.

King Pup-heung of Sil-la in 520 reorganised the official list and indicated the different grades of rank by different colors. The grades called fa-do, kak-kan and ta-a-son wore lavendar. Those called a-son and kcnp-son, wore red, and carried the ivor}' memo tablets that are common toda}'. The ta-na-)iia and the iia-iiia wore blue. The ta-sa and sun-jo-ji wore hats of silk, shaped like the broad-brimmed, round crowned hats of the chair-coolie of the present day. The pa- jin-son. and the ta-a-son wore red silk hats. Tiie saiig-dang, chuk-wi and ta-sa wore red hat strings. The kaleidoscopic colors of a royal Korean procession of today indicate what a prominent role the love of color plays in the oriental temper- ament.

The Wei power in China was not pleased with the friendship that was springing up between Ko-gu-ryu and the lyiang court. This came to a climax when she stopppd a Liang envoy who was on his wa}" to Ko-gu-ryu to confer investiture upon the king. It may be that Ko-gu-ryu realis- ed that the Wei djniasty was waning to its close and that it was well to cultivate the good-will of the j^oung .and rising Liang power; but if so the forecast was false for the Liang power outlived the Wei onh- twenty-four years.

The \-ear 524 gave Sil-la Buddhism a new lease of life. Its most celebrated representative was a monk nam 2d Muk Ho-ja who lived about the middle of the fifth centur\-. Com-

8o KORKAX iriSTOKV,

ing' from Ko-gu-rvu he liad sctlk'tl at llic town of Il-suiig-o'un where a Sil-la citi/eii had made him a cave dwelling-. The king of Sil-la received a gift of incense from China, bnt did not know how to use it till this monk Muk Ho-ja showed liim how. He told the king to burn it and ask anything of the spirits, and they would grant it. The king's daughter was very ill at the time and the king burned the incense and ask- ed that his daughter be healed. The story says that she immediateh' arose from her bed a well woman. This of course gave Buddhism a long start. Since that time, as we have seen. Buddhism had suffered a .severe drawback in the person of the wicked monk who was discovered in the act of abusing his sacerdotal function. It had recovered from that shock however and had ag^ain assumed large proportions in the state of Sil-la, The king had come so completely under the influence of the monks that now in 524 the courtiers feared that their power would be seriously threatened. They therefore used ever}' means to induce the king to moderate his views. The king gave his reluctant assent to the execu- tion of the high priest, Yi Cha-don. Tradition says that when he was brought to execution he exclaimed "When you slay me, my blood will flow not red like blood but white as milk and then 5-ou will know that Buddhism is true." And so it proved, for when his head was severed from the trunk his blood flowed white like milk. None could gainsay this evidence and from that daj- Buddhism advanced with rapid steps. The following year the king made a law against the killing of animals.

The kingdom of Ka-rak had existed side by side with Sil- la on terms of mutual friendship for four hundred and eighty- two years, but in 527 her king, Kim Ku-hyung, gave up his sovereign power and merged his kingdom into that of Sil-la. He was however retained at the head of the Ka-rak state under appointment by the king of Sil-la, It does not appear from the scanty records that this was other than a peaceful change. Ka-rak had long seen the growing power of Sil-la and doubtless recognised that more was to be gained by becoming part of that kingdom than by standing aloof and running the chance of becoming disputed territory between the rival powers of the peninsula. She had been founded in

ANCIENT KORKA. 53

operations against Sil-la. She began by seizing the fortress of Wa-san. She enjoyed possession of it for nine 3-ears bnt in the end she paid dear, for it was retaken by Sil-la and the Pak-je garrison was put to the sword. This year also saw a continuation of Ko-gu-ryu's forward policy and the little set- tlement of Kal-sa which had been make by Pu-yu fugitives was absorbed. She followed this up by the conquest of Chu- ra farther north. Her military strength seems to have been on the rapid increase.

In 80 the great Svik-t'al-ha died and was succeeded by the son of VAng Nam-ha. He must have been of advanced age and yet not so old as to prevent his becoming the greatest conqueror that Sil-la ever produced. During the thirty-two years of his reign he added to the Sil-la crown the districts of Eum-jip-pul, Ap-to, Pi-ji, Ta-biil, Ch'o-p'al, and Sil-jik. These together with U-si and Ku-ch"il, which and been added the year before his accession, formed a considerable increase in the territory of the kingdom and added not a little to Sil-la "s reputation as a military power. This king, P'a-sa, was one ^of those men who seem to take hold of affairs by the right end and wring success from seeming failure. He was as great an administrator as he was mild a conqueror. He attended so carefully to the needs of the people that it is said that during most of his reign food was so plentiful that the wayfarer need- ed no money to pay for food or lodgings along the road.

The kingdom of Ka-ya. whose origin we noted in the previous chapter, now assumed the offensive against Sil-la. The first intimation we have of this is the fact that Sil-la in 88 built two forts named Ka-so and Ma-du, the first of which was to guard against the encroachments of Pfik-je and the second to guard against those of Ka-ya. It was not till three years later that Ka-ya actually opened hostilities by inaugurat- ing an expedition against Sil-la. As the event is not disclosed by the annalists we may conclude that it was unsuccessful.

Ko-gu-ryu now extended the field of her military opera- tions. She made friends with the people of Ye-mfik, to the east, and together with them began a series of raids into Chin- ese territory beyond the northern borders. The sixth king of Ko-gu-ryu, T'u-jo Wang, had now reached the sixty-ninth year of his reign so he turned over to his brother, vSu-sung,

54 K(>ki:ax iiisT(irv.

the administration of affairs. This brother was as ambitious as the king- and continued the leag^ue with Ye-mak and the encroachments upon China. But he was disloyal to his brother and tried to form a combination against him. In this he was not successful. The reign of this T'a-jo Wang was the longest one on record in Korean annals. He held the scepter ninety-four years, thereby sorely trying the patience of his heir apparent. That gentleman came to the throne at the green old age of seventy-six. in the year J47 A. J). He showed however that his memory had not yet failed him for one of his first acts was to a arrest and put to death all the wise men who had chidden him for attempting to unseat his brother. Ko Pok-changa celebrated scholar of that day was so overwhelmed in view of this barbarous act that he asked to be destroyed with the rest of the wise men. a wish that was pro- bably granted. One day this singular monarch having seen a white fox cross his path, an evil omen, asked a soothsa^xr what it might portend. That individual sug-gested that if the king should reform even the worst of omens would turn out happily. The soothsayer lost his head as a result of his can- dor ; but from that day on, whenever the king wanted to con- sult a soothsayer he found that they were all engaged in im- portant work at some distant point.

Kingll-seungof vSil-la whose reign began 134 was the first to pay attention to the building of g3od roids throughout ihe country. In his fifth year ht built a road from his capital to Chuk-yun, now Pung-geui, and another one over Kye-ip Pass. These became very important thoroughfares. We also find that his successor continued this go >d work bv opening roads thro to the north of the kingdom. These kings were not many years behind the Romans in recognising the vast importance of good roads both for administrative and military purposes.

The relations between Sil-la and Japan are graphically described in the single statement that when someone circulat- ed in the capital the rumor that a company of Japanese wers coming the people fled precipitately from the city until it was half depopulated. When the mistake was discovered thev gradually came back.

The interesting legend of Yiing-o and Se-o belongs to the year 15S. though it scarcely merits the "once upon a time" of

ANCIENT KOREA. 55

a nursery tale. Yuiig-o a poor fisherman lived with his wife vSe-o beside the waters of the Japan Sea on the eastern shore of Sil-la. One day as Yiing-o was seated on a great boulder beside the water, fishing, he felt the rock tremble and then rise straight in air. He was carried, to his great consterna- tion, ea.stward across the stu and depasited in a Japanese vil- lage. The Japanese folk took him for a god and made him their king at once. When his wife found that he did not re- turn from fishing she went in search of him. Ascending the same rock that had carried him to Japan she experienced the same novel extradition that had so surprised her spouse. She found him metamorphosed into a king and was nothing loath to become queen. But their departure brought disaster to Sil-la for the sun and moon were darkened and the land was shrouded in gloom. The sooth-sayers said it was because someone had gone to Japan. An envoy was sent post haste to those islands in search of the fugitives, but found to his dis- may that they had become king and queen of one of the king- doms there. He told his story and besought them to return, l)ut they seemed well satisfied with the change. Se-o however brought out a roll of silk and gave it to the envoy saying that if the king of Sil-la would spread it out and sacrifice upon it the light would return. The event proved the truth of her statement and when the king uttered the words of invocation the sunlight burst forth again and all was well. It is an in- teresting but melancholy fact that most of the arguments used to show a Korean origin of things Japanese are based upon evidence nearly if not quite as credible as this story. The Japanese work entitled the Kojiki bears the same relation to the carefully detailed history of Sil-la that the Niebelungenlied l)ears to the works of Tacitus.

When the time came for Su-sang, the sanguinary king of Ko-gu-ryu to die a young scapegrace by the name of Ch'a-da came to the throne. His idea of royalty was that it consisted in one long orgie. He attempted to carry out his ideal but was cut short within a year by the assassin's knife. His mot- to, in his own words, was "Who does not wish to enjoy life?'" l{picureanism may have existed in Korea before but it had never had so frank a disciple. Pak-ko a relative of the nuirdered king was called from a mountain fastness whither

56 KuKKAN IIISToKV.

lie luul Wd for safely. 'I'Ikv 1i;u1 to ask liiiu lliiv^' limes be- fore tliey could convince liini tliat it was nol a mere decoy.

By the year i6S either Pak-je had j^rcwn so strong or Sil- la so weak that the former deemed il a fit time lo make a grand demonstration all along Sil-la's western border. It is said she carried back a thousand captives to grace her triumph. vSil-la, though filled willi rag.\ was not in condition to return the compliment in kind. vSlie however sent an urgent letter point- ing out the advantages of peace and asking that the captives be returned. We may imagine how this was received by the proud army flushed as it must have been by an unwonted victory.

About this time was begun one of the ancient customs of Korea that has ever since exerted an important influence upon the life of the people. While hunting the king met a man weeping bitterly and upon being asked what was the matter replied that he had not a grain of food to give his parents. Thereupon the king gave him an order on the government granary with the understanding that when autvunn came he should pay it back. Thus originated the 'u'haii-sa)/g' or custom of making government loans in the spring to be paid back with interest in the autumn. When this kingdied he was succeeded by the grandson of old vSuk-t'al-ha. He took in hand the work of instilling new life into the well-nigh dead bones of Sil-la. His first action was to establish two military stations at the capital so that it might not be at the mercy of the first adven- turer that might pass that way. He also ordered the people to l)ay less attention to the construction of fine government buildings and more to agriculture, the back b^ue of the state.

Nam-mu the tenth king of Ko-gu-r3n"i died at night and the queen, desiring to gain an extension of her powder, slipped out of the palace and hastened to the house of the king's old- est brother Pal-gi. She stated the case and urged him to has- ten to the palace and assume the royal prerogative. He refused to believe that the king was dead and accused her of immodesty. She then hurried to the house of the younger brother Yiin-u and repeated the story. The young man accompanied her and when morning broke it was found that he was established in the palace and ready to meet all comers. Pal-gi raged and cursed. He stormed the palace with his retainers, but being unsucce.'sful, was fain to beat a retreat to Liao-tung.

ANCIENT KOREA, 57

The dawn of the third century saw the three states of Korea in the same relative position as before, Ko-gu-ryfi was still the same ambitious militar}- power, Pslk-je was still her own worst enemy though flaunting for the time being in the gay colors of a temporary triumph, Sil-la was ploddi ng along quietly paying more attention tj internal improvements and so earning the right which she afterward enjoyed of holding .sway over the whole peninsula. The first twenty- five years of the centnr}' \^itnes£ed unusual activity- on the part of the surrounding savages who in view of the constant- ly- increasing power of the three states beheld their territories diminishing. The wild people of Kol-p'o, Chil-p'o and Ko- p'o ravaged the borders of Sil-la but were driven back. On the south she attacked and burned a settlement of Japanese corsairs who had apparenth* gained a foothold on the main- land. Pak-je was aho attacked on the east by the savages and was obliged to bnild a wall at Sa-do to keep them back. This period saw over a thousand Chinese refugees cross the Valu and find asjlum in Ko-gu-ryu. It also saw U-wi-gO, the fruit of a liaison between the eleventh king of Ko-gu-ryTi and a farmer girl whom he met while hunting, ascend the throne of Ko-gu-ryu. It witnessed a remarkable exhibition of democratic feeling in Sil-la when the people rejected Prince Sa-ba-ni and in his place set up Ko-i-ru to be king.

The year 240 was an important one in the history of Ko-gu-ryu. King U-wi-gu was a man of boundless ambition and his temerity was as great as his ambition. Ko-gu-ryu had been at peace with China for eight years when, without warning, this U-wi-gu saw fit to cross the border and invade the territory of his powerful neighbor. The town of An- p'yung-hyun in western Liao-tung fell before the unexpected assault. This unprovoked insult aroused the slumbering giant of the Middle Kingdom and the hereditary feud that had existed for many years between Ko-gu-ryu and China was intensified. At the .same time U-wi-gu turned his eyes southward and contemplated the subjugation of Sil-la. To this end he sent an expedition against her in the following year. It was met on the Sil-la border by a defensive force under Gen. Suk U-ro who with.stood the invaders bravelv but was driven back as far as the "Palisades of Ma-du"

58' KORKAN IIlSroKN'.

where he took a firm stand. As he couUl not be dislodjj^ed th.e invadino- army found itself checked. Meanwhile a dark cloud was ra]-)idl>- overspreading Ko-g'U-ryu's ^vestern hori/on. The great Chinese general, Mo Gu-geum, with a force of 10,000 men advanced upon the Ko-gu-ryu outposts and penetrated the country as far as the present Smig-chTin where he met the Ko-gu-ryu army under the direct command of king I'-wi-gu. The result was an overwhelming victory for Ko-gu-ryu whose soldiers chased the flying columns of the enemy to Yang-bak-kok wliere dreadful carnage ensued. "Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad" proved true in this case. I'-wi-gu was so elated over the victory- that he declared that a handful of Ko-gu-ryu troops could chase an army of Chinese. Taking five hundred picked cavalry he continued the pursuit; but he had boasted too soon. Gen. Mo Gu-geum's reputation was at stake. Rallying a handful of his braves the latter turned upon his pursuers and handled them so severely that they turned and fled. The Chinese followed up the timely victory and threw them- selves upon the army of Ko-gu-ryu so fiercely that the tables were completely turned. It is said that in the engagement that followed Ko-gu-ryu lost 18,000 men. King U-wi-gu, seeing that all was lost, fled back to his capital and awaited developments. But Gen. Wang-geui, Mo Gu-geum"s asso- ciate, pursued the king across the Yalu and gave him no rest until he had fled eastward to the territory of Ok-ju on the eastern coast. On his way thither he crossed Chuk-nyung Pass where all his remaining guard forsook him and fled. One of his officials, Mil-u, said "I will go back and hold the enemy at bay while you make good your escape". So with three or four j-oldiers he held the narrow pass while the king found a retreat in a deep valley, where he succeeded in get- ting together a little band of soldiers. He offered a reward to anyone who should go and bring ISIil-u safeh- to him. I' Ok- ku volunteered to go. Finding Mil-u wounded and lying on the ground he took him in his arms and carried him to the king. The latter was so delighted to recover his faithful follower that he nursed him back to life by his own hand. A few^ da3^s later the pursuit continued and the king was again hard pressed. A courter, Yu-ryu, offered to go to the enemy's

AX'CIEXT KOREA. 59

'Camp and in some way stop the pursni:. Taking some food lie went and boldly announced that the king desired to surrender and had sent this gift ahead to announce his com- ing. His words were believed and the general received the gift. But Yu-ryu had concealed a short sAvord beneath the dishes and when he approached the general he whipped out the weapon and punged it into the enemy's breast. The next moment he himself was cut down b}- the attendants.. When the king learned that the pursuers had lost their general he rallied his little force, threw himself upon thena and put them to flight. The following year U-wi-gii, re- cognising that his capital was too near the border, decided to remove the court to P'yung-yang' which had been the capital for so many centuries. Two 3'ears latter be made a treaty with Sil-la which remained unbroken for a century. H2 had been cured of some of his over-ambitiousne.ss. Yun-bul was his successor.

It the third year of King Ch'tim-lw of vSil-la, 249 A.D., the first envoy ever received from Japan arrived at the shore of Sil-la. He was met b}- Gen. Siik I'-ro who addressed him in the following unaccountable manner, "It would be well if your king and queen should come and be slaves in the kitchen of the king of Sil-la". Without a word the envoy turned about and posted back to Japan. An invasion of Korea was determined upon and soon a powerful force landed on the coast of that countr\\ Gen. Suk U-ro was filled with dismay and remorse. He confessed to the king that he was the cause of this hostile displa}- and begged to be allowed to go alone and propitiate the advancing enemy. It was granted and he walked straight into the Japanese camp and confessed his crime and asked that he alone be punished. The Japanese took him at his word, burned him alive in their camp and returned to their own land without striking a blow, The following year the same envoy cime again and was well received b}- the king, but the widow of Gen. Suk U-ro desir- ing :o avenge the blood of her husband, obtained permission to work in the kitchen of the envoy's place of entertainment. There she found opportunity to poison his food and thus accomplish her purpoj-e. This of course put an end to all hope of ainit\- between the two countries and that event marks

bo K()Ki;.\N HISTOKV.

the beginnitig of the feud which in spite of occasional periods of apparent friendship, existed between the people of Japan and Korea until the year iS6S. Hostilities did not however being at once.

The latter half of the third century beheld few events of special interest in the peninsula. During this period Prik-je seems to have made a spasmodic effort at reform, for we read that she reorganised her official system and set a heavy penalty for bribery, namely imprisonment for life. She also patched up a shallow peace with Sil-la. In Ko-gu-ryu a concubine of King Pong-sang tried to incense him against the queen by showing him a leathern bag which she claimed the queen had made to drown her in. The king saw through the trick and to punish the crafty concubine had her killed in the very way she had described. A chief of the Sun-bi tribe invaded Ko-gu-ryii and desecrated the grave of the king's father. The wild men of Suk-sin atteii?pted to overthrow Sil-la but the king's brother drove them back and succeeded in attaching their territory to the crown of Sil-la. It is said that when Sil-la was hard pressed by a band of savages strange warriors suddenly appeared and after putting the savages to flight, as suddenly disappeared. Each of these strange warriors had ears like the leaves of the bamboo and when it was discovered next da)- that the ground around the king's father's grave was covered with bamboo leaves it was believed that he had come forth from his grave with spirit warriors to aid his son.

With the opening of the fourth century the fifteenth king of Sil-la, Ki-rim, made an extensive tour of his realm, He passed northward as far as U-du-ju near the present Ch'un- ch'iin. He also visited a little independent ''kingdom" called Pi-ryul, now An-byiin, and made man}' presents, encouraged agriculture and made himself generall)- agreeable. Not so with the king of Ko-gu-ryu, He was made of sterner stuff- He issued a proclamation that every man woman and child above fifteen years old should lend their aid in building a palace. Ko-gu-ryu had of late years passed through trou- blous times and the people were in no mood to undertake such a work. An influential courtier, Ch'ang Cho-ri, attempt- ed to dissviade the king but as he was not successful he settled the question by assassinating the king. P^ul-bul, wlio sue-

AXCIENT KOREA. 61

ceeded him, had a chequered career before coming to the throne. Being the king's cousin he had to flee for his life. He first became a common coolie in the house of one Eun-mo in the town of vSil-la. By day he cut wood on the hill sides and by night he made tiles or kept the frogs from croaking while his master slept. Tiring of this he attached himself to a salt merchant but being wrongfully accused he was dragged before the magistrate and beaten almost to death. The official Ch'ang Cho-ri and a few others knew his whereabouts and, hunting him vtp, they brought him to the "Pul-yu water" a hundred and ten li from P'j-ung-yang, and hid him in the house of one O MJik-uam. When all was ripe for the final move, Ch'ang Cho-ri inaugurated a great hunting party. Those who were willing to aid in dethroning the king were to wear a bunch of grass in the hat as a sign. The king was seized and imprisoned, and there hanged himself. His sons also killed themselves and Eul-bul was then elevated to the perilous pinnacle of royalty.

It was about the beginning of this century also that the Japanese, during one of those spasmodic periods of seeming friendship asked the king of Sil-la to send a noble maiden of vSil-la to be their queen. The king complied and sent the daughter of one of his highest officials, A-son-geup-ri.

Chapter IX.

Rise of Yan. .. .rebellion against China ...siege of Keuk I^ortress raised. . . .Ko-gu-ryfi .surrenders to Yun. . . .Ko-gu-ryu disarmed Japanese attack Sil-la. . . .Pak-Je's victor}- over Ko-gu-ryQ. . . .moves her capital ac-oss the Han . . . . Pak-je people in Sil-la .... Yun is punished. . . .Buddhism introduced into Ko-gu-rju. . . .and into Pak- je. .. .amnesty between Ko-gu-ryu and Pak-je. .. .but Ko-gu-ryu continues the war. . . .Pak-je in danger. . . .envoy to Japan . . .Ch'um- nye usurps the throne of Pak-je .. .and is killed. .. .Sil-la princes re.scued . . .Ko-gu-r3-u and Pak-je receive investiture from China . . . .China's policy . . .Nul-ji's reign. . . .Ko-gu-ryii and P.ik-je trans- fer their allegience. .. .Yun extinct. .. .begin uing of triangular war ... .diplomatic relations. .. .Ko-gu-ryu falls from grace .... first war vessel. . . .diplomatic complications. . . .Pak-je humiliated . . .her cap- ital moved.

62 KDRKAX nisroRv.

We have now come to the events which marked the rise of the great Yun power in Liao-tung. They are so intimateh' connected with the history of Ko-gn-ryu that we must gi\-e them in detail. I'or many years there had been a Viui tribe in the north but up to the year 320 it had not come into prominence. It was a dependency of the Tsin dynasty of China. Its chiefs were known by the general name Mo Yong. In 320 IMo Yong-we was the acting chief of the trib?. He conceived the ambitious design of overcoming China and founding a new dynasty. The Kmperor inmiediately despatch- ed an army under Gen. Ch'oe-bi to put down the incipient rebellion. Ko-gu-ryu and the X^-num and Tan tribes were called upon to render assistance against the rebels. All com- plied and soon the recalcitrant chieftain found himself besieg- ed in Keuk Fortress and was on the point of surrender- ing at discretion when an event occurred which, fortunately for him. broke up the combination and raised the siege. It was customary before surrendering to send a present of food to the one who receives the overtures of surrender. Mo Yong-we, in pursuance of this custom, sent out the present, but for some reason it found its way only into the camp of the U-mun forces while the others received none. When this became known the forces of Ko-gu-ryu, believing that Mo Yong-we had won over the U-mun people to his side, retired in disgust and the Chinese forces, fearing perhaps a hostile combination, likewise withdrew. The U-mun chiefs resented this suspicion of treachery and vowed they would take Mo Yong-we single-handed. But this they could not do, for the latter poured out upon them with all his force and scattered them right and left. From this point dates the rise of Yun. Gen. Ch'oe-bi fearing the wrath of the Emperor fled to Ko-gu-ryvt where he found asylum. Here the affair rested for a time. The kingdom of Yun forebore to attack Ko-gu-ryu and she in turn was busy strengthening her own position in view of future contingencies. Ten years passed during which no events of importance transpired. In 331 Eul-bul the king of Ko-gu-ryii died and his son vSoe began his reign by adopting an active policy of defense. He heighten- ed the walls of P'yiing-yang and built a strong fortress in the north, called Sin-sung. He followed this up by strengthen-

ANCIKNT KOREA. 63

ing his friendly relations with the court of China. The.se facts did not escape the notice of the rising Yun power. Mo Yong-whang, who had succeeded Mo \\'ong-we, hurled an expedition against the new Sin-sung Fortress and wrested it from Ko-gu-r\-u. The king was compelled, much against his will, to go to Liao-tung and swear fealtv to the Yiin powder. Two years latter the capital was moved northward to Wan-do, in the vicinity of the Eui-ju of today. This was done prob- abh' at the command of Yun who desired to have the capital of Ko-gu-ryu within easy reach in case any complications might arise.

Mo Yong-whang desired to invade China without delay but one of his relatives, Mo Yong-han, advised him to disarm Ko-gu-ryu and the U-niun tribe so that no possible enemy should be left in his rear when he marched into China. It was decided to attack Ko-gu-ryu from the north and west, but the latter route was to be the main one, for Ko-gu-ryu would be expecting the attack from the north. The strate- gem worked like a charm. Mo Yong-han and Mo Yong-p'a led a powerful army by way of the sea road while General Wang- u led a decoy force by the northern route. The flower of the Ko-gu-ryiiarmy, 50,000 strong, marched northward under the king's brother Mu to meet an imaginary foe while the king with a few undisciplined troops held the other approach. As may be supposed, the capital fell speedily into the enemy's hands but the king escaped. The Ko-gu-ryli forces had been successful in the north and might return any day, .so the Yun forces were forbidden to go in pursuit of the king. To insure the good behavior of the king, however, thsy burned the palace, looted the treasure, exhumed the body of the king's father and took it, together with the queen and her mother, back to the capital of Yun. With such hostages as these Yun was safe from that quarter. The next year the king offered his humble apologies and mads a complete surrender, in view of which his father's body and his que:in were return- ed to him but his mother-in-law was still held. The same year Ko-gu-ryu moved her capital back to P'yung-yang. A few years latter by sending his son as substitute he got his mo':her-in-law out of pawn.

In 344 new complications grew up beween Sil-la and

().|. KOREAN IIISTOKV. C/^A^

Japan. The Japanese having already obtainc-d one vSil-hi maiden for a queen made bold to ask for a royal princess to be sent to wed their king. This was peremptorih- refused and of course war was the result. A Japanese force attacked the Sil-la coastguard but bsing driven back they harried the island of P'ung-do and finally worked around until they were able to approach the capital. Finding the gates fast shut they laid siege to the city. But their provisions were soon exhausted and they were compelled to retire. Then the Sil- la forces swarmed out and attacked them in the rear and put them to an ignominious flight. Some years later the Japan- ese made a similar attempt but were outwntted by the Sil-la soldiers who made manikins of grass to represent soldiers, and the Japanese, seeing these, supposed that Sil-la had been reinforced a.nd so retired from the contest.

Ko-gu-rj-u had been so severely handled by her northern neighbor that she gave up for the time being her plans of con- quest in that direction. Instead of this she turned her atten- tion toward her southern neighbor Pnk-je whose territory was a morsel not to be despised. About the 3'ear3t)Oshe erected a fort at Ch'i-yang not far from the Pak-je capital which was than at Nam-han. Into this she threw a large force consist- ing of 20,000 infantry and cavalry. They began a systematic plundering of Pak-je. The army of the latter, under the leadership of the Crown Prince, fell suddenly upon this fort and gained a victory, for, when the Ko-gu-ryii forces retired, they left 5,000 dead upon the field. Prik-je followed up this victory by throwing up a line of breastworks along the south- ern bank of the Han river ta insure against a future surprise on the partof her unscrupulous northern n.ighbor. But Pak- je's victories had shown her the weakness of Ko-gu-r\-u and reprisals were therefore in order. She equipped an army of 30,000 men and penetrated the country of the enemy. She met no resistance until her army stood beneath the walls of P'N'iing-yang. An attempt was made to storm the town, dur- ing which the king of Ko-gu-ryu was mortally wounded by an iarrow, but the assault failed and the Pak-je army withdrew in good order. The king of Pak-je, elated over so man}- eviden- ces of his growing power, promptly moved his capital across the Hau River into Ko-gu-rvii territorv. Somesav he settled

ANCIENT KOREA. 65

•at Puk-han the great mountain fortress back of Seoul while others say he settled at Nam P'^-ung-j-ang or "South P'yiing- 3'ang, " by which is meant the present city of Seoul Others still say it was at a point a short distance outside the east gate of vSeoul. But in spite of the apparent successes of Pak- je it appears that the people were not' satisfied. It may be that military exactions had alienated their good will, or it may be that they saw in these ambitious advances the sure presage of speedy punishment at the hands of Ko-gu-ryu ; but what- ever the cause ma}' have been over a thousand people fled from Pak-je and found asylum in Sil-la. The king set aside six villages as their place of residence, and when Piik-je demand- ed to have them sent back answer was returned that Sil-la cotild not drive from her borders those who had sought asylum from the ill-treatment of Psik-je.

Three years before this, In 372, the Chinese had gained a signal victor}- over the Yiin kingdom and its king, Mo Yong p"ung, had fled for safety to Ko-gu-ryu. It must have been his last resource, for he was likely to find little sympathy there. And so it proved for the king immediateh' seized him rind sent him a captive to China.

The year 372 beheld an event of prime importance in the history of Ko-gu-ryu and of the whole peninsula. It was the introduction of Buddhism. It is probable that before this time some knov^•ledge of Buddhism was current in Korea, but as it is eminentl}- a sacerdotal institution but little more than indefinite reports could have been circulated previous to the coming of the monks. We are not told whether this was done at the request of Ko-gu-ryf' or whether it was at the advice of Pu-gynn, one of the petty kings who then divided between them the north of China. Be that as it may, in 372 A. D. images of Buddha were brought by a monk. Sun-do, and also a Buddhist book called Pul-gyung. For this the king of Ko- gu-ryu returned hearty thanks and forthwith set his son and heir to learning the new doctrine. At the same time he gave an impetus to the stud}' of the Confucian code. It is quite probable that to this new departure is due the fact that the next year the laws of the country were overhauled and put in proper shape for use. In 375 two great monasteries were built in the capital of Ko-gu-ryu. They were called Cho-mun

66 f^(^RK.\N IIISTOKV,

and I-lnil-lan. It should be noticed that tlie introduction of Buddhism into Korea was a s^overnment affair. There had been no propagation of the tenets of this cult through enimi- saries sent for the purpose, there was no call for it from the people. In all probability the king and his court were pleased at the idea of introducing the stately ceremonial of the new faith. In fact it was a social event rather than a religious one and from that date to this there has not been a time when, the people of Korea have entered heartily into the spirit of Buddhism, nor have her most distinguished representatives understood more than the mere forms and trappings of that religion which among all pagan cults is the most mystical.

Pak-je was not long in following the example of her powerful neighbor. In the year 384 a new king ascended the throne of Pak-je. His name was Ch'im-yu. One of his first acts was to send an envoy to China asking that a noted monk named Mararanta be sent to Pak-je to introduce the Buddhist ritual. We notice that this request w^as sent to the Emperor Hyo-mu (Hsia-wu), the proper head of tlie P^astern Tsin dynasty, while Ko-gu-ryii had received hers at the hands of one of those petty kings who hung upon the skirts of the weakening dynasty and waited patiently for its dissolution. Each of these petty states, as well as the central government of the Tsin, was on the lookout for promising allies and such a request as this of Psik-je could scarcely be refused. Mara- ranta, whose name smacks of the south and who certainly cannot have been a Ch.naman, was sent to the Pak-je capital. He was received with open arms. His apartments were in the palace where he soon erected a Buddhist shrine. Ten more monks followed him and Buddhism was firmly established in this second of the three Korean states. The greatest defer- ence was paid to these monks and they were addressed by the honorific title To-.seung. Sil-la received Buddhism soma fifty 3'^ears later.

All this- time fighting was almost continuous along the Ko-gu-r3-ii- Pak-je border. The latter stood on the de-fensive and found it necessary in 386 to build a line of breastworks along the border, extending from Ch'ung-mok-yung north- ward to P'al-gon-sung and thence westward to the sea. An amnesty was brought about through a happy accident. A

ANCIENT KOREA. 67

grootn who had accidentalh- broken the leg of a Pak-je prince's horse had fled to Ko-gu-ryu to escape punishment. Return- ing now to Pak-je, he purchased pardon by informing the king that if, in battle, the Pak-je forces should direct their whole force against that part of the enemy's line where the}" should see a red flag flying they would surely be successful. This turned out to be true and pJik-je was once more success- ful, but followed up her success onlj^ to the extent of secur- ing a definite cessation of hostilities and the erection of a boundary stone at Su-gok-sung to witness forever against him who should dispute the point. But when King Ch'im-yu of Ko-gu-ryii died in 392 and Lis son Tam-dok came into power all previous obligations were swept away and he proceeded to reopen the wound- He attacked Pak-je fierceh' and took ten of her towns. Then he turned northward and chastised the Ku- ran tribe. When this was done he came back to the charge again and seized Kwang-nu Fortress. This was an almost in- accessible position on a high rock surrounded by the sea, but the hardy soldiers of Ko-gu-ryu after twent}- da3-s of siege found seven paths by which the wall could be reached, and they finally took the place by a simultaneous assault at these various points. When the court of Pak-je heard of this well-nigh impossible feat, all hope of victory in the field was taken awa^^ and they could only bar the gates of the capital and await the turn of events. This king, Tam-dok, was as enthusiastically Bud- dhistic as his father. He made a decree that all the people of Ko-gu-ryii should adopt the Buddhistic faith and a few years later luilt nine more monasteries in P'yiing-yang.

A year later King A-sin of Pak-je sent his son, Ch'hi-ji, to Japan as an envoy. It is likely, but not certain, that it was a last resource of Pak-je to secuic help against Ko-gu-ryu. This is the more likel}' from the fact that he went not only as an envoy but also as a hostage, or a guarantee of good faith. If this was the hope of Pak-je it failed, for no Japanese army was forthcoming. As another means of self-preservation King A-sin formed a great school of archery, but the people did not like it ; for exercise in it was compulsory, and many of the people ran away.

In 399 Ko-gu-ryli sent an envoy to the Van capital to pay lier respects, but the king of that cou^tr^• charged Ko-gu-ryu

68 K()Ki;\N IIISTOKN.

with ambitions designs and sent an army of 30,0 > i inj;i to' seize the fortresses of Sin-siing and Nam-so, thns delimiting the frontier of Ko-gn-ryti to the extent of 70'j //. Tlie}' carri jd back with tlieni 5,000 "honses," wliich miins approximate- ly 25,000 people, as captives. It is dii^icnlt to believe this ennmeration unless we conclude that it nijans that the peo])lc living within tlic limit of thj -joo // were taken to be citizens of Viin.

The fifth century of our era dawned U]K>n a troubled Kor- ea. The tension between the tliree rival powers was severe,, and every nerve was strained in the struggle for preeminence. In 402 Nri-nml, the king of Sil-la, died and Sil-sung came to- the throne. He sent out feelers in two directions, one toward Ko-gu-ryu in the shape of a hostage, called b}- euphemism an envoy, and another of the same sort to Japan ; which would indicate that Sil-la was still suffering from the depredations of the Japanese corsairs. The envoy to Ko-gu-ryu was the king's brother, Pok-ho, and the one to Japan was also his brother, Mi-sa-heun. We remember that P:Tk-je already had an envo}^ in Japan in the person of the king's eldest son Chiin- ji. Now in 405 the king of Pak-je died. Ch<">n-ji was the rightful heir but as he was in Japan the second son should have assumed the reins of government. As a fact the third son Chung-nye killed his brother and seized the scepter. Hearing of his father's death, Ch'hi-ji returned from Japan with an escort of a hundred Japanese, but learning of his brother's murder he feared treachery against himself and so landed on an island off the coast where he remained until the people, with a fine sense of justice, drove Ch'am-nye from the throne and welcomed back the rightful heir.

Meanwhile interesting events were transpiring in Sil-la. in 403 Sil-sung, King of that land, fearing lest harm over- take his two brothers whom he had sent the year before to Ko-gu-ryu and Japan, was seeking for some means of getting them back. This might not be an eas}^ thing to do, for to ask their return so soon would perhaps arouse the suspicion of these neighbors, and precipitate a war. Ko-gu-ryit had often taken up arms for a less affront than this. An official, Pak Che-san, volunteered to undertake this delicate mission even though it cost him his life. He went first to Ko-gu-r^m

AXCIEXT KOREA. 69

and there proved so skillful a dilpomat that he soon brought Prince Pok-ho back ta Sil-la. The mission to Japan was a different matter, but he was equal . to the occasion. Before starting out he said to the king : "I will bring the Prince back though it cost my life ; only, before I go, I must ask you to imprison my fauiily \ otherwise I cannot succeed." The king acceded to this strange request and Pak Che-san, starting immediately as if in flight, without even changing his gar- ments, fled until he came to the Yul Harbor. Even his wife he repulsed, exclaiming "I have determined to die." He ap- parently feared that the sight of her might shake his loyal purpose. He arrived in Japan as a political fugitive, but the king suspected him until news came that his family had been imprisoned. This seemed to prove his statement and he was received gracioush'. He pretended that he wished to lead a Japanese force against Sil-la. Mi-sa-heun, the Prince whom he had come to rescue, was in the secret and heartih* second- ed the plan. The king made them joint leaders of an expedi- tion. The fleet arrived at a certain island and there Pak suc- ceeded in spiriting Mi-sa-heun away by night in a little boat while he himself remained behind, to delay the inevitable pur- suit. Mi-sa-heun begged him with tears to accompany him but he refused to jeopardise Mi-sa-heun 's chances of escape by so doing. In the morning he pretended to sleep very late and no one suspected the flight of the Prince until late in the day when concealment was no longer possible. When the Japanese found that they had been duped the}' were in a terri- ble rage They bound Pak and went in pursuit of the run- away. But a heavy fog settled upon the sea and frustrated their plan. Then they torturted their remaining victim and to their inquiries he replied that he was a loj-al subject of K ye-rim (the name of Sil-la at that time) and that he would rather be a Kye-rim pig than a subject of Japan ; that he would rather be whipped like a school-boy in Kye-rim than receive office in Japan. By these taunts he escaped a lingering death be torture. They burned him alive there on the island of Mok-do. When tlie king of Sil-la heard of his brave end he mourned for him and heaped upon him posthumous honors, and Mi-sa-heun married his preserver's daughter. The wife of the devoted Pak ascended the pass of Ap-sul-yiing whence

70 K()R):a.v nis'roRV,

she could obtain a distant view of the islands of Japan. There- she gave herself up to grief until d^ith put an end to her misery.

In 413 a new king came to the throne of Ko-gu-ryu. called K<'>-ry^in. As China and Ko-gu-ryu had been kept apart by the intervening Viin, and had acquired some power of sympathy through mutual fear of that power, we are not sur- prised that the new king of Ko-gu-ryu condescended to receive investiture from the Emperor, now that the latter conde- scended in turn to grant it. It was formally done, and the act of Ko-gu-ryu proclanncd her vassalage to China, h'roni that time on excepting when war existed between them, the kings of Ko-gu-ryh were invested by the Emperor with the ir.signia of royalty. Two years later the Emperor conferred the same honor upon the king of PHk-je. It was always China's policy to keep the kingdoms at peace with each other so long as they all wore the yoke of vassalage; but so soon as one or the other cast it off it was her policy to keep them at war.

In 417 Xul-ji came to the throne of Sil-la and began a reign that was to last well on toward half a century. He was a regicide. He had been treated very harshly by the king and had more than once narrowly escaped with his life. It is therefore the less surprising, though none the less reprehen- sible, that when the opportunity presented of paying off old scores he succumbed to the temptation. He ascended the throne not with the title of I-sa-geum. which had been the ro3'al title for centuries, but with the new title of Ma-rip-kan. However doubtful may have been his title to the crown his reign was a strong one. Among the far-reaching effects of his reign the introduction of carts to be drawn by oxen was the most important.

The friendly relations of Ko-gu-ryu with the Tsin dynasty were cut short by the extinction of that dynasty in 419 but in 435 Ko-gu-ryu made friendh" advances toward the Northern Wei dynasty and. finding sufficient encouragement, she trans- ferred her allegience to that power. Meantime Pak-je had transferred hers to the Sung dynasty which arose in 420.

It was in 436 that P'ung-hong, the "Emperor" of Yun, found himself so weal: that he could not withstand the pres-

ANCIEKT KORFA. 7 1

sure from the Chinese side and. asked the king of Ko-gu-ryii to grant him asylnm. Consent was given and an escort was sent to conduct him to the Ko-gu-ryii capital. He found that this sort of life had its drawbacks; for, to begin with, the king did not address him as emperor but siijiply as king. This was a great affront to his dignit}^ and, though he was treated very handsomely, he assumed such a supercillious bearing that the king had to curtail his retinue and his income. He had been given quarters in Puk-p'ung and from there the mendicant emperor applied to the Sung Emperor for asylum. It was granted, and seven thousand soldiers came to escort him; but ere they arrived the king of Ko-gu-ryu sent two generals, Son-su and Ko-gu, who killed the imperial refugee and nine of his attendants. The Sung troops, arriving on the instant, discovered the crime and caught and executed the two gener- als who had perpetrated it.

In 449 a Ko-gu-ryu general was out on a hunting expedi- tion and the chase brought him into Sil-la territory near the present town of Kang-neung. The prefect of the district, in an excess of patriotic enthusiasm, seized him and put him to death. An envoy came in haste to the Sil-la capital demand- ing wh}' this outrage had been committed. War would have been declared on the spot had not Sil-la been profuse in apo- logies. She might have spared herself this humiliation for war was sure to break out soon in any case. When Pa-gy ng came to the throne of Pak-je in 455, Ko-gu-ryu took advan- tage of the confusion, consequent upon the change, to attack her. Sil-la, who, though ordinarily a peaceful power, had been perforce drawn into w\. r-like operations and had acquired some military skill, now sided with Piik-je. Sending a con- siderable number of troops she reinforced Pak-je to the extent of warding off the threatened invasion. But Pak-je, though glad to find herself extricated from her position of danger, would allow no feelings of gratitude to stand in the waj' of her ancient feud against Sil-la; so this act of friendship not only did not help toward peace but on the contrary, bj'' show- ing Sil-la the fickleness of Pak-je, made peace all the more impossible. The middle of the fifth century marks the point when all friendly relations between the three Korean states were broken off and an actual state of war existed between

72 KOKKAX IIIS'lOKV.

them from this time on, tliongh active military operations were not constant. This we may call the Triangular War.

The key to this great struggle, which resulted in the advancement of Sil-la to the control of the whole peninsula, lay not so much in the relative military strength of the three rival kingdoms as in the skill which each developed in diplo- macy. Each was trying to gain the active support of China, knowing very well that if China should once become thorough- ly interested in favor of any one of the three powers the other two would be doomed.

We will remember that Ko-ku-ryu had cultivated firiendly re lations with the Sung dynasty while Pak-je had made her- self agreeable to the Wei dynasty. In this Pak-je chose the wiser part for the W^ei power was nearer and more powerful. In 466 Ko-gu-ryu lost a splendid opportunity to establish her- self in the good graces of the Wei Emperor, and so insure her preeminence in the peninsula. The Emperor Hsien-wen made friendly advances and requested the daughter of the king of Ko-gu-ryii for his wife. With a short-sightedness that is quite inexplicable this request was put off by the lame excuse that his daughter was dead. This being easily proved a false- hood, Ko-gu-ryii fell from the good graces of the very power whose friendship she should have cultivated.

The year 467 witnessed an important innovation in Korea. Sil-la took the lead in the construction of war vessels. The one made at that time was doubtless intended for use against the Japanese corsairs. That Sil-la had been gaining along militar)' lines is shown by her successful repulse of a Ko-gu- ryu invasion in this year, in which the wild people of some of the Mal-gal tribes assisted Ko-gu-ryu. After the latter had been driven back, Sil-la built a fortress at Po-eun on her northern border to guard against a repetition of this invasion.

Ko-gu-ryu and Pak-je were now exerting themselves to the utmost to make capital out of their Chinese alliances. Ko-gu-ryu sent rich presents and richer words to the Sung capital and so won the confidence of that power. Pak-je, on the other hand, sent word to the Wei Emperor that Ko-gu- ryii was coquetting with the Sung court and with the wild Mal-gal tribes, insinuating that this was all detrimental to the interests of Pak-je 's patron.

ANCIUNT KOREA. 73

As this was without result, she sent and asked openly that the Wei Emperor send at army and chastise Ko-gu-ryu. The Emperor replied that until Ko-gu-ryu committed some overt act of more hostile import than the mere cementing of peaceful alliances no notice could be taken of her. In other words the Wei power refused to be the aggressor, much to Pak-je's •chargin. The Wei Emperor sent this answer b^^ way of Ko- .gu-rj'u and the king of that country was ordered to grant the messenger a safe conduct through_his territory. But Ko-gu- ryu, as though bent on self-destruction, refused to let him pass, ■and 50 the great northern kingdom approached one step nearer the precipice which was to prove her destruction. Upon learning tlie news of this affront the Emperor was highl}- in- censed and tried to send the messenger by wa}- of a southern port ; but stress of weather rendered this impossible and Pak- je, receiving no answer to her missive, took offense and would have nothing more to do -ivith China, for a time. By the time she had recovered her temper, Ko-gu-r^'u had in some way patched up her difficulty with the Wei court and so scored a point against Pak-je. And for a time she was on friendly terms with both the Wei atid Sung dynasties.

At this point Ko-gu-ryu decided upon a bold attempt to •swallow Pak-je bodily. It was to be done partly by strategem and partly by force. A monk of Ko-gu-ryu named To-rim, a fellow of excellent craft, arrived at the Pak-je capital as if seeking refuge. The king received him with open arms and, finding him an excellent chess player, made him his trusty ■councilor. This monk told the king that the palaces, walls, tombs and public buildings ought to be thoroughly- repaired, and so induced him to drain the public treasury in this work, and also in bringing a huge monolith from Uk-n3-i to the capital. This done the monk fled t)ack to Ko-gu-ryu and announced that the treasury of Pak-je was empty and it was a good time to attack her. A large arms' was put in the field, guided b}' one Kul-lu, a Pak-je fugitive from justice. Almost before Pak-je was aware, her capital was surrovinded. She had applied to Sil-la for help, but too late. First the suburbs were laid in ashes, and then access being gained, the palace was fired. The king fled with ten attendants out the west gate, but KiU-lu the renegade followed and overtook him.

74 KOKfCA.N rilSTCM-tV.

The kin«; beg's^ed for mercy upon his knees but Kul-lu spit ihrice in his face, bound him and sent him to the fortress of A-han where lie was killed. Then the Ko-gu-ryii army went back north carrvini;' with them S,ooo captives, men and women.

Meanwhile Prince Mun-ju had obtained help from Sil-la and with 10,000 troops was hastening homewards. He found the city in ashes, his father dead, the people mo-urning" their lost, who had been dragged away captive. He promptly assumed control of affairs, moved the capital southward to- Uug-jin the present Kong-ju, took all the Pak-je people away from Han-yang (vSeoul) and moved them back across the Han River and abandoned all the territory beyond that natural barrier to Ko-gu-ryii to whom it had originally be- longed. The following ^-ear he tried to send a message to the Sung Emperor b}- way of Ko-gu-ryii but the messenger was intercepted and the message stopped.

Chapter X.

Ouelpart. . . .ori.£fiii of T'ani-na. . . .new alliances. .. .advances in vSil-la . . . .but not in Pak-je nor Ko-gu-ryQ. . . ,teniporar3- peace .... Budd- hism in Sil-la. .. .remnants of barbarism. .. .influence of Chinese literature. . . .important reforms. . . .Ko-gu-ryu's foreign relations. . . . conquest of Dagelet Island. . . .posthumous titles. . . .colors in official grades. . . .Wei displeased. . . .the "miracle" of Yi Cha-don. . . .end of Ka-rak. . . .Sil-la rejects Chinese calendar. . . .confusion in China. . . . Pak-je attempts reform. . . .history of Sil-la. . . .two alliances. . . .Pak- je and Ko-gu-ryil envoj's to China. . . .advance of Buddhism in Sil-la- . . . .music in Sil-la. . . .war between Pak-je and Sil-la. . . .retrogres- sion in Sil-la because of Buddhism. . . .Ko-gu-ryu and the Sui Emper- or. . . .the Ondali.

Tradition sa^'s that in the dawn of history when the island of Che-ju (Quelpart) was covered oiih' with a tangled forest three sages arose from a crevice in the ground. This spot is showm to this day by the people of Che-ju. These three men were Ko-uUa, Yang-ulla and Pu-uUa. As they stood upon the shore the}- saw three stout chests floating in from the south-east. Drawing them to land and opeuing them the three wise men discovered that each chest contain-

AXCIEXT KOliEA, 75

■ed a calf, a colt, a dog a pig and a woman, together with sundry seeds, such as beans, wheat, barley, millet and rice. By the three families thus organised the island was populat- ed. During the early da^'s of Sil-la a certain court astrologer announced that the ""Friend Star" was, visible in the south and that a distinguished visitor would soon arrive. Soon after this three men came by boat from Ouelpart, landing at the harbor of T'am-jin, now Kang-jin, They came straight to the court of Sil-la where they were hospitably entertained. One of the visitors was Ko-hu one was Ko-ch'ung but the the name of the third is lost. The king called the first Sfing- ju or "lyord of the Star," the second Wang-ja or "King's Son" and the third To-na or "The One who has Come." He named their country T'am from the name of the port where the}^ landed, anl na, which seems to have meant "Kingdom", for we find that the last syllable of Sil-la is this same /la changed by euphonic laws to la. It is the root of the present Korean word «a-ra or "kingdom." So the kingdom was called T'am-na. The authorities are at a loss to tell the date or even the reign during which these events transpired. In the year 477 the little kingdom of T'am-na sent an envoy to the court of Pak-je with gifts. This is the first really authentic mention of the place. If tradition is of any value it must be confessed that the story of the peopling of Quelpart points toward a southern origin.

In 479 the aged king of Ko-gu-ryu, Ko-ryun, now in the sixty-eighth 3' ear of his reign, sought and obtained recogni- tion from Emperor Ko-je (Kao-ti) the founder of the Ch'i dynasty in China. That this occurred in the very first year after the founding of that dynasty shows how sedulously Ko-gu-ryu was cultivating the good-will of the Chinese. Pak-je was not far behind, for she swore allegiance to the same Emperor onh- two years later.

During all these years it is to Sil-la that v\'e must look for any signs of internal improvement, au}- of those innova- tions which are the mile-stones of progress. We saw above how she introduced the use of the cart and so raised a great burden from the shoulders of the people. The wheel is the great burden bearer of history. And now we find her in- troducing further reforms. The first was the horse relay

-6 K'( iV. l. A N 1 1 IST( )KA'.

system called the vong-ma. It did not b2ar so directly upoi? the condition of the people but it afforded au opportunity for the rapid transmission of official information and thus in- directly had an important bearing upon the wellfare of the masses. In the next place, she organised a general market where at stated intervals merchants from the various districts, could meet and exchange commodities. These are things- Cliat x\e look upon as matters of course and we do not realise ihcir importance till we imagine ourselves deprived of the com- forts that spring from the possibility of rapid communication and exchange of commodities. That Ko-gu-ryii had not made similar advances in the line of indiistrial reform is shown by the fact that when the Emperor of the Wei dynasty sent to grant investiture to Na-un the twenty-first king of Ko-gu-ryu in 499 he presented him with suits of clothes, flags, a crown and a cart. This shows that carts were not as 3'et in common use iu Ko-gii-ryu. As for P:tk-je, disaster Vv'as following upon disaster. At one time a thousand people were swept away in a flood. Then famine carried away three thousand, A few years later ten thousand people passed over into SiHa to save themselves from starvation.

The sixth century dawned upon a comparativeh* peaceful, Korea; for the time being the dogs of war were held in leash and feuds seem to have been laid on the shelf. The three kingdoms employed their time in different but characteristic ways. The king of P:tk-je built an enormous pleasure-house and adorned it with all manner of curious flowers and animals. To the expostulations of his ministers he turned a deaf ear. A few years later he was murdered by one of his courtiers. In truth, peace was nearly as bad for Pak-je as war.

In Sil-la Buddhism had been introduced during the reign of Xul-ji, 417-458. A monk named Muk Ho-ja had been well received and was lodged in the palace. But, at the first, Buddhism did not find congenial soil in Sil-la. Tradi- tion gives the following account of the first set-back which it suffered there. In 502 while the king w^as idling an hour away in a favorite sununer-house outside the city, a raven appeared bearing in its beak a letter. It laid the missive at the king's feet and flew awa\-. The superscription said "If the king opens and reads this note two people will die ; if he

ANCIENT KOREA. 77

does not open it one will die". He determined not to open it, but one of his attendants said , "The one referred to is Your Majest}^ and therefore you should open it even though two lives are sacrificed". He broke the seal and read the strange words "Let the king take his trustiest bow, hasten to the palace and shoot an arrow through the zither case". The king obeyed the mandate, hastened back to the palace by a private gate, entered the queen's apartments unannounced and shot an arrow through a zither case that stood against the wall. The arrow pierced the zither case and the High Priest who was hidden behind it. The latter had taken advantage of the king's absence to attack his honor. He was strangled together with the guilt}- queen.

With all her attempts at progress some evidences of the grossest barbarity still lingered in Sil-la. It was not, so the records tell us, until the year 503 that Sil-la discontinued the horrible custom of bur3'ing people alive when a king's body was interred. It had been customary to bur}- five boys- and five girls alive on such occasions, but in 503 the king publish- ed a decree forbidding the continuance of the custom. The very barbarit}^ of the custom renders its abolition the more striking and places the name of king Chi-jeung, the twenty- second of his line, among the names of Korea's benefactors. At the same time the custom of plowing with oxen was intro- duced, an innovation that had a most far-reaching effect upon society. It was in the beginning of the sixth century that Sil-la began to show evidences of the influence of Chinese literature and thought. In 504 she adopted the Chinese word Wang as the title of her kings in place of the pure Korean words I-sa-geum or Ma-rip-kan. She also changed the name of the kingdom from Kye-rim to Sil-la. We have been speak- ing of this kingdom under the name Sil-la but as a matter of fact it was not so designated until the year 504 A. D. Before that time it had been variously styled Su-j-a-bul, vSa-ro, and Kye-rim. The word Sil-la is said to have bsen composed of the Chinese words Sin and ra, which when united become Sil- la according to Korean laws of euphony. It is more than probable that it was merely an adaptation of Chinese charac- ters to pure Korean words, for the last syllable la or na is the same as that used in other words, centuries before that time,

7S KORICA.N HISTDKV.

in southern Korea. The na of T'ani-na is the same eharacter. To the word vSil-la was added the word Kiik or "kingdom" wliieh put her in litie with the other vassals of China. The Confueian code must have been makinj^ headway too, for in the following" year the custom was adopted of assuming a mourning garb for three years upon the death of a parent. It was at this time that the influence of China upon Korea began to bear its legitimate fruit. Chinese religion, literature, government and art were beginning to mould the thought and life of the Korean people. Man}- Chinese words had been in- troduced into Korea before this time but the use of the Chin- ese character had not been general.

In the mean time Ko-gu-ryii had been paying attention not so much to internal reforms as to external alliances. She sent to the Wei Emperor begging him to remit the revenue in gold and jade, as they were obtained, the one in Pu-3'u, which she claimed the Mal-gal savages had seized, and the other in Sup-na which she averred the wicked Pak-je had feloniousl}- taken. But she added "Of course all that Ko-gu- ryu has is yours"". The Emperor good-naturedly remitted the revenue but urged his vassal to continue the good work of subduing the wild tribes of the peninsula. It is said that in a single year Ko-gU-ryu sent three separate embas sies to the Wei court. At the same time she was coquet- ting, snb rosa, with the new Eiang power wdiich had arisen in 502. In this Pak-je of course follow^ed suite. We thus see that the three kingdoms spent their time in different waj'S ; Sil-la in internal improvement, Pak-je in self-gratifica tion and Ko-gu- ryii in strengthening her foreign rela- tions.

In the }'ear 512 the kingdom of U-san was added to the crown of Sil-la. This was the little island of Uagelet, off the eastern coast of Korea, about opposite the prefecture of Kang-neung. How Sil-la happened to branch out in a policy of conquest we are not told, but having decided to do so she did it very neatly. The expedition wasled by Gen. Yi Sa- bu. He ordered the construction of several lions with gap- ing mouths and enormous fangs. They were carved from wood. He placed one of these in the prow of each of the boats and when the little flotilla approached the shores of the island

AXCIEXT KOREA. 79

the natives were called upon to lay down their arms and surrender, or the lions would be set loose among them and would tear them to pieces. This, it is averred, brought the trembling islanders to their knees, at once and Sil-la won a bloodless victory. This is among the most cherished tradi- tions of the Korean people.

With the accession of Wun-jong to the throne of Sil-la in 514 the Chinese custom of conferring a posthumous title upon a deceased king was introduced for the first time into Korea. Long before this the custom had prevailed in Ko-gu- ryu of naming a dead king after the place in which he was buried but to the very last the Ko-gu-ryu kings did not receive posthumous honorific titles. Pfik-je however follow- ed Sil-la' s example ten years later.

King Pup-heung of Sil-la in 520 reorganised the official list and indicated the different grades of rank by different colors. The grades called fa-do, kak-ka)i ^.nd ta-a-son wore lavendar. Those called a-son and kcup-son, wore red, and carried the ivory memo tablets that are common today. The ta-na-ma and the na-ma wore blue. The ta-sa and sun-jo-ji wore hats of silk, shaped like the broad-brimmed, round crowned hats of the chair-coolie of the present day. The pa- jin-son and the ia-a-son wore red silk hats. The sang-dang, chuk-wi and ta-sa wore red hat strings. The kaleidoscopic colors of a royal Korean procession of todaj^ indicate what a prominent role the love of color plays in the oriental temper- ament.

The Wei power in China was not pleased with the friendship that was springing up between Ko-gu-ryu and the Liang court. This came to a climax when .she stopppd a Liang envoy who was on his way to Ko-gu-ryu to confer investiture upon the king. It may be that Ko-gu-ryu realis- ed that the Wei dynasty was waning to its close and that it was well to cultivate the good-will of the young and rising Liang power; but if so the forecast was false for the Liang power outlived the Wei only twenty-four yeans.

The year 524 gave Sil-la Buddhism a new lease of life. Its most celebrated representative was a monk named Muk Ho-ja who lived about the middle of the fifth century. Com-

So K(>KI:A\ HISTOKV,

iiii;- from Ko-,^u-ry{i he had settled at the town of Il-sung-j^uu where a Sil-la citizen had made him a cave dwellino^. The king" of Sil-la received a gift of incense from China, bnt did •rtot kilow'hoVs' to .ttsfe^it till this monk Muk; Ho-ja showed him hoAv'. He fold the king to 'burn it and ask anything of the spipits, and they would giliiit it. The king's daughter was venMlV at tli«7tmtfe.and'.the king burned the incense and ask- ed'that' Ivis aaught-ef be healed. The story says that she 'immediately arose from . Her ■ bed a well woman. This of ..obilrse" gaVe'.BuddliisnY 'a long, start. • Since that time, as we have sisen. Buddhism had suffered a .severe drawback in the person of the wicked monk who was discovered in the act of abusing his sacerdotal function. It had recovered from that shock however and had again assumed large proportions in the state of Sil-la. The king ha3 come so completely under the influence of the monks ^that naw in 524 the courtiers feared that their power would be seriously threatened. They therefore used ever\' means to induce the king to moderate -His A-.iews. The king gave his reluctant assent to the execu- tion :of the high priest, Yi Cha-don. Tradition says that when he was brought to execution he exclaimed "When you slay 'hie. my blood will flow not red like blood but white as milk -and then you will know that Buddhism is true." And so it proved, for when his head was severed from the trunk his blood flowed white like milk. None could gainsay this evidence and' from that day Buddhism advanced with rapid st-eps. - The following year the king made a law against.the kiilingrof animals.

The -kingdom of Ka-rak had existed side by side wifh Sil- la on tferms of mutual friendship for four hundred and eighty- two j'^ears, but in 527 her king, Kim Ku-hyung, gave up his sovereign power and merged his kingdom into that of Sil-la. He was however retained at the head of the Ka-rak state under appointment by tlie4£ing of Sil-la. It does not appear from the .scanty records that this was other than- a peacefvil change. Ka-rak had long seen the growing power of Sil-la and doubtless recognised that more was to be gained by becoming part of that kingdom than by standing aloof and running the chance of becoming disputed territory between the rival powers of the peninsula. She had been founded in

Hi:A ij y FOR Tin: no a i>.

AN-CIENT KOREA. 8 1

41 A. D. and now she came to an end in 527, so her lease of life seems to have been four hundred and eighty-six years rather than four hundred and eighty-two as the records state. As the dates of her beginning and end are both taken from the records the discrepancy must be laid at the door of the recorder.

About this time Sil-la discovered that it ^vas useless to •cultivate the friendship of the Chinese powers. The Chinese territory was divided into a number of petty kingdoms and more were on the eve of being founded. None of them had strength enough to hold her own against the others, much Jess to be of an},- avail in case of trouble in the peninsula. Perhaps it was for this reason that in 535 Sil-la rejected the Chinese calendar and named the year according to a plan of her own. In China the Liang dynasty, the Northern Wei, •and the Eastern Wei were all in the field, while the Ch'en, the Northern Ch'i, the Northern Chu and the Sui dynasties Avere just about to make their appearance and all to pass away like summer clouds before the power of the mighty T'ang.

About the 3-ear 540 Pak-je moved her capital again ; this time it was to Sa-ja the site of the present prefecture of Pu- yu in the province of Ch'ung-ch'ung. She seems to have had some aspirations after better things, for in 541 she sent to the Liang court asking that books of poetry, teachers of litera- ture, Buddhist books, artisans and picture painters be sent to help in creating a taste for literature and art in that country. The request was granted.

The year 543 marks an important event in the life of vSil- la. The history of that country existed as yet only in the form of notes, but now the king ordered that a congress of the best scholars of the land set to work compiling a proper histor}- under the leadership of the great scholar Kim-gii Ch'il-bu, We will notice that this was about two hundred years before the earliest date that is set for the publication of the Japanese work entitled the Kojiki. And it should be noticed likewise that this history of vSil-la was not a ccllectiou of myths and stories only, but a proper history, worked U]) from government records which a certain degree of knowledge of Chinese had rendered the officials capable of making and transmitting. One needs but to compare the Kojiki with the

Sij KOKKAN IIISTORV.

Siini-gnk-sa or "llistor\ of llic 'Pln\e Kin.mlonis" foinulcd ou Ihtse records to sec how iiiuucasiirably the latter excels the former as a source of accurate historical evidence.

It was about this time that the wild tribes of the Mal-.ual and Ve-mak began to realise that the continued proj^^ress of Pak-je and Sil-la meant extinction for themselves. vSo in 547 Ihey joined Ko-gu-ryii in an attack upon Pak-je ; but vSil-la and Ka-ya rendered aid to Piik-je and the northern allies were driven back. From this time on, during a period of several years, Ko-gu-ryii, Ve-mak and Mal-gal were allies, and Sil-la, Pak-je and Ka-ya were allies; a sort of dual arrangement, which preserved a nice equilibrium in the peninsula.

In 549 the king of Pak-je sent an envoy to present his compliments to the Liang Emperor. When he arrived at the capital of the Liang power he found the palace in ashes and the reins of government in the hands of the usurper Hu- gyung; so he took his stand before the Tan-mun (gate) and wept aloud from morning till night. The passers-by, hearing his story, stopped and wept with him. This of course did not please the usurper, and the envoy wus seized and thrown into prison where he staj'ed until the rebellion w^as put down and the Emperor returned. As the Ch'i dynasty arose in 550 we are not surprised to learn that Ko-gu-ryn sent an envo>' immediately to do obeisance and get into the good graces of the new power.

It must be confes.sed that meantime Buddhism had been making rapid strides in Sil-la. Monasteries had been erected and the new cult was winning its w^a}- into the hearts of the people. In 551 the public teaching of the eight law^s of Buddhism against (i) the slaughter of animals, (2) theft. (3) licentiousness, (4) lying, (5) drunkenness, (6) ambition, (7) the eating of garlic, (8) levity, was decreed.

It is probable that the art of music was not highly devel- oped at this time but in 552 the king of Sil-la sent three men to the Ka-3'a country to learn music from a celebrated master named U Reuk ; but that learned man had come to realise that Ka-ya was doomed and, taking his twelve-stringed in- strument under his arm he went with his disciple Ni Mun to the court of Sil-la. The three men, Piip-ji, K^-e-go and Man- dok, whom the king had appointed to study music, entered

ANCIENT KOREA. 83

\ipon tlieir duties under this man's tutelage. One of them studied singing, another the use of the instrument and a third dancing. When the}' had perfected themselves in these ornamental arts they proposed to alter some of the songs, on the plea that they were too licentious, but old U Reuk violently objected to expurgated editions of his works, and so it was stopped. From that tiiiie music became very popular and in many cases students of this great branch of art went among the mountains and spent years in practice. The in- strument was called a Ka-ya-geiim from Ka-j^a where it originated. It is now called the ka-go and is shaped like a Korean zither but is smaller. Among the favorite songs that have come down to the present time are "The Ascent of the Mountain," "The Descent of the Mountain," "The Rust- ling Bamboo," "The Stork Dance," "The Blowing Wind" and "The Monastery on the Mountain." But music was not the onl}^ art that flourished, for we are gravely told that an artist painted a tree on the wall of "Yellow Dragon Monastery" with such skill that birds tried to alight on its branches.

In 555 war broke out between Sil-la and Pak-je. We are not told its cause but Sil-la was victorious and added to her territory a large tract of country along the eastern side of Pnk-je, which she erected into a prefecture under the name of Wan-san-ju (now Chun-ju). One authority says that in this war Pak-je lost one half of her territory to Sil-la. It seems that Sil-la had by this time developed the taste for diplomatic intercourse with China. Frequent embassies were sent on the long and costly journey. Each of the three powers sent two and three times a year to one or other of the various Chinese courts. The Emperor of the Ch'i dynasty sent Sil-la great store of Buddhistic books. It is said thai as man}- as 1700 volumes were sent at one time.

When Pak-jong ascended the throne of Sil-la in 570 the Buddhistic tendencies had begun to bear their legitimate fruits. The king was so given over to it that he became a monk and the queen became a nun. All thought of progress seems to have been given up and the revenues were squandered in sending useless embassies to China. The style of Buddhism prevalent in Sil-la is illustrated by the fact that in the second

8"4 KORI'.W IIISTORN',

^•tai' of Ihfs nji,t;n tlic niiiiistcv of war look the kin^' severely' to task for spendint; so nuich lime in the chase, thouj^h the killing of animals is llie first ]iroliibition of the Biiddliist law. Tradition says that this faithful minister, Ilu-jik^ ])lead in. vain, and finally, when dying, asked to be buried near the road the king nsually took when going to hunt. It was done and the king when passing the grave heard a noise of warn- ing proceeding from it. When he was told that it was the faithful but neglected Hu-jik, the king determined on the spot that he would reform, and so the faithful minister did more by his death than by his life.

It was in the year 586 that Ko-gu-ryu again moved her capital northward to the old place near the present Kui-ju. Soon after this the Tsin dj-nasty in China fell before the victorious Sui, and Ko-gu-rj-u, who had been friendly with the Tsin but had never cultivated the Sui, was left in an extremely delicate position. She immediately beg-an prepara- tions for repelling- a Sui in\'asion. The Emperor however had no such intentions and sent a swift messenger cbiding^ the king for his unjust suspicions and opening the way for a friendly understanding. This seemed a little strained to the king and he feared treachery-; so, while he greatly desired to send an envoy, he hardly ventured to do so.

One of the famous traditions of Korea centers about this king. His daughter when of tender years cried so much that on one occasian the king impatiently exclaimed "When you grow up you cannot marry a man of the nobility but we will marry you to an ondali.'^ Now an ondali is a very ignorant, foolish fellow^ a boor. When the girl reached a marriageable age the king w^ho had forgetten all about his threat was for marrying her to a high noble but the girl called to his re- membrance the words he had spoken and said she would marry no one but an ondali. The king bound ten golden hairpins to her arm and drove the away from the palace. She fled to the hut of an ondali on the outskirts of the town but he was away in the hills gathering elm bark to eat. His mother, old and blind, said "You smell of perfume and your hands are soft and smooth. My boy is only an ignorant oidali ■aw^l. no match for you." Without answering, the maiden hastened to the hills and found the boy, but he thought her a spirit and took

ANCIENT KOREA. 85

to his heels and ran home as fast as he could go. She follow- ed and slept before his door that night. At last the youth comprehended the situation and accepted the hand of the princess. With the ten golden hairpins'she set him up in the horse-raising business. He bought the broken-down palace ponies and by careful treatment made them sound and fleet again. In the chase he always led the rout and when the King asked who he might be the answer was "Only an ondali.'' From this the )'outh advanced until he became a famous general and had the honor of defeating a Chinese army in L,iao-tung. He was killed during an invasion of Sil- la but no one was able to lift his dead body till his wife came and knelt beside it saying "The dead and living are sep- arated." Then it was lifted and carried back to Ko-gu-rvu.

Chapter XI.

Ko-gu-r)'U relations with the Sui court. . . .Ko-gu-ryu suspected. . . .takes the offensive. .. .submits. .. .the Emperor suspicious. .. .the great Chinese invasion. . . .Chinese allies . .Ko-gu-ryu's allies. . . .Chinese cross the Liao. . . .go into camp. . . .naval expedition . . . .defeated at P'3'ung-yang. . . routes of the Chinese army. . . .Ko-gu-ryu spy. . . . Ko-gu-ryu lures the Chinese on . . . .pretense of surrender. . . .Chinese retreat ...terrible slaughter. .. .Pak-je neutral. .. .second invasion ....siege of Liao-tung fortress. .. .Chinese retire. .. .and give up the contest. .. .treaty with the T'ang Emperor. .. .triangular war renewed . . . China neutral .... guerilla warfare .... first woman sover- eign. . . .Pak-je retrogrades. . . .attacks Sil-la. . . .Pjik-je's terrible mistake. . . .Chinese spy. . . .ri.se of Hap So-mun. . . .the tortoise and the rabbit . . .Taoism introduced . . .China finally sides with Sil-la ....and announces her program. .. .preparations for war. .. .the invasion. .. .siege of Liao-tung Fortress. .. .siege of An-si P'ortress .... Chinese retire.

We hav^e seen that Ko-gu-ryu did not respond freely to the friendh' advances of the Sui power in China. Although a Sui envoy came and conferred investiture upon the king in 590, yet the relations were not cordial. Something was lacking. A mutual suspicion existed which kept them both on the watch for signs of treachery. But two years later the king did obeisance to the Emperor and was apparently taken

86 ICORKAX IirSTdKV.

into his good graces. And now the net began to be drawn about Ko-gu-ryii. Her position" had always been precarious. She was the largest of the peninsular kingdoms and tlie nearest to China. She \Vas also nearest to the wild tribes who periodically joined in an attempt to overthrow the Chinese ruling dynasty. So Ko-gu ryu was always more or less suspected of ulterior designs and she seems to have realised it, for she always sedulously cultivated the good-will of the Emperors. She knew very well that with Sil-la and Pak-je, hereditary enemies, at her back, the day when she fell under the .serious suspicion of any strong dynasty in China would be her day of doom. And so it proved in the end. vShe had now thoroughly alienated the good- will and arou.sed the suspicions of the Sui P^mperor ; Sil-la and Pak-je were in his good graces, and stirring times were at hand. These two rival powers sent envoys to China urging the Emperor to unite with them in invading Ko-gu-ryu and putting an end to her once for all. To this the Emperor assented. Ko-gu-ryfi knew that the fight was on and, being the warlike power that she was, she boldly determined to take the offensive. Draw- ing on her faithful allies the Mal-gal for 10,000 troops she despatched these, together with her own ami}', to western Liao-tung and across the river Liao, where the town of Yung- ju was attacked and taken. This was her declaration of war. The Emperor in 598 proclaimed the royal title withdrawn from the king of Ko-gu-ryu and an army of 300,000 men was put in motion toward the frontier. At the same time a naval expedition was fitted out. But reverses occurred : storms by sea and bad managem.nt of the commissariat by land rendered the expedition a failure. It opened the eyes of the Ko-gu-ryu king however and he saw that the Emperor was fully deter- mined upon his destruction. He .saw but one way to make himself safe and that was by abject submission. He there- fore hastened to tell the Emperor, "I am a base and worthless subject, vile as ordure," which was received by the Emperor with considerable complaisance^ and a show of pardon was made ; but it was probably done onlj- to keep Ko-gu-ryu from active preparations until China could equip a much larger army and put it in the field. P"ak-je, who did not like to see affairs brought to a halt at this interesting juncture, sent an

ANCIENT KOREA. 87

envoy to China offering to act as guide, to lead a Chinese army against the foe. When Ko-gu-ryii learned of this her anger knew no bounds and she began to make reprisals upon Pjik-je territory.

About this time the Sui Emperor had business in the north. The Tol-gwiil tribe needed chastisement. When the Chinese forces entered the chief town of the humbled tribe the}' found a Ko-gu-ryu emissary there. This fed the Em- peror's suspicions for it looked as if Ko-gu-ryu were prepar- ing a league of the wild tribes for the purpose of conqviest. He therefore sent to Ko-gu-ryu saying "The king should not be afraid of me. Let him come himself and do obeisance. If not, I shall send and destroy him." We may well imagine that this pressing invitation was declined by the king.

The last year of the sixth centur}' witnnessed the com- pilation of the first great history of Ko-gu-ryu, in 100 volumes. It was named the Yu-geui or "Record of Remembrance."

It took China vSome years to get ready for the carrying out of her plan, but at last in 612 began one of the mightiest military movements in histor^^ China massed upon the western bank of the Eiao River an ami}- of 1,130,000 men. There were forty regiments of cavalry and eighty of infantr}-. The army was divided into twenty-four battalions, marching with an interval of forty // between each, so that the entire army stretched for 960 // or 320 miles along the road. Eighty // in the rear came the Emperor with his body-guard.

When this enormous army reached the banks of the Eiao they beheld on the 'farther bank the soldiers of Ko-gu-ryn. Nothing can better prove the harihooi of the Ko-gu-ryu sold- iery than that, when they saw this well-nigh innumerable host approach, they dared to dispute the crossing of the river.

The Chinese army was composed of Chinese regulars and of allies from twenty-four of their dependencies whose names are given as follows. Nu-bang, Chang-jam, Myung-ha, Kii- ma, Kon-an, Nam-so, Yo-dong, Hj-un-do, Pu-yu, Nang- nang, Ok-jii, Chum-siin, Ham-ja, Hon-mi, Im-dun, Hu-siing, Che-ha, Tap-don, Suk-sin, Kal-suk, Tong-i, Ta-bang and Yang-p'jmng. One would suppose from this long list that .there could be few left to act as allies to Ko-gu-ryu, but when we remember that the Mal-gal group of tribes was by far the

88 ROKFAX IirsTdRV.

most jH>\vcrt'ul and warlike ot" all the iioi'lliLin hordes we will see that Ko-gu-ryu was not without allies. In addition tt) this. Ko-gti-ryu had two important faetors in her favor ; in summer the rains made the greater part of Liao-tnng impas- sable either for advance or retreat, and in winter the severit\ of the weather rendered military operations next to impossible. Only two courses were therfore open to and invading army : either it must make a quick dash into Ko-gu-ryii in the spring or autumn and retire before the summer rains or winter storms, or else it must be prepared to go into camp and spend the in- clement season in an enemy's country, cut oflf from its base of supplies. It was in the spring that this invasion took place and the Emperor was determined to carry it through to a finish in spite of summer rains or winter storms.

No sooner had the Chinese army reached the Liao Ri\-er than the engineers set to work bridging the stream. So en- ergetically was the work done that in two daN's a double span was thrown across. There had been a miscalculation how- ever, for it fell six feet short of reaching the eastern bank, and the Ko-gu-ryu soldiers were there to give them a warm welcome. The Chinese troops leaped from the unfinished end of the bridge and tried to climb up the steep bank, biit were again and again driven back. The eastern bank was not gained until Gen Milk Chul-jang leaped to the shore and mowed a path for his followers with his sword. At this point the Ko- gu-ryu generals Chon Sa-ung and Mang Keum-ch'a were killed.

When the \vhole army had effected a crossing the Emper- or sent 1 200 troops to occupy the fortified town of Liao-tung but the Ko-gu-r3-u general, Eul-ji Mun-duk, hastened thither and drove back this detachment of Chinese in confusion. The Emperor learned of the retreat and proceeded toward the scene of action. When he came up with the flying detachments of his defeated force he severely reprimanded the generals in charge and chided them for being laz}- and afraid of death. But it was now late in June and the rain\- season was at hand. so the Emperor with his whole arnn- w^ent into camp at Yuk- liap Fortress a little to the west of the town of Liao-tung, to await the end of the wet season.

He was unwilling however to let all this time pass with- out anv active work ; so he sent a fleet of boats bv sea to sail

ANCIEXT KOREA. Sg

up the Ta-dong River and attack P'ynng-yang. This was under the leadership of Gen. Nil Ho-a. Landing his force on the bank of the Ta-dong, sixty // below the city, he enjoyed there a signal victor}- over a small force which had been sent to head him off. This made the general over-confident and in spite of the protests of his lieutenants he marched on P'yung-yang without an hour's delay. With twenty thou- sand troops he went straight into the town, the gates being left wide open for him. This was a ruse on the part of the Ko-gu-ryu forces. A strong body of Ko-gu-ryii troops had hidden in a monastery in Na-gwak Fort on the heights with- in the city. The Chinese found theinselves entrapped and Gen. Na was forced to beat a hasty retreat with what forces he had left, and at last got back to Ha-p'o (harbor) in L,iao- tung. What the Emperor said to him is not known but it could not have been flattering.

The rainy season had now come and gone and the main plan of the invasion was ready to be worked out. It was necessary for the Emperor to spread out his force over the country in order to find forage, and so, in approaching the borders of Ko-gu-ryu, it was decided that they should conic- by several different routes. Gen. U Mun-sul led a detach- ment by way of Pu-yfi, Gen. U Chung-mun by way of Nang- nang. Gen. H3-ung Wun-hang by way of Yo-dong, Gen. Sul Se-ung by way of Ok-ju, Gen. Sin Se-ung by way of Hyiin-do, Gen. Chang Keun by way of Yang-p'yang, Gen. Cho Hyo- ja by way of Kal-siik, Gen. Ch'oe Hong-seung by way of Su- s'lng. Gen. Wi Mufi-seung by wa}' of Cheung-ji. It is said that the}^ all rendezvoused on the western bank of the Yalu River, but if so there must have been great changes in thr position of these wild tribes. It is more than probable that like the North American Indiaris they had moved further and further back from their original lands until they were far be- yond the Yalu and Tumen rivers.

In the early autumn of 612 the whole army lay just east of the Yalu River.

The king of Ko-gu-ryu sent Gen. Eul-ji Mun-duk to tht Chinese camp to tender the Emperor a pretense of surrender but in reality to spy out his position and force. When he appeared the Emperor was minded to kill him on the spot

90 KOKKAN IirSTOKV,

but thought better of it and, after listening to what he had to say, let him go. Not an hour after he had gotten beyond the Chinese pickets the lunperor changed his mind again and sent in pursui: of him : l)ut the general had too good a start and made too good use of his time to allow himself to be retaken,

And now appeared one of the disadvantages of being far from one's base of supplies, and in an enemy's country. Some weeks before this each Chinese soldi2r had been given three bags of rice and told that he must carry them on the march, besides his other necessary accoutrements. Death was to the penalt}' of throwing any of it away. The result was that most of them buried a large part of the rice in their tents and so escaped detection. Now they were short of provisions, while the generals thought their knapsacks were full of rice. The Ko-gu-ryu Gen, Eul-ji, who had been in their camp, however, knew about it. He entered upon a geurilla warfare with the object of luring the enemy far into Ko-gu-ryu territory and then cutting them to pieces at leisure. To this end he made a feigned retreat several times each day, thus giving the enemv confidence and blinding them to his own strength. It was decided that a Chinese force of 305,000 men under Gen, U Chung-mun should i;roceed straight to P'yung-j-ang. It seemed wholly unnecessar}- that the whole army of 1,130,000 men should undergo that long march when only a pusillanimous enemy barred the way.

On they came toward the capital without meeting any- thing but a few skirmishers, until they reached the Sal-su, a stream only thirty // from P'yung-yang. Crossing this the Chinese went into camp for a few days to recover from the fatigue of the rapid march before attacking the town.

At this point Gen. Eul-ji began operations. He wrote a very humble letter sueing for mercy. When the Chinese gen- eral received this, his course of reasoning must have been .something as follows : '"My forces are completely exhausted by this long march ; the provisions are almost gone ; I shall, find the capital defended by desperate men ; it may be that I shall be handled as roughly as were the forces of Gen. Na. I will accept this submission and start back in time to reach the Yalu before m}- provisions are entirely gone. I will thus- spare mj- army and gain the desired end as well."

ANCIENT KOREA. 'g\

Whether this was his course of reasoning or not, sure it is that he accepted the submission tendered him and put his aiuiy in motion toward the Yalu. But before his forces had gone a mile they found themselves attacked on all sides at ■once by an unseen foe which seemed to fill the forests on either side the road. When half the army had gotten across the Sal-su the other half was fiercely attacked and cut to pieces ■or driven like dumb cattle over thtt face of the country, where they were butchered at leisure. The retreat became a flight, the flight a rout, and still the Ko-gu-ryu soldiers hung on their flanks like wolves and dragged them down by scores and hundreds. It is said that in a single day and night the fugitive Chinese covered four hunderd and fifty //, and when the remnant of that noble army of 305,000 men that had swept across the Yalu went back across that historic stream it was just 2700 strong. Over 300,000 men had perished along the hill-sides and among the forests of Ko-gu-ryil. The Emperor in anger imprisoned the over-confident Gen, U Chung-muUv

Meanwhile what of Pak-je? Sh^ had promised that she ^vould rise and strike Ko-gu-ryu simultaneously with the Empe.or, but when the moment for action came, like the pab troon that she was, she waited to see which side would be most likel}' to win in the end. When the Chinese fled back to the border in panic Piik-je quietly stacked her arms and said nothing about attacking her neighbor.

Winter was now at hand, or would be before another plan, could be perfected and carried out. The army was without provisions. There ^was nothing left but to retreat. The Chinese army, still a mighty host, moved slowly back across the Liao River and Ko-gu-ryu was left to her own pleasant musings. All that China gained was that portion of Ko-gu- ryu lying west of the Liao River, which the Emperor erected into three prefectures.

If Ko-gu-ryu flattered herself that her troubles were all •over she was wofuUy mistaken. With the opening of spring the Emperor's determination to humble her was as strong as ever. All the courtiers urged him to give over the attempt. They had seen enough of Ko-gu-ryu. The Emperor, how- ever, was firm in his determination, and in the fourth moon another armv was launched aijainst the hardv little kiniJ-dom

gZ Kd'KRAX IlfSTORV.

to the east.. It cross-^d th-i Liao without opposition but whem it arrived at Tono;-\vhano: l'\>rtress, near the present Eui- ju. it attempted in vain to take it, Tlic Ivniperor decided therefore to make a thorough conquest of all the Liao-tung territory and delimit the possessions of Ko-gu-ryuas far as the Vain River, To this end siegj was laid to the Fortress of Liao-tung. After twenty days the town was still intact and the Chinese seemingly as far from \ictory as ever. Ladders were tried but without effect. A bank of earth was thrown tiy as high as the wall of the town, but this too failed. Plat- forms of timber were erected and rolled up to the wall on trucks of eight wheels each. This seemed to promise success but just as the attempt was to be made fortune favored Ko- gu-ryu, for news came to the Chinese that an insurrection had arisen in China, headed by Yang Hyi*n-gam. The tents were hastily struck and the army by forced marches moved rapidly back towards China- At first the Ko-gu-ryu. forces thought this was a mere feint but when the truth was known they rushed in pursuit and succeeded in putting several thousands- of the Chinese braves /lors dc combat.

The following year the Emperor wanted to return to the charge but an envoy came from Ko-gu-ryu offering the king's humble submission. To this the Emporor replied "Then let him come in person and present it." This he would not do.

Four years later the king of Ko-gu-ryu died and his brother Kiin-mu as-sumed control. It was in this same 3-ear 6i8 that the great T'ang dynasty was founded on the ruins of the Sui and the fear of vengeance was lifted from Ko-gu-ryu. She immediately sent an envoy to the T'ang court offering her allegiance. Pak-je and Sil-la were only a year behind her in paying their respects to the new Emperor. As a test of Ko-gu-ryu sincerity, Emperor Kao-tsu demanded that she rend back the captives taken during the late war. As the price of peace Ko-gu-r\'U complied and sent back 10,000 men. The next year the T'ang Emperor conferred the title of royal- ty upon all the three kings of the peninsula which, instead of settling the "deadly feud between them, simply opened a new and final scene of the fratricidal struggle. To Ko-gu-ryu the Emperor sent books on the Shinto faith, of the introduction of which into Korea we here have the first intimation.

AX'CIENT KORfiA. 93

^ow that danger from the west no longer threatened Ko- gu-ryu, she turned to her neighbors and began to exercise her arms upon them. Pak-je also attacked Sil-la fiercely and soon, a triangular war was being waged in the peninsula which promised to be a war of extermination unless China should interfere. Of course each wished the Empefor to interfere in her behalf and each plied the throne of China with recrimina- tions of the others and with justifications of herself until the Emperor was wholly at a loss to decide between them. Per- haps it was not his policy to put an end to the war but let it rage until the whole peninsula was exhausted, when it would become an easy prey to his arms. At any rate he gave en- couragement to none of them but simply told them to stop fighting. Ko-gu-rjnt diplomatically added to her supplications a request for Buddhist, Taoist and Shinto teachers.

The details of this series of hostilities between the three Korean states form a tangled skein. First one border fort Was taken and then recovered, then the same was repeated at another point; and so it went all along the line, now one being- victorious and now another. Large fofces were not employed at any one time or place, but it was a skirmish fire all along the border, burning up brightly first at one spot and then at an- other. One remarkable statement in the records, to the ef-^ feet that Ko-gu-ryii began the building of a wall straight across the peninsula from Eui-ju to the Japan Sea to keep out the people of the northern tribes, seems almost incredible. If true it is another testimony to the great power of Ko-gu-ryu. It is said the work was finished in sixteen years.

In 632, after a reign of fifty years. King Chim-p'yuhg died without male issue but his daughter Tong-man, a woman of strong personality, ascended the throne of Sil-la, being the first of her sex that ever sat on a Korean throne.

Many stories ate told of her precocit}'. Once when she was a mere child her father had received from the Emperor a picture of the viok-tan flower together with some seeds of the same. She immediately remarked that the flowers would have no perfume. When asked why she thought so she re- plied "Because there is no butterfly on them in the picture." While not a valid argument, it showed a power of observation Very uncommon in a child. This proved to be true, for when

94 KtmrcAx histokn".

the seeds sprouted and grew the blossoms had no fragrauctr. The Kniperor conferred upon her the title of royalty, the same as upon a male sovereign.

The first few j'ears of her reign were peaceful ones for Sil-la, and PiSk-je, as usual when relieved of the stress of war, fell back into her profligate ways again. The king built gardens and miniature lakes, bringing water from a point some twenty // away tO' suppl)^ them. Here he spent his time in sport and debauchery while the country ruled itself.

In the fifth year of her reign Queen Tong-man, while walking in her palace grounds, passed a pond of w'ater but suddenly stopped and exclaimed "There is war on our western. border." When asked her reasons for thinking so .she point- ed to the frogs in the pond and said "See how red their eyes are. It means that there is war on the border," As if to bear out her statement, swift messengers came the next day announcing that Psik-je was again at work along the western border. So runs the story.

And so the fight went on merrily all along the line, while at the capitals of the three kingdoms things continued much as usual. Each of the countries sent Princes to China to be educated, and the diplomatic relations with China were as in- timate as ever ; but in 642 Pak-je made the great mistake of her life. After an unusualh* successful niilitar>^ campaign against Sil-la during which she seized forty of her frontier posts, she conceived the bright idea of cutting off Sil-la's communication with China. The plan was to block the wa}^ of Sil-la envoys on their way to China. Thus she thought that China's good will would be withdrawn from her rival, Sil-la, It was a brilliant plan but it had after effects which w^orked ruin for Pak-je. Such a momentous under- taking could not be kept from the ears of the Emperor nor could Sil-la's envoys be thus debarred from going to the Emperor's court. When the whole matter was therefore laid before the Chinese court the Emperor immediately condemned Pak-je in his own mind.

About this time a Chinese envoy named Chin Ta-t'ok ar- rived on the borders of Ko-gu-ryu. On his way to the capi- tal he pretended to enjoy all the views along the way and he gave costh' presents to the prefects and gained from them ac-

ANCIENT KOREA, 95

"CTirate information about every part of the route. B}- this means he spied out the land and carried a fund of important information back to the Emperor. He advised that Ko-gu- ryu be invaded both by land and sea, for she would not be hard to conquer.

It was in this year 642 that a Ko-gu-r^-u official named Hap So-mun assassinated the king and setup the king's neph- ew Chang as king. He himself became of course the court favorite. He was a man of powerful body and powerful mind . He was as "sharp as a falcon." He claimed to have risen from the water by a miraculous birth. He was hated b}' the people because of his cruelt}' and fierceness. Having by specious promises so far molified the dislike of the officials as to have gained a position under the government he became worse than before and some of the officials had an understand- ing with the king that he must be put out of the way. This came to the ears of Hap So-mun and he gave a great feast, ■during the course of which he fell upon and killed all those who had advised against him. He then sent and killed the king in the palace, cut the bod}' in two and threw it into a ditch. Then, as we have seen, he set up Chang as king. This Hap So-mun is said to have worn five sw^ords on his per- son all the time. All bowed their heads when he appeared and when he rode in state he passed over the prostrate bodies of men.

When an envoy, soon after this, came from Sil-la he was thrown into prison as a spy and was told that he would be re- leased as soon as Sil-la should restore to Ko-gu-r3-u the two districts of Ma-hyun which had at one time belonged to Ko^ gu-ryu. This envoy had a friend among the Ko-gu-ryn offi- cials and to him he applied for help. That gentleman gave him advice in the form of an allegor)*. It was as follows.

The daughter of the S>ea King being ill, the physicians said that she could not recover unless she should eat the liver of a rabbit. This being a terrestrial animal it was of course almost impossible to obtain, but finally a tortoise volunteered so secure a rabbit and bring it to the king. Emerging from the sea on the coast of Sil-la the tortoise entered a field and found a rabbit sleeping under a covert. Awakening the animal he began to tell of an island off the shore where there were neither

96 K ( > R K A X f I rs'i'o K V .

hawks nor hunters — a rabbit's paradise, and volunteered to lake the rabbit across to it upon his back. When well out at sea the tortoise bade the rabbit prepare for death, for his liver was needed by the Sea King. After a moment's rapid thought the rabbit exclaimed "You might have had it without all this ado, for when the Creator made rabbits he made them with detachable livers so that when they became too warm they could take them out and wash them in cool water and then put them back. When you found me I had just washed mine and laid it on a rock to dry. You can have it if you wish, for I have no special use for it." The tortoise in great chagrin turned about and paddled him back to the shore. I^eaping to the land the rabbit cried "Good day, my friend, my liver is safe inside of me."

The imprisoned envoy pondered over this conundrum and its application and finally solved it. Sending to the king he said ■'You cannot get back the two districts by keeping me here. If you will let me go and will provide me with an escort I will induce the Sil-la government to restore the territory to you. The king complied, but when the envo}' had once gotten across the border he sent back word that the restoration of territor}- vvas not in his line of business and he must decline to discuss the question at the court of Sil-la.

In 643 the powerful and much dreaded Hap So-mun sent to China asking the Emperor to send a teacher of the Shinto religion ; for he said that the three religions. Buddhism, Taoism and Shintoism w'ere like the three legs of a kettle, all necessary. The Emperor complied and sent a teacher, Suk- da, with eight others and with books to be used in the study of the new cult.

The prowess of this Hap So-mun was well known at the Chinese court and it kept the Emperor from attempting any offensive operations. He said it would not do to drain China of her soldiers at such a critical time, but that the Mai-gal tribes must first be alienated from their fealty to Ko-gu-ryu and be induced to attack her northern border. Others advised that Hap So-mun be allowed free rein so that all suspicion of ag- gression on the part of China should be removed and Ko-gu- rj-Q would become careless of her defenses. This would in time bring a good opportunity to strike the decisive blow. It

ANCIENT KOREA. 97

was in pursuance of this polic}^ that the Shinto teachers were sent and that Hap So-mun's creature, Chang, was given in- vestiture. At the same time a Sil-la emmissary w^as on his way to the Chinese court asking for aid against Ko-gu-ryu, The Emperor could not comply but proposed three plans : first, that China stir up the Mal-gal tribes to harry the north- ern borders of Ko-gu-ryu and so relieve the strain on the south; second, that China give Sil-la a large number of red flags which she should use in battle. The Pak-je or Ko-gu- ryu forces, seeing these, would think that Sil-la had Chinese allies and would hasten to make peace ; third, that China should send an expedition against Pak-je, which should unite with a Sil-la force and thus crush the Pfik-je power once for all and join her territory to that of Sil-la. This would pre- pare the way for the subjugation of Ko-gu-ryu. But to this advice the Emperor added that so long as Sil-la had a woman on the throne she could not expect to undertake anj- large operations. She ought to put a man on the throne and then, after the war was over, restore the woman if she so wished. The Sil-la envoy pondered these three plans but could come to no decision. So the Emperor called him a fool and sent him away. We see behind each of these schemes a fear of Ko-gu-ryU. China was willing to do an^^thing but meet the hard)' soldiers of Ko-gu-ryu in the field.

We see that the Emperor had virtually ►decided in favor of Sil-la as against Pak-je and Ko-gu-r\-u. The long expect- ed event had at last occurred. Tacitly but really China had cast her vote for Sil-la and the future of the peninsula was decided for so long as the Tang dynasty should last. That the decision was a wise one a moment's consideration will show. Ko-gu-ryu never could be depended upon for six months in advance and must be constantly watched ; Pak-je, being really a mixture of the northern and southern elements, had neither the powder of the one now the peaceful disposition of the other but was as unstable as a cloud. Sil-la on the other hand was purely southern, excepting for a strain of Chinese blood brought in bj' the refugees from the Tsin dynasty. Her temperament was even, her in.stincts peaceful, her tendencies toward improvement and reform. She was by all means the best ally China could have in the peninsula.

98 KORICAX IIISTORV.

And SO the die was cast and heiiccrorth the iiiaiii drift of Chinese sympathy is to be Sil-la-ward.

The yeai' 644 was a fateful one for Korea. The lunperor sent an envoy to Ko-gu-ryu and P:lk-je commanding them to cease their depredations on Sil-la. Thus was the Chinese policy announced. Pak-jc hastened to comi)l\ but Hap So- mun of Ko-gu-ryu replied that was this an ancient feud with Sil-la and could not be set aside until Ko-gu-ryu recovered 500 // of territory that she had been despoiled of. The Kmperor in anger sent another envoy with the same demand, but Hap So-mun threw him into prison and defied Chin.i. When he- heard however that the Emperor had determined upon an in- vasion of Ko-gu-ryu he changed his mind and sent a present of gold to the Chinese court. But he was too late. The gold was returned and the envoy thrown into prison.

There were many at the Chinese court who could remem- ber the horrors of that retreat from P'yung-yang when China left 300,000 dead upon the hills of Ko-gu-ryu, and the Emper- or was advised to move cautiously. He however felt that un- less Ko-go-ryu was chastised she might develop an ambition towards imperialism and the throne of China itself might be endangered. He therefore began to collect provisions on the northern border, storing them at Ta-in Fortress. He called into his counsels the old general, Chong Wun-do, who had been an eye-w4tness of the disasters of the late war with Ko- gu-ryu. This man gave healthful advice, saying that the subjugation of Ko-gu-ryu would be no easy task ; first, be- cause the way was so long ; second, because of the difficulty of provisioning the army; third, because of the stubborn re- sistance of Ko-gu-ryu's soldiers. He gave the enemy their due and did not minimize the difficulties of the situation.

The Emperor listened to and profitted by this advice, for during the events to be related his soldiers never suffered from over-confidence, but in their advances made sure of every step as they went along.

Active operations began by the sending of an army of 40,000 men in 501 boats to the harbor of Ntt-ju where they were joined by land forces to the number of 60,000, besides large contingents from the wild tribes of the north. Large numbers of ladder.' and other engines of war had been con-

ANCIENT KOREA. 99

structed and were ready for use. Before crossing the Liao River the Emperor made proclamation far and wide saying "Hap So-mnn has killed our vassal, King of Ko-gu-ryii, and we go to inquire into the matter. Let none of the prefects along the wa}' waste their revenues in doing us useless honors. Let Sil-la, Pak-je and Ku-ran help us in this righteous war."

Crossing the Liao without resistance the Chinese forces marched toward the fortress of Kon-an which soon fell into their hands. Some thousands of heads fell here to show the rest of Ko-guryii what they might expect in case of con- tumacy. Then Ham-mo Fortress fell an easv victim. Not so the renowned fortress of Liao-tnng. As the Emperor ap- proached the place he found his way obstructed b}^ a morass 200 li in length. He built a road through it and then when all his army had passed he destroyed the road behind him as Pizarro burnt his ships behind him when he landed on the shores of America to show his arnu' that there was to be no retreat. Approaching the town he laid siege to it and after a hard fight, during which the Chinese soldiers lifted a man on the end of a long piece of timber until he could reach and set fire to the defences that surmounted the wall, an entrance was finally effected and the town taken. In this battle the Chinese were materially aided b}' armor which Pak-je had sent as a gift to the Chinese Emperor.

The Chinese were destined to find still greater difficulty in storming An-si Fortress which was to Ko-gu-ryu what Metz is to German3\ It was in command of the two generals, Ko Yun-su and Ko Hye-jin who had called to their aid 100, 000 warriors of the Mal-gal tribes. At first the Emperor tried a ruse to draw the garrison out where he could give them battle. The wise heads among the Ko-gu-rjai garrison strong- ly opposed the sortie saying that it were better to await an opportunity to cut off the Chinese from their base of supplies, and so entrap them ; but they were outvoted and the greater part of the Ko-gu-ryu and allied forces marched out to engage the enemy in the open field. The Emperor ascended an em- inence where he could obtain a view of the eneni}^ and he be- held the camp of the Mal-gal allies stretching out fort}' //, twelve miles. He determined to exercise the uLmost caution. One of his generals, Wang Do-jong begged to be allowed to

lOO kOKK.W HISTORY.

march on P'yung-yang, which he deemed must be nearly bare of defenses, and so bring the war to a speedy close *; but the Emperor, like Hannibal when begged by his generals to march straight into Rome, made the mistake of over-caution and so missed his great opportunity. To the Kmperor this sounded too much like a similar ;itttnipt that had once cost China 300,000 men.

A messenger was sent to the Ko-gu-ryil camp to say that China did not want to fight but had onlj^ come to inquire into the cause of the king's death. As he intended, this put the Ko-gu-ryu forces off their guard and that night he surround- ed the fortress and the forces which had come out to engage him. This was done in such a way that but few of the sur- rounding Chinese army were visible. Seeing these, the Ko- gu-ryii forces made a fierce onslaught anticipating an easy victory, in.stead of which they soon found themselves sur- rounded b}'- the flower of the Chinese army and their retreat to the fortress cut off. It is said that in this fight 20,000 Ko- gu-ryQ troops were cut down and three thousand of the Mal- gal allies, besides losing many through flight and capture. These were all released and sent back to Ko-gu-ryu excepting 3,500 noblemen whom the P^mperor sent to China as hostages. This fight occurred outside the An-si Fortress and the Emper- or supposed the gates would now be thrown open ; but not so, for there was still a strong garrison within and plent}^ of pro- visions ; so they barred the gates and still defied the Chinese. Upon hearing of the Chinese victory the neighboring Ko-gu- ryti fortresses Ho-whang and Eui capitulated, not knowing that An-si still held out against the victors.

Many of the Emperor's advisers wanted him to ignore An-si and press on into Ko-gu-ryu leaving it in the rear, but this the wary Emperor would not consent to do, for he feared lest his retreat should be cut off. So the weary siege wa.*^ continued. One day, hearing the lowing of cattle and the cackling of hens within the walls, the Emperor astutely sur- mised that a feast was being prepared preparatory to a sortie that was about to be made. Extra pickets were thrown out and the army was held in readiness for the attack. That very night the garrison came down the wall by means of ropes ; but finding the besiegers ready for them they retired in confusion

a!s'CIEXT KOREA. lOl

and suffered a severe defeat. The siege went on. The Chin- ese spent two months constructing a mound against the wall but the garrison rushed out and captured it. It is said that during this siege the Emp)eror lost an eye by an arrow wound, but the Chinese histories do not mention it. The cold blasts of late autumn were now beginning to give warning that winter was at hand and the Emperor was obliged to consider the question of withdrawing. He was filled with admiration of the pluck and bravery of the little garrison of An-si and be- fore he broke camp he sent a message to the commander prais- ing his faithfulness to his sovereign and presenting him with a hundred pieces of silk. Then the long march back to China began, and the 70,000 soldiers wended their way westward , foiled a second time b}' the stubborn hardihood of Ko-gu-ryu.

Chapter XII.

Revolt in Sil-la. . . .Ko-gu-ryQ invaded. . . .Sil-la invades Pak-je. . . .China decides to aid Sil-la. .. .war between Pak-je and Sil-la. .. .relations - with China. .. .league against Sil-la. .. .China diverts Ko-gu-rN'ii's attention. . . .traitors in Pak-je. . . .Siing-ch'ung's advice. . . .Chinese forces sent to Pak-je. . . .portents of the fall of Pak-je. . . .conflicting plans. . . .Sil-la armj- enters Pak-je. . . .Pak-je capital seiaed. . . .Pak- je dismembered. . . .end of Pak-je . . .disturbances in Pak-je territory . . . .Ko-gu-ryu attacks Sil-la. . . .final invasion of Ko-gu-ryu planne<i . . . .Pak-je malcontents. . . .combination against Ko-gu-rj-ii. . . .siege of P'yung-yang raised. . . . Pok-sin's fall. . . .Pak-je Japanese defeated . . . .governor of Ung-jin. . . .Buddhist reverses in Sil-la. . . .Sil-la king takes oath. . . .Nam-gun's treachery. . . .the Mal-gal triljes desert Ko- gu-ryu. . . .the Yalu defended. . . .Chinese and Sil-la forces march on P'yOng-yang. . . .omens. . . .Ko-gu-ryu forts surrender. . . .Ko-gu-ryu ■ falls.

Tong-man, the Queen ruler of Sil-la, died in 645 and was succeeded by her sister Song-man. The Emperor confirmed her in her accession to the throne. It began to look seriously as if a gynecocracy was being established in Sil-la. Some of the highest officials decided to effect a change. The mal- contents were led by Pi-un and Yum-jong. These men with a considerable number of troops went into camp near the capital and pre])ared to besiege it. For four days the rebels and the loj-al troops faced each other witliout daring to strike a

i02 KOkKAN HiSToRV.

blow. Tradition says a star fell one night amonj^; the loxal forces and caused consternation there and exultatioti among the traitors. But the loyal (jen, Vn-sin hastened to the Oueen and promised to reverse tlie omen. That night he j)repared a great kite and fastened a lantern to its tail. Then lie exhorted the soldiers to be of good cheer, sacrificed a white horse to the deities of the land and flew the kite. The rebels, seeing the light rising from the lo3''al camp, concluded that Providence had reversed the decree. So when the loyal troops made their attack the hearts of the rebels turned to water and they were driven over the face of the countrj- and cut down with great slaughter. That same year the Emperor again planned to attack Ko-gu-ryfi but the baleful light of a comet made him desist.

At the instigation of Hap So-mun, the king of Ko-gu-ryu sent his son to China, confessed his faults and begged for mercy, but the Emperor's face was flint. The next \'ear the message was again sent, but Ko-gu-ryu's day of grace was over. China's answer was an army of 30,000 men and a mighty fleet of ships. The fortress of Pak-chak in Liao-tung was besieged but it was so fortified by nature as to be almost impregnable. The Emperor therefore said "Return to China and next year we will send 300,000 men instead of 30,000." He then ordered the building of a war vessel 100 feet in length. He also had large store of provisions placed on O-ho Island to be used by the invading army.

Meanwhile Sil-la had become emboldened by the professed perference of China for her and she arose and smote Pak-je, taking twenty-one of her forts, killing 30,000 of her soldiers and carrying aw^a}^ 9,000 prisoners. She followed this up by making a strong appeal to China for help, saying that unless China should come to her aid she would be unable to continue her embassies to the Chinese court. The limperor thereupon ordered Gen. So Choug-bang to take 200,000 troops and go to the aid of Sil-la. He evidently was intending to try a new way of attacking Ko-gu-ryi3. As the Sil-la messenger was hastening homeward with this happ}' news emissaries of Ko- gu-ryu dogged his footsteps and sought his life. Once he was so hard pressed that he escaped only by a clever and costly ruse. One of his suite dressed in his official garments and

ANCIENT KOREA. I03

personated him and thus drew the assassins off the scent and allowed himself to be killed, the real envoy making good his escape. It was now for the first time that Sil-la adopted the Chinese costume, having first obtained leave from the Emper- or. It is said that it resembled closely the costume used in Korea today.

Unfortunately for Sil-la the Emperor died in 649 and Ko- gu-ryii began to breathe freely again. It also emboldened Pilk- je and she invaded Sil-la with a considerable army and seized seven forts. Sil-la retaliated by seizing 10,000 houses belong- ing to Pak-je subjects and killing the leading Pak-je general, Eum-sang. Sil-la lost not a moment in gaining the good will of the ne'v Emperor. Envoys with presents were sent frequent- ly. She adopted the Chinese calendar and other customs from the suzerain state and so curried favor with the power- ful. The Pak-je envoy was received coldl}^ by the Emperor and was told to go and give back lo Sil-la the land that had been taken and to cease the hostilities. This Pak-je politeh" declined to do. Each emperor of China seems to have declined the legacy of quarrels handed down by his predecessor. So bA'e-gones were bye-gones and Ko-gu-ryu was accepted again on her good behavior.

With the end of Queen S'hig-man's reign affairs in the peninsula began to focus toward that crisis which Ko-gu-ryu and Pak-je had so long been preparing for themselves. In 655 a new combination was effected and one that would have made Sil-la 's horizon very dark had she not been sure of Im- perial help. Her two neighbors formed a league against her, and of course the Mal-»gal tribes sided with Ko-gu-ryi5 in this new* venture. Pak-je and Ko-gu-ryu were drawn together by their mutual fear of Sil-la and soon the allied armies were marching on Sil-la's borders. At the first onslaught thirty- three of Sil-la's border forts passed into the hands of the allies. It was now China's last chance to give aid to the most faith- ful of her Korean vassals, for otherwise she would surely have fallen before this combination. A swift messenger was sent imploring the Emperor for aid and stating that if it was not granted Sil-la would be swallowed up. The Emperor had nt» intention of letting Sil-la be dismembered and without a day's delay troops were despatched into Liao-tung under Generals

I04 KOKKAN TIISTDKV.

Chiino^ Myuiicr-jin and So Ch<'>ng-bang. Many of Ko-j^u-ryii's fortresses beyond the Yalu River were soon in the possession of China. This was successful in diverting Ko-gu-ryu's attention from Sil-hi, but Pak-je continued the fight with her. The advantage lay now with one side and now with the other. The court of Pak-je was utterly corrupt and except for a small army in the field under almost irresponsible leadership, she was weak indeed.

Now it happened that a Sil-ki man named Cho Mi-gon had been taken captive and carried to Pilk-je where he was employed in the household of the Prime Minister. One day he made his escape and found his way across the border into his native countrj^ but there meeting one of the Sil-la gener- als he was induced to go back and see what he could do in the Pak-je capital towards facilitating an invasion on the part of his countrymen. He returned and after sounding the Prime Minister found him ready to sell hiscountr}' if there was any- thing to be made out of it. It is said that here began the downfall of Psik-je. The king of Pak-je was utterly incom- petent and corrupt. One of his best councillors was thrown into prison and starved to death for rebuking him because of of his excesses. But even while this faithful man was dying he sent a message to the king saying "Do not fail to place a strong garrison at 'Charcoal Pass' and at Pak River." These were the two strategic points of Pak-je's defenses ; if they were guarded well, surprise was impossible. From that time affairs in Pak-je went from bad to worse. China kept Ko-gu-ryii busy in the north and nothing of consequence was gained by either side iu the south until finally in 659 another Sil-la envoy made his appearance in the Emperor's court. At last the great desire of Sil-la was accomplished. The Emperor ordered Gen. So Chong-bang to take 130,000 men by boat to the shores of Pak-je and there cooperate with a Sil-la army in the utter sub- jugation of Pak-je. The Sil-la army went into camp at Nam- ch'un and received word from the Chinese general to meet him at the Pak-je capital in the seventh moon.

Tradition says that the doom impending over Pak-je was shadowed forth in advance by many omens and signs. Frogs, it is said, grew like leaves on the trees and if anyone killed one of them he instantly fell dead. Among the mountains black

ANCIENT KOREA. IO5

clouds met and fought one another. The form of an animal, half dog and half lion, was seen in the sky approaching the palace and uttering terrible bellowings and roarings. Dogs congregated in the streeets and howled. Imps of awful shape came into the palace and cried "Pak-je is fallen, Pak-je is fal- len," and disappeared in the ground. Digging there the king found a tortoise on whose back were writen the words "Pak-je is at full moon ; Sil-la is at half moon. ' ' The diviners were call- ed upon to interpret this. "It means that Sil-la is in the ascend- ant while Pak-je is full and about to wane." The king order- ed their heads off, and called in another company of diviners. These said that it meant that Sil-la was half waned while Pak- je was at her zenith. Somewhat molified by this, the king called a grand council of war. The advice given was of the most conflicting nature. Some said the Chinese must be at- tacked first ; other said the Sil-la forces must be attended to first. A celebrated general who had been banished was sent for and his advice was the same as that of the famous states- man whom the king had starved in prison. "You must guard the 'Charcoal Pass' and the Pak River." But the majority of the courtiers said that the Chinese had better be allowed to land before they were attacked and that the Sil-la army should be allowed to come in part through the pass before being op- posed. This latter point was decided for them, for when the Pak-je troops approached the pass they found that the Sil-la army was already streaming through, and at its head was the famous Gen. Kim Yu-sin. When the battle was joined the Pak-je forces held their ground and fought manfully ; but vic- tory perched upon the banners of Sil-la and when the battle was done nothing laj^ between the Sil-la forces and the capital of Pak-je, the place of rendezvous. It is said that Gen. Ke- bak the leader of the Pak-je forces killed all his family before starting out on this expedition, fearing lest the thought of them might make him waver. He fell in the battle.

The capital of Pak-je was situated on the site of the pre- sent town of Sa-ch'un. When the Sil-la warriors approached it the king fled to the town now known as Kong-ju. He left all the palace women behind and they, knowing what their fate would be at the hands of the Sil-la soldier}^, went to- gether to a beetling precipice which overhangs the harbor

I06 KOKKAX HISTOkV.

of T.'i-wang and cast themselves from its summit into the Avater beneath. That precipice is famed in Korean song and story and is called by the exquisitely poetical name Nak-wha- am "Precipice of the Falling Flowers." The victors forced the gates of the capital and seized the person of the Prince, the king's second son, who had been left behind. A few days later the King and the Crown Prince came back from their place of hiding and voluntarily gave themselves up.

The allies had now met as they had agree and PJlk-je was at their mercy. The Chinese general said that the F)mperor had given him full authority to settle the matter and that China would take half the territory and vSil-la might have the other half. This was indeed a generous proposal on the part of China but the Sil-la commander replied that Sil-la wanted none of the Pak-je territory but only sought revenge for the wrongs that Pak-je had heaped upon her. At the feast that night the king of Pak-je was made to pour the wine for the victors and in this act of abject humiliation Sil-la had her desire for revenge fully satisfied. When the Chinese generals went back to China to announce these events they took with them the unthroned King of Pak-je together with his four sons. eighty-eight of the highest officials and 12,807 of the people.

It was in 660 that Pak-je fell. She survived for 678 years and during that time thirty kings had sat upon her throne. A singular discrepancy occurs here in the records. The}' af- firm that the whole period of Piik-je rule covered a lapse of of 678 years ; but they also say that Pak-je was founded in the third year of Emperor Ch'eng-ti of China. That would have been in 29 B. C. making the whole dynaaty 689 years. The vast burden of proof favors the belief that Pak-je was found- ed in 16 B. C. and that her whole lease of life was 678 years.

As Sil-la had declined to share in the dismemberment of Pak-je, China proceeded to divide it into provinces for ad- ministrative purposes. There were five of these, Ung-jin, Tong-myung, Keum-r^-un, Tuk-an. The central government was at Sa-ja the former capital of Pak-je. The separate prov- inces were put under the control of prefects selected from among the people. The country was of course in a very unsettled state ; disffection showed itself on every side and disturbances were frequent. A remnant of the Pak-je army

ANCIENT KOREA. I07

took its stand among the mountains, fortified its position and bid defiance to the new government. These malcontents found strong sympathisers at the capital and in the country towns far and wide. The Chinese governor, Yu In-wun, found the task of government no easy one. But still Sil-la stood ready to aid and soon a Sil~la army crossed the border and attacked the fortress of I-rye where the rebels were intrenched. Taking this by assault they advanced toward the mountain fortress already mentioned, crossed the "Chicken Ford," crumpled up the line of rebel intrenchments and lifted a heavy load from the governor's shoulders.

Ko-gu-ryu soon heard the ominous news and .she took it as a presage of evil for herself. She immedtately threw a powerful army across the Sil-la border and stormed the Ch'il- jung Fortress. The records naively remark that they filled the commander as full of arrows as a hedgehog is of quills.

Now that PSk-je had been overcome China took up with alacrity the plan of subduing Ko-gu-ryu. The great final struggle began, that was destined to close the career of the proudest, hardiest and bravest kingdom that the peninsula of Korea ever saw The P3k-je king who had been carried to China died there in 661. In that same year Generals Kye- p'il. So Chong-bang and Ha Ryuk, who had already received their orders to march on Ko-gu-ryu, rendezvoused with their forces at Ha-nam and the warriors of the Whe-bol together with many volunteers from other tribes joined the imperial standards. The plan was to proceed by land and sea. The Kmperor desired to accompany the expedition, but the death of the empress made it impossible.

Meanwhile matters in PSk-je were becoming complicated again. A man named Pok Sin revolted against the govern- ment, proclaimed Pu-yu P'ung, the son of a former king^ monarch of the realm and planned a reestablishment of the kingdom. This was pleasing to many of the people. So po- pular was the movement that the Emperor feared it would be successful. He therefore sent a summons to Sil-la to send troops and put it down. Operations began at once. Gen. Vu In-gwe besieged Ung-jin the stronghold of the pretender and chased him out, but a remnant of his forces entrenched themselves and made a good fight. They were however rout-

108 KOREAN HLSTOkV.

ed by the combined Sil-la and Chinese forces. But in spite of this defeat the cause was so popular that the countr.v was honej'combed with bands of its sympathisers who gained many lesser victories over the government troops and their Sil-la allies. The Sil-la general, Kim Yu-sin, was very active, pass- ing rapidly from one part of the country to another, now driving back to the mountains some band of Pak-je rebels and now holding in check some marauding band from Ko-gu-ryu. He was always found where he was most needed and was never at a loss for expedients. It is said that at this time rice was so plentiful in Sil-la that it took thirty bags of it to buy a single bolt of grass cloth.

That same autumn the Chinese engaged the Ko-gu-ryti forces at the Yalu River and gained a decided victory. Then the fortress at Ma-eup San fell into their hands. This cleared the road to P'yung-yang, and the Chinese boldly advanced and laid siege to that ancient stronghold. At the same time the Em- peror ordered Sil-la to send troops to cooperate with the imperi- al army. She obeyed, but with great trepidation, for the fame of Ko-gu-ryu's arms made this seem a matter of life and death. She was obliged to comply, however, or lose all the vantage ground she had gained in the Emperor's favor. There were still some Ko-gu-ryu forces in the north and they were at- tempting to check the advance of a large body of Chinese re- inforcements. It was late in the autumn and the Yalu was frozen. Taking advantage of this the Chinese crossed in the night and falling suddenly upon the unsuspecting arm)' of Ko- gu-ryu inflicted a crushing defeat. It is said that 30,000 Ko- gu-ryu soldiers were killed in this engagement. The speedy downfall of Ko-gu-ryu seemed now inevitable, but a sudden timidity seized the Emperor, who feared perhaps to let his army wdnter on Korean soil. So he sent orders for an im- mediate retreat back to Chinese territory. The generals be- fore P'yung-3'ang were deeply chagrined and indeed found it impossible on account of lack of provisions to obey the com- mand at once. Soon the Sil-la army arrived before P'yung- 3-ang with full supply of provisions. These the Chinese took and the greater part of them reluctantly broke camp and marched back to China, leaving Sil-la in a frame of mind better imagined than described.

ANC1:ENT KOREA. IO9

While Ko-gu-ryu was staggering under the terrible re- verses inflicted by the Chinese, events of interest were taking place in the south. The kingdom of T'am-na on the island of Quelpart had always been a dependenc}'^ of Pak-je, but now found it necessary to transfer her allegiance to Sil-la. The king of T^am-na at that time was To-dong Eum-jml.

The mischief-maker, Pok-sin, was again in the field. Now tliat he was relieved of pressure he came back to the charge and took Ung-jin from the Chinese, At the earnest request of thi governor the Emperor sent Gen. Son In-sa with a small army to aid in putting down this dangerous malcontent. Pok-sin was obliged to retire to Chin-hyiin where he fortified himself strongl3^ Success seems to have turned his head for he began to carry himself so proudly that his followers tirose and put him to death and then sent a messenger to Ko' gu-ryu and to Japan asking aid against the Chinese. The latter responded by sending a considerable force to the shores of Pak-je to cooperate with this hardy band of men who were honestly fighting for the independence of their coun- try.

In 663 the Emperor conferred upon the king of Sil-la the title of Tii-do-dok of Kye-rim.

It appears that when the Chinese retired from before P'yiing-yang and left the Sil-la forces in such a delicate posi- tion, some of the Chinese were allowed to remain there on the plea that if all were removed it would invite an outbreak of the Pak-je revolutionists. Now as the year 663 opened the Emperor reinforced them by a powerful army under Gen. Son In-sa. Sil-la also sent the flower of her army under command of twenty-eight generals to join the Chinese before P'yiing- yang. But the plan of operations was changed. It was de- cided to move southward and complete the subjugation of the troublesome P3k-je patriots and their Japanese allies. The combined Chinese and Sil-la armies marched toward Chu-ryu fortress where the revolutionists were supposed to be in- trenched. On their way they met the Japanese disembarking, on the banks of the Pak River, They were put to flight and their boats were burned. The march was continued and the fortress was duly invested. It fell straightway and the pre- tender to the Sil-la throne was captured. This was followed

I to KOREAN rilSTORV.

by the surrender of all the revolutionists and their Japanese friends. The last fortress to fall was that of Ini-jon, now Ta- heung, after a desperate struggle.

The war was now at an end. The dead were buried, a. census was taken of the people in the Pak-je capital, aid was given to the poor, and the peo])le were encouraged to return at their peaceful avocations. Expressions of satisfaction at what seemed to be the return of peace were heard on all sides.

Gen. Yu In-gwe, who had been left in charge of th Chi- nese troops before P'yung-3'ang when the limperor ordered the retreat, now sent word to the Chinese capital that as his soldiers had been in the peninsula two years without seeing home he feared they might mutiny. He received orders to return to China with his men but he decided to wait till the grain that his men had sown should ripen. The Emperor then appointed Pu-yu Yung the brother of the last king of PSk-je to the position of governor of all the territor\' formerly embraced in Piik-je. He received the title of Ta-do-dok of Ung-jin, and was urged by the Emperor to govern well. This was in 664.

Sil-la took advantage of the timely cessation of ho=^tilities to send to the Chinese camp in Pak-je and have some of her men take lessons in music from the musicians there. They also took copies of the dishes, clothes and customs of the Chi- nese. All these were imitated bj' the king and his court. Buddhism received a sudden check in Sil-la at this time for the king took the surest wa}^ to crush it out, namely, by for- bidding any one to give the monks either mone}' of rice.

In 665 Gen. Yu In-wun received orders from China to return to that country but before doing so he performed a significant act. He made the king of Sil-la and the new Tn- do-dok of Ung-jin take an oath in the blood of a white horse that the}' would fight no more. This was done at the fortress of Ch'wi-ri San and the slaughtered animal was buried there under the oath altar. A written copy of the oath was placed in the ancestral temple of the kings of Sil-la. After Gen. Yu's return to China he was followed by Gen. Yu In-gwe who took with him envoys from Sil-la, Pak-je, T'am-na and Japan. To render the compact of peace more binding still the Emper-

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ANC1p:KT KOJblEA. Hi

of sacrificed to heaven in the presence of these envo3^s. It is •said, however, that the new ruler in Pak-je stood in such fear ■of Sil-la that he fled back to China soon after this.

The last act in the tragedj' of Ko-gu-ryia opens with the death of her iron chancellor, Hap So-mun. It was his genius that had kept the armies in the field ; it was his faith in her ultimate victory that had kept the general courage up. When he was laid in his grave the only thing that Ko-gu-rju had to fall back upon was the energy of despair. It was her misfor- tune that Hap So-mun left two sons each of whom possessed a full sliare of his father's ferocit}' and impatience of restraint. Nam-sJing, the elder, assumed his father's position as Prime Minister, but while he was awa}- in the countr}- attending to some business, his brother, Nam-gun, seized his place. Nam- sang fled to the Yalu River and putting himself at the head of tlie Mal-gal and Ku-ran tribes went over with them to the Emperor's side. Thus by Nam-gun's treacher}- to his brother, Ko-gu-ryu was deprived of her one great ally, and gained an im- ])lacable enenu' in Nam-sang. The Emperor made the latter Governor-general of Liao-tung and he began welding the wild tribes into an instrument for revenge. Then the Chinese forces appeared and together the}" went to the feast of death ; and even as they were coming news reached them that the Ko- gu-rj'ii general, Yim Chun-t'o, had surrendered to Sil-la and turned over to her twelve of Ko-gu-ryu's border forts. It was not till the next year that the Chinese crossed the Eiao and fell upon the Ko-gu-ryu outposts. The Chinese general had tcld his men that the strategic point was the fortress Sin-siing and that its capture meant the speed\" capitulation of all the rest. Sin-Sling was therefore besieged and the stuggle began. Thecommandant was lo3^al and wished to defend it to the death but this men thought otherwise, and they bound him and sur- rendered. Then sixteen other forts speedily followed the example.

Gen. Ko-gan hastened forward and engaged the Ko-gu-ryu forces at Keum-san and won a decided victor}', while at the same time Gen. Sul-In gwi was reducing the fortresses of Nam-so, Mok-ju and Ch'ang-am, after which he was joined b}' the Mal- gal forces under the renegade Nam-sang. Another Chinese general, Witu Man-gyi3ng, now sent a boastful letter to the

U2 KOKKASr rirv<TC)R^".

Ko-gu-rvii capital saying "Look out now for the defenses of that precious Am-nok River of yours." The answer came grimly back "We will do so." And they did it so well that not a Chinese soldier set foot on the hither side during that year. The Emperor was enraged at this seeming incompe- tence and banished the boastful general to Yong-nam. A message had alread}' been sent to Sil-la ordering her to throw her army into Ko-gu-ryu and for the Chinese generals Yu In- wun and Kim In-t'a to meet them before P'yung-yang. These two generals were in Pak-je at the time.

In 668 everything beyond the Yaln had fallen into the hands of the Chinese; even Pu-yti Fortress of ancient fame had been taken by Gen. S51 In-gwi. The Kmperor sent a messenger asking "Can ^'ou take Ko-gu-ryu?" The answer went back "Yes, we must take her. Prophecy says that after 700 years Ko-gu-ryii shall fall and that eig^hty shall cause her overthrow. The 700 years have passed and now Gen. Yi Jok is eighty years old. He shall be the one to fulfill the proph- ecy."

Terrible omens had been seen in the Ko-gu-ryii capital. Earthquakes had been felt ; foxes had been seen running through the streets ; the people were in a state of panic. The end of Ko-gu-ryii was manifestly near. vSo tradition says.

Nam-gun had sent 50,000 troops to succor Pu-yu Fortress but in the battle which ensued 30,000 of these were killed and tbe remainder were scattered. Conformably to China's de- mands, Sil-la in the sixth moon threw her army into Ko-gu- ryu. The great Sil-la general, Kim Yu-sin was ill, and so Gen. Kim In-mun was in command with twenty-eight gener- als under him. While this army was making its way north- ward the Chinese under Gen. Yi Jok in the north took Ta- hSng Fortress and focussed all the troops in his command up- on the defenses of the Yalu. These defenses were broken through, the river was crossed and the Chinese advanced 2 10 li toward the capital without opposition. One by one the Ko- gu-ryu forts surrendered and at last Gen. Kye-p'il Ha-ryuk arrived before the historic citj- of P'j-ung-yang. Gen. Yi J'ik arrived next and finally Gen. Kim In-mun appeared at tlie head of the Sil-la army.

After an uninteresting siege of a month the king sent out

ANCIENT KOREA. II3

Gen. Chfin Nam-san and ninety other nobles with a flag of truce and offered to surrender. But the chancellor Nam-gun knew what fate was in store for him, so he made a bold dash at the besieging army. The attempt failed and the miserable man put the sword to his own throat and expired. The aged general, Yi J<)k, took the king and his two sons, Pong-nam, and Tong-nam, a number of the officials, many of Nam-gun's relatives and a large company of the people of P'yung-yang and carried them back to China, where he was received with evidences of the utmost favor by the Emperor. The whole number of captives in the triumphal return of Gen. Yi J«'k is said to have been 20,000.

Ko-gu-ryu's lease of life had been 705 years, from 37 B. C. to 668A. D., during which time she had been governed by twenty-eighty kings.

Chapter XIII.

Sil-la's captives .... Kogu-ryii dismembered. .. .extent of Sil-la . . . . she deceives China. . . .her encroachments. . . .rebeUion. . . .the word II- bon (Nippon) adopted. . . . Sil-la opposed China . . . .but is humbled. . . . again opposes . . . .Sil-la a military power. . . .her policy. . . .the Emper- or nominates a rival king .... Sil-la pardoned by China. .. .again makes trouble. .. .the Emperor establishes two kingdoms iu the north. .. .Sil-la's northern capital. .. .cremation. .. .no mention of Arabs. . . .China's interest in Korea wanes. . . .redistribution of land . . . .diacritical points. .•. .philological interest. . . .Pal-ha founded. . . . Chinese customs introduced. . . .Pal-ha's rapid growth. . . .omens. . . . Sil-la's northern limit. .. .casting of a bell. .. .names of provinces changed. . . . Sil-la's weakness, . . .disorder. . . .examinations. . . .Bud- hism interdicted .... no evidence of Korean origin of Japanese Bud- dhism. . . .Japanese history before the loth century. . . .civil wars. . . . Ch'o6 Ch'i-wun. . . .tradition. . . .Queen Man's profligacy.

Immediately itpon the fall of Ko-gu-ryu the Sil-la forces retired to their own country carr3ung 7000 captives with them. The king gave his generals and the soldiers rich presents of silks and money.

China divided all Ko-gu-ryu into nine provinces in which there were forty-two large towns and over a hundred le.sser ones of prefectural rank. In P'yung-yang Gen, Sul In-gwi

[14 KOi^KAX lirSTdRV.

was stationed with a garrison of 20,000 men. The various. provinces were governed partl}^ by Chinese governors and partly by native prefects.

The king of Sil-la was now theonl)- king in the peninsula and the presumption was that in view of his loyalty to the Chinese his kingdom would exend to the Yalu River if not be- yond, but it probably was not extended at the time further than the middle of Whang-ha Province of to-day. The records say that in 669 the three kingdoms were all consolidated but it did not occur inlmediatel3^ It is affirmed that the Chinese took 38,000 families from Ko-gu-ryu and colonized Kang-whe in China and that some were also sent to San-nam in western China. That Sil-la was expecting a large extension of terri- tor}- is not explicitly stated but it is implied in the statement that when a Sil-la envoy went to the Chinese court the Emper- or accused the king of wanting to possess himself of the whole peninsula, and threw the envoy into prison. At the same time he ordered Sil-la to send bow-makers to China to make bows that would shoot 1,000 paces. In due time these arrived but when the bows were made it was found that they would shoot but thirty paces. They gave as a reason for this that it was necessar}' to obtain the wood from Sil-la to make good bows. This was done and still the bows would shoot but sixty paces. The bow-makers declared that they did not know the rea- son unless it was because the w^ood had been hurt by being brought across the water. This was the beginning of an es- trangement between the Emperor and the king of Sil-la which resulted in a state of actual war between the two.

Sil-la was determined to obtain possession of a larger por- tion of Ko-gu-ryir than had as yet fallen to her lot ; so she sent small bodies of troops here and there to take possession of any districts that they could lay their hands on. It is probable that this meant only such districts as were under native pre- fects and not those under direct Chinese rule. It is probable that Sil-la had acquired considerable territory in the north for we are told that the Mal-gal ravaged her northern border and she sent troops to drive them back.

If China hoped to rule au}^ portion of Korea without trouble she must have been speedily disillusionised for no sooner had the new^ form of government been put in operation.

AXCIEXT KOREA. II5

than a Sil-la gentleman, Kom Mo-jam, raised an insurrection in one of the larger magistracies, put the Chinese prefect to death and proclaimed An Seung king. He was a member of a collateral branch of the royal famil3^ Sil-la seems to have taken it for granted that the whole territory was under her supervision for now she sen^ an envoy and gave consent to the founding of this small state in the north which she deemed would act as a barrier to the incursions of the northern bar- barians. The Chinese evidenth' did not look upon it in this light and a strong force was sent against the nascent state ; and to such effect that the newly appointed king fled to Sil-la for safety. The wheel of fortune was turning again and Chinese sympathies were now rather with Pak-je than with Sil-la.

It was at this time, 671, that the term Il-biin (Nippon) was first used in Korea in connection with the kingdom of Japan.

The relations between Sil-la and Pak-je were badly strained. In the following year the Chinese threw a powerful army into Pak-je with the evident intention of opposing Sil-la. So the latter furbished up her arms and went into the fra^*. In the great battle which ensued at the fortress of Suk-sung 5,000 of the Chinese were killed. Sil-la was rather frightened at her own success and when she was called upon to explain her hostile attitude toward China she averred that it was all a mistake and she did not intend to give up her allegience to China. This smoothed the matter over for the time being, but when, a little later, ttie Emperor sent seventy boat loads of rice for the garrison at P'yung-yang, Sil-la seized the rice and drowned the crews of the boats, thus storing up wrath against herself. The next year she attacked the fortress of Ko-sdng in PSk-je and 30,000 Chinese advanced to the support of the Pak-je forces. A collision took place between them and the Sil-la armv in which the Chinese were very severely handled. This made the PZmperor seriousl}^ consider the question of subduing Sil-la once for all. He ordered that the Mal-gal people be summoned to a joint invasion of the insolent Sil-la and the result was that seven Sil-la generals were driven back in turn and 2,000 troops made prisoners. In this predicament there was nothing for the king to do but play the humble sup- pliant again. The letter to the Emperor pra^'ing for pardon

Il6 KOREAN IIISTORV,

was written by the celebrated scholar Iin Gaiig'-su, But it was not succsssful, for we find that in the following year the Chinese troops in the north joined with the Mal-gal and Ku- ran tribes in making reprisals on Sil-la territory. This time however Sil-la was on the alert and drove the enemy back with great loss. She also sent a hupdred war boats up the western coast to look after her interests in the north. At the same time she offered amnesty and official positions to PSk-je nobles who should come over to her side.

We can scarcely escape the conviction that Sil-la had now become a military power of no mean dimensions. Many citizens of Ko-gu-ryii had come over to her and some of the PSk-je element that was disaffected toward the Chinese, All, in fact, Avho wanted to keep Korea for the Koreans and could put aside small prejudices arid jealousies, gathered under the Sil-la banners as being the last chance of saving the peninsula from the octopus grasp of China. Sil-la was willing to be good friends with China — on her own terms ; namely that China should let her have her own way in the peninsula, and that it should not be overrun by officious generals who con- sidered themselves superior to the king of the land and so brought him into contempt among the people.

At this time there was at the Chinese court a Sil-la envo^' of high rank named Kim In-mun, The Emperor offered him the throne of Sil-la, but loyalty to his king made him refuse the honor. In spite of this he was proclaimed King of Sil-la and was sent with three generals to enforce the claim. That Sil-la was not without power at this time is shown bj^ the fact that she proclaimed An-seung King of PHk-je, an act that would have been impossible had she not possessed a strong foothold in that country.

The war began again in earnest. The Chinese general, Yi Gon-hang, in two fierce encounters, broke the line of vSil-la defenses and brought the time-serving king to his knees again. One can but wonder at the patience of the Emperor in listen- ing to the humble petition of this King Mun-mu who had made these promises time and again but only to break them as before. He was, however, forgiven and confirmed again in his rule. The unfortunte Kim In-mun whom the Emperor had proclaimed King of Sil-la was now in a very delicate posi-

AXCFKNT KOIRKA. 11/

t'ion and "he wiselj' hastened back to China where he was com- pensated for his disappointment by being made a high official.

Sil-la's actions were most inconsistent, for having jnst saved herself from condign punishment by abject submission she nevertheless kept on absorbing Pak-je territory and reach- ing after Ko-gu-ryu territory as well. In view of this the Emperor ordered the Chinese troops in the north to unite with the Malgal and Ku-ran forces and hold themselves in readiness to move at an hour's notice. They" began operations b}' at- tacking the Chon-sung Fortress but there the Sihla forces were overwhelmingly successful. It is said that 6,000 heads fell and that SiHa captured 30,000 (?) horses. This is hard to reconcile with the statement of the records that in the follow- ing year a Sil-la envoy was received at the Chinese court and presented the compliments of the king. It seems sure that Sil-la had now so grown in the sinews of war that it was not easy for China to handle her at such long range. It may be too that the cloud of Empress Wu's usurpation had begun to •darken the horizon of Chinese politics and that events at home absorbed all the attention of the court, while the army on the border was working practically on its own authority,

A new kind of attempt to solve the border question was uiade when in 677 the Emperor sent the son of the captive king of Ko-gu-ryu to found a little kingdom on the Yalu River. This might be called the Latter Ko-gu-r3'U even as the PSk-je -of that day was called the Latter Pak-je. At the same time a son of the last P3k-je king was sent to found a little kingdom at T^-bang in the north. He lived, however, in fear of the sur- rounding tribes and was glad to retire into the little Ko-gu- xyu kingdom that lay lower down the stream. The records call this the "last" end of Pak-je.

In 678 Sil-la made a northern capital at a place called Puk-wiin-ju the capital of Kang-wun Province. There a fine palace was erected. The king enquired of his spiritual ad- viser whether he had better change his residence to the new capital but not receiving sufficient encouragement he desist- ed. This monarch died in 681 but before he expired he said "Do not waste the public money in building me a costly mausoleum. Cremate my body after the manner of the West. This gives us an interesting clue to Sil-la's knowledore of the

i'lS' KOrRFAX HI,<T(rR\'.

f>utside world. If, as some surmise, Arab traders had com- mercial intercourse with the people of Sil-la it nmst havebeem about this time or a little earlier for this was the period of the .greatest expansion of Arabian commerce. It is possible that the idea of cremation may have been received from them al- though from first tcv last there is not the slig-htest intimation that Western traders ever visited the coasts of Sil-la. It is difficult to believe that, had there been any considerable deal- ings with the Arabs-, it should not have been mentioned in the records.

The king's directions were carried out and his son, Choiig- mj-iing, burned his body on a great stone by the Eastern Sea and gave the stone the name "Great King Stone." That the Emperor granted investiture to this new king shows that all the troubles had been smoothed over. But from this time on Chinese interest in the Korean peninsula seems to have died out altogether. The little kingdom of letter Ko- gu-ryu, which the Emperor had established on the border, no ^^coner got on a sound basis than it rex'olted and the Emperor had to stamp it out and banish its king to a distant Chinese province. This, according to the records, was the "last" end of Ko-gu-ryu. It occurred in 682 A. D.

Sil-la now held all the land south of the Ta-dong River. North of that the country was nominally under Chinese con- trol but more likely was without special government. In 685 8il.-la took in hand the redistribution of the land and the for- mation of provinces and prefectures for the purpose of con- solidating her power throughout the peninsula. She divided the territory into nine provinces, making three of the original Pak-je and three of that portion of the original Ko-gu-ryu that had fallen into her hands. The three provinces cor- responding to the original Sil-la were (i) Sii-bul-ju (the first step in the transformation of the word SO ya-bul to Seoul), (2) Sam'}'ang'ju, now Yang-san, (3) Ch'ung-ju now Chin-ju. Those comprising the original Pak-je were (i) Ung-ch'un-ju in the the north, (2) Wan-san-ju in the south-west, (3) Mu- jin-ju in the south, now Kwang-ju. Of that portion of Ko- gu-ryu which Sil-la had acquired she made the three provinces (i) Han-san-ju, now vSeoul, (2) Mok-yak-ju, now Ch'un- ch'un, (3) Ha-ssl-ju, now Kang-neung. These nine names

AKCIENT K:o]REA. 111$

irepresent rather the provincial capitals than the provinces themselves. Besides these important centers there were 450 prefectures. Changes followed each other in quick succession. Former Ko-gu-ryu officials were given places of trust and honor ; the former mode of salarying officials, by giving them tracts of land from whose produce they obtained their emolu- ments, was changed, and each received an allowance of rice ac- cording to his grade ; the administration of the state was put ■on a solid basis.

One of the most far-reaching and important events of this reign was the invention of the yi-dn, or set of terminations vised in the margin of Chinese texts to aid the reader in Kore- anizing the syntax of the Chinese sentence. We must bear in mind that in those days reading was as rare an accomplish- ment in Sil-la as it was in England in the days of Chaucer. All writing was done by the a-jun, who was the exact counter- par: of the *'clerk" of~ the Middle Ages. The difficulty of construing the Chinese sentence and using the right suffixes was so great that Sul-ch'ong. the son of the king's favorite monk, Wun-hj-o, attempted a solution of the difficulty. Mak- ing a list of the endings in common use in the vernacular of Sil-la he found Chinese characters to correspond with the sounds of these endings. The correspondence was of two kinds ; either the name of the Chinese character was the same as the Sil-la ending or the Sil-la meaning of the character was the same as the ending. To illustrate this let us take the case of the ending sal-Ji, as in ha-sal-Ji, w^hich has since been shortened to ha-JL Now, in a Chinese text nothing but the root idea of the word ha will be given and the reader must supply the sal-Ji which is the ending. If then some arbitrary signs could be made to represent these endings and could be put in the margin it would simplify the reading of Chinese in no small degree. It was done in this way ; There is a Chinese char- acter which the Koreans call pak, Chinese pa, meaning ' 'white. ' ' One of the Sil-la definitions of this character is sa/= u'i-ta. It was the first syllable of this word that was used to represent the first syllable of the ending sal-Ji. Notice that it was not the name of the character that was used but the Sih la equivalent. For the last syllable of the ending sal-Ji^ how- ever, the Chinese character yY is used without reference to its

no f:oRr:A.\' rirsTORv.

Sil-la equivalent. W'e find then in the \'/-(/u as handed dowi? from father to son by the a-////i's of Korea a means for dis- covering the connection between the Korean vernacular of to- day with that of the Sil-la people. It was indeed a clumsy method, but the genius of SQl-ch'ong lay in his discovery of the need of such a system and of the possibility of making^ one. It was a literary event of the greatest significance. It was the first outcry against the absurd primitiveness of the Chinese ideography, a plea for common sense. It was the first of three great protests which Korea has made against the use of the Chinese character. The other two will be examin- ed as they come up. This set of endings which Sfil-ch'ong invented became stereotyped and through all the changes which the vernacular has passed the i'/-r/// remains to-daj- what it was twelve hundred years ago. Its quaint sounds are to the Korean precisely what the stereotyped clerkly terms of England are to us, as illustrated in such legal terms as ^o zuity escheat and the like. There is an important corollary to this fact. The invention of the yi-dn indicates that the study of Chinese was progressing in the peninsula and this system was invented to supply a popular demand. It was in the interests of general education and as such marks an era in the literary life of the Korean people. The name of Sul-ch 'ong is one of the most honored in the list of Korean literary men.

The eighth century opened with the beginning of a new and important reign for Sil-la. Sung-duk came to the throne in 702 and was destined to hold the reins of power for thirty- five 3'ears. From the first, his relations with China were pleasant. He received envo\'S from Japan and returned the compliment, and his representatives were everywhere well received. The twelfth year of his reign beheld the founding of the kingdom of Pal-ha in the north. This was an event of great significance to Sil-la. The Song-mal family of the Mal- gal group of tribes, under the leadership of Kiil-gul Chung- sung, moved southward into the peninsula and settled near the original Ta-bak Mountain, now M3'o-hyang San. There they gathered together many of the Ko-gu-ryu people and founded a kingdom which they called Chin. It is said this kingdom was 5,000 // in circumference and that it contained 200,000 houses. The remnants of the Pu-yu and Ok-ju tribes

AKCIEXT KOREA. 121

joined them and a formidable kingdom arose under the skillful managament if Kiil-gul Chung-siang. He sent his son to China as a hostage and received imperial recognition and the title of King of Pal-ha. From that time the word Mal- gal disappears from Korean history and Pal-ha takes its place.

During the next few years Sil-la made steady advance in civilization of the Chinese type. She imported from China pictures of Confucius and paid increased attention to that cult. The water clock was introduced, the title Hu was given to the Queen, the custom of approaching the throne by means of the sang-so or "memorial" was introduced.

Meanwhile the kingdom t f Pal-ha was rapidly spreading abroad its arms and grasping at everything in sight. China began to grow uneasy on this account and we find that in 734 a Sil-la general, Kim Yun-jung went to China and joined a Chinese expedition against the Pal-ha forces. The latter had not only absorbed much territory in the north but had dared to throw troops across the Yellow Sea and had gained a foot- hold on the Shantung promontor\'. This attempt to chastise her failed because the season was so far advanced that the approach of winter interfered with the progress of the campaign.

The story of the next century and a half is the story of Sil-la's decline and fall. The following is the list of omens which tradition cites as being prophetic of that event. A white rainbow pierced'the sun ; the sea turned to biood ; hail fell of the size of hens' eggs ; a monastery was shaken sixteen times by an earthquake ; a cow brought forth five calves at a time ; two suns arose together ; three stars fell and fought to- gether in the palace ; a tract of land subsided fifty feet and the hollow filled with blue black water ; a tiger came into the palace ; a black fog covered the land ; famines and plagues were common ; a hurricane blew over two of the palace gates; a huge boulder rose on end and stood by itself ; two pagodas at a monastery fought with each other ; snow fell in Septem- ber ; at Han-yang (Seoul) a boulder moved a hundred paces all by itself ; stones fought with each other ; a shower of worms fell ; apricot trees bloomed twice in a year ; a whirl- wind started from the grave of Kim Yu-sin and stopped at the

122 KORKAN IIISTOKV.

grave of Hyuk Kii-sc. These omens were scattered tliroiig'h a series of years but to the Korean tliey all point toward the coming catastrophe.

It was in 735 that the Kmperor formall>- invested the king of Sil-la with the right to rule as far north as the banks ot the Ta-dong River which runs by the wall of P'yung-yang. It was a right he had long exercised but which had ne\'er before been acquiesced in by China. The custom of cremating the royal remains, which had been begun by King Mun-mu, was continued by his successors and in each case the ashes were thrown into the sea.

The first mention of the casting of a bell in Korea was in the year 754 when a bell one and one third the height of a man was cast. The records say it w^eighed 497,581 pounds, which illustrates the luxuriance of the oriental imagination.

In 757 the names of the nine provinces were changed. Sii-bul became Sang-ju, Sam-yang became Yang-ju, Cli'iing- ju became Kang-ju, Han-san became Han-ju, Ha-sa became ISIyiing-ju, Ung-chun became Ung-ju, Wan-san became Chun - ju, Mu-jin became Mu-ju, and Su-yak (called Mok-yak in the other list) was changed to Sak-ju, Following hard upon this came the change of the name of government offices.

As we saw at the first. Sil-la never had in her the making of a first class power. Circumstances forced her into the field and helped her win, and for a short time the enthusiasm of success made her believe that she was a military power ; but it was an illusion. She was one of those states which would flourish under the fostering wing of some great patron but as for standing alone and carving out a career for herself, that w^as beyond her power. Only a few years had passed since she had taken possessiou of w^ell-nigh the whole of the penin- sula and now we see her torn by internal dissentions and so weak that the first man of power who arose and shook his sword at her doors made her fall to pieces like a house of cards. Let us rapidly bring under review the events of the next century from 7S0 to 880 and see whether the facts bear out the statement.

First a conspiracy was aimed at the king and was led by a courtier named Kim Chi-jong. Another man, Yang Sang, learned of it and promptly seized him and put him to death.

AXCIEXT KOREA. I 23

A very meritorious act one would say ; but he did it in order to put his foot upon the same ladder, for he immediately turned about and killed the king and queen and seated himself upon the throne. His reign of fifteen years contains only two im- portant events, the repeopling of P'yung-yang with citizens of Han-ya ng(Seoul), and the institution of written examina- tions after the Chinese plan. In 799 Chun-ong came to the throne and was followed a year later by his adopted son Ch'ung-myung. These two reigns meant nothing to Sil-la ex- cept the reception of a Japanese envoj^ bearing gifts and an attempt at the repression of Buddhism. The building of monasteries and the making of gold and silver Buddhas was interdicted. It is well to remember that in all these long centuries no mention is made of a KDrean envo}' to Japan, though Japanese envoys came not infrequenth^ to Sil-la. There is no mention in the records of any request on the part of the Japanese for Buddhist books or teachers and there seems to be no evidence from the Korean standpoint to believe that Japan received her Buddhism from Korea. Geographically it would seem probable that she might have done so but as a fact there is little to prove it. It would, geographically speaking, be probable also that Japan would get her pronunciation of the Chinese character by way of Korea but as a matter of fact the two methods of the pronunciation of Chinese ideographs are at the very antipodes. The probability is that Japan received her knowledge both of Buddhism and of the Chinese character direct from China and not mainly by w^a}' of Korea.

The condition of Sil-la during this period of decline may be judged from the events which occurred between the 3'ears 836 and 839 inclusive. King Su-jong was on the throne and had been ruling some eleven ^-ears, when, in 835 he died and his cousin Kyun-jang succeeded him. Before the year was out Kim Myung a powerful official put him to death and put Che Yung on the throne. The son of the murdered king, Yu-jeung, fitd to Ch'ung-ha Fortress, whither many loyal soldiers flocked around him and enabled him to take the field against the usurper. Kim Myu finding that affairs did not go to suit him killed the puppet whom he had put on the throne and elevated himself to that position. After Yu-jeung, the rightful heir, had received larsfe reinforceirents from various

124 KORKAX HISTORV.

sources, he attacked the forces of this parvenu at Mu-ju and gained a victory. The young prince followed up this success by a sharp attack on the self-made king who fled for his life V)Ut was pursued and captured. Yu-jeung then ascended the throne. This illustrates the weakness of the kingdom, in that any adventurer, with only daring and nerve, could seize the seat of power and hold it even so long as Kim Myung did. The outlying provinces practially governed themselves. There was no power of direction, no power to bring swift punish- ment upon disloyal adventurers, and the whole attitude of the kingdom invited insubordination. In this reign there were two other rebellions which had to be put down.

The year 896 shows a bright spot in a dark picture. The celebrated scholar Ch'oe Ch'i-wun appeared upon the scene. He was born in Sa-ryang. At the age of twelve he went to China to study ; at eighteen he obtained a high literary degree at the court of China. He travelled widely and at last returned to his native land where his erudition and statesmanship found instant recognition. He was elevated to a high position and a splendid career lay before him ; but he was far ahead of his time ; one of those men who seem to have appeared a century or two before the world was ready for them. The low state of affairs at the court of Sil-la is proved by the intense hatred and jealousy which he unwittingly aroused. He soon found it impossible to remain in office ; so he quietly withdrew to a mountain retreat and spent his time in literar}- pursuits. His writings are to be found in ths work entitled Ko-un-jip. He is enshrined in the memory of Koreans as the very acme of literararj' attainment, the brightest flower of Sil-la civiliza- tion and without a superior in the annals of all the kingdoms of the peninsula.

Tradition asserts that signs began to appear and portents of the fall of Sil-la. King Chung-gang made a journey through the southern part of the country and returned by boat. A dense fog arose which hid the land. Sacrifice was offered to the genius of the sea, and the fog lifted and a strange and beautiful apparition of a man appeared who accompanied the expidtion back to the capital and sang a song whose burden was that many wise men would die and that the capital would be changed. Chung-gang died the next jear and was sue-

AKCIKXT KOREA. 1 25

ceeded by his brother Chin-sUng who ' lived but a }'ear and then made way for his sister who became the ruler of the land. Her name was Man. Under her rule the court morals fell to about as low^ a point as was possible. When her criminal in- timacy with a certain courtier, Eui-hong, was terminated by the death of the latter she took three or four other lovers at once, raising them to high offices in the state and caring as little for the real welfare of the country as she did for her own fair fame. Things reached such a pass that the people lost patience with her and insulting placards w^ere hung in the streets of the capital calling attention to the depth of infamy to which the court had sunk.

It was in 892 that the great bandit Yang-gil arose in the north. His right hand man was Kung-j^e, and as he plays an important part in the subsequent history of Sil-la we must stop long enough to give his antecedents. The story of his rise is the story of the inception of the Kingdom of Ko-ryii. It maj' be proper to close the ancient history of Korea at this point and begin the medieval section wnth the events which led up to the founding of Korj^u.

END OF PART I.,

PART II.

MEDIEVAL KOREAN HISTORY. From 890 to 1392 A. D.

PART II.

riEDlEVAL HISTORY.

Chapter I.

Kung-ye antecedents. . . .revolts Ch'oe Ch'i-wun retires . . .

Wang-gou. . . .origin. . . .Kung-ye successful. . . .advances Wang-g 'm . . . .proclaims himself King. . . .Wang-g.in again promoted. . . .Sil-la court corrupt. . . .Kung-ye proclaims himself a Buddha. . . .condition 'of the peninsula. .. .Wang-g >n accused. .. .refuses the throne.... forced to take it. . . .Kung-j-e killed. . . .prophecy. . . .Wang-g.in doet

justice. . , . .Ko-ryu organized Buddhist festival vSong-do. . . .

Ko-r}-u's defenses. . . . Kj-un-whiin becomes Wang-g. m's eueni}-. . . . wild tribes submit. . . . China upholds Kyiin-whuu . . . .his gift to Wang- g<)n. . . .loots the capital of Sil-la. . . .Ko-ryii troops repulsed. . . .war . . . .Wang-gon visits Sil-la. .. .improvements. .. .Kyun-whun's last stand. . . .imprisoned by his sons. . . .comes to Song-do. . . .Sil-la ex- pires. . . .her last king comes to Song-do. . . .Wang-g n's generosity.

Kung-ye was the son of King Hon-gang b)- a concubine. He was born on the least auspicious day of the year, the fifth of the fifth moon. He had several teeth when he was born which made his arrival the less welcome. The King ordered the child to be destroyed ; .so it was thrown out of the window. But the nurse rescued it and carried it to a place of .safety where she nursed it and provided for its bringing up. As she was carrying the child to this place of safety she accidentalh put out one of its eyes. When he reached luan's estate he became a monk under the name of Sun-jong. He was by na- ture ill fitted for the monastic life and soon found himself in the camp of the bandit Ki-whun at Chuk-ju. Soon he began to consider himself ill-treated b}' his new master and deserted him, finding his w^ay later to the camp of the bandit Yang-gil at Puk-wun now Wun-ju. A considerable number of men ac-

12$ KOREAN HISTORY.

compaiiied him. Here liis talents were better appreciated and he was put in connnand of a goodly force with which he soou overcame the districts of Ch'un-ch'un, Na-sung, Ul-o and O-jin. From this time Kung-ye steadily gained in power until he quite eclipsed his master. Marching into the west- ern part of Sil-la he took ten districts and went into permanent camp.

The following year another robber, Kyun-whun, made head against Sil-la in the southern part of what is now Kyung- sang Province. He was a Sang-ju man. Having seized the district of Mu-ju he proclaimed himself King of Southern Sil- la. His name was originally Yi but when fifteen years of age he had changed it to Kyun. He had been connected with the Sil-la army and had risen step by step and made himself ex- tremely useful by his great activity in the field. When, how- ever, the state of Sil-la became so corrupt as to be a by-word among all good men, he threw off his allegiance to her, gathered about him a band of desperate criminals, outlaw\s and other disaffected persons and began the conquest of the south and west. In a month he had a following of 5,000 men. He found he had gone too far in proclaiming himself King and so modified his title to that of "Master of Men and Horses." It is said of him that once, while still a small child, his father being busy in the fields and his mother at work behind the house, a tiger came along and the child sucked milk from its udder. This accounted for his wild and fierce nature.

At this time the great scholar Ch'oe Ch'i-wun, whom we have mentioned, was living at of Pu-sQng. Recognizing the abyss of depravity into which the state was falling he formulated ten rules for the regulation of the government and sent them to Queen Man. She read and praised them but took no means to put them in force. Ch'oe could no longer serve a Queen w^ho made light of the counsels of her most worthy subjects and, throwing up his position, retired to Kwang-ju in Nam-san and became a hermit. After that he removed to Ping-san in Kang-ju, then to Ch'ung-yang Monas- tery in Hyup-ju, then to Sang-gye Monastery at Ch'i-ri San but finally made his permanent home at Ka-ya San where he lived with a few other choice spirits. It was here that he wrote his autobiography in thirteen volumes.

MEDIEVAT KOREA. 129

In 896 Kung-ye began operating in the north on a larger scale. He took ten districts near Ch'ul-wun and put them in charge of his young lieutenant Wang-gon who was destined to become the founder of a dynasty. We must now retrace our steps in order to tell of the origin of this celebrated man.

Wang-yung. a large-minded and ambitious man, lived in the town of Song-ak. To him a son was born in the third year of King Hon-gang of Sil-la, A. D. 87S. The night the boy was born a luminous cloud stood above the house and made it as bright as day, so the story runs. The child had a verj' high forehead and a square chin, and he developed rapid- ly. His birth had long since been prophesied by a monk named To-sun who told Wang-yung, as he was building his house, that within its walls a great man would be born. As the monk turned to ^o Wang-yung called him back and re- ceived from him a letter which he was ordered to give to the yet unborn child when he should be old enough to read. The contents are unknown but when the boy reached his seven- teenth year the same monk reappeared and became his tutor, instructing him especially in the art of war. He showed him also how to obtain aid from the heavenl}- powers, how to sac- rifice to the spirits of mountain and stream so as to propitiate them. Such is the tradition that surrounds the origin of the youth who now in the troubled days of Sil-la found a wide field for the display of his martial skill.

Kung-ye first ravaged the country from Puk-wiin to A- sil-la, with 600 followers. He there assumed the title of "Great General." Then he reduced all the country about Nang-ch'un, Han-san. Kwan-na and Ch'ul-wun. By this time his force had enormoush' increased and his fame had spread far and wide. All the wild tribes beyond the Ta-dong River did obeisance to him. But these successes soon began to turn his head. He styled himself "Prince" and began to appoint prefects to various places. He advanced Wang-gdn to a high position and made him governor of Song-do. This he did at the instigation of Wang-yung who sent him the following enigmatical advice: "If \'ou want to become KingofCho- sun, Suk-sin and PN-nn-han you must build a wall about Song-do and make ni}- son governor. ' ' It was immediately done, and in this way Wang-g'»n was provided with a place for his capital.

17,G KOREAN HlSTOKV,

In S97 the profligate Queen Man of Sil-la handed thf government over to her adopted son Yo and retired. This change gave opportunities on every side for the rebels to ply their trade. Kung-ye forthwith seized thirty more districts north of the Han River and Kyun-'vhun establishtd his head- quarters at Wan-san, now Chun-ju and called his kingdom New Pak-je, Wang-gon, in the name of Kung-ye, seized al- most the whole of the territory included in the pr^s-^nt prov- inces of KyiJng-geui and Ch'ung-ch'ung. Finally in 901 Kung-ye proclaimed himself king and emphasized it by slash- ing with a sword the picture of the king of Sil-la which hung in a monastery. Two years later Wang-gon moved southward into what is now Chul-la Province and soon came in contact with the forces of Kj-uu-whun. In these contests the young Wang-gon was uniformly successful.

In 905 Kung-ye established his capital at Ch'ul-wun in the present Kang-wun province and named his kingdom Ma- 3 in and the year was called jWut. Then he distributed the offices among his followers. By this time all the north and east had joined the standards of Kung-ye and Wang-gon even to within 120 miles of the Sil-la capital. The king and court of Sil-la were in despair. There was no army with which to take the field and all they could do was to defend the position they had as best they could and hope that Kyung-yeand Kyun-whun might destroy each other. In 909 Kung-ye called Sil-la "The Kingdom to be Destroyed" and set Wang-gon as military governor of all the south-west. Here he pursued an active policy, now fitting out ships with which to subjugate the neighboring islands and now leading the attack on Kyfin- whun who always suffered in the event. His army was a model of military precision and order. Volunteers flocked to his standard. He was recognised as the great leader of the day. When, at last, Na-ju fell into the hands of the young Wang-gon, Kyun-whun decided on a desperate venture and suddenly appearing before that towm laid siege to it. After ten daj^s of unsuccessful assault he retired but Wang-gon followed and forced an engagement at Wok-p'o, now Yung- san-p'o, and gave him such a whipping that he was fain to escape alone and unattended.

Meanwhile Kung-ye's character was developing. Cruelty

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 13I

•and capriciousness became more and more his dominant quali- ties. Wang-g )n never acted more wiseU' than in keeping as far as possible from the court of his master. His rising fame would have instantly roused the jealousy of Kung-ye.

Sil-la had apparently adopted the principle "Let us eat and be merry for to-morrow we die." Debauchery ran rife at the court and sapped what little strength was left. Among the courtiers was one of the better stamp and when he found that the king preferred the counsel of his favorite concubine to his own, he took occasion to use a sharper argument in the form of a dagger, which at a blow brought her down from her dizzy eminence.

In 911 Kung-ye changed the name of his kingdom to Ta- bong. It is probable that this was because of a strong Bud- dhistic tendency that had at this time quite absorbed him. He proclaimed himself a Buddha, called himself Mi-ryQk-pul, made both his sons Buddhists, dressed as a high priest and went nowhere without censers. He pretended to teach the tenets of Buddhism. He printed a book, and put a monk to death because he did not accept it as canonical. The more Kung-ye dabbled in Buddhism the more did all military matters devolve upon Wang-gon, who from a distance beheld with amazement and concern the dotage of his master. At his own request he was always sent to a post far removed from the court. At last Kung-ye became so infatuated that he seemed little better than a madman. He heated an iron to a white heat and thrust it into his wife's womb because she continually tried to dissuade him from his Buddhistic notions. He charged her with being an adultress. He followed this up by killing both his sons and many other of the people near his person. He was hated as thoroughly as he was feared.

The year 918 was one of the epochal years of Korean his- tory. The state of the peninsula was as follows. In the south- east, the reduced kingdom of Sil-la, prostrated by her own ex- cesses, without an army, and j^et in her very supineness run- ning to excess of riot, putting off the evil day and trying to drown regrets in further debauchery. In the central eastern portion, the little kingdom of Kung-ye who had now become a tyrant and a madman. He had put his whole army under the hand of a young, skillful, energetic and popular man who had

132 KOKEAN HISTORY.

gained the esteem of all classes. In the south-west was an- other sporadic state under Kyun-whun who was a fierce, un- scrupulous bandit, at swords points with the rising Wang-gon.

Suddenly Kung-ye awoke to the reality of his position. He knew he was hated by all and that Wang-gon was lovt.d hy all, and he knew too that the army was wholly estranged from himself and that everything depended upon what course the young general should pursue. Fear, suspicion and jeal- ousy mastered him and he suddenly ordered the young gener- al up to the capital. Wang-gin boldly complied, knowing doubtless by how slender a thread hung his fortunes. When he entered his master's presence the latter exclaimed "You conspired against me 5^esterday." The young man calmh' asked how. Kung-ye pretended to know it through the power of his sacred office as Buddha. He said "Wait, I will again consult the inner consciousness." Bowing his head he pre- tended to be communing with his inner self. At this moment one of the clerks purposely dropped his pen, letting it roll near to the prostrate from of Wang-gon. As the clerk stooped to pick it up, he whispered in Wang-gon's ear "Confess that you have conspired." The young man grasped the situation at once. When the mock Buddha raised has head and repeat- ed the accusation Wang-gon confessed that it was true. The King w^as delighted at this, for he deceived himself into be- lieving that he actually had acquired the facultv of reading men's minds. This pleased him so greatly that he readily forgave the offence and merely warned the young man not to repeat it. After this he gave Wang-gon rich gifts and had more confidence in him than ever.

But the officials all besieged the young general with en- treaties to crush the cruel and capricious monarch and assume the reins of government himself. This he refused to do, for through it all, he was faithful to his master. But they said "He has killed his wife and his sons and w'e will all fall a prey to his fickle temper unless you come to our aid. He is worse than the Emperor Chu." Wang-gin, how^ever, urged that it was the worst of crimes to usurp a throne. "But" said they "is it not much worse for us all to perish? If one does not improve the opportunity that heaven provides it is a sin." He was unmoved by this casuistry and stood his ground firm-

MEDIEVAL KOREA. I 33

ly. At last even his wife joined in urging him to lay aside his foolish scruples and she told the officials to take him by force and carry him to the palace, whether he would or not. They did so, and bearing him in their arms they burst through the palace gate and called upon the wretch Kung-ye to make room for their chosen king. The terrified creature fled naked but was caught at Pu-yang, now P'yiing-gang, and beheaded.

Tradition says that this was all in fulfillment of a proph- ecy which was given in the form of an enigma. A Chinese merchant bought a mirror of a Sil-la man and in the mirror could be seen these words: "Between three waters — God sends his son to Chin and Ma — First seize a hen and then a duck — in the year Ki-ja two dragons will arise, one in a green forest and one east of black metal." The merchant presented it to Kung-ye who prized it highly and sought every where for the solution of the riddle. At last the scholar Song Han-hong solved it for him as follows. "The Chin and Ma mean Chin- han and Ma-han. The hen is Kye-rim (Sil-la). The duck is the Am-nok (duck-blue) River. The green forest is pine tree or Song-do (Pine Tree Capital) and black metal is Ch'iil-wun (Ch'ul is metal). So a king in Song-do must arise (Wang- gon) and a king in ChTil-wun must fall (Kung-ye).

Wang-gon began by bringing to summary justice the creatures of Kung-ye who seconded him in his cruelty ; some of them were killed and some were imprisoned. Everywhere the people gave themselves up to festivities and rejoicings.

But the ambitious general. Whan Son-gil, took advantage of the unsettled state of affairs to raise an insurrection. Entering the palace with a band of desperadoes he suddenly entered the presence of Wang-g<in who was without a guard. The King rose from his seat, and looking the traitor in the face said "I am not King by ni)^ own desire or request. You all made me King. It was heaven's ordinance and you can- not kill me. Approach and try." The traitor thought that the King had a strong guard secreted near by and turning fled from the palace. He was caughf and beheaded.

Wang-g in sent messages to all the bandit chiefs and invit- ed them to join the new movemant, and soon from all sides they came in and swore allegiance to the young king. Kyun- whnn, however, held aloof and .sought for means to put down

134 KOREAN HISTORY.

the new power. Waug-o^on set to work to establish his kiiig- doin on a firm basis. He changed the official system and es- tablished a new set of official grades. He rewarded those who had been true to him and remitted three years' revenues. He altered the revenue laws, requiring the people to pay much less than heretofore, manumitted over a thousand slaves and gave them goods out of the royal storehouses with which to make a start in life. As P'yung-yang was the ancient capital of the country he sent one of the highest officials there as governor. And he finished the year with a Buddhist festival, being himself a Buddhist of a mild type. This great annual festival is described as follows : — There was an -normous lan- tern, hung about with hundreds of others, under a tent made of a net-work of silk cords. Music was an important element. There were also representations of dragons, birds, elephants, horses, carts and boats. Dancing was prominent and there were in all a hundred forms of entertainment. Each official wore the long flowing sleeves and each carried the ivory memo tablet. The king sat upon a high platform and watched the entertainment.

The next year he transferred his court to Song-do which became the permanent capital. There he built his palace and also the large merchants' houses and shops in the center of the city. This latter act was in accordance with the ancient custom of granting a monoply of certain kinds of trade and using the merchants as a source of revenue when a sudden need for money arose. He divided the city into five wards and established seven militar}- stations. He also established a secondar}- capital at Ch'ul-wuu, the present Ch'un-ch'un, and called it Toug-ju. The pagodas and Buddhas in both the capitals were regilded and put in good order. The people looked with some suspicion upon these Buddhistic tendencies but he told them that the old customs must not be changed too rapidly, for the kingdom had need of the help of the spirits in order to become thoroughly established, and that when that was accomplished they could abandon the religion as soon as they pleased. Here was his grand mistake. He riveted upon the state a baneful influence which was destined to drag it into the mire aud eventually bring it to ruin.

In 920 Sil-la first recognised Kor^-Q as a kingdom

MEDIEVAL KOREA 135

and sent an envoy with presents to the court at Song-do.

Wang-g'in looked out for the interests of the people in the distant parts of the country as well as for those near the cap- ital. In order to break the force of the attacks of the wild people beyond the Tu-man River he built a wall across the northern border of Ham-gyung Province. It is said to have been 900 // long. But there was a still stronger enemy on the south. Kyun-whun had by this time come to see that he had no hope of overcoming the ^'■oung kingdom of Koryu and so he bent his energies to the securing of his position against the danger of interferance, especially in his plans against Sil-la. For this reason he sent a messenger to Song-do with presents and tried to make friends with his old time enemy. His next move was to attack Sil-la. Wang-g5n took up the cudgels in support of the king of vSil-la and by so doing secured the last- ing enmity of the bandit who from this time determined upon war without quarter against his northern enemy. Wang-gon said to the Sil-la envoys, "Sil-la has three treasures ; the nine storey pagoda, the Buddha six times the height of a man, and the jade belt. As long as these three remain intact Sil-la will stand. The first two are in vSil-la. Where is the jade belt?'' The envoy answered that he did not know, whereupon Wang- gon blamed him sharply and sent him home. When Sil-la finally fell, the jade belt passed into the hands of Wang-gon.

In 921 the Mal-gal tribe, Heuk-su, made a treaty with Wang-gon. This bears evidence to the rapidly growing power of the young king. The Heuk-su Mal-gal were, the most feared of all the semi-savage tribes of the north. The follow- ing year the Ku-ran, usually called Kitan in Chinese histories, followed the example of the Heuk-su people by sending an envoy with presents. It was not till 923 that Wang-gon thought fit to send an envoy to China to offer his compliments.

When the last king of Sil-la, but one, ascended the throne in 924 important events were following thick and fast upon each other. Sil-la was now so weak that the records say the king had nothing left but his genealogy. fCyun-whiin sent a force to begin operations against Koryu, but without succe^s, and in the following j^ear Wang-gon retaliated with ^uch good success that Kyun-whiiu was fain to send bis son to Song-do as a hostage. He thus bound himself to ktep the

136 KOREAN HISTORY.

peace. Haviiii;' dcnie this he sent to China desiring to secure backing against Koryii. Thj Ivniperor so far coni];)lied as to confer upon him the title of King of P:"tk-je, thus following the time-honored policy of pitting one ]io\ver against another.

The year 926 saw the first envoy come from the kingdom of T'am-na on the island of Quelpart. He arrived at the capital of Koryii, where he was well received. The fame of VVang-gon was spreading far and wide among the northern tribes. The Kii-ran, or Kitan tribe, having overcome the Pal-ha tribe, made overtures to Wang-gon relative to annexa- tion. These advances were cordially responded to but we are not informed that the union was actually effected.

Kyun-whun, who was at this time on the island Chiil- yong-do, sent a present of horses to Wang-gon but a few days later he found a book of prophecy w-hich said that in the year when he should send a gift of horses to Song-do his power would come to an end. He therefore sent a swift messenger begging Wang-gon to return the gift. The King laughed long and loud when he saw this message and good-naturedly sent back the horses.

The last King of Sil-la, Kj'ung-sun, ascended the throne in 927. It happened on this wise ; Kyun-whun w'as keeping up a double fight, one against Wang-gon and the other, an offensive one, against Sil-la. He was badly defeated in an engagement with Koryu forces but had good success in his other venture. He burned and pillaged right up to the gates of Sil-la's capital, and, while a Sil-la envoy was posting tc Song-do to ask for aid, entered the city with a picked band of men. Succor in the shape of 10,000 Koryii troops was on its way but came too late. At the hour when Kyun-whun en- tered the cit3' the king, his son, the queen and man}" of the courtiers were feasting at Po-siik summer-house. When the unwelcome news arrived, there was no time for preparation. The king and queen fled south without attendants. The palace women w'erc seized and the palace occupied. The king was soon run to earth and was compelled to commit suicide. Kyuu-whuu ravished the queen and delivered over the palace women to the soldiery. The palace was looted and the entire band, sated with excess and debauchery, and loaded down

MKniKVAL KORKA. I37

with the treasures of the palace, started back on the home- ward road. But not until Kyun-whun had appointed a rela- tive of the murdered king to succeed him.

When Wang-gon heard of these atrocities, he hastened forward his troops and overtook the army of Kyun-whun in O-dong forest where a sharp engagement ensued. For some reason, whether it be because the soldiers of Kyiin-whun were more familiar with the locality or because the Koryii sol- diers were exhausted by their long forced march, the assault was unsuccessful and the Koryu forces withdrew. This was doubly unfortunate for it not only did not punish the rufh- nns for their atrocities at the Sil-la capital but it inspired them with confidence in their own power. Shortly after this Kyun- whun sent a letter to \Vang-g<"m saying "I became Sil-la's enemy because she sought aid from you. You have no cause for warring against me. It is like a dog chasing a rabbit ; both are tired out to no purpose. It is like a king-fisher tr}^- ing to catch a clam ; when he thrusts his bill in';o the shell the clam closes it and he finds himself caught". To this epistle Wang-g(")n replied "Your actions at the Sil-la capital are so outrageous tliat I cannot endure the thought of any com- promise. Your present course will lead 3'ou to speed}- ruin".

Elated over his successful repulse of Wang-gon 's army, Kyun-whun took the field the following year, with a strong force, and was prepared to assume the offensive. He assault- ed and took two Koryu fortresses and even, at one time, sur- rounded Wang-giin in ChTnig-ju and caused him no little anxiety. In the battle which followed Kyiin-wlum lost three hundred men and was pushed back, thus freeing the king from an embarrassing position ; but before the campaign was over Kyun-wlum scored another victory by capturing the district of Ok-ch'an. In his next campaign he was still suc- cessful, and Eui Fortress fell into his hands and he killed the general in charge. Here his successes ended, for Wang-gon awoke to the necessity of using strong measures against him. The following year Koryu forces inflicted a crushing defeat upon the southern leader, at An-dong. The fight had lasted all day and neither side had gained any advantage, but that night a })icked band of Koryu men ascended Hog's Head Mountain and made a rush down down upon the unsuspect-

l^^N KOKI'AX HISTORY.

iiig cninp of the enemy, causint:; a panic and a stnnipedc in which eii;ht thousand men were killed. Kyun-wlum himself songlit safety in llij^iit. Tliis seemed conclusive ami all tlu countryside sent in their alle.giance to the victors. A hund- red and ten districts in eastern Korea came over to Wanjj^- gi'ni in a body. Dagelet Island, or lH-leuntJ^ as the Koreans call it, sent presents to Koryu.

The next year after these stirring events, namch- 931, \\'ang-g(")n made a visit to Sil-la taking with liim an i.-scort of only fifty soldiers. The king of Sil-la came out to meet him and they feasted there at the meeting-place together. The king of Sil-la lamented the smallness and weakness of his kingdom and deplored the ravages of Kyun-whim. The evils, he said, were beyond estimation ; and he l)roke down and wei^t. The courtiers did the same and even Wang-g('>n could scarce restrain his tears. After this thej' had a friendly talk and the king of Koryii remained as a guest for some twent}^ days. As he left the capital of Sil-la the people vied with each other in doing him honor. Poor old Sil-la had gone out of fashion and the minds of all men were turned Koryii-ward.

Wang-gon had a strong predilection for P'yung-yang, the ancient capital of the country. He had already established a scliool there with professorships of literature, medicine and incantation. He now in 932 conceived the project of moving his capital northward to that place. To this end he erected barracks there for his troops and was making other prepara- tions for the change, wdien he was dissuaded from it by some evil omens. A great wind blew down some of the houses in P'yung-yang and, so the story goes, a hen became a cock. These portents made it impossible to carry out the plan. It was about this time that he built a guest-house outside the walls of Song-do to be used as a reception hall for envoys and messengers from the wild tribes of the north. Suspicion as to the object of their coming ma}- have made it seem undesir- able to allow them to enter the cit}- proper, or it may have been simpl}^ to impress them with the importance of the place.

Kyun-whtin's right hand man came and swore allegience even though, at the time, his two sons and his daughter were hostages in the hands of his former master. When Kyun- whun lieard of it he burned the first son alive and WDuld have

MKDIKVAT- KOREA. I 39

treated the second son and the daughter in like manner had they not effected their escape to a retreat where they lay in hiding till his death. This desertion seems to have roused the old man's ire, and he longed for the din of battle once more. He could still command a considerable force ; so he entered upon another campaign and as usual was at first suc- cessful. He seized three districts in the east country and set fire to a large number of towns. It was not until the next year that Wang-gon sent an expedition against him. This was under the command of Gen. Yu Gon-p'il, whom the king had banished but had ])ardoned and recalled because of his lively efforts while in exile to raise a compan^^ of soldiers. He never seemed to know when he was beaten. He routed" the forces of Kyiin-whun and returned in triumph to Song-do, where he was haikd as the savior of the people. We may judge from this that Kyun-whun was still considered formid- able. In another fight Gen. Yn captured seven of KyHn- whiin's captains and one of his ; ons as well.

As things seemed quiel now, the king made a royal prog- ress through the north and west, helping the poor, inspect- ing fortresses, supplanting unpopular prefects ; but when he got back he found his old enemy still active, and at Un-ju he had his last great fight with him. In this struggle three thousand of the enemy wcru killed and thirty-two fortresses were .aken. The year 935 A. D. is another mile-stone in Korean histor}-. It marks the end of a dj'nasty which lacked but eight years of completing a millennium. But we must relate the events of the )-ear in order. Kyun-whun had many concubines and more than ten sons. Of the latter the fourth named Keum-gang, was the one he loved the best, a bo}' of robust body and great intelligence. The old man pa.ssed by his other sons and named this one as his successor. This of course made trouble at once. The first son, Sin-geum, led a conspirac}' and the old gentleman was seized and imprisoned in Keum-san monastery, the young Keum-gang was put to death and Sin-geum ascended the insecure throne of his father, now doubly insecure, since it had lost the masterly genius which of late 3'ears had been its only support. But old Kyiin-whrm had not played his last card. After three months impri.sonment he succeeded in getting his guards drunk (jolly

140 KOKlvAX HISTORY.

monks those) and cscajicd to Ka-jn from \vl;ich point lie lind the colossal iniinidcncc to send a letter to VVanu-<;'in sur- rendering and asking" for asyhuii in Koryn against his tnvn son. It was granted and soon a ship of war arrivetl with a high ofHcial on board to escort the gre>- old wolf of the sonth to the Koryu capital, where he was received as a guest, given a comfortable house and plent}- of servants and the revenues of Yang-ju prefectiire. From that point we may believe that he waited patiently to see the overthrow of his .sons.

But these are small events compared with what followed. The king of Sil-la determined to abdicate and hand over the remnant of his kingdom to Wang-gou. When he broached the matter to his of^cials no man raised his voice. They could not assent and they knew there was no use in demur- ring. The crown prince urged his father to submit the question to the people and to abide by their decision, but the king was determined and so sent a letter to Song-do offering to lay his scepter at the feet of Wang-gon. The crown prince was in despair, refused to see his father, retired to a mountain re- treat and ate coarse food as a token of his grief. He died there of chagrin and sorrow.

W'ang-gon answered by sending one of the highest ofhc- ials to escort the ex-king to Song-do. The royal procession was ten miles long, as it slowly wound its way out of the deserted city amidst the clamorous grief of the people. Wang-gon met him in person at the gate of vSong-do. He did not want the ex-king to bow to him but the courtiers had decided that as the countr}- could have but one king thi,^ must be done. So the new arrival did obeisance. Wang-goU gave him his daughter to wife and made him prime ministf^r, set aside the revenues of an entire district to his use and con- ferred high rank upon the Sil-la courtiers.

And so ended the ancient kingdom of vSil-la which had existed for 992 years, from 57 B. C. to 935 A. D. Her , line of kings included fifty-six names, which gives an avefiage of about eighteen years to each reign. From that day tte capi- tal of vSil-la was called simply by the name Kyong-jti. We believe that history shows few instances of greater generosit}-, forbearance, delicacy and tact than are shadowed forth in the

Does historv show a nobler act

MKDIKVAL KORKA. 141

than that of providing a comfortable home where his old enemy Kyiin-whun might spend his last days in comfort and ease? Does it show more delicacj^ than was shown by Wang-gon when he took every means to cover the chagrin of the retiring king of Sil-la by treating him as a royal guest?

Chapter II.

K5-un-\vhun's sons defeated .... Buddhist teachers from China. .. .The Emperor recognizes Koryii. . . .Wang-gon refuses to treat with the Kitans. . . .makes ten rules. . . king marries his sister. . . .plot detec- ted. . . .practical Shogunate. . .Buddhism flourishes. . . .P'yung-yang . . . .Chinamen take ofiice in Koryu. . . .slavery. . . .examinations. . . . Chinese f avored . . . . oflicial garments. .. .incapable king. .. .retro- gression. . . .reform. . . .Confucianism. . . .Kitan growing. . . .bureau of history reorganized. .. equilibrinm between Confucianism and Buddhism. . . .Uk is banished. . . .quarrel with Kitan. . . .concession . . dispute. . . .China refuses aid. . . .the provinces. . . .the "Em- peror" of Kitan gives the king mvestiture. .. .first coinage. .. .re- forms. . . .conspiracy crushed.

Before leaving the kmgdom of Sil-la to be swallowed up in antiquity we must notice a few corollaries. We will notice that Sil-la was the first power to gain the control of the whole penii sula. It was the language of Sil-la that became at least the oflficial language of the entire country. The yi-t'it, or systei 1 of diacritical marks, tended to stereotype the aggluti- native endings, so that we find to-day the general character- istics running through the grammar of Korean are those which characterized the language of ancient Sil-la. This fact, clearly grasped, goes a long way toward opening a way for the sc ution of the question of the origin of the language.

A i the year 936 opens we see king Wang-gon with his two fo/mer rivals, the peaceful one and the warlike one, gath- ered under his wing, and the only cloud upon his horizon the attitude of Kyun-whtin's sons in the south. This was soon settled. The king in company witli Kyiin-whun, ut the

l\2 K0KJ:AN IIISTOKV.

head of nil army of 87,000 men, marched soutliward and en- gaged the pitiable force that was all the malcontents could now nuister. When they saw this tren\entlous arm\- a]>proaching and knew that Kyrm-whiin was there in })erson, surrender was immediate. \\'ang-g<'>n's first demand was "where is Sin- geum?" He was told that he was in a fortress in the moun- tains with a small force and was prepared to fight to a finish. He was there attacked and 3,200 men were taken and 5,700 killed, which shows how desperate the battle was. Sin-geum and his two brothers were captured. The two other sons of Kyun-whun were executed, because they had driven their father away, but Sin-geiun in some way showed that he had not been a principal actor in that disgraceful scene and so escaped what we may well believe was merited punishment- There on the field the old man Kyiin-whun died. It is said that his death was caused by chagrin tliat Sin-geum was not killed wnth his brothers.

It was in 938 that Waug-gon went outside the walls of the capital to meet a celebrated monk named Hong-buni, who had come originally from Ch'un-ch'uk monaster}' in the land of Su-yuk.

All this time interesting reforms were in progress. The names of all the prefectures throughout the country were changed. This has always been customary in Korea with a change of dynasty. The next year, 939, the new king of Koryu was formally recognized by the lunperor who sent and invested him with the insignia of royalty. The crown prince of T'am-na, on Quelpart, came and did obeisance at the court of Koryu. A redistribution of the farming lands throughout the country was effected, by which, the records say, the worthy received more while others received less. It would be interesting to know in what way the test of worthi- ness was applied .

In 942 the Kitan power in the north tried to make friend- ly advances and sent a present of thirty camels. But Wang- gbn remembered the way in which Kitan had feigned friend- ship for Pal-ha and then treacherously seized her ; and for this rea.son he showed his opinion of Kitan now by banishing the thirty men and tying the thirty camels to Man-bu bridge and starving" them to death,

MKDTKVAL KOREA. I 43

King Waiig-gon was now sixt^^-five years old. His life had been an active one ; first as a warrior and then as the administrator of the kingdom which he had founded. P'eeling that his end was approaching, he set himself to the task of formulating rules for his successor. As a result he placed in the hands of his son and heir ten rules which read as follows : (i) Buddhism is the state religion.

(2) Build no more monasteries.

(3) If the first son is bad let the second or some other

become king. {4) Do not make friends with Kitan.

(5) Do honor to P'yung-yang, the ancient capital.

(6) Establish an annual Buddhist festival.

(7) Listen to good men and banish bad ones.

(8) As the south is disaffected towards lis do not marr}^

from among the people of that section,

(9) Look after the interests of the army. (10) Be always ready for emergencies.

After urging his son to lock all these precepts in his heart the aged king turned to the wall and died. These, ten laws are typical of the man. They inculcated reverence for the best religion that had come under his notice, but in the same breath forbade the disproportionate growth of priest-craft, for he had seen what a seductive influence lay hidden within the arcana of this most mystical of all heathen cults. He ad- vised temperance in religion. He forbade the throning of a man simply because he was the king's firstborn. By so doing he really proclaimed that the king was for the people and not the people for the king. He hated treachery and forbade making alliances with the forsworn. He believed in doing honor to the best of the old traditions and ordered that the ancient city of P'yiing-3'ang be rememberd. He believed in loving his friends and hating his enemies and forbade descen- dants taking a wife- from among the people of the south who had so desperately supported the claims of Kyiui-whun, the one-time bandit. He was a military man and believed in hav- ing a strong army and in treating it in such a w^ay as to insure its perfect loN'alty. It was in the last injunction, however, that he struck the key-note of his character. Be always read}' for emergencies. Reading his character in the light of his ac-

1. 14 K(1K1^\X HISTORY.

tiims we can well inmoinc one more precei^t that would have been characteristic of him ; nameh', that it is better to make a Iriend of an honest enemy than to kill him. And so in the year 942 the great general, reformer, king and administrator was laid to his fathers and his son Mu reigned in his stead. The latter's posthumous litle is Hye-jong.

The reign of this second king of Koryu starts with the statement that the king gave his own sister to his l)rother for a wife. It was one of the peculiar institutions of the dynasty that whenever possible the king married his own sister. In this instance he gave his sister to liis brother, but the king had probably already married another of his sisters. This custom, which has prevailed in other countries besides Korea, notably in ancient Egypt, rests upon the assumption that by marrying one's "own sister more of royalt}' is preserved in the family and the line is kept purer, the royal blood not being mixed with any of baser quality. We are told that, in order to make it seem less offensive, the sister, upon marrying her brother, took her mother's family name. This shows that the custom was looked down upon, else this device would not have been resorted to. We find also that the kings of Koryu were accustomed to have more than one real wife, contrary to the custom of the present dynasty. We read that this king, who had none of the elements of his father's greatness, took as his sixteenth wife the daughter of one Wang-gyu and by her had a son. Through her influence Wang-gyu had risen to the position of prime minister and it was his ambition to see his daughter's son ascend the throne. It had been the king's plan to give the throne to his brother Yo and the prime minis- ter began by plotting against the life of this possible succes- sor. The king learned of this and frustrated it by immedi- ately abdicating in favor of his brother. Wang-gyu seems to have possessed considerable power independently of the king for we learn that he not only was not punished but that he continued to plot against Yo even after he had assumed the reins of power. An as.sassin whom he had hired to kill the king was himself killed by the king while attempting to carrj^ out the deed. When the king fell ill he was advised to move secretly to another palace for safety. He did so and that very night the myrmidons of Wang-gyu broke into the palace that

TVIEL»EVAL KOREA. 1 45

he had left, but found that their bird had flown. In spite of all this the king did not proceed against his minister but went about with an armed escort. This signal failure to punish a traitor is said to have been the reason why. during the whole dynasty, the ofl&cials overruled the king and made a puppet of him. In fact many times during the dynasty we find the condition of affairs somewhat like those in Japan where the emperor himself had little practical power but the govern- ment was carried on b\- a shogun. But at last this Wang- gyu met his deserts for he was banished to Kap-whan and there executed, and with him 300 men who had been in his pay.

It is interesting to notice how soon after the death of Wang-gon his ill-considered advice about Buddhism was to bear its legitimate fruit. The third king of Koryu was throughly in the hands of the sacardotal power. He was a devout worshipper of Buddha and spent large sums of money upon the priesthood. He favored the monks in every way and thus added one more blow to the wedge which ultimately split the land and brought the dynasty to a close.

Following the directions of Wang-gon in regard to the city of P'yung-yang, he decided to make this town a second- ary capital. In the prosecution of this work many people were compelled to give their time and labor, and great suffer- ing was the natural result. Many of the people of Song-do were compelled to move to the northern capital. This was very distasteful to them, and, joined with the king's blind ad- herence to Buddhism, made it eas}^ for the people to rejoice when in 970 he died and his younger brother So became king. His posthumous title is Kwang-jong. He in turn married his own sister, and the records intimate that another reason for marr3'ing in the family was that it kept out undesirable connections who would naturally expect to receive positions under the government.

When in 953 the emperor sent an envoy to the court of Koryu approving of the coronation of the new king, he was accompanied by a great scholar, Sang Geui, who found such favor in the eyes of the king that he remained and took office under the government. It is said that this caused a serious set-back to the fortunes of Buddhism. Well would it have

146 K(~)KKAN IIISTOKV.

been could lie ha\-e seen that insi<lious ]-)0\vei' crnshed and driven from the country. Ikit it had ga.ined too strong a foothold to be overcome by the teaching or example of a single man or coterie of men. It is not unlikely that it was at thf suggestion of this man that the king changed the law concern- ing slavery. Heretofore slavery had been the punishment for comparatively venial offences and the country was overrun with slaves. The king manumitted may of these and bj^ so doing gained the enmity of many who thus lost valuable prop- erty. It also resulted in outbreaks among slaves, incipient . riots, because this humane tendency in the king emboldened them to claim more than he had intended. It showed that sometimes the indiscriminate franchisement of slaves may be a dangerous thing.

The most radical reform instituted at the advice of this Sang Geui was the establishment of a national competitive examination similar to those held in China. In Korea it is called the /("(.'^^^a. The examination was a six-fold one; (i) heptameter verse, (2) hexameter verse, (3) commentary, (4) historic citation, (5) medicine, (6) divination.

Communication with China seems to have become more frequent and close, for we find that in 960 an envo}' went to China carrying as gifts 50,000 pounds of copper and 4,000 pieces of rock crystal used in making spectacles. This was likew-ise a period of Chinese immigration, encouraged without doubt b}- the flattering reception given to Sang Geui. The king gave the visitors a hearty welcome, provided them with houses, gave them office and even secured them wives. So far did he go in the way of providing houses that he incurred the resentment of some of his highest officials, one of whom, So P'il, asked the king to take his fine residence from him as a gift. In surprise the king asked him whj^ he wanted to give it up. The answer was, "It will be seized anyway when I die and I would rather give it up now^ and spend the rest of mj^ days preparing a little home somewhere for my children." This threw the king into a rage; but the shot told, for he stopped the form of injustice from that ver}' da}'.

The following year, 961, a sweeping change was made in the stj'le and color of official garments. This was also under

MEDIEVAT, KOREA. 1 47

the direction of Sang Geui. P'or the highest rank purple was used, and for the second rank red. for the third rank deep red, and for the fourth rank blue.

How far this king had degenerated from the standard set by the founder of the kingdom, less than fift}* years before, is apparent from the fact that he was the pliant instrument of anyone who had access to his ear. He believed an^^bod}^ and everybod}'. Enemies accused each other before him and he accepted ever}' statement as true. The result w^as that the prisons were simph' bursting with inmates and the execution- er's axe was bus}" night and da3\ Hundreds of men were executed whose onl}- crime was that they had been accused before the king. Added to this was a prodigal waste of treas- ure in the building of palaces, the assumption throughout of Chinese clothes and the entertainment of countless "friends" who came from across the border, on the principle, no doubt, that where the carcass is there will the eagles be gathered to- gether. This state of things continued up to 969, going from bad to worse That year the king took to himself two Budd- hist monks as mentors. He suddenly awoke to the fact that many murders la}- at his door and he began to have twinges of conscience. He thought to make it right by a wholesale favoring of Buddhism. He put himself entirely into the hands of the monks and let them manage all the affairs of state to suit themselves. But this, while it may have eased his con- science, brought no betterment to the state. He was imposed upon in the grossest manner and never once guessed it. He lost the respect of all men of sense and reason. His useless reign dragged on till 976 when the country was relieved of the might}- incubus by his death. The prisons were overrun with innocent men, priestcraft had wound its octopus tenta- cles about ever}^ branch of the government. Energy and pa- triotism had been eradicated ; for, the moment a man possess- ing these traits appeared, jealousy caused him to be accused to the credulous king and he w^as thrown into prison.

But now his son, Chu, came to the throne. His posthu- mous title is Kydng-jong. His first act was to open the pris- on doors and liberate all who were not condemned felons. This act of mere justice was greeted by applause from the people. It was the signal for a general reform in the meth-

/4S KOKKAX HrST(1K\\

ods of administration. The monks were sent back to their monasteries. The competitive examinations were renewed and an impetus was given to the study of tlie classics. The king in person examined the papers of the candidates. But death put an end to his promising career after six short years and in 982 his younger brother, Ch'i, posthumous title Song- jong, ascended the throne. F"ortunately he was of the same mind as his deceased brother and the good work went on un- checked. He first did away with the senseless festivals de- scribed under the reign of Wang-gon, at which all manner of animals were represented. He changed the names of oflficial grades to correspond with those of the Tang dynasty in China. Intercourse with China was revived and frequent envoys passed back and forth It was in the second year of his reign, nameW 983, that the time-honored custom was instituted of the king plowing a piece of land in person each year. This too was borrowed from China. Confucianism received a great impetus during these daj's ; an envoy to China brought back a picture of the emperor's shrine, of the patron genius of China, of Confucius' shrine, and a history of the seventy-two disciples of the great sage. Financial affairs engaged his attention too, for we find that in this year 984 the legal rate of interest on money was set at ten per cent per mensem. The defenses of the country were not neglected. A fortress was begun on the banks of the Yalu River but the people of the Yii-jin tribe caused the work to be suspended.

The Kitan tribe were still in the ascendant and so omi- nous was the growth of their power that the envoy from China who came to perform the ceremony of investiture of the new^ king, intimated that China would be glad to join the forces of Koryu in an invasion of the Kitan territory. We are not told what reply was given but nothing seems to have come of it. Buddhistic encroachments were checked and a stop was put to the seizure of houses for the purpose of erect- ing monasteries. Mourning custoins were changed ; the three years' limit was shortened to one hundred days, the one year limit to thirty days, the nine months' limit to twenty daj's, the six months' limit to fifteen days and the three months' limit to seven days. Special instructions were given to the governors of the provinces to foster agriculture, and prizes

MEDIKVAI. KOREA. I49

were offered for superior excellence in agricultural methods as proved by their results. The governors were allowed to take their families with them to the provincial capitals. This marks a long step in advance, for it would seem that hereto- fore the families of provincial governors had been held at the national capital as a guarantee of good behavior on the part of the governors while in the country-.

The king caused the erection of great store-houses in the various parts of the country for the storage of rice to be used in time of famine. The students in the Confucian school were encouraged by gifts of clothes and food, and several were sent to China to prosecute their studies. In 987 the soldiers' implements of war were beaten into agricultural im- plements, especially in the country districts. A second trial was made of liberating slaves but without satisfactory results. It made those that were not freed so arrogant that the attempt was given up. A further invasion was made into the terri- tory of priest-craft by the discontinuance of certain important festivals, but the fact that the law against the killing of any animal in the first, fifth or ninth moons was still in active force shows that Buddhism was still a powerful factor in the national life. Kyong-ju, the ancient capital of Sil-la, was made the eastern capital of the kingdom, a merely honorary distinction.

The annals state that this reign beheld the inauguration of the humane custom of remitting the revenues, in part or in whole, in times of famine, also the custom of the king sending medicine to courtiers who might be ill.

The growing power of Kitan in the north was a cause of uneasiness for we find that in 989 the whole north-east border was thoroughl}^ garrisoned. The time was approaching when this half-savage tribe would add another proof that conquest is usually from the cooler to the warmer climate.

During the commotion incident upon the founding of the dynasty and the extinction of the kingdom of Sil-la, the bureau of history had been largely neglected. Now it was reorganized and the annals of the kingdom were put in prop- er shape.

The king was apparently trying to steer a middle course between Buddhism and Confucianism, for the pen of the an-

150 KORKAN HISTORY.

iialist records that no animals were to be killed on the king's birthday, and in the next stroke that wives were to be reward- ed for nnusual virtue, and again that the king went out of the city to meet an envoy bringing the great Buddhistic work, T5-jang-gyung, from China, and still again that the first an- cestral temple was erected. Well would it have been could this equilibrium have been maintained.

One of the sons of Wang-gon waS still living. His name was Uk. He was the author of a court scandal which illus- trates the lax morals of the time. He formed a liaison with the widow of his younger brother. The king learned of it and visited his anger upon the offender b}' banishing him. The woman bore a son and then went forth and hanged her- self on a willow tree. The nurse brought up the child and taught it the word father. One day the child was brought into the presence of the king, when it rushed forward, caught the king by the garments and cried father. The king was deeply moved and sent the child to its father in banishment. When Uk died the bo}- was brought back to the capital and given office. He eventualh* became king.

In 993 the cloud in the north began to assume a threaten- ing aspect. A feeble attempt was made to stem the march of the now powerful Kitan tribe, but without avail. The Kitan general, So Son-ryung, madethis a casus belli, and, mustering a strong force, pushed down into Koryu territory. The king put Gen. Pilk Yang-yu at the head of the Koryu forces and himself went with the army as far as P'yung-yang. At that point news came that the euemj^ was going around the flank and had already taken one important fortress there. The king hurried back to Song-do. Gen. So Son-r}'ung sent a curt message saying "Ko-gu-ryu once belonged to Kitan. We have come to claim only our own. It remains therefore onh^ for you to surrender and become our vassals." In answer the king sent Yi Mong-jun to negotiate a peace on the best possi- ble terms. Arriving at the camp of Gen. So he boldly demand- ed wh}- the northern tribe had presumed to break across the boundar}'. Gen. So replied that the land was the property of his master and the sooner the king acknowledged it and accepted Kitan as his suzerain the better for all parties. The envoy returned to the capital and a great council of war -was

MEDIEVAL KOK.EA. I5I

held. Some advised to surrender, but some said "Offer them all the territory north of the Tit-dong River as a compromise measure." The king chose the latter alternative and began by having the people there throw into the river all grain that they could not carr}^ away, so that it might not fall into the hands of the enemy. The Kitan general was highly pleased with this concession but his pride had a fall when, a few da3-s later, he was defeated b}- the Kor3'U forces under Gen. Yu Bang. Thereupon he modified his demands to the mere rec- ognition of the suzeraint}' of Kitan ; but this the king was unwilling, under the circumstances, to agree to. Gen. So was not satisfied with the grade of the general sent to negotiate the treaty and demanded that the prime minister of Korj'U be sent to do it. A high official was therefore sent but he re- fused to bow before the Kitan general. The latter said, "You are from Sil-la and we are from Ko-gu-ryii. You are trespass- ing on our territory. We are }-our neighbors. WM^ do 3'^ou persist in sending envo^^s to the court of China? That is the reason we are now at war with you. Restore our land, be- come our vassals and all will go well." The envo}' refused to agree to this. He said "We are Ko-gu-rN^u people. How else could our land be Korj'U ? The capital of Ko-gu-ryu was at P'3'ung-yang and 3^ou formed a small part of that kingdom ; so why do 3'ou claim that we have usurped the power? Our territor3^ extended far bey^ond the Yalu River, but the Ya-jin people stole it from us. You had better first go and recover that part of Ko-gu-ryu which the Yu-jin stole and then we will gladly bow to 3'OU as suzerain." What there was in this argument that convinced the hard3' warrior of the north we cannot say, but it served its purpose, for he first spread a great feast and afterwards broke camp and marched back to his own countr3- without obtaining the coveted surrender. The king, in order to maintain the semblance of good faith, adopted the Kitan calendar. The next step, however, showed the true bent of his mind, for he sent a swift messenger to the court of China with an urgent request for aid against the arrogant people of the north. But the Sung emperor apparently thought he had his own hands full in watching his own borders and declined to send the aid requested. This put an end to the friendship between Kor3-ii and the Chinese court,

152 RORKAX HISTORY.

and all coiuimniicatioii was broken oiT. The kinj; of Kitan sent a coniniissiont-r to K< ryu to look aftt-r his intt-rests there and when he returned to the north he took a large number of women as a gift from the KoryQ king to his master.

It was now, near the end of the tenth century, that Ko- ryu was first regularly divided into provinces. There were ten of them. Their names and positions were as follows. Kwan-na, the present Kyung-geui ; Chung-wun, now Cliung- ju ; Ha-nam, now Kong-ju ; Yong-nam, now Sang-ju; Kang- nam, now Chun-ju ; San-nam, now Chin-ju ; Ha-yang, now Na-ju ; Sak-pang, now Ch'un-ch'un, Kang-neung and An- byun ; P'sl-su, now P'yung-j'ang ; and Ka-sung, another name for Song-do. These were rather the provincial centers than the provinces themselves.

In pursuance of the polic}' adopted in reference to the kingdom of Kitan, ten boys were sent northward to that country to learn its language and marry among its people. The final act of suzerainty was played when in 996 the "emperor" of Kitan invested the king of Koryu with the royal insignia. The end of the reign was approaching, but before it was reached one of the most important events of that century transpired. It occupies little space on the page of history-. Many a court intrigue or senseless pageant bulks larger in the annals, but it was one of the most far-reaching in its effects. It was the first coining of money. It was in this same year, 996. These coins were of iron but without the hole which so generally characterizes the "cash" of to-da}'.

In 99S the king died and his nephew, Song, posthumous title Mok-jong, ascended the throne. His first act was to revise the system of taxation, probably by causing a remeas- urement of arable land. Officials received their salaries not in monej' nor in rice, but to each one was assigned a certain tract of land and his salary was the produce from that partic- ular tract. In the third year of his reign, 1000 a. d., he received investiture from the Kitan emperor. His fifth year was signalized by a five days' eruption of a volcano on the is- land of Quelpart. This reign was destined to end in disaster. The widow of the late king formed a criminal intimacy with one Kim Ji-yang, w^honi she raised to a high official position. The whole kinsrdom was scandalized. She had the walls of

MP:DIEVAL KOREA. 153

her palace decorated with sentiments expressive of the epicu- rean dictum "Eat, drink and be merry"; and curiously enough expressed the belief that after enjoying all this world had to give the}' would all become Buddha s in the next. This is probably a fair sample of the Buddhistic teaching of the times, at least this was its legitima*-.e fruit. She and her lover soon began to plot against the young king. The latter was ill at the time but knew well what was going on. He sent for Sun, the illegitimate son of Uk, of whom we spoke in the last chapter, with the intention of nominating him as his successor. At the same time he sent post-haste to the country and sum- moned Gen. Kang Cho, a faithful and upright man. On his way up to the capital the general was falsel}' told that it was not the king who had summoned him but the queen dowager's lover. Enraged at being thus played upon, the stern old gen- eral marched into the capital and seized the lecherous traitor and gave him his quietus. He then turned upon the king and put him to death as well. He had not looked carefulh^ into the case, but he deemed that the whole court needed a thorough cleaning out. He completed the work by driving out the queen dowager who deserved the block more than an}^ other ; and then he seated the above-mentioned Sun on the throne. His posthumous title is Hyon-jong. This was in 10 10 a.d.

Chapter Hi.

Reforms. . . .eclipses. . . .Kitan declares war. . . .Koryu on guard. . . .Ki- tan troops cross the Yalu. . . .diplomacy. . . .Gen. Kang Cho taken. . . . before the emperor. . . . P'j-ung-yang besieged. . . .the king submits . . . .siege of P'yung-yang raised. . . .king moves south. . . .Kitan de- ceived. . . .Song-do taken. . . .a rebel governor. . . .Koryu's victories . . . .Kitan forces retreat across the Yalu. . . .king returns to Song-do . ..Gen. Ha Koug-jin executed. .. .reconstruction .. .military and civil factions .... king overthrows the military faction .... Kitan invasion. . . .overwhelming defeat. . . .envo3's. . . .Buddhism versus Conf ucianism .... Koryu on the increase .... the "Great Wall" of Koryu .... Buddhism flourishes. .. .primogeniture. .. .the disputed bridge. . . .Japanese envoys. . . .Buddhism rampant. . . .new laws. . . . progress of Buddhism.

The first act of king Hyon-jong after announcing to Ki- tan his accession to the throne was to raze to the ground the

154 KOkKAN HISTORV.

palace of the queen dowager wlio had dragged the fair fame of Koryu iu the mire. His next move was to build a double wall about his capital. Evidently coming events were cast- ing ominous shadows before, and he saw the storm brewing.

We should say at this point that during all these reigns the annals make careful note of every eclipse. This is brought prominently to our notice bj^ the statement in the annals that iu the sixteenth year of this reign there should have been an eclipse but that it did not take place. This throws some light upon the science of astronomy as practiced in those dark days. The common people looked upon an eclipse as an omen of evil, but this would indicate that among the educated people, then as to-day, they were understood to be mere natural phenomena. In loio the storm, which had already given sharp premoni- tions of its coming, broke in all its fury. It must have come sooner or later in any event, but the immediate pretext for it was as follows : Two Koryu generals, Ha Kong- j in and Yu Chung, who had been placed in charge of the forces in the north, when Gen. Kang-cho was recalled to the capital, took matters into their own hands and looked for no orders from headquarters. The desperate state of things at the capital partly warranted them in this, but they carried it too far. Of their own accord they attacked the eastern Yu-jin tribe and though they did not succeed in the attempt they impressed those people so strongly that an embassy came bringing the submission of that tribe. The two generals who seem to have partially lost their balance with the increase of their import- ance, wantonly killed every member of this embassy. As soon as the young king heard of this he promptlj^ stripped them of their honors and banished them. This, however, did not mend matters with the outraged Yu-jin people, and they hastened to inform the Kitan emperor of the whole matter. Thereupon the proclamation went out from the Kitan capital, "Gen. Kang-cho has killed the king of Koryu. We will go and in- quire into it."

As a preliminary, a messenger was sent to Song-do to demand why the king had been put to death. The officials were thrown into a panic and hastened to send and envoy to Kitan to explain matters. He was held a prisoner by the emperor. The king sent again and again, ten envoys in all,

MEDIEVAL KOREA. I 55

but an ominous silence was the only answer. It appeared that something serious was about to happen, but just what it was could not be surmised. In order to be ready for any emer- gency, the king sent Generals Kang Cho and Yi Hyun-un to T'ong-ju (now Sun-ch'un) in the north to guard against a sudden surprise.

Early in December the spell was broken and the watchers by the Yalu hurried in with the news that a cloud of Kitan warriors was already crossing the stream. The invading army 400,000 strong, so say the records, pushed forward and sur- rounded the Koryu forces at Heung-wha camp. When it was found, however, that they would stand their ground and fight, the invaders sent presents of silk and other valuables and ad- vised them to surrender, and said "We liked the king whom Kang Cho killed, and we are determined to overthrow the mur- derer. You assist us in this. If not we will destroy you root and branch." The reply was "We prefer to die rather than surrender. ' ' Thereupon the enemy sent more costly presents still but the answer was the same. When it became plain that there was to be bloodshed before Koryu would come to terms, the Kitan emperor divided his immense army into two divisions, sending 200,000 men to the vicinity of Eui-ju and 200,000 to T'ong-ju. Gen. Kang Cho cunningly disposed his little army between two creeks where he was protected on either flank. It is said that he had a species of battle chariot with swords attached to the axles of the wheels so that when they charged among the ranks of the enemy the latter were mown down. On this account the little Koryu army was at first successful. Then Gen. Kang Cho was seized b}' that com- mon infatuation of fancied security and in the midst of the fighting he sat down in his pride and began playing a game of go-bang. A messenger hurried up with the news that the line of battle had been broken on the west and that the enemy were pouring in. Gen. Kang Cho laughed and said "Do not come to me with such an insignificant piece of news. Wait till they come in numbers worthy of mj' sword ; then come and tell me." Soon a messenger came saying that the Kitan forces were approaching in full column. Thereupon Gen. Kang arose and prepared for battle. While doing so the an- nals say that the spirit of the murdered king appeared before

156 KOKKAX HISTORY.

him and chided him for scorning the power of Kitan. He took off his hehnet, and, bowing before the apparition, said "I have committed an offence worthy of death." The Kitan .soldier}' rushed in and seized him. The}- bound him in a cart and took him away.

Nothing now lay between the invading army and univer- sal rapine. The army penetrated far into the territory of Koryii. cut off 30,000 heads and ravaged right and left.

When Gen. KangChoand Gen. Yi Hyvm-un were brought before the Kitan emperor the bonds of the former were cut aud he was bidden to stand forth. "Will you become my subject?" "I am a Korj'u man. How can I be your sub- ject?" They cut his flesh with knives but he remained firm. When the same question was put to Gen. Yi H3'un-un he re- plied. "As I now look upon the sun and moon, how can I re- member any lesser light?" Such were the words of his apos- tac5^ Kang Clio cried out upon him as a traitor, and then bowed his head to the axe.

The Kitan army was now in full march on P'3-ung-3'ang, but the broken remnants of the Korya army united at "Long Neck Pass" and successfully opposed the progress of the in- vaders. A little diplomacy was now made use of by the Ki- tan general. He sent a letter to Heung-wha camp, purport- ing to be from Kang Clio, ordering them to surrender, but the commander, Yang Kj^u, replied "I listen only to the king."

Kwak-ju (now Kwak-san) and Suk-ju (now^ Suk ch'un) fell in quick succession and soon the victorious arm)- of Kitan was thundering at the gates of P'yung-yang. The general in command was Wun Chong-suk and his two lieutenants were Chi Ch'oa-mun and Ch'oe Ch'ang. The commander was willing to surrender without a fight and went so far as to write out the surrender, but the other two prevented this b}- seizing the paper, tearing it up aud putting the Kitan messenger to death. The camp of these generals was without the city, but the panic of the people inside increased to such an extent that all the forces entered the city to insure quiet.

The Kitan general-in-chief now received from the king an offer of surrender. It caused the greatest satisfaction in the Kitan camp and orders were given that the soldiers should cease ravaging the surrounding countr}-. Ma Po-u was sent

MEDIEVAL IvOHEA. I57

■as Kitan commissioner in Song-do and was accompanied by an escort of a thousand men under the command of Gen. Eul Neum.

We can see how little connection there was between the •capital and the arm 3^ in the field by the fact that this submis- sion on the part of the king did not lead to the surrender of P'5'ung-}aag nor to a cessation of hostilities by the generals who commanded the forces there. When a second messenger was sent into the city to ask why the former one did not re- turn he too was put to death.

Gen, Eul Neum was ordered to reduce P'yung-yang and he approached to attack it but was driven back with a loss of 3,000 men. This attempt failing, the conquorors decided to lay siege to the town. When the inmates saw this they knew that the end was near. A plan was made whereby a part of the troops should make a sallj^ from the West Gate and an- other part from the East Gate and together they hoped to dislodge the enem^'. Eut one of the generals, instead of fob lowing out the plan, improved the opportunity^ to make good his escape. The other party was therefore in a trap and had to surrender. But still two generals held the cit}'.

Meanwhile a band of 1,000 soldiers under Gen. Yang Kyu attacked Kwak-ju by night, and put the Kitan garrison to the sword, and took seven thousand people away to Tong bu for safet}'.

When the Kitan forces found thej' were likely to have difficulty in bringing P'yung-yang to terms they gave it up and marched away eastward. Thereupon the general Chi Ch'oa-mun hastened to Song-do and announced that he had fled from P'yung-yang. The "residency" of Ma Po-u seems to have been a short-lived one and terminated when it was found that the submission of the king amounted to little when the armies would not surrender. Courtiers urged an immedi- ate surrender but Gen. Kang Kam-ch'an said "If we could put them off a while and gain time they would be gradually worn cut. The king should move south out of harm's way for a time." So that very night the king and queen and a large number of officials together with 5,000 troops moved southward to Chuk-sung. The king's southward flight was by no means an eas}^ one. The very first night out from the

158 KOKKAX IIISTOKV.

capital the house where he slept was attacked by a band of traitors and malcontents. The king escaped to the moun- tains where he was attended b}- the faithful Gen. Chi. From this retreat he recalled the two generals who had been ban- ished for attacking Yu-jin without orders, and restored them to their positions. Escorted by Generals Chi, Ch'o and Chu, the king slowly retreated toward Wang-ju. All his numer- ous escort had left him excepting his two wives, two palace women and two intimate friends. Gen. Chi kept a sharp lookout for the bands of robbers who were roaming about the country. Once when hard pressed by these irresponsible gentry, Gen. Chi spirited the king away under cover of night and concealed liim in To-bong monastery in Yang-ju a little to the northeast of the present Seoul, and the robbers were thrown completely off the scent.

Gen. Ha Kong-jiu told the king that the Kitan forces had invaded Koryu for the purpose of punishing Gen. Kang Bho, and as this had been accomplished all difficulty between Koryu and Kitan could be easily settled by a letter from the king to his northern suzerain. The letter was written and sent by the hand of a trusty man. It said that the king had left Song-do for an expedition into the country to quell certain disturbances there When the messenger was asked how far the king had gone he answered that he had gone several thousand //. This seemed plausible to the Kitan court and soon its army was working its way slow^ly back to the bound- ary, the first stop being made at Ch'ang-wha.

This retreat was more with a view to obtaining a winter- ing place than with a desire to favor Koryti, for no sooner had the next season, ioii,come than the Kitan army marched straight down through the peninsula and entered the capital and burned the palaces and most of the common houses. The king was in Kwang-ju but, learning of this disaster, he hur- ried still further south with his two wives to Ch'un-an in the present Ch'ung-ch'ung Province. From there he continued south to Chun-ju where he was treated very cavalierly by the governor who met him in common clothes and without the ceremony befitting a roj'al visitor. In fact this governor had determined to put the king out of the way. To this end he hired three men to go by night and assassinate him. But

MEDIEVAT. KOREA. I59

the door was guarded by Gen. Chi who bolted it firmlj^ and then mounted the roof and cried loudlj^ to all who were loyal to the king to rally round him. The next day the governor was summoned before the king. Some of the generals were clamorous for his death but Gen. Chi who was as wise as he was faithful vetoed this, for the king was not in a position to face the opposition that the execution of the governor would arouse in the province. It will be remembered that Wang- gon had left command that as the south was disaffected none of his descendants should marr}- among its people. This shows that the king when he went south found it unwise to exercise all the prerogatives of roj^altj- . So the governor was left intact and the king moved further south to Na-ju.

Meanwhile the Kitan forces were not having it all their own way in the north. Gen. Kim Suk-heung of Kwi-ju at- tacked a powerful force of the enemy and secured a signal victory. It is said that he put 10,000 men to death. Then Gen. Yang Kyu made a dash at the enemy at Mu-ro-da near Eui-ju and killed 2,000 and recovered 3,000 prisoners. Also at Yi-su there was a battle in which 2,500 Kitan men were killed and 1,000 captives rescued. At Yo-ri-ch'un also 1,000 more were killed. These three desperate engagements oc- curred on the same day.

Gen. Ha Kong- j in was at this time a hostage in the Ki- tan capital, and he managed to send a letter to the King in- forming him that the forces of Kitan were slowl)^ retreating. This made it possible for the king to start on his way back to the capital. The first stage was to Chtin-ju.

The retreating forces of Kitan were again engaged at A- jiu but as heavy reinforcements arrived at the moment, the Koryu generals, Yang Kjai and Kim Suk-heng, lost the day and fell upon the field of battle. This victory, however, did not stop the retreat of the invading army. There had been very heavj^ rains, and many horses had perished and many soldiers were practically without arms. Gen. Chon Song, who assumed command after the death of the two generals at K-jun, hiing on the flanks of the retreating enemy and when half of them had crossed the Yalu he fell upon the remainder and many of them were cut down and man}- more were

i6o KOKEAN rirsTORr.

drowned in mid-strcani. When it became known that all tfiL- Kitau forces were across the border it took but a few days to re-nian the fortresses which had been deserted.

The king- now hastened northward stopping for a time at K.ong-ju where the governor gave him his three daughters tc wife. By the first he begat two sons both of whom became kings of Koryu, and by the second he begat another who also- became king. He was soon on the road again, and ere long he reentered the gates of his capital which had undergone much hardship during his absence. His first act was to give presents to all the generals and to order that all the bones of the soldiers who had fallen be interred. He followed this up by dispatching an envoy to the Kitan thanking them for recall- ing their troops. He banished the governor of Chun-ju whO' had attempted his life. He repaired the w^all of the capital and rebuilt the palace.

Gen. Ha was still in the hands of the Kitan but he was extremely anxious to return to Koryu. He therefore feigned to be quite satisfied there and gradually gained the entire con- fidence of bis captors. When he deemed that it was safe he proposed that he be sent back to Koryu to spj' out the condi- tion of the land and report on the number of soldiers. The emperor consented but changed his mind when he heard that the king had returned to Song-do. Instead of sending Gen, Ha back to Koryn he sent him to Yun-gyung to live and gave him a woman of high position as his wife. Even then the general did not give up hope of escaping and was soon busy on a new plan. He purchased fleet horses and had them placed at stated intervals along the road toward Korj'u with trusty grooms in charge of each. Someone, however, cold the emperor of this and, calling the exile, he questioned, him about it. Gen. Ha confessed that his life in exile was intoler- able. When the emperor had offered him everj^ inducement to transfer his allegience and all to not avail, he comanded the executioner to put an end to the interview. When news reached Song-do that Gen. Ha had preferred death to dis- loyalty, the king hastened to give office to the patriot's son.

The work of reconstruction was now commenced, in IOI2. Kyong-ju was no longer called the eastern capital but was changed back to a mere prefecture. The twelve

MKDIP:VAL KOREA. l6l

The twelve provinces were reconstructed into five and there were seventy-five prefectures in all. This plan however was abandoned two years later. Now that Koryu had regain- ed control of her own territory, the Yu-jin tribe thought best to cultivate her good will and so sent frequent envoj^s with gifts of horses and other valuables. But when the Emperor of Kitan, angry because the King refused on the plea of ill health to go to Kitan and do obeisance, sent an army and seiz- ed six of the northern districts this side the Yalu, the Yu-jin turned about and ravaged the northeast boundary. The next year the Yu-jin joined Kitan and crossed the Yalu but were speedily driven back by Gen. Kim Sang-wi.

In ID 1 4 the King came to the conclusion that he had made a mistake in casting off the friendship of China and sent an envoy to make explanations ; but the Emperor Chin-jong (Sang dynasty) was angry because he had been so long neglect- ed and would have nothing to do with the repentant Koryu.

In the autumn the Kitan army was again forced back across the border. The Koryu army had now grown to such proportions that the question of revenue became a very serious one and the officials found it necessary to suggest a change. They had been accustomed to "squeeze" a good proportion of the soldiers' pay and now that there was danger of further change which would be only in the officials' favor, the soldiers raised a disturbance, forced the palace gates, killed two of the leading officials and compelled the King to banish others. The}^ saw to it that the military officials took precedence of civil officials. From that time on there was great friction be- tween the military and civil factions, each trying to drive the other to the wall.

The next j^ear, 1015, the Kitan people bridged the Yalu, built a wall at each end and successfully defended it from capture ; but when they attempted to harry the adjoining country they were speedily driven back. The military fac- tion had now obtained complete control at the capital. Swarms of incompetent men were foisted into ofiice and things were going from bad to worse. The King was much dissatisfied at this condition of affairs and at some-one's advice decided to sever the knot which he could not untie. He summoned all the leaders of the military faction to a great feast, and, when

1 6;: KOREAN HISTdKV.

he had gotten them all intoxicated, had them cut down by men who had lain concealed in an adjoining chamber. In this way nineteen men were put out of the way and the military faction was driven to the wall.

Year by year the northern people tried to make headway against Koryfi. The Sung dynasty was again and agaih ap- pealed to but without success. Koryu was advised to make peace with Kitan on the best terms possible. The Kitan generals, Yu Pyul, Hang Byun and Ya-yul Se-chang made raid after raid into Koryii territory with varying success. In 1016 Kitan scored a decisive victor}- at Kwak-ju where the Koryii forces were cut to pieces. Winter however sent them back to their northern haunts. The next 3'ear they came again and in the following year, 1018, Gen. So Son-ryung came with 100,000 men. The Korj'U army was bj- this time in good order again and showed an aggregate of 200,000 men. They were led by General Kang Kam-ch'an. When the battle was fought the latter used a new form of strategem. He caus- ed a heavy dam to be constructed across a wooded vallej' and when a considerable bodj' of water had accumulated behind it he drew the enemy into the valley below and then had the dam torn up ; the escaping water rushed down the valley and swept away hundreds of the enemy and threw the rest into such a panic that they fell an easy prej^ to the superior num- bers of the Korj-u army. This was followed by two more vic- tories for the Koryu arms.

The next year, again, the infatuated north-men flung themselves against the Koryu rock. Under Gen. So Son- rj-ung they advanced upon Song-do. The Kor5'U generals went out thirty miles and brought into the capital the people in the suburbs. Gen. So tried a ruse to throw the Kor^u generals off their guard. He sent a letter saying that he had decided not to continue the march but to retire to Kitan ; but he secretl}- threw out a strong force toward Song-do. They found ever)' point disputed and were obliged to withdraw to Yung-byun. Like most soldiers the Koryu forces fought best when on the offensive and the moment the eneui}' took this backw^ard step Gen. Kang Kam-ch'an was upon them, flank and rear. The invaders were driven out of Yang-byun but made a stand at Kwi-ju. At first the fight was an even one

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 1 63

but when a south wind sprang up which lent force to the KorN'ii arrows and drove dust into the eyes of the enemy the latter turned and fled, with the exulting Koryu troops in full pursuit. iVcross the Suk-ch'un brook they flounder- ed and across the fields which they left carpeted with Kitan dead. All their plunder, arms and camp equipage fell into Koryu hands and Gen, So Son-rj^ung with a few thousand weary followers finally succeeded in getting across the Yalu. This was the greatest disaster that Kitan suffered at any time from her southern neighbor. Gen. So received a cool wel- come from his master, while Gen. Kang, returning in triumph to Song-do with Kitan heads and limitless plunder, was met b}^ the King in person and given a flattering ovation. His Majesty witli his own hands presented him with eight golden flowers. The name of the meeting place was changed to Heung-eui-yuk, "Place of lyofty Righteousness." When Gen. Kang retired the following year he received six honorary titles and the revenue from three hundred houses. He was a man of small stature and ill-favored and did not dress in a manner befitting his position, but he was called the "Pillar of Koryu." Many towns in the north had been laid waste dur- ing the war and so the people were moved and given houses and land. The records say that an envoy came with greetings from the kingdom of Ch'ul-ri. One also came from Ta-sik in western China and another from the kingdom of Pul-la, Several of the Mal-gal tribes also sent envoys ; the kingdom of T'am-na was again heard from and the Kol-bu tribe in the north sent envoj-s. In 1020 Koryu sent an envoy to make friends again with her old time enemy Kitan and was success- ful. The ambition of the then Emperor of Kitan had ap- parently sought some new channel. Buddhism, too, came in for its share of attention. We read that the King sent to Kyhig-ju, the ancient capital of vSil-la, to procure a bone of Buddha which was preserved there as a relic. Every import- ant matter was referred in praj-er to the Buddhistic deities. As 3^et Confucianism had succeeded in keeping pace with Bud- hism. In 1024 the King decreed that the candidates in the national examinations should come according to population ; three men from a thousand-house town, two from a five hun- red-house town and one each from smaller places. Several

164 KOREAN IIISTORV,

examinations were held in succession and only those who ex- celled in them all received promotion. The great struggle be- tween Buddhism and Confucianism, which now began, arrayed the great class of monks on the side of the former and the whole official class on the side of the latter. Th6 former worked upon the superstitions of the King and had continual access to him while the latter could appeal to him only on the side of general common sense and reason. Moreover Bud- dhism had this in its favor that as a rule each man worked for the system rather than for himself, always presenting a solid front to the opposition. The other party was itself a con- glomerate of ir.terests, each man working mainly for himself and joining wuth others only when his own interests de- manded. This marked division of parties was strikingly il- lustrated when, in 1026, in" the face of vehement expostula- tions on the part of the officials, the King spent a large amount of treasure in the repairing of monasteries. The kingdom of Kitan received a heavy blow when in 1029 one of her gener- als, TS Yun-im, revolted and formed the sporadic kingdom of Heung-5'o, Having accomplished this he sent to the King of Koryu saying "We have founded a new kingdom and you must send troops to aid us." The Koryu officials advised that advantage be taken of this schism in Kitan to recover the territory beyond the Yalu which originally belonged to Ko- gu-ryu and to which Koryu therefore had some remote title. Neither plan was adopted. It seemed good to keep friendly with Kitan until such time as her power for taking revenge should be past, so envoys were sent as usual, but were inter- cepted and held by the new King of Heung-yo. This policy turned out to be a wise one, for soon the news came that Kitan had destroyed the parvenu.

Now that the fortunes of Koryu were manifestly in the ascendant, many people in the north sent and swore allegiance to her, thus following the example of a certain Kitan envoy who at this time transferred his citizenship voluntarily from Kitan to Koryu.

The King died and his son Heum, posthumous title Tuk- jong, came to the throne in 1032. He married his own sister. All friendly relations with Kitan were broken off, because the bridge across the Yalu was not destroyed. It did not seem

MEDIEVAL KOREA l6s

a friendh' act to leave this standing menace to the peace of Korj'U. In view of this the King ordered a wall to be built across the entire peninsula from the Yalu River to the Japan Sea. It was nearly a thousand li long. This would seem al- most incredible were it not that the facts are given in such detail. The wall was twenty-five cha high and the same in breadth and stretched from Ko-gung-na Fortress, near Eui-ju on the Yalu, to Yong-heung near the Japan Sea. The Kitan people tried to hinder this work but without avail. This period marks the acme of Koryu's power and wealth. She had reached her zenith within a century and a quarter of her birth and now for three centuries she was destined to de- cline.

The young-^r brother, Hyong, of this King Tuk-jong, succeeded him in 1035, after a short reign of three j^ears. He continued the work of making impregnable the defenses of the north. He built a wall from Song-ryung Pass in the west to the borders of the Yii-jin tribe in the north-east. He also built a Fortress Cha-jun, nowCh'ang-siing. His reign beheld the riveting of Buddhistic chains upon the kingdom. Those who could read the signs of the times surmised this when, in 1036, the King decreed that, if a man had four sons, one of them must become a monk. Because of the Buddhistic canon against the spilling of blood the death penalty was commuted to banishment. Another Buddhistic anniversarj^ was institut- ed. The King also inaugurated the custom of having boys go about the streets bearing Buddhistic books upon their backs from which the monks read aloud as they passed along. This was for the purpose of securing blessings for the people.

In order to counteract the tendency toward luxury, the King forbade the use of silk and gold and went so far as to burn up the whole stock of silk held by the merchants. He made a new law of primogeniture. The first son is to suc- ceed. If he dies, the son of the first son succedes. If there is no grandson the second son succeeds. If there is no son by the wife the son by a concubine succeeds. If there is none then a daughter succeeds. The Yti-jiu tribe came with rich gifts and promised faithfully to refrain from raiding the frontier again. In 1047 the King was succeeded by his younger brother, Whi, posthumous title Mun-jong, who was

1 66 KOKKAX HISTOKV.

destined to sit upon the throne for thirty-seven years. After aunonncing to his suzerain his aceession, he followed the cus- tom of his house and married his sister.

This monarch at first showed a bleu ling of Buddhistic and Confucian influences, for the annals state that in his se- cond year he fed ten thousand monks in the palace and gave them lodging there, and that shortly after this he built a Temple to Heaven before the palace. The Yu-jin trib^ broke their promise and made a descent upon the border fortresses but were driven back ; and not only so, but the Koryu forces followed them to their haunts and burned their villages to the ground.

In 1053 the sj^stem of taxation was overhauled and a new schedule of weights was made. The King sent a letter to Kitan complaining that the bridge across the Yalu still stood, that a wall had been built to secure it and that a horse relay system had been established, with this bridge as one of its termini. It seemed, in the words of the letter, that "Kitan was the silk-worm and Koryu was the mulberry leaf." The King was anxious to attempt an embassy to China and for that purpose suggested that a boat be built on the island of Quelpart but the ofl&cials dissuaded him from the attempt.

The 3'ear 1056 was signalised by the arrival of an envoy from Japan. It is probable that the strong Buddhistic tendency which had developed in Japan had tempted the Japanese to send and secure further instruction in that cult and to secure relics and paraphernalia. The envo}' may have asked that Buddhist teachers be sent, but the records say nothiag to this effect.

Buddhism was making steady advances. A large quantity of metal intended for the manufacture of arms was taken b\- order of the King and made into nails for use in building monasteries. He took away houses from many'wealthy people, among them some of his own relatives and gave them to the monks. The law requiring that of four sons one must be- come a monk was now revised so as to read that one of every three should don the cowl. Nearlj^ every house furnished its monk. The King said "From the very first our Kings have encouraged Buddhism and each generation has paid attention to the building of monasteries. By so doing man}^ blessings

MEDIEVAL KOREA.

Ik1

have been received. Now that I have become King I find that many evils are oppressing the state because of the neglect of the important precept. I will now mend this breach in our conduct and restore to the country her former prosperity." So he built monasteries in various places. The officials all used their influence against this but the monks carried the day. A Buddhist book called Tal-jang-gyung was sent by Kitan as a gift to Koryu.

This period was not without some hopeful signs. A law was passed that no man should be punished before being tried before three judges. The government built a fleet of a hun- dred and six sailing vessels to carry the government rice from one port to another. The boats made six trips a year.

But the advan :es, or rather retrogressions, in a Buddhis- tic line were still more marked. In 1065 the King's son Ku cut his hair and became a monk. A law was promulgated that no beast should be killed in the land for three years. A monastery was being built in Song-do containing 2,800 kan, each kaji being eight feet square. It took twelve years to complete it. When it became ready for occupancy there was a magnificent festival at which all monks within a radius of many miles were present. The feasting lasted five days. There was an awning of silk, covering a passage-way from the palace to this monastery. Mountains and trees were repre- sented by lanterns massed together. The King dressed in the robes of a high priest. In this monastery was a pagoda on which 140 pounds of gold and 427 pounds of silver were lavished.

Chapter IV.

Revenue mathematics the bridge removed friends with China

again .... Confucianism wanes. . . . Buddhist book from Japan

frontier defence, . . .prophecy. . . .Han-yang made a secondary capi- tal....new laws.... cash counterfeited. .. .Yu-jin taken .... botany ... .beginnings of the Kin power. .. .between Kitan and Kin ... . kingdom of Wun .... China allies herself with Kitan .... Kin seeks the good will of Koryu. . . .dancing-girls and Buddhism. . . .Kin de- mands Korvu alliance. . . .refused. . . .defense of the north. . . .an am-

l6S KORKAX HISTORY.

bitious official ...Kitan falls. .. .Sung dynasty falls. .. .harbor im- provement . . . Bviddhist trickery rebellion quelled ...historical

work, Sani-guk-sa. . . .an abject king. . . .Kin immigrants. . . .a good governor for Quelpart. .. .military faction dominant. .. .criminals, houses destroyed . . .king banished . . .a plot foiled. . . .the emperor suspicious .. .military and monastic factions ...attempted revolu- tion . . .monastic revolt. .

It is evident that jiopulation and revenue are proportion- ate. Not often is the cinestion of population touched upon in the Korean annals but some light is thrown upon it by the statement that at this time the revenue from the north, from the most distant places only, was 49,000 bags of rice. From this we must infer that the north was fairly well populated.

An interesting point in connection with the mathemati- cal knowledge of the time is brought out in the statement that the s^'stem of laud tax was changed and w-as collected at a certain rate per each .square of thirty- three paces; but if the field was large the tax was a certain amount for each tract forty-seven paces square. The square of thirty-three is 1089 and the square of fortj'-seven is 2209, which is the nearest possible to twice the square of thirty-three. It would seem then that they had some notion of the properties of geo- metrical figures.

It was about this time that Kitan changed its name to Yo. She at once sent an envoy announcing the fact. These were the golden days of Koryu's relations. The Yu-jin tribe of To-ryung-ko-do-wha came and swore allegiance as also did the Chang-man and Tu-hul tribes. A few years later a Japan- ese ruler named Sal-ma sent gifts to the Koryu court as also did the people of Tsushima.

During the latter 3'ears of this reign the Kitan people were induced to break down the bridge across the Yalu but it was done only by sending at abject letter in which the Koryu king said "As all the world is yours and all the people in the w^orld belong to j'OU, you have no need of a bridge to bind us to you."

In 1077 an envoy came from the Emperor of China (Sung dynast}^) asking aid against the Kitan. The king might well have turned and answered that as the Emperor had re- mained deaf to Koryu's entreaties for help so now Koryu would decline to respond. But he did nothing of the kind ;

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 1 69

this opportunity to reestablish friendly relations with China was hailed with delight by all classes. The king, though ill, was carried on his bed outside the city walls to meet this wel- come messenger. The latter was treated royally and was loaded with so many gifts that he could not take them back with him. He had no intention, however, of leaving them entirely, for he sold them and took the money instead. This sort of thrift was something new to the Koreans and they showed their disgust b}' ridiculing him ; and when he left they spat upon the ground in token of their contempt. We are not told that Koryu gave the aid requested. And yet the friendly relations were continued, as is seen from the fact that in 1079 the emperor sent physicians and medicines to Korj-Q. We have here the first definite mention of gold min- ing in the statement that the people of Hong-wiin dug a hundred ounces of gold and a hundred and fifty ounces of silver, which they sent to the king. He graciously gave it back to them.

In 1084 the king died and his adopted son Hun, posthu- mous title Sun-jong, came to the throne ; but he died almost immediately and was succeeded the same year by his younger brother Un, pos:humous title Sun-jong. When the messen- ger announcing this arrived at the gates of the Kitau capital he was refused entrance, for they said there must be some underl3^ing cause for the sudden death of king Sun-jong.

L'nder the new king, Buddhism continued its rapid ad- vance. In the first year of his reign he instituted a Buddhist examination to take the place of the ordinary examination which was at bottom Confuciau ; and so Buddhism scored a decided victory over her rival. It was a blow from which Confucianism recovered only by the extinction of the dynasty. These examinations the king attended in person, a Buddhist book being carried before him. IJe sent the prince to China to learn more about the tenets of the popular faith and when he returned the king went out to welcome him home. The young man brought back 1,000 volumes of Buddhistic books. Later the king secured 4,000 volumes more from the same source. The records distinctly state that he sent also to Japan to secure still other Buddhistic books. This is a strong indication that Japan did not obtain her Buddhism largely

170 KORKAN HISTORY,

from Korea. Tt proves at lenst that she had a more direct channel for the procuring of Buddhist literature than by way of Korea, otherwise Korya would hardly have applied to her for books. The king married his own sister. The bridge across the Yalu had been destroyed but it would seem that it had been again built, for now in 1088 the records say it was finally destroyed.

King Sun-jong could not do enough for Buddhism. A vast amount of government rice was turned from its legiti- mate uses and found its way into the store-rooms of monas- teries. The king constructed a thirteen- storey pagoda in the palace. His mother made frequent visits to one of tlu monasteries.

The onl}' act of this king which was not with special ref- erence to Buddhism was the stationing at Eui-ju of a large number of war chariots to be used in defense of the frontier.

In 1095 the king was succeeded by his son Uk, posthu- mous title Hon-jong, who was only eleven j^ears old. His uncle Ong become regent but proved unfaithful and in the fol- lowing year drove the bo}' from the throne and proclaimed himself king. His title was Suk-jong. The most important events of his reign were in connection with the founding of a second capital as Han-yang, the present Seoul. The monk To- sun who, it will be remembered, had taught the young Wang- gon the science of war, had also left a prophecy to the effect that after 160 years it would be well for the kingdom if the site of the capital be changed. The preliminary arrange- ments were made earlj- in this reign but it was not until the 3''ear 1104 that a palace was actually constructed there, nor was the ro3^al residence changed either at this time or at an}^ later period, for any considerable length of time. A few im- portant laws were promulgated ; that if relatives intermarried they could not receive official position ; that the nomination of an heir to the throne should be made only after consulta- tion with the court of the northern suzerain ; that candidates who failed to pass the government examinations should be .solaced by receiving military rank.

It is said that in iioo copper cash had begun to circulate for the first time with freedom among the people. Buddhism also made material advances during this reign and liveted its

MEDIEVAL KOREA. I7I

fetters more firmly upoti the body politic. On the whole it was a verj' clean reign, when we remember that a usurper was on the throne.

In 1 106 Suk-jong's son U, posthumous title Ye-jong, came to the throne. At the very first he was confronted b}' a new problem. The people had yet to learn that the coinage of money is a purely government monopoly. The readiness with which cash circulated tempted some to attempt to coun- terfeit it. The king consequently promulgated a law inflict- ing a heavy penalt}- upon this offense and at the same time made a law against the adulteration of food.

Having, in his third year, married a near relative he took as a teacher a monk named Un-jin, another indication of the stead}^ progress of that cult. The talk about the change of site for the capital resulted in the building of a palace at P'yung-5^ang and several royal progresses to each of the pro- posed sites.

The tribe of Yu-jin had repeatedly promised to remain peaceful and had as often broken their word ; so now when they began to grow restless again, the king decided to make an end of the matter. He sent a strong force into their terri- tor}', killed 4,800 men and took several thousand prisoners. The territory was divided into four administrative districts.

In 1 1 15 the king developed a fad. He became an enthu- siastic botanist. He ransacked the kingdom for rare and beautiful plants and sent them to China in exchange for many kinds that were not indigenous.

We have now arrived at the threshold of events which were destined to result in the founding of a great dynast)'. In order to explain we must go back a few years. Early in this dynasty a Koryu monk from P'yung-j^ang, named Keum- jun. had fled, for some reason not stated, to the town of A-ji-go among the Yu-jin tribe. He had there married a Yu- jin woman and gotten a son whom he named Ko-eul. He in turn begot Whal-ra, and to him were born manj^ sons, the eldest of whom was Hyo-ri-bal and the second Yong-ga. The latter was unusuallj^ bright and popular and eventuall}' be- came chief ; but on his death the son of his brother Hyo-ri- bal, named O-a-sok, took his place. 0-a-sok died and his younger brother, A-gol-t'a, became chief. Yu-jin was at this

172 KOREAN inSTORV.

time a small weak tribe under the sway of the Ki-tan court, but now the masterly genius of A-gol-t'a had come to her help, matters were destined to assume a different complexion.

It was now in 11 14 that the little tribe of Yu-jin broke oflf its allegiance to Kitan and prepared to carve out a career for herself under her great leader. Soon an envoy came in haste from the capital of Kitan commanding the kir.g to stand ready to drive back the Yu-jin tribe if they attempted to es- cape into his territorj', for the emperor of Kitan was about to chastise his recalcitrant vassal.

The next year A-gol-t'a with sublime presumption pro- claimed himself emperor and named his kingdom Kin. At the same time he changed his own name to Min.

The Kitan emperor sent again demanding a contingent of Koryu troops. After anxious consultation it was decided to keep the soldiers near home and guard the interests of Koryu. In the war between Kitan and Kin the former were severely handled and again appealed to Koryu for help, but now with no hope of success.

The next year, 11 16, a Koryu en V03" Yun Eun-sun was sent to the Kitan court but he did not return, so a second one was dispatched to learn the cause. The fact is, the first envo}^ had fallen into the hands of a new power named Wun which had been set up in eastern Kitan by a man named Ko Yong-ch'ang. War was still raging between Kitan and Kin and the whole country was in a state of turmoil and con- fusion. The second envoy from Koryu fell into the hands of the Wun people but got out of the difficulty by promptly stating that he was accredited to them b}^ the king of Koryu ; and he forthwith laid out his present. This made the upstart "emperor" of Wun wild with delight and. loading the envoy wdth rich presents, -he sent him back home. Instead of going back to the king, however, the envoy retxirned secretly to his own home, and it was only by accident that the king learned of his return. When he did learn of it he sent for the man and inflicted summary' punishment. Of course the Wun people liberated the other envoy and sent him hom'e. Him also the king punished for having saved his life by seemingly offering allegiance to Wun.

The emperor of China sent an envoy to Koryu with gifts

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 1 73

of musical instruments and took advantage of the occasion to askthi Koryu king about the Kitan people. The king an- swered. "Of all the savage tribes they are the worst." When this reply reached the Chinese court some of the courtiers said that the king of Koryu w^as trying to keep China from knowing Kitan, since there was treasure there which Koryu wanted to secure for herself. The emperor therefore sent and made an alliance with Kitan, which, as the sequel shows, cost him dear.

Kitan was being hard pressed by Kin, and Gen. Ya Ryul-lyting wanted to escape and find asylum somewhere, so the king sent him a verbal invitation to come to Koryu. He replied that h"; could not do so without a written invitation. The Koryu statesmen feared that this covered some kind of trickery and the written invitation was not sent.

Koryu desired to put out a feeler to see how" she stood with the Kin power so she sent a message saying "The district of P'o-ju is rightfully Koryu territory and we should be pleased to have it turned over to us." The answer was given without an hour's delaj^ "Certainly, take it and do with it as you wish." Evidentlj' the great Kin leader did not intend to let a single district stand between hira and the good-will of a power which might cause him serious trouble while he was prosecuting his designs upon China.

The 5^ear ended with a great feast at the capital of Koryu at which dancing girls from all parts of the country congre- gated. The records say that they came "in clouds" which indicates the social status of the country. Buddhism had her representative in every home, but no severe asceticism would seem to have characterized the people, if this report is true.

The 3'ear 1117 beheld repeated triumphs of the Kin leader over the Kitan forces, the flight of the Kitan general Ya Ryul-lyung b}' boat, the burning of the Kitan fleet and the cession to Koryu of two more districts, thus placing her border again at the Yalu River. But this concession was of design for it was followed bj- a letter from the Kin court which read as follows : "The elder brother, the Emperor of the Great Kin. to the younger brother, the king of Koryu ; we were a small, weak tribe and were badly treated bj^ the Kitan power but

f74 KORIvAX IirSTORV,

now we are about to destroy it. Tlie King of Koryii must now ipake with us a firm treaty wliicli shall be l)iiulino; to the ten thousandth generation."

This met with an almost universal negative among the wise-heads of Koryu, but one voice was heard saying "They may be in a position to do us great harm and we should comply with this demand." The latter opinion did not prevail. Three years later another envoy came from the king of- Kin with gifts but the accampan3ang letter was couched in low language which was constnied into an insult and was answered in the same tone. The king then hastened to- repair the fortresses in the north and to increase the height of the wall stretching across the country ; but the Kin em- peror sent and forbade it. When he received as answer the question "What affair is it of yours ?" he kept his temper and did not press the demand for he was anxious just then to be on good terms with his southern neighbor.

We must not imagine that these years were barren of events of importance within the bounds of Koryu herself. Splendid monasteries were built, notably the beautiful An-wha monastery ; embassies and gifts were received from China ; the king made trips to P'yung-yang and Han-j^ang. In spite of the height to which Buddhism had climbed, we read in the annals that the king frequented the society of dancing girls to such an extent that he drew down upon himself the censure of one of his highest officials, whom he consequently banished.

In 1 123 the king's son Ha, posthumous title In-joug, came to the throne. An official, Yi Ja-gyum, who had risen to the highest position under the former king seemed to think himself in a sense on an equality with the 3-oung king now on the throne, and w^anted to have him bow to him, but the other officials interfered and prevented it. In order to make his posi- tion the more secure, and to strengthen his influence over the king, Yi Ja-gyiim bestowed upon him his four daughters to wife. Naturally he incurred the bitter enmity of the other officials, who sought means for destroying him, but without success. As a last resort they sent a band of soldiers to the palace to kill him. But he escaped to his private house, tak- ing the king with him. From that place he governed the

MEDIKVAL KOREA. 175

land as he wished. Finding the king an incumbrance he tried to do away with him by the use of poisoned bread, but some- one warned the king, and instead of eating the breid he threw it out of the window and the magpies, which soon discovered it, fell dead on the spot. Thereupon the king sent a secret mes- sage to one of his generals and soon the traitor was travelling southward into exile and all his connections and followers were put where they could do no more harm..

It was in the third year of this King, 1124, that the Kin armies finally overthrew the Kitan power. The false report ■came to Koryu that China had defeated the Kin forces and that the leader of the defeated power was coming to find asylum in Koryu. The king was advised b}' some to take this opportunity of dealing Kin a staggering blow, but the more cautious advised dela}' until the report should be authenticated. This was fortunate, for the report proved false.

It was in 11 26 that the northern Sung dynasty came to an end at the hands of the all-conquering Kin. The records state that Kin leaders carried the last emperor of the Sung dynasty away and set up one Chang Pang-ch'ang as king in his stead, and changed the name of the d5'nasty to Ch'o. When this had been effected the Kin emperor sent Gen. Ya Ryul Ka-geum to Koryu bearing his commands to the king, but what those commands were the records do not tell. The influence which priestcraft had exercised in Koryu was well illustrated by a monk Myo-chung of P'3mrg-3'ang who told the King that there was no more "king Spirit" in the soil of Song-do, but if he should move the capital to P'yung-yang the Kitan, Kin and Sung would all become sub- ject to him. The king believed every word of this and or- dered a palace to be built there for his occupancy. A year or so later, after sending the Kin court his abject submission, he essayed to move to the northern cit}- bj' boat, but a fresh breeze sprang up and he quickly changed his mind and hur- ried back to Song-do. The coastwise trade must have been of considerable importance, for we read that the water on the bar at Hong-ju harbor, was too shallow for boats of large burden to cross, so the king put several thousand men to work to deepen the channel ; but to no effect.

176 KORi:\\ HTSTORV.

The fight between Confucianism and Buddhism went steadily an. The king was the puppet of the latter but could not always carry out his plans. He wanted to take away the support of Confucian schools and turn over the funds to the monks, but this called out such a storm of remonstran- ces that he hastened to recall the order. He had not forgot- ten the flattering words of the monk Myo-chuug, and now in 1 130 he took occasion to visit the city of P'yung-yang. The tricky monk had made preparation for his coming. Hollow loaves of bread were prepared with holes in their sides after the style of a Jack-o'-lantern. Oil was placed inside and as the king approached the town at dusk these were floated down the stream, and the oil on the water, shining in the light of the setting sun, reflected all the hues of the rainbow. The monk told the king that this was the dragon's breath. This w^as to convince the king of the truth of his former statement. But the king's attendants were scep- tical and sent messengers who returned with the bread floats, thus unmasking the trickster. They demanded the head of the monk but the king did not consent.

Foiled in this the ambitious monk laid new plans. In 1 1 35 the}' were ready to be put in execution. Together with a fellow traitor, Cho Kwang, he massed soldiers at P'yung yang and set up a kingdom of his own which he named Ta-wi. He called the army the "Celestial Army, "perhaps to keep them in good humor. The government forces easily overcame these insurrectionary forces and Cho Kwang, find- ing that the end was approaching, tried to bu}- pardon by cutting off the head of the monk and bringing it to the capital. The king forgave him, but no sooner had he re-en- tered the gates of P'yung-yang than he raised the standard of revolt again. The royal forces laid siege to the city, and having broken down a portion of the wall effected an entrance. Cho Kwang, seeing that there was no longer any chance of safety, set fire to his house and perished in the flames.

We find in the records the curious statement that the law against murder was revised, making that crime a greater one than the killing of a cow. The following year there was a Buddhistic festival at which 30,000 monks were present.

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 177

In the year 1145 occurred an event of great importance. A ceiitury and a quarter had now passed since the kingdom of Sil-la had fallen and as yet the anuals of Sil-la, Ko-gu-ryQ and Pak-je had not been worked up into a proper history. -This year it was done and the great work entitled Sam-giik-sa, or History of the Three Kingdoms, was the result. This work which, though rare, exists to-day, is the thesaurus of ancient Korean history, and it is the basis upon which all subsequent histories of ancient Korea are founded. Its compiler, Kim Pu-sik, is one of the celebrated literary men of Korea and may truly be called the father of Korean history.

In-jong was succeeded in 1147 by his son H3'^on, post- humous title Eui-jong. Never before had a king given him- self over so abjectly to the priesthood. The people were thoroughly discontented with his course, but he would listen to no remonstrances. It would have been better Had he been a more consistent Buddhist but his drinking, gambling and licentiousness gave the lie to his religious pretentions and left the impression that he was in reality only the tool of the priesthood. It is said that his visits to a certain monastery were so frequent that an awning had to be erected from the palace to its gates, and if at any time the king was not to be found the}^ looked for him in this monastery. He was an object of ridicule to the whole people. A diviner told him that if he built a palace at Pak-ju (now Pa-ch'un) in Whang-hS Province, in seven years he would overcome both Kitan and Kin. The king was simple enough to follow his advice. He wasted the public treasure on the wildest debaucheries, gave high positions to monks and surrounded himself with a vile set of men who debauched the palace women.

In 1 1 65 numbers of the Kin people crossed the Yalu and settled at In-ju and Chung-ju. The magistrates raised a force of soldiers on their own account without xoy-aX authority and drove out the intruders and burned their houses. The Kin emperor made the king restore them to their places but the magistrates again drove them out ; so the Emperor sent a body of troops and seized sixteen of the country ofiScials.

The officials desired to stop the king's frequent visits to his favorite monastery. One day as he was passing along his covered passage-way they made his horse rear violently and

l/S KDRKAN HISTORY.

at the same time one of them let fall an arrow before him. The king was terrified, supposing that someone had shot at him, so he returned to the palace in haste and barred the gates. He charged a slave of his brother's with having shot the arrow and after wringing a false confession from him by tor:ure put him to death.

In 1168 Ch'oe Ch'nk-kyi5ng became prefect of T'am-na (Quelpart). He was well liked by the people and when he was removed and another man put in his place they rose in revolt, drove out the successor and said tliey would have no governor but Ch'oe. So the King was obliged to reinstate him. These people of Quelpart were very unruly. It was only during the reign of this king's father that the first prefect had been sent to that island.

The king sent a commission to Dagelet island off the east coast to find out whether it was habitable. They brought back an adverse report.

Besides his partiality to Buddhism the king added an- other burden to those which the people already carried. He made the eunuchs his instruments to exact money from the people, and to such as supplied him with the most money from this illegal practice he gave rank and honors. The king was continually feasting, but none of the militar)' men enjoyed his favor or shared his hospitality. Matters came to a crisis when in 1170 one of the military officials was struck by a civil official of a lower grade in the presence of the king while at a monastery outside the city. The matter was hushed up for the moment but when the compan}' separated some of the generals assembled the palace guards and seized and killed the tw^o leading civil officials. One, Han Roe, escaped and hid behind the king's bed. In spite of this the generals entered and dragged him away to his death. Then they began to slaughter the civil officials and eunuchs indis- criminatel)'. The records say that the dead bodies were piled ' 'mountains high. ' ' The military officials had a sign by which they might be distinguished. The right shoulder was left bare and they W'Ore a head-dress called the pok-tu. Whoever 'vas found lacking these two signs was cut down. The king was in mortal fear and tried to propitiate the leading general by the gift of a beautiful sword. He accepted it but the

MEDIEVAL KOREA. I 79

work of death went on. They took the king back to the capital and, arriving at the palace, cut down ten leading men at that point. Then they went to the palace of the crown prince and killed ten more. Proclamation was made in the main street "Kill any ofl&cial wearing the garments of the civil rank". This was the sign for a general slaughter and fifty more of the oflBcials were murdered . After this, twent}' eunuchs were beheaded and their heads were set upon pikes.

Though the king was badl)^ frightened he continued his evil course of life without abatement. The generals wanted to kill hhn but were dissuaded. The persecution of the civil officials continued but there was some discrimination, for two of them who were better than the rest were spared and protected. A civil official, returning from China, learned of of this cmcntc and, gathering forces in the country, ap- proached the capital ; but at a certain pass an unfavorable omen was seen in the shape of a tiger sitting in the road. The omen was true, for the improvised armj^ was defeated b}- the insurrectionists. One Chong Chung-bu was the leading spirit in this business and he now proceeded to pull down all the houses of the civil officials, turning a deaf ear to the ex- postulations of those who pitied the widows and orphans. From this time dates the custom of destroying the house of any official or gentleman who is guilty of any serious crime against the king.

Gen. Chong came to the conclusion that the king was a hopeless case and so he banished him to Ko-je in Island, Kyung- sang Province, and the Crown Prince to the island of Chin-do, and made way with a large number of the king's relatives and hangers-on. He then put the king's younger brother Ho on the throne. His posthumous title is Myung-jong. This was in 1 171.

Then all the offices were filled by military officials, Gen. Im Keuk-ch'ung becoming Prime Minister. Mun Keup- kyum was one of the civil officials who were spared, and he now feigned to be well content with the condition of things and gave his daughter to the son of one of the generals in marriage. An envoy was sent to the Kin court saying that as the king was old and sick his brother had been given the reins of power.

I So KOREAN HISTORY.

One of the generals, Yi Ko, desired to effect a revolution and, gathering his friends about him, promised them high honors in case the attempt should succeed. Thereupon he took with him to a feast a number of his followers with swords hidden in their sleeves. Gen. Cli'oa Wun, however, suspected something and communicated his suspicions to Gen. Yi Eui-bang who managed to get Gen. Yi Ko out into the anteroom and there felled him to the ground with an iron mace and dispatched him. His followers w'ere also seized and killed.

The emperor suspected that the deposed king had been forcibly ejected and so sent a letter severely blaming his suc- cessor. An envoy was dispatched to the Kin court to explain UKitters. He talked well but the emperor still suspected something and refused to answer the king's letter. The envoy thereupon sat down and deliberately began to starve himself to death. This secured the desired answer and the envoy returned to Song-do. The emperor sent a commission to enquire into the matter. The commissioner was feasted at the capital and told that the deposed king was old and sick and had gone away to a distant part of the country and could not be produced.

The ill-will between the military and the monks was well illustrated when the palace caught fire. General Chong saw many monks running toward the burning buildings, but rather than have them enter he locked the gates and let the build- ings burn to the ground.

The remnant of the civil officers w-ere ever on the look- out for opportunities to get the upper hand again and drive out the military party. To this end Kim Po-dang sent letters to prefects far and wnde and a time for a rising was agreed upon. The banished king was put in the van of the army thus improvised and they advanced as far as Kyoug-ju. But the plan miscarried and Kim, its originator, was seized by the people and sent to Song-do where he was put to death. Be- fore dying he exclaimed "I was in league with all the civil nobles." This was probably not true, but it caused a fresh outbreak of the military party upon the civil nobles, and scores of them were killed. At last a reaction set in and the military leaders, feeling that they had gone too far, tried to make

MEDIEVAL KOREA. l8l

amends by giving their daughters to the sons of the civil offici- als in marriage.

At this point occurred one of the most revolting events that blot the pages of Korean history. Gen. Chong, hearing that the banished king had come as far as Kyong-ju sent Gen. Yi Eui-mun to put him out'of the way. After the leader and two hundred members of the ex-king's guard had been treacherously killed the ex-king himself was spirited away to a neighboring monaster3\ He was taken out to the brink of a pond behind this monaster}^ and there Gen. Yi, who was a man of immense stature, seized him in his arms and crushed his ribs, killing him instantly. The body was wrapped in blankets, placed in two kettles, which were placed mouth to mouth, and thrown into the pond. When this monster. Gen. Yi, returned to Song-do he was loaded with honors. Later a monk, who was a good swimmer, raised the body and gave it decent burial.

In spite of the overwhelming power exercised by the military party, the king was devoted to Buddhism. The monks were very anxious to kill Gen. Yi, who had taken such an active part in deposing the late king ; so they massed in front of the palace and set fire to it by first firing the adjoin- ing houses. Gen. Yi made a sudden sall)^ with a strong guard and killed a hundred of the monks. He followed this up by demolishing five monasteries whose sacred vessels and other utensils he confiscated.

Chapter V.

Rebellion quelled cannibalism anarchy "faith cure' ' . . . .re- formation .... Ta-na well .... the Queen restored .... slaves revolt .... the Mongols. . . .envoy killed. . . .Kin weakens. . . .Kitan refugees. . . civil strife . . .Kitan driven back . . .Mongol allies. . . .Mongols drive Kitans into Korj-u. . . .Mongol savages. . . .Kitan remnant surrenders . . . .Mongol envoy. . . .jealousy. . . .Mongol demands . . .rebels' heads sent to Song-do .... Mongol demands tribute .... brutal envoy .... a

new wall. . . .Japanese pirates Mongol envoy killed. . . .Mongol

allies. ...driven back prime minister duped. ...pirates again. . . .a

Korean "Shogun". .. .Mongols cross the Yalu. .. .a Mongol letter

1 82 KOKKAN HISTOKV,

. . . .the Mongols reach Song-do. . . .leave it untaken . . .the "Shogun" flees.... a brave pref ect ... Mongol terms. .. .King surrenders ... ISIongol residency.

Cho Wi-joiig was a P'yuiig-yaiiJ man with a towering ambition, and he now deemed the time ripe to put tlie wheels in motion. He therefore drew about him a strong body of troops. All the districts about P'yung-yang joined him ex- cepting Yun-ju, which remained loyal to the king. The peo- ple of that place were afraid of the rebel but the loyal prefect Hyiin Tuk-su forged a letter purporting to b^ from Che royal armj- en route for P'yung-yang. This gave the pejpie cour- age to hold out.

Cho and his troops marched toward Song-do and encamped not far to the west of the town. Gen. Yi Eui-bang, having first seized and killed all the P'yiuig-an officials who happen- ed to be in the capital, marched out against the rebels. At the first attack the seditious force broke and fled. Gen. Yi chased them as far as the Ta-dong River. He crossed that river and lay siege to P'j'ting-yang ; but winter was coming on and he was obliged to retire to Song-do. Cho then made two or three attempts to overthrow the loyal town of Yfin-ju, but without success.

Gen. Yi was a ruthless man, who had no love of hu- manity in him, but would kill his best friend if it served his purpose. For this reason Gen. Ch nig did not dare to as- sociate with him, but threw up his commission and went into retirement. His son got a priest to dog the footsteps of Gen. Yi and wait for a chance to kill him. This he finallj' ac- complished and Gen. Yi and man}- of his relatives were killed; and the queen, who was his daughter, was driven away.

As Clio Wi-jong, the P'yung-yang traitor, was gradually losing power he desired to get help from the Kin emperor. For this purpose he sent two envoys, but one of thtni killed the other on the way and them fied to Song-do. Cho sent an- other, but him the Kin emperor seized and sent a prisoner to the KoryU capital. In the spring the royal forces besieged Cho in P'yung-yang again and famine within the walls became so great that men ate each other. Many of the towns-people came out by stealth and as they were well received by the be- sieging force, well-nigh all the civilians in the city came over

MEDIEVAL KOREA. I 83

the walls by night. When the city fell, Cho was killed and his wife and children were sent to Song-do where they were hung in the center of the city.

The rebel forces were scattered but reunited in various places and terrorized the whole north, so that envoys to the Kin court had to go a round-about way to avoid them. The whole country in fact was in a state of anarchy. In the south whole sections of the countr}^ were disaffected toward the government and bands of men roamed the country. There was a rising also in Whang-ha Province. In P'^^ung-yang the people rose and drove out the governor. The king was forced to begin the correction of abuses. He sent all about gathering information as to how the people were governed and as a consequence eight hundred officials were cashiered. But the attempt at renovation came too late. In the west the bands of robbers looted right and left and could not be appre- hended. The capital itself swarmed with thieves. The an- cestral temple itself was robbed of its utensils. But all this time the king kept up a round of carousals and debaucheries at which he himself played the buffoon, and danced for the delectation of his guests, and that too at a monastery. A sacred place truly !

In the twelfth year of the reign, 1182, we find an interest- ing application of what goes in these days under the name of "faith cure." A priest claimed to be able to cure any disease. Being called before the king he said, "If anyone drinks water in which I have washed my hands he will be immediately cured." He further explained "After drinking the water, pray earnestly to Buddha. Then rise and say 'I am cured', and if you really believe you are cured, you will be so." Crov/ds of peo})le applied to him for treatment. He seduced many of the women who came to him.

Gen. Yi Eui-mun was now court favorite and he usurped all the leading offices and acted as pander-in-general to the King by !-ceking out and forcibly carrying to the palace young and handsome girls. This seemed intolerable to such loyal men as Gen. Ch'oe Chung-heun, and he, in company with his brother, surrounded the palace, killed Yi Eui-mun and many others of his ilk, chased awaj^ many illegitimate sons of the king, who had become monks, and would not let them enter

1 84 KOREAN HISTORY.

the palace again. Tliis all happened in 1196, and two years later the reformer continued the good work by deposing the old and indolent king, banishing the crown prince to Kang- wha and putting the king's brother Mun on the throne. His posthumous title is Sin-jong. The banishing of the crown prince and his wife was effected in a very heartless manner. They were ordered out of the palace at a moment's notice and, coming forth entirely unpreparedfor the journey, were mount- ed on horses in a cold rain and hurried away to Kang-wha. A terrible storm raged the day the King was deposed, as if in sympathy with the throes through the country was passing.

There was a .saying current among the people which shows at once how superstitions they were and to what an extent the eunuchs were wont to abuse their power. They said "If the King uses water from the Ta-na Wall many eu- nuchs will arise and will cause the government to be ad- ministered badly;" so the well was filled up. Another in- stance shows what a terrible temptation there was for the peo- ple to abuse their power. This same reformer Cho'e Chung- heun, though himself a man of perfect uprightness, had a brother who now took advantage of his position to force the king to take his daughter as queen. To do this the real queen had to be banished. As it happened, the king was deeply attached to her, but he was in no position to refuse to do the bidding of the powerful courtier. After a tearful part- ing she went into exile. This was as yet unknown to the re- former, but when he learned of it his indignation was deep and fierce. Cloaking his feelings, he called his brother to a feast and there reminded him that they were not of a high enough family to furnish a queen, and he charged him to give up the attempt. The next day, the villain changed his mind again. His mother expostulated with him and he felled her to the floor. Gen. Ch'oe was told of this and, surround- ing himself with a strong body-guard, he proceeded to the palace gate. When his niece was brought in her chair and was about to enter to become queen, the faithful old general dis- puted the passage and a fight ensued between his men and his brother's. The former were successful and the wretch betook himself to flight, but was pursued, taken and killed by the general himself. The rightful queen \vas restored to her station .

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 1 85

The six )'ears of this king's reign were one long scene of turmoil and strife. In the first place the slaves revolted. They said "The high men are not made so by the decree of heaven. Great men are those who do well. Let us fight for our rights; Gen. Ch'oe is from as low a grade as ourselves. Let us become high men too. ' ' They rendezvoused at Heung-guk monaster}' and decided as a preliminary measure to demand from their masters the deeds of themselves (for slaves as well as houses were deeded property) and to burn them. The)' were betrayed to Gen. Ch'oe who trapped a hundred of them, tied stones about their necks and drowned them in the river. The south was overrun by marauding parties whom the king bought off by gifts ot food, clothes and land. In Chin-ju the governor's servants locked him in his private dungeon, gathered a band of men and put to death all who would not join their standard. It is said that 6,400 men were killed because of refusal to join them. The same scenes were enacted in various places, notably in Quelpart and Kong-ju;

In the midst of these scenes the king died and was suc- ceeded in 1205 by his son Tok, posthumous title Heui-jong.

We have now arrived at the threshold of events which were destined to make Asia one great battle-field and to cause the sovereigns of Europe to tremble on their thrones.

The Mongols lived north of Yu-jin and were in a sense connected with them. Their first great chief was Ya-sok-ha (Yusuka) who first led the revolt which separated the Mongol power from the Yu-jin. He together with Keui-ak-on con- quered fort}' of the northern tribes in quick succession and brought them all under his flag. His son's name was Chul- mok-jin, the great Genghis Khan. It was now in the second year of Heui-jong, in 1206, that the great Genghis proclaimed himself emperor and named his empire Mong.

Meanwhile Ch'oe Chung-heun was not proof against the seductions of ambition and power, and we next find him seizing the people's houses and building himself a magnificent residence adjoining the palace. People said of him that he buried a boy or a girl under each corner post.

When the spring of 121 2 opened, an envoy was sent to the Kin court but was intercepted by Mongol videttes who

l86 KOREAN HISTORY.

had by this time worked their way southward to a point tliat commanded the road between Koryu and Kin. The Kin people recovered the body and sent it back to Koryu.

Gen. Ch'oe had acquired so much power that he was in reality the ruler of the land, holding much the same position that the Shogun of Japan is said to have occupied. He may not inappropriately be styled the Shogun of Koryu. For this reason the king desired to get him out of the wa3\ To this end he put upon his track a number of monks, but as they began by attacking his servant he quietly slipped into a chest and they could not find him. His body-guard became aware of his predicament and forced the palace gates, killing right left ; and they would have killed the king had not the wily old general stepped out of his hiding place and prevented it. The latter banished the king to Kang-wha and the crown prince to Chemulpo and set upon the throne one Chong, whose post- humous title is Kang-jong.

The only event recorded of this reign is the arrival of an envoy from the Kin court, who wanted to enter the palace by the central or royal gate. He insisted upon it until he was asked the question "If you enter by the royal gate, by what gate would your master enter should he come here?" This silenced him.

Kang-jong was succeeded in 12 14 by his son Chin, post- humous title Kang-jang. This was destined to be the longest and by far the most evenful reign of the dynast}^ for it lasted forty-five years and witnessed the great Mongol invasion.

The Kin power was now trembling under the Mongol onslaught and envoys came demanding aid from Koryu in the shape of rice and horses. The king ostensibly refused but allowed the envoj's to purchase rice and carry it awaj^ with them.

Again a dark cloud hung over Koryu's northern border. It was not the Mongols as 5'et, but the remnant of the Kitan forces who were unable to withstand the Mongols and so had fled south into Koryu territory. At first the Koryu forces were able to keep them in check but as they came in ever in- creasing numbers they broke down all opposition and were soon ravaging Whang-hS Province, making P'yung-yang their headquarters. The lack of Koryu soldiers was so evident

MEDIEVAL KOREA. I 87

that men of all classes, even the monks, became soldiers. It was of no avail. They were cut down like stubble and Whang-ju fell into Kitan hands. The enemy was soon only eighty li from the capital. Consternation reigned in the cit}" and the people all procured swords or other weapons and manned the walls.

To this outward danger was added the terror of civil strife for the priests took this inopportune moment to attack the old general, Ch'oe. who still ruled with a high hand. He turned on them however and cut down three hundred. He then instituted an inquisition and as a result 800 more were killed.

Such then was the desperate position of Koryu ; a power- ful enemy at her door, the south rife with rebellion, and in the capital itself "mountains of dead and rivers of blood." Victo- rious Kitan came sweeping down on Song-do, but for some reason, perhaps because they had heard that the town was well defended, they made a detour, appearing next on the banks of the Im-jin River half way between Song-do and the present capital. There they suffered defeat at the hands of the KoryQ forces as they did also later at the site of the present capital. In view of these defeats the Kitan arm}- retired to Ta-bak San. Now another cause of anxiety appeared in the shape of the Yii-jin allies of the Mongols who crossed the Yalu and took Eui-ju. But Koryii, wide awake to the danger, threw upon them a well equipped force which destroyed 500 of them, captured many more and drove the remaining 300 across the river. The king now built a royal residence at Pa-gak San to the east of Song-do, for he had been told that by so doing he would be able to hold the north in check.

Myvin Ku-ha of east Yu-jin, being defeated by the Mon- gols, came in his flight towards the Yalu, but the Koryu gen- eral, Chung Kong-su, caught him and sent him safely to the Mongol headquarters. This pleased the Mongols hugely and they said "We must make a treaty of friendship." We must remember that the Mongols were at war with Kitan and had driven her army across into Koryu, but at first did not pursue them. Now, however, an army of 10,000 men under Generals T'ap Chin and Ch'al Cha, were sent to complete the destruction of the Kitan power. Thej^ were joined by Yu-jin allies to

1 88 KOREAN HISTORY.

the number of 20,000 men under Gen. Wan-an Cha-yun. As these allies were advancing against the doomed army of Ki^^an, the remnant of which, 50,000 strong, was massed at Kang- dong. a great snowstorm came on and provisions ran low. Koryu was asked to supply the deficiency which she did to the extent of i. 000 bags of rice. This still more helped her into the good graces of the Mongols. But the records state that the Mongols were so little beyond the condition of the savage that there could be little real friendship between them and the people of Koryu. The latter showed it too plainly and the Mongols of course resented it.

In this army that was marching to the annihilation of Kitan there was a contingent of Koryu forces under Gen. Kim Ch'ui-ryo who is described as being a giant in size with a beard that reached his knees. He was a favorite with the Mongol generals and was treated handsomely by them.

The seige of Kang-dong was prosecuted vigorously and soon the greatest distress prevailed within the walls. The leader finally gave up hope and hanged .himself, and the 50,000 men came out and surrendered. Gen. T'ap reviewed them, took off the heads of a hundred of the leaders and re- leased the remainder. The Mongol leader wished to make a visit to Song-do to see the king but he could not leave his army, so he sent an envoy instead. He gave the Koryu gen- erals rich presents and released 700 Koryu captives that had been previously taken. Many Kitan captives were put into the hands of the Koryu generals as a result of the decisive termination of the war against Kitan and many of the hereto- fore inaccessible parts of the north were opened up, and they were called the "Kitan District."

Ere long the Mongol envoy approached Song-do and the king sent out a messenger to meet him, but this did not satisfy him, for he exclaimed "Why did not the king come out to meet me?" It took some persuasion to induce him not to turn back. When he had audience with the king he wore the heavy fur clothing of his native country with a fur head-dress, and carried a sword and a bow. Approaching the king he seized his hand and showed him the letter from the Mongol emperor, Genghis Khan. The king turned pale and was exceedingly embarrassed at this familiarity, and the officials

MEDIEVAL ROREA, 1 89

asked each other how the presence of this barbarian could be endured. The)' induced him to retire and assume Koryu garments, after which he reappeared and the king presented him with gifts of gold, silver, silk and linen.

Gen. Cho Ch'ung accompanied the retiring Mongol and Yu-jin allies as far as the Yalu where they bade him an affectionate adieu and declared that he was a man of whom Koryu should be proud. The Mongol general, Hap Chin, left forty men at Eui-ju to learn the Koryu language and told them to stay there till he returned. Gen, Cho then returned to P'yung-yang where he was lionized and f^ted. The old man Ch'oe Chung-heun feared that Gen. Cho would attempt to throw him down from his high position and thought it would be better to have him near by, where he could watch him ; so he forged a letter purporting to be from the king, ordering him to come down to the capital. He obeyed.

It seemed at this time that the relations of Koryu and the Mongols would remain friendly, but if Koryu thought this she was destined to be rudel)^ awakened. The Mongol and Yu-jin allies sent to Myung-sung and said "Koryu must send an envoy and do obeisance each year. ' ' This was said in so offensive a way that it seemed to be an attempt to provoke war. We are not told what answer was given but it sufficed for the time to secure peace.

The great Ch'oe Chung-heun who had carried things with such a high hand now fell ill and died. This caused more commotion than the death of several kings. He was buried with royal honors. He left many sons, of whom U and Hyang were first and second. Hyang was a bold and power- ful man, and before the father died he warned U against him. U succeeded to his father's position which, as we have seen, corresponded closely with that of the Shogun of Japan.

A serious rebellion broke out in the north under two leaders, Han Sun and Ta Chi, the cause being the illegal exac- tions of the prefects. When the king found that it could not be put down by peaceful means he sent Gen. Kim Ch'ui-ro to put it down by force. The east Y'u-jin leader, Myun Ku-ha, at first sided with the rebels but later changed his mind, invit- ed Han Sun and Ta Chi to a feast, got them intoxicated, as- sassinated them, put their heads in a box and sent it to the

igO KOREAN HrsTORV,

king, thereby earning the good will of the latter. The king then reformed the abuses in the rebellious section and peace was at last secured.

The Mongols were not to be content with an empty friend- ship, and in 1221 the}' sent a demand for revenue, consisting of 10,000 pounds of cotton, 3,000 rolls of fine silk, 2,000 pieces of gauze, 100,000 sheets of paper of the largest sizj. The envoy who brought this extradordinary letter was provid- ed commodious quarters and excellent food but he expressed his dissatisfaction at everything by shooting arrows into the house posts, and by acting in a very boorish manner gen- erall^^ The only man who could do anything with him was Kim Heui-jo who charged him with killing a man in Eui-ji, and threatened to have him imprisoned. Thus meeting blus- ter with bluster he made the brutal northerner listen to rea- son. When the envoy was about to go to an audience with his weapons in hand, this same Kim made him lay them aside. Other Mongol and Yo-jin messenger^ came and Kim manag^^d them all so well that no trouble arose.

It was becoming apparent that the Mongols were likely at any time to make a descent upon Koryu ; so, in the follow- ing year, 1222, a wall was built near the Yalu river, extend- ing from Eui-ju to Wha-ju. It is said that this was com- pleted in the marvelously short space of forty days, a feat which shows not only how great a power Koryu could exert when necessary but how important she deemed it that this wall should be built.

1223 A.D. marks the beginning of that long series of dep- redations which Japanese freebooters inflicted upon Koryu beween 1200 and 1400, In this year they landed on the coast of K3'ung-saug Province and ravaged the district of Keum-ju. With the opening of the next year, a Mongol en- voy came modifying the demand for tribute to sea otter skins only. The Kin dynasty was now tottering to its fall but was destined to cling to life for another ten years. This year saw it nearly fall before the Mongol power. Koryu therefore dis- carded the Kin calendar. The friendship between the Mon- gols and Koryu was destined to be rudely broken in the year 1225, and through no fault of the latter except the inability to keep order in her own territory. The Mongol envoy, re-

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MEDIEVAL KOREA. I9I

turning to the north, was set upon by a Koryfi highwayman and was robbed of the gifts which he w^as carrying home. Thus all friendly relations w^ere ruptured and another step was taken toward the final catastrophe. This year also wit- nessed another Japanese raid in the south..

The Yu-jin who had nbw^ assumed the Mongol clothes, and were in reality an integral part of the Mongol power, made a descent upon Koryu in 1226 in the vicinity of Eui-ju. The prefect deemed it too pressing a matter to wait till word could be received from Song-do, so he sent a thousand men immediately against the raiders and drove them back. The king forgave the irregularity but refused to reward him.

Ch'oe U who, as we know, was the prime minister, was duped by a diviner into believing that he was to become king some day, and he foolishly divulged the secret to a certain Kim, and soon it became common property. As punishment for this, as w^ell as to get himself out of trouble, Ch'oe U had both Kim and the diviner drowned.

The depredations of the Japanese were without the cogniz- ance of the Japanese government and were against its wnsh. This appears from the fact that when in 1227 an envoy, Pak In, was sent to Japan to remonstrate against them, the gov- ernment of that country acquiesced and arrested and killed a number of the corsairs.

Both this year and the next Yu-jin bands ravaged the northern part of Koryu, but at the same time asked that a treaty be concluded. The ink was hardly dry on this before it was broken by the very ones who advocated it.

Ch'oe U followed in his father's steps and having estab- lished himself in the viceroyship began to abuse the people, stealing houses and lands from them wherewith to build him- self a princely mansion, two hundred paces long. In the court of it he had mock battles and the soldiers played at ball. The expense of this was borne by the people, whose faces were already being ground to furnish the regular revenue. His younger brother, Hyang, who long since been had ban- ished, attempted to raise an insurrection in favor of tlie exiled king ; but Ch'oe U sent a strong force and chased his brother until he was run to earth in a cave among the mountains where he was killed.

ig2 KORKAN HISTORY,

It was now the year 1231, the year whicli saw the out- break which had been threatening ever since Cienghis Khan came to the chieftainship of the Mongol armies. As the spring opened a powerful Mongol army moved southward a- cross the Valu under the leadership of Sal Ye-t'ap and took thc fortress of Ham-sin near luii-ju. They followed this up by storming Ch'ul-ju which ended only after the piefect had set fire to his house and destroyed his whole family and he and his associates had cut their own throats.

The king did not intend to submit without a struggle. He sent Generals Pak So and Kim Kyong-sol at the head of a large army to operate against the invaders. They rendez- voused with all their forces at Ku-ju, the four gates of which were strongly barricaded. The Mongols commenced the at- tack at the south gate. The Kor3'u soldiers made five bril- liant sallies and forced the enemy to retire. The honors of this victory fell to Gen. Kim who pursued the enemy some distance and then returned to the town in triumph. The Mongols, who seem to have been independent of any base of supplies and made the country through which they passed supply them, now left this town untaken and the Koryu army undefeated in their rear, and marched boldU^ southward, tak- ing Kwak-ju and Siin-ju. From this point the Mongol gen- eral Sal Ye-t'ap sent a letter to the king saying "Let us make peace. We have now taken your country as far as Han-sin and if you do not come to terms with lis we will draw rein- forcements from Yu-jin and crush you." The messenger who conve^'ed this very candid letter got only as far as P'yung-ju where he was seized by the people and imprisoned. While waiting for an answer, the invaders tried another at- tack on Ku-ju but with no better success. Not only so, but they were badlj' defeated at An-puk fortress.

The kiug now reinforced the army in the north and at the same time feasted 30,000 monks at the capital in order to influence the celestial powers to bring about a cessation of war. But at the same time the Mongol forces were reinforced by Yu-jin troops and with high spirits crossed the Ta-dong river and swept down to P'yung-ju to wreak their vengeance on that place where even yet the Mongol messenger with the letter for the king was languishing in durance vile. By a

MEDIEVAL KOREA. I93

night attack they took the place, burned it to the ground, killed the prefect and even destroyed every dog and other do- mestic animal in the place. Then they advanced toward Song-do and soon appeared beneath its walls. There the Mongol generals P'o-do, Chuk-kQ and Tang-go went into camp. They supplied their army by foraging all through the surrounding country, in which operation thousands of people were killed, their houses destroyed and their goods confiscated, especially all kinds of food. The people in the capital were in the greatest distress. Ch'oe U, the viceroy, stationed all the best troops about his own house and left the inferior troops to guard the palace.

The Mongol general Sal Ye-t'ap Was now in the north. The king had already sent one messenger to ask for terms of peace and had received the following answer ; "I am emperor. If you wish to fight it out then come on and fight. If not then surrender, and be quick about it, too. ' ' The king now sent another messenger on a similar errand. He returned with two Mongol commissioners and three more soon followed. They Were immediately admitted to an audience and a confer- ence followed, after which the king sent rich presents to Gen. Sal Ye-t'ap who seems now to have joined the main army be- fore Song'do, and also to the other generals. What the re- sult of the conference was is, for some reason, not stated in the records, but that it was not entirely satisfactory to the Mongols, or if satisfactory not sufficiently so to make them forego the pleasure of plundering, is seen from their next move, for they left Song-do and went southward to the center of the peninsula, the rich province of Ch'ung-ch'ung.

The cowardly prime minister showed his colors by send- ing a man to find a retreat for him on the island of Kang-wha, but the messenger fell into the hands of Mongol foragers.

Gen. Sal Ye-t'ap had gone north and joined another di- vision of the Mongol army and again he attacked Ku-ju. He made engines of war called ta-p'o-ch'a, a sort of catapult, with which to reduce this town, but the magistrate, Pak So also made similar instruments which hurled huge stones, and the besiegers were compelled to retire to a distance and take re- fuge behind various kinds of defenses. The Mongols made three attempts to deceive the prefect by forged letters pur-

ig4 KOREAN HISTORY.

porting to be from the king and saying "I have surrendered and therefore you must submit," but Pak So was not to be caught by so simple a trick. The besiegers then tried huge scaling ladders, but these were cut down by the defenders as fast as they were put in place. An aged Mongol general, who made a circuit of the town and marked the splendid state of defense into which the place had been put, declared that he had never seen a place so well defended.

So the little town stood and the great Mongol general was forced to seek other fields for the display of his prowess. He sent a letter to the king finding fault because of the death of the first Mongol massenger and modestly suggesting that peace could be secured if he would surrender and give 20,000 horse-loads of clothing, 10,000 pieces of purple silk, 20,000 sea-otter skins, 20,000 horses, 1,000 boys, 1,000 girls and 1,000,000 soldiers, with food, to help conquer Japan. In ad- dition to this the king must go to the Mongol court and do obeisance. These were the terms upon which Koryu could secure peace.

With the beginning of the next year, 1232, the king sent two generals bearing a letter of surrender. With it he sent seventy pounds of gold, thirteen pounds of silver, 1,000 coats and a hundred and seventy horses. He moreover stated that the killing of the Mongol messenger was not the work of the Koryu government but of a band of insurgents and robbers. The oflScials had to give their garments in order to make up the number that was sent. Each prefect along the route was charged with the duty of seeing that the Mongols were in no way molested.

But Pak So the prefect of Ku Ju was an obstinate u:an and would not give up his fortress even when he knew the king had surrendered. It was only after a great deal of ar- gument and expostulation that he at last capitulated. The Koryu people wanted to kill him for his obstinacy but the Mongols said "He is your greatest man and you should prize him highly."

So ended the first act of the tragedy, but it was not to be the last. A Mongol residency was established at Song-do and Mongol governors were stationed at important centers throughout the country. The Mongol resident insisted upon

MEDIEVAL IJ:0REA. 195

entering the palace by the middle gate which the king alone used, but it was shut and barred and he was not able to carry his point. When the tribute above mentioned reached Gen. Sal Ye-t'ap he expressed the greatest dissatisfaction with it be> cause it fell so far short of what was demanded and he impris- oned the messenger who brought it. The king sent an envoy to the Mongol capital saluting the emperor as suzerain for the first time.

Chapter VI.

The king moves to Kang-wha a slave rebellion Mongol anger. . . .

second invasion .... Mongol charges. .. .popular insurrections ...

palace building. the north occupied by Mongols Mongols not

good seamen. . . .suffering and distress. . .nature of Mong-ol occupa- tion .... diplomacy .... temporary peace .... Gayuk Khan .... Mangu

Khan efforts to get the king out of Kang-wha great invasion

of 1253. . . .an urgent letter. . . .king decides not to remove. . . .great fortress falls. . . .impossible demands. . . .siege of Ch'un-ch'un. . . .Ya Gol-da meets the king. . . .the king promises to return to the capital ... .a ferocious governor-general. . . .exchequer depleted. . . .Cha Ra- da before Kang-wha a beautiful reply a new viceroy suc- cession of disasters. . . .viceroy- overthrown. . . .Mongol ravages. . . . the north defenseless.

That neither the Koryu king nor any of the officials be- lieved that the end of the trouble had come is evident. No sooner had the tumult of war subsided than the question arose in the Koryu councils as to the moving of the court. Some objections were made, but Choe U silenced them by killing off a few of the objectors. As for the king, he could not make up his mind to go ; but the viceroy showed no hesita- tion. Seizing the government carts he loaded his household effects upon them and moved to the island of Kaug-wha He also urged the people to do likewise, and put up placards threatening with death anyone who should speak against re- moving. Meanwhile the people throughout the country were rising in revolt against the Mongol governors and were driv- ing them out. This was sure to call down upon the troubled land another invasion, and the king at last made up his mind

196 KOREAN HISTORY.

to follow the example of his viceroy and move to Kang-wha. A palace had been prepared for him there and on the appoint- ed da)' a start was made from the capital. It happened to be in the midst of the rainy season when the roads are well-nigh impassable. The whole cavalcade soon found itself mired, and torrents of rain added materially to the discomfort. Even ladies of noble rank were seen wading with bared limbs in the mud and carrying bundles on their heads. The wailing and crying of this forlorn multitude was audible for a long distance. Gen. Kim Chung-gwi was left to guard the capital. When the king at last arrived on the island he found that the palace was not ready for occupancy and he was obliged to live in a common house while the oflScials shifted for themselves. Messengers were immediately sent in all directions ordering the people to leave the mainland and seek refuge on the islands.

The common people in Song-do were in utter confusion. Anarchy stared them in the face. A slave by the name of Yi T'ong gathered about him a band of slaves and raised an in- surrection. The general who had been placed in charge was driven out, the monks were summoned to help in the sack of the town and all the government buildings were soon looted. It is hardly complimentary to Buddhism that her monks were invited by this seditious rabble to help in these lawless acts but it is probably a true picture of the times. When this came to the ears of the king he sent Gen. Yi Cha-sung to put down the insurrection. The slaves barricaded the road but the general dispersed them and at night gained admittance to the city by feigning to be a deserter. Once within, he caught the slave leader Yi T'ong and the rest soon dispersed.

When the news of this exodus from the capital and the driving out of the Mongol governors reached the Mongol cap- ital is caused a sensation. The emperor, in a white heat, sent a messenger post-haste to Song-do and behind him came a powerful army. The demand was "Why have you changed the capital? Why have our people been driven out?" The king replied that the capital was changed because all the people were running away, but he affiimed that although he had removed to Kang-wha his friendly feelings toward the Mongols had not changed. To this the Mongols made the

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 1 97

only answer that was to be expected from them. They fell upon the northern towns and put them to indiscriminate slaughter. Men, women and children fell beneath their swords. Gen. Sal Ye-t'ap himself came to attack Cho-im fortress. In that place there was a notable archer. He shot with unerring skill and every arrow found its victim. Aided by this man the garrison offered such a stubborn resistance that the Mongols at last fell back in disorder. It is said that Gen. Sal Ye-t'ap himself was one of the victims of this man's superb marksmanship. The king offered him official position but he would not accept it.

The spring of 1233 found the emperor's anger somewhat abated and instead of sending another army he sent an- other envoy with four formulated charges, (i) No Koryu envoy had come to do obeisance. (2) Highwaymen had killed a Mongol envoy. (3) The king had run away from his cap- ital. (4) The king had given false figures in the census of Koryu. We are not told whether these were answered but we may infer that they were, and in the humblest tone.

It would be singular indeed if, in such lawless times, there were not many insurrections in the country. A con- siderable insurrection was gotten up in Kyung-sang Province but was put down with a heavy hand, for the records say that after the battle between the rebels and the loyal troops the road for six miles was lined with dead. In P'yung-yang like- wise there was a rising led by one Pil Hyun-bo. The King sent Gen. Chong I alone to settle the difficulty. He had al- ready been a P'yung-yang prefect and had put down one in- surrection. He was feared throughout the whole section. As he approached the northern city his servant besought him not to enter it, but he replied that such were the king's orders. So he went to his death, for the insurrectionists, failing to win him over to their side, gave him his quietus. The vice- roy then sent 3,000 picked troops to the rebellious city. They took the rebel leader, cut him in two and sent the fragments of his body to the king. The second in command named Hong Pok-wun, fled to the Mongols, by whom he was warmly welcomed. He became their guide in many subsequent ex- peditions. These renegades were a source of constant trouble between Koryti and the Mongols ; so much so that the King

tgS KOREAN HISTORY.

look pains to show favor to the parents and relatives of those wlio had fled to the Mongol flag. This same year a second wall was built about Kang-wha. The king sent asking the Mongols to recall the rest of their troops, and it was done.

With the opening of the following 5'ear, 1234, great num- bers of people were summoned to help in the building of a palace on Kang-wha. At this time the utmost favor was shown to Buddhism. Sacrifices were offered on all the moun- tains and beside the streams with the hope of enlisting the sympathy of the gods. The viceroy also looked out for him- self, for we are told, probably with some exaggeration, that he built himself a house twenty /z in circumference. It w^as in this same year that the Kin dynast\' became extinct.

With the opening of the next year the real occupation of the land by the Mongols commenced. The north was system- atically occupied, scores of prefects being seized. The king on Kang-wha meanwhile was tr3'ing to secure a cessation of these hostilities by turning sun-worshipper, for every morn- ing from seven to twelve the officials spent their time worship- ping that very useful, but hardly divine, luminary, The^^ear following increased the hopelessness of Koryu's position a hundred fold, for the Mongols established seventeen perma- nent camps in P'yung-an and Whang*h3 Provinces, They came as far south as Han-yang, the present Seoul. They then proceeded southward to the very extremit}^ of the penin- sula, and camps were established through . all that portion of the land. The only reverse the Mongols met in this triumph- al march was at the hands of Son Mun-ju the prefect of Chuk- ju, now Chuk-san, w'ho had learned the tactics of the Mongols while serving in the north. Every day he foretold successful- ly at what point the enemy would make the next attack. People said he was inspired.

It would seem that the Mongols, however, did not remain long in the south, for we read that when the standard of revolt was raised the following year at Na-ju, the Koryu forces, sent by the king, speedily overcame them. This would hardly have been likely had the Mongols been in force in that vicinity.

We must remember that the Mongols were continental people and knew nothing of the sea. Even the narrow strip

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 199

of water between Kang-wha and the mainland daunted them. And so it was that the king from his island retreat defied the tremendous Mongol power.

By 1238, when the Mongols again flooded the country with their soldiery, the people had mostly found refuge among the mountains and 011 the thousands of islands which lie off the western coast of Korea. It would be impossible for anyone to imagine the suffering and distress entailed b_v these invasions. The records say that the people simply left their houses •and fields and fled to these places of refuge. What did these hundreds of thousands of people live on as they fled, aud after they reached their places of retreat ? What breaking of old bonds of friendship and kinship, what rending of family ties and uprooting of ancient landmarks ! It is a marvel that the land ever recovered from the shock. These Mongols were fiercer and more ruthless than the Japanese who overran the country three centuries later and they were far more nu- merous, besides. Plunder being their main motive, their ma- rauding bands covered a much greater territory and mowed a much wider swath than did the soldiers of the great Hideyoshi, who kept to comparatively norrow lines of march. Nor did these Mongols meet the opposition which the Japanese met. The Mongols made a clean sweep of the country, and never a- gain do we read of those spleniid armies of 200,000 or 300, 000 men which Koryu was once able to put into the field, even when groaning under the weight of a corrupt court and a rampant priesthood. It is from these days that dates that ut- ter prostration of Koryu's power which left her an easy prey to every Japanese freebooter who had 100 good swords at his back.

After ravaging to their hearts' content the Mongols with- drew in 1236 to their own territory but sent a messenger order- ing the king to go to Peking and bow before the Mongol emperor. He refused, but sent instead a relative b}' the name of Chun with a letter asking the emperor to excuse him from attempting the difficult journey to the Mongol court. Again the next year the same demand was made, but this time the king simply declined to go. The Mongols then modified their demand aud ordered the King to come out from his island re- treat aud return to Song-do. This the king had no intention

200 KOREAN HISTORY,

of doing ; but the next year he sent another relation named Sun as a hostage to the Mongol court asserting that this was his son. The emperor believed this and married Sun to one of his own near relatives.

The Mongol emperor Ogdai died in 1242 and the qtieen dowager took charge of affairs during and interval of four years, until 1246, when Gayuk became emperor. This brought peace to troubled Koryn for a period of five or six years. During this time, all that was left of her resources was Used up in sending five or six embassies to the Mongol court each year. The moment the pressure of war was raised the king followed once more the bent of his inclinations, and while the country was in the very lowest depths of distress he feasted royally in his island retreat, while the viceroy vied with him in the splendor of his entertainments. It is said that at one feast 1300 musicians performed. Meantime the people were slowly returning to their homes,

Gayuk Khan came to the Mongol throne in 1246, and it was the signal for the renewal of hostilities against KoryQ. At first four hundred men came, ostensibly to catch sea-otter but in reality to spy out the country and learn the mountain pass- es of the north. The king w^as not expecting a renewal of hostilities, or else was too much taken up with his feasting to attend to the defenses of the north ; so the people fled in panic before this handful of invaders. Many of them took refuge on Wi-do Island off P'yung-an Province and there engaged in agriculture. They built a great dam across an estuary of the sea and reclaimed a large tract of cultivable land, but they suffered badly from lack of wells.

In 1249 Gayuk died and the regency again devolved upon the queen dowager. Peace again reigned for a time, broken only by a single attempted invasion by the Yu-jin people, which was unsuccessful. The king began the erection of a new palace at Song-do in order to make it appear that he in- tended to obey the standing injunction of his suzerain to go back to the capital.

The Mongol regency ended in 1251 and Mangu Khan be- came emperor. An envoy was immediately despatched to in- quire whether the king had yet obeyed this command, but as the answer was unsatisfactory the KoryQ envoy who appeared

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 20I

at the emperor's court the following j^ear was thrown into prison and a last envoy was sent with instructions the settle the question definitely. If the king would come out and return to his capital the people might remain on Kang-wha, but if the king refused, the envoy was to return with all haste to the Emperor and war would be declared at once. A certain Korean, hearing about these instructions, hastened for- ward and informed the king and urged that he go out and meet the envoy. To this the king did not assent. When the envoy arrived the king set a great feast for him, in the midst of which the Mongol arose and, assuming a terrible aspect, demanded loudly why the king did not leave the island and return to Song-do. Without waiting for an ausw^er to the question he strode out of the hall and posted back to the north. The people were in dismay and said to each other, "This means war again."

When the lengthening vernal sun of 1253 had melted the northern snows this prophetic word w^as verified. The re- negade Koryii general. Hong Pok-wiin, told the emperor that the king had triple- walled the island of Kang-wha and would not move therefrom. War, ever welcome to these first Mon- gol emperors, was now afoot. The first detachment of 10, 000 troops was led by the Emperor's brother Song-ju. With many allies from the Yti-jin and other tribes he crossed the Yalu. Then the Mongol general, A Mo-gan, and the re- negade Hong crossed and advanced as far as the Ta-dong River. Following these came Gen. Ya Gol-da with sixteen chieftains in his train and with a formidable array of troops. The envoy Sun who, we will remember, had married a Mongol princess, now wrote an urgent letter to the king say- ing "The emperor is angry because you persist in disobeying him and he is sending seventeen kings against you. But he says that if you will leave the island and follow out his com- mands he will even now recall the army. You have now an opportunity of giving your country a lasting peace. If you leave the island, send your son to the emperor and receive the Mongol envoy well, it will be a blessing to the kingdom of Koryu. If 3^ou will not do this, I beg of you to put all my family to death."

Beneath this last appeal lay a terrible threat and the king

202 KORKAN HISTORY.

realized it. A great council was convened and the universal voice was in favor of compliance ; but a sine^le voice was raised in opposition. It said "How much treasure have we squandered on this insatiable barbarian, and how many good men have gone as envoys and never returned. Let the king go out now from this place of safety and when we behold him a corpse our condition will be enviable indeed !" This word startles the assembly. Cowards that they are, they rise to their feet and with one voice applaud the stirring words and charge the king to stay in his island fortress and still defy the savage of the north.

Gen. Ya Gol-da now sent a messenger to the King pur- porting to be from the Emperor saying "I have begun from the rising sun and I will conquer to its going down. All peo- ple rejoice but you, who do not listen. I now send Gen. Ya Gol-da. If you receive him well, I will leave you in peace ; if not, I wnll never forgive the offence." Immediately putting his troops in motion the redoubtable general appoached the strongest fortress in Whang-ha Province. It was surrounded by almost perpendicular precipices. The commandant laugh- at the Mongols and defied them, and feasted in their sight. But the Mongols, directing all their energy at a single point, soon battered down a portion of the well, set fire to the build- ings with fire arrows, and with scaling ladders effected an en- trance. The commandant hanged himself, and 4,700 of the garrison were put to the sword. All children above ten years old were killed and all the women w^ere ravished.

Gen. Ya Gol-da, being at To-san in Whang-ha Province, received a plaintive letter from the king asking him to retire from the country. He told the bearer of this missive "The Emperor says the king is too old to bow. I am going to find out whether this is true. I will give him just six day to get here. ' ' The messenger argued the dangerous condition of the road and said it could not be done in that time. Then the Mongol forces turned earstward and began to destroy the for- tresses and loot the store-houses, at the same time sending to the king saying "If every prefect in the land will send in a written surrender I will retire. ' ' This was impossible in the present state of turmoil, and it probably was a mere pleasantry on the part of the Mongols.

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 203

The town of Ch'un-ch'uu was a rather formidable place and its siege and fall offer some interesting indications of the method of Mongol warfare. First a double fence or stockade was built around the town and outside this a bank six feet high and a ditch correspondingly deep. Ere long the supply of water in the town gave out and the people killed their cat- tle and drank the blood. The distress was terrible. Cho Hyo-ip, a leading man, seeing that there was no escape, first burned up his family and then killed himself. The prefect fought until he was exhausted and then threw himself into a burning house and perished. A party of the strongest of the remaining soldiers made a fierce attack upon one portion of the stockade and succeeded in breaking through, but thej^ could not force the bank and tren:h beyond. The enemy entered, razed the town and burned the grain, and the women were carried away. During this time the king was using the only means left for turning the tide of war. He was worshipping every spirit that he could think of, and before every large boulder. If ^ raised all his ancestors several rounds in the ladder of apotheosis ; but it all seemed to have little effect upon the progress of events. Another renegade, Yi Hyiin, arose in the north and forced many districts into his following.

In the course of time Gen. Ya Gol-da arrived before the town of Ch*ung-ju in Ch'ung-ch'ung Province, but being un- able to reduce it without a regular siege, he left his main army there and came north to the vicinity of Kang-wha. He then announced, "If the King will come out and meet me here I will take my forces back across the Yalu. ' ' With this message he sent ten Mongol generals to the king. The latter complied, and with a heavy guard came across the straits and met Ya Gol- da at Seung-ch'un-bu. Gen. Mong Go-da was present with Ya Gol-da at the interview which followed. The Mongol general said "After we crossed the Yalu into Koryu, thousands of your people fell ever}- da}'. Why should you think only of your own comfort while j'our people are dying thus by tens of thousands? If you had consented to come out sooner, many lives would have been saved. We now ought to make a firm treaty." He added that Mongol prefects must be placed in each district and that a force of ten thousand in all must be quartered upon Koryii. To this the king replied that

204 KORKAN HISTORV.

with such conditions it would be extremely difficult for him to return to Song-do. In spite of this the Mongol leader placed one of his men in each of the prefectures. The only question which was discussed in the royal councils was how- to get rid of the Mongols. One man dared to suggest that the Crown Prince be sent to intercede with the emperor. The king flew into a rage at this but soon he was so far mollified as to consent to sending his second son, Chang, with rich gifts to the Mongol court, a course of procedure which ouce more drained the royal coffers to the last farthing. The king had promised the Mongols to go back to Song-do "gradually" as fast as preparations could be made, and also to destroy the palaces in Kang-wha. The Mongols kept their word and re- tired but as they went they plundered and ravaged. When they had gone the king caught the renegade Yi Hyun and killed him and his son, and banished all his adherents. This was a dangerous course, for this man had acted as guide to the Mongols and the latter were more than likely to resent his death. So it turned out, for an envoy came post from the Mongol court complaining that only the king alone had come out from Kang-wha, and that a man who had helped the Mongols had been slain for it. Whether the king answered these complaints satisfactorily we do not know, but soon the emperor developed a new plan. He sent Gen. Cha Ra-da with 5,000 troops to become governor-general of Koryu. The emperor little knew what sort of a man he was letting loose upon Koryii. No sooner had this beast in human shape crossed the frontier than he began a systematic course of extermina- tion. He killed right and left, every living thing. The king hastened to remonstrate but he answered ' 'Unless all the people have their hair cut I shall continue to kill." The records say that he carried into captivity the enormous number of 206,800 souls, both men and women, and that of the dead he left be- hind no estimate was ever made. When the emperor heard of this, even his fierce heart was touched, and the next year, 1255, he recalled the monster. The latter obeyed but on his way north he built fortified camps along the way, for future use. I" spite of the thanks which the Koryu king sent to the emperor for this deliverance, the latter allowed this same general to come back with a powerful force, and accompanied

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 205

by the same former envoy, Sun, who had married the Mongol princess. The king had to go out and meet them and waste his remaining treasure in useless presents. So thoroughly was his exchequer depleted that his own table was but ill supplied.

The two countries were now nominally at peace, but as Gen. Cha seemed bent on fighting, there seemed to be noth- ing to do but to fight. Some of his soldiers were roughly handled at Chung-ju where a thousand were killed. Again in the east a large detachment of his troops were heavily defeated.

At last Gen. Cha came, in his sanguinary wanderings, to the vicinity of Kang-wha and displayed his banners in sight of that island, to the great uneasiness of its occupants. Sun, the renegade, was now a Mongol general and was as bitter against Koryti as any of the northern savages.

The king, in despair, sent Kim Su-gau to the emperor to make a last appeal to his clemency, but the emperor replied "I cannot recall my troops, for your king will not come out from his retreat". To this the envoy made the beautiful reply, "The frightened quarry will not come forth from its hole till the hunter has departed. The flower cannot spring from the frozen sod". Upon hearing this the emperor immediately^ gave orders for the recall of the ruthless Gen. Cha.

Ch'oe Hang the son of Ch'oe U, had held the position of viceroy for eight years. His course had been one of utter selfishness and oppression. Many honorable men had met their death at his hands. He now died, {leaving a son, Ch'oe Chung, a young man of considerable power. When th 2 viceroy died his retainers did not announce the fact until the house- hold had been put in readiness for any emergency and a strong armed guard had been stationed at every approach. We can argue from this fact that the viceroyalty was any- thing but pleasing to the king and that in case the viceroy died the king would be glad of an opportunity to abolish the ofiice altogether. Subsequent events proved the truth of this supposition. When everything was in readiness the death was announced and the young man Ch'oe Chung was put for- ward as viceroy. The king was obliged to confirm him in

2o6 KOREAN HISTORY.

the office. He liad no power to refuse. Ch'oe Jung- was a .•^on by a concubine and from this time the annals contain uo mention of men's birth on the mother's side. This was be- cause Ch'oe Jung killed everybodj^ who was heard speaking slightingly of his birth. If anyone had a spite against an- other he could always effectually vent it by charging him with having said that Ch'oe Chung was of common birth.

Disaster and distress followed each other thick and fast iu these days. An insurrection arose in Kang-wiln Provinc_" under the leadership of one An Yul, but was put down. A famine wasted the country and the poor were fed out of the government supplies. The Mongols though nominally at peace with Koryu seemed to consider the territory as their legitimate foraging ground, and now they came walking through the land, coming even to the gates of Song-do. Thc king sent Gen. Yi Eu ng and feasted the unwelcome guests in the hope of inducing them to leave the unhapp}' country. It was a vain hope They turned southward and continued their thieving across the Han River even to Chik-san. The king feasted them again and asked them to desist. The leader replied that he would do so if the king would come out of Kang-wha and send the Crown Prince to the Mongol court. As this leader wis that same Gen. Cha who had once been recalled by the emperor for cruelty, we may easily un- derstand how anxious the king was to be rid of bim, at any cost. He therefore consented to the conditions, and Gen. Cha retired as far as Yun-ju and ordered all the detachments of his army to desist from plundering. The king kept his word, in part at least, for he sent not the Crown Prince but his second son together with Ch'oe Chung.

Ch'oe Chung used his wits for the purpose of personal emolument and his credulity also led him into all kinds of difficulties. His grand mistake was in casting off an aged slave, Kim In-jun, who had served his father and grand- father faithfully and deserved better treatinent at the young man's hands. The worm, thus trodden upon, turned and bit to the bone. It was as follows. The aged servant, gaining access to the king, told him that the young viceroy was dead and in a moment secured another man as leader of the sol- diers. Clad with his new power the vengeful old man caught

MEDIEVAL HISTORY. 207

and killed some of the most intimate friends of the viceroy and in the early morning gained access to the viceroy's house and hunted him from room to room. He found him hidden in a disused chimney flue from which he was speedily drawn forth and dispatched. When the old slave announced this to the king the latter said "You have done me a great favor ', and could hardly refrain from tears. The king then destroyed the picture of Ch'02 Chung-heun who had founded the vice- royalty, and distributed the ill-gotten wealth of the Ch'oe family among the people. It is said that even the lowest cit- izen received at least three bags of rice or other grain. At the same time all Ch'oe's following were banished.

The year 1258 had now come, the last that the aged king Ko-jang was destined to see. In this year the Mongols came again as usual. They began by building and garrisoning a fortress at Eui-ju. Then Gen. Cha Ra-da with a small body of a thousand troops came southwards as far as Su-an in Whang-ha Province. It shows how utteily shorn of power Koryu was, that this general should dare to penetrate so far into the land with only a thousand men at his back. Hear- ing of this the aged king decided to try a little artifice. He came out of Kang-wha, across the straits to Tong-jin on the opposite bank, in order to make it appear that he had com- plied with the emperor's command. Gen. Cha demanded that the crown prince also come out. He made a line of camps all the way from Song-do to Tong-jin and settled down as if he intended to stay and see his orders obeyed. The king had retired to the island again upon the near approach of the Mongols and now the latter redoubled their demands and ravaged more remorselessly than ever. They swarmed all about Kang-wha and nothing but a narrow strip of water lay between the king and that more than half savage a^my. The water proved, however, an effective barrier. All this time an- other Mongol force under Gen. San Gil-da was wasting the northern and eastern districts, The people of Wha-ju and of fourteen other towns, led by one Sin Chip-pyung sought refuge on Cho-do island but finding this insecure, moved to another; but some Koryu renegades led Mongol troops there and over- threw the little colony.

The king now altered his tactics. Sending an euvoj' to

20S KOREAN HISTOUV.

China he said "T ha\-e desired to obey the emperor but hitherto I have beeti prevented by the powerful officials. Now tliat the viceroy has been put out of the way I will go back to vSoug-do and do as von shall direct. But we are surrounded by }-our soldiery and it is hard to move. We are like mice when the cat is about. I^et them be ordered back. home and I will do as you direct."

Meanwhile two traitors in the north had overpowered the Koryu general and had gone over to the enem3^ The whole north was therefore without a single defence and was being held by these two traitors under Mongol orders. Such was the unhappy condition of affairs when the year 1258 came to a close.

Chapter Vll.

The Mongols a fixture. . . .a royal envoy. . . .his reception. . . .palaces on Kang-wha destroyed. . . .the regency. . . . Mongol troops ordered away

.... standing complaint a singular custom pirates the

prince finds Kublai Khan . . .the prince returns to Korea. . . .Mongol policy conciliatory. . . .again suspicious. . . .tribute remitted. . . .king goes to China... Sun silenced. .. .Chinese envoys to Japan.... ac- companied by Korean envoys. .. .Kublai 's message to Japan.... specified charges against Koryu .... Mongol general murdered. .. envoys to Japan shabbily treated .... Kublai orders Koryu to aid in the invasion of Japan. . . .Kim Ehuu destroyed. . . .Japanese captives sent to Peking. . . .revolution. . . .the emperor threatens. . . .king re" instated. . . .king goes to China. . . .his requests. . . .returns. . . .sedi- tion. . . .preparations to invade Japan. . . .officials' wives restored. . . . a remarkable commissioner. .. .Kublai proclaims the Yuan empire ....Japanese envoy. .. .rebellion on Quelpart ... finances in bad shape. . . . Korjni falseh' accused . . ..rebellion stamped out. . . .Koreans build boats for the Mongols. . . .the army of invasion. . . .the expedi' tion sets sail ... attack .... driven back by storms. .. .the king's Mongol queen. . . .Mongol coiffure and dress. . . .argument for plural- ity of wives. . . .women's rights. . . .another envoj' to Japan.

The year 1259 opened with the sending of an envoy to China but he was w^aylaid, robbed and killed by Koryu ruffians ; thus Kor3'u was ever discredited in the eyes of China. The Mongols now began to make fields about P'j^ung- yang with the intention of making that city a permanent Mongol center. They repaired the walls of the town and constructed new war boats on the river.

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 209

The king came to the decision that there was no pos- sibility of ridding himself of this incubus but by sending the crown prince to China. When Gen. Cha Ra-da heard of this he was highly pleased. Of course it would appear that he had brought about this happy result. This was in the third moon and Gen. Cha expected the arrival of the prince the following month. When he heard that he was not to start till the fourth moon he was angry ; the king therefore hurried the preparations and sent the prince off in the third moon. The escort consisted of forty men, and there were three hundred horse-loads of gifts. In good time all arrived at the court of the Mongol emperor. Gen. Cha however did not enjoy his triumph, for at this very time he sickened and died.

When the prince arrived at the Chinese court the emper- or was awa}^ on a compaign against the Sung Empire in the vSouth ; so he announced himself to the official in charge at the capital, Song Kil. The latter asked if the king had as \^et gone back to Song-do, to which the prince replied in the negative, but added that the king would go as soon as pos- sible if the emperor demanded it. Song Kil rejoined "How can we recall the soldiers so long as the king does not leave Kang-wha?" The Prince replied "Gen. Cha said that if I came the troops would be recalled. If they are not recalled the people will have no hope except inflight." When Song Kil heard this he countermanded an order which had been given for additional troops to be sent into the peninsula. Word was sent, instead, ordering the destruction of the palaces on Kang-wha. The order was obeyed and it is said that the fall of the buildings sounded like distant thunder. But the aged king who had suffered so many vicissitudes of fortune was not to survive this great shame, and in the sum- mer of 1259 ^^ passed away.

Koryu was now without a king and the crown prince was far away in China. It was decided to form a regency to to act until the return of the prince. At first it was conferred upon the second sou of the deceased king but the oflScials, re- membering^that the dying king had said "Put my grandson in as regent until the prince returns", made the change, and the crown prince's son, Sun, became regent pending his father's return.

2IO KOREAN HISTORY.

As the Mongol troops continued tlieir depredations in the north an envoy was again dispatched to the emperor's court. As the latter was still away campaigning in the south the envoy made bold to follow him up. He passed ChGk-san and finally found the emperor at Hyup-ju and delivered his message. The emperor said "If you profess to be friendly with me why are you always talking about my troops being in the wa}^ ? Yet since the crown prince has come to China I am willing to show you this favor". He thereupon sent an order for the retirement of all Mongol troops from Korea.

Some busybody told the emperor that Koryu had no desire to hold faith with China and in consequence an envoy came in haste to Song-do demanding why the people who had fled to the islands did not return to their homes. The reply was that the detention of the prince in China was a cause of uneasiness and that even if he returned it would take at least three years to get the people back to their homes ; how much less could it be done with the prince in China. This then became the standing complaint of the Mongols', that the Korean people w'ould not come back to the mainland.

By this time the uncertainty of affairs and the fact that the central government was weak and the Mongols still numerous caused great instability in the north. The people were easily induced to revolt on the .slightest provocation. It became a regular custom for the people, if they did not like their prefect, to kill him and transfer their allegiance to the Mongols. The central government did not dare to pun- ish them, for this would provoke the Mongols, and reprisals would be in order. At the same time there was trouble in the south, for pirates from both Japan and the Sung kingdom of southern China kept ravaging the island of Quelpart. An ofiicial was sent from Song-do to take in hand the defense of the island but the people found him worse than the pirates had been.

It was in 1260 that the crown prince followed the em- peror southward, but soon after reaching the emperor's camp the latter died in the town of Hap-ju and Gen. A-ri Pal-ga took the reins of power arbitrarily. The prince knew^ that the great general Hol-p'il-ryul (Kublai) would doubtless become emperor in spite of this seditious movement on the

MEDIEVAL KOREA 211

part of A-ri Pal-ga ; so he secretly effected his escape from the latter's camp aud struck directly across the country to Kaiig-nam where he found Hol-p'il-ryiil in charge of an army, and, informing him of the emperor's decease, they both hastened toward Peking. It was not till the crown prince returned to Peking that he learned of his father's death and he hastened to assume the mourner's garb.

The emperor, Kublai Khan, sent him back to Koryu with great honor, believing that, as he was to become king of Koryu, the vassal power would thus become more closely united to China. Two Mongol generals came with him as escort. These were Sok Yi-ka and Kang Wha-sang. On the way these generals were told by a Koryu renegade that the crown prince would change the capital to Quelpart. Tney asked the prince to face this man and deny the charge but he assumed a royal attitude and exclaimed "I would cut off my hair and become a slave before I would meet the vil- lain". The generals were ashamed to press the matter. As they approached Kang-wha the prince's son, the acting king came with a great retinue to meet them at Che-jung Harbor, where the}^ all took boat and crossed to the island. As the Mongol generals strongly urged the king to go back to Song- do, the latter sent many of the officials back there in order to make it appear as if he would follow shortly. All Mongol soldiers were now recalled from Koryu and all their prefects as well. The emperor likewise gave the king a present of seals, clothing, bows, arrows, silks and other articles of value. The king so far conceded to the wishes of his suzerain as to remove from Kang-wha to Tong-jin on the adjacent mainland, from which, however, it was but half an hour's sail across to the island again. In addition to this the king sent the heir apparent to China with gifts, of which, in view of the deple- tion of Koryu 's treasury, the officials gave the greater part out of their private means. The main request preferred at Kublai's court was that he would not listen longer to the rep- resentations of Korya renegades whose one object was to stir up strife and keep the countries at war with each other. The emperor assented to this.

In 1 26 1 the emperor made a requisition upon Koryu for a large amount of copper and lead. The king did not have

212 KORKAN HISTORY.

the copper and yet did not dare to refuse ; so he sent to A-t'o in China and bought copper and delivered it as ordered, but told how he had procured it. The emperor charged him with lying and claimed that he was remiss in her duties as a vassal. He moreover ordered that the king take a census of Koryu, establish a horse relay sj'stem, train soldiers and prepare provisions for an army. The king was unable to comply and an estrangement grew up between him and the emperor which was unfortunate for both. Hong Ta-gu, a Koryu renegade, took advantage of this to charge the Koryu prince, who was then in Peking, with having insulted the Mongol crown prince. The emperor believed the charge and cut ofT the Koryu prince's revenues and treated him with marked coldness. Hong also poisoned the emperor toward Koryu by intimating that she would soon attempt to throw off the yoke of China. But by the following year the rela- tions seem to have become cordial again, for when the king asked that the tribute be remitted on the ground of the heavy expense of rebuilding palaces at Song-do, the emperor not only consented but sent a present of 500 sheep. Koryu was also fortunate in the sending of an envoy to Japan, for he returned with a large amount of rice and cloth from Tsushima, which had been stolen by Japanese corsairs.

In 1263 the king was ordered to repair to Peking. A long discussion followed, some of the courtiers advising one thing and some another. The monks at this time said, in effect, "I told you so", for they had long ago promised the king that if he would favor them he would not be called to Peking. But go he did, leaving his son to administer the kingdom in his absence. Sun, whom we will remember as the Koryu gentle- man who had married a Mongol princess and who was tho- roughly Mougolized, told the emperor that there were 38,000 troops in Kor3-ii and that someone should go and bring them to China where they could act as allies for the Mongols in their conquests. To this Yi Chaug-yung, who was in the king's retinue, answered. "Formerly we had that number of soldiers but many have died and few are left. If the emperor cannot believe this let him send Sun with me to Ko- ryd and we will review all the troops and learn the truth.'' This was a telling blow, for Sun knew that if he once crossed

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 213

into KoryQ territory his life would not be worth an hour's ransom ; so he discreetly held his peace. The king came back to Song-do in December of the same year.

In 1264 the Japanese pirates made another descent upon the shores of southern Koryu but were driven away by the royal forces under Gen. An Hong.

In 1265 the seed was sown that led to the attempted invasion of Japan by the Mongols. A Koryu citizen, Cho I, found his way to Peking and there, having gained the ear of the emperor, told him that the Mongol power ought to secure the vassalage of Japan. The emperor listened favor- able and determined to make advances in that direction. He therefore appointed Heuk Chuk and Eun Hong as envoys to Japan and ordered them to go by way of Koryu and take with them to Japan a Korj^u envoy as well. Arriving in Korj'U they delivered this message to the king and two oflBcials, Son Kuu-bi and Kim Ch'an were appointed to ac- company them to Japan. They proceeded by the way of Kb- je Harbor in Kyung-saug Province but were driven back by a fierce storm and the king sent the Mongol envoj^s back to Peking. The Emperor was ill satisfied with the outcome of the adventure and sent Heuk Chuk with a letter to the king ordering him to forward the Mongol envoy to Japan. The message which he was to deliver to the ruler of Japan said "The Mongol power is kindly disposed toward you and desires to open friendly intercourse with yon. She does not desire 3^our submission but if you accept her patronage the great Mongol empire will cover the earth." The king for- warded the message with the envoys to Japan, and informed the emperor of the fact.

Meanwhile the emperor was being worked upon by designing men who were seeking to injure Koryu. They suc- ceeded so well in their designs that he sent an envoy bearing a list of specified charges against the king, (i) You have enticed Mongol neople to Koryu. (2) You did not feed our troops w^hen they were in Koryu. (3) You persistently re- fuse to come back to the capital. (4) When our envoy went to Koryu you had a spy watch him. (5) Your tribute has not been at all equal to the demand we made. (6) You brought it about that the Japanese did not accept our offer. The emperor's

J 14 KOREAN- HISTORV.

suspicions continued to increase until linally lie sent a general, U-ya Son-dal, to demand that Yi Chang-yong and Kim Chun, two of the most influential officials of Koryu, together with the father and son of the latter, be brought to Peking. Kim Chun, on learning of this, advised that the envoy be promptlj'^ killed and that the king remain in some island, out of harm's way. But the king knew that such a course would be suicidal and firml}^ refused. So Kim Chun hituself put Gen. U-ya Son-dal to death and then announced the fact to the court. The king and court were dumbfounded at his temerity but dared not lay hands on him, though they all felt sure they would suffer for his rash act. Fortunately for them, however, other events of great importance were happening which distracted the atten- tion of the emperor and secured immunity from punishment. These events we must now relate.

The Mongol and Koryti envoys, upon reaching the Japan- '='se capital, were treated with marked disrespect. They were not allowed to enter the gates, but were lodged at a place called T'a-ja-bu, outside the west gate of the city. There they remained five months, and their entertainment was of the poorest quality. And at last they were dismissed without re- ceiving an^^ answer either to the emperor or to the king.

Kublai Khan was not the kind of a man to relish this sort of treatment and when he heard the story he sent a messenger straight to Koryu telling the king "I have decided to invade Japan. You must immediately begin the building of one thou- sand boats. You mu.st furnish four thousand bags of rice and a contingent of 40,000 troops. " The king replied that this was beyond his power, for so many of the people had run away that workmen could not be secured in sufficient numbers. The emperor, however, was resolute and soon sent an envoj' to see if his orders were being carried out, and to make a sur- vey of the straits between Koryu and Japan, in the vicinity of Heuk-san Island. The emperor could scarcely believe that the Japanese would dare to treat his envoy so disrespectfully as had been reported and he suspected that it was some sort of ruse that the king of Koryu had been playiug on him ; so he decided to send his envoy Heuk Chuk once more to Japan. This time also he was accompanied by a Koryfi envoy, Sim Sa- jun.

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 215

Meantime Kim Chuu finding that his foul murder of the Mongol envoy went unpunished, became prouder and more headstrong. His son stole two boatloads of vegetables intend- ed for the king's own table. This roused the ire of the king. Kim Chun might kill all the Mongol envo^^s he wished but when it came to stealing from the king's table something must be done. There was only one official, Im Yun, who hated Kim Chun worse than he feared him and the king selected this man for the work in hand. Sending away all the other officials to a neighboring monastery to sacrifice to Buddha for his health, he summoned Kim Chun and, when he had him at his mercy, let Im Yun fall upon him with a club and take his life. Kim Chun's brother likewise fell the same day and the household of the offender was broken up. The usual impotence of the king was illustrated here by the very trick to which he was forced in order to rid himself of his traitorous subject.

The spring of 1268 opened, and still the envoys had not returned from Japan. The Koryu people managed to capture some Japanese from Tsushima who had come near the Korean coast. The)' were sent to Peking together with an envo}'. The emperor was delighted, showed the captives all over the palace and reviewed the army before them. After showing them all the grandeur of the Mongol court, he sent them back to tell their king about it and to urge him to make friends with the great Yuan empire. This same year the crown prince went to the Mongol court.

Im Yun, whom the king had used as an instrument for the removal of the obnoxious Kim Chun, did not intend to go without his reward. He began to plan how he might become a king-maker himself. He desired to depose the king and put another in his place who would be quite subservient to him- self. To this end he began to banish those who might oppose him in this scheme, and at last when he had cleared the way and deemed the time ripe, he surrounded himself with a power- ful guard and called all the officials to a council. He told them that the king desired to kill him, but rather than die tamely he was resolved to do something desperate. He asked them if they agreed, but no man dared to open his mouth. Then putting on his armor he led the way to the palace and pro- claimed Chang as king. This Chang was a distant relative of

2l6 KOREAN HISTORS'.

the king. He also made all the officials bow to him. The re- cords say that '.his deed was accompanied by a tremendous storm of rain in which the deposed king was driven forth on foot. Im Vnn and his lewd followers then proceeded to loot the palace.

The parvenu Chang, at the instance of Im Yun, sent an envoy to the Mongol court saying that the king had handed over the reins of government to him. The king's .son, who had gone but lately to the Chinese court, was now on his way home. He arrived at night on the farther bank of the Yalii River and was there met by a secret messenger who had cross- ed in the dark to tell him that Chang had usurped tho throne and that soldiers had been stationed at Eui-jti to kill him when he arrived. So the Prince turned and hastened back to the emperor and a letter was immediately dispatched demand- ing the reinstatement of the rightful sovereign. After two such appeals had remained unanswered the emperor threaten- ed to send an army to enforce the demand. The officials there- upon became afraid and reluctantly put the rightful king back upon his throne. The empeior then ordered both the king and the man who had deposed him to go to China in order that the matter might be investigated. The king went but Im Yun refused and sent his son instead. The emperor or- dered the king to write out the cause of the trouble but the latter feared that if he did so it would make trouble for him when he went back, for Im Yun was a powerful and unscru- pulous man. He therefore told the emperor that he was troubled with a lame hand that prevented his writing. Later however, in private, he made the matter bare before the em- peror and as a consequence Im Yun's son was thrown into prison. Before returning to Koryu the king asked the em- peror to bestow upon his son, the crown prince, the hand of one of the Mongol princesses, to give him a Mongol escort back to Koryu, to place a Mongol governor at P'yung-yang and to return to the control of Koryu the northern districts of the peninsula. The emperor consented to all but the last of these requests. When the king came back to Song-do, Im Yun attempted to oppose him but was speedily put down and decapitated.

Arriving at the capital the king went into camp outside

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 21/

the walls to await the completion of the palace which was in course of construction. The troops oppressed the people, and when the king ordered them to disband they marched out in a body and went by boat to Chul-la Province and began to act in a rebellious manner. A royal army, sent against them, chased them into the island of Chin-do where they forced the people to join their standards. Mongol and Koryu troops were sent against them, but the people hated the Mongols so heartily that this rather added to the difficulty than otherwise, and the disaffection, spreading with increased rapidity, began to assume serious proportions. The emperor learned of this and, believing that the king was hardly equal to the task of managing the affairs of the government, sent a commissioner to assume control at Song-do.

Matters stood thus when in 1270 the emperor determined to send another envoy to Japan. Cho Yong-p'il and Hong Ta-gu were appointed to this important mission and they were joined in Kor3'u by the representative of that country, by name Yang Yun-so. This embassy was charged with the somewhat dangerous task of demanding the submission of Ja- pan. The emperor did not anticipate success in this, as is shown by the fact that he had rice fields made in Pong-san, Koryu, to raise rice for an army of invasion which he intend- ed to launch upon Japan. For this work he ordered the king to furnish 6000 plows and oxen, as well as seed grain. The king protested that this was quite beyond his power, but as the emperor insisted he sent through the country and by force or persuasion obtained a fraction of the number demanded. The emperor aided by sending 10,000 pieces of silk. The Koryu army had dwindled to such a point that butchers and slaves were enrolled in the lists. The rebel army had been driven out of Chin-do, but a remna.'.t had crossed over to Quelpart where the kingdom of T'am-na still flourished. Many of these rebels had been captured on Chin-do and had been taken as captives to China. Now at the request of the king they were sent back to Song-do for punishment. A curious com- plication arose in connection with this. These rebels, when they first went to Kang-wha had stolen the wives of many of the officials there and had carried them south. These women accompanied their newly acquired husbands to China ; but

2lS KOKKAN HISTORY.

now that they wtrc all returned to Song-do many of them again met their former husbands. Some were received back gladly while others were not wanted, owing to new arrange- ments which were quite satisfactory. But the king command- ed that all officials who found their former wives should take them back.

The emperor, influenced by evil-minded men who exag- gerated the wealth of the peninsula, demanded that Koryu send a large amount of timber to China, but the king answered that he could not accomplish impossibilities. The commissioner who had been sent was a capable man and was well liked by the people in spite of his Mongol nationality. The commis- sioner fell ill and was fast approaching his end. The king sent him some medicine but he refused to take it, saying that if he took it and yet died the emperor might charge the king with having made away with him by poison. So the disease ran its course and the commissioner expired amid the lamen- tations of the people. Their appreciation of this Mongol's kindness shows how badly they were accustomed to being governed. Their high appreciation of his mild and just gov- ernment overcame even their prejudice against his birth.

It was in this same 5'ear that Kublai Khan proclaimed the name of his empire Yuan.

When the Mongol and Korvu envoys returned from Japan they were accompanied b}^ a Japanese env^oy. The king hur- ried them on to Peking where they were received by the em- peror with great delight, who hoped that he had now gained his point. But he did not relax his preparations for an in- vasion, for he commanded the king to hasten the construction of boats and the collection of provisions. Everything however was hindered by the rebels on Quelpart who built there a strong fortress and made it a center from which to harry the southern islands and even parts of the mainland. The exchequer w'as exhausted and the people could not endure further taxation. Many of them fled from their homes to escape the exactions of the government. It is said that one day the king himself had to get along without any side dishes or condiments.

The land seemed doomed to misfortune. A marauding party of Japanese landed at Keum-ju and the people, in fear of their lives, treated them well and gave them whatever they

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 2tg

asked for. This the renegade Hong Ta-gu told the emperor with embellishments of his own and averred that Koryu was making friends with Japan with a view to an invasion of China. The action of the people of Keum-ju made this seem probable. This fed the emperor's suspicions of Koryu's bad faith and added materially to the overwhelming difficulties Under which the land was already staggering.

The matter of the Quelpart rebels came to an issue when they began ravaging the coast of ChOl-la Province, burning at one place between twenty and thirty ships and carrying away a number of Mongol soldiers as prisoners. The follow- ing spring a strong body of Mongol and Koryu troops crossed to Quelpart, overthrew the stronghold of the rebels and placed there a garrison of 500 Mongol and 1000 Koryu troops.

The eventful year 1273 opened with a vigorous demand on the part of the emperor that the king prepare 300 vessels, for which he was to supply not only the labor but the materia nls as well. At the same time the vanguard of the army of invasion, 5000 strong, came to Koryu, perhaps to see that the commands of the emperor were promptly complied with. They brought 33,000 pieces of silk to use in purchasing sup^ plies for their maintenance. Silk was the very last thing that the poverty-stricken people of Korj^u wanted, but it was forced upon them and they had to buy whether they wished or not. The king in attempted obedience to the Emperor's demands assembled 3500 carpenters and other artisans necessar}^ to the building of the boats, and the work was begun,

The Mongol governor who had been placed at P'yung- 3'ang was a man of dark and fierce aspect and he was universe ally feared and hated. He also demanded the societ}^ of the fair sex and seized women right and left. Famine stared the capital in the face and the emperor was obliged to send 20,000 bags of rice to relieve the distress. In spite of the inauspiciousness of the times the crown prince who had been plighted to a Mongol princess was sent to Peking where the nuptials were celebrated. No sooner had this been done than the emperor sent to Korya the main body of the army which was to cross the straits and attack Japan. It consisted of 25,000 men. Thus slightingly did the great conqueror gauge the prowess of the Island Empire.

220 KORKAN HISTORY.

King Wiin-jong died while the prince was in China and the emperor hastened to confer upon the latter the insignia of royalty and send him back to take charge of affairs at home. This prince's name was Ko, posthumous title Ch'ung- rj'ul. The princess, his wife, did not accompany him to Ko- ryu at first but waited to follow at leisure. When the young king arrived at Song-do has first act was to send an escort to bring his Mongol queen to him.

The events above recorded had followed thick and fast upon each other and now the great and long contemplated in- vasion of Japan was about to become an accomplished fact. The entire array of invasion rendezvoused on the southeastern coast of Korea, opposite the islands of Japan. It consisted of 25,000 Mongol troops under Generals Hoi Ton, Hong Ta-gu and Yu Pok-hyong ; and 15,000 Koryti troops under Gen. Kim Pang-gyung. The flotilla that was to carr}' this army across the straits consisted of 900 boats. Sailing from the shores of Korea the fleet made for the island of Iki near the mainland of Japan. Entering the harbor of Sam-naug the\' found a small garrison stationed there. Generals Kim and Hong attacked and routed this outpost, returning to the fleet, it is said, with 1000 heads. From this point they approached the mainland, landing at several points for the purpose of making a general advance into the country. The Japanese however attacked them briskly and checked the advance, but were themselves checked by a Koryu General, Pak, whom the Mongols praised highh- for his valor.

It was a foregone conclusion that the allied Koryu and Mongol forces must retire sooner or later. Forty thousand men could do nothing on the Japanese mainland. So they retired slowly back to their boats. Nature aided the Japanese, for a storm arose which wrecked many of the boats and many more were scattered, so that the total loss to the allied forces was something over 13000. The scattered remnants of the fleet rendezvoused as best they could at the harbor of Hap and from there made their way back to Koryu. So ended the first attempt to subdue the Land of the Rising Sun.

Meanwhile events were not at a standstill in the penin- sula. The king went as far as P'yUng-j-ang to meet his bride. Escorting her back to the capital he gave her a palace of her

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 221

■own, fitted up according to her fancy. The records say that she had sheep skins hanging in the doorways. This would probably be in accord with Mongol ideas. The former Queen was lowered to the position of second wife or concubine. The Mongolizing tendency had now gone so far that the king ordered the officials to adopt the Mongol coiffure. The order was not obeyed until after long and heated debate, but at last the conservatives v\ ere voted down and all submitted to the new st}'le. At the same time the Mongol dress was also adopted.

An amusing incident is reported as having occurred about this time. A courtier named Pa-gyu observed to the king, "The male population of the country has been decimated but there are still plenty of women. For this reason it is that the Mongols take .so many of them. There is danger that the pure Koryn stock will become vitiated by the inter- mixture of wild blood. The king should let each man take several wives and should remove the restrictions .under which the sons of concubines labor." When the news of this came to the ears of the women they were up in arms, as least the married portion ; and each one read to her spouse such a lec- ture that the subject was soon dropped as being too warm to handle. When the king passed through the streets with Pa-gyu in his retinue the women would point to the latter and say "There goes the man who would make concubines of us all."

In spite of the failure of the plan of invasion, the em- peror could not believe that Japan was serious in daring to oppose his will and so sent another envoy demanding that the Japanese sovereign come to Peking and do obeisance. We may well imagine with what ridicule this proposition must have been received in the capital of the hardy inlanders.

Chapter VIll.

A Queen huntress. .. .general tax.... a jealous Queen. .. .tribute. .. .a thrifty Queen. .. .lack of filial piety.... a termagant .... Mongol influence at its zenith. . . .second invasion planned. . . .corrupt court . . . .preparations for the invasion. . . .expedition sets sail. . . .difficul-

212 RoKl'A.N lllSlOkN.

ties. . . .terrible catastrophe. . . .survivors. . . .retreat . . .new prepaf-- ations. . . .the plan jfiven up. . . .corruption . . . .famine in China . . . northern cannibals. .. .at last driven back.... a son's rebuke... Timur Khan makes changes. . . .king abdicates. . . .family difficulties . . . .an abject king. . . .new slave law. . . .king goes to Peking . . . Ch'ung-sun ascends the throne. .. .a disgusted courtier .. .a king- less countr}-. . . .eunuchs elevated. . . .reconstruction. . . king of Muk- den. . . .pander to the Mongol court. . . .king's father banished. . . . silver coin.

The sporting proclivities of the Mongol qneen of Kori'u were an object of wonder and disgust to the people, for she was accustomed to accompany the king in his expeditions and was as good a horseman as any in the rout. It may well be imagined that the finances of the country weie in bad shape, and it was found necessary to reconstruct the revenue laws to meet the constantly rectirring deficit. For the first time in the history a general tax was levied on all the people, high and low alike. Hitherto taxes had been levied only on the better cla.ss of people. This tax was called the hop'o which means "hotise linen," for the tax was levied in linen cloth. This shows that although coin circulated, barter was as yet the main method of interchange of commodities.

The custom of dressing in white must be a fairly ancient one for we learn that at this time the government ordered the use of blue instead of white, as blue is the color that cor- responds to east. The birth of a son to the king's Mongol consort was the signal for great rejoicings and festivities. Everyone offered congratulations, even the discarded queen- It is said that the king paid some attention to this former queen and that it aroused the fierce jealousy of the Mongol queen. She declared that she would write and com- plain to the emperor that she was being ill treated. She was dissuaded from this by the earnest entreaties of the officials. At the same time a further concession was made to the Mon- golizing tendency by changing the names of official grades to those in use among the Mongols.

The emperor had not given up his plan of subduing Jap- an, and for this purpose he began the preparation of boats in the south of Korea, calling upon the Koreans to supply all the requisites. But this was not the only use to which he put his Koryu vassal, for he also demanded women and

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 223

pearls ; the former were taken from the men and the latter from the women ; and both were sent to the Mongol court.

The Mongol queen of Koryu was a thrifty woman and let no small scruples stand in the way of the procuring of pin- money. She took a golden pagoda from one of the mon- asteries and melted it down. The bullion found a ready market. She also went into the ginseng raising businevSS on her own account, taking people's fields by force and market- ed the crop of ginseng in Nanking, where it brought a good price. She thus turned an "honest" penny. But it all went against the aristocratic tendencies of the king. That the <jueen was not without a touch of superstition is shown by the fact that she desisted from accompanying the king to the grave of Wang-gon when told that the spirit of the founder of thedj^nasty was a strong one and that if she went she might be attacked by some dangerous disease.

When some one hinted to the queen that the former queen was plotting against her life she promptly had her seized and put to the torture, and it would have cost her her life had not the officials interfered and w'on the inquisitors over to clemency. But her oppression of the people went on unchecked and she sequestered so much of their property that hundreds of people were driven into actual mendicancy. .Even when new^ of her mother's death reached her she stop- ped feasting but a short time, to shed a few conventional tears, and then resumed her revels. This was perhaps her greatest offence in the eyes of the people of Koryu. But her affection for her husband was very real for we learn that when he was taken sick and she was told that it was on ac- count of her lavish use of money, she stopped building, sent away her falcons and restored a gold pagoda to the monastery from which she had taken it. She had ideas of her own as to the proper treatment of women by the sterner sex, for when the king preceded her in one of the processions she turned back and refused to go. The king went back to pacify her but she struck him with a rod and gave him a round scolding. She was meanwhile doing a stroke of business in sea-otter skins. She kept a large number of men hunting these valu- able animals, but when she found they were "squeezing" half the catch she imprisoned the offenders.

224 '•^O^ ^ •■^-'^ I1I^'1(,KV.

II was not till 1279 that all tlie officials, liio;li and low, military and civil, had adopted the Mongol coiffure and dress. It was now that the Mongol itifluence was at its zenith in the peninsula. In this year the whole royal family made a journey to Peking and it was the signal for a grand festival at that capital. It put an end once for all tojLhe sus- picions entertained by the emperor relative to the loyalty of the king of Koryu. The busybodies therefore found their occupation gone. On their return the queen resumed build- ing operations, seized over 300 of the people's houses and had a thousand men at work erecting a palace.

Meanwhile what of the Mongol envoy who had been sent to Japan with his daring demand that the Japanese sovereign go to Peking and do obeisanca? He ha:l been promptly kill- ed, as might have been anticipated. When the king sent word to Peking that the emperor's envoy had been killed, an- other invasion was immediately decided upon ; and the king was charged with the duty of preparing 900 vessels to trans- port a great army of invasion across the straits. The king was hardly prepared for such an undertaking. He was spending his time in revelry and debauchery. He called to Song-do all the courtezans, sorceresses and female slaves and had them join in singing obscene songs for the delectation of his guests. His manner of life was in no sense worthy of his position. It is not surprising therefore that famine found its wa}' to Koryu the following year, and the emperor had to give aid to the extent of 20,000 bags of rice.

The king wanted to lead the army of invasion, and so the emperor called him to Peking to discuss the matter. But Hong Ta-gu talked the emperor over and secured the post of general-in-chief himself. He raised 40,000 regular troops and another general raised 100,000 more among the vassal tribes. The king advi.sed that onl}^ the men from the depen- dent tribes be sent, but that their number be increased. To this the emperor did not consent, and soon the king came back to his capital where he went to work preparing the 900 boats, 15,000 sailors and 10,000 bags of rice, together with many other things that would be needed. The emperor sent Hong to superintend these preparations and the king, being thrown completely into the shade, could do nothing but obey orders.

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MEDIEVAL KOREA. 22^

Hong was so obnoxious to the king that he requested the emperor to remove him and let Gen. Kim Pang-gyxing super- intend the work of preparation. To this consent was given.

It was in the next year, 1282, that all the troops rendez- voused at Hap-p'o, now Ch'ang-wun, and prepared to embark. The king went down from the capital to review the whole array. There were 1000 boats in all. Of Koryu soldiers there were 20,070, of Mongols there were 50,000. The sol- diers from the dependent tribes, of which there were 100,000^ had not yet arrived. It is hard to say just who these 100,000 men were. The records say they were from Kang-nam but they are also designated b}^ another character in the records which would imply a different origin.

Then the whole flotilla sailed away to the conquest of Japan. They made for Ta-myting Harbor where the first en^ gagement with the Japanese took place. At first the invaders were victorious and 300 Japanese fell, but when the latter were reinforced the Mongols drew back with great loss. The allied forces then went into camp where it is said that 3000 of the Mongols died of fever. Gen. Hong was very anxious to retreat, but Gen. Kim said, "We started out with three month's rations and we have as yet been out but one month. We cannot go back now. When the 100,000 contingent ar- rives we will attack the Japanese again." Soon the rein^ forcements came.

The invading armj^ now pulled itself together and sailed for the mainland of Japan . As they approached it a storm arose from the west and all the boats made for the entrance of the harbor together. As it happened the tide was running in very strong and the boats were carried along irresistibl}' in its grip. As the}' converged to a focus at the mouth of the harbor a terrible catastrophe occurred. The boats were jam- med in the ofiing and the bodies of men and the broken tim- bers of the vessels were heaped together in a solid mass, so that, the records tell us, a person could walk across from one point of land to the other on the solid mass of wreckage. The wrecked vessels contained the 100,000 men from the dependent tribes, and all of them perished thus horribly, ex- cepting a few who managed to get ashore. These afterwards told their story as follows : "We fled to the mountains and lay

226 KOKKAN IIISTORV.

hidden there two months, but the Japanese came out and at- tacked us. Being in a starving condition, we surrendered, and those of us who were in fair condition were made slaves and the rest were butchered."

In that great catastrophe 8,000 Koryu soldiers perished, but the remaining Koryu and Mongol forces, beholding the miserable end of the main body of the invading army, turned their prows homeward and furled their sails only when thej' entered a Koyru harbor.

At first the emperor was determined to continue the at- tempt to subdue the Japanese, and immediatelj'' sent and ordered the king to prepare more boats and to furnish 3,000 pounds of a substance called in the records fa/c sot. The character iak means a kind of wood from whose pulp paper is made, and the character for sot means metal, especially such as is used in making money. Some have conjectured that this refers to paper money, others that it simply meant some metal .

A Kor5'u citizen, Yu Ju, advised the emperor to use only Koryu troops and the men from Kang-nam in his next invas- ion of Japan and to provide in advance 200,000 bags of rice in the peninsula. The emperor thereupon ordered the king to la)' aside 40,000 bags w'.th this end in view. The king answered that if all his officials could get but ten thousand bags, this greater number was surel}' out of the question. So he was told to set aside as many as he could.

The following 5'ear, 1283, changed the emperor's pur- pose- He had time to hear the whole story of the sufferings of his army in the last invasion ; the impossibility of squeez- ing anything more out of Koryu and the delicate condition of home affairs united in causing him to give up the project of conquering Japan, and he countermanded the order for the building of boats and the storing of grain.

The record of the next few years is hardly worth writing. The royal family went to Peking with 1,200 men as escort and remained there six months. Returning, they spent their time in trampling down good rice-fields in the pleasures of the chase and in seeking waj-s and means of making govern- ment monopolies of various important commodities, especially salt. On a single hunting expedition 1,500 soldiers accom-

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 227

panied the royal partj^ afield. The queen developed a strange propensity for catching young women and sending them to her people in Peking. A law was promulgated that before a young man married he must notify the government. This was done for the purpose of finding out where marriageable girls lived so that the}- could be the more easily seized and sent to China. One official cut off his daughter's hair when he found that she was to be sent to China. The king ban- ished him for this and beat the girl severely. It is said that these girls upon arriving in China became wives, not concubines.

In 1289 a famine in China resulted in a demand for 100,000 bags of rice from Korj'u. The king was at his wits end but by great exertion and self-sacrifice on the part of the officials 60,000 bags were collected. They. were sent by boat, but 6000 were destroyed in a storm and 300 men were lost.

But now in 1290 a new element of danger appeared in the shape of the wild tribe of T'ap-dan across the northern border who began to ravage the outlying Koryu towns. When thty had penetrated the countiy as far as Kil-ju the king sent an army against them, but more than 20,000 came swarming down from the north and seized two districts in Ham-gyung Piovince. They ate the flesh of men and dried the flesh of women for future consumption. The Korjni troops held them in check at first. The empeior sent 13,000 troops to reinforce the Kor^^D army. In spite of this, how- ever, the king felt obliged to take refuge in Kang-wha for fear of surprise. The following year the T'ap-dan savages came as far south as Kyung-geui Province and all the officials and many of the people fled before them. It was a literary man of Wun-ju who was destined to be the first to bring them to a halt. WHn Ch'ung-gap gathered about him all the strong men of the neighborhood and drove back the van of the in- vading force. Then the great body of the savage hcrde came and surrounded the town. Wun killed the messengers they sent demanding surrender, and sent back the heads as answer. A desperate attack was made but the little garrison held firm till b}' a lucky chance a rumor of some kind caused a panic among the attacking forces and in the stampede that followed everv man's sword was at his neighbor's throat. While this

2JS K0R1';AN uistoky.

was going on W'un and his fellows made a sudden sally and captured the savage chief To Cha-do, and sixty of his attend- ants were cut down. The rabble then took to their heels and from that day never dared to attack any considerable town. The spell of terror which had held the people of Ko- ryil was now broken ai;d they found no more difficulty in keeping these savages at arm's length. Ten thousand Mongol troops arrived and began a campaign against these freebooters and in Ch'ung-ch'Hng Province had a splendid victory over them, leaving, it is said, a line of thirty // of dead as they pursued the flying enemy. When the Mongol troops went back home, their general told the emperor that the war had destroyed the crops of Koryu and that 100,000 bags of rice must be sent. The emperor consented, but when the rice arrived the officials and men of influence divided the rice among themselves, while the people went without.

All this time the crown prince w'as suffering a lively feeling of disgust at the sporting propensities of h^.s father, and now that he was about to return from Peking he wrote his father a very sarcastic letter saying, "As all the public money has been used up in hunting tournaments you must not lay an extra expense upon the treasury b}- coming out to meet me." The king was ashamed and angry but went as far as P'yung-ju to meet his son and took advantage of the occasion to hunt along the way.

That Kublai Khan harbored no ill-will against the Japan- ese on account of his failure to conquer them is shown by his sending back to their country several Japanese whom the Koreans had caught and carried to Peking. Two Koryu men ■carried them back to Japan ; but the Japanese did not return the courtesy, for the two Korya messengers were never seen again.

The king and queen were both in China when the em- peror Kublai died and thej^ took part in the funeral rites, al- though the Mongol law forbade any outsider to participate in them. Timur Khan succeeded Kublai. He apparently had no intention of invading Japan, for of 100,000 bags of rice which had been stored in Koryu for that purpose, he sent 50,000 to the north to relieve a famine-stricken district. He also gave back to Korj-u the island of Quelpart which had

MEDIKVAL KOREA. 229

been in Mongol hands since the time when the Mongol and Koryu soldiers had put down the rebellion. From this time dates the use of the name Che-ju, which means "District across the water," and b}- which the island has ever since been known.

The king had now completed his cycle of sixty-one years and the soothsayers were appealed to to read the future. They said evils were in store and he was advised to give amnesty to all but capital criminals, repair the tambs of celebrated men, give rice to the poor and remit three years' revenue. But gra}^ hairs had not brought wisdom to the. king. His time was spent in frivolity and sensuality. The crown prince looked with unfriendly eye on these unseeml}' revels and when, in the following year, 1297, ^'^^ mother, the Mon- gol princess, died, he claimed that her death was due to one of the favorite concubines, and as a consequence the suspect- ed woman was killed. The prince had married a Mongol princess in China and now at her summons he went back to China. The old man, bereft of both wife and concubine, wrote the emperor that he wished to surrender the reins of power into the hands of his son. The emperor consented and in the following year the prince was invested with the royal insignia, while his father was honored with the title '"High King." The new queen was a Mongol and as she came to the Koryu capital a new palace was constructed for her. But her royal husband saw fit to follow the example of his for- bears and take to himself a concubine. The queen, by her frequent exhibitions of jealousy, lost what little love her lord had ever felt for her. She was not long in letting the state of affairs be known at Peking and soon an imperial maiidatt; arrived consigning the concubine and her father to prison. Then another came remanding both to China. Then a high monk came to mediate between the king and queen. This proved ineffectual and the emperor commanded both king and queen to appear before him in Peking. It was done and the royal seals were put back into the hands of the aged king. The prince and his unhappy queen w^re kept in China ten 3'ears.

The close of the century beheld an old dotard on the throne of Koryu, so incapable of performing the duties of his

2T,o K()Ki:an' nrsToKS'.

liigli office tliat the cmjitror was obliged to send a man to act as viceroy wliile tlie old man spent his time trifling with mountebanks and courtesans. The records state that he had lost all semblance to a king.

The viceroy whom the emperor had sent was named \\'hal-yi Gil-sa, and one of his first proposals was to do awaj' with slavery; but objection was raised that then a slave might become an oflficial and use his influence to wreak ven- geance upon his former master. So a law was made that only the eighth generation of a manumitted slave could hold office.

In 1301 an envoy was sent to Peking to make the auda- cious proposal that the crown prince's wife should be made the wife of a Korean official named Chong. This was because the Koryu officials believed she had been criminally intimate with him atid the}' were anxious to get the prince back on the throne. An official originated the scheme of having this Chong take the prince's wife and ascend the throne himself, but the emperor ordered him thrown into prison. When this had been done the aged king sent an envoy pleading that the prince be sent back to hini. As this was not granted the king himself went to Peking where he lodged at first at his son's house, but after a quarrel with him moved to the house of the discarded princess, his daughter-in law. The emperor tried to mediate between father and son but without effect. Then he tried to send the old man back to Koryii ; but rather than go back the aged king took medicine to make himself ill and so incapable of travel. He was fearful that he would be assassinated on the way by his son's orders.

The emperor died in 1308 and was succeeded by Guluk Khan. This young man was the friend of the prince, and as a consequence the old king was thrown into prison, his near- est friends killed or banished and the young man was raised to a high position under the Chinese government and his friends, to the number of a hundred and eighty, were made officials. But it was the old man that the emperor finally sent back to Koryu to rule at the same time he making the prince king of Mukden. Though so far awa}- from the capi- tal of Korj'u the prince was the one who really ruled Koryii, so the records say. The father soon died and the prince im-

MEDIKVAL KOREA. 23 1

mediatel}- proceeded to Song-do and assumed the throne in this same j^ear 1308. His posthumous title was Ch'ung-sfin.

He had been kept out of his own so long that he now proceeded to make up for lost time, and vied with his father's record in revelry and debaucherj*. It is said that a courtier took an axe and went to the palace, where lie asked the king to decapitate him as the sight of these excesses made him hate life. The king was ashamed, though we are not told that he mended his ways.

In his second year he revived the government salt mo- nopoly and put the money into his private purse. Heretofore it had been divided between certain monasteries and officials. The Mongol empress made him furnish large quantities of timber from Pak-tu Mountain, floating it down the Yalu. It was used in the building of monasteries. The whole expense was borne by the king. The latter was now spending most of his time in Peking. The Koryu officials earnestl}- desired him to come back to Song-do, but he refused. There was a constant flow of eunuchs and courtesans from Koryu to Pe- king and it \vould be difficult to imagine a more desperate condition of affairs in the king-deser:ed country. How it was being governed we do not know. It was probably governing itself. The rural districts, which had been laid waste by the Mongol armies and which had been descited by their occupants, were probabl}' being gradualh^ occupied again and the le.ss they heard of Song-do the better they liked it.

In the third year of his reign the king killed his son l)e- cause some busybodies told him that the young man was con- spiring to drive him from the throne. This shows the depths to which the court had sunk, when kings were not sure but that their own sons were their worst enemies. Orders kept coming from Peking to make certain eunuchs Princes. These orders could not be disregarded. These eunuchs had doubt- less been in Peking and were known to be devoted to Mongol interests. All this time the king was in Peking where his presence began to be something of a bore. The mother of the Emperor urged him to go back to Korjni. He promised to go in the following autumn, but when the time came he changed his mind and abdicated in favor of his .second son.

2T,2 KOKICAN rriS'l\)KS'.

The new king, iiuinod To, postluniious title Cli'ung-suk, Clinic to tlic tliroric in 1314. One of his first acts was to take a thorough census of the people. Unfortunately the result is. not recorded. The revenue laws were also changed and a new measurement of the fields was ordered with a view to a more effective collection of the revenue. The king likewise had ambitions along religious lines, for he sent 150 pounds of silver to Nanking to purchase books ; and 10,800 were secured. The emperor also gave 4,070 volumes. These were doubtless Buddhist books and it is more than likely that many of the books in the Sanscrit or Thibetan character, still found in the monasteries in Korea, are cojiies of the works introduced into Koryu during these times.

The king who had abdicated was sent back with his son, tlioiigh he had abdicated solely for the purpose of being able to live permanently in Peking. He spent his time in attend- ing Buddhist festivals, but when he saw into what ruins the palaces in Song-do had fallen he said, "If my father had feasted less I should have had better palaces." He soon returned to to China where he devoted himself to letters. The emperor offered to make him his Prime Minister but he declined the honor. He mourned over the lack of letters in Kor}^! and came to realise that it was Buddhism what had proved the curse of the dynasty. He accepted the post of King of Muk- den and later became Prime Minister to the empeior.

The young king went to Peking in 131 7 to marry a .Mongol Princess, and like his father was very loath to come back. We infer that the position of king in Song-do was so hedged about by priestcraft that was it much pleasanter for the king to reside at the Chinese court. Koryu must have been exceedingly poor after the desperate struggles she had been through and life in Peking with his hand in the imperial ex- chequer must have had its attractions.

At the end of a year however the king and his bride came back to Song-do. The records say that in order to induce him to come they had to bribe the soothsayers to tell him that if he did not come he would be involved in war. As soon as he arrived he began to search for unmarried women to send to Peking. He had turned pander to the Mongol court. The men of the upper classes hid their daughters and denied their

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 233

existence for fear they would be seized and sent to Peking. He hiii'self put in practice the principles he had imbibed at the Mongol court, and spent his da5'S in hunting and his nights in high revelr5\

The king's father who had been made king of Mukden, made a trip into southern China, or at least as far south as Chul-gang and Po-ta San where he engaged in Buddhist wor- ship. Two 3'ears later he asked permission to repeat the visit and the emperor consented. But he was suddenly called back to Peking and ordered to go straight to Koryu. He refused and the emperor compelled him to cut his hair and to become a monk. He was banished to T'o-bun or San-sa-gyul in the extreme north. This was because one of the Peking eunuchs, who had formerly been a Koryu man and hated the king, told the emperor that the ex-king had on foot a scheme to raise a revolt in China.

At this time there was silver money in Koryu in the form of little bottle-shaped pieces of silver, but it was much adulter- ated by an alloy of copper The king gave thirty of these bottles and the officials contributed a number more ; and with them a silver image of Confucius was made, indicating a slight reaction against Buddhism.

1322 the emperor, being deceived by the lying represent- ations of the 'king's cousin who wished to secure the throne of Korj'U, ordered the king to Peking. The latter was glad to go, but was obliged to get away secretly by night for fear of being prevented by his officials. When he got to Peking the emperor took awa}- his royal seal and ordered him to remain there, which he doubtless was nothing loath to do. The of- ficials of Koryu joined in a letter begging the emperor to send him back, but without success, till in 1324 the emperor died and his successor proclaimed a general amnesty, of which the aged ex-king took advantage to return to Peking from his place of banishment in the north. The king and Queen returned to Koryu in the following j-ear. No sooner were thej' settled in their palace again than they went on a pleasure trip to the Han River ; but the trip ended disastrously for while away on the journe)' the Queen was confined and died in giving birth to a son. This shows to what extremes the passion for the chase led the court.

2T,4 KOREAN IIISTOKV

Chapter IX.

Horril)le excesses. . . .a royal desperado. . . .martial inipleitients proscrib- ed ...another scapegrace. .. .general suflFering. .. .taxes increased . . . .emperor furious. . . .a general cleaning out. . . .the kings . . .be- ginning of the great Japanese depredations. . . .king supplanted. . . . a memorial. .. .omens of the fall of the dynast}' ...Buddhism as- cendent. . . .a traitor falls . . .costly festival. . . .trouble in China. . . . the rising jVIing power. . . .restiveness under the Mongol yoke. . . .Yi Whan-jo appears upon the stage . . .genealogy. . . .place of origin. . . . Mongol adherents try to make trouble .... Mongol power opposed .... coinage. . . .a new capital . . .divination. . . .fii\st mention of founder of present dynasty. . . .alarming Japanese raids. . . ."the mighty fal- len". . . .a curious spectacle. . . ."Red Head robbers". . .they invade Korj'u. . . .a council. . . .P'} "mg-)-ang taken . . . .panic at the capital

"Red Heads" beaten. .. .king favors a Mongol pretender the

dreaded Japanese. . . .king removes to Han-yang.

With the year 1329 begins a series of events that ahnost baffles de.scription. The worst excesses of Rome in her decline could not have shown more horrible scenes than those which made the Koryii dynasty a by-word for succeeding generations. The king's cousin, who was king of Mukden, was always slandering him to the emperor, for he was itching for the crown of Koryu himself. Meanwile the king was build- "mountains" and pleasure-houses without end and his hunters were his favorites by day and the courtezans his boon com- panions by night. His son was in Peking learning the ways of the Mongol court and preparing to prove as abandoned a character as his father. In 1331, at the request of the king, the Emperor made the young man king. The cares of office seem to have interfered with his debaucheries. The prince's name was Chung, posthumous title Ch'ung-hy6. He was sent to Song-do and his father called to Peking. This was well, for the young man hated his father intensely. No sooner had he assumed the reins of power then he ran to ten times the excess of riot that even his father had done. The whole of his newly acquired power was applied to the gratification of his depraved appetites and within a year so outrageous were his excesses that the emperor had to recall him in disgrace to Peking and send back the father to administer the govern-

MfiDlElVAt KOliEA. ^^^

liient. This added fuel to the son's hatred of his father.

The reinstated king continued his old courses and added to his former record another desperate crime, in that he frc quently stopped a marriage ceremonj^ and forcibly carried away the bride to become a member of his harem. It was a marvel that the people did not rise and drive such a villain from the countr3\ When he made a trip to Peking in 1336 the emperor made him carry his son back to Koryu. He was such a desperate scapegrace that Peking itself was not large enough to hold him.

The following year the emperor promulgated a singula^ order and one whose cause it is difficult to imagine. It was to the effect that all swords, bows and other martial implements be put away from all Koryu houses and that no one be allow- ed to ride a horse; but all must go afoot. This nia)'' have been a precautionar}* measure to prevent the acquiring of skill in the use of weapons or in horsemanship, so as to render less probable the future use of such acquirements in an attack upon China.

At last, in 1340, the king died and it looked as if the des- perate character who for one short year had played fast and loose with Koryu royalty would become king. A courtier. Cho Chiik, surrounded the palace with soldiers with a view to assassinating the young man who had not Vet received investi- ture from the emperor, and at the same time a message was sent to the deceased king's cousin, the king of Mukden, sum- moning him to Song-do. The young Prince, bad as he was, had a considerable following, and a desperate fight ensued in which he was wounded in the shoulder. But Cho Chuk's forces were routed and he himself caught and beheaded. The em- peror learning of this through the Prince's enemies, called hittf to Peking a"d took him to task for killing Cho Chuk, the friend of the king of Muk-den ; but the facts soon came out, and the Prince was exhonerated and sent back to Song-do, having been invested with the royal insignia. Unlike his father and grand-father, he did not marry a Mongol Princess but took as his Queen a Koryu woman. He likewise took a large num- ber of concubines. Not content with this he had illicit com- merce with two of his father's wives. The almost incredible statement is made in the records that on one occasion, feign'

236 KOREAN lllSTOKV.

ing drunkiiness, he entered the harem of his dead father and had the women seized and violated them. They tried to es- cape to China but he prevented them from securing horses for the purpose. His profligate life was the curse of the country. Nothing was too horrible, too unnatural, too beastly for him to do, if it afforded him amusement. He sent 20,000 pieces of cloth together with gold and silver to purchase many things of foreign manufacture, but what these were we are not in- formed. One of his amusements was the throwing of wooden balls at a mark but when this lost piquancy he substituted men for the target and frequently engaged in this truly humane pastime. General distress prevailed. Many died of starvation and many ran away to distant places and many be- came monks in order to escape the king's tyranny. Sons cut off their hair and sold it in order to secure food for aged parents. The prisons were'full to overflowing. Suicide was a thing of daily occurence.

The king sent to Kang-neung to levy a tax on ginseng, but as none could be found the mesvsenger levied on the well- to-do gentlemen of the place and this was so successful that the king widened the scope of his operations and made it as hard to live in the country as at the capital. Everything that could possibly be taxed was put on the roll of his exactions. No form of industr}' but was crushed to the ground by his un- mitigated greed. When amusements failed he tried all sorts of experiments to awaken new sensations. He would go out and beat the drum, to the sound of which the workmen were building the palace. This building had iron doors, windows and roof. If the king's pander heard of a beautiful slave any- where she was seized and brought to this palace which was also her prison and where she spent her time in weaving in company with many other women who had been similarl)^ ' 'honored. ' ' Often by night the king would wander about the city and enter any man's house and violate any of its inmates.

When this all came to the ears of the emperor he was fur- ious. An envo}^ was sent to Song-do with orders to bring the wretch bound to Peking. The king came out to meet this envoy but the Mongol raised his foot and gave the wretch a kick that sent him sprawing on the ground. He was then bound and locked up and after things had been put in some

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 237

sort of shape in the capital the king was carried awaj^ to Pek- ing to answer to the emperor. Many of the king's intimates were killed and many fled for their lives. A hundred and twenty concubines were liberated and sent to their homes.

When the king was brought before the emperor the latter exclaimed "So you call yourself a king. You were set over the Korj^u people but you tore off all their flesh. If your blood should become food for all the dogs in the world justice would still be unsatisfied. But I do not care to kill any man. I' will send you to a place from which you will not soon return." So he was placed on a bier, the symbol of humiliation, and sent away to Ke-yang "twenty thousand // away," so the records say. No man went with him save his bearers. They carried him from village to village like a dead man. He died on the journey at Ak-yang before reaching his place of exile. When the people of Koryu heard of this there was general rejoicing; and a proverb was made which runs, Aja mangoji. The Aya refers to Ak-yang where he died and mangoji^ freely translated, means "damned."

The heir to the throne of Koryu was a lad of eight years. The emperor asked him, "Will you be like your father or like your mother?" The lad replied, "L,ike my mother," and thereupon he was proclaimed king of Koryii. His post- humous title is Ch'ung-mok. Orders were sent to Song-do to discharge all the servants and officials of the late king, and to put an end to all the evils which had been fastened upon the people. The iron palace was turned into a school. The examination laws were changed. Heretofore the examina- tion had been simply with a view to ascertaining the can- didate's knowledge of the classics. Now it was made to include an exegesis of obscure passages and exercises in penmanship. This was followed by an essay on "What is the most im- portant question of the time." The emperor also ordered the establishment of a new department, to be called the Bureau of General Oversight.

The empress of China at this time seems to have been a Koryu woman and her relatives, who abounded in the Koryu capital, expected to have their own way in all matters. This new department, however, arrested and imprisoned man}- of them and a number died in consequence. The

j;^8" korkaN' nis-mRV.

empress therefore sent a swift messenger demanding the rea- sons for this. The reasons seem to have been good, for the matter was dropped. Of course the young king was not of an age to guide the affairs of state in person. We are left in ignorance as to >vhat form of regency administered the government for him.

In 1348 the boy king died and the question as to succes- sion arose. The king's younger brother Chi was in Koryii at the time -^ but Keni, the son of Ch'ung-suk, the twenty- seventh monarch of the line, WaS' in China. The Koryu officials asked that Keui be made king, probably because he tvas of a proper age to assume the responsibilities of royalty \ but the emperor refused, and the following year, 1349, Chi was made king at the age of twelve, posthumous title Ch'ung- jong. Keui, the unsuccessful candidate, was married to a Mongol princess, perhaps as a consolation for his disappoint- fiieut.

With the year 1550 begins a series of Japanese depreda- tions on the coasts of Koryfi which were destined to cover a period of half a centurj- and which, in their wantonness and brutality, remind U3 strong'ly of similar expeditions of the Norse Vikings on the shores of western Europe. In the second year of the young king these corsairs came, but were driven off with a loss of 300 men. Soon, as if in revenge, over 100 Japanese boats were beached on the shores of KyiJng-'Sang Province ; the government rice Was seized and tnany villages wantonly burned.

That same year a kingdom called Ul-lam sent an en\'oy Ivith gifts to the king of Koryu.

In 135 1 again the Japanese corsairs came and ravaged the islands off Chul4a Province,

The emperor, for some reason not stated, decided to make Keui, his son-in-law, king of Koryii. He was there- fore proclaimed king at the Mongol court and started for Song-do. This was the distinct wish of the KoryQ officials and of course the boy upon the throne was helpless. He fled to Kang-wha and the next year was killed by poison, but by whose hand administered or at whose instigation is neither known nor recorded. This new king's posthumous title is Kong-min.

TM-EDIEYAL KOREA, 239

The Japanese cared for none of these changes but steadily pursiied their ravages, gradually creeping up the western coast.

A Koryu man, Yi Sak, who had studied profoundly and had passed the civil examinations in China, now returned to Koryu and memorialised the king in reference to five special points ; to wit, (i) The necessity of having definite bound- aries for the fields. (2) Defense again'^t the Japan- se corsairs. (3) Making of implements of war. (4) The fostering of stud^' and learning. (5) The evils of Buddhism.

All during this reign, so say the records, there were signs and omens of the fall of the d\'nast3\ There were earthquakes, eclipses and comets ; worms ate the leaves of the pine trees in the capital, and as the pine tree was the emblem of the dj-nast)' this was ominous ; red and black ants had war among themselves ; a well in the capital became boiling hot ; there was a shower of blood ; for man\' days a fog like red fire hung over the land ; black spots were seen on the sun ; there was a shower of white horse hair three inches long ; hail fell of the size of a man's hand ; there was a tremendous avalanche at Puk-san, near the present Seoul, These ex post facto prophecies show the luxuriance of the oriental imagina- tion.

In spite of the Coufucian tendency which had manifested itself Buddhism had no intention of letting go its hold on the government, and we find that in his second year the king took a Buddhist high priest as his teacher, and thus the direction was given to his reign that tended to hasten it toward its fall. He also conferred high positions upon Buddhist monks and so alienated the good will of all the other officials. This hostile feeling took definite shape when Cho Il-si surrounded the palace with a band of soldiers, killed many of the leaders of the part}' in power together with many of the relatives of the Mongol empress, and announced him- self prime minister. To screen himself he told the king that it was not he who had caused the execution, but two other men ; and he even went to the extreme of putting to death two of his confiding friends in order to give color to this statement. But Cho Il-si had overestimated his strength and the king, b}^ secret negotiations, was soon able to decorate

240 KORKAN HISTORY,

the end of a pole with his head. Twelve of his accomplices were also killed.

As the Mongol empress was a Koryu woman, the ma- ternal grandmother of the crown prince of China was of course a Koryu woman. She was living in state in Song-do when her grandson came from Peking to make her a visit. It is said that in the festivities which graced this unusual occasion 5,100 pieces of silk were used in making artificial flowers. Such a feast had never before been seen at the capital of Koryu, however frequent they may have been at Peking.

The records state that in 1355 there was a great rebellion in China. We must remember that between the years 1341 and 1368 affairs were in a chaotic state in China. The last Mongol emperor, Tohan Timur, came to the throne in 1333 and gave himself up to licentiousness and luxury. No atten- tion was paid to the filling of offices according to the time- honored law of literary merit, but the b'^'t positions weye given to Mongols by pure favoritism. This caused wide- spread dissatisfaction among the Chinese and fiom that tjme the doom of the Mongol dynasty was sealed. In 1355 the low-born but brilliant leader Chu Yuan-chang. at the head of the insurreclionar}' army, crossed the Yang-tse river and took Nanking. This was the great rebellion spoken of in the Koryu annals and soon an envoy arrived from Peking demanding aid in the shape of soldiers. Twenty-three thousand men were sent on this forlorn hope. In 1356 a Mongol envoy brought incense to be burned in all the Koryu monasteries, doubtless with a view to securing supernatural aid against the rising Ming power. At the same time great uneasiness was again caused by raids of the Japanc se, which increased in f re- queue}^ and extent. One gang of robbers alone carried out of Kyiing-sang Province, at one time, 200 boat-loads of rice. This year also saw the Ming forces pressing on toward Peking and driving the Mongols back step by step. As the fortunes of the Mongols waned the loyalty of Koryu waned accordingly. For the mass of the Koryu people, the Mon- gol 5"oke had never been less than galling, and they hailed the signs of the times which pointed toward her over- throw.

MEDIEVAL KOkEA. 24 1

This tendency to restlessness under the Mongol yoke was shown when the Mongol envoy was carrying the incense about the country to various monasteries. Everywhere he treated the people like abject slaves and trampled on their prejudices and rights. When he came to Chul-la Province the governor promptly threw him into prison and put his son to death. The Mongols in Peking were of course too busy with their own troubles to attempt to chastise Koryu for this ; and this very impunitv added impetus to the anti-Mongol feeling.

In this same j'ear, 1356, we see the first rising of the cloud that was soon to spread over the country and, breaking, clean the land of the corruption which had so long been festering at her core. This event was the coming to the capital of the father of the man who founded the present dj'iiasty, on the ruins of Koryu. This man was Yi Cha-ch'un whose posthumous title, given after the founding of this dynasty, was Whan- jo. As his son founded this dynast}' it will be fit- ting to inquire briefly into his antecedents. His great-grand- father was Yi An-sa, a Koryu official who died in 1274, and who was afterwards given the title Mok-jo. His son was Yi Hang-yi, born in Tuk-wun in Ham-gyung Province, who was compelled by the Mongols to take office under them while they held possession of the north. His posthumous title is Ik-jo. His son was Yi Ch'un. born in Ham-heung in Ham-kyiing Province, who held rank under Koryii be- tween 1340 and 1345. His posthumous title is To-jo. His son was Yi Cha-ch'un of whom we are now speaking. He was born in 1315 and at the time of which we are writing he was made prefect of his native place, Sang-sung, in Ham- gyung Province. This part of Koryu had been held by the Mongols during the whole period of their occupation of Ko- ryu until their loosening grasp let it fall back into the hands of Koryu and the king hastened to reorganise his govern- ment there.

The relatives of the Mongol empress still nursed the delusion that they could do as they pleased in Koryii. secure in the possession of such powerful friends at Peking. But they soon discovered their mistake, for their misdeeds met the same punishment as did those of others. Infuriated at

242 KOKi:.\N IIISTORV.

this they planned an insurrection. They thouo;ht this newlv acquired district of Sang-sung would be the most likely to co-operate with them in this scheme ; so they opened negotia- tions with its people. The king therefore summoned Yi W'han-jo to Song-do and warned him against these traitors. Foiled here, the empress' relatives ap])ealed to the country to rise in defense of the Mongol supremacy, which was being thus rudely flouted. They learned what Koryii thought of Mongol supremacy when they were incontinently seized and put to death and their property confiscated. The next step was the sending back to China of the Mongol "resident." This was followed by an expedition into trans- Yalu territory which seized all the land there which formerly belonged to Koryu. Fearing, however, that he was goi.'g a little too fast, the king sent an envoy to Peking to tell the emperor that the local governor of the north was responsible for these reprisals and not the central Koryu government. Troops were nevertheless stationed in each of these newly acquired districts and fields were cultivated to provide for their main- tenance.

Not long after this the important question of coinage came up. We have already seen that the medium in Koryu was little bottle-shaped pieces, but as these were each a pound in weight they could be used only for large transac- tions. Each one of them was worth a hundred pieces of linen. It was decided to change to a system of regular coin- age, and so the silver was coined 'nto "dollars" each worth eight pieces of five-strand linen. It is probable that in all small transactions barter was the common method of ex- change although there may have been a metal medium of ex- change as far back as the days of ancient Chosun, a thousand years before Christ.

The question again came up as to the advisability of moving the capital to Han-yang, the present Seoul. Enquiry was made at the ancestral temple but what answer the spirits made, if an^^ we are not told. All dishes and implements as well as tile were made black because the peninsula is nearly surrounded by water and black is the color that correspond^ to water according to Chinese and Korean notions. Black was substituted for the prevailing color in dress which was at

MEDIKVAL KOREA. 243

that time blue-greeii, and men, wonirn and inonks all donned the sable attire.

It was at length decided to change the capital to the other site and palaces were ordered built there. They were, so some say, probably outside the present south gate of Seoul.

It is said that in order to decide about the removal of the capital the king had recourse to that form of divination which consisted in making scrawls at random with a pen and then examining them to see what Chinese characters the marks most resembled. At first they did not favor a change, but after several trials the favorable respon'^-i was obtained.

The year 1359 beheld a recurrence of the dreaded Japan- ese incursions. At this time the robbers burned 300 Koryu boats at Kak-san. An official, Yi Tal-jung, was sent to govern the great north-eastern section of the land. He was a friend of Yi Whan-jo, the prefect of Saug-sung. As he approached that place his friend Yi Whan-jo came out to meet him, accompanied by his son Yi Song-gye who was to become the founder of the present dynasty, and whom we shall designate by his posthumous title T'a-jo. When Yi Whan-jo handed his friend a cup of wine he drank it stand- ing, but when Yi T'a-jo handed him one, so the story runs, he drank it on his knees. When the father demanded why this greater deference was shown his son the guest replied, "This boy is different from us," and, turning to the young man, he continued. "When I have passed away you must always befriend my descendants."

The Japanese raids had now reached such alarming proportions that an extra wall was built about Song-do and all the government granaries along the coast were moved far inland to be out of the reach of piratical parties, who would naturally hesitate to go far from their boats.

The breaking up of the Mongol power was foreshadowed by the act of a certain Mongol district Ha-yang which, with its garrison of 1,800 men, now came and enrolled itself under the banner of Koryu. How had the mighty fallen ! Less than eight}' years before the world had trembled beneath the hoof-beats of the "Golden Horde." This was followed by the submission of a wild tribe in the north called Pang-guk- chin. and a Mongol rebel sent a messenger with gifts to the

^44 K(>ki-;an fiistokv.

court of Koryn. Meanwhile tlic Jai)aiRSc were ravaging the southern and western coasts without let or hindrance. It was a curious spectacle, a country eaten up by its own excesses receiving humble deputations from former masters and at the same time being ridden over rough-shod by gangs of half-naked savages from the outlying islands of Japan.

There was one tribe in the north however, called th^ Horig-du-juk or "Red-Head Robbers," who threatened to invade the country, but forces were sent to guaid against it. In the case of the Japanese marauders the difficulty was to know where they were going to strike next. There was mil- itary power enough left in Koryii had it been possible to so place the forces as to intercept or bring to action the robber gangs. The Japanese had really begun to threaten Song-do itself and the king wished to move the capital to Su-an in \\'hang-ha Province. He went so far as to send a commis- sioner to look over the site and report.

The king was not blessed wMth an heir, and in 1360 he took a second wife, which was the cause of constant quarrel- ling and bickering.

The "Red-Head Robbers" were led b}- Kwan Sun-sang and P'a Tu-ban. They now took the city of Mukden and. entering Liaotung, sent a letter to the king of Koryii saying "We have now consolidated our power and intend to set up the Sung dynasty again." The Mongols were thus beset on both sides and were in desperate straits. Three thousand of the "Red-Heads" crossed the northern border and carried fire and sword into the frontier towns. A Mongol general, deserting the banners of his waning clan, took service with these people. His name was Mo Ko-gyung. He collected 40,000 men and crossed the Yalu. Eui-ju fell forthwith and the prefect and a thousand men perished. Ch<'>ng-ju soon fell and In-ju was invested, but a stubborn resi>tance was here encountered. The prefect. An U, was the only prefect in the north who was not afraid of the invaders. He made ligh: of their power and by swift counter-marches and bril- liant manoeuvers succeeded in making them fall back to Chong-ju. In the mean time Gen. Yi An was sent north to P'yung-yang to take charge of the army of defense. The tide of fortune had turned again and the invaders were in full

MKDIKVAL KORHA. 245

niaich on P'3-iing-yang. A council of war was held at which it appeared that all the generals were about equally frightened. With a powerful force in hand and an easily defended town to hold they still considered only how best to make a retreat. Some were for burning everything behind them and retiring to some point more easy of defense ; but Gen. Yi An thought they had better leave a large store of provisions in the city, for the enemy would pause and feed there until everything was gone, and this would give the Koryu army time to gain needed reinforcements. This course would also appear so foolish to the enemy that few preparations would be made to meet the Koryu troops later. This plan was adopted and the army retired into Wbang-ha Province and left the gates of P'yung-yang open to the invaders. This caused the great- est consternation in the capital, and every citizen was under arms. The king immediately sent and deprived Gen. Yi An of the ofhce which he had so grievously betrayed and put the command into the hands of Gen. Yi Seung-gyung.

The invading host was now feasting in P'yung-yang and the king and queen in Song-do were practicing horse-back riding with the expectation that the}' would be obliged to leave the capital. It was the beginning of winter and the cold was intense. The Koryu soldiers died by hundreds and the people- were being wantonly killed by foraging parties of the "Red Heads." The records say that they left "heaps upon heaps" of dead in their track.

As in duty bound the Koryu forces went north and en- gaged the invaders at P'yiing-yang. At first the latter were successful and a thousand Koryu troops were trampled under the hoofs of the enemy's horses; but in the end the "Red Heads" were defeated and, retreating northwards, were hotly pursued as far as Ham-jung. There they were rein- forced and attempted to make a new stand ; but the Koryu troops, drunk with success, attacked them with such abandon that they were obliged to build a palisade within which they intrenched themselves. The Koryu generals surrounded this stockade and, by a simultaneous assault of horse and foot, broke through the barrier and put the occupants, numbering 20,000, to the sword. The leader, Whang Chi-sun was taken alive. A remnant fled to the Ynn-ju River where the ice broke be-

2^6 kori:ax hisT(trv.

tieath them and 2,000 perished. Tlie few survivors made a desparate stand on a hill but were starved out and compelled to continue their lli^iU, in wliich hundreds more were cut down along the road ; and at last, out of 40,000 men who had come across the Yalu, just three hundred recrossed it and were safe.

Hardly had this happened when seventy boat-loads of these same "Red Heads" arrived at P'yung-ju and soon after a hundred boat-loads more disembarked at Au-ak and scoured the surrounding country. They were, however, soon put to flight by Gen. Yi Pang-sil whom the king rewarded richly for his services.

It was at this time that the king first received an envoy from Chang Sa-sang, a pretender to the Mongol throne. The l:ing made the first move toward breaking away from the Mongol yoke by sending an envoy in return. The K<-)ryu court evidentl)' was in great doubt as to just how matters were going to turu out in the struggle that was under way in China. By favoring these advances on the part of a Mongol, whether of the imperial family or not, it is probable that the king lost the good-wuU of the Mings who, as we shall see, looked with satisfaction upon the overthrow of Koryu and the founding of the present dynasty

The alarming increase both in the frequency and the violence of the Japanese incursions gave scope for the devel- opment of the military genius of Gen. Yi Whan-jo, the father of the founder of this dynasty. He was appointed general of the west to guard against the freebooters. The people of Song-do were in dismaj' over the proximit}' of the dreaded Japanese and over the defeat of all the armies sent to put them down. Many civil officials took part in the martial pre- parations and even took the field in defense of their country. The Japanese were now penetrating Kyung-geui Province. In this year, 1360, the}' landed on Kang-wha, killed three hundred men and stole 40,000 bags of rice. So many men were in mourning that the king was obliged to curtail the period of mourning from three years to only a few days. The palace in Han-yang had uow been completed and the king removed to that place, apparently because it was further from the sea shore and more difficult of access by the Japanese.

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 247

Chapter. X.

An unnecessary warning. .. ."Smoke-house Soldiers". .. .Yi Whan-jo dies. . . .Yi T'5-jo takes his place . . .new invasion by "Red Heads" ....Song-do evacuated .... the enemy revel in the capital. .. .can- nibals. . . .plans for defense. . . .the "Red Heads." badly beaten. . . . Gen. Yi distinguishes himself ... .the monster Kim Yong....Gen. Yi brings Nap-t'ap-chul to terms. . . .Ouelpart revolts. . . ."tax with- out reason". . . .the Mongols proclaim a new king for Kor\'u. . . .a bold envoy. . . .a faithful eunuch. . . .Kim Yong destroj-ed . . .Mon- gol invasion. . . .order restored. . . .Gen. Yi drives back the Mongols ....Japanese advances ...a conscientious official,. .. .the Japanese creep nearer to Song-do . . .king inconsolable . . .he meets Sin-don . . . .who becomes his favorite. . . .king's oath to Sin-don . . . .disgrace ful practices. . . .an heir to the throne. . . .Sin-don's policy. . . .Japan- ese swarm along the coast ...Sin-don the "Tiger" ... .he chides the king.

With the opening of the year 1361 Yi Whan-jo was ap- pointed general of all the forces in the north and north-east. This was done against the advice of one of the officials who told the King that as Gen. Yi was from the north-east it was dangerous to appoint him general over the forces there, for untoward events were likely to happen. The king turned a deaf ear to this warning, which indeed was unnecessary, for the king had no more loyal subject that Yi Whan-jo. The- king, having feasted the new appointee, sent him on his mis- sion and himself returned to Song-do.

Ere long came reports of new and terrible ravages by the Japanese along the southern coast, especially at Nam-ha, Ko- sfmg, Ko-je and Ul-ju, while at Fusan they stole a large number of Korean boats. A garrison had been stationed in the sou<"h to be used in just such emergencies, but it had been used for so mau}^ different things that it could not be concentrated upon an\' given point ; so levies were made on the common people. These levies went under the name of Yun-ho-gun, or "Smoke-house Soldiers" because from every house where smoke was seen arising a man was requisitioned. At the same time the governor of Chtil-la Province advised the establishment of a horse relay system, but the suggestion was not acted upon.

24S KOKi:.\N HISTORY.

At this lime the king lost the services of Gan. Yi Wh.in- jo who died at his post. His son, Yi Sung-gye, better known by his title Yi T'it-jo. stepped into his father's place. At the very beginning of his martial career an opportunity presented itself for him to perform a signal service for the king. A certain Pak luii deemed that the time was ripe for an in- surrection and he began to take steps in that direction, but the king sent the young general, Yi T'S-jo, against him and tlie little bhze was promptly stamped out. As a consequence the young man was confirmed in the position of military governor of the north and east, and under his command was placed a large body of trdops.

And now there burst upon the country another storm of fire and blood. The "Red Heads" had been gaining ground rapidly and were now ready to take their revenge for the terrible reverses they had suffered during the previous in- vasion. They crossed the Yalu 200,000 strong undc the leadership of generals Pan- sung Sa-yu and Kwan Sung-sang. The king promptly sent Gen. Yi Pang-sil against them and hastened to swell the army to as high a point as possible, The officials and monks and other people of means brought horses or provisions, while the walls of Song-do were guarded with jealous care.

In the very first engagement the Koryu army was crum- pled up like paper and one of the leading generals was killed. The "Red Heads" sent a letter to the king saying "We have ten million men and there is no escape for you except in prompt surrender." It seemed true, for the invading army swept like a cyclone though the north, and in Song-do panic reigned. Flight seemed imperative. The women and child- ren belonging to the royal household were sent away first and the king was about to follow, when the defeated Gtn. Yi Pang-sil came hurrying in and implored the king not to run away but to rally the people about him and stand the siege. The king went to the center of the city, "Big Bell Street," and submitted the question to the people, asking whether thev would rally round him. Just two men responded. This settled the matter and the king and queen, each on horse- back, rode out the south gate, while behind them came a weeping crowd of old men, women and children. Such was

MEDIEVAL KOREA 249

the confusion that parents lost their children and families were scattered. The king's escort consisted of only ten men. When he arrived at the Im-jin river he sent messengers in all directions summoning all loyal soldiers to rally round him.

The northern savages swept down upon the devoted city, sat down in its palaces and gave themselves up to every form of excess. They feasted upon the cattle and horses, hanging their hides upon the city wall and pouring water over them and letting it congeal, thus preventing the citizens from making their escape from the city clandestinely.

The king in his flight carried terror with him, for the people thought the enemy would be in hot pursuit ; so they scattered in every direction. This displeased the king so much that when he arrived at the capital of Ch'ung-ch'ung Province he imprisoned the governor. From that point he hurried southward as far as Pak-ju, now An-dong, in Kyung- sang Province

Day by day the horrible orgies of the savages in Song-do increased in barbarity. It is said that they cooked and ate little children and that they cut off the breasts of women and fed on them.

In the midst of these vicissitudes the king appointed Choug Se-un as general -in-chief of all the Koryu forces. He was a wise and loyal man and was ever thinking of wavs and means of checkmating the invaders. He advised the king to send out a general letter encouraging the people and calling all the soldiers to rally to the defense of the country. The officials were also encouraged and made to feel that their utmost endeavors must be put forth in the good cause. The generals were all exhorted to do their best and were threat- ened with death in case they proved unfaithful. So the campaign was op.-ned. The savages had looted all the towns about Song-do and had taken Wun-ju and killed its prefect. They also w^ent north to An-byun in Ham-gyQng Province where the people pretended to surrender, but, hav- ing gotten their conquerors intoxicated, they fell upon and killed them. The same tactics were tried in Kang-wha with equal success.

Gen. Chong Se-un now appeared before Song-do with 200,000 troops. These figures must surely be an exaggera-

250 KOKHAN IIISTl^KV.

tioii for we can hardl}- suppose Kor\ u able at thai lime to put that number of men in the field. Snow and rain added to the difficulties of the situation. A spy returned and said that the troops of the enemj' were massed inside the South Gate and that if a picked bodj' of men could gain entrance some- where and attack them from behind they could be easily over- come. At the dead of night a picked body of horsemen gained admittance somewhere in the rear of the city and fell with fur}- upon the garrison. At the same time the main body advanced to attack the South Gate. The savages, not know- ing the size of the attacking force and being surprised from behind were thrown into confusion and attempted to run away. Gen. Yi T'a-jo distinguishad himself by pursuing and capturing Kwan Sun-sang the leader of the hostile force. In this stampede the routed savages trod on and killed each other by hundreds. In the center of Song-do the dead were piled in heaps. It is said, though it must be an exaggera- tion, that 100,000 men perished miserably on that night. As a result of this battle several Mongol seals which the savages had taken in previous fights with the imperial armies, were recovered.

Some of the generals advised that a remnant of the enemy be spared ; so the Sung-in and T'an-hyung gates were thrown open and Pa Tu-ban and his remaining followers hastened out and made for the Yalu River.

It is related that during the fight on that eventful night a body of Koryu troops collided with a company of the enemy and a melee ensued near the East Gate, where the soldiers trod on each other. Gen. Yi T'a-jo was there and was stabbed in the back with a spear. Finding himself in extremely narrow quarters he drew his sword and, hewing a path through the enemy, leaped the wall, horse and all, for he was in the saddle. The spectators thought he was a spirit. A volume might be filled with the stories of the wonderful achievements of this man, but most of them are figments of the imagination, invented at a later period to add lustre to the name of the founder of the dynasty.

The capable leader Gen. Chong Se-un, met the fate which has been the curse of Korean history from the begin- ning to the present time. Kim Youg-an, a jealous official,

MEr)lKVAL KOREA. 2^1

fofged a royal order for his execution and sent it to Gen. An U who promptly carried it out. When the king learned of this he thought it was an incipient revolution but soon the other generals joined in a letter to His Majesty saying that it had been done because the murdered man was a traitor. The king accepted this as true and rewarded the murderers.

The fortress of Sang-sQng near the Tu-nian River had long been under Mongol control and was governed by a Koryu renegade Cho Whi and afterwards by his descendants as a hereditary fief. Now when Koryu once more assumed control, Cho So-siing, the then chief of this anomalous set- tlement, fled to Mukden where he joined the banners of a wild tribe under the lead of Nap-t'ap-chul, and proposed to them to make a raid into Koryu. This they did, crossing the Yalu and ravaging as far as Puk-ch'ung and Hong-wun. This pronii=;ed to become a serious matter, but the difficulty of the situation for Koryn was increased tenfold by a fresh invasion of the south by Japanese. The king was on his way back to Song-do when news of these two disasters reached him. Things looked desperate, but to add to the hopelessness of the situation the same Kim Yong-an who had murdered Gen. Chong now compelled the king to kill Gen. An U on the ground that it was he who had killed Gen Chong. The monster then proceeded to killed his own brother, and in- duced the king to put to death generals Yi Pang-sil and Kim Teuk-pa, two of the best surviving generals. It is a wonder that Gen. Yi T'3-jo was spared. Song-do had been so rough- ly handled that the king feared the historical records would be lost or destroyed ; so he now sent men to look them up and put them in a place of safety.

The wild Nap-t'ap-chul having been so successful in their first venture, now once more entered Koryu territory and as the general sent against them was not able to check their ad- vance Gen. Yi T'a-jo was appointed to this place. The en- emy was encamped in Hong-wun in Ham-gyung Province. Gen. Yi attacked them there and louted them with a loss of i,ooo men. Near Ham-hung they made a stand and defended themselves desperately, but he soon had them in full flight once more. Taking 600 picked cavalrymen he pursu edthem to Ch'a-ryTing Pass and secured another victory. Onl}^ one

J5' KOKICAX IIISTOKV.

of the enemy fought well. This man fought aways in front of Gen. Yi. The latter feigned flight to draw him on and then suddenly turning attacked his jnirsuer and laid him low with an arrow from his unerring bow. The women who followed the camp of the invading army canii out and taunt- ed the men saying ''You have overcome everyone but these Koryn people; them you cannot conquer. You had bet- ter retreat and make for home." The enemy called a truce and told Gen. Yi that they had come not to attack Koryu but the "Red Heads." This was a mere ruse to save time. Geu. Yi knew this and drawing an arrow to the head shot one of the leaders of the enemy through the body. At last he gave orders to his archers to shoot the horses from under the enemy. This decided the battle and the Nap-t'al-chul sued for peace. In recognition of these services the king appoint- ed him general of all the forces iu the north. The genera^ then proceeded to annihilate all the colonies and settlements of the obnoxious Nap-t'ap-chul throughout the entire north, and having placed them where they belonged, showed them that their anly hope was in making a lasting treaty with Ko- ryu. This they were quite willing to do.

As the king came slowly north toward the capital the officials urged that Song-do was too small for the capital and too near the sea to be well protected from the Japanese corsairs. They therefore urged him to remain for a time at Ch'ung-ju, and he gave consent.

And now, strange to relate, Quelpart, at the instigation and under the leadership of Ho-dok-ko Pul-wha. who had been stationed there three years before to take charge of the horse-breeding industry, revolted from the sway of Koryu and became at least nomiuall)' a part of the Yuan em- pire.

In order to reward the soldiers who had done such good work in the north the king levied a special tax on the people which the}' gave with such poor grace that they called it the "tax without reason."

In 1362 the emperor of China, led to it by the empress, whose seditious relatives had forfeited their lives in KoryO, proclaimed one Hye, called Prince Tok-heung, a relative of the king, as king in his place. But Koryu well knew that

IMEDTKVAL KOREA. 253

tlie old time power of the Mongols was gone and so prepared to resist the order.

Earh" in 1363 the king at last re-entered his deserted cap- ital. A strong force was sent north to guard against the pre- tender and an envoy was sent to Peking to ask why there were two kings for Koryu. The emperor replied that the newly appointed one was the right one and that he must be received in Koryu. To this the envoy replied "Though you kill me and smear my blood upon my clothes I will not ae- <:ompany the pretender back to Koryu." The emperor praised the envoy's bravery and did not insist upon the demand.

A Koryu official named Kim Yong-an, whose evil deeds we have alread}^ related, now desired to kill the king and bring in the pretender. A eunuch, An To-jok, knew of the plot and on th^ appointed night personated the king and was killed by the assassin's hand. The plotter was forthwith seized, drawn and quartered and his limbs were sent through- out the land as a warning to other malcontents. The emper- or w-as urged to send the pretender as a prisoner to Koryu but of course he refused. Not only so, but he also ordered the king to send the royal seals to Peking. The king refused and began preparations for defense against a possible inva- sion.

He did not have to wait long, for with the opening of the year 1364 a Mongol army 10,000 strong crossed the Yalu and besieged Eui-ju, In the fight at that point the Koryu forces were completely routed, though not till after great valor had been shown by Gen. An U-gyung against overwhelming odds. The Koryu forces retreated in disorder to An-ju. Panic prevailed among all the people of that section for they thought the horrors of the former Mongol invasion were about to be repeated.

The king sent Gen. Ch'oe Vung with a considerable force to An-ju where he made all his generals swear to stand by the colors to the last. He executed a number of fugitives as an example to the rest and soon succeeded in restoring some semblance of order in the camp. Gen. Yi T'a-jo was ordered with 1,000 soldiers from the northeast province to An-ju. Also generals Yi Sun, U Che, and Pak Ch'un were ordered to the same point, and the army thus consolidated

254 KOKKAX IllJ^TOkV

assumed large proportions, but tlie men were miserably dressed and fed, and the death rate was high. Dc-sertions were of frequent occurence.

Gen. Vi TTi-jo's influence in the northeast is proved by the connnotion that followed when he left. The remnant of the Yu-jin tribe, led by Sam Seun and Sam Ka seized the whole of this northeast and the people were longing for the return of Gen. Yi. These two Sams were cousins of Gen. Yi and they had fled beyond the northern border and joined the wild Yu-jin folk.

The combination of the generals gave great confidence to the troops and when the battle was joined at Ch("»ng-ju the Mongol forces were badly defeated. A Mongol general's bodv was taken and sent all about that section to encourage the people and make them believe their troubles were near an end. Gen. Yi blamed the other generals for not following up their advantage and they became angry and said "If you are so brave, you had better try it yourself." So the very next day he led the army out and surrounded the Mongol forces at Su-ju near the sea,, where another glorious victory was won. That night the remnant of the Mongols fled back to the Yalu. Gen. Yi gave chase and it is said that only seventeen of the Mongol army got back in safety across that Rubicon of Korea. This done, Gen. Yi returned to his northeast province and drove back to their haunts the wild tribe who had taken advantage of his absence.

Gen. Yi T'a-jo was steadily' rising in favor although like Wang-gon he wisely stayed as far as possible from his royal, master. The king now conferred upon him the title of Mil- jik-sa which means "The Messenger who Restores Confidence and Firmness,"

The Japanese had not ceased their incursions. Only a year had passed since 200 boat loads had ravaged the south- ern coast and now a like number swept the island of Kal-do' in the south, so that from many a district no revenue rice was forthcoming. It is to be feared that this was the princi- pal cause of uneasiness in Song-do — -the loss of revenue.^ Troops were sent and a fleet of eighty war boats to guard the coast and to covoy the revenue junks, but these unexpected- ly fell in with a Japanese fleet and were all lost. This disas-

Medieval korea. 255

ter caused a panic among the people of Kang-wha and Kyo- dong Island. The governor of Chul-la Province came north- ward with troops guarding the revenue but he too met Jap- anese and lost all the rice and half his men.

This same year 1364 a Mongol official told the emperor that the king of Koryii ought to be allowed to retain his position ; and the emperor listened to him. The renegade Ch'oe Yu was sent back to KoryO. where he was imprisoned and executed. The Koryu envoy Yi Kong-su also returned from Peking. A very neat story is told of him. As he was pu'-suing his way across a wide plain which seemed to have no inhabitants he was obliged to feed his animals with the standing grain. When he was preparing to resume his way he took a bolt of linen and wrote upon it "The price of grain," and left it among the standing barley. His attend- ants said, "But the owner of the grain will never get it. Someone will steal it." The envoy replied, "That is not my affair. I will have done my duty." The king wished the emperor to send the would-be king to Koryu but to this consent was not given.

The Japanese crept nearer and nearer to Song-do with every new expedition. They went into the temple to the dead and carried away a picture of the king. It was with great difficulty that they were dislodged and driven awa}-.

In 1365 when the queen was confined the king ordered the monks to worship on every mountain top and at every monastery to ensure a safe delivery, but all to no avail. She died in giving birth to the child and the king was incon- solable. Treasure was poured out like water to make the funeral the most imposing that had ever been seen in Koryu, For three 3'ears following the king ate no meat.

It was in this year that the king had that singular dream which led to such disastrous results. He dreamed that some- one attempted to stab him, but a monk sprang forward and by intervening saved his life. The face of this monk remained stamped on his memory. Soon after this he met a monk. Sin-don, whose face was the same as that of the monk who had saved his life in the dream. He was the son of a slave in Ok-ch'On Monastery and he was looked down upon and despised by the other Monks. The king took this Sin-

^■56 KOKICAN HISTOKV.

doll to himself, raised liim to hij^^li position and lavishecf upon him wealth and honors. As a fact this Sin- ion was a most nnprincipled, licentious and crafty man, but always when in the presence of the kin^ he assumed the sedate demeanor of the philosopher and for many a year completely hoodwinked his royal master. The other officials expostulat- ed in vain. In vain did thej' urge that this monk was a beast in human shape. The king considered him well-nigh inspired. He believed that it was jealousy that prompted their antagonism and rather enjoyed getting an outsider in and showing them that oflfice and honors did not always go by inheritance. This new favorite .soon began to urge the banishment of this or that official and the king always complied. On this account the feeling against him rose to such a pitch that the king was obliged to send him awa\' for a time lest he should be killed. He remained in this retreat until the king had put to death some of his worst enemies. At last the king sent and recalled him ; but the crafty man answered "I cannot go back. It is not right that I should hold office." When the king reiterated his pressing invitation the monk replied "I am afraid that you will listen to my enemies." To this the king made answer 'Tswear by the sun, the moon, the stars, heaven and earth that I will listen to no one but you." So the w'ily man came back and from that day completely dominated the king. He exaggerated the faults of his enemies and so gradually supplanted them with his creatures. It is claimed of him that he built a dark vault- like room where he indulged in almost incredible excesses. He gave out that he could cure barrenness, and by his evil practices brought down upon himself the maledictions of the whole people. The king alone would believe no ill of him. He said he was the greatest prodigy in the world.

At this time the Mongol empire was on the verge of its fall and Kor5'U envoys found it impossible to force their way through to Peking and so were compelled to desist. It is a noteworthy fact that though Koryu hated the Mongols she nevertheless held fast to them till the very last moment.

At this time it happened that the king was without an heir and both he and the court were anxious about the succes- sion.

MKDIEVAL KOREA. 257

The records say that he was so anxious to have a son that he committed an act almost if not quite unparalleled in the history of any land, civilized or savage. Hav'mg become prematurely old by his terrible excesses, he introduced a number of young men into the palace and gave them the eiitre into the queen's apartments, hoping thereby that his hopes might be realised. In this he was disappointed. One day while passing an hour in the apartments of his favorite, Sin-don, he noticed there a new-born babe, the son of one of Sin-don's concubines. He seemed pleased with the child and Sin-don asked him to adopt it as his own. The king laughed but did not seem averse to the proposition. Return- ing to the palace he summoned the officials and told them that for some time he had been frequenting the apartments of Sin-don and that he had gotten a son b}' one of the women there. He knew well enough that if he proposed to adopt Sin-don's son the opposition would be overwhelming, so he took this means of carrying out the plan. Of course it is impossible to verify the truth of this statement. It may have been a fabrication of the historians of the following dynasty in order to justify the founder of the new dynasty in overthrowing Koryu. The annals of the Ming dynasty say that it was the king's son and not Sin-don's.

In 1366 the opposition to the favorite increased in inten- sity and the king was almost buried beneath petitions for his banishment or death. These the king answered by banish- ing or killing the senders and by this means the open opposi- tion was put an end to. The wily monk knew that he needed more than the king's favor in order to maintain his position of honor, and so he began to cake away the fields and other property of high oflScials and distribute them among the people in order to curry favor with them. This brought from the officials a new and fiercer protest and they told the king that these acts would make his reign a subject of ridicule to future generations. While this did not move the king to active steps against Sin-don it caused a coolness to spring up be- tween them. The favorite saw that he had been going too far and he tried to smooth the matter over by returning the property that had been sequestered. At the same time he secured the liberation of many slaves. Here, too, he was

25S KC1K1':AX HlSl'dKV.

these acts would make liis rjign a subject of ridicule to future generations. While this ditl not move the king to active steps against Sin-don it caused a coolness to spring up be- tween them.

All this time the Japanese were busy at the work of pillage and destruction. They took possession of an island near Kang-wha with the intention of fortifying it and mak- ing of it a permanent rendezvous. They landed wherever they pleased and committed the most horrible excesses with impunity. The Koryii troops were in bad condition. They had no uniforms and their arms were of the poorest kind and mostly out of order. They dared not attack the Japanese (jven when there was good hope of success. The generals show^ed the king the ways and means of holding the freeboot- ers in check but he would not follow their advice, probably on account of the expense. He paid dearly for his economy in the end.

The mother of the king could not be brought to treat vSindon with respect. When the king expostulated with her and told her that the favorite; was the pillar of the state she declared that he 'was a low-born adventurer and that she would not treat him as her equal. From that time she in- curred the deadly enmity of the favorite who used every means in his power to influence the king against her. He became suspicious of everyone who held any high position and caused many of the highest oflficials to be put to death. He was commonly called "The Tiger." The depth of the king's infatuation was shown when in this same year he went to a monastery to give thanks to Buddha for the cessation of famine, which he ascribed to his having taken Sindon as counsellor. It is also shown in the impunity with which Sin- don took the king to task in public for cert in things that displeased him. The favorite was playing with fire. The people sent to the king repeatedly asking if the rumors of the favorite's drunkenness and debaucheries were correct. But the king's eyes had not yet been opened to the true state of affairs and these petitioners were severely punished.

MEDIKVAL KOREA. 259

Chapter XI.

Sin-don's pride. . . .INIongol Emperor's plan of escape to Koryu . . .Mon- gol Empire falls. . . .Japanese envoy snubbed. . . .an imperial letter from the Ming court. . . .ill treatment of Japanese envoy bears fruit ....more trouble in Ouelpart. .. .census and revenue. .. .Gen. Yi promoted. . . . Koryu adopts Ming dress and coiffure . Gen. Yi makes a campaign across the Yalu ..the Japanese come north of the capital .... Sin-don is overthrown .... popular belief regarding him . . . .trouble from three sources at the same time. . . .a Mongol mes- senger. . . .the Japanese burn Han-yang. . . .a new favorite. . . .alaugh- ing-stcck. . . .Choag Mong-ju an envoy to Nanking. .. .plans for a navy. . . . useless arm}'. . . .Ming Emperor demands horses. . . .Ouelpart rebels defeated ...king assassinated. .. .Ming Emperor refuses to ratify the succe.^^sion .... Mongols favored at the KoryQ court... a supernatural proof. . . .Japanese repulsed. . . .Japanese deny their responsibility for the action of corsairs.

The year 1367 saw no diminution of the S3'mptoms that proclaimed the deep-seated disease that was eating at the vitals of Koryu. Sin-don even dared to flout the emperor by scornfully casting aside an imperial missive containing a notification of his elevation to an honorary position. The king continued to abase himself by performing menial duties in Buddhistic ceremonies at his favorite monastery. Sin-don added to his other claims the power of geomancy and said the king must move the capital to P'yuug-yang. He was sent to look over the site with a view to a removal thither, but a storm of hail frightened him out of the project. Returning to Song-do he refused to see the king for four days, urging as his excuse the fatigue of the journey. His encroachments continued to such a point that at last he took no care to appear before the king in the proper court dress but came in the ordinary dress of the Koryu gentleman, and he ordered the historians not to mention the fact in the annals.

The Mongol horse-breeders still ruffled it in high style on the island of Quelpart where they even saw fit to drive out the prefect sent by the king. For this reason an expedi- tion was fitted out against them and they were soon brought to terms. They however appealed to the emperor. As it

26o KOKJCAX IlISTOKV.

happened the Moug'ol emperor was at tlii>; time in desperate straits and foresaw the impossibility of long holding Peking against the Ming forces. He therefore formed the plan of escaping to the island of Quelpart and there finding asy- lum. For this purpose he sent large store of treasure and of other necessaries to this place. At the same time he sent an envoy to the court at Song-do relinquishing all claim to the island. In this way he apparently hoped to gain the good will of Koryu, of which he feared he would soon stand in ueed. The king, not knowing the emj)eror's design, feared that this was a device by which to raise trouble and he hastened to send an envoy declaring that the expeditions to Quelpart were not in reference to the Mongols there bu'; in order to dislodge a band of Ja]>anese freebooters. The former prefects had always treated the people of Quelpart harshly and had exacted large sums from them on any and every pretext ; but the prefect now sent was determined to show the people a differcmt kind of rule. He even carried jars of water from the mainland rather than drink the water of Quelpart. So at least the records affirm. Naturally the people idolized him.

The 3'ear 136S opened, the 3'ear which beheld the demoli- tion of the Mongol empire. It had risen less than a century before and had increased with marvelous rapidity until it threatened the whole eastern hemisphere. Its decadence had been as rapid and as terrible as its rise. The Mongols were peculiarly unfit to resist the seductions of the more refined civilizations which they encountered. The Ming forces drove the Mongol court from Peking and the dethroned emperor betook himself northward into the desert to the town of Sa-mak.

This year also witnessed the arrival of a frisndh- embassy from Japan bearing gifts to the king. Here was KoryTi's great opportunity to secure the cooperation of the Japanese government in the work of putting down the pirates who were harrying the shores of thepeninsula. Proper treatment of this envoy and a little diplomacy would have saved Korvu untold suffering, but the low-born but all-powerful favorite. Sin-don, took advantage of the occasion to make an exhibi- tion of his own importance and he snubbed the envo}- so

;■> '-'.^^^^f^'-^-'Vf^J

""*^-

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 26 1

effectually that the latter immediatel}^ returned to Japan. The foolish favorite went so far as to withhold proper food from him and his suite, and addressed them in low forms of speech. The same 3'ear, at his instigation, the whole system of national examinations was done awa}^ with.

Earl)^ in 1369 the first envoy, Siil Sa, from the Ming court arrived in Song-do. He was the bearer of an imperial letter which read as follow : —

"After the Sung d^^nasty lost its power, a hundred years passed by without its recovering from the blow, but heaven hated the drunkenness and licentiousness of the Mongols and now after eighteen years of war the fruition of our labors has been reached. At first we entered the Mongol army and there beheld the evils of the Mongol reign. Then with heaven's help we went to the west, to Han-ju and overcame its king Chin U-ryang. Then we raised the standard of re- volt against the Mongols. In the east we overcame the rebel Chang Sa-si'mg and in the south the Min-w61 kingdom. In the north the Ho- in fell before us and now all the people of China call us emperor. The name of our dynast}' is Ming and the name of this auspicious year is Hong-mu. We call upon you now as in duty bound to render allegiance to us. In times past you were verj^ intimate with us for it was your desire to better the condition of j-our people thereby."

Such was the importance of this embassy that the king went out in person to meet it. Splendid gifts were offered which, however, the envoy declined.

In accordance with the summons contained in this letter the king formally put away the Mongol calendar and assumed that of the Mings instead. An envoy was immediately sent to the Ming court to offer congratulations and perform the duties of a vassal. The emperor responded gracioush- by sending back to Koryu all citizens of that kingdom who had been held in semi-durance by the Mongols.

The criminal neglect of opportunity' in driving away the friendly Japanese envoy now began to bear its bitter fruit. Many Japanese had from time to time settled })eacefuHy in southern Koryu and the king had given them a place to live at Nam-ha in Kyung-sang Province. The}' now broke their oath

262 koki-:ax histokv.

of fealty to the governii^L-nt, rose in opt.Mi revolt and b^g^an ravaging the country right and left.

As the emperor of the Mongols had ilcd away north and his scheme for taking refuge in Quelpart had come to naught >ve would suppose the Mongol horse-breeders in that island would act with (considerable circumspection ; but on the other hand they kept up a continual disturbance, revolting and surrendering again in quick succession much to the annoy ance of the central government.

In the latter part of the year 1369 the government again took a census of the arable land of the peninsula in order to make a re-estimate of the revenue to be received. This in- dicates that there had been a certain degree of prosperity in spite of all untoward circumstances and that the margin of cultivation had moved at least a little way up the hill-sides, and that waste land had been reclaimed. It is only by in- ferences from chance statements like this that we get an occasicnal imperfect glimpse of the condition of the common people. Oriental histories have not been written with re- ference to the common people.

The king had now handed over to Sin-don the whole care of public business and he was virtually the ruler of the land. Gen. Yi T'a-jo had shown his wisdom in staying as far as possible from the capital and in not crossing the path of the dangerous favorite. He was now appointed general- in-chief of all the north-eastern territory and at the same time Gen. Yi Im-in was appointed to a similar position in the north-west. There was some fear lest fugitive Mongols might cross the border and seek refuge in Koryu territory. The chief business of the army there was to guard all the approaches and see to it that such fugitives were strictly excluded. In the following year, 1370, Gen. Yi T'a-jo even crossed the Yalu, probably in the vicinity of the present ham-su, into what was then Yu-jin territory, and took 2000 bullocks and 100 horses, but gave them all to the people to be used in cultivating the fields.

Now that the Ming dynasty was firmly established the emperor turned his attention to Korea. He began by in- vesting the king anew with the insignia of royalty and presenting him with a complete outfit of clothes of the style

MKDIVAL KOREA. 263

of the Ming dynasty. He also gave musical instruments and the Ming calendar. The important law was promulgated that after a man had passed the civil examinations in Koryu he should go to Nanking and there undergo further examina- tion. The king received all the emperor's gfts and com- mands with complacency and soon the Ming dress was adopt- ed throughout by the official class and more gradually by the common people. It is the style of dress in vogue in Korea today, whereas the Chinese themselves adopted later the dress of their Manchu conquerers. In this respect the Koreans today are raall}' more Chinese that the Chinese them- selves.

With the opening of 1371 Gen. Yi led an army across the Yalu and attacked Ol-ja Fortress. The whole territory between the Yalu and the Great Wall was at this time held b\- the Ya-jin people or by offshoots of the Mongol power. The Ming emperor had as yet made no attempt to take it and therefore this expedition of Koryd's was not looked upon as an act of bad faith by China. Just before the attack on Ol-ja began, there came over to the Koryu forces a general who, formerly a Koryu citizen, had long been in the Mongol service. His name was Yi In-bok. Gen. Yi sent him to Song-do where the king elevated him to a high position. A bridge had been thrown across the Yalu and the army had crossed in safety, but a tremendous thunder storm threw the army into confusion, for they feared it was a warning voice from a deity who was angered by this invasion of trans- Yalu terri';ory. With great presence of mind one of the leaders shouted that it was a good sign for it meant that the heavenl}' dragon was shaking things up a bit as a presage of their victory. Their fears were tlius allayed and the attack upon the fortress was successful. G mi. Yi then led his forces toward the Liao Fortress but cautiously left all the camp baggage three days in the rear and advanced, with seven days rations in hand. The advance guard of 3000 reached the fortress and began the assault before the main body came up. When the garrison saw the full army approach they were in despair but their commander was determined to uiake a fight. As he stood on the wall and in person refused Gen. Yi's terms it is said that the latter drew his bow and let flv an

264 KOKKAX IIISTORV.

arrow which sped so true that it struck off tlie conunaiuler's hehuct, whereupou Geu. Yi shouted, "If you do not surrend- er I will hit your face next time." The commander there- upon surrendered. So Gen. Yi took tlie place and having- dismantled it and burned all the supplies, started on the re- turn march. Provisions ran low, and it was found necessary to kill the beasts of burden. They were in some danger from the detachments of the enemy who hung upon their rear but they were kept at a respectful distance by an ingenious strat- agem of Gen. Yi's, for wherever he made a camp he compelled the soldiers to make elaborate preparations even to the extent of erecting separate cattle sheds and w^ater closets. Ths enemy finding these in the deserted camps deemed that the army must be in fine condition and so dared not attack them. Thus the whole army got safely back to An-ju.

As the Japanese pirates, emboldened by the impunity with which they could ravage Korea, now came even north of the capital and attacked Ha-ju the capital of Whang-ha Province, and also burned forty Koryu boats, Gen. Yi was detailed to go and drive them away, which he speedih' did.

The royal favorite was now nearing the catastrophe toward which his criminall}^ corrupt course inevitably led. He was well known to all but the king whom he had in- fatuated. But now he began to see that the end was not far off. He knew that soon the king too would discover his knaver3\ For this cause he determined to use the little power he had left in an attempt to overthrow the government. What the plan was we are not told but it was nipped in the bud, for the king discovered it and arrested some of his ac- complices and by means of torture learned the whole truth about the man whom he had before considered too good for this world. The revulsion of feeling was complete. He first baiJshed Sin-don to Su-wvin and then at the urgent advice of the whole court sent an executioner to make way with him. The messenger of death bore a letter with him in which the king said, "I promised never to move against you but I never anticipated such actions as those of which you have been guilty. You have (i) rebelled, (2) you have num- erous children, though a monk and unmarried, (3) you have

MEDIKVAL KOREA. 265

built yourself a palace in my capital. These things I did not agree to." So Sin-don and his two sons perished.

It is said of Sin-don that he was. mortalh" afraid of hunt- ing-dogs and that in his feasts he insisted upon having the flesh of black fowls and white horses to eat. For these rea- sons the people said that he was not a man but a fox in dis- guise ; for Korean lore affirms that if any animal drinks of water that has lain for twenty 3'ears in a human skull it will have the power to assume at will any form of man or beast. But the peculiar condition is added that if a hunting- dc g looks such a man in the face he will be compelled to le- sume his original shape.

With the opening of 1372 troubles multiplied. Nap T'ap-chul, a Mongol chieftain at large, together with Ko- gan, led a mixed army of Mongol and Yu-jin adventurers across the Yalu and began to harry the northern border. Gen. Chi Yun was sent to put down the presumptuous rob- bers. At the same time the Quelpart horse-breeders again revolted and when the king, at the command of the emperor, sent a man to bring horses as tribute to China the insurrec- tionists put him to death. But the common people of Quel- part formed a sort of militia and put down the insurrection themselves. The Japanese also made trouble, for they now began again to ravage the eastern coast, and struck as high north as An-byun, and Ham-ju, now Ham-heung. They also carried on operations at Nam-han near Seoul, but in both instances were driven off.

It is said that at this time the king was given over to sodomy and that he had a "school" of boys at the palace to cater to his unnatural passions. The people were deeply indignant and talk ran very high, but the person of the king was sacred, and his acts were not to be accounted for ; so he went his evil way unchecked, each step bringing him nearer the overthrow of the d\'nast3' which was now not far away.

Late in the 3'ear the king sent a present of fifty horses to the Ming empercr.

No sooner had the spring of 1373 opened than the rem- nant of the Mongols in the north sent to the king and said "We are about to raise a mighty force to overthrow the Ming empire, and you must cooperate with us in this

:j66 KtiKKAX IlfSTORV.

work." The iiKsseiii^jor who brouj^ht this unwulconTe snm- nions was promptly clapptd into prison, Imt hiter at the advic;^ of the courtiers he was liberal jd and sent back home.

It wonld be well-nigh impossible to describe each succes- sive expedition of the Japanese to the shores of KoryTt. but at this time one of unusual importance occurred. The ma- rauders ascended the Han River in their small boats and made a swift attack on Han-yang' the site of the present capital of Korea. Before leaving the}' burned it to the ground. The slaughter was terrific and the whole country and especially the capital was thrown into a state of unusual solicitude. The Japanese, loaded down with boot}-, made their waj' to the island of Kyo-dong just outside the island of Kang-wha, and proceeded to kill and plunder there.

The boy whom the king had called his son but who was in reality an illegitimate son of Sin-don, was named Mo-ri-no, but now as he had gained his majority he was given the name of U and the rank of Kang-neung-gun, oi "Prince who is near to the king." As Sin-don was dead the king made Kim Heung-gynng his favorite and pander. Gen. Kill Sang was put in charge of the defensive operations against the Japan- ese but as he failed to cashier one of his lieutenants who had suffered defeat at the hands of the Japanese the testy king took off his unoffending head. Gen. Ch'oe Yung was then put in charge and order;;d to fit out a fleet to oppose the marauders. He was at the same time made criminal judge, but he committed so mmy lulicrjas mistakes and made such a travesty of justice that he became a general laughing stock.

As the Ming capital was at Nanking the sending of envoys was a difficult matter, for they were obliged to go by boat, and in those days, and with the craft at their command, anything but coastwis- sailing was exceedingly dangerous. So when the Koryil envoy Cho:ig Mong-ju, one of the few great men of the Koryu dynast}', arrived at the emperor's court, the latter ordered that thereafter envoys should come but once in three years. In reply to this the king said that if desired the envoy could be sent overland ; but this the emperor forbade because of the danger from the remnants of the Mongol power.

TNIEDIEVAL KOREA. 267

The eventful year 1374 now came in. Gen. Yi Hyun told the king that without a navy Koryu would never be able to cope with Japanese pirates. He showed the king a plan for a navy which he had drawn up. His majesty was pleased with it and ordered it carried out, but the general affirmed that a navy never could be made out of landsmen and that a certain number of islanders should be selected and taught naval tactics for five j-ears. In older to do this he urged that a large part of the useless army be disbanded. To all of this the royal assent was given. The quality of the army may be judged from the action of the troops sent south to Kyung-sang Province to oppose a band of Japanese. They ravaged and looted as badly as the Japanese themselves. And when at last the two forces did meet the Koryu troops were routed with a loss of 5,000 men. Meanwhile the Japanese were working their will in Whang- ha Province, north and west of the capital, and as to the details of it even the annals give up in despair and say the details were so harrowing that it was impossible to describe them.

The emperor of China was determined to obtain 2,000 of the celebrated horses bred on the island of Quelpart and after repeated demands the king sent to that island to procure them. The Mongol horse-breeders still had the business in hand and were led by four men who said, "We are Mongols, why should we furnish the Ming emperor with horses?'" So they gave only 300 animals. The emperor in.sisted upon having the full 2, coo arid the king reluctantly proceeded to extremities. A fleet of 300 boats was fitted out and 25,000 men were carried across the straits. On the way a gale of wind was encountered and many of the boats were swamped, but the following morning the survivors, still a large number, arrived at Myfing-wni, or "Bright Moon," Harbor where they found 3,000 men drawn up to opi")Ose their landing. When the battle was joined the eiiemy was di;feat;d and chased thirty // but they again rallied in the southern part of the island at Ho-do where they made a stand. There th.-y were surrounded and compillcii to surrjnd:;r. Tat leader, T'ap-chi was cut in two at the waist and many others commit- ted suicide. Several hundreds others who refiis:;d tj sur- render were cut down. To th^ credit of the o.fijjrs who led

26S KOKKA.X IIISTOKV.

the expedition be it said that wherever they went tlie peO[)Ie were proteeted and lawless acts were strictl)- forbidden.

The king had now readied the moment of his fate. Tlie blood of many innocent men was on his hands and he was destined to a violent death himself. He was stabbed by one of his most trusted eunuchs \vhile in a drunken sleep. The king's mother was the first to discover the crime and with great presence of mind she concealed the fact and hastily summoning two of tlie courtiers consulted with them as to the best means of discovering the murderer. As it happened the eunuch was detected by the blood with which his clothes were stained. Put to the torture he confessed the crime and indicated his accomplice. The cause of his act was as follows. One of the king's concubines was with child. When the eunuch informed the king the latter was very glad and asked who the father might be. Tne eunuch replied that one Hong Mun, one of the king's favorites, was the father. The king said that he would bring about the death of this Hong so that no one should ever know that the child was not a genuine prince. The eunuch knew that this meant his own death too, for he also was privy to the fact. So he hastened to Hong Mun and they together matured the plan for the assassination.

U, the supposed son of the king, new ascended the throne. His posthumous title is Sin-u. An envo}* w^as sent to Nanking to announce the fact, but the emperor refused to ratify his accession to the throne. The reason may have been because he was not satisfied as to the manner of the late king's demise, or it may be that someone had intimated to him that the successor was of doubtful legitimacy ; and now to add to the dfficulties of the situation the Ming envoy on his way home with 200 tribute horses was waylaid b\- Korean renegades who stole the horses and escaped to the far north. When new^s of this reached Nanking the Korean envoy there hastened to make good his escape.

A conference was now held at the Koryu capital and as the breach with the Ming power seemed beyond remedy it was decided to make advances to the Mongols who still lingered in the north ; but at the earnest desire of Cho.ig Mong-ju this decision was reversed and an envoy was sent to

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 269

Nanking to expliin matters as best he could. The eunuch and bis accomplice who had killed the king were now ex- ecuted and notice of the fact was sent to the Chinese court.

There was great dissatisfaction among the Koryu officials for they all knew that the king was a mere usurper and it was again suggested that approaches be made to the Mongols. About this time also a Mongol envoy came demanding to know whose son the present king was. They wanted to put the king of Mukden on the throne, as he was of course favorable to the Mongols. A great and acrimonious dispute now arose between the Mongol and Ming factions in the Koryii court. But the Mongol sympathizers carried the da}'. This, however, came to nothing for when news came that the king of Mukden and many Koryu renegades were advanc- ing in force on the Kor3'u frontier to take by force what the officials had decided to give unasked, there was a great re- vulsion of feeling and troops were sent to hold them in check. This was in 1376, and while this was in progress the Japanese were carrying fire and sword thrugh the south without let or hindrance.

Pan-ya the r;al mother of the king came forward and claimed her position as such, but another of the former king's concubines, Han, had always passed as the boy's mother and she was now loath to give up the advantages which the position afforded. For this reason she secured the arrest and imprisonment of Pan-yu. It was decided that she must die and she was carried to the water's edge and was about to be thrown in when she exclaimed, "When I die one of the palace gates will fall as a sign of my innocence and the truth of my claim." The story runs that when she sank beneath the water this came true and all knew, too late, that she was indeed the mother of the king.

The Japanese now made their appearance again in Ch'ung- ChTing Province and took the town of Kong-ju. The Ko- rean forces under Gen. Pak In-gye were there routed but not till their leader had been thrown from his horse and killed. Tlien an army under Gen. Ch'ou YHng met them at Hong- san. The general rushed forward ahead of his men to attack the marauders and was wounded by an arrow in the mouth but he did not retire from the fight. The result was a orlorious

270 KOKI'iAX IlISTOKW

victory for the KoryTi for>.X'S. The Japan'jsc wjre almost annihilated.

Some time before tliis the kiu.^' had sent an env^oy Na Henng-yn to Japan to ask the interference of the Japanese Government against the pirates, and the reply was now brought by the hand of a Japanese monk Yang Yn. It said. "The pirates all live in western Japan in a place called Kn-ju and they are rebels against us and have been for twenty \-ears. So we are not at fault because of the harm they have done you. We are about to send an expedition against them and if we take Ku-ju we swear that we will put an end to the pirac}'." But the pirates in the meantime ravaged Kang- wha and large portions of Chul-la Province.

Chapter XH.

A Mougol proposal ..."The Revellers" ...friends with the Mongols . . . .Gen. Yi takes up arms against the Japanese. . . .victorious. . . envoys to and from Japan . . .gun-powder . defeat turned into vic- tory by Gen. Yi. . . .fire arrows. . . .vacillation. . . .prophecy. . . Japan helps Koryu. . . .jealousies. . . a reckless king . . Gen. Yi's.strategem . . a triumphal return . . the emperor loses patience a coast guard .... stone fights. .. .heavy tribute .... the capital moved ... Japanese repelled . . . .lukewarm Koryu. . . .a disgraceful act Gen. Yi victorious in the north . . the emperor angry. . ..Japan sends back Koryu captives .... a skillful diplomat. .. .fine sarcasm ..-.. a grave error. .. .victor}' in the northeast. .. .untold excesses ..."Old Cat" . . . .tribute rejected.

Toward the close of 1377 the Mongol chieftain In-puk- wQn sent the king a letter saying, "Let us join forces and attack the Ming powder." At the same time he sent back all the Koryu people who had been taken captive at various times. The king's answer was a truly diplomatic one. He said, "I will do so if you will first send the king of Mukden to me, bound hand and foot." We need hardly say that this request was not granted.

The next attack of the Japanese extended all along the southern coast. The general who had been placed in the south to guard against them spent his time feasting with

:\IKDIEVAL KOREA. 27 1

courtezans and he and his officers were commonly known as ■'The Revellers." Fighting was not at all in their inten- tions. \A'hen the king learned of this he banished the general to a distant island. Affairs at the capital were not going well. Officials were so numerous that the people again made use of the term "Smoke House Officials," for there were so man}^ that nearly ever}^ house in the capital furnished one. They tampered with the list of appointments and without the king's knowledge slipped in the names of their friends. So the people in contempt called it the "vSecret List."

The coquetting with the Mongols brought forth fruit when early in 1378 they invested the king of Koryu and he adopted the Mongol name of the year. It is said that this caused great delight among the Mongols and that they now thought that with the help of Koryu they would be able to again establish their power in China.

After the Japanese had ravaged to their hearts' content in Ch'ung-ch'Hng Province and had killed 1000 men on Kang-wha and had burned fifty boats, the king did what he ought to have done long before, namely, appointed Gen. Yi T'a-jo as General-in -chief of the Kor3^u forces. He took hold of the matter in earnest and summoned a great number of monks to aid in the making of boats for coast defence. The pirates now were ravaging the east and south and were advancing on Song-do. The king wanted to run away but was dissuaded. The Japanese were strongest in Kyuug-sang Province. Gen Yi's first encounter with them was at Chi- ri Mountain in Chul-la Province and he there secured a great victory, demonstrating what has always been true, that under good leadership Koreans make excellent soldiers. When the Koryu troops had advanced within 200 paces of the en- (uny a burly Japanese was seen leaping and showing himself off before his fellows. Gen. Yi took a cross-bow and at the first shot laid the fellow low. The remainder of the Japanese fled up the mountain and took their stand in a solid mass which the records say resembled a hedge-hog; bat G.n. Vi soon found a wa}- to penetrate this phalanx and the pirates were slaughtered almost to man. But Gen. Yi could not be everywhere at once and in the meantime Kang-wha again suffered. Gen. Yi was next seen fighting in Whang-ha Prov-

272 K()R]':.\N IIISTOKV.

ince at Ha-ju. where he burned tlie Japanese out from be- hind wooden defenses and slauglitered them witliout quarter.

The Japanese Government had not been able as yet to put down the pirates, but now an envoy. Sin Hong, a monk, came with gifts dechiring that the government was not a party to the expeditions of the freebooters and that it was very diflficult to overcome them. And so the work went on, now on one coast of the country and now on another. Th.e king sent an envoy to the Japanese Shogun, P'a-ga-da, to ask his interference, but the shogun imprisoned the envoy and near!}' starved him to death and then sent him back. The king wanted to send another, but the courtiers were all afraid. They all hated the wise and learned Ch'hig Mong-ju and told the king to send him. He was quite willing to go and, arriving at the palace of the shogun, he spoke out fearlessl}^ and rehearsed the friendly relations that had ex- isted between the two countries, and created a very good im- pression. He was ver}' popular both with the shogun him- self and with the Japanese courtiers and when he returned to Koryii the shogun sent a general, Chu Mang-in, as escort and also 200 Koreans who had at some previous time been taken captive. The shogun also so far complied with the king's request as to break up the piratical settlements on the Sam-do or "Three islands."

A uian named Im Sun-mu had learned among the Mon- gols the art of making gunpowder and a bureau was now formed to attend to its manufacture but as yet there were no firearms.

With the opening of 1379 things looked blacker than ever. The Japanese were swarming in Ch'ung-ch'dng Pro- vince and on Kang-wha. The king was in mortal fear and had the walls of Song-do carefully guarded. Gen. Ch'oe Yung was sent to hold them in check. The Japanese knew that no one but he stood between them and Song-do', so they attacked him fiercely and soon put him to flight ; but in the very nick of time Gen. Yi T'a-jo came up with his cavalry, turned the retreating forces about and attacked the enemy so fiercely that defeat w^as turned into a splendid victory. A messenger arrived breathless at the gate of Song-do saying that Gen. Ch'oe had been defeated.

MEDIEVAL KOREA, 273

All was iiistautly in turmoil ; the kiug had all his valu- ables packed and was ready to flee at a moment's warning. But lo ! another messenger followed hard upon the heels of the first announcing that Gen. Yi had turned the tide of battle and had wrested victory from the teeth of the enemy.

The good will of the Japanese government was shown when a prefect in western Japan sent sixty soldiers under the command of a monk, Sin Hong, to aid in the putting down of the corsairs. They made some attempts to check their lawless countrymen but soon found that they had undertaken more than they had bargained for, and so re- turned to Japan. As the pirates were ravaging the west coast as far north as P'yiing-3'ang, the king sent against them Generals Na Se and Sim Tuk-pu who had been suc- cessful before. By the use of fire-arrows they succeeded in burning several of the enemy's boats at Chin-p'o and of course had the fellows at their mercy, for they had no nisans of escape.

It is evident the king did not know his own mind in re- lation to Chinese suzerainty. Now he favored the Mongols and now the Mings. A year or so before this he had adopted the Mongol name of the 3'ear but now he turns about and adopts the Ming name again. It was this vacillation, this playing fast and loose with his obligations, that alienated the good-will of the Ming emperor and made him look with complacency upon the disolution of the Koryfi dynasty.

Late in the autumn of 1379 the Japanese were again in dangerous proximity to the capital and the king wanted to move to a safer place. The geomancers' book of prophecies indicated Puk-so San as "A narrow place and good for a king to live in," but the courtiers opposed it, saying that there was no large river flowing near by, on which the government rice could be brought by boat to the capital. So it was given up.

There was a Mongol general named Ko-ga-no who had become independent of the main body of the Mongols and had set up a separate government on his own responsibilit}- in Liao-tung. He was wavering between natural ties on the one hand, which bound him to the Mongols, and the dictates of common sense on the other, which indicated the rising fortunes of the Ming. He chose a middle course by com-

^74 KOREAN HISTORY.

ing with his 40,000 men and asking the privilege of join- ing Kor\-u. The records do not say whether permission was given or not. but we may easil}' believe it was.

In 13S0 the Japanese government sent iSo soldiers un- der the command of Gen. Pak Ki3-sa to aid in driving the pirates out of Koryu. In the midst of these dangers from freebooters, jealousy was undermining the government at Song-do. Gen. Yi T'S-jo had a friend named Gen. Yang Pak-yun who now under false charges, enviously made by officials near the king, was banished and then killed. It was wonderful that the fame of Gen. Yi did not bring about his murder.

The Ming emperor thought, and rightly, that the king was a very fickle individual and sent a letter asking him why it was that he had no settled policy but did everything as the impulse of the moment led. The king's reply is not recorded but that he did not take to heart the admonitions of the emperor is quite evident, for he plunged into greater excesses than ever. His ill-timed hunting expeditions, his drunken- ness and debauchery were the scandal of the country. The people thought he ought to be hunting Japanese pirates rather than wild boar and deer. Even while the Japan- ese were ravaging Ch'ung-chTmg Province the king was trampling down the people's rice-fields in the pursuit of game. He stole the people's cattle and horses whenever he needed them and if he chanced to see a good looking girl anywhere he took means to possess himself of her person by fair means or foul. He was indeed the son of Sin-don both by blood and by disposition.

This year the ravages of the freebooters exceeded any- thing that had been known before. The southern provinces were honeycombed by them. Generals Pa Keuk-yum and Chong Chi were sent against them but without result. A. last the Japanese laughingly asserted that they soon woul<l be in the city of Song-do. They might have gone there if Gen. Yi had not been sent in person to direct the campaign against them. Hastening south he rallied around him all the avail- able troops and came to Un-bong in Chul-la province. He ascended Chong San which lay six miles from the camp of the enemy. From this point he perceived that there were two

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 275

roads leading to this camp ; one broad and easy and the other narrow and rough. With great sagacity he judged that the Japanese would take the narrow road, hoping to make a counter march on him. So he sent a considerable force by the broad road but selected a band of trusty men to form an ambush on the narrow one. The Japanese acted precisely as he had foreseen. When they learned that the Koryu army was approaching thej^ hastened away by the narrow road and so fell into the ambush, where they were severely handled. Fifty of their number were left dead. The remainder sought safety in the mountains but were soon brought to bay. The whole Koryii army was called up and the attack upon the Japanese position was begun. It was necessary to attack up a steep incline and Gen. Yi had two horses shot out from under him, and an arrow pierced his leg ; but he drew it out and continued the fight. Among the enemy was a man stronger and larger than the rest. He stood spear in hand and danced about, urging on his comrades. He was encased in armor and on his head was a copper helmet. There was uo opening for an arrow to enter ; so Gen. Yi said to his lieutenant, Yi Tu-ran, "Make ready an arrow and when I strike off his helmet do you aim at his face." Gen. Yi took careful aim and struck off the man's helmet and swift behind his arrow flew that of his lieutenant which laid the fellow low. This demoralized the enemy and they were soon hewn down. It is said that for days the stream near by ran rfed with blood. As the result of this victor}' 1600 horses were taken and a large amount of spoil, including implements of war.

When the victorious general returned to Song-do he was given a triumphal entry and fifty ounces of gold and other gifts were distributed among the generals who assisted him. It is said that, from that time on, whenever the news came that a Japanese band had disembarked on the southern coast the first word that was spoken was, "Where is Gen. Yi T'a-jo?"

The long-suffering emperor at last tired of the eratic course of the Koryu king and decided to bring a little pres- sure to bear upon him in order to bring him to his senses. He ordered the king to send him each j'ear a thousand horses, a hundred pounds of gold, five thousand ounces of silver and

2~6 KOREAN HISTORY.

five thousand pieces of cotton clotli. This was beyond the means of the king, but he succeeded in sendino three hundred ounces of gold, a thousand ounces of silver, four hundred and fifty horses and four thousand five hundred pieces of cotton. This large amount of tribute was delivered into the hands of the governor of Liao-tung to be sent to the imperial court, but the governor declared that as the tax was a penal one and not merely for tribute he could not accept less than the full amount required. So he drove the envoy away.

In 1382 the government adopted a new policy in the matter of coast defense. In all the larger seaport towns generals were stationed in charge of considerable bodies of troops and in the smaller towns garrisons of proportional strength. The constant coming and going of these troops was a terrible drain upon the resources of the people but there was no help for it. The piratical raids of the Japanese had now become so frequent that no attempt was made to keep a record of them. It would have been easier for the people to bear had the king showed any of the characteristics of manhood, but his feasts and revels saw no abatement. Frequently he was so intoxicated that he fell from his horse while hunting. He peopled the palace with dancing-girls and it may be said of him as it was of Nero that he "fiddled while Rome was burning. " As the king rode forth to hunt with falcon on wrist the eunuchs rode behind him singing ribald Mongol songs. When other pleasures cloyed he in- vented a sort of mock battle in which stones were used as missiles. It is believed by many that this was the begin- ning of the popular "stone-fight," which is such a unique custom of Korea today. Once he amused himself by pretend- ing that he was going to bury one of his officials alive behind the palace, and he hugely enjoyed the poor fellow's shrieks and struggles. He made this same ofi&cial put up his hat as a target, than which hardly anything could be a greater disgrace, for the hat in Korea is the badge of citizenship and is held in such esteem that no one will attend to the duties of nature without taking off his hat and laying it aside.

Being hard pressed by the emperor in the matter of tribute it is said that in 1383 he sent to the Ming court a hundred pounds of gold, ten thousand ounces of silver, ten thousand

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 277

pieces of linen and a thousand horses. The records say the emperor refused to take it, for it fell short of his demands. It is probable that this means not that it was sent back but that the emperor refused to give a receipt in full of all demands.

In this same year, 1383, the capital was again moved to Han-yaug. The reasons alleged were that so many misfor- tunes overtook the dynasty that it seemed as if the site of the capital must be unpropitious. It was also said that wild animals entered the city, which was a bad sign. The water in the wells had boiled, fish fought with each other, and a number of other fictions were invented, all of which made it necessary to move the capital. It was effected, however, in the face of great opposition. Meanwhile the Japanese were working their will in the south, for Gen, Yi was in the north repelling an attack by the Yu-jin forces.

In spite of the sending of tribute to the Ming court, Ko- ryu was on good terms with the Mongols. In 1384 the Mongol chief Nap-t'ap-chul came with gifts to the king and frequent envoys were exchanged. Koryu was neither hot nor cold but lukewarm and for this reason it was that the Mings finally spewed her out of their mouth. The capricious king now moved back to Song-do and the courtiers were put to no end of trouble and expense. When they returned to Song-do with the king they burned all their houses in Han- yang so as to make it impossible to return.

One of the most disgraceful acts of this king was his at- tempt to possess himself of his father's wife, or concubine. Meeting her one day he commented on her beauty and said she was more beautiful than any of his wives. He tried to force his way into her apartments at night but in some way his plan was frustrated. When one of the courtiers took him to task for his irregularities he tried to shoot him through with an arrow.

Gen. Yi t'a-jo was having a lively time in the north with the Yu-jin people. Their general was Ho-bal-do. His hel- met was four pounds in weight. He wore a suit of red armor and he rode a black horse. Riding forth from the ranks he shouted insulting words to Gen. Yi and dared him to single combat. The latter accepted the gage and soon the two were

2~S KORKAN HISTORY.

at work striking blows that no ordinary man could withstand. Neither could gain the advantage until by a lucky chance the horse of Gen. Ho stumbled, and before the rider could recover himself Gen. Yi had an arrow in his neck. But the helmet saved him from a serious wound. Then Gen. Yi shot his horse under him. At sight of this Gen. Ho's soldiers rushed up, as did also those of Gen. Yi, and the fight became general. The result was an overwhelming victory for Koryu. These flattering statements about the founder of the present dynas- ty are probably, in many cases, the result of hero-worship but the reader has the privilege of discounting them at discretion.

The Ming court knew all about Koryu's coquetting with the Mongols and sent a severe letter warning her that the consequences of this would be disastrous. The king was frightened and sent an envoy in haste to the Ming court to "make it right," but the emperor cast him into prison and sent demanding five years' tribute at once. We may well be- lieve that this demand was not complied with.

That there were two opinions in Japan as regards Koryu is shown by the fact that immediately after that government sent back 200 Koryu citizens, who had been carried away captive, a sanguinary expedition landed on the coast of Kang- wun Province near the town of Kang-neung and ravaged right away north as far as Nang-ch'un.

The king, in partial compliance with the emperor's demands sent, in the spring of 1385, 2000 horses to China. It was the faithful Choug Mong-ju who accompanied this peace offering, and when he arrived in Nanking the emperor saw by the date of his commission that he had come in extreme haste. This mollified his resentment to such an extent that he gave the envoy a favorable hearing and that careful and judicious man made such good use of the oppor- tunity that friendly intercourse was again established be- tween China and her wayward vassal.

The state of affairs in Koryu was now beyond descrip- tion. The kwaga^ a literary degree of some importance, was frequently conferred upon infants still in their mothers' arms. The people, with fine sarcasm, called this the "Pink Baby-powder Degree." The king was struggling to pa}' up

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 279

his arrears of tribute, but he could not secure the requisite number of horses. In lieu of these he sent large quantities of silver and cloth. The pendulum had now swung to the other extreme and a Mongol envoy was denied audience with the king.

In 1386, the year following the above events, the Ming emperor formally recognized the king of Koryii. This event was hailed with the greatest delight by the court. But it did not have the effect of awakening the king to the dignity of his position for he gave freer rein to his passions than ever. He seized the daughter of one of his officials and made her his concubine although she was already aflSanced to another. This is a most grave offense in the east, for a girl affianced is considered already the same as married.

It is a relief to turn from this picture and see what Gen. Yi was doing to free his country from Japanese pirates. He was in the northeast when a band of these men landed in his vicinity, near the mouth of the Tu-man River. When they found t"hat Gen. Yi was near by they wanted to make their escape but he forced them into a position where they either had to fight or surrender. He informed them that immediate surrender was the only thing that could save them. They agreed to his terms but when they had thus been thrown off their guard he fell upon them and the slaughter was so great that it is said the plain was filled with the dead bodies. The records make no attempt to conceal or palliate this act of bad faith on the part of this great general. It was not an age when nice distinctions were made. The Japanese were not waging a regular warfare against the Koryu government but were killing helpless women and children and burning their houses. Their one aim was plunder and this put them out- side the pale of whatever code of military honor prevailed.

The king's vagaries now took a new turn. Like Har- oun al Raschid he went forth at night and roamed the streets in disguise accompanied by concubines and eunuchs. Crimes that cannot be described and which would have brought in- stant death upon a common citizen were committed with impunity. No man's honor was safe. Not only so, but other evil-minded people masquerading at night and in dis- guise committed like indescribable outrages under the cover

2So KORKAX HISTORY.

if the king's name. In his hunting expeditions the king rode forth preceeded by a host of harlots and concubines dressed in male attire and wherever he went the people lost their horses and cattle and whatever else the royal escort took a fancy to.

The continual trouble in Quelpart arising out of the horse-breeding business grew so annoying that the king final- ly sent Gen. Yi Hang with instructions to bring away every horse and to do away entirely with the business. This was done and from that day Quelpart had peace,

Kim Yu the envoy to Nanking was closely questioned by the emperor as to the cause of the late king's death and he told that potentate that it was done by Yi In-im, which indeed was true ; but to the question as to whose son the king might be he returned an evasive answer. As a result of his frank- ness in telling who murdered the former king he was ban- ished, for Yi In-im was all-powerful at court. The sentence of banishment meant death for he was sent to a distant place of banishment as such a break-neck pace that no man could live through it. He died of fatigue on the way as was intended. This Yi In-im and his following held the reins of power at the capital and they sold all offices and took bribes from all criminals. They thus succeeded in defeating the ends of justice and the people "gnashed their teeth" at him. He caused the death of so many good men that he earned the popular soubriquet of "Old Cat."

The year 1387 was signalized by a closer union between Koryii and her suzerain. The Ming emperor sent 5000 pieces of silk to purchase horses but when the animals ar- rived at his capital they were such a sorry lot that he re- jected them and charged the king with bad faith. The Ko- ryu officials all adopted the dress and the manners of the Ming court. This they had done before but had dropped them again when they turned back to the Mongols. From that time on until the present day the clothes of the Korean have followed the fashions of the Ming dynast}-.

MKDIEVAL KOKEA. 28 I

Chapter XIII.

King determines to invade Liao-tung. . . .^vh3• unwise. . . .the emperor's letter and the answer. . . .preparations. . . .Gen. Yi's argument. . . . royal threat. . . .Gen. Yi marches northward. . . the troops appealed to. .. .the Rubicon of Korea. .. an omen. .. .advance toward Song- do . . .the capital in Gen. Vi's hands. . . .popular song. . . .Gen. Yi's demands .. attempted assassination ...king banished. .. .a new king, . . .reforms. . . .the "Red Grave". . . .envo}- to China . . Koryu takes the offensive against the Japanese . . .the emperor's offer. . a real Wang upon the throne . . .the banished kings executed. . . .un- successful plot. . . .Gen. Yi opposes the Buddhists . . .capital moved to Han-yang . . .people desire Gen. Yi to be made king. . . .he is re- luctant .. his son active. .. .Chiing Mong-ju assassinated. .. .all en- emies silenced. . . .the king's oath. . . .the king abdicates in favor of Gen. Yi T'a-jo.

Koryu was now whirling in the outer circles of the mael- strom that was destined to engulf her. So long as the king revelled and hunted only and did not interfere with outside affairs he was endured as an necessary evil but now in the opening of the year 13SS he determined upon an invasion of Liao-tung, a plan so utterly foolhardy as to become the laugh- ing-stock of reasonable men. It was an insane idea. The constant inroads of the Japanese demanded the presence of all the government troops, for the sending of any of them out of the country would be the signal for the Japanese to pour in afresh and with impunity. In the second place the king could not hope to cope with the great Ming power that had just arisen and was now in the first blush of its power. The kingdom of Koryu was essentially bound to the Mongols and she pursued her destiny to the bitter end. In the third place the Ming power had now obtained a firm foothold in Liao-tung and an invasion there would look much like a plan to finally attack that empire itself. In the fourth place the finances of the country were utterly' di.sorganised and the un- usual taxes that would be required to carrj- out the plan would take awaj' all popular enthusiasm for it and desertions would decimate the army. But in spite of all these drawbacks the stubborn king held to his point and as a preliminarj- measure

2S2 KOREAN HISTORy.

built a wall about Han-yaiig where he sent all the women and children for safety. By this act he acknowledged the extreme hazard of the venture. It is not unlikely that he was so tired of all other forms of amusement that he decided to plunge into war in order to make sport for himself.

The emperor seems to have been aware of the plan for he now sent an envoy to announce to the Koryu court that "All land north of Ch'ul-lyung belongs to the Mongols, and I am about to erect a palisade fence between j'ou and them." When this envoy arrived at Song-do the king feigned illness and would not see him. A letter was sent in reply saying "We own beyond the Ch'til-lyHng as far as Sang-sung, so we trust it will please you not to erect a barrier there." ..He then called in all the troops from the provinces in prepara- tion for the invasion. His ostensible reason was a great hunting expedition in P'yung-an Province for he knew the people would rise in revolt if they knew the real purpose. The Japanese were wasting the south, the people were faint- ing under new exactions to cover the expense of the repairs at Han-yang and it is said the very planting of crops was dispensed with, so disheartened were the people.

Having made Ch'oe Yung general-in-chief of the ex- pedition, the king accompanied the army north to Pong-ju, now Pong-san. Gen. Ch'oe never divulged the fact that this was an army of invasion but told all the troops that they must be strong and brave and ready for an}- work that might be given them to do. Gen. Yi T'a-jo was made lieutenant- general in connection with Gen. Ch'oe. He made a powerful plea against the war and the main points of his argument are preserved to us. His objections were (i) It is bad for a small country to attack a powerful one. (2) It is bad to make a campaign in summer when the heavy rains flood the country, rendering the transporting of troops almost impos- sible and decimating them with disease. (3) It is bad to drain off all the soldiers from th^ country when the Japan- ese are so constant in their ravages. (4) The heat and moisture of summer will spoil the bows and make them break easily. To all these objections the king replied that having come thus far the plan must be carried out. Gen. Yi hazarded his neck by demurring ; still asserting that it would

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 283

mean the overthrow of the kingdom. The king in rage exclaimed '*The next man that advises against this war will lose his head." This was an end of the debate and as the council of war dispersed the officers saw Gen. Yi weeping, and to their questions he answered "It means the destruction of Koryu."

The Yalu was quickl}- bridged and Gen. Yi in company with one other general started north from P'yung-yang with 38,600 troopj--, 21,000 of whom were mounted. At the same time the king discarded the Ming calendar, dress and coiffure. The Mongol clothes were again adopted and the hair cut. The Japanese l:nowing that the troops had gone north, en- tered the open door thus invitingly left ajar and seized fort}* districts.

But we must follow the fortunes of the expedition that was to attack the empire of the Mings. When Gen. Yi arrived at the Yalu his plans were not laid as to what he should do. For one thing, he intended to make no invasion of China. So he crossed over to Wi-ha island, in the mouth of the Yalu, and there made his camp. Hundreds of his troops deserted and went back home- Some of these the king siezed and beheaded ; but it did not stop the defection. From that island a general. Hong In-ju, made a dash into Liao-tung territory and was highly complimented by the king in con- sequence. But Gen. Yi remaind impassive. He sent a letter to the king imploring him to listen to reason and recall the army, urging history, the flooded condition of the country and the Japanese reasons for it. But the king was stubborn. Rumor said that Gen. Yi had fled but when another general was sent to ascertain whether this were true or false he was found at his post. The two generals wept together over the hopeless condition of affairs. At last they summoned the soldiers. "If we stay here we will all be swept away by the rsiing flood. The king will not listen to reason. What can we do to prevent the destruction of all the people of Koryu ? Shall we go back to P'yiing-yang, depose the general-in-chief, Ch'oe, who urges on this unholy war against the Mings?" The soldiers shouted out acclamations of glad assent. Noth- ing could please them better.

As Gen. Yi T'a-jo mounted his white steed and with his

2S4 KORKAN HISTORY.

red bow and white arrows stood motionless U]ioii a mound of earth watehing his soldiers recross the Yalu to the KoryTi side against the mandate of their king and his, we see a new Caesar watching his army cross the Rubicon, an army as passionately devoted to their leader as the Roman legions ever were to Caesar. And Caesar suffers in the comparison, for he went back not to restore the integrity of the state and prevent the waste of human life, but rather to carry out to its tragic end a personal ambition. We have seen how once and again Yi T'a-jo had plead with tlie king and had risked even his life to prevent this mounmeiital folly ; and we shall see how he used his power not for personal ends but with loyalty to his king, until circumstances thrust him upon the throne.

The records say that no sooner had Gen. Yi followed his army across the stream than a mighty wave, fed by mount- ain streams, came rolling down the valley and swept clean over the island he had just left. The people looked upon this as an omen and a sign of heaven's favor, and they made a song whose refrain runs "The son of wood will become king." This refers to the Chinese character for Gen. Yi's name. It is the union of the two characters "wood" and "son." The whole army then took up its march toward Song-do. A magistrate in the nortli sent a hasty message to the king saying that the army was in full march back toward the capital. The king was at this time in Song-ch'i'in, nortli of P'yQng-j-ang. He knew many of the generals were op- posed to the war and thought that they would obey him better if he were near by, and so had come thus for north.

Hearing this startling news he immediately dispatched Gen. Ch'oe Yu-gyung with whatever force he had, to oppose the march of the rebellous Gen. Yi. The associate of the latter urged him to push forward with all speed and seize the person of the king, but he was no traitor, and he replied "If we hurry forward and encounter our countymen many will fall . If anyone lays a finger on the king I will have no mercy on him. If a single citizen of Koryu is injured in any way I will never forgive the culprit." So Gen. Yi came south- ward slowly, hunting along the way in order to give the king time to get back to Song-do in a leisurely manner as becomes a king. At last the king arrived at his capital and the re-

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 285

calcitrant aruiy came following slowl}'. The people along the way hailed them as the saviors of the nation and gave them all manner of provisions and supplies, so that they lacked for nothing.

When Gen. Yi T'a-jo reached the neighborhood of Song- 'do he sent a letter to the king saying, "As General-in-chief Ch'oe-yung does not care for the welfare of the people he must die. Send him to me for execution." But Gen. Ch'oe did not intend to give up without a struggle, however hope- less his case might be ; so he took what troops were left and manned the walls of Song-do. It w^as a desperate move, for all saw what the end must be. Hundreds of soldiers who had deserted now flocked again to the standards of Gen. Yi.

When the attack came off. Gen. Yi stormed the South Gate and Gen. Yu Man-su the West Gate, and soon an entrance was effected. It is said that after entering the city the first attack upon the royal forces was made by Gen. Yu alone and that he was driven back. When this was told Gen. Yi he seemed not to care but sat on his horse and let it crop the grass along the path. After a time he partook of some food and them leisurely arose, drew up his forces and in full view of them all took a shot at a small pine that stood a hundred paces away. The arrow cut it sheer off and the soldiers hailed it as a sign of victory, for was not the pine the symbol of Koryu ? So they marched on the palace. The old men and boys mounted the city walls and cheered the attack- ing forces. Gen. Yi did not lead the attack in person and his lieutenant was beaten back by the royal forces under Gen. Ch'oe. Gen. Yi thereupon took in his hand a yellow flag, crossed the Son-juk bridge and ascended South Moun- tain from which point he obtained a full view of the interior of the palace. He saw that Gen. Ch'oe and the king, with a band of soldiers, had taken refuge in the palace garden. Descending the mountain he led his troops straight through every obstacle, entered the palace and surrounded the royal party. Gen. Ch'oe was ordered to come out and surrender but as there was no response the garden gate was burst open and th^ king was discovered holding the hand of Gen. Ch'oe. As there was no longer hope of rescue the king, weeping, handed over the loyal general to the soldiers of Gen. Yi.

2S6 KORKAX HISTORY.

He stepped forward and said "I had no intention of proceed- ing to these extremes. Init to fight the Ming power is out of the (juestion. It is not only useless but suicidal to attempt such a thing. I have come back to the capital in this manner because there was no other way open to me, because it was a traitorous act to attack our suzerain, and because the people of Koryu were suflering in consequence of the withdrawal of protection." Gen. Ch'oe was then banished to Ko-yang and Gen. Yi, as he sent him away, wept and said "Go in peace." The records say that long before this the evil-minded Yi In-im had foretold to Gen. Ch'oe that one day Gen. Yi T'a-jo would become king, but at the time Gen. Ch'oe laughed at it. Now he was forced to grant that the prophecy had been a true one. A popular song was composed at this time, whose refrain states that

"Outside the wall of P'yung-yang there is a red light, Outside the wall of An-ju a snake. Between them conies and goes a soldier, Yi. May he help us."

When Gen. Ch'oe had thus been disposed of, Gen. Yi turned to the king and said "It was impossible to carr}' out the plan of conquest. The only thing left was to come back, banish the man who gave such bad advice and make a new start. We must now be firm in our allegience to the l\Iing emperor, and we must change back to the Ming costume."

The emperor, hearing of the threatened invasion, had sent a powerful armj' into Liao-tung, but now that the in- vaders had retired he recalled the troops.

We can easily imagine how the king, who had never been balked of his w\\\, hated Gen. Yi. The moment an op- portunity occurred he called about him eighty of his most trusted eunuchs, armed them with swords and sent them to kill the obnoxious dictator. But they found him so well guarded that the attempt proved abortive.

It will be remembered that this king was the son of Sin- don and was therefore not of the royal stock. So now the courtier Yun So-juug told Gen. Yi that they ought to find some blood relative of the Wang family, the genuine royal stock, and put him on the throne. To this the dictator assented. As a first move all arms were removed from the

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 287

palace. The king was left helpless. Ke was ordered to send away one of his concubines who had formerly been a monk's slave but he replied "If she goes I go." The generals went in a body to the palace and advised the king to leave the capital and retire into private life in Kang-wha. This was a polite way of saying that he was banished. He plead to be allowed to wait till the next day as it was now well along toward night. And so this evil king took his concubines, which he had always cherished more than the kingdom, and passed off the stage of histoy. He it was who most of all, excepting only his father, helped to bring about the fall of the dynasty.

Gen. Yi now, in 1388, was determined to put upon the throne a lineal descendant of the Wang family, but Cho Min- su with whom he had before conferred about the matter desired to put Chang, the adopted son of the banished king, on the throne. Gen. Yi demurred, but when he learned that the celebrated scholar Yi Sak had favored this plan he acqui- esced. The young king wanted to give Gen. Yi high official position but he was not anxious to receive it and it was only by strong pressure that he was induced to take it. So the records say, but we must remember in all this account that hero w^orship and desire to show the deeds of the founder of the new dynasty in the best light have probably colored many of the facts which occurred at this time.

As this king was never acknowledged by the emperor nor invested with the royal insignia, his name is dropped from the list of the kings of Koryu. Neither he nor his fosteT--father were given the regular posthumous title, but were known, the father as Sin-u and the son as Sin Chang.

An envoy was dispatched to Nanking telling of the banishment of the king and the appointment of his successor. Cho Min-su who had been instrumental in putting this new king on the throne was not so modest as the records try to make us believe Gen. Yi was. He now held almost un- limited power. It spoiled him as it has spoiled many another good man, and he gave way to luxury and ere long had to be banished, a victim of his own excesses.

Reform now became the order of the day. First they changed the unjust and shameful manner of appointing

28S KOKKAX HISTORV.

officials that had prcvailt-d under the banished kin<j;. The laws respecting the division of fields was changed, making the people more safe in the possession of their property. The defenses of the south were also looked to, for Gen. Clinng Chi went south with a powerful force and scored a signal victory over the corsairs at Nam-wun. Gen. Yi T'a-jo was now^ general-in-chief of all the royal forces. His first act was to have the banished king sent further away, to the town of Y6-heung ; and at the same time the banished Gen. Ch'oe Yung was executed. The old man died without fear, at the age of seventy. He was not a man who had given himself over to luxury and he had manj' good qualities, but he was unlettered and stubborn and his crime in desiring to attack China brought him to his death. The records say that when he died he said "If I am a true man no grass will grow on my grave," and the Koreans say that his grave in Ko-yang is bare to this day and is called in consequence "The Red Grave."

The emperor's suspicions had been again roused by the new change of face on the part of Koryu. The celebrated scholar Yi Sak stepped forward and offered to goto the emperor's court and smooth things over. Gen. Yi praised him highly for this act of condescension and he was sent as envoy. He took w'ith him Gen. Yi's fifth son who is known posthumous- ly by his title T'a-jong. He was destined to become the third king of the new dynast)-. He was taken to China by Yi Sak because the latter feared that Gen. Yi might usurp the throne while he was gone and the son would then be a sort of host- age for good behavior on the part of the father. The two great men of Koryu, when it fell, were Chong Mong-ju and this Yi Sak. The}' were both men of education and ex- perience and were both warm partizans of the Koryu dy- nasty. They were loyal to her even through all the disgust- ing scenes herein described, but their great mistake was their adherence to the Mongol power w-hen it had plainly retired from active participation in the affairs of Asia. Yi Sak now sought the court of China not so much with a view to help- ing KoryQ as to find means to get Gen. Yi into trouble. But to his chagrin the emperor never gave him an opportuni- ty to say what he desired to saj- about the great dictator.

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 289

The questions the emperor asked gave no opportunity to mention the topic nearest his heart. His chagrin was so great that when he got back to Koryu he spoke slightingly of the emperor, to the great displeasure of the court. The king himself desired to go to Nanking and do obeisance to the emperor but was forbidden by the latter.

The year 1389 beheld some interesting and important events. In the first place Gen. Yi decided to take the offen- sive against the Japanese ; so a hundred boats were fitted out. The expedition arrived first at Tsushima where three hund- red of the enemy's boats were burned as well as many houses ; and more than a hundred prisoners were brought away. Secondly, the emperor, being asked to let the king go to Nanking and do obeisance, replied, "This having a preten- der on the throne of Koryu is all wrong. If you will put a real descendant of the royal family on the throne you need not send another envoy to my court for twenty years if you do not wish." Gen Yi, to show his good will, sent a mes- senger to the banished king and gave him a feast on his birthday. The king of the Loo Choo Islands sent an envoy to Song-do with gifts, declaring his allegiance to Koryu. At the same time he sent back some Koryu captives who had fallen into his hands. Gen. Yi came to the conclusion that if the dynasty was to continue, a lineal descendant of the royal family must be put at the head of affairs. At this time Gen. Yi was of course the actuating spirit in the government and at his desire the young king, who had been on the throne but a year and who had not been formally recognised by the emperor, w'as sent away to Kang-wha and the seventh de- scendant of the seventeenth king of the line was elevated to the seat of royalty. His name was Yo and his posthumous title Kong-yang. He was forty-five years old. This move on the part of Gen. Yi was doubtless on account of the pronounced views of the emperor. A busybody nam id Kang Si told the newly appointed king that Gen. Yi did this not be- cause he cared for the Wang dynasty but because he feared the Mings. When Gen. Yi learned of this the man's banish- ment was demanded but not insisted upon . One of the first acts of the new sovereign was to banish Yi Sak and Cho Min-su who had insisted upon putting the parvenu Chang

290 KOREAN HISTORY.

upon tlie throne. An envoy was also dispatched to China announcing that at last a genuine Wang was now on the throne of Koryu.

The officials urged that the two banished kings be killed but when the matter was referred to Gen. Yi he advised a more lenient policy, saying, "They have been banished and they can do no more harm. There is no sense in shedding use- less blood." But the king replied, "They killed many good men and they deserve to die ;" so executioners were sent and the two men were executed at their places of banishment. It is said that the wife of the elder of the two took the dead body of her lord in her arms and said, as she wept, "This is all my father's fault, for it was he who advised the invasion of China." The records say that for ten days she ate nothing and slept with the corpse in her arms. She also begged rice and with it sacrificed before the dead body of the king.

In 1390 a dangerous conspiracy was gotten up with the view to assassinating Gen. Yi, but it was discovered in time and many men were killed in consequence and many more were put to the torture. Yi Sak and Cho Min-su were in some way implicated in this attempt though they were in banishment. It was advised to put them to death but after torture they were sent back to prison. The emperor in some way had the impression that Gen. Yi was persecuting these two men because thej' had prevented his invasion of China. Cho was executed but when the executioner approached the cell of Yi Sak, so the records say, a terrific clap of thunder was heard and a flood of water swept away part of the town in which he was imprisoned. For this reason the king dared not kill him but granted him freedom instead.

Under the supervision of Gen. Yi a war-office was estab- lished and a system of conscription which secured a rotation of military duty. The king, true to the instincts of his family, was a strong adherent of Buddhism and now proceeded to take a monk as his teacher. The whole official class decided that this must not be, and the monk was forthwith expelled from the palace. In spite of the suffering it entailed upon the people the king decided to move the capital again to Han-yang and it was done, but no sooner was the court trans-

MEDIEVAL KOEA. 29I

ferred to that place than the king, with characteristic Wang fickleness, went back to Song-do. The law was promulgated that women must not go to visit Buddhist monasteries. This was without doubt because the looseness of the morals of the inmates rendered it unsafe for respectable women to go to them.

The people throughout the land looked to Gen. Yi as their protector and it was the almost universal wish that he should become king. His friends tried to bring this about but they were always thwarted by the aged Chong Mong-ju, the only great man who now clung to the expiring dynasty. He was a man of perfect integrity and was held in much esteem by Gen. Yi himself though they differed in politics. Chong Mong-ju realy believed it necessary for the preserva- tion of the state that Gen. Yi be put out of the way and he was always seeking means for accomplishing this end.

When the crown prince came back from Nanking, whith- er he had gone as envoy, Gen. Yi went out to meet him. He went as far as Whang- ju where he suffered a severe fall from his horse which for a time quite disabled him. This was Chong Mong-ju 's opportunity. He hastened to have many of Gen. Yi's friends put out of the way. He had them ac- cused to the king and six of the strongest partisans of the general were banished. Gen. Yi was at Ha-ju at the time and his son T'a-jong hastened to him and imparted the start- ling news. The old man did not seem to care very much, but the son whose energy and spirit were equal to anj'thing and who foresaw that prompt action at this juncture meant life or death to all the family, had the aged general carried on the backs of men back to vSong-do. When he arrived, attempts were being made to have the six banished men put to death, but the coming of the great dictator put a stop to this. T'a-jong urged that something must be done immediately to save the family name, but the father did not wish to proceed to extremities. The brunt of the whole business fell upon T'a-jong and he saw that if his father was to become king someone must push him on to the throne. The first step must be the removal of Chong mong-ju. Nothing could be done until that was accomplished.

Gen. Yi's nephew turned traitor to him and informed Chong Mong-ju that there was danger. About this time Gen.

2<)2 KOKKAN JIISTOKV,

Vi i^ax-e a dinner to the officials and Ch'lnoj Moug-ju was in- vited. The latter decided to go and, by watching the face of his host, determine whether the report was true. When T'jI- jong saw Chong Mong-jii come to the banquet he knew the time had come to malte the master move. Five strong men were placed in hiding beside Son-juk bridge which Ch nig had to cross in going home. There they fell upon him and murdered him with stones, upon the bridge. Today that bridge is one of the sacred relics of the kingdom and is enclosed by a railing. On the central stone is seen a large brown blotch which turns to a dull red when it rains. This is believed to be the blood of the faithful Chong Mong-ju which still remains a mute reproach to his murderers.

This dastardly deed having been committed, T'a-jong conferred with his uncle, Wha, and they sent Gen. Yi's eldest living son, who is known by his posthumous title of Chong- jong, to the king, to demand the recall of the banished friends of the general. The king was in no condition to refuse and the men came back.

Gen. Yi mourned sincerely for the death of Ch<"»ng Mong- ju for he held him to be a loyal and faithful man, but his son saw to it that the friends of the murdered man were prompt- ly banished. Kven the two sons of the king who had sided with the enemies of Gen. Yi were banished. Gen. Yi was asked to put some of the friends of Chong Mong-ju to death but he sternly refused and woald not even have them beaten. Yi Sak was again banished to a more distant point, the pro- pert}' of Chong Mong-ju was confiscated and so at last all op- position was effectually silenced.

The energetic T'a-jong next proceeded to have the king make an agreement or treaty of lasting friendship with his father. The officials opposed it on the ground that it was not in keeping with the royal office to swear an oath to a subject, but the king who had doubtless been well schooled by the young intriguer agreed to it. Gen. Yi was very loath to go and receive this honor at the king's hand and it was at last decided that the king should not attend the function in person but should do it by deputy. The oath was as follows ; —

"If it had not been for you I never could have become

king. Your goodness and faithfulness are never to be

MKDIEVAL KOREA. 293

forgotten. Heaveu and earth witness to it from genera- tion to generation. Let us abjure all harm to each other. If 1 ever forget this promise let this oath witness to my perfidy."

But soon the king began to see the ludicrousness of his position. His sons had been banished, himself without a particle of power and the voice of the people clamoring to have Gen. Yi made king. The pressure was too great, and one day the unhapp}' king handed over the seals of office to the great dictator Gen. Yi T'a-jo and the Wang dynasty was at an end. The king retired to private life, first to Wun-ju, then to Kan-Sung and finally to San-ch'uk where he died three years after abdicating. The dynasty had lasted four hundred and seventy-five years in all.

END OF PART 11.

PART III.

MODERN KOREA.

1392=1897.

PART THREE.

MODERN KOREA.

Chapter I.

Keginniiig of the new kingdom. . . .name Cho-sun adopted. .- . .prophecies ....a man hunt.... a royal dream .... the wall of Seoul built. .. . capital moved. .. .diplomacy in the north. .. .Buddhism. .. .three ports set aside for the Japanese. . . .plot discovered. . . .back to Song- do.... king T'a-jo retires. .. .death blow to f eudalism . . . . ChiJng- jong abdicates. . .T'a-jong's sweeping reforms. .. .copper type.... sorcerers' and geomancers' books burned. .. .T'a-jong's claims to greatness. . . .Se-jong reigns. . . .his habits. . . .literary work . . .Jap- anese islands attacked. . . .gradual suppression of Buddhism. . . .trials for capital offenses. . . .numerous reforms. . . .wild tribe punished. . i. the far north colonised .... Japanese settlement in the south .... origin of Korean alphabet .. .king Mun-jong dies from over-devo- tion to Confucian principles.

It was on the sixteenth day of the seventh moon of the year 1392 that Gen. Yi ascended the throne of Koryu, now no longer Koryu. He was an old man, far past the age when he could hope to superintend in person the vigorous "house-cleaning" that the condition of things demanded. He called about him all the officials whom he knew to be personally loyal to himself and placed them in positions of trust and authority. .Those who had contributed to his rise were rewarded, and a tablet was erected in the capital telling of their merits. He liberated many w^ho had been imprisoned because of their opposition to the Wang kings and recalled many who had been banished.

It was not long before a message came from the emperor saying, "A man can become king only by the decree of Heaven. How is it then that the people of Sam-han have

296 MODKRN KORKA.

made Yi king?." In reply the king hastened to send an envoy to explain matters and to ask the emperor whether he would prefer to have the new kingdom called Cho-sun, "Morning Freshness " or Wha-ryflng, "Peaceful Harmony." The emperor probably thought there was a great deal more morning freshness than peaceful harmony in the peninsula ; at any rate he ordered the former name to be adopted. It was the doubtful loyalty of the Wang kings to the Chinese throne that made it easy for king T'a-jo to smoothe over the displeasure of the emperor. The seals of the Koryu kings were then delivered over to China and new seals received for the new dj'nasty.

According to unwritten law, with the beginning of a new dj-nasty a new capital must be founded, and king T'a-jo began to look about for a new site. At first he determined to build his capital at Kye-ryung Mountain in Ch'ung-ch'ung Province, and he went so far as to begin work on it ; but it was found that in the days of Sil-la a celebrated priest, To-sun, had prophesied that in the days to come Yi would found a capital at Han-yang, and one of the Kor3'u kings had planted many plum trees at that place and as fast as they matured had them mutilated, hoping thus to harm the fortunes of the Yi family ; for the Chinese character for Yi is the same as that for plum. Tradition also says that the king had a dream in which a spirit came and told him that Kye-rs-ung San was reserved for the capital of a future kingdom which should be founded by a member of the Chong family. Two commis- sioners were thereupon sent to Han-yang to make surveys for a palace site. It is said that a monk, Mu-hak, met them at Ha-yang and told them that the palace should face toward Pa-gak Mountain and Mong-myuk Mountain (the present Nam-san,) but they persisted in making it face the south. *'Very well" the monk replied, "If you do not listen to my advice you will have cause to remember it two hundred years from now." His words were unheeded but precisely two hundred years later, in the year 1592, the Japanese hordes of Hideyoshi landed on the shores of southern Korea. This is a fair sample of Korean ex post facto prophecy.

The courtiers urged the king to destroy the remaining relatives of the last Koryu kings that there might be no

MODF:rX KOREA. 297

danger of an attempt at revolt. The royal consent was given and a considerable number of those unfortunates were put in a boat, taken out to sea and abandoned, their boat being first scuttled. The king thought better of this, however, before it had gone far and ordered this man-hunt to be stopped.

As the emperor still seemed to entertain suspicions con- cerning the new kingdom the king was fain to send his eldest son as envoy to the Chinese court where he carefully explained the whole situation to the satisfaction of his suzerain.

An interesting prophecy is said to have been current at the time. The king dreamed that he saw a hen swallow a silk-worm. No one could explain the meaning of the dream until at last an official more imaginitive than discreet averred that it meant that Kye-ry Hug would swallow Cham-du. Kye means "hen"' and Cham-du means "silk- worm's head." But Kye-ryong was the site of the future capital of the next kingdom according to prophecy, while "silk-worm's head" is the name of one of the spurs of Nam-san in Seoul. So the interpretation was that the new dynasty would fall before another founded at Kye-ryong, by Ch<'>ng. The poor fellow paid for this bright forecast with his life.

Cho Chin was charged with the work of building the wall of the new capital. To this end, in the spring of 139 [.119, coo men were brought from the provinces of P'yung-an and Whang-ha and they worked steadily for two months. In the autumn 89,000 men came from Kang-wiin, Chul-la and Kyfiiig- sang Provinces and finished it in a month more. The whole circuit of the wall was 9.975 double paces. At five feet to the double pace this would give us about nine and a half miles. its present length. It was pierced by eight gates, the South Gate, or Suk-nye-mun, the East Gate or Heung-in-mun. the West Gate, or Ton-eui-mun, the Little West Gate, or So-eui-mun, the North-east Gate, or Cliang-eui-mun, the Water Mouth Gate, or Kwang-heui-mun, also called the Su-gu-mun, and finally the Suk-chang-mun, a private gate at the north by which the king may pass in time of danger to the mountain fortress of Puk-han. At the same time a law was made that dead bodies could be carried out of the city onlv by way of the Little West or the Water Mouth Gates. Neither

298 KdKKAN HISTOKV.

of these "dead men's gates" were roofed at first but were simph' arches.

Iimnediately upon the conipletio'i of tlie wall the court was moved from Song-do to the new capital and the new palace was named the Kyung-bok Palace. By this time the news of the founding of a new dynasty had spread, and euvoj's came from Japan, the Liu-kiu Islands and from the southern kingdom of Sam-na. It will be remembered that the Mongols had absorbed a portion of the northern territory of Korea, especiallj' in Ham-gyiing Province. This had nevsr come again| fnllj^ under Ko-r3'U control, so that now the new kingdom extended only as far north as Ma-ch'un Pass. Between that and the Tu-man River lived people of the Yu-jin tribe. The king sent Yi Tu-ran to give them a friendly introduction to the newh^ founded kingdom of Cho- sun, and he was so good a diplomat that soon he was able to form that whole region into 9. semi-independent district and in course of time it naturally became incorporated into Cho- sun. The Koryu dynasty left a heavy legacy of priest-craft that was not at all to the liking of the new king. The monks had far more power with the people than seemed consistent with good government. Monasteries were constantly in pro- cess of erection and their inmates arrogated to themselves large powers that they did not by right possess. Monks were not mendicants then as they are today. Each monastery had its complement of slaves to do all menial work and the law that declared that the grandson of a slave should be free was a dead letter. The first of a long list of restrictions upon the priesthood was a restatement and an enforcement of this salutary law which made hereditary serfdom inipossible.

Before his accession to the throne he had succeeded in putting down the Japanese pirates, at least for the time. He now placed high military and naval officials at all the great Southern ports, who off ered the people still further protection- He also set aside the three ports of Ch'e-p'o, Yiim-p'o and Pu-san-p'o (Fusan) as places where Japanese envoys and trading parties might be entertained At these places he built houses for the accommodation of such guests.

King T'a-jo had a numerous family. By his first Queen, Han, he had six sons, of whom the second and the fifth later

MODERN KOREA. 299

became Kings of Cho-siin, with the posthumous titles of Ch<ing-jong and T'a-jong respectively. By his second Queen, Kang, he had two sons, both of whom aspired to the crown but without hope. They were named Pang-sQk and Pang- bon. Their ambition led them astray, for now in the sixth year of the reign they conspired to kill their two rival half- brothers and so prepare the way for their own elevation. They secured the services of two assassins who made the attempt, but being foiled they lost their heads. It was well known that the two princes were at the bottom of the plot, and the king, knowing that even he could not protect them from justice, advised them to make good their escape. They fled but were caught just outside the West Gate and put to death.

The courtiers were all homesick for Song-do and the king himself probably missed many of the comforts which he had there enjoyed. Merchants had not as yet come in large numbers to the new capital and the number of houses was comparatively small. It must be noticed that with the change of dj'uasty it was taken for granted that the citizens of the old capital w^ere loyal to the fallen dynasty and so the people of Song-do were not allowed to move to Seoul in large numbers. That city was reserved as the residence of the friends of the new regime. Song-do has ever been considered less loyal than any other city in the country and the rule has been that no native of that city could hold an important office under the present government. But at first, the new capital was hardly as pleasant a place to live as the old, and so the king gave the word and the whole court moved back there for a time.

We are told that king T'a-jo was heartily tired of the constant strife among his sons as to who should be the suc- cessor and he decided to resign the office and retire to his native Ham-heung. His choice of a successor fell upon his oldest living son. Prince Yong-an, better known by his pos- thumous title Chong-jong Kong-jung Ta-wang. The arm}- and the people all desired that his fifth son. Prince Chfhig-an, who is generally known as T'a-jong, who had been so active 'n helping his father to the throne and who was as energetic and enterprising as his brother was slow, should become theri

300 K o K !•: A N } n s'r(T k v .

ruler. When they heanl tliat they could not have their will there was an angry demonstration at tlie palace. This led the retiring king to advise that after Choiig-jong had ruled a while he had better resign in favor of his brother, the people's choice.

King Chnng-jong's first act was a statesman-like one. He commanded the disbanding of the feudal retainers of all the officials. A few who rebelled at this as an encroachment upon their rights were promptly banished, and the rest submitted. Thus the death blow was struck at feudalism in the peninsula. It never gained the foothold here that it had in Japan, for it was thus nipped in the bud. The weakness of the fallen dynast\' had been that one or more of the officials had gathered about their persons such large retinues that they succeeded in overawing the king and making him a mere puppet. But this was not to be a feature of the new regime, for King Chong-jong by this one decree effectually stamped it out.

The retired king seemed to be determined not to be disturbed in his well-earned rest, for when his sons sent and begged him to come back to the capital and aid the govern- ment by his advice, he answered by putting the messen- ger to death. Later, however, he relented and returned to Seoul.

T'ii-jo's third son. Prince Pang, was jealous because his younger brother had been selected to succeed king Ch hig-jong, and so he determined to have him put out of the way. To this end he conspired with one Pak-po, but the plot w^as dis- covered, Pak Po was killed and the prince banished to T'o- san iu Whang-hi Province. T'a-jong himself, the prospect- ive king, seen s to have chafed at the delay, for we are told that King Choiig-jong's Queen noticed his moody looks and advised her lord to abdicate in his favor without delay, before harm came of it. vSo King Chong-jong called his brother and handed over to him the seals of office and himself retired to private life with the title Sang-wang, or "Great king."

It was in the centennial j'ear 1400 that T'a-jong, whose full posthumous title is T'a-jong Kong-jung T'a-wang, en- tered upon the royal office. He was a man of indomitable will, untiring energy and read}' resource. It was he who really

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MODERN KORKA. 30I

entered upon the work of reform in earnest. T'ajo had been too old and C'rong-jong had lacked the energy. The year 1401 gave him an opportunity to begin these reforms. The land wa^ suffering from famine, and the king said, "Why is so much grain wasted in the making of wnne? Let it cease for the present." When he found that the people would not obey he said, "It is because I myself have not desisted from the use of wine. Let no more wme be served in the palace for the present." It is said that this practical appeal was successful and the people also desisted. From the earliest times it had been the custom for the monks to congregate and pray for the cessation of drought, but now by one sweep of his pen the king added another limitation to the preroga- tive.-^ of the monks by forbidding the observance of the custom. Large tracts of land were also taken from the monasteries and given back to the people. The king hung a great bell in the palace gate and made proclamation that anyone who failed to have a grievance righted by the proper tribunals might ap- peal directly to the throne, and whoever struck thedrutn was given instant audience. This privilege was seldom abused for it soon became known that if a man did not have right clearly on his side his rash appeal to the king brought severe punishment.

Formany a decade letters had languished in the peninsula, and now with a view to their revival the king ordered the casting of copper types and provided that, as fast as new- characters were found in the leading Chinese works, they should be immediatelv cast and added to the font. The authenticity of this stat-.ment cannot be called in question. It is attested by all the great historical works b^th public and private. The methol of us- was such that the types were practically indestructible and large numbers exist and are in active use to this day. So far as the evidence goes these were the first metal type ever made, though xylography had been known since the very earliest time.

In 1406 the emperor sent an envoy asking that a copper Buddha on the island of Quelpart be brought to Seoul for the king to do obeisance to it, and that it then be forwarded to China. The king, however, refused to bow before it. During this same year the law was promulgated forbidding the im-

302 KOKI'AX HISTOKV.

]Tisoniiient of criniin ;!-; for loiij? p^riols of tiiiu. It also be- V.eld tha execution of all the brothers of the yu.'en. We are not told the reason of t';iis but we may suniiise that it was be- cause they had been implicated in seditions proceedings.

In 1409 the Japanese, Wdn-do-jin. was sent to the Ko- rean court to present the respects of the Japanese sovereign.

The kings of Koryu had set aside large tracts of land in W'liang-ha Province fur hunting purposes. These by order of king T'a-jong were now restored to the people and they were ordered to cultivate them. In 1 413 the land suffered from a severe drought and the courtiers all advised that the monks and the femaU- ex )rcists and fortuue-tellers be called upon to pray for rain ; but the king replied, "Buddhism is an empty religion and the exorcists and fortune-tellers are a 'vorthless lot. If I were onh' a better ruler Heaven would not refuse us rain." He thereupon ordered all the sorceres- ses, fortune-tellers, exorcists and geomancers tj deliver up the books of their craft to the government and a great fire was made with them in front of the palace.

King T':1-jong's great sorrow was his son the Crown Prince, Yang-yvmg. This young man was dissolute and worthless. He would not pursue the studies prescribed by his tutors but spent his time in hunting, gambling and in less reputable pursuits. The people cried out against him and made it known that it was not their will that he should reign over them. The father saw the justice of the complaint and the young man was banished toKwang-ju and the fourth son, Prince Ch'ung-nyring, was proclaimed heir to the throne.

King T'a-jong retired in 1419 in favor of this son Ch'ung-nyiing who is known by the posthumous title Se-jong Chang-hun Ta-wang.

T'a-jong had been a radical reformer and worked a rev- olution in Korean life similar ta that which Cromwell effected in England. His greatness is exhibited in three ways, (i) He was the first king who dared to break away utterly from customs whose only sanction was their antiquity. (2) He was wise enough not to force all these radical reforms at once, but spread them over a period of nearly two decades. (3) He rec- ognised that a king is the servant of the people. It may be in place here to call attention to a peculiar custom of the east.

MODERN KOREA. 303

We refer to the custom of surrendering the throne to a suc- cessor before one's death. The benefits of this custom are soon cited. The retiring sovereign becomes the tutor of the incoming one. The young ruler has the benefit of his prac- tical suggestions and of his immense influence. He thus does away with much of the danger of revolution or rebellion which so often accompanies a change or rulers. If the new king proves inefficient or otherwise unsatisfactory it is pos- sible, through the father's influence, to effect a change. In other words the young ruler is on trial and he undergoes a probation that is salutary for him and for the people as well. It also helps greatly in perpetuating a policy, for in such a case the father, knowing that his son is to assume the reins of government while he still lives, takes greater pains to initiate him into the secrets of government and in forming in his mind settled principles which, while they may not always perpetuate the same policy, at least ensure an eas\' gradation from one policy to another. This perhaps was the crowning feat of T'Ji-jong's greatness. He knew enough to stop while his success was at its height and spend some years in teaching his successor how to achieve even a greater success. Let us see how these principles worked in the case of this new king.

The young king began in a modest way b}- consulting with his father in regard to all matters of importance. The retired king had taken up his quarters in the "Lotus Pond District" where he was at all times accessible to the young king and where he took cognizance of much of the public business. The new ruler was characterized by great even- ness of temper, great astuteness and untiring diligence. He is said to have risen each morning at dawn.

He ordered the ii^aking of musical instruments, including metal drums and triangles. Under his supervision a clypse- hydra was made and a work on astronomy was published. It is said that with his own hand he prepared works on "The five rules of conduct," "The duties of King, Father and Husband," "Good Government and Peace," and a work on military tactics. The custom of collec';ing rare flowers and plants and growing them in the palace enclosure was done away and it was decreed that no more of the public money should be squandered in that way. He built a little straw

304 KOKKAN HISTOkV.

thatched cottaoje beside the palace and coiniielled the officials to attend him there in council. He put a stop to the evil practice of letting concubines and eunuchs meddle with state affairs, for when one of his concubines aske 1 him to give one of her relatives official position he proni]itly banisheil her from the palace.

In the second year of his reign, [420, the king showed his partiality for literature and literary pursuits by founding a college to which he invited thirteen of the finest scholars that the kingdom could furnish, and there they gave them- selves up to the pursuit of letters. In the early summer the dreaded Japanese again began their ravages on the coasts of Korea. Landing at Pi-in, Ch'ung-cliTing Province, the>- easily overcame the local forces and marched northward along the coast into Whang-ha Province. They there informed the Korean generals that they did not want to ravage Korea but that they were seeking a way into China. They lacked provisions and promised to go immediately if the Koreans would give them enough rice for their sustenance, until they should cross tlie border into China. Forty bags of rice were given to them, but when the king learned of it he was dis- pleased and said, "When they return we must destroy them." The southern provinces were put into a state of defense and Gen. Yi Chong-mu was put at the head of a punitive expedi- tion. It is said that a fleet of 227 war vessels and an army of 107.285 men rendezvoused at Ma-san Harbor. They were provided with two month's rations. This powerful flotilla sailed away and soon reached the island of Tsushima. There it burned 129 Japanese boats and 1939 houses. Over a hundred Japanese were killed, twenty-one prisoners were taken and 131 Chinese and eight Korean captives were lib- erated. The fleet then sailed toward Japan and arrived at Ni-ro harbor. There, the records say, they lost 120 men and so abandoned the enterprise. This is good evidence' that the numbers of the army are overestimated, for a loss of a hundred and twenty men from such an immense force would not have caused an abandonment of the expedition.

The emperor sent a messenger asking for the four jewels that are supposed to come from the bodies of good monks when thev are incinerated.

MODERN KOREA. 3O5

These were said to be kept at Heung-ch'un monastery at Song-do. King Se-jong replied that there were no such jewels in the peninsula. He ordered the discontinuance of the custom of building monasteries at the gravies of kings, and the people were commanded not to pray to Buddha in be- half of the king. The great expense incurred in providing for the huge stone that covered the sarcophagus of a king made him change the custom and it was decreed that thereafter four smaller ones should be used instead of the one gi eat one.

One of his most statesmanlike acts was to decree that every man charged with a capital offense should have three trials and that detailed accounts of each of these should be furnished for the royal inspection. Following out the polic\- of a gradual suppression of Buddhism, he interdicted the observance of the festival called the To-ak.

In the fourth year of his reign, his father died. It is said that at the time of his death there was a severe drought, and on his deathbed he said, " When Idle I will go and ask Heaven to send rain," and the story goes that on the very day he died the welcome rain came. To this day it is said that it is sure to rain on the tenth day of the fifth moon, and this is called the "T'a-jong rain." We see that under that father's tutelage he had continued the policy of reform, but what he had done was only the beginning. The law was made that if a prefect died the prefects along the road should furnish transport for his body up to the capital. The eunuchs were enjoined not to interfere in an}- wa}' with the affairs of state. The term of office of the country prefects was lengthened, owing to the ex- pense entailed upon the people by frequent changes. It was made a crime to delay the interment of a corpse simply because the geomancers could not find an auspicious spot for the burial, a.ndall geomaucers' books were ordered burned. Every adult male was required to carry on his person a wooden tag bearing his name. This was for the purpose of identification to pre- vent the evasion of taxes and of military service. It is but right to say that this law was never strictly carried out. Korea has always suffered from the existence of armies on paper. The king edited a book on agriculture telling in what districts and in what kinds of soil different species of grains and vege- tables would thrive best. He paid attention to penal laws as

J^o6 KOREAN HISTORY.

well. Beating- was to be administered on the legs rather 'dioij! ou the back; no murderers were to be bound in prison who were under fifteen years or over seventy; no prisoner under ten or over eighty was to suffer under the rod ; even the king's relatives, if guilty of crime, were not to be exempt from punish- ment.

These important reforms occupied the attention of the king up to the year 1432, the fourteenth of his reign, but now the border wars in the north claimed his attention. At this time the wild tribes across the Ya-lu were known under the collec- tive name of Ya-in. These savages wei'e ravaging back and forth across the border, now successful and now defeated. King Se-jong decided that the peace of the north was worth the outlay of some life and treasure; so, early in the year 1433 an expedition under Gen. Ch'oeYuu-dok crossed the Ya-lu in six divisions, each consisting of a thousand men or more. These had agreed to make a common attack on Ta-ram-no, the strong- hold of the robbers, ou the nineteenth of the fourth moon. This was successfully done with the result that 176 of the enemy were left dead, and 236 captives and 270 head of cattle were taken. All of this was at the cost of just four men.

The northern portion of Ham-gyang province was as yet but sparsely settled, and reports came in that the Ming people were coming in great numbers and settling there ; so the king felt it necessary to do something to assert his rights. A great scheme for colonization was made and people from the south- ern part of the province were sent north to occupy the land. But there were two powerful Yu-jin chiefs across the Tu-man river who were constantly crossing and harrying the people along that border line. These were Ol-yang-t'ap and Hol-ja- on. It was not until the year 1436 that they were really silenc- ed and then only after repeated and overwhelming victories on the part of the Korean forces. During the.se years thou- sands of people from the southern provinces were brought north by the government and given land in this border coun- try.

About this time a Japanese named Chung Seung was Daimyoof Tsushima. He sent fifty boats across to the Korean shore and the trade relations were revived which we may feel sure had been sadly interrupted by the long period of piratical

MODERN KOREA. 507

raids. The government made these people a present of 200 bags of rice and beans. Sixty "houses" of people also came from that island and asked to be allowed to live in the three ports, Ch'ep'o, Yiim-p'o and Pu-san-p'o. The king gave his assent and from that time until about the present day, with onl}' temporary intermissions, the Japanese have resided in one or other of these three places, although Pu-san (Fusan) has always been the most important of them. In the year 1443 the custom of giving the Daimyo of Tsushima a bonus of 200 bags of grain a year was instituted. The number of trad- ing boats that could come was strictly limited by the Korean govern ument to fifty, but in extreme cases where sudden ueed arose through piratical raids or other cause the number could be increased. This custom continued without interrup- tion until 15 10.

The most striking feat that King Se-jong accomplished and the one that had the most far-reaching and lasting effect upon the people was the invention of a pure phonetic alphabet. This alphabet scarcely has its equal in the world for simplicity and phonetic power. He was not the first one to see the vast disadvantage under which the people labored in being obliged to ma.ste^ the Chinese character before being able to read. We will remember that in the days of Sil-la the scholar Sul-choug had invented a rough way of indicating the grammatical end- ings in a Chinese text by inserting certain diacritical marks, but this had of course been very cumbersome and only the ajuns or "clerks" were acquainted with it. Another similar attempt had been made near the end of the Koryu dynasty but it too had proved a failure so far as general use by the people was concerned. King Se-jong was the first man to dare to face the difiiculty and overcome it by the use not of modifi- cations of the Chinese characters but by an entirely new and different system, a phonetic alphabet. It can scarcely be said that he had the genius of a Cadmus, for he probably knew of the existence of phonetic alphabets, but when we remember that the Chinese character is considered in a sense sacred and that it had been in use in the peninsula exclusively for more than two thousand years we can place him but little lower than the great Phoenician.

Korean histories are almost a unit in affirming that the al-

3o8 K(iki;ax iiistokv.

pliabct is tlrawii fiom the Siiisorit ;nnl from tlic anci^Mit seal character of Cliina. Where then did Kinjj^ vSe-jong have ac- cess to the S-iiiscrit ? Some have aro^ued that his envoys came in contact with it at the court of the Ivmperor at Nanking. This is possible but it is extreineiy unlikely that they gained such a knowledge of it in this way to mike it of use in evolv- ing their own alphabet. On the oth^r iiand it is well known that the monasteries of Korea were filled with books written in the Sanscrit or the Thibetan (which is an ofTshoot of the Sanscrit) character. It is believed by some that Buddhism was entirely crushed in the ver}' first years of the dynasty, but this is a great blunder. Buddhism had begun to wane, but long after the end of King Se-jong's reign it was ^till the predominant religion in Korea." Most of the officials, follow- ing the lead of royalty, had given it up, but the masses were as good Buddhists as ever. The probabilities are therefore overwhelming that when the histories refer to the Sanscrit they rnean the Sanscrit contained in these Buddhist books and which had been a common feature of Korean religious life for centuries.

Comparison reveals the fact that the Korean consonants are mere simplifications of the Sanscrit consonants. On the other hand there are no similarities between the Korean and San- scrit vowels. King Se-jong's genius lay in his recognition of the fact that the vowel lies at the basis of articulate speech, and in this he was in advance of every other purely Asiatic al- phabet. PZath syllable was made up of the "mother and child" the mother being the vowel and the child being the consonant. If we examine the ancient seal character of China with a view to ascertaining the source from which the Koreans drew their symbols for the vowels we shall find at a glance that they consist in the simplest strokes of those ideographs. Every Korean vowel is found among the simpler radicals of the Chinese. What more need be added to prove that the statements of the Korean histories are correct?

In this work the king made use of the two distinguished scholars Sin Suk-ju and Sung Sam-mun. Thirteen times the latter was sent with others to Liao-tung to consult with a cele- brated Chinese scholar Whang Ch'an, who was in banishment in that place. For the prosecution of this literary plan and

MODERN KOREA. 309

t'-e work growing out of it the king erected a separate build- ing in the palace enclosure. There he caused to be compiled and printed the dictionary of the Korean language in the new alphabet which was called the 6-i-mun. This celebrated dictionary is called the Hun-min Chong-eum.

King Se-jong died in 1450 and was succeeded by his son Hyun whose posthumous title is Mun-jong Kong-sun Ta- wang. His brief reign of two years is a good sample of what Confucianism will do for a man if carried to excess Upon his father's d^ath he refused to be comforted and neglected the necessary precautions for preserving his health. Long nights he lay out in the cold thinking that by so doing he was show- ing respect for the memory of his father. Such excesses join- ed with the lack of a proper diet soon made it clear that his health was permanently undermined. This was a source of great anxiet}' to the officials and to the people, for the heir to the throne was a young boy, and the king's brother, Prince Su-yang, was a powerful and ambitious man. The king himself entertained grave fears for his son and shortly before he died he called together the leading officials and made them solemnly promise to uphold the boy through every vicissitude. Then he turned to the wall and died.

Chapter II.

Tan-jong becomes king.... "The Tiger" .. .conspirac}' .. .king's un- cle virtual ruler ... sericulture encouraged .... king abdicates. . . people mourn . . .king banished. . . .a royal captive's song. . . .king strangled . . the usurper's dream. . . .character of the new king. . . . reforms. . . .trouble with the emperor. . . .policy in the north . . more refoms .... official history of the land ...medicine . . .hostilit}' to Buddhism. . . .king's concern for the people .army cared for. . . . literary work .... a standing Buddha .... a voluminous work . . . dangerous rebellion in the north. . . .emperor pleased . . .king retires . . . .Great Bell hung. . . .The Pyo-sin . . .a new king . . .foreign rela- tions . . .Buddhists driven from Seoul. . . .examinations . . .convents broken up . . .war against Buddhism. . . .a termagant. . . .apro.sperous land ...law against the marriage of widows .. .military operations in the north. .. .celebrated history written. .. .king reproved. .. .a foe to Buddhism. . . .reform in music.

3o8

K(TU>:.\X IIISTOKY.

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ph:ibot is cir.nvii fiom tlic Sius.-rit :iii(i from the ancient seal character oi China. Wlierc then did Kiwij:; Se-JDtitj liave ac- cess to tile Smserit ? .S(.)mc liavc arj^n^'d that his envoys came in contact with it at the court ot" the I'jnperor at Nankinsj;^. This is possible but it is extremely unlikely that they gained such a knowledge of it in this way to ni ikc it of u .-^e in evolv- ing their own alj-vhabjt. On the other hand it is well known that the monasteries of Korea We're filled with books written in the Sanscrit or the Thibetan (which is an oUshoot of the Sanscrit) character. It is balieved by some that Buddhism was entirely crushed in the verj' first years of the dynasty, but this is a great blunder. Buddhism had begun to wane, but long after the end of King Se-jong's reign it was ^till the predominant religion in Korea." Most of the officials, follow- ing the lead of royaltj', had given it up, but the masses were as good Buddhists as ever. The probabilities are therefore overwhelming that when the histories refer to the Sanscrit they mean the Sanscrit contained in th.ese Buddhist books and which had been a common feature of Korean religious life for centuries.

Comparison reveals the fact that the Korean consonants are mere simplifications of the Sanscrit consonants. On the other hand there are no similarities between the Korean and San- scrit vowels. King Se-jong's genius lay in his recognition of the fact that the vowel lies at the basis of articulate speech, and in this he was in advance of every other purely Asiatic al- phabet. Each syllable was made up of the "mother and child" the mother being the vowel and the child being the consonant. If we examine the ancient seal character of China with a view to ascertaining the source from which the Koreans drew their symbols for the vowels we shall find at a glance that they consist in the simplest strokes of those ideographs. Every Korean vowel is found among the simpler radicals of the Chinese. What more need be added to prove that the statements of the Korean histories are correct ]*

In this work the king made use of the two distinguished scholars Sin Suk-ju and Sung Sam-mun. Thirteen times the latter was sent with others to Liao-tung to consult with a cele- brated Chinese scholar Whang Ch'au, who was in banishment in that place. For the prosecution of this literary plan and

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MODERN KOREA.

309

t::e work growing out of it the king erected a separate build- ing in the palace enclosure. There he caused to be compiled and printed the dictionary of the Korean language in the new alphabet which was called the o'l-mnn. This celebrated dictionar}' is called the Hun-min Cliong-eum.

King Se-jong died in 1450 and was succeeded by his son Hyfin whose posthumous title is Mun-jong Kong-sun Ta- wang. His brief reign of two years is a good sample of what Confucianism will do for a man if carried to excess Upon his father's d:;ath he refused to be comforted and neglected the necessary precautions for preserving his health. Long nights he lay out in the cold thinking that by so doing he was show- ing respect for the memory of his father. Such excesses join- ed with the lack of a proper diet soon made it clear that his health was permanently undermined. This was a source of great anxiety to the officials and to the people, for the heir to the throne was a young boy, and the king's brother, Prince Su-yang, was a powerful and ambitious man. The king himself entertained grave fears for his son and shortly before he died he called together the leading officials and made them solemnly promise to uphold the boy through every vicissitude. Then he turned to the wall and died.

Chapter II.

Tan-jong becomes king.... "The Tiger" .. .conspiracy .. .king's un- cle virtual ruler ... sericulture encouraged .... king abdicates. . . people mourn . . .king banished. . . .a royal captive's song. . . .king strangled . . the usurper's dream. . . .character of the new king. . . . reforms. . . .trouble with the emperor. . . .policy in the north . . .more refoms .... official history of the land ...medicine . . .hostilit}- to Buddhism. . . .king's concern for the people .army cared for. . . . literary work .... a standing Buddha .... a voluminous work . . . dangerous rebellion in the north. . . .emperor pleased . . king retires . . . .Great Bell hung. . . .The Pyo-sin . . .a new king . . .foreign rela- tions. . . .Buddhists driven from Seoul. . . .examinations . . .convents broken up . . .war against Buddhism. . . .a termagant. . . .apro.sperous land ...law against the marriage of widows .. .military operations in the north. .. .celebrated history written. .. .king reproved. .. .a foe to Buddhism. . . .reform in music.

3IO KOKHAN HISTORY.

It was in 1452 that kini: Muii-joiig died and his little son Hong-wi ascended the throne. The title of the latter is Tan- joug Koug-eui TS-\vang, and of all the kings of Korea, whether of this dynasty or of any other, his fate is the most calculated to excite the pity of the reader.

His uncle, Prince Su-yang, was a bold, unscrupulous man with whom natural affection did not affect the balance by a feather weight. He was at the head of a powerful faction and it was only the jealous vigilance of the Prime Minister, Kim Chong-so, that the boy ever came to the throne at all. The people said that "The Tiger" must be killed before the boy could come to his rights. Prince Su-yang saw that the people were with the young prince to a man and he knew that he must brush from his path these powerful friends of the young king before he ever could come to the throne him- self. To this end he conspired with Kwuu Nam, Han Myong- whe and some thirty others. The Prime Minister was the first object of attack for he was the most strenuous supporter of the king. Prince Su-yang, in company with one Im Un, armed with iron bludgeons, went to the house of the Prime Minister and there the former feigned to have lost one of the wings from his palace hat and asked the Minister to lend him one for the day. The Minister could not refuse and sent his little son to bring one, but ere the lad returned the father was laid dead by a blow from the bludgeon in the hands of Im Un. The prince then hastened to the palace and ♦■old the boy-king that the Prime Minister had been conspiring against the government and so it had been necessary to put him to death. Boy though he was, King Tan- jong saw straight through this falsehood and his first words were, "I beg of you to spare my life." From that moment all power slipped from the hands of the king and the Prince Uncle was virtual ruler of the land. Placing heavy guards at the palace gates, he sent messengers summoning the king's best friends, and as soon as they appeared they were cut down. In this manner Whang Po-in, Cho Keuk-gwan, Yi Yang, Yun Cho-gong and Min Si were killed. Besides these many others were banished, so that soon the court was deprived of almost every supporter of the king except the aged Sung Sam-mun who was such a vener- able man and held in such esteem by the whole nation that

MODERN KOREA. 311

even this bold prince did not dare to lay hands on him. This done, Prince Su-yang began to center in himself all the high offices of the realm and became an autocrat, dispensing offices and regulating the affairs of the country according to his own ideas. Yi Cheung-ok, the governor of Ham-gyung Prov- ince, was a strong supporter of the king and so, though far from the scene of this intrigue, emissaries were sent who murdered him in cold blood.

The only important act of this short and unfortunate reign was the encouragement given to sericulture. The young king sent large numbers of silk worms to various districts and rewarded those who did well with them and punished those who made a failure of it.

All the time the wily prince had been urging upon the king the necessity of abdicating in his favor. We know not what threats and cajolery were used, but true it is that early in 1456, after all the other uncles of the king had been ban- ished to distant parts to get them away from the person of the king, that unhappy boy, as yet but fifteen 3'ears old, bereft of every friend he had ever known, hedged in by the threats of his unnatural uncle, finally called the officials to a council and repeated the lesson he had been undoubtedly taught. "I am too 3^oung to govern the realm rightly and I desire to put the reins of government into the hands of my uncle. Prince Su-yang." As in duty bound they all went through the formality of demurring at this but the king was firm and ordered the seals to be handed to the prince. Among these officials there were two who looked with dis- favor upon this. They were Pak P'ang-yun and Sung Sam- muu. The former stepped forward as if to give the seals to the prince, but when they were once in his hands he made a dash for the door and tried to throw himself into a lotus pond. Sling Sam-mun caught him by the garments and whispered in his ear, "Wait, all this will be righted, but we must live to see it done." So the young king Tan-jong stepped down from the throne. The usurper is known by his posthumous title Se-jo Hye-jang Ta-wang.

After King Tan-jong had abdicated he was held under strict surveillance in the palace and was practically a prisoner. It is said the people congregated at the Great Bell in the ceu-

31^ kokI':ax history.

ter of the city ami wailed over this fnlfilliiR-iit of their worst fears.

Rut the (lethroned kiiiuf was not left eutin^lv without help. Six of the ollicials conspired to assassinate the usurper at a dinner given to a Chinese envoy, but someone betrayed them to him and they were seized, tortured with red-hot irons, decapitated and dismembered. Tiiese six men were Pak P'ang-yun, Sung vSam-mun, Vi Ga, Ha Wi ji, Yu Sung-w'un and Yu Kung-bu. Their wives, parents and children per- ished with them.

Chong In-ji, one of the new king's creatures, memorial- ized the throne as follows : — "All this difficulty arose about the ex-king. He .should therefore be put to death." This was rather more than the king dared to do but the unfortu- nate boy was banished to Yong-wul in Kang-wun Province. His brother Yu was al^o banished at the same time. The banished king lived beside a mountain stream and is said to have sung this plaintive song to it :

A long, long road, a long good-bye.

I know not w'hich way to turn.

I sit beside the stream and its waters, like me, mourn.

And together we weep, without ceasing. At last when the time seemed ripe, another of Tan- Jong's uncles memorialized the throne urging that the banished boy be put to death so that there might be no morecause for con- spiracy' on the part of any of the ofl5cials. With apparent re- luctance the king gave orders that Gen. Wang Pang-yun be detailed to go and administer poison to the boy. When that ofticial arrived at the place of banishment his hardihood failed him and in.stead of giving the boy the poison he prostrat- ed himself before him. The ex-king exclaimed, "What brings you here ? " but before answer could be given a man nam- ed Kong Sang came up behind the banished king and strangled him with a cord. The story runs that as the murder- er turned to leave the room blood burst from his ears, eyes, nose and mouth and that he fell dead beside the body of his victim. The few palace women who remained in the suite of the banished king threw themselves into the stream and perish- ed. Th,e body of the young king would have remained un- buried had not a man named Om Heung-do taken pity on the

KOREAN HISTORY. 313

murdered boy and buried him in Tong-eul-ji. The night the boy was murdered the usurper dreamed that the dead mother of his victim came from the grave, and, standing beside his couch, pronounced the following malediction; "You have stolen the throne and killed my son. Your's too shall die." It is said that when he awoke he found that the prophecy had already been fulfilled. He therefore dug up the bones of this prophetess of evil and scattered them upon the water of the river.

Tradition says that the next seven magistrati;s who were appointed to the district where this foul murder was perpetrat- ed died on the very night of their arrival. The eighth made it his first duty to go to the grave of the murdered king and sacrifice before it and write an elegy upon him. From that time there was no more trouble.

In spite of the way in which King Se-jo obtained the throne he is not held in ill repute amotig the people of Korea. The unpardonable crime which attended his usurpation of the throne augured ill for the reign, but the truth is there have been few kings of the dynasty who have done so much for the advaucfment of the interests of the people as this same Se- jo. Tradition says that when a bjy ht was looked upon with wonder because of his skill with the bow, and he used to climb the mountaius blin Ifold where others dar-d not follow with open eyes. One story tells how onc2, when h^ went to China with the embassy, eight elephants that stojd before the palace gate knelt as he approached, thus foretelling his fu- ture greatness. He was a temperate man and hated luxury and effeminacy. He would not use gold upon his table and when his little son asked for a silver cup it was refused him.

He took up the policy of reform at ths very point where his father, King Se-jong, had laid it down five years before. He established pleasant relations with the people of the Liu Kiu islands and of the wild northern tribes, by treating their env^oys with special attention. Those who were obstinately unfriendly he crushed with a heavy hand. Among the latter was an able chieftain, Yi nian-su, who had formerly lived in Seoul and had married a Korean woman but later had fled back to the Yu-in tribes and raised the standard of revolt. The Korean generals were in some trepidation on this account

314 K()ki:an' histokv.

but (len. Sin Suk-ju inarched against liiin and soon drove liini back to his retreat.

\\y giving rank to a man of the Keuni-jii trib^ in Man- churia without the previous permission of the Kmperor the king came near getting into serious trouble with his suzerain, but as it was a first offense it was overlooked. The Kmperor sent word however that a repetition of the offense would bring down upon the king serious trouble.

The power of the central government was but weakly felt along the northern border an 1 so the king pvd special attention to that p:>rtion of the country, fou.iding prefectures all along the north-eastern border. It was doubtless because of this active policy that the .Yfi-jin tribe came the following Year and swore allegiance to Cho-sTm. Among the reforms which were effected during the early part of this reign the following suflSce to show the energy and wisdom of this king Se-jo. Fruit trees were planted in the palace enclosure so that the people might noc be burdened with the duty of providing the king's table with fruit. Mulberry trees were planted in all available places in the grounds of the different government offices, and even in the palace, where the^ queen engaged in weaving, together with the palace women. Dress reform was carried on to the extent of shortening the skirts of women's dresses so that they could be more easilj' dis- tinguished from m-n in the street. A school was founded for the study of the Chinese vernacular. The criminal court was ordered to present the king each month with a written ac- count of its proceedings. The king saw in person every of- ficial who came up to Seoul from the country on business. A hospital was founded for the dispensing of medicine for in- digestion.

These were but the beginning of his reforms. He punish- ed at one time ovei a hundred prefects who had been oppress- ing the people. The palace iuclosure was sown with grain when there was prospect of scarcity. In this reign we find the first reference to the Kuk-cho Po-gam or the official annals of the dynasty. The great bell which hangs in the center of the city of Seoul today was cist in his reign and hung at first outside t'ae South Gate. A medical government bureau was founded and medical works were published. The king

MODERN KOREA. 3(5

was activel)' interested in military matters and called together all the soldiers who could wield a bow of 120 pounds weight. This was with a view to the invasion of the territory of the troublesome wild tribes of the north. A census of the people; was taken for the purpose of making army estimates, and dur- ing the whole reign the soldiers were practiced in sham fights both in the palace enclosure and outside the city walls. His attitude toward Buddhism was one of distinct hostilit}'. One of his earliest edicts was that no monk should attend or pray at a funeral. He invented the use of the split bamboo as a sign between himself and the general upon the field. He kept half and the general kept the other half and if it was necessary to send a messenger he would take the piece of wood, which, if it fitted the piece in the hands of the receiver of the mes- sage, showed that the messenger was properly accredited. He seems to have been much concerned for the welfare of the people for we find that in the fourth year of his reign he caus- ed the publication of a book on weaving and had it extensive- ly distributed among the people, together with another on military matters arid another still on wcmen's manners.

King Se-jo was the first of the descendants of the great Ta-jo to observe carefully the precept laid down b}- the founder of the dynasty — namely, to take good care of the army; this is evinced by the fact that at one tine he distributed large quantities of medicine among the soldiers on the northen bor- der and made generous gifts of land to the troops, thus foster- ing the militar}' spirit among the people. As a result we see them successful on every side. The tribe of Ol-yang-hap was destroyed, the tribes of [-man-ju. 01-jok-heup and Yan-ba a-gan came and swore allegiance.

In his fifth j^eaar he codified the laws and published them. He also extended his medical work and published a book on veterinary surger}', and he published works on astronomj', geolog}-, music, writing, the signs of the times, agriculture, live-stock, foreign relations and arithmetic. In other words this versatile man was actively interested in military, political, .social, scientific and artistic matters and caused books to be written about these subjects for the en- lightenment of the people.

It is said that in 1465 he caused the erection of a monas-

3l6 KClKi:.\N IlISTdKV.

tery in Seoul InU he niacin the Uuddha a standiii}^: one rather tlian a sitting one. Evidently he had little faith in the in- anity of the sleepy sitting Buddha, who with folded hands let the years slip by unheeded. He wanted samething more lifelike. So he set the Buddha on his legs. This image was carried through the streets at periodic intervals accompanied by a crowd of musicians xnd monks. A Japanese envoy was horrified at what he called sacrilege and foretold that it could not endure. He was right, not because the Buddha had gotten on its feet but because the people of Korea had begun to cast off the shackles of Buddhism and, following in the wake of the court, were learning to take advantage of their emancipation. This making of a stmding Buddha and the occasional festivals seem to have been more by way of sport than through any serious intentions on the king and this in itself accounts for the speedy downfall of the custom. Its novelty, which was all it had to recommend it, soon wore oiT.

in 1467 he ordered the tw^o monks Sin Mi and Chuk Hnn to cut wooden blocks for a bjok to bt called tha Ta-jang- gvilng. The love of exaggeration in the Korean tempera- ment finds play in the statement that this book contained 8,888,900 pages. The historian evidently did not have his abacus at hand, for he continues by saying that each of the fifty volumes contained 7,078 pages, while the above figure would require 167,778 pages to the volume.

The last year of King Se-jo's reign, 146S, witnessed a serious disturbance in Ham-gyang Province. A man named Yi Si-a gathered about him a strong body of soldiers and sent word to Seoul that it was simply with a view to defending his district from the incursions of the northern barbarians. The provincial general w^ent in person to investigate, but he was murdered by the followers of Yi Si-a who were aided by a courtezan who occupied the general's room with him and who at dead of night opened the windov and gave ingress to the revolutionists. A messenger, Sul Kydng-sin was then sent to Seoul to say that the general had been killed because he had been conspiring against the king. At the same time the king was asked to make Yi Si-a the general of the northeast. This man told the king that the three Prime Ministers were implicated in the plot against him. The king was suspicious

MODERN KOREA. 317

but did not dare to let matters progress without investigation. He put the Prime Ministers in prison and at the same time raised a large army to go and oppose the too ambitious Yi. Generals Yi Chun, Cho Suk-mun and Hu Chung were put in charge. The last of these three was one of the great soldiers of Korea. Tradition saj^s that he was of gigantic stature, that he ate a bag of rice a da}- and drank wine by the bucket- ful. A doughty man indeed, at least by the trencher. But his feats on the battlefield were commensurate with his gas- tronomic prowess for we are told that the sight of his face struck fear into the stoutest enemy.

This army found the enemy before Ham-heung whose governor the}' had killed. The royal forces soon had the enemy on the run and at last brought them to bay on Man- nyang Mountain which projects into the sea and is impreg- nable from the land side. The royal forces took boat and stormed it from the sea while part of the force engaged the enem}' from the landward side. The head of Yi Si-a was taken and forwarded to Seoul. In this fight it is said that Gen. Hu Chung found his sw^ord too small, so throwing it aside he tore up by tlie roots a pine tree twelve inches in girth (?) and swept all before him with this titanic weapon. Of course the king then set free the three Prime Ministers and confessed his mistake.

The emperor called upon Korea to help in the castigation of the Keum-ju tribe beyond the Ya-lu, so the king sent a larg^ force and accomplished it without the help of Chinese arms. Having destroyed the tribe the Korean general cut a broad space on the side of a gieat pine and there inscribed the fact of the victor3\ The emperor was highly pleased and sent handsome presents to the generals engaged.

This same year the king resigned in favor of his son and retired to a separate palace to prosecute a line of study in which he was greatly interested, namely the art of estimating distances by the eye, a subject of importance to all military engineers and one in which Napoleon Bonaparte is said to have been an adept. But before the end of the year he died.

His successor. Prince Ha-yang, is known by his posthu- mous title Ye-jong Yang-do Tji-wang. He was so young at

^^iS k()K}-;an iiisTokv.

the time that his inoth^^r act^d as regent. During the single year 1469 that this king reigned the Great Bell was brought into the city and hung at the central spot called Chong-no or "Bell Street." He also made the law that the palace gates should never be opened at night unless the one .so order- ing showed the royal signet or token, called the su-o/W. This was a round piece of ivory half an inch thick and three inches in diameter with the word sioi-jnii on one side and the king's private mark on the other. To it are appended straps of deer skin and it is used when the king wishes to accredit a man to a certain work. The mere showing of this is accepted as the royal command. It is commonly called also W\^ pyo-sin "The Sign to be Believed."

This reign saw the division of the city into north, east, south, west and central districts. It also saw the promulga- tion of the Kyung-guk Ta-jun or "The Great Laws for Gov- erning the Country." The sj'stem had been inaugurated at the beginning of the dynasty but now for the first time it was difinitely adopted and written out in full for the guidance of the official classes. It dealt with the minute divisions of communities, each having an overseer.

This same year 1469 the young king died and his mother calling the Ministers together, nominated to the throne Priuce- Cha-san the cousin of the deceased king. As he was only thirteen years old the Queen Mother acted as regent during the first years of his reign. He posthumous title is Sung- jong Kang-jung Ta-wang.

Under the regency of the Qneen Mother the first act was the abrogation of the law requiring the people to wear the ho-pa or wooden identification tag, which King T'a-jong had promulgated. It had become a mere matter of form and was found quite useless for the purpose intended, namely a preventative against the evasion of the taxes.

This reign was marked by increased activit}' in the field of foreign relations. First an envoy came from Quelpart with a gift of pearls. Another came from the town of Ku-ju Si-so in the province of Kwan-su (Japan) and still another, Chong Sling-hong from the town of Wun-jung on the islands of Tsushima. One embassy from the Liu Kin Islands came with a gift of monkeys. The Japanese on the island of Sal-

MODERN KOREA. 319

ma sent an envoy who presented ^ifts of red pepper, incense and white silk. He asked for Buddhist books but was re- fused. Envo\'S came also from the northern tribes swearing allegiance to Chosun.

In 1472 all the sorceresses, fortune-tellers and Buddhist monks were driven from Seoul and and forbidden to enter it again. In the following year an envo}^ arrived from Japan saying "When Se-jo was king I painted his portrait and car- ried it to Japan, but at night a great light would stream from the picture's face. So I brought it back and have left it at Che-p'o in Chul-la Province." The king immediately sent word to the governor to build an altar and burn the pic- ture thereon, as it had been defiled by being carried to Japan."

Special attention was given by Kiiig Sung-jong to the matter of government examinations. He sent to the provin- ces and commanded the governors to hold prelim inary ex- aminations ai:d to send the successful men up to Seoul to attend the grand examinations held on the third day of the third moon and the ninth of the ninth moon. Three men were to be sent up from each of the provi-ices except Kyving- sang, Chnl-la and Ch'ung-ch'ung Provinces from which five each were allowed to come. This shows that then as toda\- the largest part of the popalatiD-.i of Korea was in the south.

An important change was effected in the matter of crim - jnnl procedure. The king commanded thit all men of schol- arly rank who offended against the laws should be arraigned not before the comm.on tribunal of justice but before the college of scholars. Thus another barrier was built up be- tween the common people and the nobilit3^ King STrig-jong was also a jjatron of letters, for besides publishing a work called Che-wang Mvung-gan or "The King's clear Mirror,'' and the O-ye-eui or "Five Rules of CDuduet." He also built a library and collected in it all the different books that could be found. He was the determined foe of Buddhism and, hav- ing driven out the monks, he now proceeded against the Bud- dhist convents in Seoul. He broke them up and made them remove to the country. There were twenty-three of these convents in Seoul at the time.

320 KOkKAN HiSTOkV.

The Queen Mother retired from the regency in 1477 and the kino-, assuming his full authority, continued the work of demolishing Buddhistic influence. He sequestered a monastery at Yong-san and made a scho,)l of it, after throwing out the image of Buddha. He seems to have been also a moral re- former, for he made a law against dancing-girls and com- manded that boys be taught to dance and to take the place of those unfortunate women. It had been the custom on the king's birth-da}' to have prayers offered in Buddhist temples for the safety and peace of the kingdom, but now this was abrogated, for the king said, "What does Buddha know? It is a worthless custom and must be stopped." More than this, he compelled the monks in the country to refund to a ii'an large sums of money which had been paid for prayers which were intended to ward ofT harm from the man's son. The boy died and the father sued the monks for breach of contract, and the king upheld the claim.

In 147S the queen died and a concubine named Ynn was raised to the position of royal consort. This was des- tined to bring dire disaster to the realm. She was a woman of jealous disposition and violent temper and her hatred of the other concubines led her into trouble. On one occasion her passions overcame her and in an angrj' altercation with the king she scratched his face severeh'. The king desired to treat her offense leniently but he was overruled by the of- ficials and the woman was driven from the palace. She had one son who is commonly known bj' his posthumous title Prince Yun-san. When the disgraced woman was dying she charged this son to avenge her disgrace, when he should come to the throne ; for he was the heir apparent.

The reign saw man}' reforms of a social character. It was decreed that grave-plots must not be allowed to interfere with the making of fields. This indicates that during the years of prosperity the population had been rapidly increasing and that it was found necessary to increase the area of arable land in like proportion. The people were reaping the reward of many }'ears of peace and good government. Nothing could show more plainly the relation between King Sung-jong and the people than the custom he inaugurated of helping those to marry who were too poor to do so.

MODERN KORKA. 32 I

The onl)' books he caused to be published were four ; on marriage, funerals, ancestor worship and "On Reach- ing Manhood." He seems to have been an ardent Con- fucianist for among other things he ordered that widows should not be allowed to re-marry. This striking feature of Korean life dates from the days of this king. Before this there had been a certain amount of sentiment against the practice but it had b^en common even among ladies of the higher classes up to this time. His refusal to give books to the Japanese envoys would also lead us to believe that he was an active Confucianist.

All these j^ears we hear of no dealings with China on the part of Cho-sun, but at this point we are told that the wild tribe of Yu-jin was harrassing the people of northern China and the Emperor sent a message to Korea calling upon her to combine with China in an attack upon this obnoxious tribe. The military policy of his predecessors now stood the King in good stead, for he was able to put a strong army in the field immediate!}' and the tribe of Vij-jin was speedily chastised. The Emperor was highly pleased and sent the King a present of silk, gold thread and cotton cloth.

In the latter years of his reign the King had the Kuk-cho Po-gam written up to date, and he successfully withstood an invasion of the wild tribes of the north. One of his last acts was to order that all impurit}' and obscenity should be dropped from the songs and poems.

In 1482 the King built two forts on the Ya-lu near the town of Kang-gye because of threatened outbreaks of tribes living on the further side. In 14S4 he built the Ch'ang- gyung Palace east of what is now known as the "Old Palace." In this same year the great historical work called the Tong- guk T'ong-gam or "Complete Mirror of the Eastern King- dom," probably the most celebrated of Korean histories, was published. It brought the annals of the peninsula down to the beginning of the present dynasty. Its author was Sii Sa- ga, better known by his pseudonj-m Su Ko-gan. He was a thorough master of Korean history.

A little glimpse of this King's disposition is given in a memorial addressed to him in 14S6 when, after a certain royal tomb had been struck by lightning he, in terror, asked his

^22 IvOKKAN' inSTOkV.

officials to mention his fanlls that he niii^ht mend thcni and so ward ofi" the judi^nient of Ileavon. One official brought four charges against him. (i) Love of money; (2) Tlie selling of offices; (3) Cruel beating of criminals; (4) Unwilling- ness to be reproved. Two years later he ordered a remeasure- nient of the fields in Ham-gyung Province as he believed there Was much taxable property there that was yielding no revenue.

The year 1489 was marked by a terrible scourge of cholera and one of the officials advised that the King pray to Buddha to stop it. The King promptly banished him. This man apparently thought that because the King's mother was an ardent Buddhist this advice would not meet with punishment. But in this case even filial dut)^ did not stand in the way of stern opposition to Buddhism. Soon a still more striking ex- ample was given. The Queen Mother had a Buddha made and placed in a monastery outside the East Gate, called Chong-ok-wun. A man named Yi Pyuk, passing by, asked what they were doing with the image and when he learned that the Queen Mother had ordered it set up he struck it and broke it in pieces. He finished the good work by burning the fragments. It can be imagined how angry the Queen Mother was and liow she urged the King to destroy the contumacious subject, but in reply the King said "Instead of death he de- serves a gift", and there the matter dropped.

In 1490 one Kwtin Chu memorialized the throne declaring that the musical instruments in use were those made by the corrupt Sin-don and that they were destructive of good man- ners. At his ad\-ice the instruments were destroyed and others were made. The style of music also was changed and it be- came purer and more serious. At this time the instrument of war called the so-u/, a kind of catapult, was invented.

The years 149 1 and 1492 were occupied in border wars in Ham-gyUug province, Gen. Hu Chung at last succeeding in clearing the northern borders of the enemy. The King died in 1494.

Chapter HI.

Cousternation upon the accession of Prince Yiin-san . . . .his character. . . . avenges his mother's disgrace .. .reigu of terror. .. .conoubines of

MODERN KOREA. 323

former Kiug killed ...sporting proclivities. .. .noble women dis- honored... .carnival of crime. .. .plot against the King ...prisons opened. ... King banished ...royal proclamation. .. .a sad parting . . . .abuses corrected. . . . revolt of Japanese residents in the south . . . .diplomatic relations with Japan severed. . . . reforms. . . .nione\- for army made from Buddhist image. .. .literature. .. .mistake in a Chinese history. . . .puritan simplicity. . . .color of clothes. . . .mili. tar}' activity. . . .Japanese pirates captured. . . .the first compass . . . caste.... a Korean-Chinese dictionary. .. .an extreme Confucianist ....a dangerous regenc}'. . . .evil advisers ...good men nmrdered . . . .Japanese return to the southern ports. . . .omens. ... a Bviddhist regent .. .conscription. .. .invasions north and south .. .signal vic- tory over the Japanese . . .rebellion.

It was in 1494 that Korea had the misfortune to com 3 under the baneful rule of Prince Yun-san. x^s we have seen, he was the son of the discarded Queen. He inherited her evil disposition and he had sworn to her that he would avenge the stigma that had been cast upon her name. He was twenty years old when the load of empire was placed upon his un- worthy shoulders.

No sooner had his accession been ratified by the Enperor than the Prime Minister resigned his position and hastened away to his country home. When asked his reason for such precipitation he replied, "I,ook at the pupU of his eye; with such a King it is difficult to keep the head on the shoulders. So I have come to the country." Many tales are told il- lustrative of his character. Some time before the last King's death, while he was walking in the palace grounds with his sou, a tame deer had come and rubbed its nose on his arm. The youth in wanton cruelty had brutally kicked the animal and was sharply reprimanded for it by his father. Now that he had become King he sent for the harmless beast and drove a spear through it with his own hand. Beholding this vin- dictive act, and rightly gauging the evil mind that lay behind it, a high official, Pak Yong, immediately left the court and retired to the country. The next act of this King was to be- head his old tutor, Cho Chi-su, whom he had learned to hate when a boy, because the faithful instructor had tried to curb his wild excesses.

The year 1496 began with a demand for more revenue from Chul-la Province, and a consequent remeasurement of the land under cultivation. It is said that his mother, dying.

3^4 KOKKAN HISTC)KV.

had left u napkin, ilyctl with her blood, and had said, "When my son becomes King, givt; this to him and tell him not to forget his vow to avenge my death." In pursuance of this injunction the young King now gathered together all the men in any way connected with the banishment and death of his mother, all those who recorded the facts, all the messengers who carried the hateful commands. In all there were several hundred people. These he decapitated and dismembered. He also dug up the bodies of those who had been implicated but had died in the interval, broke their bones in pieces and flung them into the river or ground them to powder and scattered them to the winds. The King wanted to have his mother's picture hung in the ancestral temple and when he proposed it all the officials assented to it but three, who said, "She was a criminal and died a felon's death ; her picture can- not hang in the ancestral hall." The King in a rage ordered their instant execution. Their families like wise perished and their houses were razed to the ground.

We have seen that Kim Chong-jik, the Prime Minister, had fled to the country. His enemies now accused him to the King asserting that he had said that, as King Se-jo had killed King Tan-jong, how could the son of the former become King. This story was believed and Kim and many of his friends were seized and beheaded. This was the signal for an exodus of the better class of the people from the city. The schools were all closed and a deadly silence reigned for the most part. No one knew who was to be taken next. As the years pass- ed the reign of terror did not abate. Debaucher y, oppression and theft were the daily practices of the court and the people were ground to the very lowest point. So much so, in fact, that in 1504 the people printed placards in the native character declaring the baseness of the King, and posted them through- out the city. "These must be the friends of the people whom I have banished" said the King. So he brought them back from exile and beheaded, poisoned or beat them all' to death. The people of the eight provinces besought the King to do awa\- with the native script which had brought such disaster.

Two concubines of the deceased King were still living and when they were accused to the King of ha\ing brought about his mother's death, he sent for them and killed them

MODERN KOREA. 325

on the spot. For this he was blamed by the widow of the dead King ; so the wretch went into her apartments, ran at her and butted her with his head, knocking her to the ground. She said they might kill her if they wished ; she did not care. Having stolen the beautiful wife of Whang Yun-hun the King could not induce her to smile upon him. So he said, "It is because her husband is still living." He therefore sent and had the man killed.

The King placed dancing girls in all the 369 prefectures of the country and reserved three hundred of the fairest for the palace. For these he built sumptuous pavilions and a hospital for their treatment when ill. A special office was erected for the care of the dogs, falcons, nets and other in- struments of the chase. The royal stabl es were in Chong- dong where the United States Legation now stands. Agents were sent into all the provinces to hunt for fair women and swift horses. Others were sent to wring from the people spe- cial taxes. The King thought the officials were blaming him behind his back, so he gave each of them a wooden tag on which was written, "The mouth is the avenue to misery. The tongue is a sword which may pierce the body. Watch the mouth and guard well the tongue; soshalt thou dwell in safety." He changed the Confucian temple into a play-house, drove out all the students from the dormitories and put diviners and sorceresses in their places. When his grandmother died he did not assume mourning, but as two of the officials dared to do so he killed them. He wiped out the three districts of Ko-yang. P'a-ju and Yang-ju to make a hunting ground, and forbade anyone to settle there. Those who disobeyed were killed. This hunting park was then stocked with all manner of wild beasts. He stole the people's boats to use in sport on the palace ponds and restricted the people to the use of a single ferry-boat on the river. This lessened the traffic to such an extent that the people of Seoul suffered severely and many inn-keepers were ruined. An aged eunuch remonstrat- ed, but the King caught up a bow and shor him through. He taxed tlie people of the south a bolt of cotton a head, and they paid it only by taking the cotton out of their clothes and weaving it. He invited the wives of the courtiers to a feast and had each of them wear upon the breast the name of her

3j6 K()ki;an iiisTOKV.

luisbaiul. Of these lie dislioiiDicd whom lie wouUl and gave the husbands ofticial position. His uncle's wife was enticed into his net, in consequence of which she committed suicide.

v^uch were a few of the acts of this depraved monarch. W'e need not multiply tletails of his execrable career. It was one long carnival of murder, lust and oppression. The peo- ]ile were simply the instrument by which the spendthrift King could fill his coffers.

It was ill the twelfth year of his reign, 1506, that the ]>eople wer^ brought to the limit of their patience. Three men. Song Heui-an. Pak Wuu-joug and Yu Sun-jong, con- ferred together and agreed that unless there was a change the destruction of the kingdom was inevitable. They de- termined to drive the corrupt King from the throne and put in his place Prince Chin-sung, the second son of King Song- jong. One dark night they met at the Hun-yun-wun, near the East Gate, with a number of others w^ho had been let into the dangerous secret. Not a light was to be seen, and they prepared to act. With a small band of picked soldiers whom they knew to be faithful they formed a Hue in front of the palace. The two Prime Ministers came out and joined them and soon a crowd of people gathered. Powerful men with irou bars soou forced au entrance and six of the King's favorites were seized and beheaded. As a next move the pris- ons were all opened and crowds of innocent people were liberated. They thirsted for revenge and, finding weapons as best they could, joined the revolutionists. It soon appeared that there was to be no resistance for even the King's friends were aghast at his enormities. The revolutionists proceeded to the Kyoug-bok Palace where the King's step-mother lived, the one whom he had treated so brutally, and said to her, "The King is a wild debauchee. The people are scattered. The ancestral temple has been desecrated. ' The people desire to make your son King." She modestly replied, "How can my son become King? The King's son is old enough to assume the crown." At this there was a general cry of dis- sent and all demanded that she comply and let her son become King. At last she consented and the youth was brought out. The assembled multitude bowed before him and swore fealty to him. They then crowned him and brought him to the

MODERN KOREA. 327

palace. The deposed King was banished with his son to Kvo-dong Island. The honorary' posthumous title was never conferred upon him but he is known as YGn-san-ju, or "Lord of Yun-san. "

Throughout the country there was universal holida}'. Tlie first proclamation of this new King who is known b\' his posthnnious title Chung- jong Kong-eui Ta-wang, gave the keynote of his reign. ' 'The most important thing in any coun- try is the common people. If the people prosper the country prospers, if they suffer the country suffers. The late King was cruel and lawless, and so by the people's will I have be- come King. I have ordered the discontinuance of the evil customs that have prevailed and I shall do all in my power for the people. Let everyone rejoice."

But a sad event marred the happiness of the new King. His queen's father had been on intimate terms with the deposed King and had been killed upon the day of his banish- ment. The officials therefore insisted that the Queen be put away and that another be selected. She was innocent of any crime, and the King said, "She is the wife of my youth and I connot put her away." But the}' insisted until finally he was forced to comply and he tearfully parted from her.

One of his first acts was to do away with the "Dog and Falcon Bureau" which had in charge the implements of the chase. He abolished the "Woman Bureau" which looked after the procuring of concubines for the King. He gave back to their owners many houses that they had been despoil- ^d of. He revived the law by which a written report of the proceedings of the criminal court should be submitted to him every ten days.

Years before this in the days of King Sn-jong Japanese had been permitted to settle in the three harbors, namely Ch'e-p'o Yiim-p'o and Pu-san-p'o. Thej'- were now having a difficult time. The prefects were oppressing them sadly, forcing them to work without wages and stealing their fish or game. This they could not endure; so two of their num- ber. Ko-jo-mo and Ko-su-jang passed over to the islands of Tsushima and raised an expedition against the oppressive pre- fects. Two hundred boat loads of them crossed the straits and fell upon Fusan, killed its prefect, attacked Cli'e Harbor

3jS K(>ui-;.\.\ iiis'rouv.

ami look its prefect alive. Tliey carried fire and sword into all that region. Tliey ravat^ed ih.- iirefectiires of UiiiJ^-chTni and Tenig-uA. The King sent a stronj; force by land and sea who cut ofl" the retreat of the invaders and then ;«ttacked them. Three thousand were soon ])Ut //o/s dt' (O/u/hi/ and many hun- dreds were chased into the sea where they were drowned. From this time, 1512, until 1572 diplomatic relations with Japan were practically suspended, though an occasional envoy came. A small number of Japanese boats were however al- lowed to come to the three harbois for the purpos- of trade. Access to the court was strictly denied them.

Kinq; Chung-jong was as active in matters of reform as had be in his fither or grandfather. He put an end to the cruel custom of houghing robbers. He limited the number of blows that couli be administered in the cro.ss-e.K imi 1 itioa of criminals. Hi published 2940 volumes of the Sam-gang- haug-sil and circulated them among the people as well as an- other work on filial piity. He made a foundling asylum, or at least made provision for Vm support of abandon id c'lildr .-a. The custom of punishing by striking the legs with short, thick clubs was done away, for this process was almost sure to shatter the bone.

In the seventh year of his reign, 15 12, he turned his at- tention to the army and sent out an edict that arms should all be put in good order and should be ready for use at an in- stant's warning. We are not told whether this was because of any expedition that he was contemplating or any hostile invasion that he feared. Whichever it was it was unrealized, for the army under his rule engaged in no offensive or defensive warfare. It was probably with a view simply of carrying out the policy so wisely begun by his ancestors of keeping the army in good order. He sent down to the town of Kyong-ju in the province of Kyung-sang, which had once been the site of the capital of Sil-la, and brought up a great copper Buddha and broke it up in order to use the metal in making new arms for the soldiers. It was the common belief that if any- one prayed to this image barren i-'ess might be cured. The people cried out against its being broken up, but the King said "Do not fear. I will take the blame." Nothing could show us more clearly the position that Buddhism held at this

MODERN KOREA. 32^

time It had reached its low water mark in Korea, and while it can scarcely be said to have strengthened its position up to the present time, it is very doubtful whether an emer- gency could arise so great as to induce a King of Korea in these days to break up an image of Buddha.

The reign of this king was marked by severe disturbances at different times. In his thirteenth year, 151 8, there were severe earthquake shocks extefiding over a period of four days and causing much loss of life and property.

During his reign literature was on the increase. He ordered the publication of various books and established a headquarters for books at Seoul, a sort of central depot or depository. The only relations that he had with outside countries was the reception of a Japanese envoy who brought a gift of mirrors. The}^ w-ere considered very valuable.

In 151S a historical work came from China in which it was asserted that king T'a-jo was not the son of Whang-jo but of Yi Im-iu, a traitor, and that he had founded the new kingdom as a result of treacher}'. The king sent an envoy immediately to the court of China asking that the mistake be corrected. The Emperor replied that it would be done in the next edition.

The king's teacher, Cho Kwang-jo, called "The Con- fucius of Korea," told his master that Buddhism and sorcery were alike useless and urged him to do away with the head- quarters of the diviners and sorcerers. It was done and the teacher was given the title of "Guardian of Public Morals." We are told that this reign was the golden age of Korean morals. The people revolting from the excesses of the deposed king took on a puritan simplicity. Men and women walked on opposite sides of the street. If any article was dropped in the road no one would touch it, but would leave it for the ow-ner to recover. No one had to lock his doors at night. When the wild Ya-in of the north ravaged the border and one advised that a force be sent disguised as laborers to chastise them, the king decided that it was beneath his dignity to have recourse to trickery, and so sent the troops openly. The important decennial examination called the Hyun-yang-gwa was now established.

At this time white clothes were not largely worn. That

330 KOUKAN IllSTdRN'.

custom ilid not como in till about iSoc. Blue, red and Mack predominated. The kinj:^ now estahlislied the custom of wearing very light blue at the time of ancestral worship.

This reign saw some notable advances along certain lines, Iknvs were made which were shot by putting the feet against tlie bow and drawing the string with both hands. They were to be used by women in defending walls while the men might be away. A small powerful bow was made whic'i shot metal arrows called "iieedle arrows." They carried four times as far as the ordinary bow, and an arrow from one of them would penetrate three men. A kind of bomb was also invented. It was probably projected from a catapult of some kind. A spring trap was made whose arrow weighed a a hundred and twenty pounds.

In 152 1 a Japanese So I-jon sent an envoy named Song- gong Pu-su-choa with a curious gift of three stones that re- sembled mirrors. The king, however, declined to accept them. The following year a Japanese named Teung Wun-jung went to the Chinese district of Yung-p'a and ravaged, and on his way home landed with his booty on the coast of Whang-hft Province in Korea. He was there captured by a Korean and his whole company were sent to China much to the delight of the Emperor.

In 1524 P'yiing-yang was decimated by the cholera. It is said that there were 7700 deaths. The following year the envoy to Nanking, Yi Sun, brought back with him the first compass ever seen in Korea. In 1532 a royal concubine desired to have her son become king instead of the Crown Prince, In order to accomplish the destruction of the latter she took a dead rat, wrote his name on its bell}^ and put it under the Prince's room. This is a common way of attempt- ing to do an enemy to death by witchery. She was discovered in the act and she and her son were put to death. Some three years later a great mock naval battle was fought on the river and the king went out and witnessed it.

The year 1536 beheld an important event in the bringing of the official history of the dynast}- up to date. In the next year an important law was made, the one which commanded that the people of the upper class should be distinguished from the lower class by a difference in the clothes. Heretofore

MODERN KOREA. 331

the st^'le bad been the same for both classes, but from this time on the lower class was not allowed to wear the long flowing sleeves which until recent years have distinguished the Korean gentleman.

In 1 541 Chu Se-bung a noted scholar of Kyung-sang Province founded a school at P'ung-geui in honor of a noted sage An Yu who had lived there during the Koryu dynasty. In digging the foundations he had found a bar of copper of three hundred pounds weight. With the profits of the sale he bought books for the school library.

The last recorded act of this monarch casts into the shade all his other work and tells us more by implication about the condition of the people than any other words could do. That act was the making of the Ok-pyun or Korean-Chinese dic- tionary, arranged in "the order of the Chinese radicals. This important publication shows first a great advance all along the line of literature. The demand for such a work argues a constant pressure along literary lines that finally made it an absolute necessity. In the second place it showed that the native character, whatever may be said to the contrary, had taken a firm hold upon the people and had begun to bring forth substantial fruit. A standard for transliterating Chinese characters was demanded and the demand could have sprung from nothing less than a large and constant u.se of the native character. The publication of this work marks an era in the literary life of the peninsula. It fixed the native character firml}- upon the people and made it a factor that can neither be ignored nor evaded. The Chinese character is still a favorite in Korea but it will go out before the native phonetic character as surely as the Latin tongue went out from England before the English.

It was in 1544 that King Chung- jong closed his long and eventful career. Forty years upon the throne had seen the country lifted out of the mire into which it had been trodden by his predecessor, and brought to the highest point of morals, of literature and of general culture that it has ever reached. He was succeeded by his sou Yi-ho who is known by his posthumus title In-jong Yung-jimg Ta-wang.

The career of this monarch affords another illustration of what Confucianism in its extremer moods can do. When his

T,T^2 KtlKICAN iriSTOKV.

father died he fasted six ilays and bjcainj so weak that he could hardly stand even with the aid of a staff. He con- tinned to refuse suflficient food and nionrned Cv>ntiiuially for his father. lie would sit on the b.ire gronml all night l')ng even in winter, asking" Heaven to kill him or else give hin» back his father. He refused medicine saying that his trouble was one that drugs could not reach. Seeing that his end was approaching he asked that his half brother Prince Kyon-wtin be made king after him. When he died the whole land re- sounded with wailing. It is said that in a single day the news travelled by the sound of wailing caught up from village to village, even to the limits of the kingdom. The new king is called Mj-ung-jor.g Kong-hon Tii-wang,

This king at his accession was a lad twelve years ola and consequently the regenc}' devolved upon his mother, '^his was most unfortunate for she was a wholl}' unscrupulous woman and ere the king was old enough to assume the duties of his higli office inflicted serious injuries upon the state. She had a brother, Yun Wun-hyilng, who was her equal in daring and intrigue. Yun Im the uncle of the deceased king Iii-jong was holdin.g office at this time. He was a faithful and honest man. Being the brother of the late king's mother he formed a natural as w^ll us moral antithesis to the brother cf the new king's mother. Yun Wun-hyruig had a younger brother Yun Wun-no who was his equal in chicanery. They could not but be enemies and so the elder banished the younger to Ha-nam in the south.

From the time when King Chung-jong died the two rival leaders Yun Wnn-hyang and Yun Im, the trickster and the statesman, had been wooing fortune for the premiership. The people called Yun Im the "Big Yun" and Yun Wun- hyung the "Little Yun." The people are not seldom the best judges of their rulers. During the short reign of King In-jong the friends of Yun Im had been in power and they had sedulously kept all evil-minded men, including Yun Wun-hyung, out of office. For this reason it was that when the latter came into power he found himself at the head of a crowd of malcontents who thirsted first for the sweets of office and secondly for the sweets of revenge. Before King In-jong died "Little Yun" had poisoned the mind of the in-

MODERN KOREA. 333

coming king's mother against "Big Yun" by asserting that he and his friends were conspiring to prevent the accession of her son. The Queen Mother, as soon as she came to the regenc}^ sent word to "Little Yun" to put "Big Yun" and his associates to death. He called the Chief of Police and gave orders to that effect but that careful individual said that the men he was ordered to kill were honest men and that he would have nothing to do with it. "Little Yun" then sought audience with the bo.v king and urged the matter, the Queen Mother adding her voice to his arguments. The courtiers said that it was mere heresay and so long as the new king had ascended the throne without any attempt at sedition the matter ought to be dropped ; whereupon the Queen Mother flew into a passion and screamed, "Do you want my son to sit here and be murdered? I will have those men killed like snakes in the fire." She then ordered the courtiers to retire, and the bowl of poison was sent to "Big Yun" and his friends. A relative of the king, whom the Regent believed they intended to make king instead of her son, fled to Sfi-gwang Monastery and hid in a cave behind it, but he was tracked down and seized. They brought him to Seoul and killed him by searing his body all over with red hot irons. "Little Yun" was now the royal favorite, or at least the Regent's favorite, and the men who h-ad opposed the appointment of himself and his friends to official position were banished right and left or else killed.

We will remember that the Japanese settlers had been driven from the three southern ports during the reign of King Chung-jong. An envoy now came saying that the Jap- anese settlers were not to blame for that uprising but that it was done by a band of ruffians from the islands, and they asked to be allowed to resume the old friendly relations. Consent was given but on condition that twice a year tribute should be brought to Fusan from Tsushima. The Japanese who headed this embassy was called So-i Jon-sa. This oc- curred in the year 1548. The same year saw the fam.ms books Kang-mok Chun-p'yung and Sok-kang-mok, dealing with Chinese history, and the military works Pal-myu;ig Kang-eui, and Mu-gyung Ch'ong-yo copied in Korea and dis- seminated throughout the countrv. These are among the

;,34 K()Ri-:.\x iiisToKV,

best known works in Korea to;lay. The common people execrated the favorite Yuii WTin-kyung and chafed under the regency of the Queen Mother. They went so far as to ]^ut out posters stating tliat "We are ruled by a woman, and her creatures are fattening off the revenues of the land. It means the destruction of the kingdom." So far from learn- ing a lesson from this, the Regent said, "It is because we did not make thorough work with the followers of 'Big Yun'." She therefore seized and killed above seventy more of them, all good and honest men.

It is generally believed that the hardships endured by the people during this reign, because of famines, pestilences and other calamities, were a forerunner of the terrible cataclysm that swept over the land during the following reign, in the great Japanese invasion. These calamities had begun in the very first year of the reign when a pestilence swept the province of Ham-gyting. The same year an enormous mass of rock became detached from the side of Sam- gak mountain back of Seoul and fell with such a tremendous crash that it was heard and felt in all the adjourning prefec- tures. This was followed by disastrous floods in various parts of the country whereb}- thousands of people perished and vast amounts of property were destroj-ed. In the city of P'5'ung- yang alone 720 houses fell and 209 lives were lost.

It was in 1550 that and astronomical instument was made, called the Sun-gi-ok-hyung or "Heaven Measure." We are not told the exact nature of the instrument, but it implies a considerable degree of intellectual activity and an inclination toward scientific pursuits that is rare in Korea.

The Queen Mother, as seems to have been common with women of high degree in Korea, became a confirmed Buddhist. This tendency became so strong that in 1552 she had a law made requiring government sanction for a man to enter the priesthood, and special examinations were also required. A monk named Po U, an unscrupulous but capable u:an, exer- cised immense influence at the palace. The courtiers besought the king to drive him away but as j'et the Regent was too strong.

The following year the custom of filling the ranks of the arm}- by conscription was inaugurated. All men over fifteen years of age were supposed.to give two or three years' service.

MODERN KOREA. 335

But it was not a success. The militar}' spirit has never been really strong in Korea since the downfall of ancient Ko-kury u. The profession of arms has always been looked down upon as an inferior calling and so long as a living could be gained some other waj- the army has been shunned. The law of con- scription was soon modified so that the payment of a modest sum, three hundred and fifty cash a year, bought exemption from service- Later the sum was raised to 10,000 cash and even to 20,000 in some cases, but this included alarge"squeeze" on the part of the officials.

The Queen Mother's power came to an end in 1554 vv'hen the king reached his twenty-first year. From that point matters began to mend. The ex-Regent and her minions lost a large part of their power, but other difficulties came up which took the place of those which were thus overcome. The wild tribe of Kol-gan-bul crossed the northern border and harried the border towns. When sixty of them had been caught and beheaded the remainder retired. A Japanese marauding band, returning from the coast of China laden with booty, landed on the Korean coast and were theie cap- tured and sent to Nanking. The next 3'ear seventy boat-loads of Japanese landed on the Chul-la coast and killed several prefects but the governor called about him a band of soldiers and routed the invaders. A hundred and twent}' Japanese were killed and all their arms were captured.

One of the most signal victories the Koreans ever scored over the pirates occurred in 1556. A thousand or more of these unwelcome neighbors landed at Tal-yang in Chul-la Province and besieged the town. Government troops were sent against them but were driven back with great loss. The 0-ran, Ma-do and Ka-ri harbor forts were besieged and taken and the towns of Cbang-heung and Kang-jin were swept by the remorseless foe. Kim Pin the admiral of Chul-la Prov- ince, and the prefect of Kwang-ju were both badly defeated in their attempts to check this hostile advance.

Yi Yun-gyiing, the prefect of Chun-ju raised a force of 2000 men and marched toward the s^at of war. An ex- perienced general warned him that he could do nothing but he replied "Then let my head pay the price." He gave a written promise that if any of his men deserted he would for-

T,T,6 KOKI'IAN IIISTOKV.

iL'il liis life, so great was liis '•ourukucc in llic (Hiality of liis soldiers. PusliiiiL;; rapitlly foiwaid In.' Inst encountered the Japanese at Hyans;-_i^\o where he threw up breastworks. He was to have been reinforced by his brother but the hitter sent, warning him that it was a hopeless case and urging him to retreat. He replied by decapitating the messenger and attack- ing the enemy single-handed. He warned his men that the first one to retreat would lose his head.

The leader of the Japanese rode a powerful white horse and bore in his hand a yellow flag, and he kept beating his sword against the flagstaff with terrible clamor. Gen. Yi began the attack not by shooting at the Japanese themselves but by shooting fire arrows into their camp and among their baggage. When this was seen to be well ablaze he ordered a charge and singling out the conspicuous Japanese leader soon laid him low with one of the famous "needle arrows." The enemy was soon in full retreat but their progress was stopped by a high ledge of rocks and there they were brought to bay. It is said that 1800 Japanese perished at this point. This is but another sample of what Korean soldiery can do when properly led. The brilliant young leader was made governor of the province. The Japanese who escaped made tlieir way across the straits into the island of Quelpart, where they demanded arms of the prefect, for they had cast away theirs in their precipitate flight. Instead of complying the prefect attacked them, brandishing an enormous battle-club. The victory was complete and the plain was strewed with the dead bodies of the foe.

When the king heard of these victories he praised the troops and remitted all the revenue from the prefectures where the Japanese had created the disturbance,

A serious rebellion occupied public attention in the 3^ear 1563. A butcher of Yang-ju named Im Ko-jung gathered about him a band of desperate highwaymen and began toplunder and burn in that and the neighboring prefectures. Government troops chased them into Ku-wul Mountains where they were tracked with difficulty owing to the fact that they wore their shoes reversed in order to deceive their pursuers. But the army surrounded the whole mountain and, gradually \vorking their way up, at last brought the offenders to bay and cut them down.

MODKRN KOREA. 337

In 1566 the Queen Mother died, and no sooner was it an- nounced than the monk who had been such a favorite with her was banished to Quelpart and there beaten to death. This done, the oflScials demanded the death of Yun Wun- h3'ung. The King refused to kill his uncle but deprived him of all official position and drove him away from the capital.

Chapter IV.

King Sun- Jo takes the throne... a memorab.le reign ... .reforms. .. . ■northern invasion ... .a prophecy., .mourning costume. .. .rise of the political parties. . . .part}- strife. . . .literature. . . .border war. .. , condition of affairs in Korea. . . .charge of effeminacy untrue. . . .con- dition of Japan. . . .Japanese envo)-. . . .Hideyoshi . . his demands re- fused... .second envoy ... .delay ...Korea's condition acceded to . . . .renegades executed ... conspiracy . . a coward envoy. . . .Hide- yoshi's ultimatum ... Korea refuses .. .Tairano. .. .the King's ans- wer to Hideyoshi the King informs the Emperor. . . .preparations for war. . . .generals conmiissioned . . .the army of invasion. . .lands on Korean soil. . . .Japanese firearms . . the cowardly provincial gen- eral. . . .the fall of Tong-nu . . .a faithful defender . . .cowardly oflS- cer3. . . .the Japanese move northward. . . .a martinet.

In 1568, as King Myting-jong lay d}'ing, his Queen sum- moned the officials to consult about the succession but ere they arrived the King expired. They asked her to nominate a successor and she named Prince H3-sung a j^outh of seven- teen, second cousin to the deceased King. He is known by his posthumous title vSun-jo So-gyung 7'a-wang. The Queen who nominated liiui acted as regent until he should reach his majority.

This reign is perhaps the most memorable of any in this dynasty, for in it occurred the great Japanese invasion which brought the land to the verge of destruction and which has ever since colored the Korean conception of the Japanese.

The first years of the reign were spent in correcting the abuses brought about by "L,ittle Yun" and in removing from office all those who had been connected in any way with him The whole kingdom was canvassed for wise and scholaily men Co put in the places of those who had been removed. Books

;^3S KORlsAX HISTORY.

intended for the iustniclion ami elevation of the jno-ile were pnblished ami distribnted far and wide.

The wild Va-in across the Va-ln were crossing that river and taking possession of fields in Kt)rea proper, near the town oi Kang-gye. The King sent a force nnder Gen. Kim Tong- ynng to dislodge them. The intrnders were chased across the river and into a narrow defile where they tnrned on their puTsners. Taken thus by surprise the Korean forces were thrown into confusion and were put to flight, but not till after their general had fallen. A second expedition chased the intruders to their villages, and burned them out.

In the following year the Prime Minister Yi Chuu-gyung died, but before he expired he gave voice to a prophecy which has become historic. He said : — "Since I have begun to examine men's minds I find that opposing factions will arise and that in their train great evils will follow. The king should studiously avoid showing favoritism to either of these factions. The first symptom of the rise of such factions should be met with stern resistance."

In the year 1572, the relations with the Japanese whereas follows: — Since the seventh year of King Chong-jong, when the Japanese in llie three ports revolted, there had been little communication between the two countries, but a few Japanese had been allowed to live in the three settlements by sufferance. But now the Japanese sent a friendly message asking that the old relations be resumed. The prefect of Fusan added his influence in favour of granting the request, and the Japanese were allowed to resume operations at Fusan alone, three li below the prefecture, which means about half way down the bay from the present village of Fusan. From that time the former relations seem to have been renewed, but no envoi's went from Korea to Ja] an. It was decreed by the Korean government that should a Japanese land anj'where upon the coast except at Fusan he should be dealt with as a pirate. Oi^cials were set to watch the Japanese and see to it that they did not overstep the strict regulations.

It had not been customar}' for the people to assume mourning on the death of a royal personage, but when the Queen Regent died in 1575 the custom was begun, and each citizen wore a white hat, belt, and shoes.

ODKRX KOREA. 339

This year, 1575, was signalized b}- another event of far- reaching importance and one which exerted a powerful in- fluence over all subsequent Korean historj-. It was the formation of the great political parties. At first there Mere only two. but soon thej' split into four, which are known as the No-ron, So-ron, Nam-in, and Puk-in. These mean "The Old Men's Party." "The Young Men's Prty." "The South- erners," and "The Northerners." These terms are not at all descriptive of the composition of the various parties but arose from trivial circumstances. These parties have never represented any principles whatever. They have never had any "platforms," but have been, and are, simply political clans each bent upon securing the royal favour and the offices and emoluments that go therewith. The story of their rise shows how frivolous were the causes which called them into being, and the remainder of these annals will show how they have cursed the country.

During the pr.lmy days of the odious "lyittlc Yun" of the preceding reign, a man by the name of Sim Eni-gyum hap- pening to see a blanket in the reception room of the universal- ly hated favorite, asked to whom it belonged. When he was told that it belonged to one Kim Hyo-wuu, h:- exclaimed "He is called a good man, but if so how can he sleep in the house of such a man as Little Yun." So he opposed this Kim with all his might and was opposed b}' him in like manner. The matter grew into a family feud and kept on i:',cre;)sing until at the time of which we are writing two hosliie ci.aus had arisen, the one called Su-in or "Westerners," because their leader lived in the western part of Seoul. The otl:er was at first called Tong-in or "Easterners," perhaps because their leader lived in the eastern part of the cit5\ The two men through whom the quarrel first arose had now left the field of active politics and the Su-in and Tong-in parties were led re- spectively by Pak Sun and Hu Yup. It is said that from this time impartiality in the distribution of offices \v'as a thing unknown in Korea. A Su-in would help a Su-in and a Tong- in would help a Tong-in, right or wrong.

The long fight was immediatel}^ begun. A slave in Whang-ha province was accused of murder and was held in prison -waiting- the decision of Pak Sun, the leader of the party

34*-^ K(H<lv.\N iiisroKV.

in power. He did not believe the man guilty and delay followed. Hu Vup, the leader of the opposition, took advantage of this ami accused his rival of neglect of duty. Then followed a running fire of charge and counter-charge between the leaders and between their piilisans. The Tong-iu, or So-ron as it soon came to be c.dletl. won in this first encounter and two of the opposing f.iction were banished. The Prime Minister urged that this fight was utterly useless and would cause endless trouble. The king, agreed and determined to stamp out the cause of the disturbance; so he banished the two men Kim and vSiui who had originated the factious. Tliis had no effect liowever upon the now thoroughly organized parties and affairs kept going from bad to worse.

In 1579 I'ak In-gul said to the king, "All the people have taken sides in this senseless war and even though a man be a criniiiial there arc plenty who will defend him. This means the ultimate desl.ruction of the kingdom, and the King should act as a- peacemaker between the factions." Others urged the same point bjfore the, lang, but they were unaware that it was beyond the power of any king to lay the evil spirit of factional strife. In the fifteenth year of his reign the king threw himself into the cause of literature. He believed that neglect of the classics was the cause of the factional strife in hie kingdom. He ordered the publication of the "Religion in the Mind," "Picture of the Good and Evil Will," and "The Legacy of Kim Si-seup." He called together a large congress of scholars, and in company with them threw him- self into the study of the classics.

The year 1583 beheld a fierce invasion on the part of the northern savages under Pon-ho. The prefecture of Kyong- . wun. in Ham-gyung Province, was taken by them, but Sil- Yip, the prefect of On-sung, went to its succour, and after a desperate fight before the town, broke the back of the inva- sion, drove the marauders back across the Tu-man and burn- ed their villages.

A novel method was adopted for raising recruits for the army on the broder. A law was made that sons of concubines, who had always been excluded from official position, might again become eligible by giving a certain amount of rice or by going themsfclve.-i and giving three years' time to bordtr guard

MODERN KOREA. 34 1

duty along the Ya-lu or Tu-man. Two chieftains, Yul Po-ri and Yi T'ang-ga, advanced b)' separate roads upon K}'ong- siing with 10,000 mounted followers, but the little garrison of 100 men fought so stubbornly that the siege was raised and the two chieftains marched on to attack Pang-wuu, Fortun- ately government troops arrived just in time to drive the in- vaders back.

The Minister of War was working faithfully for -arding troops as fast as they could bs gotten ready, but tht ^ipposi- tion made charges against him on the ground of the neglect of some trifling technicality and he forthwith laid down his portfolio and retired in disgust. When the king asked the Prime Minister about it, that careful individual, fearing to compromise himself, would give no definite answer and the king consequently said, "If ray Prime Minister will not tell me the facts in the case it is time he retired," so he too lost footing and fell from royal favor.

Having reached now the threshold of the great Japanese invasion of Korea it will be necessary for us to pause and examine the state of affairs in Japan and institute a com- parison between that countrj'^ and Korea in order to discover if possible the causes of Japan's early success and subsequent defeat.

Korea and Japan may be said to have been at two op- posite poles. Beginning with Korea, we notice, first, that her relations with the Ming dynast}" were eminently peaceful. Unlike the Mongols of an earlier date and the Manchus of a later date the Mings did not have their origin in the north, and therefore were brought less into contact with Korea along her northern border. They belonged to central China and were not a horde of brutal pillagers as were the Mongols and Manchus. Hence it was that so long as Korea- was friendly and held her own way quietly the Ming emperors concerned themselves very little about her. To this day Korea looks back to the Ming dynasty as her true patron and realizes that the Manchu supremacy is an alien one. Korea had been strongly unified by the statesmanship of the first kings of the Cho-sun dynasty, the present one, and had been ruled so well as a general thing that there was no sense of insecurity and no particular fear from the outside except

34- KOKliAN UlSTdKV.

such as aro^e from the occasional irruption of a northern tribe or a piratical raid of a few boatloads of Japanese. The only need of a stamlintj army was to t^uard herself from such at- tacks. The arts of peace flourished, the country was peace- ful, there is little reas(.)n to believe that she was sunken, as many have averred, into a state of shameful effeminacy. In fact there is much to indicate the opposite, for almost up to the very year in which the invasion occurred the policy of reform instituted by king Se-jong was adhered to and the rulers, however un warlike they may have been, surely did much for the sake of literature, art and public morals. You will scarcely find in the annals of history that the kings who ruled during times of great public degeneracy, when luxury sapped the vital power of the nation, spent their time in giv- ing to the people treatises oa moral, scientific, social and literary topics as these kings unquestionably did even up to the day when the Japanese cataclysm swept the country. It had not been a hundred years since an uuwortb}^ king had been driven from the throne b}' his disgusted people and been refused the posthumous title. That king was succeeded by one who made the land even puritanic in the severity of its morals, who fostered the arts and sciences as hardly any otjer had done and who crowned his work b}- publishing the Ok-pyiin, which marked an era in the literary life of the people. He had been followed in turn by a king wdio continued the work of progress aud among other things caused the construction of a complicated astronomical in- strument. The following reign was the one in which the invasion occurred. No candid reader can believe that the country was steeped in such absolute degeneracy as the Japanese annalists would have us believe, and which other writers who had not access to the Korean annals Iia\e de- scribed. - But some may saj' that the good w'ork of Korean kings does not necessarily argue a good people. This again is a mistake, for there could scarcely be found a people that has taken their cue more directly from the court than have the Korean people. When the kings have been lax the people have followed the example anjd when the kings have been true men the people have been brought back to honest living. The refutation of this calumny then needs but a

MODERN KOREA. 343

careful perusal of the Korean annals ; not those which have been written under government sanction and are therefore unreliable but those which, like these, have been drawn from the private and popular histories of the dynasty and are presumabl)^ reliable. For centuries Korea had been at peace, except for insignificant uprisings on the border, and the arts of peace had gradually taken the place of martial prowess. A man is not an object of contempt simply because h^ is not a warrior. If he is, then let us go back to the peat-smoke of our ancestral hovels.

Having shown this reason for Korea's inability to hold the the Japanese in check to have been a false one it will be necessar}' to account for it in some other way. This can easily be done. The reason was three-fold. In the first place the Korean people, having no use for a large standing army, had not been trained in large numbers to military life. Secondly the Japanese were armed with firearms while the Koreans had absolutely none. The first firearm that was ever seen in Korea was given the king by a Ja;->inese envoy just at the outbreak of the invasion, as we shall see. This alone would account for Korea's inability to cope with the islanders. In the third place the rise of the political parties had brought in a spirit of jealousy which made it impossible for any man to reach celebrit}' without calling down upon himself tlie hatred of the opposing party and his consequent ruin. This we deem the main cause of Korea's weakness. The following pages will show whether this view is upheld by facts or not. It was the mutual jealousies of opposing par- ties that proved the bane of the land and not the supineness and effeminacy of the people.

We must now glance at Japan and see of what stuff the invaders were made. Unlike the Korean people, the Japan- ese had never been welded into a homogeneous mass. Feu- dalism was the most marked feature of Japanese life. It has been but thirty j^ears since Japan became a unit. It was feudalism and its consequent spirit of liberty (for feudalism is liberty in embryo) that made possible Japan's phenomenal development during the past three decades. Her feudalism is therefore not to be decried, but one of its necessar}' evils was a state of almost continual civil war. For two centuries

;,44 KOREAN' TIT?TORV.

prccediii.i^ the invasion of Korea Jajxin had been one great battlelk-ld. War was the great occu])alion of the people. While Korea liatl been bnsy producing Japan had been busy destroying and when at last Hideyoslii, the great Shogun, found himself the virtual ruler of a temporarily quiet king- dom he had on hand an enormous army which must either be given occupation or must be disbanded. The latter he dared not do and the former he could not do without finding a field a field of operation abroad. But we are anticipating.

It is well known that the governnent of Japan was not administered by the emperor in person but by an official called the Taiko, or Kwau-bnk as the Koreans say. For about two centuries this office had been in the hands of a family named Wiin. Hideyoshi had been a retainer in the family of the Taiko. Being a l-.old and successful fighter he won his way to a generalship and from this pount of vantage killed the Tajko and assumed that title himself. It had been the dream of his life to strike at Cliina. He had tried it once unsucces- sfully by boat, attacking her at Chul-gang. He now changed his plan and decid'_d to make Korea a stepping stone to the conquest of. the Ming empire. His initial move was based on his statement "Year after year our envoys have gone to Korea but they never send one in return."

In pursuance of this policy a Japanese envoy named Yasuhiro appeared at the Korean court in 1587 bearing a harshly worded and insulting letter demanding that the king send and envoy to Japan. The only norice taken of this demand was a polite note in which the king stated that as the journey by sea was a long one and the Koreans were not good sailors he would have to be excused from complying with the demand. Wen Yasuhiro placed this missive in the hands of his master he was promptly ordered into the hands of the executioner.

The opening of the year 158S found Korea still suffering from outbreaks of the far norther border and Gen. Yi II took a small force of men, crossed the Tu-rian River on the ice and attacked the Chin-do tribe. Being successful in this ha took 2000 men, crossed the same river at four different points simultaueosly and attacked the Si-jun tribe by night, burning 200 houses and killing 300 people.

MOUKKX KCJKKA. 345

111 the spring of this j'ear tht:re arrived from Japan a sec- ond envoy, or rather three envoj^s, Yoshitoshi, Tairano Tsuginobu and a monk Gensho. Of these Yoshitoshi was the chief. He is described by the Koreans as being a young man, but coarse and violent and of such a fierce nature that the other members of his suite dared come into his presence only on their knees. They dared not look him in the face. Yoshitoshi and his suite were comfortably quartered at the Toug-p'uiig-gwati near the present Japanese settlement in Seoul, and having renewed the demand that Korea send an envoy to Japan, he waited month after month hoping that the king would accede to the demand and fearing to go back without success lest he should meet the same fate that Yasuhiro the former envoy had suffered.

At last the king announced that he would send an envoy to Japan on one condition, namely that the Japanese govern- ment seize and send back to Korea a number of Korean re- negades who, under the leadership of one Sa Wha-dong, had run away to Japan and had since led marauding bands of Japanese against the southern seaboard of Korea. To this condition the Japanese envoy gladly consented and Tairano was despatched to Japan to carry it out. But it was not till the seventh moon of the following year, 1589, that the pirate Sa Wha-dong and three Japanese freebooters together with certain other Koreans were brought back from Japan and delivered up to justice. With them came a letter from the Japanese government saying "We are not responsible for the evil deeds of these men. The Korean Sa Wha-dong is the cause of this trouble ; so we send them all to you and you must mete out to them such punishment as you see fit." The culprits were immediately decapitated outside the West Gate. This seems to have thawed somewhat the reserve of the king and Yoshitoshi was called to the palace for the first time, where he was presented by the king with a handsome steed while he in turn gave the king a peacock and some firearms, the first that had ever been seen in Korea.

Late in the year a dangerous conspiracy was discovered, the prime mover being Chong Yo-rip of Chul-la Province. He had arranged a plan by which he and several friends of his in Whang-ha Province should rise simultaneously and

;,.|(> KnKi:.\.\ 11 ij- 1 (IK^ .

DVcrlhrnu ihr i;.)\'-niiiKiil. A cerlaiii iiiunk in Kii wfil luouiilain in \\'li,ui.u-lii» rrovince disco\'erccl that a certain man, Cho Ku, was workini; dilii^L-ntly anionj^ the people, taking nanKs. SLiulini; nnnierous letters and in other ways aetin)^ in a snspicious manner. He believed the man was a traitor and told the prefect of An-ak to be on the lookout. The latter arrested the man and examined him. It was then elicited that a widespread rebellion was being gjtten up. When the news was told the king secretly he called together his t)tlicials and asked "What st)rt of a man is this Chung Vo-rip?" vSome said they did not know but tlie Prime Minister said that he was a good scholar and an examplary man. The king them threw upon the floor the letter telling about the plot and exclaimed "Read that and see what sort of a man he is."

The traitor Chong had gotten wind of the discovery and had fled with his son to Chi-nan Mountain in ChHl-la Pro- vince but he was ptirsued and" surrounded. Rather than be taken he cut his own throat and expired. His son and his nephew were taken back to Seoul and executed. The nephew under torture affirmed that the Prime Minister and a large number of other officials were privj' to the plot. This w^as the more easily believed because the Prime Minister had insisted that Chong was a good man. So he and two others were banished. It is affirmed on good authority that the Prime Minister and the other who suffered were innocent of the charge, and that it was simply one of the deplorable results of party jealousy and strife. We here have a striking in- stance of the cause of Korea's weakness.

All momentous events in Korea are believed to be fore- told in some way. It is said that in this year 15S9 a good man named Cho Ho.i went to the monastery at Kom-san and wlieii rice was set bcifore him said "Wnoever eats with me will die next year, for the Japanese are coming with 200,000 men. Those here who do not eat with me will live." Three only are said to have taken up the challenge and eaten with him.

In the third moon of the foilov\ing year 1590 the king redeemed his promise by sending to Japan three envoys, Whang Yuu-gil, Kim Sung-il and Ho Sung. They were ac-

^ionKR^■ kokka. 347

conipatiied by the Japanese envoy who had waited a year for thcni. Whang Yunn-gil was cliief of the Korean embassy, but he was a weak, timid man who liardly dared speak when a Japanese addressed liim. The other members of the em- bassy realizing how how snch action would bring Korea into contempt at the Japanese conit, tried to stir him up and make him. speak out fearless!}-, but to no avail. After wast- ing a year at the Japanese court the embassy returned, ac- companied by Tairano who was charged with an important mis sion to the king but the minute this embassy landed at Tong- .1n W'l,ang Yun-gil the cowardly envoy sent a letter post haste 'o Seoul saying that war with Japan was certain. When they all arrived at Seoul the king called them into audience and questioned them about their experiences in Japan. His first questioi! was "Did 3'ou see Hideyoshi ? How did he look-'" Whang replied "His eyes flashed fire. He is a fearsome man." but Kim Sung il said "There is nothing fearsome about him. His eyes are like rats' eyes."

The important letter of which Tairano was the bearer was now handed to the King and it lay bare the mind of Hide- yoshi. It read as follows : —

"Our country consists of si.xty-six kingdom'^. They all revolted from the Emperor but for four years I fought them and succeeded in bringing them all to their knees until even the remote islands lay mastered in my hand. Wheti my mother conceived me it was by a beam of sunlight that enter- ed her bosom in a dr^iam. After my birth a fortune teller said that all the land the sun shone on would be mine when I became a man, and that my fame would spread beyond the four seas. I have never fought without conquering and when I strike I always win. Man cannot outlive his hundred years, so why should I sit chafing on this island? I will make a leap and land in China and lay my laws upon her. I shall go by way of Korea and if your soldiers will join me in this in- vasion you will have shown your neighborly spirit. I am de- termined that my name shall pervade the three kingdoms." At a feast given in honor of the Japanese embass}-, Hyun So, the Japanese monk who seems to have accompanied Tairano to the Korean court, whispered to Whang Vun-gil and said, "The reason why Hideyoshi wants to attack China

^iN KOT;l-:.\N IIISTOKV.

is beacnsc the iMiij^eror refuses to receivt a Japanese envoy. If Korea leaves us but a clear road to China we will ask no- thiui:; else. No trooj^s need be i:;iven. " To tliis Wliaui^ re- plied. "That can never be. China is our Mother Conntr> and we cannot so dtsert lier as to ^ive a road to an invadin;jj army." The nioi.k rvlurntd to the attack but this time from ancnher standpoint. "Long: ago the iMcn.iiol hordes desired to invade Japan and yon gave them a road through Korta for th;>.t purpose. Xow when we seek revenge you should do the same by us." This was considered too preposterous a thing to be even discussed and the luatter suddenly dropped and the Japanese envoys started straight back to their own country. It was this envo\- Tairano who while on his wax np from Fusan insulted the aged governor of TS-gu by sa\ ing, "b'or ten years I have followed w.ir and thus n)\ beard is gray; why should you grow old ?" Also calling for a Korean spear he .said, "Your spears are tot) long." meaning that only cowards u>«e long spears. He it was also who threw the basket of oranges to the dancing girls and. when they scrambled for them, uttered his ironical criticistn. "Your nation is doomed. You have no manners. "

When this embas.sy went back to Japan he carried an answer to Hideyoshi's letter, in which the King .said: —

"Two letters have already passed between us and the matter has been sufficiently di>cussed. What talk is tliis of our joijiing you against China ? From the e'^rliest times we have followed law and right. From within and from without all lauds are subject to China. If you have desired to send your envoys to China how much more should we. When We have been fortunate China has rejoiced and when we have been unfortunate she has helped us. The relations which Nubsist between ns are those of ])arent and child. This \ on well know. Cni; we desert both emperor and parent and join with you? You doutlbess will be angry at this and it is be- cause you hav;i not been admitted to the court of China. Why is it that \on are not willing to admit the su/.f^rainty of the emperor instead of harboring such hostile intents against him? This truly passes our comprehension."

The emperor hearing a rumor of a Korean Japanese alliance sent and enquired about it but tlw king replied

:\U1I)KUN' KOKKA. 349

through an einuy lelling the facts of the case exactly as they l.ad occurred. It was well understood in Korea that an invasion was all but inevitable and active preparations were going on all the year in view of this contingency. Three able men were sent as the governors of Kyung-sang. Chulla and Ch'ung-ch'nng Provinces respectively, namely Kim Su. Yi Kwang. and Yun Sung-gak. They were so ener- getic in repairing fortresses and accumulating arms that the people complained loudly. Someone told the king that Yi Sun-sin, a man as yet unknown, had in him the making of the greatest general in the world, and for this rea.son the king made him admiral of all the naval forces of the kingdom.

Chapter V.

The army of invasion . . .lands on Korean soil . . . .Japanese fire-arms. . . . fall of Fusan ...a cowardly provincial ".overnor ...the fall of Tong-na . a faithful defender . . .cowardly officers the Japan- ese move northward. .. .a martinet. .. .braver soldiers than leaders ... .the news reaches Seoul .. the three roads guarded .. .a comi- cal predicament ... a good .shot... Cho-rynng (Pass) left un- defended... .an army disbands for lack of leaders. .. .Gen. Yi 11' s fiasco . . Ger Sil Yip wants to fight in the plain . . reconnoiter- iiig . . the Korean army in a trap . . .overwhelming defeat.

We have now arrived at the year 1592 A. D. the two hundredth anniversary of the founding of the dynasty, the year that was destined to .see the country swept by the Japan- ese hordes. The Koreans call it the Ini-jim year and the mere pronunciation of that word today brings up in the Ko- rean's mind thetalesof horror and suffering which his Another told him when a boy, and which have determined the whole attitude of the Korean mind toward Japan.

Before spring opened the king took an inventory of all the arms that were available, and apointed Gen. Sil Yip to the command of the forces in Kang-Wun and Ham-gynng Provinces, and Gen. Yi II to the command of those in the south. In the third moon the officials worshiped at the tomb of King T':l-jo the founder of the dynasty. Korean tradition

.'^5<"' KnklW iiisroKV.

says lliat wailinos wt-rc lu-ani ])r()ccv(iin>? from this tonih tor thrrt- or four days ]>recc'cliii^ the huidinj^; of the Japanese.

Hideyi^shi had ijjtteii toi^ether an enormous force from all i)arts i)\ llu- kiiii^doui ami the (.xpedition reiide/'AOUsed at the islands of Iki. The\- were led b\ thirty-six generals, the jj:eneral-inehief heiny; Hideyi.

As to the nundiers in the in\'adinj; army the Korean ac- onnt ajiriisho Well with the Japanese that there can be little doubt of its correctness. The Korean accounts say that the regular army consited of 160, ouo men, that there was a "boily-guard" of So, 000 men, perliaps meaning the personal bodyguard of Hideyoshi, and that there were :500 heavy armeii caxalrv. This says nothing about a reserve force of <io,ixx^ men which is mentioned by .some .lUthorities, and from this we conclude that these did not come with the. main army hut waited and came later as reinforcements. The best Japan- ese accounts make the total 250,000 while :he Korean records say 241.500. Hither of these numbers is approxin;ately cor- rect, but the Japanese accourts divide the estimate different- ly, saying that the main army was 150,000 while Hideyoshi's ]>er.sonal command was 100,000. But this discrepancy is of cxTUrse unessential.

.\s to armament we find that this army was provided with 5000 battle axes, 100,000 long swords, 100,000 spears, 100,000 short swords, 500.000 daggers, 300,000 firearms large and stnall, and that there were in the whole army 50,000 horses.

The flotilla which brought this immense army to the shores of Korea consisted of between three and four thousand boats. This gives us an intimation as to the capacity of the l)oats used in those days. According to this enumeration each boat carried sixty men. They were probably undecked, or at most but partially decked, boats of about forty or fifty feet in length by ten in breadth.

We learn from Japanese sources that the whole fieet did not weigh anchor from Iki at the same time. Kato, who was in command of one division of the army, managed to give the rest of the fleet the slip and was away wnth hi.s command by night, while his rival Konishi was compelled to wait several davs longer at anchor because of adverse winds.

MODKKN KUKKA. 351

These two men, Kato and Konishi fignre so prominently in the first years of the war that a word of description is neces- sary. Kato was an old warrior who had fought for many 3'ears beside the great commander. He was an ardent Bud- dhist and a firm btliever in the old regime. Konishi on the other hand was a young and brilliant general who had gained his place not so much by long and faithful service as by his uncommon skill in military affairs. He was a con- vert to Roman Catholicism, having been baptized by the Por- tugese missionaries in 15S4, He seems to have been a per- sonal favorite with the great Taiko. It is in the Korean ac- counts that we find the statement that Hideyi was made the General-in-chief of all the army of invasion. From the Japan- ese accounts which naturally would be supposed to be more re- liable in this matter it would seem that Kato and Konishi divided between them the honor of supreme command. But we must remember that Hideyoshi was an old soldier and well acquainted with the natural jealousies that spring up between officers in an army, and it is almost inconceivable that he should have put this army in joint command of two men whom he must have known to be bitter enemies and who would doubtless work at cross purposes in the peninsula. We incline therefore to the opinion that the Koreans were right and that there was a nominal head in the person of Hideyi, but it is quite true that the brunt of the work fell upon the two rivals, Kato and Konishi.

When day broke on the morning of the thirteenth of the fourth moon of 1592 a dense fog rested on the sea and hid from the eyes of the Koreans the vast fleet that was working across the straits. Curiously enough, the commander of the Korean forces in Fusan happened to be hunting that day on Deer Island at the entrance to the harbor. He was the first to descry the invading host. Hastening back to the fortifica- tions he prepared for the worst. Before many hours had passed the Japanese ho.st had lauded, surrounded the fort and poured in upon its doomed defenders such a destructive fire that it is said the bullets fell like rain. Tlie garrison fought till their arrows were gone and then fell at their post, not one escaping.

It would be difficult to overestimate the immense advan- tage which the Japanese enjoyed in the pos.session of firearms,

;,5- Ki)KI-.\N 1I1SI\'KV

a Weapon with wliicii ilic Koreans were not ac(juaiiited and tt> wliosr naUital licsli iKli\ einss as a in.acliinf of war must be aciileil the terroi whioli it natnrally inspired. It was Corte/. and th(. MexKin oxeraj^ain. (inl\ in somewhat lesser dejj;ree. What seemed to tile Japanese and what lias passed down ii: history as ei)\»ardiee can scarei.-l\ hj c.dled b\' S(j strong a term when we consiil jr that bows and arrows were pitted against tnnskets and men who were trained in their nse.

Without delay th.e invaders marched aronnd the bay to the ancient city of Tong-nfi, the remains of whose ancient fortress still greet the eye and interest the imagination of the traveller. Its prefect. Song vSang-h\ iln. hnrriedly gathered all the town-people and what soldiers he could find. Gen. Yi Kak, the connnander of all the forces in the province, was ap- jiroaching from the north ; bnt, hearing of the fate of the garrison of Fusan, he halted abruptly and said "As commander of all the provincial forces I must not risk my life in actual battle but must stand outside where I can direct affairs." So he turned about and put six miles between his precious person and the beleagured town of Tong-na, encamping at So- san. The next day the Japanese completed the investment of the town and prepared to storm the fortress. The brave prefect took up his position in the upper storey of the great gate of the fortress where, in accordance with the Korean custom, he baat upon a great drum and urged on his soldiers in the fight. For eight hours the gallant defenders fought before the enemy effected an entrance over their dead bodies. Seeing that all was lost, the prefect called for his official robes and seated himself in state in the upper gateway . The ruthless Japanese rushed in and seized him by his garments and at- tempted to make him bow before them, but the first one re- ceived such a kick in the stomach thai he rolled over on the floor. An instant latter the prefect was struck down by their swords. Just before the enemy entered he had bitten his finger till the blood came and with it he wrote on his fan "The duty of a subject to his King comes before that of a son to his father, so here I die without seeing you again." This he delivered to a trusty ser\ ant to give to his father. To his trust)' friend, Sin Yu-go, he said, "There is no need of your staying here to die, luake good your escape while you can."

MO])KKN' KOKICA. 353

But Siti replied, "I have enjoyed pleasures with you and now I prefer to suffer with you." So the two died to- g'ether. The Japanese general in command was so impressed with the bravery of this prefect Song Sang-hyiin that he had his body decently buried and erected over his grave a wooden monument on which he wrote "A IvOyal Subject," an epitaph than which none could be more grateful to a true Korean gen- tleman. Tradition, which delights to embelish such accounts, avers that for two years a red light could be seen glimmering at night above the gate where this man met his end.

When Gen. Yi Kak, the cautious, and Gen. Pak Hong who was with him, heard of the fall of Tong-na, they took to their heels and consequently their forces did likewise. And here it should be noted that cowardice evinced itself almost exclusively in the generals and other officers. We shall find that in almost every instance the soldiers stood by their of- ficers to the last man.

As the forces of the Japanese moved northward the pre- fects fled to right and left. The governor of the province, Kim Su, hearing of the battle at Tong-na, advanced toward that place with all the forces at his command, but his deter- mination seems to have wavered, perhaps on account of the growing rumors of the prowess of the Japanese ; for before he came in sight of the invading army he turned to the west and south, alarming all the prefects as he went ; and so it is said that this whole portion of the province was practically de- populated.

When the Japanese arrived at Yung-san they found it empty. They swarmed over Chak-wun Pass like ants and filled the plain beyond. Pak Chin the prefect of Mi-ryang burned all the provisions and arms and fled to the mountains. Not so with So Yi-wun the prefect of Kim-ha. He stayed in- side his forPess and defied the invaders. The latter could not effect an entrance until they went and cut down a large field of barley in the neighborhood, which they tied in bundles and heaped against the wall till thj' were able to scale it. Having done his best and failed the prefect made good his escape. U Pok-yong, prefect of Yong-gung, as in duty bound, called in his retainers and started to join the banner of his chief, Yi Kak, whose whereabouts at that time was

-^^ KOKIAN Ills lOKV.

r.illK-r micxTlain, .is wr havi.- alrcaily Sft-ii. nurini; a liall for dinner Iwo hnnurcii soltlirrs troiii Ihc town of lla \an.>; passed thiMu on Ihcir way lo join tlic t'orc(.s ot ilif governor. U I'ok-yoni; sceins lo lia\f had so larj^c an c)i)iiii<)ii ol hiinsjlf thai lie was cnrai;cd bccansc thest; soldic^rs diil not ili .Mioiint when thoy passed him. Tliey were of course ignorant of his rank, but he liad them all sji/.ed and e.\ecuted and sent a note to the i^overnor spying that he had destroyed a baud of two hnjidred robbers. l'"or this meritorious service he was el- evated to the rank of ilistrict-general.

.\kan while Cieii. Vi Kak, the i)rovincial general, was fly- in;,^ from place to place in nu)inentar\- fear of encountering the eneinw His troops were disgusted at this, for they had made some rude guns that would throw pebbles and they thought if tliey could liave a fair chance at the Japanese they could give them a whipping.

On the seventeenth, four days after the landing of the Japanese, the startling news reached Seoul. The city was thrown into a sort of panic. The ministers hastened to the palace to consult about ways and means for defense. Yi II was the highest actual field officer in the country. He was of the third militar>' rank but the two above him were simply the minister and vice-minister of war and always stayed with the king. Gen Yi II may then be said to have been the Gen. eral-in-chief of all the armies of Korea at the time.

There were three main roads leading up from the south to tlie capital, any one of which might be chosen by the Japanese. The most direct of these was the central one leading over the mountain chain at the celebrated Cho-rynng (Pass). An- other to the east crossed the mountains at Chuk-nyiing (Pass) and a third to the west led through the center of Ch'ung- -ch' Dug province. To guard these three approaches the king ordered Gen. Yi II to go south by the middle road and sta- tion a garrison at Cho-ryiing, the most important strategic point in the Japanese line of march. Gen. Pyun Keui vi'as to be stationed in charge of this garrison. The eastern road was tc be guarded by Gen. Yu Keuk-nyang and Pyiin Eunf- song was made prefect of the important southern town of Kying-ju. All these men were ordered to stare for their re- spective posts immediately. At a late hour of that same day

Came the news of lie fall of Fusan, for someone from the summit of a neio;hljoring hill had seen the red banners of the Japanese swarming over the walls into the doomed town.

These generals who had beeri ordered to start in such hot liaste were practically without forces. When the military rolls were lookd up it was found that the army was mostly on yiaper and that a large majority of the men were either "sick" or were "in mourning." So the whole force that Gen. Yi I' could muster amounted to just three hundred men. Even these could not be mustered at an hour's notice, and so in order to obey the king's command, the unfortunate general had to start off alone, trusting that this pitiful handful of men wold follow him. The sight of the General-in-chief of the armies of Korea starting out alone to meet the mighty Tirmy of invasion would be comical were it not so pathetic. Of course the intr ntion was to gather troops as he went, and we shall s'ee that he did succeed in getting together at least the semblance of an army.

The Prime Minister V\i Lung-nyong was made Minister of War and charged with the duty of gathering a competent force to cope with the dreaded Japanese. Sil Yip was also Tippointcd Vice-mitiister of War. He seems to have been specialh' trusted by the king for the latter gave him a splendid sword and sent him south with the injunction to kill anyone who should prove unfaithful, even though it be Gen. Yi II him- self. Here \ce see another grievous mistake, in thus giving a man an indepeTident command over the head of the General-in- chief. It well illustrates a defect that has brought disaster to many an army — namel}' the confusing of authority. As vSil Yip came out from this audience with the king he slipped on the stone steps and his court hat fell from his head. The at- tendants looked upon this with dismay for it was considered an omen of ill-success. The general went south only eight)- li and stopped at Yong-in,

Kim Sung-il whom we will remember as the man who ac- companied the cowardly envoy Whang Yun-gil to Japan and who had so severely censured him for his craven conduct, was now made commander of all the forces in the western part of Kyfing-sang Province. He started for his post immediate- ly and in a few days arrived at the important town of Chin-ju,

35<' K()Ui:a\ insroKN'.

jusl as Uk' J;i]);incsc \vci\' a])pi():ichiiii;. Ilis escort IiaJ bj- conic sonicwhuc scattered, hut lie was not K^>'HK' to take a liackwanl step even to save his life. 1 )isinountiiis< he seated himself in the (^flicial chair haviui; with him only a corporal and a do/en soldiers. It was a common custom for the Jap- anese to wear hideous masks for the purpose of terrifying the Koreans. On this occasion, when the van of the Japanese army entered the town it was led by a burly fellow wearing an extremely large and extremely ugly mask. The corporal strung his 1k)w and let lly a shaft which j>ierce:l the mask and laid its weaierlow. His followers beat a hasty retreat supposing that no one would be shooting arrows about like that unless <^here was a considerable force of soldiers in the immediate vicinity. We are not told as to the fate of the bold general. In this part of the province the prefects seem to have been made of better stuff than those further south, for they sent to each other urging the necessity of standing at their posts and offering whatever resistance they could to the advance of the enemy.

By this time Gen. Vi II had collected a considerable force, had crossed the great Cho-ryung (Pass) and was stationed at Sung-ju, in the very path of the invading army. It did not take long to measure his calibre, for no .sooner did the rumor of the approach of the Japanese reach him than he turned and fled up the pass. This was bad enough, but his next act was little less than traitorous ; he made no attempt to block the pass, even thotig"h a mere handful of men could have held it against thousands It was his one great opportunity to distinguish himself and that he did not improve it speaks as poorly for his generalship as it does for his patrotism.

Meanwhile an equally reprehensible event was happen- ing in the south. Governor Kim Su, who had turned aside from meeting the enemy had sent letters to all the prefects ordering them to have soldiers from all the districts rendez- vous at Ta-gu and await in camp the arrival of generals from Seoul. The order was obeyed and a large force was con- gregated at the appointed place; but day after day passed and no generals came. The Japane.se were sweeping north- ward and would soon be upon them. Under the circum- stances it should cause little surprise that the camp l)roke up.

MODKRIN' KOREA, 3:;-

each mail retufaiiig to his own district. This is but one of many cases which go to show that in almost ever}^ instance the biame rested not on the soldiers but on the generals and other officers. The soldiers were alwaj-s willing to go where the generals would lead them.

When Gen. Yi II fled in panic over Cho-r\-ung and left it undefended his followers naturally objected to remaining under the command of a man who was not only no cd n- mander but was a coward to boot. So at last the doughty general found himself stranded in the town of Sang-ju with- out a soldier at his back. He had hoped to find some troops there under the co:nmand of the prefect, KuHn Chong^gib When he found that there were none he flew into a rage md was about to decapitate the prefect, but let him off on (Condi- tion that he find some troops immediately. This the poor fellow tried to do, but as the whole population was a farming one not a man could be found who had ever borne arms or who knew anything about fighting. Nevertheless, to save his head, he got together some nine hundred raw recruits. At this juncture a messenger came post haste from Ka-ryung saying that the Japanese were coming and were already rear. Gen. Yi replied : "You lie, this is only a scheme to get me to leave, so that I will not levy any more troops here. Off with his head." So ol? it came. That very night the Japan- encamped at Chang-ch'un-li a few miles away, but Gen. Yi knew nothing about it, as he had no pickets out. The next morning Japanese scouts were seen on the opposite bank of the river reconnoitering. The Koreans saw these scouts but as one man had been beheaded for telling of the approach of the Japanese no one dared to tell the general, and it was not till he heard the firing of guns that he became aware of the proximity of the foe. Then he rushed out and formed up his little garrison as best he could behind the fortifications. Ere long his attention was called to several columns of smoke arising from the town. He sent some of his aides to discover the cause but they fell into the hands of the Japanese and were immediately cut down. When Gen. Yi learned of this he was genuinely alarmed, and iiis anxiety was added to by seeing two long files of Japanese deploying to right and left and rapidly inclosing him and his forces. There was only

35^ KOUIvAN lIlS'lN^kV.

uiK- thiiio t.) (It). Moluiliiii;- his slccd lie tkd l)y tlic only Way tluit was not alrtady blocked. Jkin^ hotly ptirsued he rilardut'id his horse and the i;rcater part of his clothinj^ and lUd into tlunioutaii's wlure he inana<:iX(l lotludc his i)nrsUers. In a day or so he appeared at the town of Mnn-j::ynnj^ where lie wrote n letter teliins: of his defeat and sent it to Seonl. Hearin.y; that C'.en. Sil Viji was al Clrnni^-ju he hastened to that point and joined him.

("ien. vSil Vip had some time since arrived at his jiost in Ch'uniLi-in and had prosecuted his work vi collectinjj soldiers with such zeal that he had mustered a force of some eight thousand men. It was his intention to push straight for Cho. rynns:"".' the key to the whole situation, but when he heard of the fllifht and defeat of C.en. Vi II he fell back to his stront^ )H-»sitii 11 in Ch'nno;-iu. One of his lieutenants, Kim Yu-mul, expostulated with him and said, "We cannot cope with them except in such a place as Cho-ryung where the roughness of the land will be of material aid to us," but the general replied, "No. they are infantry and we are cavalry. If we can once get them into the plain we can use our battle-flails on them with deadly effect." One of this captains told him that the Japanese had already crossed the Cho-ryuug, and that night he left the camp secretly and went en a long tour of inspec- tion in order to ascertain whether this was true. When he came back he ordered the instant execution of the captain. This midnight expedition speaks well for his courage and bis lovalty.

A few days after the fugitive general, Yi II, joined the forces of Gen. Sil Yip, the Japanese forces approached. In order to carry out his pet scheme of fighting the Japanese in an open plain where his soldiers could make good use of their battle-flails. Gen. Sil selected a spot that seemed to him most suitable. It was a great amphitheater made by high mountains. Along the other side, like the chord of an arc. flowed the river T'an-geum da. The only approaches to this plain were two narrow passages at either end where the mountains came down to the river bank. In this death trap, then. Gen. Sil drew up his entire command and awaited the coming of the invaders. It is easy to imagine the glee with which the Jap- anese saw this anangement, for it meant the extermination

Ml)DI':kX ICIJKHA. 359

of the only army that lay between theiu and Seoul. Strong detachments were sent to block the passage- at the ends of the plain while the main body scaled the mountains and came down upon the doctmed army as if from the sky. The speais and swords of the descending legions flushed like fire while the roar of the musketry made the very earth to tremble. Tlie result was an almost instantaneous stampede. The Ko- reans made for the tw^o narrow exits but found them heavily guarded by the Japanese. They were now literally between "the devil and the deep blue sea," for they had the appalling spectacle of the hideously masked Japanese on the one hand and the deep waters of the river on tue other. The whole army was driven into the rivet or mercilessly cut down by the svvoids of the Japanese. Gen. Sil Yip himself made a brave stand and killed with his own hand seventeen of the enemy before he fell. Out of the whole army only a handful escaped, and among them we are almost sorry to say was the coward Yi II who managed to get across the river.

Chapter VI.

News of defeat reaches Seoul panic divided councils lack of troops .. .general exjdus .. .indescribable coafusion ... straw shoes at a premium ... Princes sent away... the king leaves vSeoul ... Yi Haug-bok attends the Queen ...riotous citizens .. .slaves burn the deeds palaces in flames. .. .royal part}' dwindles ...drench- ing rain . . .the king goes without dinner . . .welcome relief . . .Jap- anese approach Seoul . . the race between Kato and Kouishi .... no resistance... the Han left undefended ...an empty victory...

Hideyi's quarters ...the Japanese in Seoul the king orders the

Im-jin River guarded. . . .the king enters P'yung-yang. . . .a coward . . . .the Im-jin guarded. . . .the Japanese impetus checked.

Meanwhile the city of Seoul was waiting breathless for news of a victory by Gen. vSil Yip. The terrors of the horde of half-savage soldiers from the islands of Japan had passed from mouth to mouth and all, from the king to the humblest coolie, knew that Gen. Sil Yip alone stood between them and that dreaded ho.-t. One morning a naked soldier was seen ap- proaching the South Gate on a run. He bore the marks of

3^o K»)Ki:\N iiisroKV.

bulk- and as he p;iss-d und .-r the i^rc it arch of the gate a liundred hands were strecheil out to greet liim and a hundred voices demanded news of <:he battle. He cried. "I am one of tlie followers of Sil Vip and I cotne to tell the city that yesterday lie fell at the haiul of the Japanese. I have escaped with my life and I am come to tell you that flight is your only hope." The people were fearfully agitated. The evil news spread from mouth to mouth and a great wailing arose from the multitude that thronged the streets.

It was the last day of the fourth moon and that night the king, not knowing at what moment the enemy might be thundering at his gates, took up his quarters in a secluded part of the palace, "The Old Palace" as it is now called, and githered about him all his courtiers and oiificers and held a great council. The only question was, "Where shall be go?"

Yi San-ha the Minister of War said "The Court should remove to Pyung yang." but Yi Hang-bok, an official who was destined to figure prominently in the war, said, "It will not be enough to go to P'yung-j'ang. We must send and ask aid of China." On the other hand Kim Kwi-yung and a host of other officials said, "No, the king should stay right here and defend his capital." The king himself, after listen- ing to all that had to be said, agreed with the majority that it would be best to stay and defend the city. He said, "The an- cestral temple with all the tablets of my illustrious ancestors is here. How can I go and leave them ? Let the Minister of War immediately detail troops to man the walls." But it was just here that difficulty arose and it showed clearly w'hy the Minister of War had counselled flight. Tne city wall has thirty thousand battlements and each battlement has three embrasures, but in the whole city there were only seven thousand troops. This was not a tenth part the number that would be required to man the walls. This lack of soldiers was due to the fact that in the long centuries of peace it had bocome customary for the govennent to receive a money equivalent in place of military service. As a result only the very poorest of the poor were enrolled in the army, and the service consequently suffered. This bad custom, while it argues corrupt practices among the officials, does not prove the absence of courage or faithfulness among the people, and

MODERN KOREA. 36 I

we shall fiud that the people were as a rule true lo their duty when they were properly led.

To add to the difficulty of the situation, on that very night there was an overwhelming exodus of the people. High and low, rich and poor, young and old, thronged out of the city by every gate antl made for some place of fancied safety in the country. The very warders of the gates fled and left them wide open. The great bell at Chong-no re- mained silent that night for lack of someone to ring it. Very many took refuge in the palace enclosure and men and wom- en, horses and cattle and goods of all kinds were mixed to- gether in indescribable confusion. Wailing and shouting and crying on all sides added to the confusion. The king could do nothing to quiet the disturbance, so he sat down in his private apartments attended by two eunuchs. Meanwhile the lawless element among the people was trying to make capital out of the confusion, and all night long the palace was being looted by these vicious characters, while palace women fled half naked and screaming with terror from room to room.

The king's relatives all gathered at his doors and begged with te^rs and imprecations that he would not go and leave them. An order went forth from the palace that all the straw shoes and sandals that could be found should be brovight in. When the officials saw these they said to the king "This great pile of .straw shoes looks as if flight was being prepared for. We had better take them and burn them all and then shut the city gatss so that the people cannot escape and leave the place undefended." This advice was probably not followed, for by this time the king himself began to see that flight would be the only possible plan, and it was probably at his order that the shoes had been prepared.

Minister Yu SQng-nyuug said, "L,et us send the two Princes to the provinces where they will be safe and let the different governors be instructed to collect troops and send them on as fast as possible." This seemed sound advice and the king's oldest son, by a concubine, for the Queen had borne no sons, was sent to the province of Ham-gyung, and Prince Sun-wha went into Kang-wun Province.

,V>J KOKI-AN IIISroKV.

W'litMi iiij^ht cauK- the kin,v;. ulio saw that it was useless t(i attempt to hold the city, sent to the keeper of the Ances- tral Temple ami ordered him to s.iid tlie ancjstral tablets on toward l"vrm^-\ anij. All nii^lil loni; the preparations for tlepartnre Were pnshed and jnsl at da\-l)reak the king called for his horse and. nunmling, rtxle ont the New Ciate attended by liis personal foUowini;. a host of the officials and a crowd of terrified citi/.ns wiio well knew that his going meant perfect anaroln-. The Oneen was aided in making her escape b\- Vi Hang-bok who under cover of th-i darkness led her by the light of a torch to the palace gate. vShe asked his name and being told she snid, "I hav'^e to thank \on, and I am sorry to have put you to this trouble." It is said that he had all along felt sure the Japanese would enter vSeoul and that he had sat for days in his house refusing food and drink. At the end of that time he roused himself and called for food. Hav- ing eaten he prepared for a long journey and then went to the palace. One of his favorite concubines tollowed him and asked what they were to do at home, but he did not answer. She plucked him by the sleeve but he drew his sword and cut the sleeve off leaving it in her hands. He felt that his first duty was at the palace. We have seen that he did good work there in looking after the welfare of the Queen. He secured her a chair at the palace gate and they joined the royal caval- cade on its way northward.

As the kingand his es_-ort passed through "Peking Pass" day was breaking in the east and a last look at the city show- ed it to be on fire in many places. The populace had thrown off all restraint and had looted the treasure houses and the store houses. In one of the latter were kept all the deeds of the government slaves. Each slave was deeded property, the same as real estate, and the deeds of the government slaves were deposited in the Chang-yowun. At that time there was nominally no lower middle class at all. Society was composed of the upper cla.ss and their retainers. Almost every man in the lower stratum of .society was nominally the slave of some nobleman though in man\- places it was a nominal serfdom only. At the same time the master had the right to sell them at will and they were in duty bound to assume mourning at his death. It was this class of people, then, that arose and burned

the store-honse which contained the deeds and thereby secured liberty. Another building contained deeds of all private slaves. This too Wf^s made an objecii\-e poiut the moment the restraint of government was taken off. They also saw the royal gianary in flames where the rice, cloth and money were stored. The king's private treasure house inside the palace grounds was also burning. The Kyiuig-bok Palace, the Chang-duk Palace and the Chang-gyung Palace were all in flames. It must have been a depressing sight to the king and his court but there was no time to waste in mourning over the desolation in Seoul. No one knew at what moment the enemy might a]ipear over the southern hills ; and so the royal party pressed on toward the north. When they arrived at Snk-ta-ri in the district of Ko-yang it was raining furiously and by the time they arrived at Pyfik-je-ytSk the entire party were dripping wet.

Up to this point the cavalcade had kept together very Well but there were many among them who had not intended to keep on with the royal party and there were probably many more whose good intentions were so dampened by the elements that they gave it up. From this point on the royal escort was much reduced. The king here dismounted, entered a hostelry and sat down and began to beat upon the ground with his whip and to weep. As the Ministers gathered around him he said, "What shall we do in this terrible haste?" Yi Hang-bok answered, *'Wheu we get to Eui-ju, if we find it impossible to stop there we must push on into China and seek aid from the Emperor." The king was pleased with this and said, "That is just what I want to do." But Yu Sung- •nyung said, "Not so, for if the king leaves Korean soil the dynasty will be at an end and Korea will be lost. The soldiers of Hara-gyrmg Province are still to be heard from and those from Kang-wiin Province as well ; so there is no call for such talk as this about leaving Korean soil." He likewise administered a sharp reproof to Yi Hang-bok who confessed himself to have been too hasty.

After a short rest they took the road again, ever goaded on by the dread of pursuit, and as they passed He-eum-uyung the rain caine down again in torrents. The palace womer. were riding horses that were small and weak and they could

364 KOKKAN HISTOKV.

go hut slowly. The riders went along with their hands over their faces, weeping and wailing loudly. By the time they reached the Iin-jin River it was dark, and a more wretched company can hardly be imagined. The horses were up to their kness in mud and were wellnigh exhaUf^ted. All were nearly famished. It was pitch}' dark and the party had be- come scattered. The case looked about as hopeless as it well could ; but Vi Hang-bok was a man of tremendous energy, and he realised the gravity of the situation. So halting the cavalcade he dismounted and managed after great exertions to collect the entire party once more. It was so dark that it was impossible to think of crossing the river by ferry, until someone thought of the happy plan of setting fire to some of the buildings on the bluff beside the stream. By this baleful light the sorry and bedraggled multitude somehow effected a crossing and from that point on the fear of pursuit was great- ly lessened. By this time food and rest had become impera- tive both for man and beast. Those who had been accustomed to no greater hardship than lolling on divans in palaces found a ride of thirty miles in the mud and rain, without rest or nourishment, a severe test. When the cavalcade came at midnight to the hostlery of Tong-pa-yuk in the prefecture of P'a-ju the}' found that the prefect Hu-jiu and the prefect of Chang-dan, Kn Hyo-yun, had provided an excellent supper for the king and the Ministers, but before these worthies could get settled in the apartments provided for them, the grooms and coolies and others, rendered desperate by hunger, rushed into the kitchen to find what had been provided for them, and finding that they had been forgotton they began to help themselves to the food that had been prepared for the royal table. An attempt was made to stop them but they were in no mood to be stopped, The result was that the king and his Ministers went hungry. His Majesty asked for a cup of wine but none could be found. He asked for a cup of tea but that too had disappeared. One of the servants of the party happened to have a cake of Chinese sugar tucked under his head-band. This he drew out and it was dissolved in some warm water and formed the repast of the king that night.

In the morning when it became time to resume the journey it was found to the dismay of all that the coolies had

MODEKX KORKA. 3^5

decamped and left the royal party high and dry. But even while they were discussing this sorry plight the governor of Whang-ha province and the prefect of S6-heung appeared on the scene with two hundred soldiers and fifty or sixty horses. They had come expressly to escort the king northward, and truly they came in the very nick of time. They had with them a few measures of barley and this was doled out to the hungry people. As .soon as possible a .start was made and at noon they arrived at Cho-hyun-ch'an forty li from Sang-do where they found plenty of food, as the governor had ordered it to be prepared. This was the secotid day of the fifth moon. That night they entered the welcome gates of Song-do, which, almost exactly two centuries before, had witnessed the overthrow of the Koryii dynasty. This was the first time the royal party could really breathe freely, for they could be easi- ly warned of the approach of the enemy, now that soldiers were on the lookout. So it was decided that they should rest a day at this place.

The king came out and seated himself in the upper story of the South Gate and all the people gathered before him. He said to them "Now that this war is upon us, if there is any- thing that you would saj', say on." Without hesitation they replied, "This war has been caused by Yi Sau-han (one of the Ministers), and by Kim Kong-yang," (the father of a favorite concubine). The people were very angry with them. They also said, "You should recall the Minister Chong." This man had been banished because of factional rivalry. To the latter proposition the king readily assented, glad probably to find some way to please the populace.

It was on this day, the third of the fifth moon, that the Japanese entered Seoul.

It will be neces.sary for us to pause here and note the method of the Japanese approach to the' capital. A glance at the map of Korea shows that there are three great highway.s leading up from Fusan to Seoul. One is the main or middle road leading by Yang-san, Mi-ryang, Ch'ung-do, TS-gu and soon up the valley of the Nak-tong River, over the great Cho- ryuug (Pass). The division led by Konishi came up the pen- insula at double-quick by this road. It was before this division that Gen. Yi II had fled. A second road is to the east of

r/>^> KOUl'AN lllSTnuV.

Ih.s, pi\>C(.'(.-dino- by \v;i\- of Clio:! ji'n uiii;, I'l-san, Ky("ing;-ju, Vi.ns^jin. Sil-yHns. Kniiwi, I'i-uii mikI M luvnynnj^. Kato K'cl the ilivisioit wiiic'h took Ihis road, htit liis l\)rLH s joined those of Koiiishi below Clio-ryiliig and the two crossed it to- !S:ether. The forces oi both Kato and Konishi were in the \iattle which witi;essed the massacre of .Sil Vip's forcrS in the <■/// tfr S(i(- wliich we have described. After this battle the two rival leaders again sejiarated and hastened toward vSeoul by different routes. Konislii kept tin by the main road by way of Ch"k-san, Vonoj-in. crossino^ the Han River just below Han-of;ino; and entering the city by the South (jate. Kato took a more easterly road and came via Yii-jn and Vang- geun crossing the Han seventy li al)ove, at Yang-jin. But a third division under Kuroda and other generals had branched viff to the west at the very start. They proceeded by way of Kim-ha and U-do and then, leaving Kyung-sang Province they crossed over to Chi-reand Kim-san in Chul-la Provin :e. Then crossing the CU'u-p'ung Pass they entered Ch'ung- ch'iing Province and then made for Seoul by way of Vong- dong, Ch'ung-ju and so up by the main road.

The reason for the different divisions taking difTerent Routes may have been because of the necessity of obtaining forage, but it was also in part due to the jealousy which ex- isted between Kato and Konishi, for each of these men was disirous of getting to Seoul before the other.

This great tripple army uiet with no real resistance on its way to Seoul. The country was utterly unprepared for war, thi principal lack biiiig in competent leaders rather than in number of troops. It was the first quick, sharp stroke on the part of the Japanese which seems to have paralysed the Koreans. The banners of the great host of the invaders spread out over a thousand li and at intervals of twenty or thirty li they built fortifications from which they signalled to each other at night. The only aggressive move on the part of the Koreans up to thi.s time w\as the effort of Captain Wun Ho to prevent or at least delay the passage of the Han by Kato's forces, at Vang-jin, by destroying all the boats. But the Japanese were not delayed long b\' this, for the neighboring hill-sides furnished them with logs for rafts on which they soon crossed and hastened on to anticipate the troops of Koji-ishi in the occupation of Seoul.

MODKKX KOKKA. 36-7

It was on the fourth day of the fifth moon that the eager forces of Konishi swept down to the banks of the Han River opposite the town of Hangaug. This river is a real barrier to an army unprepared with pontoon or other boats and the Japanese troops might have been held in check for some con- siderable time. But the whole mike-up of the Japanese warrior was calculated to inspire terror, and no sooner did this countless horde show itself on the opposite shore than Gen. Kim Myung-wun, who had be;;u put in charge of the river defenses, came to the conclusion that he would have more than a mere river between himself and that gruesome array. He therefore threw all his engines of defense into the Han and fled with aU his following to the Im-jin river, the next natural barrier between the Japanese and the king. At first thought this flight of Gen. Kim would seem to be an act of pure cowardice, but when we remember that he had only a few hundred men under him while on the opposite bank a hundred thousand men were clamoring for a passage across, we cannot wonder that he found it necessary to retreat. He did it in proper style by first destroying his military engines lest they should fall into the hands of the enemy.

The king before leaving Seoul placed Gen.Yi Yaug- wun in change of the city and its defenses, but when he learn- ed of the flight of Gen. Kim from the river he rightly judged that the citv could not he held by any such force as was at his command ; so he in turn beat a retreat and went north to the town of Yang-ju. The result was that when the Japanese succeeded in crossing the river and pushed on to the gates of Seoul they found only an undefended and half depopulated city of which to take inglorious possession. It is said that only a few hours elapsed after the entry of Konishi's forces befere those of Kato hastened in from the east, disappointed and chagrined tb find that they had been beaten in the race ; but they were probably consoled by the fact that long before the goal had been reached the prize had taken wing.

Hideyi, the General-in-chief of the Japanese forces^ took up his quarters in the Ancestral Temple from which the tablets of the royal line had been removed. This was looked upon by the Koreans as an act of .sacrilege and qiieer tales are told of how during that first night, while the burning of the

3(>S KOKl-lAN lUSruKV.

cit\- \v;is >j[oiiig on, a Japanese soldier would drop dead every few miiiiitcs williont visible cause. It is for this reason, as some say, thai Hidcyi removed to the Nam-py?^i-gung, known as the place where Chinese embassies have been lodged, and now the site of the Imperial Altar.

Before many days had elapsed the people found out that the coming of the Japanese did not mean universal slaughter as they had supposed, and gradually they returned to their homes in the city. They reopened their shops and so long as they attended to their own affairs they were unmolested by the Japanese. Indeed they adapted themselves readily to the new order of things and drove a lucrative trade with the in- vaders. The latter were strict in the watch of the city and no one could go out or come in without showing a passport. When the Japanese had exhausted the supplies in Seoul they pushed out into the country and laid the surrounding villages under contribution, Koreans were even found who would tell them where they could go with the hope of finding booty, and acted as guides to them. Among the more loyal citizens a plot was gotten up to assassinate the guard, but it was betrayed to the eneui)' and the plotters were seized aud burned to death after indescribable tortures. In is said so many perished iu that holocaust that their collected bones made a huge mound.

When Gen. Kim Myung-wuu fled from the defenses of the Han and came to the Im-jin he immediately sent a letter to the king at Song-do telling him of the arrival of the Japan- ese, his own retreat and the entry of the Japanese into Seoul, The king did not censure him, for retreat was the only way open to him ; so a messenger was dispatched ordering him to make haste and get together as many soldiers of Kyung-geui and Whang-h^ Provinces as possible and make a firm stand at the Im-jin River. Gen. Sin Kil was sent to aid iu this work. No sooner were these orders given than the royal party resumed their journey northward in haste, and at night they reached the village of Keum-gyo in Keuin-ch'iin dis- trict. Here the escort of the king bivouacked iu the open air. It was discovered with dismay that the ancestral tablets had been overlooked in the haste attendant upon the departure from Song-do. So one of the king's relatives started back after them and succeeded in bringing the precious relics on.

MODEKN KOKKA, 36^

On the seventh of the moon the royal party crossed the Ta-dong River and entered the gates of P'yung-yang. Here there was food and drink in plenty and all the other luxuries of life. For the first time since the flight began the king en- joyed a season of real rest. The royal cortege was escorted into the city by the governor, Song Wiin-siu, who came out with three thousand troops and met him on the way.

Two days later a messenger was seen approaching at a rapid pace. He was swiftly ferried across the river and hur- ried into the king's presence where he said, "Yi Yang-wun, the defender of vSeoul has fled, and the city is in the pos- session of the enemy." The king exclaimed, "This is bad news indeed, we must appoint someone whose work it shall be to continually attempt to retake the capital." He thereupon appointed Gen. Yu Hong to that arduous and dangerous posi- tion. He was to go with three thousand men and do what he could to stop the progress of the Japanese and if possible re- gain control of the capital. Gen. Yu received the appoint- ment with the worst possible grace. After the headlong flight with all its hardships and privations, to be told that he must go back with three thousand men and meet what he supposed was a blood-thirsty horde of savages was too much for his patriotism ; so he sta\'ed in his rooms and sulked. Two days passed and still he did not start. The king called him up and said, "How is it that you let the time slip by like this when you ought to be on the way to Seoul with troops?" The mighty warrior replied, "I fear Your Majesty will have to excuse me from this duty as I am suffering from a boil on my leg." One of the courtiers, Yi Han-guk took him to task saying, "How is it that after receiving such favors at the hand of the king you shrink from this duty ? You are a coward and are afraid to go. You are like a sulky dancing-girl who refuses either to dance or sing. You are not only not brave but you are not even clever. Do you suppose you can impose on His Majesty with any such story as this about a boil on your leg ?" The king was immensely pleased with this well merited rebuke and laughed long and loud at the discomfitted general, but finally said, "Well, then, since our doughty Gen. Yu cannot go let Gen. Han Eung-in go instead." The next day Gen. Han started south with 5000 troops picked from

370 K<)Ki:.\N uisroKV.

tlic iiortlK'i 11 biHlicr ^uaal, ami in good time he arrived at the banks of tlie Iin-jin River, midway between vSong-do and Seoul. This was the great strategic position that must be held at any cost. It was the key to the north, the gate- way to W'hangha Province and to P'yiing-an Province beyond .

Now that the king and the court were in comparative safety, an attempt was made to bring together the loose ends of things and make some sort of headway against the Jajjan- ese. Gen. Yi Hang-bok who had so gallantly escorted the Queen from the palace, the night of the exodus from Seoul was made Minister of War. A council was called to discuss the demands made by the people of Song-do in reference to the punishment of certain officials whom they had accused. The result was that Yi San-ha was banished to P'yiing-ha but the king refused to punish the father of his favorite con- cubine.

We notice that the military prowess of the Japanese, their thorough equipment and their martial spirit took Korea by surprise. It ciused a universal panic, and fjr the first few weeks it was impossible to get the soldiers to stand up and fight the enemy, to say nothing of the generals. The troops and the generals were nniturally suspicious of each other and neither seemed to have any faith in the courage or loyalty of the other. But now the time had come when the impetuous sweep of the Japanese was stopped, for the time being, by their occupation of Seoul. The fall of the capital was looked upon by the king and the people as a great calamity, but in reality it was the ver\' thing that saved the king from the necessity of crossing the border and perhaps it saved Peking itself. If the Japanese had kept up that impetuous, ovevwhelming rush with which they came up from Fusan to Seoul, and, instead of stopping at the capital, had pushed straight for the Yalu River they would have swept everything before them and would have been knocking at the gates of Naking before the sleepy celestials knew that Hideyoshi dreamed of paying back in kind the haughty summons of Kublai Khan four hundred years before. The stop at Seoul gave the Korean forces a breathing space and a;i opportunity to get into shape to do better work than they had done. The people came to see that

MODKRX KOREA. 37 1

instead of painted devils, as they had at first appeai'ed, the Japanese were flesh and blood like themselves and the terror which their fierce aspect at first inspired gradually wore off and in-so-far lessened the discrepancy between the two com- batants. On the side of the Japanese there was only one favorable factor, their tremendous fighting power in battle. There they had it all their own way. But on the other hand they were in a thickly populated and hostile country, prac- tically cut off from their base of supplies and dependent en- tirely upon forage for their sustenance. Under these circum- stances their position was sure to become worse rather than better and the real strength of the Koreans was sure to show itself. If a Korean regiment was swept off in battle there were millions from which to recruit, while everj' Japanese who fell caused just so much irreparable injur)'' to the invad- ing army. We shall see that it was the abandonment of the * 'double quick" that eventually drove the Japanese back across the straits.

Chapter VIl.

Mutual jealousies . . .first Koreau victory successful general executed

. . .people disgusted . . .another general executed . . .operations in the south ...troops mass in Kong-ju. .. .unfortunate engagement ... .troops scattered ...naval engagement iu the .south under Ad- miral Yi Sun-sin a great Japanese defeat . . . Japanese army cut

off from reinforcements . . .the tortoise boat.. . .another naval victory .... and another .... naval campaign closes .... Admiral Yi is decorated. . . the fall of Yung-wQn Fortress. . . .Japanese checked at the Im-jin River. . . .they seemingly prepare to retreat. . . .jealousies among the Koreans ...divided counsels. .. .Koreans cross and at- tack ...defeated ...Korean army retreats the Japanese cross

....Japanese jealousies .... the}' separate. ..the news of defeat

reaches the king a trifling Korean victory a great council

the king decides to go to Ham-heung.

The wretched party strife among the Koreans was the Cause of their weakness. No sooner did a capable man arise than he became the target for the hatred and jealousy of a h undred rivals, and no trickery or subterfuge was left untried whereby to have him degraded and disgraced. A particular

^-2 KnUV \\ tl tS'l'dfv'V.

incident will illustrate this. CUn. Sin Kak had been asso- ciated with Gen. Kim Myrin.ir-wnn in the defenses of the Han River, but when Gen. Kim fled after throwing into the river the engines of defense, there was nothing to do but fall hack. Gen. Sin retreated to a place of safety but immediately began collecting troops from Kvung-geui Province, and he was also joined by a contingent from Ham-gyung Province, While the Jap-anese held Seoul, large bands of them scoured the sur- rounding country for booty. One of these bands was trying to make its way across the hills to Ka-p'yung and Ch'nn- ch'un, and had gotten as far as the Kye Pass in the town of Vang-ju when they found themselves face to face with the troops of Gen. Sin Kak. A fierce fight tcx)k place, in which the Japanese, who were probably largely outnumbered, were severely defeated, leaving sixty heads in the hands of the Koreans. This promised to be the beginning of a series of such little engagements in which the Japanese army wovild be gradually weakened without being able to draw the Koreans into a large general engagement ; the more so because the Japanese w^ere dependent upon forage for their supplies.

But note the sequel. While all Kyung-geui was ringing with the praises of the successful general and the people were beginning to see that all was not yet lost, a swift messenger was on his way southward from P'yung-yang bearing a sword and a letter ordering the instant execution of the traitor Sin Kak. The alleged reason for this was as follows : When Gtn, Kim fled from the defenses of the Han, in order to cover his infamy, he wrote a letter to the king accusing Gen. Sin Kak of having deserted him in his hour of need. Gen, Yu Hong also recognised Gen. Sin as a powerful rival and so added his prayers to those of Gen. Kim that the traitor Sin be killed. The king knew no better than to comply with this request, preferred as it was by two of his leading generals, and the message of death was sent. But before the day was done came the news of the defeat of the Japanese by the forces under this same Sin Kak. The condemned "traitor" had stood up before a Japanese force and had taken sixty heads. The king was filled with remorse and a swift messenger was .sent to stay the hand of the executioner. He took the road an hour after the denth messenger and arrived at the camp of (ien. Sin

:\f(if)f:k\ ivOKKA. ,^7.';

Kak an hour after tliat loval man had bowed his head to the axe of his royal master. Who knows but the feet of the second messenger had been made hea\'v by the gold of Sin Kak's rivals? History is silent as to this but the suspicion is inevitable. This wanton act was looked tipon by the people with horror and detestation, who saw their first successful champioti cut down in the very hour of his success.

But another sword, this time of pure ju.sMce. was also prepared for Gen. Yi Kak who had fled from before the Japan- ese at Tong;-n^. He made his appearance at the Im-jin River, doubtless thinking himself safe from criticism, but in this he was mistaken, for as he was the one who first set the example of cowardice, he was arrested and put to death.

And now as the Japanese are revelling in Seoul and the king is resting in P'yring-yang and the Korean generals are busy massing troops at the Im-jin to dispute the passage of the Japanese, let us turn southward and witness some of the events that are transpiring there, for we must not think that the provinces of Chul-la and Ch'ung-ch'ung are at peace all this time.

When tl:e Japanese aimy .separated .soon after 'eaving Tong-nJ! one army division uiider Kuroda swept like a whirl- wind westward across the north-western corner of Chnl-la Province and through the entire length of Ch'ung-chnng Province on its way to vSeoul. Vi Kxvang the governor of Chni-la got together .some 8000 men and hastened north to Kong-ju the capital of Ch'ung-ch'iing Province. Finding there that the king had fled from Seoul, he gave up all hope of effecting anything and, turning about, made for the south again. But on the way he was met by Pak Kwang-on who upbraided him severely, urging that if the king had fled northward all the more need of keeping on and offering him whatever support was possible. The governor humbly con- fessed that he had been hasty in his action, and turned about and went back to Kong-ju where he joined the forces of the governors of C'ung-ch'Qng and Kynng-.sang Provinces who had arrived at that place. There were also Gen. Yi Ok, the military governor of Ch'ung-ch'Qng, and (ien. Kwak YTuig, the military governor of Chfil-la. E^ach of the provinces had both a civil and a militarv governor- These three civil and

two military ^^ox't'inors iiK'l, llu-n, in Koiij^j-jii and joiiu'd forces. It is Ci)imnoiil\- r.'jiortvd llvil they had Ijetweeii them IOO.IKX-) men. hut ]ir()b:il)ly ahont half that fiu^ure wuuld be iieartT Ihe Iriith. Tln'V fornud a i^allaiil arra\- with their Uaiintiiij^ banners, ami the )v.'i»))k" ol" the adjoining districts canvrht np arms and c:une and joined what seemed to them an invincible host. .\ Japanese force was fonnd to bj i'.itrenched \>n Pnk-dn innn Monntain and (rovernor Vi Kwanj^ was for niakin'^ an immediate attack, but one of his aides said. "We nre now so near Seoul there is no use in turnin<y asidt to at- tack so small a force. We had better push on to the defense of the Im-jin River." P'^k Kwano^-tin who had upbraided the governor for retiring also said. "The road is very narrow which leads up to this position of the Japanese and the woods are very dense. We had better be cautious." K^inp^ op- posed thus the second time was more than his temper could tndure, so the governor ordered P-lk bound and w?iipped. The latter thinking that it was an imputation on his bravery, after receiving a severe beating, seized his weapons and rush- ed headling up the slope and attacked the Japanese. Many followed and the engagement became general. From morn- ing till noon it continued but the Japanese could not be driven out of their strong position in the woods. The Koreans be- gan to lose in the battle and finally the Japanese, creeping down toward the Koreans in the underbrush and grass, sud- denly rushed out upon them and cut them down by scores. Pak and several other notable men fell in the fight, but the main body of the Korean troops under Governor Yi Kwang moved on to Kwang-gyo Mountain near the town of Su-wnn, only eighty li from Seoul. Expecting that the da}' would be a busy one, Governor Yi had his soldiers fed very earh"^ in the morning and when day broke, sure enough, there was the Japanese force ready to engage hira, and every few moments one or other of the Japanese braves would rush out froin the lines, brandish his weapons and challenge the Koreans to come out and fight. So Gen. Sin Ik of the prov- ince of Ch'ung-ch'ung advanced with his force and engaged the enemy\ In a few moments the superiority of the Japan- ese arms became evident. The panic-stricken Koreans fled before then: like sheep before wolves. After an hour's time

MODKRX KOKKA. 375

this considerable army which was to have succored the king was thoroughly' scattered, but it is probable that many of the soldiers figured later in the defense of the Im-jin River.

At the same time events were happening further south which were far more creditable to the Korean arms and which were the forerunner of the final expulsion of the Japanese from the peninsula.

A fleet of Japanese boats, bringing as is supposed the re- serve of 60,000 men, arrived off the island of Ka-dok on the coast of Kyung-sang Province. At that time Admiral Wrai K\un had charge of all matters along the coast of that pro- vince. When he saw this vast fleet of ships his heart sank and without more ado he prepared to scuttle his ships and flee by land, but fortunately there was good advice at hand, for one of his staff said, "Do not abandon all hope at once but send and ask Yi Sun-sin the Admiral of Chr.l-la to come and aid 3'ou." A swift messenger was sent and the missive was placed in the hands of Admiral Yi. One of his staff said "No, let him guard his own coast and we will look after ours. Why should we go and help him ?" But Admiral Yi said, "Is not Kyung-sang Province as much the country of our king as Chul-la? How can we refuse to go to his aid ?" So eighty boats were gotten ready in haste and sailed away CO the island of Han-san where the two admirals met and joined forces. The whole fleet sailed out of harbor together and made for the island of Ok-po where the hostile fleet was moored. As soon as the enemy hove in sight Admiral Yi Sun-sin made directh' for them and soon was grappling them. The Ko- reans had the advantage of the wind at their backs for they shot fire arrow's among the boats of the Japanese and soon had twenty-six of them in flames. It is said the sea was covered with the wreckage and with struggling human forms. So the remaining ships of the enemy turned about and crowded on all sail in flight, but Admiral Yi gave chase and cut down man}'- more and scattered the rest so that the expedition was an entire f_iilure. This was the first of this great admiral's successes and it illustrates the fact that the Korean warrior was not a coward when well led. The Japanese armies in Ko- rea were thus cut off from their source of supply and rein- forcement and thus a tremendous blow was dealt them. This

^7'' Kt)K);.\\ msroKV.

victDry may be said to liave been the tltcisivc point in the war.

It is jirobable that the soldiers in tlie Japanese army had been aeenslonied to short thoui^h sanguinary campaigns and bad spent the inler\al< ol' leisure at home. Hut now tliis vast arniN was ([uite cut oiY from their home and were amon^' stransie sc^Mies. It cannot be wondered at theretore that after a lime discontent arose in spite of all successes, a dis- content which, combined with other causcs, finally drove thein back to Japan.

Tradition says that about this time Admiral Yi had a dream in which a robed man appeared and cried, "The Japan- ese are coming. "' He arose, assembled his fleet and sailed forth as far as the town of No-ryang where he found a large fleet of the enemy. He used the same tactics as before, burn- ing twelve of them and chasing the rest away. The main reason for his unparalleled successes on the sea was the pos- se.s.sion of a peculiar war vessel of his own invention and con- struction. It was called the Kwi-san or "Tortoise Boat," from its resembbmce to that animal. There is no doubt that the tortoise furiiished the model for the boat. Its greatest peculiarity was a curved deck of iron plates like the back of a tortoise, which completely sheltered the fighters and rowers beneath. In front was a hideous crested head, erect, with wide open mouth through which arrows and other missiles could be discharged. There was another opening in the rear and six on either side for the same purpose. On top of the curved deck there was a narrow walk from stem to stern and another across the middle from side to side, but every other part of the back bristled with iron pikes so that an enemy who should endeavor to board her would find himself im- mediately impaled upon a score of spear-heads. This deck being of iron, rendered the ship impervious to fire arrows and so the occupants could go into action with as much security as one of our modern battle ships could 'go into engagement with the wooden war vessels of a century ago. In addition to this, she was built for speed and could easily overtake anything afloat. This made her doubly formidable, for even flight could not avail the enemy. She usually did more execution after the flight commenced than before, for she could overtake and ram tlieiu one by one, probably better

MODKRX KOREA. 377

than she cop.ld handle them when drawn up in line of battle. It is said that the ribs of this remarkable ship lie in the sand today in the village of Ko-sQug on the coast of Kyung- sang Province. They are believed to have been seen there by Lieut. Geo, C. Foulk, U. S. N., in 1884. The people. of the town have an annual festival, when they launch a fleet of boats and sail about the harbor in honor of the great Yi Sun-sin and his "Tortoise Boat."

In the engagement last described- the Japanese in their flight were so terrified by this craft, which; pursued them and sank them one by one, that they stamped: their feet and cried out that it was more than of human work- manship. And indeed it was almost more ; than the hu- man of that century, for it anticipated by nearly :three hun- dred years the iron-clad war ship. Id this battle Admiral Yi was. wounded in the shoulder but tn,ade -uo sign. He urged on his. men to the very last and .finally when , they drew off, wear}' of slaughter, he bared his shoulder and ordered the bullet to be cut out.

Having thus brilliantly begun, and perhaps fearing lest, if he should delay, some jealous rival miglit induce the king to take off his head, he pushed straight on to Tang-hang Harbor where he encountered another fleet, among which was an immense three-decked ship on which sat the admiral of the fleet, clad in silk and wearing a golden head-piece, The intrepid Yi made straight for this craft with his tortoise boat and wheii near it called to one of his best marksmen to let fly a shaft at the man in silks. The arrow flew straight to its mark and pierced the man's throat. Seeing the fall of their chief, the whole fleet showed their rudders and made off as fast as they could go, but with the usual result. The next day saw Admiral Yi in Pyuk-hang Harbor where he lay at anchor while he sent out ships to reconnoitre and find out the position of the enemy. If anything was seen of the foe, guns were to be fired as a signal. Ere long the signal shot was heard far out at sea. The fleet put out in two long divergent lines "like a fish-trap," as the Koreans say, and soon on the horizon twenty-six hulls appeared rising and sinking on the swell. As they neared they entered the two lines of the Korean fleet and were surrounded. As the re-

^^yS KoKiCAN iirsroKW

suit of this flight every one of the Japanese boats was luinied and two hundred heads were taken as trophies. Tliis r.an.irk- able naval canipaig;n closed witii the destrnclion of a few re- niainin.i; Japanese boats that were overtaken near Yong-deunt^ Harbor.

The reputation of Admiral Vi Sun-sin spread over the whole south and his praises were one very lip. His followers would go anywhere with him and scarcely seemed to know wha*; fear was. Soon the report of these splendid victo- ries came to the ears of the king, and though Admiral Yi was not without detractors at court the king conferred upon him a lofty title.

In the fifth moon the Japanese resumed active operations in the north and east. A powerful force were sent to the pro- vince of Kang-wun which was straightway overrun. The governor, Kim Che-gap, hastily collected all the soldiers that could be found, together with arms and ammunition, and went to the almost impregnable fortress of Yi'mg-wun. The na- tural defenses of this place were unexcelled by any in Korea. On three sides the approach was almost precipitous and a handful of men could hold an army at bay. Here the gover- nor collected provisions in abundance and dug a well. Stones were piled on the top of the wall to be thrown down upon anyone who should attempt to scale the height. The Japan- ese recognised the strength of the position and tried to get the governor to surrender wdthout a struggle. A letter was sent up the steep slope and handed over the wall. It said "You are doomed. Even if you hold out for two months you will then be taken. You must come out and surrender at once." The only answer was the headless trunk of the Jap- anese messenger, rolled down the precipice before the eyes of the invading army. The next da}^ the assault began. The besiegers swarmed up the sides of the slope, so that, to use the Korean figure, the mountain-side was clothed with them. The garrison though only 5000 strong found no dif- ficulty in dri\ing them l)ack. That night the Koreans, wearied by the labors of the day and deeming it impossible that the Japanese should try to attack at night up those steep slopes, failed to set a guard ; and in the early morning, before light, a little band of the enemy worked its way uji the face

MODKKN KORKA. 379

of the precipice until they reached the base of the Wall. A few stones were displaced until a small aperture was made and the little band effected an entrance. They rushed into the camp with a terrific yell cutting down the half-awakened and vvholh'^ terrified garrison. The gates were thrown open and in an hour the victory was complete. Gov. Kim Che-gap refused to do obeisance and was cut down.

And now all eyes were turned toward the Im-jin River where the king and the people fondly hoped to be able to stop tlie invading host. Troops had been coming continually and massing on the northern bank of the siream at the point where the main road from Seoul to P'yuiig-yang crosses it by ferry. Its great strategic importance was due to the fact that it was the onl}- good place for a large force to cross. The troops massed here were nominally under the command of Gen. Kim Myung-wiin who had so promptly deserted the defenses of the Han, upon the arrival of the Japanese. The Koreans had everything in their favor. The southern bank where the Japanese must embark is a high blufif pierced only by a narrow gully which would allow of only a few hundred approaching the immediate brink of the water at once and consequently the army would have to cross little by little. The opposite bank, on the other hand, is a long flat stretch of sand, an ideal place for drawing up a defensive force, and every boat-load of the enemy would be the mark for a thousand arrows.

The Korean forces were numerous enough, they were brave enough and their leaders were individually capable enough ; but note the sequel. All the boats had been brought over to the Korean side and so, when the Japanese arrived on the southern bank and looked down the high bluff upon the assembled hosts of the Koreans and marked the difficulty of embarkation, the swiftness of the ^current and the utter absence of boats or craft of any kind, they found themselves for the first time completely checked. An hour's resistance was all they had ever met before, but here was evidently a serious obstacle.

For ten long days these great armies sat facing each other across the waters of the Im-jin. They were ten days of exultation for the Koreans and every day that passed

3So Koki':a.\ iifsToRS'.

raised the courage, or rather the self-confidence, of the Kore- ans, who forgot that it was nature and not thjy who hjld tlie foL- in check. They did not dream for an instant that the Japanese were about to make them the instruments of tlieir own destruction. When the eleventh morning brok^; some- thing was seen to be going on among the Japanese, a great running about and the carrying of bundles from placc; to place. In a short time the reason became apparent. The Japanese had given up further advance and were preparing to retreat toward Seoul. Smoke and flame showed that they were burning their carap and soon the whole force was seen to be on the move back toward the south. To imagine the revulsion of feeling in the n^iuds of the Koreans we should have to realize the deep humiliation to wliich they had been subjected, the heaps of slain they had seen, the losses in pro- perty, in homes, in relatives, in friends which they had sus- tained at the hands of the ruthless invaders. Instead of be- ing pursued they were to pursue. They would dog the foot- steps of the retreating army, cut off the stragglers, worry the life out of the "dwarfs," as they called the Japanese, and finally give them afarew^ell kick as they left the port of Fusau on their ignominious homeward flight. Such must have been the common thought and purpose of the Koreans, and the thirst for revenge was simply unbearable. And here again comes to the front the fatal weakness of the Koreans, We have before remarked that the rise of the political parties lay at the bottom of the failure of the Korean arms against the Japanese. It has already been illustrated in the case of Gen. Sin Kak who was executed through jealousy on the ver\^ day of his great victory. Here again it is to become ap- parent. While Gen. Kim Myung-sun was nominally iii charge of the defenses of the Im-jin he was far from being in full command of the troops massed there. A number of other generals were there and each held his own troops in hand and each wished to distinguish hin)self and so step over the heads of the rest into the good graces of the king. This would mean preferment and wealth. There was absolutely no supreme command, there was no common plan, there was nothing but mutual jealousy and suspicion. A young gener- al, Sin Kil-i, who knew nothing of war, was sure that the

MODKKX KORKA. 381

enemy had decamped, and he wanted to cross immediately iu pursuit. But this was so manifestly absurd that even the common soldiers cried out, "You had better examine carefully and see whether the enemy has actnal'y gone." For answer the young general had a few heads struck oEf, which shows he was something of a disciplinarian if nothing more. Then Gen, Yu Keuk-yang expostulated with the young man, warn- ing him that it was surely a trick to lure them across, but the young fellow drew his sword and made a lunge at the old general and charged him with cowardice. This no one could endure, so the aged general said. "Coward, am I ? Well I speak only for the good of my king ; but I will be the first to cross and fall into this trap, and when you see me fall you will know that ni}' advice was sound." So calling his soldiers he ordered them into the boats and, throwing all caution to the winds and forgetting the best interests of his king for a petty vindication of his own bravery, he dashed across the river and up the heights. The young Sin Kil-i could do no less than follow, and when he had gained the heights beyond he found the words of the aged general true. A short distance away a half dozen naked Japanese were dancing on the border of a wood, but when the Koreans rushed at them a countless muliitude of Japanese who had lain concealed in the wood poured out, and in an instant the Koreans were sur- rounded. The aged general having thus proved his claim to bravery, or rather foolhardiness, sat down and said, "Now has come the time for me to die." And die he did. It was only of himself that he thought, and it was this all-pervading selfishness, bred of party strife, that neutralised every good quality in the Korean army. It was not because they were not brave nor because luxurj' had sapped the vitality of the noble classes but it was because no one would work with any- one else. It was because they saw in war nothing but the chance of personal advancement. And so each one deplored the successes and rejoiced in the failures of every other.

When the old general fell, the Koreans found themselves again, as in the battle in which Gen. Sin Yip fell, between the Japanese and the river. Back they rushed only to find that some of the boats had drifted away and others, being overcrowded, had sunk. Hundreds were driven into the

^■^^i K(>Ki:.\X lllSTnuV.

water while others, iireferrinj;- a soldier's death, presented their necks to the swords of the Japanese.

Hut even yet all was not lost. A little wis loni and care niii^ht still have left the ilay unwon by the Japanese. They had a few boats, to be sure, but not enough to be of any use in the face of the still large Korean force on the opposite bank. lUit here occurred the greatest mistake of all. The generals on the northern bank, witnessing the terrible slaughter of their confreres, and not stopping to reckon the chances still re- maining of successful defense, raonuted their horses and gave themselves to flight. This was not only cowardice. It was thoughtlessness, carelessness in large part, and if there had been one man in command of the whole defensive force who could witness the loss of a large fraction of his force without losing his head, the Japanese would still have been as far from the northern bank as ever. The moment the soldiers saw the flight of their generals they raised a derisive sliout, "The generals are running away," and forthwith they followed the example, as they had a perfect right to do.

The Japanese leaders seeing the defenses of the river broken up by their successful strategem, immediately crossed with their entire force which Korean accounts reckon at about a quarter of a million. The Korean accounts tell us but little about the rivalry of the two Japanese leaders, Kato and Konishi, but among the Japanese it was notorious. It w^as impossible for them to march together for any length of time. It was this rivalry wdiich had made them take different roads to Seoul and it was now necessary for them to part again. This jealousy was another of the potent causes of the final failure of the Japanese. Had these two men worked together they could have marched straight on to the walls of Nanking without meeting an enemy worthy of their steel. As it was they separated and scattered over the country, dis- sipating their power and thus frustrating the design of Hideyoshi — the conquest of China, They cast lots as to their routes and fortune favored the 5'ounger man, Konishi, who drew as his lot the straight path north where glory lay if anywhere. Kato had to be content w^ith a dash into the province of Ham-gyung in the northeast. Another general,

MODHKN KORKA. 383

Knroda, led a fotce into the western pirt of Whang-hJi Pro- vince. All this took place in the fifth moon.

The king was resting scciire in P'yiing-yaug. trusting in the defense of the Im-jin River, when a m-ssenger rushed in breathless, announcing that the Im-jin had been deserted and that the invaders were coming north bj' leaps and bounds. The town was thrown into a panic of fright and, as the Ko- reans truly put it, "No man had any cjlor in his face." Gen , Yi II came hurrying in from the seat of war disguised as a coolie and wearing rough straw shoes. The king put him in command of the forces guarding the fords of the Ta-dong River which flows by the walls of P'yung-yang.

We must note in passing a trifling success on the part of Captain Wan-ho who had been in charge of the ferry across the Han at Y6-ju. He had bien called away into Kang-wun Province but returned just in time to form an auibush at Yo- ju and spring out upon a company of Japanese whom he routed, securing some fifty heads. The "Koreans say that from that time the Japanese avoided the Y6-ju ferry.

Chapter VIII.

A great council .. .the king decides to move to Ham-heung the

news in China ...the king finds difficulty in leaving P'yung-j-ang

... .a parley in the channel of the Ta-dong the king leaves the

city. . . .the Koreans reveal the position of the ford. . . .the Japanese enter P'yung-yang. . . .the Crown Prince goes to Kang-wun Province . . . .the king pushes north . . .Koreans in despair. . . .the indefatiga- ble Yu Sung-nyong ... Song Ta-up brings the queen to the king. . . . Kato pushes into Hani-gyung Province. . . .fight at the granaries. . . . Korean reverses . . .a Korean betrays the two Princes. . . .a traito^ punished . . .brave defenders of Yun-an. . . .the king goes to Eui-ju

conclave in the south. .. .'"General of the Red Robe" ... .his

prowess. ..he retires ...disaster at Kom-san. .. .a long chase. .. . Japanese defeated at Keum-nyung.

On the second day of the sixth moon the king called a great council to discuss the advisability of his staying longer in P'yung-yang or of moving further north. One said, "If someone is left to guard this city it will be well for the king

3!^4 KOKlvXN lllsroRY.

to ir.ovf north." but aiu)llicr said, " r\Tiiitr.yano^ is a natural fortress. \\"e liave lo.c^oo soldiers and plenty of provisions. If the kint; goes a step from here it will mean the destruction of the dynasty." Anollur voice urged a different course; "We have now lost lialf the kingdom. Only this province and that of Ham-g>i'ing remain to us. In the latter there are soldiers and provisions in abundance and the king had better Inul there a retreat." All applauded this advice excepting Yun Tu-su who said, "No, this will not do. The Japanese will snrel\- visit that province too. Hatn-heung is not nearly so easy of defense as P'yrmg-yang. If the king is to leave this place there are just three courses open to him. First, he can retire to Yung-bynn in this province and call about him the border guard. If he cannot hold that place he can go to Hui-ju on the border and ask speedy help from China. If necessary he can go up the Yalu to Kang-gye, still on Ko- rean soil. And if worse comes to worst he can cross into Chinese territory and find asylum at Kwan-jun-bo although it is sure that he could hold out for a few months at Kang- gye before this would be necessary. I know all about Ham- heung. Its walls are of great extent but they are not high and it is open to attack from every side. Besides if he re- treats northward from that place he will find nothing but savage tribes. Here he must stay." But all cried out as with one voice that the king must go to Ham-heung. Gen. \'i Hang-bok insisted upon the neccessity of going north to the Y'alu and imploring aid from China even if it became necessary for the king to find asylum on Chinese soil. But in spite of all this advice the king on the sixth of the month sent the queen on toward Ham-heung and gave orders to Y'uti To-su to hold P'yung-yang against the Japanese. His Majesty came out and seated himself in the Ta-dong summer- house and addiessed the people saying, "I am about to start for Ham-heung but I shall leave the Crown Prince here and you must all aid him loj^ally." At this the people raised a great outcry. It looked as if they would all follow the king from the city. They did not want the Prince to stay, they wanted the king.

By this time the rumors of these things had gone ahead into L,iao-tung.

MOIJHKN KORKA. 3S5

The form which the news assiuned across the border was that the king had fl-d north to P'ydng-yang, but that it was only H blind, as the Japanese and Koreans had formed an agreement to invade China together and the king had made a pretense of flight so as to keep the Chinese un- suspecting until the Japanese should reach the Yalu. This report caused a great deal of anxiety in the Chinese capital and the Emp-ror sent Gen. In Se-duk, who was stationed in Liao-tung, to investigate. He immediately set out for P'yung- yang, and on his arrival sought an audience with the king. It was granted, and the general, having learned the exact state of affairs, started post haste back toward Nanking to report t(j the Emperor.

On the eighth day of the sixth moon the van of the Japanese army arrived on the southern bank of the Ta-dong River opposite P'yung-yang, but there were no boats and no way of crossing ; so they went into camp to await the arrival of the main body of the army. No Chik was ordered by the king to take the Ancestral tablets and start north. The people were enraged at this, for they thought it would mean the immediate pillage of the city by the Japanese, and consequent hardships and dangers for themselves. So the crowd armed itself with clubs and stones a.nd as the tablets were being carried out of the gate they struck the bearers down and loudly in- sulted No Chik, who was in charge. They cried "In times of peace you are ready enough to steal the government revenues, and it is for this reason that all these troubles have arisen. You call upon us to protect the city and then you run away yourself when danger approaches." Lashing themselves into a fury by their own words, they threw off their clothes and prepared to strike down every man who should try to escape from the city. Meanwhile the old people and children besieged the palace with their prayers, saying, "We are all here to i)rotect the city, and if the king leaves it will be the same as handing us over to slaughter." In the eagerness of their importunity they even pressed into the outer court yard and were stopped only by the statement that the king was not about to leave, Yu Sung-nyong came out and sat before the crowd and addressing an old man said, "You say that you desire to protect the city and the king's person

-So K OK KAN" IIISTOKV.

ami you say wlII, hut how is it that you so far forget your duty as to couk- in tliis hoUl uianner into the king's apart- ments and raise lliis disturbance?" The people, partly be- cause it seemed evident tlie king was not about to leave, re- turned to their homes.

That night the Japanese caught a Korean and sent him across the river with a letter to the king, in which they said "We wish to meet Yi Tfik-hyi'mg and have a parley with him." This seemed to be a prc»per thing to do, so Yi entered a small boat and was sculled out to the middle of the river where he met Konishi. Without wasting any words in mere formal- ities the latter said. "The cause of all this trouble is that Korea would not give a safe conduct to our envoys to Nan- king, but if you will now give us an open road into China all the trouble for you will be at an end." To this Yi replied, "If you will send tliis army back to Japan we can confer about the matter, but we will listen to nothing so long as you are on Korean soil.' Konishi continued, "We have no desire to harm you. We have wished such a conference as this be- fore, but have not had a single opportunity until today." But the only answer the Korean made was, "Turn about and take 3'our troops back to Japan," The Japanese general thereupon lost his temper and cried, "Our soldiers always go ahead, and they know nothing about going backwards." And so the conference was was broken up, each returning to his own side of the stream.

The next day the king succeeded in getting away from the city and made his way towards Yung-byun, generals Yun Tu-su, Kim Myung-wun and Yi Wun-ik being left to guard the city and oppose the passage of the enemy. The Japanese camped beside the Ta-dong and waited, as they had waited beside the Im-jin, "for something to turn up." They did not have to wait as long as they did beside the Im-jin. The Korefin generals. Kim Myung-wun and Yun Tu-su were not without courage and skill, and they conceived the scheme of crossing the river at night at the fords of Neung-na-do a little above the city and falling upon the enemy with a picked body of troops. It would be difficult to disprove that in the face of such odds and such a vast disparity in equipment this plan showed the highest courage not only in the generals but

MODKRN KORKA. 387

in the conimon soldiers. The fact that the attempt failed and failed disastrously^ may reflect upon the judgment of the leaders but it can never impeach their bravery. The fording of the river, always a difficult and slow operation at night, consumed more time than had been anticipated and by the time the devoted men reached the Japanese outposts it was already dawn. They were now in a desperate situation. There was nothing to do but to retreat, but the retreat was itself a cause of disaster, for it revealed to the foe the position of the fords ; and thus it happened that a miscal- culation as to time made the Koreans the instrument of their own destruction, even as they had been at the Ini-jin.

The Japanese now knew that they had everything their own way. After a hearty breakfast they shouldered their arms and made for the ford. They swarmed across in such crowds that the defenders were driven back before they had shot a dozen arrows. The two Korean generals, making a virtue of necessity, opened the Ta-dong Gate on the river side of the town and told the people to escape for their lives. The soldiers threw all their heavier arms into the pond called P'ung-wiil-su and fled by way of the Po-dong Gate. The Japanese did not pursue, but took quiet possession of the town and settled down. Here again they made a grand mistake. Their only hope lay in pushing on at full speed into China, for ever, now the force that was to crush them was being- collected, and every day of dela\' was lessening their chances of success.

The king was at Pak-chTm when the news of the fall of P'ynng-yang reached him, and he was in feveri.^h haste to get on to Eui-ju, saying that if worst came to worst he would cross into Chinese territory. But he added, "As I am told that by leaving Korean soil I shall abdicate my royal right I wish the Crown Prince, in care of Gen. Ch'oe Heung-wrni, to go to Yi-ch'iin in Kang-wun Province and there gather about him an army and hold the fortress as long as he can." This order was immediately carried out and the Prince started for Kang-wun Province, while the king pushed on northward to Ka-san. He arrived at that place in the middle of the night. It was pitchy dark and there were no lights and the rain was falling: in torrents. The roval escort had dwindled

•^S.S KdKKAX HISTOKV.

lo less than twenty men. Here the report was received tlmt a Chinese force was to cross tlie Vain, ami so the kinj? stopped at Kasan waitinj^ their appro ich. Vn Siliig-nyong was hnrrying from town to town trying to get together provisions for the Chinese army that was coming to Korea's aid, bnt as fast as he got them together the people rose in revolt aiul stole them all. Some days pa.ssed and still the expected army did not appear, so Vi Tfik-hyflng was de-^patched as envoy to China to solicit aid from the Kmperor, and His Majesty called together his little court and said. "If necessary I shall cross the Ya-lu and find asylnm on Chinese soil. If so, which of you will go with me?" For some mon)ents th'^re was a dead silence and then Yi Hang lx>k. the same who had aided the Queen in her flight from the palace, spoke up and %-d, "I will go with you." The truth of the matter is that when the king left P'yrmg-yang the courtiers all gave up the kingdom for lost and were ready to desert the king the moment there was a more favorable opening.

With tremendous toil Yu Sung-nyong succeeded in get- ting some provisions together and transported them all to Chong-jn, but when he arrived at that place he found a crowd of people assembled in front of the royal granary armed with clubs. He charged the mob and scattered it, caught eight of the leaders and beheided them on the spot. He then went to Kwak-san and secured further supplies, and also at Kwi sting, and held the m in readiness for the Chinese army when it should ap[)ear.

We will remember that the king had fully determined to go across into Ham-gynng Province, but at the last moment he had been dissuaded because of the difficulties that might arise if he were compelled to retreat further still. Being now urged to go on to Eai-ju he replied, "Yes, I must do so, but what about the queen whom I sent forward into Ham- gyung Province?" The brave Prefect of Un-san made answer, "I will go and bring her to Your Majesty." So he set out across the country to find the qucen, and all the records tell us is that he brought her faithfully to him at Pak- ch'un. This short mention does this brave man scant justice, for even in these days a journey across the northern part of the peninsula is an arduous undertaking especially in summer.

MODFkX KOK: A. 3^9

But not only so ; he was to find a queen, beset perhaps by enemies, and bring her safely across that wilderness to the kino^, who by that time might be far across the Chinese border, \vhile the country behind him swarmed with a half-sivage enemy. This prefect, whose name is Song Ta-dp, must ha\-e been a brave, energetic, tactful man whose will was as strong as his patriotism was deep.

The Japanese were now settled in P'ynng-yang and as they were destined to remain there soni^ tiaie it may be well for us to leave them there and follow the fortunes of Kato, who, as we will remember, had branched off eastwar i into Ham-gyuiig Province after casting lots. He pushed on rapidly across the country toward Wi'm-siu, but as he was not on one of the main thoroughfares of the country he found it difficult to keep to the road ; so he captured a Ko- rean and forced hitn to act as guide. Arriving at the town of Kok-san in the eastern part of Whang-h:1 Province they crossed the mountains by the No-ri-hyrin Pass and pushed on until they struck the Seoul-Wi'msan road not far from the latter place.

Gei'.. Han Keuk-snng was in charge of the government farces in Ham-gyi'ing Province. He advanced immediately to engage the Japm.ese, and a fierce fight took place at the government storehouses at Ha-jong, At first the Japanese had decidedly the worst of it but at last they retired to the shelter of the granaries and birricaded themselves behind bags of rice from which position they poured a destructive fire up)n the Korean troops who were drawn up four deep, and who therefore suffered the more severely. Not being able to dislodge th e ' enemy the Koreans decided to withdraw and fortify the passes^ both in front and behind the Japanese, suppo.sing thit in this way they would be entrapped. The Japanese l.arned of this and when night came they knew they must make a bold strike for liberty. So they scaled the mountains in the dark- ness and succeeded incompletely surrounding the defenders of one of the pas.ses. When morning came there was a heavy fog and the Koreans were utterly unsuspicious of danger. Suddenly the surrounding party of Japanese opened fire on them and it took but a few moments to have them on the run. It came on to rain ana the roads were heavy with mud.

3')0 KOkl'W" IIKTOKV.

The Korca:is \vlu> \v<.rc (.iitirely unused to sucli a ]ir()ldii!e;efl striin, fell i-xluiusti-d alontj the way and WL-re butchered by the pursuiiio; cueiiiw Ctvu. llau made his escape to KyiliiiJ^- sHiio; but was there captured by the Japanese. Th- governor of the ])rovince. to ih.' disijust of the people, tied and liid aniouij tile hills, biu the po])Ulace arose and dragged him out and forced him to resume his duties. Gm. Yi Hon also fled northward toward Kap-san. and the people consequently seized him and took off his head. It was hard work for generals in that province, for they had the Jap.ine.se on the one hand and the people on the other. The people of the north are made of sterner stuff than those of the south and the punishment they meted out to these cravens is a good indica- tion of their quality.

While these events were happening the two princes who had taken refuge in this province fled northward and stopped not till they reached the border town of Whe-ryung on the Tu-man River. As it proved, this was the worst thing they could have done, for the aj/ni or constable of that district was either in the pay of the Japanese or was so terrified by their approach that he was willing to go to any extreme to gain their favor. So he seized the two young princes ar.d carried thein to the Japanese camp. The latter received them gladly, tmbound then^ placed them in their midst and carried them wherever they went. They were a prize worth watching. To the traitor, Kuk Ryiing-iu, who had betrayed the two princes, they gave a position equivalent to the governorship of the province, and he was formally installed in that ofiice. But justice soon overtook him. A loyal general, Cluing Mun- bii, in the northern part of the province, arranged a plan to effect the capture of the traitor. But in son:e way the news ;got out and the pseudo-governor sent and seized Gen. Chnng. ntending to take his head off the next morning ; but during the night another loyal man named Sin Se-jun, gathered a band of men, armed them as best he could and addressed them thus : "Our district has become disloyal through the treachery ■of this villain. If we do not hasten to make it right we will all have to suffer for it in the end. If you do not agree with tiie, take your swords and strike me down." They answered as one man, "We will listen to vou and obev vou." Thev

MOnKKX KORHA. 391

immediately sallied out, broke into the governor's house and beat him to death. The Japanese knew that it was Gen. Chong who had originated the plot and they searched for him everywhere, but he hid in private houses in different places and so they failed to apprehend him.

Chi Tal-wun of Ky ting-sang gathered a band of men and tried to make liead against the Japanese but not being a soldier he could mak- but little impression ; so Gen. Ch^ing was hunted up and put in command. There were only two hundred soldiers in all, but soon they were joined by tlie prefects of Choug-sung and Kyung-wnn and their contingents, and the little army made its headquarters at Kyung- sfing.

As the Japanese were overrunning the country, many events of interest happened, many episodt'.s that history will probably never record, scenes of cruelty and rapine that are perhaps better left undiscovered ; but a few of the more im- portant of these events are necessary to a correct understand- ing of the way in which the Koreans met their fate at the hands of the invaders.

When the Koreans fled from Seoul a high official by the name of Yi Chong-iim fled to the walled town on Yun-an in Whang-ha Province Its prefect had fled, and when a Japan- ese force of 3000 men under Nagamasa approached, the people besought this Yi to take chirge of the defense of the town. He consented and made proclamation, "The Japanese are all about us and we are in jeapordy of our lives. All that wish to live must now run away and the rest of us will remain and die together." To this they replied with one voice, "How can we let our leader die alone?" The next day the Japanese arrived and invested the town, but on attempting to storm it they were met by buckets of boiling water thrown wond on their heads. They drew off, but renewed the attack at night. This time they were met by piles of burning straw which again drove them back. Again they came on, this time with broad planks over their heads to protect them from the novel weapons of the Koreans, but these were not proof against the huge stones which the defenders threw down pen them. The fight lasted three days and finally theu Japanese withdrew after burning their dead.

3Q2 !:()Ki:\N iiisroKY.

Ill tliL- seventh moon the king moved northw.ird to Eui-ju. l?ut wo imist turn again to the south to witness another l(\val attempt to stem the tide of invasion. In the province of Chul-la there w^re iikmi wli ) longed to take up arms in defense of their homes, but all the regular troops had been drafted a\va\- northward and noiiiing could be done on regular lines. So Ko Kx'uig-myung and Kim Ch'fin-il of that pro- vince and Kwak Clul-u and Choiig lu-hong of KyOng-sang Pro- vince held a conference to devise ways and means for pros- ecuting a geurilla campaign. These men had all been con- nected with tlie army at some previous time and were not ut- terly lacking in knowledge of military affairs, Kwak ChS-u was in the prime of lite and w.is appointed leader- Gather- ing the people of the countryside to a great conclave, head- dressed them thus, "The whole country is being overrun by the Japanese and soon we will become their prey. Among our young men there must be many hundreds who are able to bear arms. If we take our stand at Chong-jin on the river we shall be able to prevent the Japanese from crossing and they will thus be held in check." This brave leader then turned his whole patrimony into ready money and spent it in equipping his little army, which amounted to 5000 men.

A Japanese general attempted to enter this portiou of the province but was met all along the line of the river by a determined soldiery, and was not able to affect a crossing. The Korean leader Kwak has bacaine famous in Korean story for his valiant deeds. He is said to have worn a fiery red cloak and he was dubbed Hong-eui Ta-jang or "General of the Red Robe." His particular skill lay in rapid changes of base and he appeared now at one point and now at another with such bewildering rapidity that he earned the reputation of being able to transport himself by magic to incredible distances in a moment of time. These reports he did not contradict. The Japanese came to dread his approach and the report that he was near, or a glimpse of the flaring red robe was enough to send them scurrying off. From his central camp he sent out spies in all directions vvho kept him in- formed of every move of the enemy, and whenever the Japan- ese encamped the Koreans gathered on the surrounding hills at night, each carrying a framework that supported five

MODKKN KORKA. 393

torches, and so the Japanese suppjsed they were surrounded by great numbers of Koreans, and anxiety kept them always awake. The best of the Korean soldiers were detailed to watch mountain passes and look for opportunities to cut ofT small bodies of the enemy's forces. Traps of various kinds were set. into which they occasionally fell, and they were so harrassed and worried that at last they were compelled to withdraw entirely from the three districts of Eui-ryQng, Sam-ga and Hyup-chiin, and quiet was restored.

But this useful man's career was cut short in a manner similar to that in which Gen. Yi Kak's had been. We will remember, after the Japanese had taken Tong-na and were sweeping northward, that Kim Su, the governor of K5'ring- sang Province, not daring to meet them, turned to the w^est and fled from their path. It was just about this time that the "General of the Red Robe" was having his victories over the Japanese that had pressed westward after the fall of Tong-na. When this successful leader heard of the craven flight of Gov. Kim Su he was filled with scorn and with righteous indignation. He considered the cowardly governor to be worse than the Japanese themselves. He sent the governor a message naming seven valid reasons why he deserved execution. Kim Su replied, "As for you, you area robber yourself." and he also sent a letter to the king charg- ing Gen. Kwak with disloyalty. At the same time Gen. Kwak sent a letter to the king saying, "Gov. Kim ran away from his post of duty, and when I upbraided him for it he called me a robber. I have killed many of the 'rats' but as I have been called a robber T herewith lay down my arms and retire." Despatching this letter to the king. Gen. Kwak dismissed all his followers aud retired to a hermitage of Pi-p'a Mountain in Kyung-sang Province and "lived upon pine leaves for food." So the records say. Thereafter, though offered the governorship of Ham-gyilng or Chul-la province he refused to come out of his retreat. He changed his name to Mang U-dang or. "House of Lost Passions," and he thus acquired great sanctity. Here is another instance in which the king lost an able leader through mere wanton caprice. Wounded pride made the famous leader forget country, king, kindred, honor — all.

304 KOKKAN IIISTOkV.

Another atteniiU was ukuI-j by Ko Kyunj^-myutijc, a native of Chanjj-heun^ m Chul-la Province. Hearing that the kin.-: had fled to P'yung-yang he, together with Yii fanu-no. gathered a hirge force at Tani-yang. vSending lett.;rs all over the province he succeeded in getting together 6000 men. and made the central camp at Yuu-sau. The king, being informed of this, sent a gracious letter giving his sanction and urging the faithful men to do all in their power for tlie people and the country. Gen. Kwak Nyung was also sent from tlic north to cooperate with this army in their loyal attempts.

Hearing that the Japanese had arrived at Kom-san. the Korean forces advanced against them, but, for some reason not stated, when they appeared before the town their number had dwindled to eight hundred. Whether ♦^he rest had run away or whether a small detachment was deemed sufficient is not known, but at any rate a blunder had been committed, and when the Japanese saw the smallness of the attacking party they sallied out and soon scattered the Korean forces under Gen. Kwak Nyung. The other troops, seeing this, also took to their heels, but Geu. Ko would not run away, though urged to do so by bis lieutenants. He told them to make good their escape, but that he would remain and meet his fate. So they all stood and fought it out to the bitter end and fell side by side. Gen. Ko's son, learning of his father's death burned for revenge and so he collected a band of sol- diers in the south, which he named "The Baud that Seeks Revenge."

A more successful attempt was made b>' Chong In-hong of Hyun-p'ung in Kyung-sang Province. He was joined by Kim Myou, Pak Song, Kwak Chun, Kwak II and Son In-gap. These men organized a force and drove the Japanese out of Mu-gye and burned their supplies. Hearing that the enemy had fled toward Cho-gye and knowing that a river intervened, they gave chase. The Japanese came to the river but could find no boats to cross. They speut so much time looking for a ford that when at last they found one and were starting to cross, the pursuers came up. The ford was a bad one, the bottom being composed of soft sand, something like quick-sand. Soon the horses and men were floundering

MODFRN KOREA. 395

about in mid-stream. Chono^ and his men, who knew the ford, rushed in upon them, while so entingled, and cut them down by hundreds. Those that escaped fled towards Song- ju, but one of Chdug's lieutenants took a thousand men and gave chase. Pressed beN'ond endurance the Japanese turned and came on to fight. One huge fellow on a magnificent charger came dashing out ahead of the rest, brandishing his sword and yelling at tlje top of his voice. A hideous gilt mask added to the picturesqueness of his appearance, but it did not frighten the pursuers. Their leader aimed at the horse's legs and soon he came crashing to the ground, where he was speedily despatched. The other Japanese thereupon turned and resumed their flight. Japanese troops who were in force in Song-ju and Ko-ryung came out to intercept the pursuers, but Chong and his men formed an ambush and springing suddetily upon the Japanese threw them into con- fusion and chased them as far as Pyul Pass. In this flight the Japanese threw away their baggage, weapons and all superfluous clothing. Chong and his men chased them six miles and then turned back.

The last adventure of this nature which we shall mention is that of Kim Ch'un-il a man of Na-ju in Chul-la Province. Hearing of the king's flight he sat down and wept, but sud- denly springing up he exclaimed, "I might far better be trying to aid my sovereign than sit here bewailing his misfor- tune." In company with his friends Song Che-min and Yang San-do, he got together a goodly band of men w'hose avowed purpose was the succor of the king. Before commencing opera- tions the leader slaughtered horses and oxen and made each man taste the blood and take an oath of allegiance to the cause in which they w^ere efnbarked. Kim addressed them in these words, "Of course this means death to us all. We cannot exjiect to come out of it alive. We can only go for- ward. There must he no retreat. If any one of you desires life more than the accomplishment of the work in which we are engaged let him turn back now." They fortified Tok- san in Ch'ung-ch'ung Province. Koreans who had sold themselves to the Japanese as spies came to this camp to gain information, but were apprehended and put to death. The Japanese camp was at Keuni-nyiing not far away. One

39^ KOKKW TirSTOKV.

moonless niglit Kim. l>y a forced inarch came and surrounded this camp, and at a i,Mven sto;r.al his forces descended like an avalanche uix>n the unsusix;ctinuj enemy. Those that escaped the edge of the sword found .safety in flight. In the seventh moon this force, consisting of several thousand men. crossed the Hau River below Vang-wha-do intending to go and join the king, but instead of doing so they entered the island of Kang- wha and fortified it. When the king heard of these deeds of Kim Clrr»n-il. he was highly pleased r»iul gave him the title of "I>efei>der against Invaders."

These incidents of Korean .success again.st the Japanese cannot be taken as typical ca.ses for, as a rule, the Japanese went where they wished and did what they wished, but they are inserted htre rather to show that it was no craven submis- sion on the part of the Koreans ; that there were strong, brave and faithful men who were willing to cast their for- tunes and lives into the scales and strike as hard blows as- they knew how for their homes and for their king. It was of cour.se a getirilla warfare and it wa.sonly small detachments. of the main army of the Japanese that they could successfully withstand, but the utter pusilanimity of the Koreans", a.s some- times depicted, is not a true picture of them. Their worst fault was that they were unprepared for war. This together with the strife of parties was the reason why the Japanese for a time worked their will upon the peninsula.

Chapter IX.

Attempts to secnre aid from China. . . .divi(ie(l counsels fn Nanking'. . . , an army sent.... a desperate envo}. . . ,Cien. S'lk Sung's love for Korea... the Emperor give.s orders for the king's entertainment .... great Korean victor}- in the .south. ., .Japanese ami}- of rein- forcement defeated and destroyed by Admiral Yi Sun-sin. .. .Gen. Yi honored. .. .the back of the inva.sion broken.,., a vaing^loriou.'? Chinese general. ., .severely beaten. . ..the monks begin a Holy War. . . .a sharp answer. . ..various Korean forces, . . .a night adTen- ture. . . . Japanese rever.ses in thesouth. . . .China awakens. . . .a grand conference. .. .a truce.... the time expires. .. .a celebrated soldier tracked down. . . .attempt to retake Seoul. . . .br:ive defense of Cbiu-Ju

MODKRK KORKA. T^q"]

. . . .the tlrst mortar and boinh. . . . various Koreati attempts. . , . Korean Victory in Ham-gyun<j; Province. . . .another in the south,. ..Japanese confined almost entirely to P'Vunij-yaHg,

The efforts that Korea put forth before .she obtained aici from China make an entertaining stc7ry, and they show that China delayed it as long as possible and then complied, not so much because she wished to help Korea as because she desired to check the Japanese before they crossed the Ya-lu and began ravaging the fruitful plains of the Liao-tung peninsula. Before the Japanese ever landed in Korea the king had sent an envo}' to Nanking telling the Emperor tliat an invasion, was next to certain ; and that envoy was still in Nanking. After the king's flight to the north he sent Min Mong-nyung and Yi Tak-hyung as special envoys to ask aid again. On the arrival of these men with their urgent request there was a great council of war in Nanking. Some of the leading generals said, "There is no need for China to help those wild people. Let them fight it out themselves." It would appear that the policy by which China disclaimed responsibility for Korea, when such responsibility involved sacrifice, is several centuries old. Other generals said, "No, that will not dO/ We must send troops and at least guard our own territory from invasion." But the Chinese General-in-chief, Snk Sfing, said, "We must, without fail, render Korea the assis- tance for which she asks. We must immediately despatch 2000 troops, and the Empefor Jiiust appropriate 2,000,000 cash for their maintenance." The upshot of it all was that Gen. Nak Sang-ji took a small body of troops and marched eastward to the banks of the Va-lu where he went into camp without attempting to render the Koreans any assistance.

In the seventh moon the king sent another envoy to Nanking on the same errand but with the same lack of suc- cess. Then the king called to him one of his most trusted officials and appointed him envoy to Nanking and said, "The salvation of the kingdom lies in your hands. Go to Nanking and leave no efforts untried whereby the Emperor may be in- duced to help us." Charged with this important mission, this envoy Ch<>ng Kon-su hastened to Nanking and, entering the enclosure of the war office, sat in the courtyard for seven

3QS Ki^kl- \\ lllsTOUV.

days wecpins; ; but tlic oflicials all turned a deaf ear to his i-ntreaties, cxceiitin;^ the C»e!ieral-iii'chief Sfik Sfing. Iii- dioiiant at the apathy of his col!eajj;ues and in spite of the tact that his dutv as >ieneral-iii-t-hief ilenianded his presence in Xankinj^, he arose and said, "It" none of yon gentlemen will jjo to the sid of Korea I will ijo myself." There were special and personal reasons for this man's interest in Korea. In years gone by a Korean merchant, while in Nanking, had met in an inn a beautiful slave girl and upon inquiry had discovered that she was of noble family but had sold herself into slavery to obtain money wherewith to deliver her father from prison. The merchant was so touched by the sacrifice which she had made — for it meant the sacrifice of honor it- self— that he gave all his patrimony and bought her and set her free. In after years she became the wife of this same Gen. Snk Sling, and thus it was that he was an ardent admirer of Korea and was determined to see that Korea received aid in her present extremity.

xA-t this point the king sent a message to the prefect of Liao-tung saying, "The Japanese have come as far north as P'yung-yang and I fear I shall have to cross the Ya-Iu and take refuge in your district." This the prefect immediately reported to the Emperor, who answered, "If the king of Korea enters your district, provide him with a fine house, give him food out of the imperial stores, each day four ounces of silver, a pig, a sheep, vermicelli and rice. Give him also an escort of a hundred men and let twenty women be detailed to wait upon him.''

We have now arrived at the threshold of the Chinese counter-invasion which was destined to be one of the main causes of the Japanese retreat, but before entering upon this narrative we must turn again to the south and witness some events which did far more to effect the withdrawal of the Japanese than did the coming of the Chinese armies.

The first of these was the utter defeat of a large body of Japanese who were scouring the province of ChuMa. Enter- ing the town of I-ch'i they were met by such a fierce attack on the part of Whang-jin the prefect of Tong-bok that they turned back and. crossing the Ung-ch'i Mountain entered the prefecture of Chun-ju. Yo Pong-nam, the prefect of Na-

MODERX KOREA. 399

ju, and Whang Puk, a volunteer general, lay in ambush with a large body of volunteer troops, and srucceeded in driving the Japanese back, but the next day the invading host came fiercely to the attack and the Koreans had to give way. The Japanese in their exultation now thought the_y could go back to I-ch'i and avenge themselves for their defeat there. Gen. Kwiin YOl and the prefect of Whang-jin heard of this in time to fortify one of the mountain passes. The Japanese attacked iti a desperate manner, creeping up the steep moun- tain sides on tiieir hands and knees, shooting as they ad- vanced. All day long the fight continued and the Japanese were utterly defeated. Their bodies were piled hi heaps where they fell and the records say that the ground was covered with one crimson matting of leaves. This was one of the greatest land victories which the Koreans scored against the Japanese. Retreating to the valley with their dead the Japanese made two great heaps of bodies and buried them in trenches, marking the spot with rough monuments of wood. This was probably one of the bodies of troops for which the Japanese in P'yung-yang were waiting, before attempting the invasion of China.

But meanwhile events of far greater importance were occurring farther south, where Admiral Yi Sun-sin with his wonderful "tortoise boat" was watching for Japanese fleets. It was in the eighth moon that his watchfulness was rewarded and he beheld on the eastern horizon a vast fleet of Japanese boats bringing a hundred thousand men to reinforce the army of invasion and enable it to push on into China.

Admiral Yi and his lieutenant Yi Ok-keuimet this power- ful fleet in a place called Kyon-na-ryang among the islands oflF the southern coast of Chul-la Province. The evident intention of the Japanese was to round the southwestern corner of the peninsula and sail up the west coast to P'yung-yang. At first the wily admiral made as if he would betake himself to flight and the Japanese, by giving chase, threw their own line into disorder. When opposite Han-san Island, Admiral Yi suddenly turned his iron-clad about and rammed the nearest of his pursuers, and then engaged the others either singly or by the score, for his craft xv'as impervious to their weapons. His attending fleet followed and completed the work, after he

400 K( i:vi: \ N 11 IS roK V.

h ul (lis ib'.ed th.' cn.-my's bo:its. vSjvcutj'-one of the Japan- t'sv lK)its wtrc Mink thai da\' aiul it is said tlie very sea was i\il, Ihit Ml III a roiMtorcnii; licet came up from Aii-gol Harbor near Haii-saii ami tlie Admiral found that his day's work was not \et done. The attack straightway' began and soon the Japanese were in the same i)Hglit in which their comrades liad been jnit. Many, seeing how impossible it was to make headway against this iron ship, beached their boats and tleil by laml ; so on that same day forty-eight ships more were burned. The few that escaped during the fight sped eastward toward home. So ended, we may well believe, one of the great naval battles of the world. It may truly be called the Salamis of Korea. It signed the death-warrant of the in- vasion. It frustrated the great motive of the invasion, the liumbling of China ; and thenceforth, although the war drag- ged through many a long year, it was carried on solely with a view to mitigating the disappointment of Hideyoshi — a disap- pointment that must have been as keen as his thirst for con- (juest was unquenchable.

When the king heard of these splendid achievements he heaped upon Admiral Yi all the honors iu his gift, and even those who hated him for his successes were compelled to join in his praise. Koiiishi had heard that an army was coming to reinforce him and he wrote an exultant letter to the king saying, "A hundred thousand men are coming to reinforce me. Wliere will you flee to then?" But before this letter reached its destination there came the news of the crushing defeat in the south. The whole success of the invasion depended upon forming a junction between the army in P'ynng-yang and this army of reinforcement, but Admiral Yi shattered the fleet, and the last hope of the invaders perished.

And now at last China bestirred herself and sent Gen.. Cho Seung-hun with 5000 troops across the Ya-lu into Korea. This was a man whose vanity was as great as his ignorance of the Japanese. He loudly boasted "Now that I have come, no Japanese will be able to stand before me." Penetrating as far south as Ka-san he enquired whether the Japanese had fled from P'yung-yang, and being answered in the negative he exclaimed 'Heaven is indeed good to keep them there for me."'

MODHKX KOREA. 40 I

Two of the Korean g-enerals ventured to offer him some advice, sayiui^ that it was now the rainy season and the roads were very bad, and that it might be well to wait until his army could move with greater ease and with better hopes of success- But he laughed and said, "I once took 3000 men and put to flight 100,000 Mongols. I care no more for these Japanese than I do for mosquitoes or ants." And so his troops floundered on through the mud until ihey stood before P'yung-yang on the nineteenth of the eighth moon. And lo ! the gates were wide open. The Chinese tnxips marched straight up through the town to the go\"c;rnor"s residence, firing their guns and calling on the enemy to appear. But not a Japanese was to be seen. When the whole of the Chinese force had entered the city and the streets were full, the Jap- anese, who lay hidden in every house, poured a sudden and destructive fire into their ranks. The Chinese, huddled to- gether in small companies, wr're shot down like rabbits. Gen. Sa Yu, the second in coaunand of the Chinese, was killed and the boastful Gen. Clio Seung-hun mounted his horse and fled the city, followed by as many of his soldiers as could extricate themselves. Rain began to fall and the roads were deep with mud. The Japanese followed the fugitives, and the valley was strewed with the bodies of the slain. Out of 5000 men who entered the city only two thousand escaped. Gen. Cho fled two hundred // to An-ju before he stopped. He there gave out that as there had been much rain and the roads were heavy he was at a disadvantage in attacking, and when his second. Gen. Sa Yu, fell he saw that nothing could be done, and so had ordered a retreat. Bui the Koreans oul>' smiled, for they knew that a sixty mile ride over those roads by-a Chinese general meant more than an ordinary re- treat. And so he returned to Liaotung', this valiant man, and fearing punishment, averred that "We whipped the Japanese but the Koreans turned against us and we had to fall back." The Chinese general Yang Sa-heun was sent to investigate this charge but the king denied it and the truth was soon discovered.

x\nd now a new element in this seething caldron of war rose to the surface. It was an independent movement on the part of the Buddhist monks throughout the country. Hyu Chung, known throughout tae eight provinces as "The great

^02 KOKIC.W IIISIOKV.

teacher of So-s.-iii," \v;is a man oi" i;ieat natural al)ilit\- as wrll as of ^r<jA\. Icaiiiiiit,'. lli^ pnpil^ \\\Ti- nnnibjrjd !)>• the tliousands a\i(l \vl ]•(.■ I'ounil in c\xr>- j)H)\inri.-. He f ill'.-d U>- Sctlier Iwo thousanil of thcni antl appeared before the kinji at luii-jii and said, "We are of the eoininon people biU we are all the kini^'s servants and two tlionsand ol ns have come to die for Your Majesty." The kinjj; was much pleased by this demonstration of loyalty and made Hyn Chnn^^ a Priest Gen- eral, and tokl him to i<o intt) camp at Pup-henn^ Monastery. He did so. and from that point sent ont a call io all the mon- asteries in the land. In Chhl-la Province was a warrior moi:k Ch'oe Vnng. and at Diamond Monntain another named Yu Chhnsj;. These came with over a thou.sand followers and went into camp a few miles to the east of P'\nng-yang. They had nt) intention of engaging in actnal battle but they acted as spies, took charge of the commissariat and made them- selves generally useful. During battle they stood behind the troops and shouted encouragement. Yu Chung, trusting tohis priestly garb, wentinto P'\ung-yang to see the Japanese gen- erals. Being ushered into the presence of Kato, who had now joined the main arn\v after his detour into Hamg\ ung Prov- ince, the monk found himself surrounded by flashing weapons. But he was not in the least daunted, and looked about him with a smiling face. Kato addressed him good-naturedly and asked. "What do you consider the greatest treasure in your land ?" Without a moment's hesitation the monk an- swered "Y<nir head," which piece of subtle flattery made the Japanese general laugh long and loud.

Besides these tht re were other niovemenls of a loyal nature throughout the country. At Wha-sun in Chul-la Pro\'ince there was a little band of men under Ch'oe K_\-ungwhe whose banner represented a falcon in flight. Also in Ch'ung-ch'ung Province a celebrated scholar Cho Hon collected a large baud of men, but his efforts were frustrated by the cowardice and jealous}' of the governor of the province who imprisoned the pareuts of niany of his fol- lowers aud so compelled them to desert.

Yi Wiin-ik, the governor of F'yung-an Province and Yi Pin, one of the provincial generals, made a fortified camp at Sun-an, sixty //to the west of P'yuug-yang. At the same

MODERN KOREA. 403

time generals Kim Eutig-Su and Pak Myung-hyun, with a force of 10,000 men, made a line of fortified camps along the west side of the town of P'vu.ig-yang. K.im Ok-ch'u with a naval force guarded the ford of the Ta-dong. These forces advanced simultaneously and attacked the Japanese, cutting off all stragglers. Suddenly the Japanese army made a sally from the city and the Koreans were dispersed. When they again rendezvoused at their respective caujps it was found that Gen. Kim Eung-su and his troops were nowhere to be found. As it happened he was very near the wall of the town when the sortie occurred and he was cutoff from re- treat. But in the dusk of approaching night he was not discovered by the Japanese. .\ story is told of a curious adventure which he had that night. One of the Japanese generals in the town had found a beautiful dancing girl and had compelled her to share his quarters. On this eventful tvening she asked him to let her go to the wall and see if she could find some one who would cirry a message to her brother. Permission was given and she hastened to the wall and there called softly, "Where is my brother ?" Gen. Kim, as we have seen was immediately beneath the wall and he answered, "Who is it that calls?" "Will you not help me escape from the Japanese," she pleaded. He immediately consented to help her and. taking his life in his hands, he speedily scaled the wall and accompanied her toward the Japanese general's quarters. Her captor was a terrible creature, so the story goes, who alwa\^s slept sitting bolt upright at a table with his eyes wide open and holding a long sword in each hand. His face was fiery red. Gen. Kim, conducted by the dancing girl, came upon him unawares and .smote off his head at a stroke, but even after the head fell the terrible figure rose and hurled one of the swords with such tremendous force that it struck through one of the house-posts. The Korean general con- cealed the head beneath his garments and fled, with the girl at his heels. But now for the first time he seemed to become aware of the extreme hazard of his position and fearing that he would not be able to get by the guard, if accompanied by the girl, his gallantry suddenly forsook him and he turned and smote off her head as well. Thus unencumbered he succeeded in making his escape.

4(>4 KdRKW nrsT()K\'.

\Vc innst litre digu'ss again to describe the final conflict that juit an end to Japanese advances in the province of Chul- la. A jjetitrral. Clu> Hon, in company wilh a monk warrior, Vnng Kyn, advanced on the iniitortant town of Ch'ung-ju, then occupied by a stronj^ Ja])anese garrison. They approached the west gate and stormed it with stones and arrows. In a short time the Japanese were compelled to retire and the Ko- reans began to swarm into the town, vowing to make a coni- plete slaughter of the hated enemy, but at that moment a se- vere thiTuder shower arose and the darkness was intense. So Gen. Cho recalled his troops and encamped outside the gate. That night the Japanese burned their dead and fled out the north gate, and when Gen. Cho led his troops into the city the next day he scx>red only an empty triumph. He desired to push forward to the place w'ere the king had found refuge, and to that end he advanced as far north as On-yang in Ch'ung- ch'ung Province: but learning there that a strong body of Japanese had congregated at Yo san in Chfil-la Province, he turned back to attack them. He made an arrangement by letter with Kwun Vtil. the provincial general of Chul-la, to make a simultaneous attack upon the Japanese position from different sides. But when Gen, Cho arrived before the Jap^ auese camp with his little band of 700 men Gen, Kwun was nowhere to be found. The Japanese laughed when they saw this little array and came on to the attack,, but were each time driven back. But at last the Koreans had spent all their ar- rows, it was late in the day and they were fatigued ajid half famished. Gen. Cho, however, had no thought of retreat and kept urging on his men. If he had at this crisis withdrawn' his renniining soldiers, the victory would virtually have been his for the Japanese had lost many more men than he ; but he was too stnWiorn to give an inch. The Japanese came ou' to a last grand charge. GeiT. Cho\s aides advised him to withdraw but he peremptorily refused. At last every weapoiv was gone and the men fought with their bare fists, falling- where they stood. The slain of the Japanese outnumbered those of the Koreans and although they were victorious their victory crippled them. It took the survivors four days to burn their dead and when it was done they broke camp and went southward. The Japanese never regained the ground lost hv

MODERN KOREA. 405

this retreat and and it was a sample of what nilist occur throuohout the peninsula, since Admiral Yi had rendered reinforcement from Japan impossible.

We return now to the north, the real scene of war. In the ninth moon the Chinese general. Sitn Yu-g\-ung, whose name will figure largely in these annals from this point on, was sent from China to inv^estigate the condition of affairs in Korea with a view to the sending of a large Chinese force, for by this time China had become alive to the interests at stake, namely her own interests. This general crossed the Ya-lu and came southward by An-ju as far as Sun-an. From that point he sent a con]muni.cation to the Japanese in P'yung-yang saying, "I have come by order of the Emperor of China to in- quire whatlKorea has done to merit such treatment as this at your hands. You are trampling Korea under foot and we would know why." The Japanese general, Konishi, an- swered this by requesting that the Chinese general meet him at Kang-bok Mountain ten // north of P'yung-yang, and have a conference with him. To this Gen. Sim agreed and, taking with him three followers, he repaired to the appointed place. Konishi accompanied by Knroda and Gensho came to the rendezvous with a great array of soldiers and weapons. Gen. Sim walked into their midst alone, having left his horse outside the enclosure. He immediately addressed them as follows; "I brought with me a million soldiers and left them iii camp beyond the Ya-ln. You, Gensho. are a monk. Whv do you come to kill and destroy?" Gensho answered, "For many a year Japan has had no de.-dings with China. We ask- ed from Korea a safe conduct for our envoy to Nanking but it was refused and we were compelled to come and take it by force. What cause have you to blame us for this? " To thi.s Gen. Sim replied, "If you wish to go to Chtna to pay your re- spects to the Emperor there will be no difficulty at all. I can! arrange it without the least trouble," Konishi said nothing,- but handed his sword to Gen. Sim in token of amity and after they had conferred together for some time it wai^^ arranged that Gen. Sim go to Nanking and represent that Japan wi'sh- ed to become a vas.sal of China. Fifty days was agreed upon for the general to make the trip to Nanking and return xvith the answer, and a truce was called fur that time- A line was

40r> Kl^kKAN lllSTciUV.

Ur:i\vn roniul P'vniiii-viino- trn // from Ihr wall and the Jajun- t'sc aorocil to stay witliin that limit while the Koreans pro- mised not to cro-;s that line. Oen. Sim was sjnt upon his way with everv mark ot' esteem on the jiart of the Japanese who nceompinied him a short distance? on the road.

The Japanese lived uji to the terms of the truce, never crossiu!^ the line once, but the fifty days expired and still Gen. Sim did not appear. They then informed the Koreans that in the twelfth moon their "horses would drink the water of the Va-lu."

Durinp: these fifty days of truce what was going on in other ]iarts of the peninsula? Cho Dug a soldier of Ch'ung* chTino; Province was a man oi marvelous skill. With a band of 500 men he succeeded so well in cutting off small foraging bands of Japanese that they were at their wits end to get him put out of the way. One foggy day when the mist was so thick that one could not see his hand before his face the Jap- anese learned that this dreaded man was on the road. They followed him swiftly and silently and at last got an opportuni- ty to shoot him in the back. He fell from his horse but rose and fled on foot. But the>' soon overtook him and, having first cut his hands off, they despatched him.

The governor of Kyung-geui Province was Sim T^. He had found asylum in the town of vSang-nyUng, two hundred //' north of Seoul. Having gotten together a considerable body of soldiers he formed the daring plan of wresting Seoul from the hands of the Japanese. For this purporse it was neces- sary that he should have accomplices in that city who should rise at the appointed time and join in the attack. Through treachery or otherwise the Japanese became aware of the plot and sending a strong body of troops to Sang-nyung they seiz- ed the governor and put him to death.

Gen. Kim Si-min had charge of the defense of the walled town of Chin-ju in Kyung-saug Province. The Japanese in- vested the town with a very large force. Within, the garrison amounted to only three thousand men. These were placed on the walls in the most advantageous manner bj' Gen. Kim who was specially skilled in the defense of a walled town. All the soldiers were strictly commanded not to fire a single shot un- til the Japanese were close up to the wall. The Japanese ad-

MODKKX KORKA. 407

vaiiced in three divisions, 10,000 strong. A thousand of tiiese were musketeers. Tlie roar of the nuisketry was deafening but the walls were as silent as if (ieserted. Not a man \i-as to be seen. On the following day the assault began in earnest. The Japanese discarded the muskets and used fire arrows. Soon all the houses outside the wall were in ashes. Gen. Kim went up into the south gate and there sat and listened to some flute playing with a view to making the Japanese think the defending force was so. large as to make solicitude unneces- sary. This made the Japmese very careful. They made elaborate preparations for the assault. Cutting down bamboos and pine trees they made ladders about eight l^et wide and as high as the wall. They also prepared straw mats to protect their heads from missiles from above. But the defenders had also made careful preparations. They had bundles of straw with little packages of powder fastened in them, to cast down on the attncking part}'. Piles of stones and kettles of hot water were also m readiness. As the assault might take place at night, planks bristling with nails were thrown over the wall. This proved a wise precaution for in fact the attack was made that very night. It raged fiercely for a time, but so man\- of the Japanese were lamed by the spikes in the planks and so many were burned by the bundles of straw, that at last they had to withdraw, leaving heaps of dead behind. More than half the attacking force were killed and the rest beat a hasty retreat.

In the ninth moor. Gen. Pak Chin of Kyfing-sang Province took 10,000 soldiers and went to attack the walled town of Kyong-ju which was held by the Japanese. It is said that he made use of a species of missile called "The Flying Thunder- bolt." It was projected from a kind of mortar made of bell metal and having a bore of some twelve or fourteen inches. The mortar was about eight feet long. The records say that this thing could project zAW/" through the air for a distance of forty paces. It doubtless means that a projectile of some kind could be cast that distance from this mortar. The re- cords go on to say that the ' Flying Thunder-bolt" was thrown over the wall of the town and, when the Japanese flocked around it to see what it might be, it exploded with a terrific noise, instantly killing twenty men or more. This struck the Japanese dumb with terror and so worked upon their su-

4oS KoKKAN msrouv.

perstitious iKitmvs llial tliey dec;mipt;d in haste and (.vacualed the city. Tlic iiiVL-ntor of this weapon was Yi Van^-son, and it is said that the secret i)f its constrnction died witli him. It appears that we liave here tlie inventor of the niorUir and bomb. The leni^tli of the ,y^nn compared with its calibre, the distance the projectile was carried with the poor powder then in use and the explosion of the shell all point to this as beiu"^ tlie first veritable mortar in use in the east if not in the world. It is said that one of these mortars lies today in a storehouse in the fortress of Nam-liaii.

All through the country tlie people were rising and arm- ing against the invaders. A list of their leaders will show how widespread was the moveuieut. In the province of Chul- la were Gz^nerals Kim Ch'un-il, Ko Kyuug-myung and Ch'o6 Kyang-whe: in Kyung sang Province Generals Kwak Cha-o, Kwrm Kung-su, Kim Myon. Chong lu-hong, Kim Hfi, Nyu Wan-ga. Yi Ta-geui and Chang Sa-jin ; in Ch'ung-ch'ung Province Generals ChoHeun, Yung Kyu (monk), Kim Hong- min, Yi SangyHm, Cho Tun-gong, Cho Ung and Yi Pong: in Kyung-geui Province Generals U Sung-juu, Chung Suk- ha, Ch'oe Heul. Yi No, Yi San-whi, Nam On-gyung, Kim T'ak, Y'u Ta-jin, Yi Chil, Hong Kye-nam ana Wang Ok ; in Ham-gyung Province Generals Chong Nam-bu, and Ko Kyung-min ; in P'yung-an Province Generals Cho Ho-ik and the monk Yu Chung. The country was filled with little bands of fifty or a hundred men each, and all were fighting sepa- rately. Perhaps it was better so, for it may have prevented jealousies and personal enmities that otherwise would have ruined the whole scheme.

Ch<>ng Mun-bu was the "Military inspector of the north" and it was his business to investigate annually the condition of things in the province of Ham-gyung and to superintend the annual fair on the border at Whe-ryCing in the tenth moon of each year. He Wc.s caught by the Japanese on the road and was held captive, but made his escape by night and found a place of hiding in the house of a certain sorceress or fortune- teller in Yong-sung. After five days of flight he reached the town of Kyoag-siing where he found the leaders Ch'oe Pa- ch'un and Chi Tal-wun at the house of a wealthy patriot Yi Pung-su who had giveu large sums of money to raise and

MODERN KOREA. 4O9

equip soldiers. The common people entered heartily into the plan and a force of lo.ooo men, indifferently armed and drilled, was put into the field. This force surrounded the town of Kil-ju where the Japanese were encamped, and after a des- perate fight the Jap-inase ware totally defeated, leaving 600 he.ids in the hands of the victors. A few days later a similar engagement took place with a like result, sixty more heads being taken.

And so it was throughout the country. The Japanese were being worn away by constant attrition ; here a dozen, there a score and yonder a hundred, until the army in P'yung- yang, by no means a large one, was practically all that was left of the Japanese in the peninsula.

Kwfin Yul, the governor of ChHl-la Province, said to the provincial general, "If you will remain in Yi-hyun and guard the province I will take 20,000 men and move northward to the capital." He advanced aj far as Su-wun. The Japanese tried to draw him into a general engagement but he avoided it and kept up a geurilla warfare, cutting off large numbers of stragglers from the Japanese cunp. By this means he ac- complished the important work of opening up a way to the north, which had been closed ; so that from now on messengers passed freely from the southern provinces to the king.

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