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THE
CHINESE REPOSITORY.
VoL. VI. — August, 1837. — No. 4.
Art. I. UsbcJc Turkestan : its early history, under Cyrus, Darius, Alexander, the Huns, and Mohammedaiis ; the epochs of Genghis, Timur, and the Usbeks ; present communication with India, Persia, Russia, and China.
The region of which we have now taken a survey, is first mentioned in ancient history under the name of Bactria, a name said to be derived from the Bactrus, or ‘ Balkh river.’ Historians who cannot be satisfied with any account that does not go back to the deluge, tell us, that Bactria was peopled by Gjorner, grandson of Noah. This Bactria, with due allowance for the uncertainty of ancient geogra- phical boundaries, was one of the countries conquered by Ninus, 2200 years before our era. It is not impossible, that the Zoroaster, who then governed Bactria, was the real author of the worship called by his name, and that the second Zoroaster of a later age, was only its restorer ; but more probably, this early application of the name is a misnomer. It is believed, that this region continued to form a part of the Assyrian and Persian dominions down to the destruction of those early empires. It is certain, that the possessions of Cyrus extended to the Jaxartes ; for Cyropolis, built by him, stood on the bank of this river. Bactria, or Balkh, acquired a new celebrity in the time of Darius Hystaspes, from its being chosen by Zoroaster as the seat of his worship, and the site of a magnificent temple, to which all his followers made pilgrimages. We are not informed how far this worship was an engine of state, but it appears from history, that it was strenuously supported by Darius, and that Zoroaster lost his life, in an attempt to advance, along with his own, the interests of his royal patron and master. A Scythian prince, irritated by the refe- rences to the Persian power, with which the priest enforced his .spi- ritual appeals, slew him and burnt up his temple. Darius avenged his death and restored the worship of Zoroaster VOL, VI. NO. IV. 21
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We co'ne next to the time of Alexnntier. Bessus, the betrayer of Darius was then governor of Bnctria. After tlie overthrow and death of the Persian monarch, Alexander pursued Bessus, and having taken him prisoner, crossed the desert, reduced Maracanda (Samarkand), and ravaged the surrounding country. His rapid and successful march- es, and wanton desolation of this populous and happy region, are nar- r.ited by Quintus Curtius, Arrian, &-c. Alexander would have spared Cyropolis for the sake of its founder ; its inhabitants, however, re- jected his propositions, and it shared the fate of Maracanda. Thus far Alexander did no more than complete the reduction of the pro- vinces of Persia. He now determined to cross the Jaxartes. The Scythian tribe, inhabiting its northern banks, sent envoys, who rode into his camp, and perhaps made the bold address recorded by Quin- tus Curt’.-v;. They told him, that their country extended from the Jaxartes to Thrace, and that he must take them either for the best guardians or worst invaders of his whole frontier. Their remon- stances and threats were useless, and after disputing in vain the pas- sage of the river, they acknowledged, on its northern bank, that ‘every nation in the world ought to yield to the Macedonians.’ Does the rleclaration of these envoys authorize us to believe that the northern tribes, from the Beliir to Thrace, were one and the same people ? If so, we may class these eastern Scythians with the hordes which broke into Asia Minor and Media, about 635 b. c., and for whose ravages, the celebrated expedition of Darius, in 514, was a pretended but unin- flicted retaliation. And if so, we may generalize those descriptions, which Strabo, Justin, and others, give of the western Scythians, and seek for a reconciliation of their opposite characteristics, simplicity, moderatron, justice, fierceness, violence, and cruelty, in the extremes between which semi-barbarous men everywhere alternate.
It does not appear that Alexander penetrated fvr beyond the Jaxar- tes. On its banks, he built a city and called it Alexandria. It was built in twenty days, was sixty furlongs round, and was peopled by his disabled soldiers, captives, &/C. We are not told how long Alexandria with its mushroom walls, and exhausted veterans, resisted the attacks of the Scythians. After his death, the Seleucidte ruled Bactria, until it rose to the rank of an independent kingdom, under Theodotus, 250 B.c. The Scythians, from beyond the Jaxartes, overwhelmed this dynasty, under its seventh king, about 100 b. c., and Bactria lost its independence. Probably one or two centuries of quiet succeeded before this region felt that movement of the northern tribes, which began on the north of China, a little before our era, and extended with its all-destroying force to the borders of France, and to the death of Attila.
Of the invasion of the Huns, and of their occupation of Turkestan, there is, we believe, no correct history. It is stated generally, that their mingling with the Tajik population, resulted in something like civilization. Their attention to the arts of peace was not, however, an uninterrupted one. Persian history informs us, that their mo- narchs drove the Huns across the Oxus, again and again, in the fifth
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and sixth centuries. About 650 a. o., Persia itself sank under the arms of the califs, and before the close of that century their armies approached the Oxus. A queen, whose justice is still commemorated in popular songs, then ruled in Turkestan. Her son and successor submitted to the usual Moslem alternative, and kept, for a little while, his life and throne, but afterward lost both, by an ill-considered re- cantation. He is said to have built a splendid mosque in his capital near Bokhara, and to have directed prayers to be said in Persian, “ because it was the language of the people.” This is another proof of the long and intimate connection which had subsisted between Persia and Turkestan.
The Mohammedan faith was soon established in Transoxiana, or, as it is called in Arabic — Moweralnehar, ‘the country beyond the river.’ Two centuries passed away, under this rule, when the region enjoyed comparative quiet ; and it becaind^ tagaiii populous, wealthy, and beautiful — a Mohammedan paradise. The power of the califs declined in the last years of the ninth century. Kwaresm became independent. It is supposed that the Persian family of Saman ruled the greater part of Turkestan in the tenth century. About 1000 a.d. it became a part of the dominions of Mahmud ofChizni. The Seljuks soon followed. Alp Arslan began, and his successor, Malik Shah, completed, the reduction of Turkestan. The possessions of this mo- narch e.xtended from China to the Mediterranean. The Seljuk dy- nasty terminated a.d. 1175, and 'Purkestan was again divided into several independent states or kingdoins: of these, Kwaresm is said to have been the farthest advanced in the cultivation of the arts and literature, and in civilization.
We come now to a new epoch, the birth of Genghis. His ancestor, Tumena'h khan (who had a clear pedigree from Noah), was chief of a Mongol horde on the isorthwest of China, in the tenth century. Tumena''h divided his authority, on his death, between his twin sons, giving to the one the khanat, and appointing the other the com- mandant of his forces. This distinction he required to be perpetuated in their posterity. From the former of the sons, Genghis was descend- ed. At the early age of thirteen, a.d. 1167, he was called to the khanat, and learned the art of war in the defense of his paternal au- thority. Successful in this defense, he became, in turn, the aggressor; and soon after the chose of this century was master of Mongolia and a large portion of northern China. The ill treatment of his mer- chants and envoys in KwaTesm, drew down on Turkestan the ven- geance of Genghis. He entered this country, a. d. 121S, at the head of 700,000 men, and seven successive years passed away before he had completed the work of conquest, devastation, and pillage. Ma- racanda, Bokhara, and the other cities of Turkestan, were stormed and plundered. Genghis once more turned his arms towards China, but died soon after, a. d. 1227, without one reverse to break the long line of successive victories. His children succeeded to his domi- nions and his good fortune, and under Hulagu, and Kublai, Mongol dynasties were established over Turkestan, Persia, and China. The
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Persians tlirew off tlieir allegiance to this family, by the close of the 13th century ; and in 1308, the Mongols were driven from China by the founder of the Ming dynasty, only two years after the last descen- dant of Jaghata'i, had ceased to rule over Turkestan.
The next epoch is that of Timur. This worthy successor of Gen- ghis was descended, in the eighth degree, from the ‘ less of the twin sons’ of Tumena'h. A nearer ancestor, Keracha'r, had married a daughter of Genghis, the first of the family connected with Islam. Timur was therefore of Mongol origin, though he seems to have re- garded himself as a Turk, his family having been long established among the Turks at Kesh, and intermingled with them. The memoirs which he has left us, give an acquaintance with his heart and life, which cannot be had in the case of Genghis. He tells us, that when first carried to school at the age of seven, his delight was to assume the command over his little school-fellows, and make them fight sham battles. At twelve, he says, that “ he perceived in himself all the signs of greatness and wisdom.” His natural disposition seems to have been social, for he adds, “ from my ninth to my seventy-first year, I have never dinned alone, or walked without a companion.” He was called to take an early part in public affairs, his father seek- ing to retire from a world, which he had found to be ‘ a golden bowl, filled with serpents and scorpions.’ Timur did not dislike this, for at eighteen, ‘ he thought no one his superior.’ The doctrines of Islam harmonized with his martial spirit, and the seids, who surrounded him, foreseeing, perhaps, his approaching elevation, interpreted his dreams and threw out predictions, so as to give the strongest impulse to his ambition.
Moments of softer mood were not, however, wanting even in the life of Timur. This remorseless conqueror, who afterward sported with the lives of millions and trampled on their rights and happiness, at one time left off playing chess for conscience-sake, and pined at having trodden on a pismire. The spirit of the age, as well as his faith, tended to work this unhappy change in the character of Timur. It was a maxim then, that ‘ whoever has 12,000 cavaliers, true and faithful, should be reckoned inglorious if he does not raise the standard of royalty.’ When this envied distinction was gained, ‘ it was one of the rights of the prince, that his words should be the law of the land.’ Timur saw that war was the only pathway to his tempting elevation.
‘ He who would embrace the bride of royalty,’ said he, to one of his rivals, ‘must kiss her across the sharp sword.’ His first exploit was, the repulse of a Persian band in 1357. After the death of the chief, who had deposed the last descendant of Jaghata'i, he submitted, for a time, to the prince of that line, who ruled north of the Sir. After serving him for some years, Timur rebelled. Reduced, at first, to a handful of followers, he afterward led on his troops successfully, against the invading Jetes ; and, at^length, at the . age of thirty-five, the support of the seids, and a fortunate lot, placed the sceptre in his hands. He fixed his residence at Samarkand, and ordered his court, and drew up his institutes, as Genghis had done.
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We cannot follow Timur through his subsequent career. A little before his death, he reviewed it all, and ascribed his success “;to God’s blessing on the strictness, with which he had weighed justice to all, had shown compassion to all mankind, had conferred benefits on all, had been faithful to his word and to his trust as the treasurer of God, and had supported the faith of Islam, and its ministers the seids.” No suspicion of his right to the title of ‘ benefactor’ seems to have crossed his mind. ‘ He had taken justice in one hand and equity in the other, and by these two lamps, kept the palace of royal- ty illuminated.’ Even his religious motives appear to have been approved by himself, though he discloses their character to us in these remarkable words. ‘ He had heard that church and state are twins, and that every sovereignty not supported by religion loses its authority, and every person, worthy or unworthy, presumes to meddle therewith.’
We now come to the last epoch in the history of Tiirkestan, the invasion of the Usbeks, who continue to rule it, at the present time. Long before Timur’s birth, Sheiba'iii khan, son of Batu, son of Tushi, son of Genghis, had settled with a large party of Turks, Mongols, &c., on the Ural river, and founded the khanat of Tura. One of his successors, popular beyond the rest, gave his own name ‘ Uskek,’ to the whole tribe. This tribe had become powerful, before 1500 a. d.; and a division of it, under the second Sheibini, who had been exclud- ed from the khanship of Tiira, invaded the country south of the Aral. Meanwhile, Ba'ber, whose memoirs are the annals of this period, had succeeded to his paternal kingdom of Ferghana, at the age of twelve, 1494 A. D. Turkestan was then cut up into minute independencies, and the princes of these districts are well characterized as ‘ regarding all the obligations of nature and morality dissolved, by the pursuit of a throne.’ Fathers, brothers, and sons, were in arms against each other, and each alternately befriended and betrayed. The lesser chiefs and warriors were equally distinguished for the perfidy, with which they transferred themselves from master to master, and for their reck- less cruelty in the causes, which they successively espoused. One redeeming circumstance must be admitted in the history of this period, the cultivation of science and of literature by the princes of the line of Timur, and by the higher classes and mullahs of that time. The patronage of astronomy by Ulugh Beg, grandson of Timur, his obser- vatory, and astronomical tables, are well known. The Arabic, Per- sian, and Turki, languages were then studied by all the educated, and were further enriched by the productions of many learned men. It is an eastern saying, the serpent employed Arabic to seduce our common mother; Adam and Eve discoursed of love in Persian; and the angel spoke Turki, when compelled to drive our first parents from paradise : and with these languages at command, genius could never want terms, in which to clothe its conceptions, whatever may be its theme.
The incursions of the Usbeks, as well as domestic quarrels, soon called the attention of Baber and his contemporaries, away from the
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pursiiittf of peace. I'his acco!nplislie<l prince still coiitiiuiecl to write poetry, in the intervals of an unavailing contest; but badly supported by his allies and dependents, he was, at last, driven to make reprisals in other kingdoms for the loss of his own. His invasion of Cabul, and subsequent conquest of Hindustan, are detailed in his memoirs. Sheiba'ni khan, the antagonist of B.'iber, continued victorious in Tiirkestau, until, having provoked Shah Ismael of Persia, the founder of the Suffavean dynasty, to meet them at Merve, he was defeated and slain, about ,v. n. lolO. Persia, for a few years, maintained her ascendency over the west of Turkestan, but the son of Sheiba'ni, re- turning to the contest, and being aided by tbe siini aversion to the Persians, lie established the domination which subsists at the present time. For Turkestan, this was an unhappy change. Literature, science, and genius, took their flight, only the despotism of the house of Timiir remaining. How far the influence of Usbek vicinity has been injurious to Khorasan and Persia, we are not informed. The court of Herat liad previously been ‘far in advance of any contemporary European capital, not excepting that of Francis I., in cultivation, refinement, and the arts of life.’ From this time it rapidly declined. It seems to have been in retaliation for Usbek incursions, that Tur- kestan was partly conquered by Shah Abbas, and again by Nadir Shah. The lineal descendants of Sheiba^ni continued to occupy the throne of Bokhara, until the latter years of the last century, when the last pageant was deposed by Murad Beg, an Usbek of the Muugut tribe. Bahadur khan, the present monarcli, who ascended the throne .V.. D. 1825, is the third of this new line.
To this brief sketch of the annals of Tiirkestan, we can add few remarks, on the origin of the tribes by which it has been successively scourged. The libraries of Central Asia may contain the materials for a correct history of these races, but it seems to be only adding con- jecture to conjecture, to speculate on this point, without their aid^ When Timur expressed his curiosity on this head, his father told him “the Turks were descended from Yafet Aglan, son of Yafet, son of Noah. Yafet Aglan was th.e first monarch of the Turks ; he left his throne to his fifth son Aljeh ; the all gracious God gave to Aljeh twin sons, Tartar and Mongol; their descendants divided Turkestan and fought many a hard battle on its plains.” This distinction between Tartar or Turk, and Mongol is not merely in name. Nature has marked it strongly in the different mould of the tall, well-formed, hand- some Turk, and the short, ill-formed, Mongol. The ignorance of their neighbors has, however, confounded it — the Europeans calling them all Tartars; the Arabs, all Turks; and De Guignes, drawing his in- formation from eastern sources, all Mongols or Huns.
As to the origin and proper application of the word Tartar, we will not attempt to decide. It may be as easy and quite as just, as the father of Timur makes it, for aught we know. Our histories, geo- graphies, and maps, show the popularity of the name. On the other hand, it appears (vide preface to the memoirs of Baber), that it is unknown to the tribes to which we apply it, and that, very probably,
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it has been derived from the name of one of tlie lesser Mongol tribes. As a modern appellation, there can be no doubt, that it is better to denominate the two great races, which have so often met in war, and mingled in peace on the plains of Central Asia — Turks and Mon- gols— as they called themselves. Perhaps some light may be thrown on their national dissimilarity, by the fact that a Persian people, occu- pied the country south of the Turks, from the earliest time, and by the inference, that both Persian genius and comeliness have been imparted to the Turk, while the blood of the rude Mongol has been transmitted comparatively pure. Admitting the correctness of this division into Turk and Mongol, it must, however, be added, that their nornade habits and their extensive migrations in peace and war, make it impossible to apply any test to the composition of some of the existing tribes. As an instance of peaceful migration, we may refer to the Tourgouths, who returned, in 1771, from the banks of the Volga to their ancient seat east of the Belur. In that case, 100,000 fami- lies traversed this wide extent of country, and regained their ances- tral home, though harrassed, as unbelievers, by the Mohammedan tribes. Still more extensive and confounding haye been the migra- tions of these hordes in war. The warlike part of every defeated tribe, appear to have incorporated themselves with their conquerors, and thenceforth to have plundered, in great harmony, under the same banners. The princes, to whom conquered provinces were assigned, retained with them detachments of their followers, and this perpetuat- ed the confusion. These considerations excuse us from any attempt to assign the proportions, in which the earlier races are combined, to the present tribes of Central Asia.
The early intercourse of the inhabitants of Turkestan with each other and the world, is, of course, involved in great uncertainty. Their origin, habits, tastes, language, and political dependence, would naturally connect them closely, if not exclusively, with Persia. The reports of the riches of India, which drew Alexander from the Jaxartes to the Hydaspes, were no doubt corroborated, if not derived, by commerce with that country. Long before the Arabian conquest, it appears that the throne or the harem of Bykund, was graced by a princess of the imperial house of China. We may infer an exchange of commodities less precious and less fragile. In the tenth century, an extensive trade was had with Russia. In the thirteenth, Genghis was provoked to enter Turkestan, partly by the ill treatment of his merchants. At the marriage of Timur’s grandson at Kokan, embassa- dors were present from all the neighboring states, among which China was included.
Passing over early notices, we come to the present intercourse of the Usbeks. Referring to our description of these for a specifica- tion of their exchangeable productions, and to the travels of Burnes for minuter information, we will briefly trace, for general purposes, the routes and state of communication at the present time. Of these, Bokhrira is the centre. The radii diverge to India, Persia, Russia, and Souugaria.
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In the communication with India, Cahh] seems to be the great, if not the only, avenue. About 2000 camel-loads of Indian goods, indigo, sugar, muslins, &,c., &-c., enter Cabul yearly by way of Attok, and the half of these, passes on, by Bamian to Turkestan. There are thirteen marches from Cabul to Khulum. At this southern mart, some indigo and other articles pass eastward to Kiinduz and even to Yarkand. The greater portion crosses the Oxus at Kilef, and arrives in twelve days at Bokhara. Horses are used in the moun- taiiis of this country, but transportation across the sands is effected on camels. This patient animal, with a load of 5001bs., moves on by marches of about 25 miles, at the rate of 2^ miles per hour. Its pow- er of enduring heat and thirst being less than is usually stated, the camel is driven only by night, and is watered every march, without which, it pines and dies the fourth day. At the termination of the march, the caravansera receives the merchandise in its area, and each one betakes himself to his own separate cell. The trade from Cabul is in the hands of Afghans. This route has been safe for some years past, under the protection required by the Koran, and the quiet gov- ernment of Cabul. Regular supplies of Indian produce are furnished by it to Bokhara, and thence to Khiva, and Kokan. Some shawls, &c., are even sent to Russia. British manufactures enter by this route into successful competition with those imported from Russia, and the progressive removal of transit restrictions, and still more the use of steam on the Indian rivers, will doubtless give to the former party, increasing advantage in this trade. Cabul has been more than once invaded from Turkestan, but it is not probable, considering po- litical circumstances and the intervening country, that the compliment will be returned.
The line of communication between Bokhara and Persia crosses the Oxus fifty miles from Bokhara, and passes by Merve to Meshed, distant about nine marches, or 225 miles. A few goods received from Russia are sent as far as Meshed, and some shawls, opium, &c., taken in return. A small annual caravan crosses from Khiva to Astera- bad. The want of suitable exchanges, the strength of religious and national prejudice, and the dangers of the way, from the lawlessness of the Turkomans, have never allowed this route to become important, nor is it likely that intercourse by it will increase.
Notwithstanding British competition, the most important inter- course of Bokhara, is with Russia. This is conducted by three routes to Orenburg, via Urgunje in 60 days; to Troitskoi, the eastern shore of the Aral, in 48 days; to Petropaulousk, on the Issim, in 90 days. Of these, the first is the most frequented. One thousand three hundred camels leave Orenburg for Bokhara in January, and return in June. The smaller caravans from Bakhara, Troitskoi and Petropaulousk, follow in August, passing east of the Aral, above the mouths of the Sir. Russia has not failed to foster this trade. Fairs are annually held for its benefit at on the Volga, and the principal purchases and sales for the Bokhara market are made there. Russia has also endea- vored to open a more direct route by Astrachan and Mungusluk,
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or the bay of Krasnoiarsk, as well as a shorter way from Troitskoi; but these have failed, through the opposition of the khan of Khiva, who, in the true spirit of conservatism, adheres to the old tax and the old roads. In supplying the markets of Turkestan, Russia has the advantage in natural facilities ; but England in enterprise, and espe- cially in manufacturing skill. In this peaceful contest of cheapness, both powers will probably exhaust their jealousie^s, much as we hear of their ambitious designs. There is, however, a chance that the khan of Khiva may provoke Russia; and should she form a post on the Aral, for his restraint, the temptation may be irresistible to assert the command of the Oxus and the Sir.
The vallies of the Sir and the Oxus are the great lines of commu- nication between Turkestan and the Chinese empire. It is said that the caravans from Tashkend once pursued a more northern route, and entered the Kashgar country, by passes, still used by the Kirghis, across the Belur. The best entrance is, however, by the valley of the Sir. This was the path of cai;-vans in Biber’s time, and by it Shah Rokh’s embassadors to China returned. It is a 45 days’ jour- ney, merchandise being carried from Bokhara in carts, and thence on horses to Kashgar and Yarkand. During the summer months, this route is said be made impassable by the melting of the snows. The connection of the khan of Kokan with the rebellion of Jehangir in 1826, led to the closing of this route ; and though afterward reopen- ed, it is still so much restricted, that the more southern, by the Oxus, is now preferred. This line of communication leaves the road to Cabul, at Khulum. It follows the valley of the Oxus to Badakshan, crosses the plain of Pamer, and thence, by the valley of the river Yar- kand, extends to the town. This journey is annually made by 590 camels from Bokhara to Khulum, where the lading is placed on 1009 horses, which toil up the dangerous defiles of the Belur, the whole transit occupying sixty-five days.
The same jealousy, which characterizes Chinese dealings with for- eigners on the eastern coast, is felt on this remote frontier. No Chi- nese is suffered to cross it, nor are the natives of Turkestan permitted to penetrate into the celestial empire. The trade is in the hands of natives of Badakshan. Among the articles taken by them to Yarkand, is Persian opium, received via Meshed, and purchased readily by the Chinese at 5 tilla's (30 rupees) per maund of 7 pounds. Unless the quality be inferior, we should suppose, that this low price would give the Persian opium an extensive currency through the interior. The great article of export from Yarkand is green tea, of which 450 horse- loads, 200,0001bs., are annually carried to Bokhara. The other Usbek states, no doubt, consume a .still larger quantity. This tea is brought from China in boxes, and at Ydrkand is repacked in strong bags, in which it is carried across the mountains. After so long a transit, we are prepared to hear that this tea costs, 60 tilla's, per horse-load, in Yarkand, and 100 in Bokhara. The Usbeks are too fond of tea to forego this costly luxury. They however use it with much economy, drinking the infusipn, and then chewing tl)c leaves. Gre;it good
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faith is 'said to characterize the dealings of Chinese merchants at Yarkand. The trader from Bokhara has also much rea.son to be sa- tisfied with his own, and the Cinese, government ; the former exact- ing only 2^ per cent., and the latter 3 per cent., duties. On this point, the Chinese are, however, the more Chatholic; for they treat all alike, while in Bokhara, the Moslem only is favored, and the Hindu made to pay 10 per cent., and the Christian 20 per cent., duties. On the other hand, Bokhara excels in charity, all duties being remitted whenever one of the faithful swears he is a poor man, and cannot afford to pay them.
The following, are some further memoranda, of the routes from Yarkand. Distance
To Peking, 35 days for an express, 5 months for caravans;
To Lada'k, 27 days for caravans ;
To Aksij, 20 days for caravans;
To Semipalatnoi, 40 days;
To Kashgar is 105 miles.
The above notices are sufficient to convey a tolerable idea of the state of communication, domestic and foreign, in Turkestan. No apology for their length will be required by any one who remembers, how closely the results of modern experience coincide with the decla- rations of ancient prophecy, and that human improvement is identified with human intercourse. We will mention but one route more, that of the Asiatic cholera. ^ This terrible pestilence began its ravages in India; then passed to Cabul, crossed the Hindu Kush, and disolated Balkh and Kundiiz. It fluctuated for a year between Hera^t and the Oxus, and then attacked Bokhara and Kokan. It passed on to Khiva, Orenburg, Astrachan, and thence spread over Europe. 'Phe Atlantic could not arrest its progress, nor has it yet numbered its last victims' in Europe and America.’
We have already noticed the ill terms, on which Kunduz, Kokan, and Khiva, are with each other. These three states are said to be impressed with a high sense of the power of Russia. Kunduz has the most jealous dread of the rulers of British India. We will merely add a remark, on the relations of these states with China. Kokan still suffers, in Chinese estimation, for its implication with the irrup- tion of 1826, and probably will not recover while under the present ruler. Bokhara is on friendly terms with China, and its aid was sought, on the irruption of Koka^nese just mentioned. Presents are exchanged by the authorities of Yarkand and Kunduz, and mutual arrangements made for the safety of the roads between the two countries.
What shall we say, in conclusion, of the influence which China and Turkestan exert on each other ? It appears that neither party either fears or meditates encroachment. The Chinese seem to be well sa- tisfied with their western frontiers, and the Usbeks are equally plea.sed with their annual supply of tea, &c. The passes of the Belur are left unfortified, and while this is the case there is nothing, but this mutual content, to prevent mutual incursions. W’^e should say, that tlie Chi-
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nsse possesiioi s, west of Kobi, belong rather to Turkestan ; and that they could be more easily conquered and defended from that quarter, than from China. On the other harrd, the Chinese are aided by the division of the Usbek power, and probably by a more extensive use of firearms. ‘
Could Bokhara, Kokan, Khiva, and. Kunduz, be connected by steam communication, for which the Sir, the Oxus, and the Aral, as well as the hard and level deserts, afford such facilities, they would form a powerful whole, and, under able rulers, give laws to Central Asia. A result so opposed to the maxim, “ divide et impera,” is not likely to be effected by the influence of Russia. The prospect is a little less remote, that the example of Turkey will be felt, and Euro- pean improvements introduced, second-hand, into Turkestan. It will, however, put in requisition all the zeal and all the devotion of these eastern suffragans to their head, to convert them from the personifica- tion of bigotry, to the pursuits and patronage of liberal institutions and true knowledge. The British Indian government has it in its power to hasten this result, by accepting the invitation given it, through lieu- tenant Burnes, and appointing au able resident at Bokhara. It is its interest to strengthen this northern neighbor. Aided by the sugges- tions of a: British resident, Bokhara might' rise rapidly to power, and make its influence felt in favor 'of all that is good, from Siberia to Hindu Kush, and from the Caspian' to China.
Akt. II.. Philippine Island's’:' their discovery, by F. dc Magellan;
dhd d brief nnrrdlivc of the fieri under his commarid, including ■' snMR ’pnrticuletrs respecting' Ms death. ‘
The following nojticea are drawn froin the ‘Hisforia Geueral'de Phili- pi,nas„,por el .P. Fx. dnan de fit; Concepcion,’ arid the ’ Chronica de la .ApostoUca Proyincia, cfe. S. Gregorio, de ReligiosoS' Dedcalzos de N. S. F, San Frftnqisco, en )as islas: Philipinas, «Sze.’ The former work was published at Manila in 1788, in fourteen voiurnes octavo, and is con- sidered t!>e best of several histories of these islands. The Franciscan chronicles were published at Manila, in two voluipes folio, in 1738. .The Augnstine, .Dpipinican, ; aqd other conveptnal orders have, we believe, similar chronicles, . B.oth these .work§ are introduced by adu- latory dedications .and prefaces, which we pass over;.: ^ They are written in a rambling and. confiispd style, and abound with expressions of .extravagant dievofion to the. Spanish .crown arid to the holy see. We shall not stop to criticise our authorities on these points, but Jimit ourselves to a brief notice of the discovery aqd settlement of the rich islands which lie so near ns, and which have, for. more;, than two cen- turies, been an appendage of the crown of Spain,
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For tlie honor of this discovery, and the colonial acquisitions which have resulted from it, Spain is indebted to Fernando de Magellan or Magalhaens, a Portuguese of noble birth. We find no account of the early life of this distinguished man. He must have been one of the earliest adventurers beyond the Cape of Good Hope, for he is said to have traveled extensively in eastern Asia, and to have distin- guished himself under Albuquerque in 1510 and 1511. Returning to Portugal in 1514 or 1515, he found his services unappreciated and unrewarded by Dorn Manoel, the reigning prince. It is probable that this disappointment in his expectations of reward for past services, was the reason of his transferring his future services to Charles V. of Spain. The statement which makes Magellan to have laid before bis sovereign his proposal to reach the Moluccas by a western passage, seems inconsistent with the acknowledged shrewdness of the man. He must have known that the line drawn by papal authority between the Portuguese and Spanish claims, made it the interest of the Portu- guese to conceal the western passage, if such did exist. We there- fore prefer to regard Magellan simply as a disappointed or injured man, who carried this proposal to Charles V. because he knew, that this was the service which would best recommend him to the Spanish crown. Charles V. then held his court at Valladolid, and there Ma- gellan, accompanied by his friend Luis Talero, a distinguished cos- mographer, presented himself in 1517. The existence ’ of a great western ocean beyond America had already been well attested by M. de Balbao and others, and Brazil had been coasted as far south as the river La Plata. Magellan brought with him the information res- pecting the Moluccas, which he had gained from Francisco Serrano, their discoverer, with whom he had been intimate while in the east. Fonseca, the superintendent of Indian affairs, introduced him to the king. Here he again evinced his thorough acquaintance with the subject of his propositions, and demonstrated to the satisfaction of all, th it the Moluccas could be reached by a western passage, and right- fully belonged to Spain.
The Portuguese embassador, Alvaro da Costa, aware of the pro- posals of Magellan, sought to defeat them, by misrepresenting him to the king. But Charles V. had discovered, under a small and un- prepossessing person, the great mind of Magellan, and gave no credit to the story of the embassador, that he had been dismissed the Portuguese service for incompetency. Perhaps he was also informed that da Costa was secretly urging the navigator to return to Portugal, and assuring him that Ins past services would receive a proper re- ward. These intrigues were, however, of no avail, Charles V. having determined that the proposals of Magellan should be carried into effect. He invested Magellan and his friend with the order of San- tiago, and gave them rank in the service of Spain. He moreover bound himself to furnish five vessels of between sixty and 130 tons and 234 men for the voyage, to confirm them and their heirs in the government of the discovered countries, to secure to them a twen- tieth of the profits of the commerce which shall be carried on there-
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with, &/C., &c., reserving to the crown of Spain only the supreme authority and the appointment of fiscal officers. They, on their part, engaged to find islands bearing spices, by a route which should not pass the line of demarcation between the Spanish and Portuguese claims. Notwithstanding this favorable arrangement, the preparations for the voyage went on slowly. It was necessary to offer bounties to procure the requisite number of men. Money failed, and the final preparations were completed by the aid of some merchants of Seville. As the time of departure approached, the two friends, who had thus far labored together in harmony, began to quarrel about their respec- tive rank. The king was called on to decide who should bear the royal standard, and he directed that Talero, on account of his health, should remain behind. The Franciscan Chronicle suggests that it might not have been the will of God, that the glory of this expedition should be shared by a man, whose knowledge was derived, as his countrymen said, from intercourse with an improper person, ‘ un mal- dito familiar.’ Talero died, soon after, of disappointment and rage. Magellan was thus left sole commander of his fleet, consisting of the Trinidad, Victoria, Conception, San Antonio, and Santiago ; and after prayers, he set sail on the lOth of August, 1519.
After touching for a few days at Teneriffe, they again sailed the 2d of October, but being unacquainted with the proper course, lost much time by following the African shore. Standing to the west- ward, the winds became more favorable, and on the 13th December, they anchored in the bay of Rio de Janeiro, the present capital of Brazil. The natives brought them fruits, fowls, &c., giving a slave for a hatchet, and six or seven birds for the king of a pack of cards. Magellan forbade the traffic in slaves, because they would serve only to consume provisions, and, perhaps, to embroil him with the Portuguese. Having remained in this harbor until Christmas, the fleet again resumed its course, and on the 13th of January, entered the river La Plata. Sailing again the 6th of February, they reached the 4 1st degree of south latitude, when the cold began to be severe. Landing again to procure refreshments, they took the opportunity to celebrate mass on shore. Magellan here discovered that the in- subordination, for which he had already placed one of his captains in confinement, extended to the rest. His crew, too, pressed with cold, hunger, and dread, begged to be carried back to Spain. Magellan quelled this mutiny, by putting to death one of his captains and sen- tencing one other, along with a French ecclesiastic, to be left to perish on this inhospitable shore. That these severities were not the result of indiscriminate cruelty may be inferred from the fact, that Magellan afterwards freely pardoned his mutinous crews. To look out for a bet- ter harbor, the Conception was dispatched southward, but was lost, with her cargo, on the return. Tire harbor, in which they were thus constrained to pass the winter, was in 49° 18' south latitude. Leaving it, on the return of the milder weather, Magellan discovered, early in November, the strait which still bears his name. Here he was deserted by the San Antonio, her officers taking advantage of a sepa-
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r.itiou from the lleet to imprison their commander and to steer again tor Spain. On tlieir arrival at San Luca in March, they declared that the cruelties of Magellan had compelled them to return. Their representations had too muclr weight : the ship was libelled, the com- mander and some of his accusers retained in custody, and the wife and children of Magellan coniined at Burgos, until the truth should be disclosed.
The undaunted navigator, trnding that he was not to be rejoined by the San Antoiiio, pursued his course with the three vessels which re- mained. Clearing the straits the ’iTth of November, he tbllowed the western coast of South America to 32,° south latitude, and then steer- ed northwest to the equator and the Molucca islands. On this long passage, provisions failed, and much had been sulfered from want and disease, when two islands were discovered, on the Sunday of S. La- zaro. These islands were small but beautiful ; the people idolatrous and rude. Magellan resorted to force to keep off the crowd, which curiosity had, brought on board. They resisted, but fled at the dis- charge of a piece of artillery. Afterwards they returned to traffic, and at length stole one of the, ship’s, boats; irritated by this theft, Magellan landed about ninety of his meiq killed some who resisted, recovered the boat, and took with them what provisions could be found. Returning on board with one of the., captured natives, as interpre- ter, he pursued his course. Sailing westward, and passing several islands, he made the so,utheavStern point of the island of Mindanao. He was now quite near to the. long sougdit Moluccas, but mistaking their direction, he steered north, coasting the eastern shore of Minda- nao. Landing at the town of ‘ Butuan,’ he celebrated Easter day on shore, the friendly natives aiding their visitors in setting up a cross, and admiring the ceremony by which their island was declared to be a possession of the crown of Spain. Passing tlirougli the strait which separates Mindanao from Leyte, he landed on the island of liimasava. The chief of this island, in reply to the inquiries. of M<igellan for the Moluccas, conducted , him to Zebu. The Zebu- ans, equally astonished, but less confiding than the other islanders, came down to the shore to the number of 2000, armed with spears. Assured by the chief of Limasava, that the Spaniards came with peaceful designs, and brought rich merchandi.se, Hamadnn, the king or rajah, laid aside his hostile garb, and gave them a friendly recep- tion. The treaty or alliance, which followed., wag solemnized by the ceremony common among the Dayaks, of drawing a little blood from the contracting parties, and drinking it together. The salute w'hich wag fired by Magellan, on the completion of this ceremony, had its usual effect, in astonishing the natives of Zebu. The inliuenoe of Magellan is said to have been further increased by the favorable effect of some medicine, administered to the nephew of the king. Abundant refreshments were now furnished to the Spanish crews, in exchange for beads, bells, looking-glasses, &c. Magellan proceeded to build a house of trade, and one where mass might be celebrated with due effect. The king, his wife, arrd son, were present at the first celebra-
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tion, and behaved with attention and reverence. When the sacred mysteries were explained to them, they expressed their desire to be- come Christians. This request was acceded’ to; and they were cate- chised briefly and forthwith baptized. Our chronicler adds, “ so hasty an admission might have been censurable, had it not been has- tened and sanctioned by special miracles.” The example of the chief was followed by 800 of the principal people of the island. Their con- version being thus effected, another day was employed in receiving the submission of Hamadan to the Spanish crown. Regarding the Zebuans as already Christians and vassals of Spain, Magellan now thought it incu?nbent on him to evince his devotion, and the reality of the protection under which they were taken. He therefore otfered his aid to subdue their enemies, beginning with the people of the neighboring island of Maktan. He had already been successful in one or two battles, and had burnt some villages, when, with fifty fol- lowers, he was surrounded in a marsh, by 2000 Mactanjs. Against such odds, the Spanish valor was of no avail ; and Magellan, with most of his men, fell under the arrows of their enemies, the 26th of April, 1521.
The followers of this able leader mourned over his untimely death. His successful guidance of them seemed to have fixed on him their entire confidence, and perhaps this affection led them to erect his cou- sin Duarte Barbosa to be their commander in his stead. A still heavier stroke now awaited the expedition, in the defection and perfidy of the king of Zebu. He joined; perhaps sincerely, in the lamentations of the Spaniards for the. loss of their chief, but soon after conceh^tx! the purpose which plunged them in still deeper grief. Pretending' that he had prepared his presents for the king of Spain, and would show them to the bearers, he invited Barbosa, and tweiiity-five of his officers to a feast. Serrano only distrusted the designs of the king. His fears were ridiculed, and the taunts of his comrades induced him to go with them to the shore. In the middle of their festivity, a band of armed men rushed upon them and put them to death. Serrano only was promised his life, if he would ransom it by two cannons. Bound and wounded he Was carried to the shore, and besought his companions to pay the ransom and save him from death. They replied by weigh- ing anchor and hoisting sail. Before they were , out of hearing, the angry shouts of the natives told them that Serrano was added to the number of the slain. Looking back once more to the spot where Magellan had planted the crosd, they saw it miraculously supported, so that, with all the efforts of the natives, it could not be overthrown.
The loss of so many of their best men left the survivors , too weak to form three crews. The Santiago was therefore burned, and the Victoria and Trinidad pursued their course, Juan Oaravallp haying been chosen to the chief Command. It is not clear what route was pursued from Zebu to Tidore. Probably, the two ships steered southwest again,’ dround the western coast of Mindanao. Their first stopping-place was at Paluan, where they were well received. Leav^ ing this friendly port, they were conducted to a large city or town.
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Philippine Islands.
Aufl.
which they call Borney, but which their probable position hardly per- mits us to regard as the modern Borneo, on the northwest coast of the island of that name. More probably it was one of the capitals of Mindanao. On approaching Borney, they met with some of the offi- cers of the king, through whom they forwarded presents, which were well received. The envoys, which they sent to court, at the king’s request, were met by an escort of 2000 men, having bows and spears, with an elephant in their train. They were conducted to the palace, and their replies communicated by a tube, passing through the wall of the apartment, to the royal ear. They were dismissed with presents, and on their return informed their commander, that the city was large and the people numerous, and that in their opinion, they had better be gone. It was, however, necessary to send once more to the city for some naval stores, and the five men dispatched on this service, did not return. The Spaniards then seized some hostages, and sent a message to the king, that they would burn his vessels and kill his people, if their comrades were not restored. Two of them then returned to the ships, but all their eftbrts being unavailing to effect the restoration of the other three men, they at length set sail, leav- ing them behind.
Finding soon after a convenient port, they careened their vessels, and deposing Caravallo, elected Gonsalo Gomes de Espinosa to the command in his stead. Embarking again, they captured the prahu of the chief of Puluan, but remembering that they had been well treated in his island, they released him again. Meeting with a prahu, which showed some hostile signals, near the island ‘ Quespid,’ they boarded her, killing twenty, and capturing thirty, men. The pilot of this prahu, denied that he knew the way to the Moluccas, but offered to take them to two islands where they would find cloves. When near the two islands, a chief came on board, who promised to carry them to the Moluccas, but finding his brother, in the captive pilot, he became alarmed and attempted to escape. Seized again, and confined in irons, the two brothers were required to act as pilots, but they soon effected their escape, by throwing themselves overboard in the night. One of the thirty prisoners now told his masters, that the Moluccas were 100 leagues distant, and following his directions, they entered, the 8th of November, the port of Tidore, Almansor, king of Tidore, visited them, wearing a shirt embroidered with gold, a white dress which came down to his feet, and a .silk turban or veil. He gave them a friendly welcome, the smell of their bacon, meanwhile, obli- ging him to hold his nose. The Spaniards made him a profound obei- sance, and offered him a chair covered with crimson velvet, a yellow velvet gown, a coat of cloth made of gold, four yards of scarlet cloth, a piece of yellow damask, a piece of linen, a golden worked handkerchief, two glass cups, some beads, knives, &c. Other presents were given to the son of the king and to the chiefs. Their petition for permission to trade was then granted, along with authority to kill all who should do them harm. The royal standard, arms, and portrait, were then shown to Almansor, who admred them much, and moreover told them that
1837. PhiUj)i)ine Islands . 117
he had discovered some time before, by means of astrology, that Chris- tians were coming to purchase spices, and that he had prepared for them permission to trade.
The sad fate of their companions at Zebu was not yet out of the memories of the Spaniards, and they did not forget precautions while refreshing themselves on shore. The natives finding them ignorant of the prices of cloves, attempted to impose on them, and they again appealed to the king. His authority procured for them cargoes, on low terms, and he further engaged that he would ever be friendly to the Spanish crown, and admit its subjects to a free trade. The Span- iards paid for their cargoes in linens, silks, and cloths, and presented Almansor with their thirty captives, as slaves. Information respecting the arrival of the Spaniards had now spread to the neighboring is- lands, and Corralat king of Ternate, and Luzuf king of Gilolo, came to offer their homage. These chiefs, as well as Almansor, prepared letters to the emperor, tendering their submission, and praying him to send them men To aid them against their enemies, and instructed to teach them the Catholic religion, and the customs of Castille. The ships were now ready to sail, and some young Tidoreans, who had offered to accompany them, were taken on board. At this moment, it was discovered that the Trinidad required extensive repairs. It was therefore agreed, that the Victoria, under the command of Juan Se- bastian Cano, should carry to Europe the most valuable part of the cargo, the royal letters, &c., by the way of the Cape of Good Hope, and that the Trinidad, after being refitted, should sail direct for Panama, whence her cargo could be carried across the isthmus, and so to Spain.
The Victoria proceeded on her voyage early in 1522. Some lives were soon after lost in quarrels, and the failure of provisions thinned the number of her crew. After great sufferings, they reached the Cape de Verde islands, but the Portuguese governor imprisoned the men who were sent for provisions, and attempted to seize the ship. Cano escaped, and after further suffering, reached San Lucas, the 6th of September, 1622. Bareheaded and barefooted, the eighteen survi- vors of this voyage went in procession to church, with candles in their hands, to return thanks to God. The news soon reached the court, and Cano was commanded to repair thither with some of his compan- ions, his charts, &.c. They were received with marked distinction by the king, a pension of 500 ducats was bestowed on Cano, with a coat of arms, and a globe with the device ^primus circumdedit me.' Pen- sions were also granted to his officers, and a fourth of the royal tyventi- eths distributed among the crew. The men who had been seized at the Cape de Verde islands, and sent thence to Portugal, were delivered up, on the demand of the king. The Victoria discharged 433 quin- tals of cloves, and a quantity of sandalwood, nutmegs, cassia, &c. A few of the Tidoreans also survived, and were presented to the king. One of these showed himself to be a sharp trader, and went from shop to shop, in Seville, inquiring the prices of products of his native island. For this exhibition of curiosity he paid dearly, for when his VOL. VI. NO. iV. 23
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companions were sent home, to their native island, it was thought best to require him to remain.
The return of Cano disclosed the truth respecting the conduct of Magellan, and the desertion of the San Antonio. The memory of the navigator was completely vindicated, and a munificent pension bestowed on dona Beatrix Barbosa, his widow.
A still harder fate awaited the Trinidad, which we left repairing at Tidore. She set sail for America the 6th of April, and ran to the northward, to avoid the easterly winds. In 20° north latitude, islands were met with, the people of which crowded on board. One of these was detained, and the rest were driven off. Having reached the 42° of north latitude, they encountered severe storms. Short allowances and sickness ensued, and after a long course of sufferings, finding that they were but 300 leagues from the Moluccas, they resolved to return. On this passage, 27 men died, and the weak remainder of the crew, could do no more than drop anchor at four leagues distance from Tidore. Here they learned that a Portuguese fleet, under Antonio de Britto, had visited Tidore, a few days after their departure, and that the four men, whom they had left to form a factory, were in their hands. Their distress compelled them, however, to seek the aid of their enemy. De Britto supplied them with provisions, but took pos- session of their papers and cargo. After a detention of some months, they were permitted to proceed by the way of Malacca, Ceylon, and Cochin, but whether in their own or in Portuguese vessels does not appear. On the Malabar coast another long detention awaited them, but leaving their ship, if indeed she had not been left before, they at length found a passage to Lisbon, where the survivors arrived, after an absence of five years.
Thus terminated the celebrated voyage of Magellan, the first circumnavigation of the globe. The scheme and its execution alike evince the genius of the man, by whom it was planned. The con- duct of Magellan, in the completion of his bold design, entitles him to a place by the side of the discoverer of the western world. His energy tended to severity, and his courage to rashness, but for these, we must admit palliations in the lawlessness of his associates, and the martial habits of his time. Unhappily, the story of his voyage is but a fit preface to that ‘ history of usurpations,’ which is ‘ the history of Euro- pean intercourse with the east.’ There can be no excuse for the cruelty with which he inflicted vengeance on the islanders who had offended him, or for the readiness with which he lent himself to the prosecution of a petty, brutal, and to himself, fatal war. Still more censurable is the conduct of his associates after his death. If we take into account their conduct toward each other and the people of the islands along their route, we shall have great difficulty in placing the Spaniard of that time, much higher in the scale of civilization than the natives of Tidore. Would that this could be said only of the ‘ Spaniard of that time.’ But further observation requires us to gene- ralize this remark, and to apply it, with few exceptions, to the suc- cessive expeditions which have visited this archipelago, under Spa- nish, Portuguese, and Dutch colors, from the days of Magellan, down
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to the present time. Can nothing be done to cut off this long entail of injuries, and to secure some compensatory reversions, to the people of these eastern isles? The policy of the present rulers will, we trust, show by experiment that much can be done.
Note. The largest of the islands, which their Spanish masters call ‘Las islas Filipinas,’ is, on our charts, ‘Lu9onia’ or ‘Luzon.’ This word may be Chinese, or it may be derived from ‘ Losong,’ i.- e. ‘ Wooden inorfar,’ this being used by all the natives for pounding their rice, and not a bad emblem. The Chinese call Spain Leusung, and the Philippines, ‘ Little Leusong.’ This name was adopted by the Portuguese, (who visited China in 1517, following the western shore of the China sea,) who wrote it Luzon. Lu^onia is the latinisOd termination of this name. This word, foreign writers have converted into ‘ Luconia,’ by omitting the ce- dille, and under this disguise it is no longer intelligible but to themselves. An American captain arriving at Manila in the ship Luconia, found that he had paid a compliment which no one could appreciate or return. These islands were also called by the Portuguese ‘ilhas Manilhas,’ from the capital of that name. Magellan called the islands which he first discovered, ‘Archipelago de S. Lazaro.’ Lopez first gave the Philippine islands their present name in 1543; and this appellation, after being well nigh forgotten, was revived by Legaspi in 1.565, and afterwards confirmed.
Art. III. Siamese History : notices corltinved from the Siamese era 912 to 918 (or from a. d. 1542 to 1548/ By a Corres- pondent.
Siamese era 912, a. d. 1542. The king of south Laos, then dignified with the title of Srisatnd.kha'hut, hearing that the daughter of the Siamese queen, who died in the contest with the Peguans, was grown up, sent an embassy with numerous presents to negociate for her in marriage. She was called Tepkrasatri. The Siamese king as- sembled his nobles for a consultation, who stated, that as there was much soreness, subsisting between Siam and Pegu, which was diffi- cult to be healed, and as the king of south Laos was mighty, and had sent a deputation to beg the princess, it would probably be advisable for the king to consent to such an alliance ; moreover, in case of hos- tilities, the Laos would be of most essential service. His majesty ap- proved their suggestion, and sent an answer accordingly. The king was greatly delighted at the success of his negotiation, and sent down embassadors with 500 men, and a number of princely old ladies, to re- ceive the princess, and convey her to his palace. When they arrived, the princess was very sick. The Siamese king was troubled to find a suitable apology, 'for,’ said he, ' if I send a letter telling the plain truth, the king of Laos will not believe me, he will regard me as act- ing a double part, and our friendship will be interrupted. I have given my word, and to change it Would not be proper.’ He, there- fore, determined to send another daughter Keaufa', instead ofTep-
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krasatri. He gave her a royal dowry of provisions, garments, and 500 female attendants ; and she was escorted to the king of Laos by the embassadors. He, on learning the circumstances, was greatly vexed, and sent Keaufa back again to her father, telling him that it had been rumored through all his dominions, that he was to form an alliance with the royal princess Tepkrasatri, and that even though Keaufa" was preferable in herself, yet the disgrace of such a change could never be wiped away. The Siamese king was much disconcerted by this message. However, as soon as Tepkrasatri had recovered from her illness, he presented her with a dowry of 500 male, and 500 feniede servants, and sent her off under a guard of one thousand soldiers.
910. Maha Thamma ra"ja", (the governor of Pitsanulok) heard of these movements, and sent word to the king of Pegu, who immediately detached a body of soldiers, and cut off the Siamese escort, apprehend- ed the princess, and conveyed her to Pegu. Intelligence of the whole affair was conveyed to the king of Laos, who was greatly incensed, and determined to take exemplary vengeance on Pitsanulok. The king of the white elephants, however, dissuaded him.
914. Mahachakrapat, the lord of the white elephants, at the age of 59, vacated the throne in favor of his son Mahintera"thira"t, but the father still retained the title ‘ lord of the white elephants,’ while his son was called ‘ lord of the land.’ His age was 25 years. All the north- ern provinces were then under the complete control of Maha Thamma raja, and whatever suggestions he made, the lord of the land was obliged to follow. This vexed him greatly, and he complained to his father, who was also highly offended. Mahintera"thira"t recalled Phya" Ra"m from Kampengpet, constituted him governor of Chanti- bun, and made him his secret counsellor. He then privately sent to south Laos, urging the king to make an attack on Pitsanulok. The governor of Pitsanulok not suspecting the origin of the attack from Laos, sent word down to the lord of the land for assistance against the Laos. Under pretence of sending the aid required, the king di- rected an army to march for Pitsanulok, but privately instructed the commanders that they should cooperate with the Laos, seize the gov- ernor of Pitsanulok, and bring him to Ayuthiya. Instead of following these instructions, they divulged to the governor all the plans of their sovereign and Phya" Ra"m. He immediately sent dispatches to Pegu. In the mean time, the king of Laos, with elephants, horses, and men, to the number of ten times a hundred thousand, had surrounded Pit- sanulok, whose governor had withdrawn all the population of the pro- vince into the walls of the city, and made preparation for its defence.
915. In the latter part of the 2d month, every thing was in readi- ness. When the lord of the land supposed that all might be in a suita- ble condition, he marched with Phya" Ra"m and Phya"chakri till he reached the vicinity of Pitsanulok, whence he sent word forward to the governor, that he had arrived for his assistance. The governor understood the matter, and sent word back that he did not want his assistance, nor would he allow him to advance. But when the king of Laos heard of the Siamese king’s approach, he put every thing in
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readiness for an attack, and for scaling the walls of the city. The inhabitants of Pitsanulok assailed the enemy from the walls, and caused dreadful havoc. The king ordered temporary shelter over the fosse to be erected, under cover of which his troops might pass, and then undermine the walls. Maha' Thamma ra'ja'' collected a body of volunteers who rushed forth from the city, assailed the enemy so fu- riously, that they were compelled to retreat to their encampment. The governor then began to consider, how he should destroy the fleet of boats in which the Siamese army had arrived. He caused forty bam- boo rafts, ten cubits broad and twenty long, to be constructed, covered them with combustible matter, and then had them sprinkled all over with pitch and oil. In the 10th of the 4th month, just as the moon was setting, these rafts were set afloat, and fired. The Siamese were taken by surprize, and thrown into consternation, and immense de- struction was occasioned to men and boats.
When the king of Pegu was apprized of the state of affairs, he sent 10,000 men and 1000 horse to the assistance of Pitsanulok. On their arrival they assailed the Laos, who had surrounded the city, routed them, and made their entrance and salutations to Maha" Tham- ma ra'ja', who rewarded them bounteously for their assistance. The intelligence of these matters reached the king of Siam, who, finding they did not go as he wished, withdrew the remainder of his troops, and went home. The king of Laos also, perceiving that he could not take Pitsanulok, withdrew his army. The Peguans wished to pursue him, but Maha' Thamma ra'ja' tried to dissuade them. Still they pur- sued, and met a complete overthrow. In the 8th month of this year, the lord of the white elephants entered the priesthood, in which he was followed by many noblemen. After various political skirmishes between Maha' Thamma raja, on one side, and Mahintera'thira't and Paya' Ra'm on the other, both the latter became satisfied that they could not govern the country, and they earnestly besought the lord of the white elephants to leave the priesthood, and again assume the government. After repeated solicitations, he consented, and resumed his throne on the 28th day of the 4th month, 916.
916. When the king of Pegu heard that the generals he had sent to assist Pitsanulok had failed of success in their attack on the Laos, he was very angry, and sent a messenger for them to Pitsanulok. They besought the good offices of the governor of Pitsanulok, to go and beg their forgiveness of their sovereign. He yielded and succeed- ed, being very favorably received by the monarch of Pegu. During his absence in Pegu, the Siamese, at the instigation of Mahintera'thi- ra't, andPhya' Ra'm, assailed his country, and took captive his queen, several of his relatives, and also many of his people; and, as Kam- p6ngpet was supposed to lie in the way of, and furnish many facilities to, the Peguans, if they should make war on Siam, it was determined to destroy it, and bring the inhabitants to Ayuthiya'. In this they met with much resistance from the inhabitants, and failed of success. In the mean while, Phya' Ra'm was left at Ayulhya' to erect entrench- ments, and fortify the city on a large scale. Intelligence of the pro-
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ceedings of Mahintei a'thira't, was communicated to Maha' Thamma ra^ja^, at Pegu, and he was much alarmed, and explained the whole matter to the king of Pegu, who was much offended with this breach of faith in the Siamese. To pass it by in silence would not do. He recommended the governor of Pitsanulok to return and make such preparations of men and provisions as he could, against the return of the dry season, when he would march to his assistance. This sugges- tion was strictly followed.
917. In the 12th month, the king of Pegu, having collected his men, horses, and elephants, commenced his march with great cere- mony, and after twenty-five relays, arrived at Kampengpet. The gov- ernor of Prome was made his admiral, and both his army and flotilla collected at Nakhonsa,wan. His forces consisted of Peguans and Burmese, drawn from Pegu, Ava, Tongu, Pruan, Sarbp, Thaiyai, Pras6nwi, Kong, Mit, Tala, Na''!, Umuang, and Lapuabua. [These places are mentioned for the purpose of showing what were included at that time, in the Peguan empire.] Though the king of Chiangmai was ill, his forces accompanied the Peguan army, which thus increas- ed, amounted to 100 times ten thousand, according to the military re- gister. These were joined by the army of Maha' Thamma ra'ja'', and marched down in a body upon Ayuthiya^. [Here follows a somewhat minute description of the fortifications of the city, and the prepara- tions for its defense. Among the places from which the Siamese ar- my was drawn, and which may be regarded as some indication of the extent of Siam at the time, are Chhaina't, Supanburi, Lopburi, Intha- buri, Petchhaburi, Ra'chaburi, Na'yok, Sraburi, Promniaburi, Sawan- buri, Chhaisri, Thonnaburi, and Mergui.] The king of Pegu dis- tributed his forces so as to blockade the city on all sides, and erected stockades one after another, though with great loss of men, till he reached the fosse of the city, and by successive and quiet night labors, for two months, sunk a mine under the walls. While engaged in these preparations, the Siamese made numerous sallies, and succeeded in taking many heads as offerings to their sovereign. Mahinter^thirat, also caused to be sent to the king of south Laos, (here designated La'nchha'ng) imploring assistance. Skirmishes continued — whatever losses the Peguans sustained, they would never yield or retreat. At length, the Peguan king assembled his officers of state, and thus ad- dressed them ; ‘ we have now surrounded the city of Ayuthiya' on all sides, but it is very large, and has taken the ocean for its fosse, which encompasses it as the four great rivers encompass mount Meru.* It cannot be assailed like other countries, but only from a single point. If we make a year’s campaign of it, we shall succeed. Do you, there- fore, send forth foraging parlies for each detachment, and have them secure sufficient provisions to, serve for a year; whatever commander fails in doing this, will forfeit his life.’ He was obeyed, but one man paid the forfeit by want of success.
* The Siamese, with other Budhists, believe there are four continents in the four cardinal points; and in the centre, between them all, at an inaccessible dis- tance, is a great mountain called Meru, in Burmese, Myenmo.
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In the mean time, the lord of the white elephants, after a severe ill- ness of fifteen days, turned aside to heaven. He had reigned twenty- two years. On the decease of his father, instead of paying attention to the war, Mahintera'thira''t left everything to the management of Phya" Ra''m, who, wherever he went, was preceded and followed by a body of armed men. The Siamese made occasional sallies, and occasioned some damages. Some disagreement also arose between his Peguan majesty and his prime minister, by which the latter was dismissed from the camp with an elephant and two attendants only. The re- maining officers were struck with the greater awe, and were afraid to interfere between the king and his premier. The premier, there- fore, sought the interposition of Maha Thamma r^ja, and was thereby restored. The king of Pegu then established a blockade, and ap- pointed the governor of Prome to maintain it. A Chinchew junk, not being aware of the war, advanced to the mouth of the river, and was pursued, but not taken ; whereupon his majesty was so angry with the governor of Prome,* that he ordered him to be conducted in disgrace through all his camp, and then restored to office. Arrangements were then set in operation for filling up and briding the river, which, after various struggles and catastrophes during three months, was ef- fected, and the Peguans marched up and broke down the walls. Phya' Ra'm also grew negligent of his command, and every officer was engaged in defending his country, in his own way. Phya' Ram then suggested to them that it was impossible to defend the country longer, and that it would be necessary to seek for an adjustment of matters. This suggestion they declined receiving. The Siamese king also neglected the war, and left every thing to the management of his various officers. Some of these prosecuted the war with vigor and considerable success.
The Peguans at length, concluded that their hopes lay in artifice. The king, therefore, caused a communication to be prepared and for- warded to Mahintera'thira't, the purport of which was, that as Phya' Ra'm, by his counsel to the lord of the white elephants, had been the cause of all the war, if he would deliver him up, the Peguan king would withdraw his forces, and be friendly again. Mahintera'thira't consulted his nobles upon the proposition. They agreed, that, if on the surrender of Phya' Ra'm, the king of Pegu would certainly be friendly, it would be best to surrender him, and avoid the calamities which would otherwise surely befall the priests, their religion, and the people. [The priests are here put first, as they are in all cases.] Phy4 Rham was accordingly apprehended and conducted to the Peguan camp, accompanied by the Siamese high-priest and four subordinate priests. The king of Pegu having received them, inquired of his officers of state, whether, since the Siamese had delivered up Phya' Ra'm, and sought for a friendly alliance, it was suitable that he should grant it ? They averred, that, as he had got possession of Phya' Ra'm, it was the same as if they had taken the country, and they would therefore urge
* The governor of Prome was the king’s nephew, and the governor of Ava, his son-in-law.
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an immediate attack, and capture of the whole. The king replied, it would be unworthy of his royal dignity to violate his word. He there- fore strictly prohibited any offensive operations, and sent the high- priest back with this message ; ‘ if the king of Siam really wishes for friendly relations, let him with his principal nobles pay me a visit, and I will establish friendship with them.’ All the Siamese nobles regarded this, as an artifice of the Peguan king to get them into his hands, and then take the whole city as captives, and consequently refused to comply. The Peguan monarch waited seven days (a short time in Siam !) for an answer, receiving none, he prepared to execute his purpose of sacking the city. Maha Thamma ra'ja' begged him to refrain, and he would satisfy the doubts of the Siamese, that the king of Pegu really intended to be friendly. In the mean time the Siamese made a sally, which determined the Peguans to push the contest to extremities. Srisauwarat, the son of the Mahinterathirat, conducted his military operations in so much independence of his father, that the latter was greatly displeased, and ordered him to be slain. The people were much disheartened at this, but the love of their families, excited them to defend their country with vigor.
In the communication sent to south Laos, it was urged, that if the Peguans succeeded in conquering Siam, they would then, doubtless, proceed to south Laos, and pillage it also. But if the Laos, would now yield assistance to Mahinterathirat, when the war was ended, he would repay adequately, for all their kindness, and punish the Peguans severely. The king of Laos, mindful of the affair of Tepkrasatri, did not require much urging against the Peguans. He was, moreover, anxious to perpetuate friendly relations with the Siamese. He there- fore collected an army of 50,900 men, 300 elephants, and 3000 horse, and commenced his march for Siam. The king of Pegu was duly ap- prized of his approach, and having counterfeited the royal seal of Siam, sent a letter to the king of Laos, as from the king of Siam, urging him to make all possible speed in his advances. Having dispatched this letter, he sent his premier in command of a portion of his army, to assail and destroy the Laos, before they should reach Ayuthiy4. He attacked them between Petchhaburi and Sraburi, and routed them ; the king of Laos fled, but about a hundred prisoners were taken, with horses and elephants in abundance. The kingdom of Pegu released the Laos prisoners, and sent them into the city to tell the Siamese how the affairs stood; various stratagems were employed, and there were several desperate engagements, and some treachery ; but, at length, the Peguans prevailing, entered and took possession of the city, in the 9th month of the year 918 of the Siamese era, a. d. 1548.
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Seaou Hed, or Primary Lessons.
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Art. IV. Seaou Heo, or Primary Lessons ; translation of part ii, chapter id, respecting the relative duties of the prince and his ministers.
Etiquette forms a subject of early attention in China, especially among those who aspire to magisterial honors. The short sections, which form this second chapter, are chiefly selected from the Book of Rites, and the Conversations of Confucius. In the original, the title of the chapter is, keun chin die e, ‘ the duties of a prince and his ministers,’ Keun, or prince, is the head or chief of a country or state ; the word is compounded of yun, ‘ a hand grasping a line,’ and kow, ‘ a mouth,’ giving commands. Properly the word is applied to tlie head of a community, whether large or small ; the master of a family or the sovereign of an empire may alike be styled Tceun. As a verb, it means ‘ to act the part of a superior ;’ ‘ to rule ;’ and ‘ to govern ;’ &LC. It is also used as a simple epithet of respect, and is applied both to men and to women, to the living and the dead. The word dim, or minister, denotes one who serves another, or one who stoops. In this chapter it is used only for the servant of the prince ; and is generally employed at the present day by Chinese, while the Tartars and Mon- golians use nootsae, ‘ a servant,’ or ‘slave.’ These words chin and nootsae are used by ministers of state, governors of provinces, censors, &.C.; and whether one writes alone, or two, or more, are writing joint- ly, the same forms of the words are used, there being nothing in the characters themselves to distinguish between the singular and plural. The first word in the phrase die e merely indicates the possessive case of the second, which signifies what is right, just, proper, or what in duty ought to be done. The simple construction of the words is, ‘the duties of prince and ministers;’ i. e., their reciprocal duties, those which they owe to each other — as will be seen in the following sections.
Chapter 2d. Duties of a prince and his ministers.
Note. There is, the reader will perceive, a gradation in the order of treat- ing this subject. The minister’s whole course of conduct is briefly sketched, commencing at home, when he is about to proceed to court, and leading through all the ramifications of his public duties.
SECTION 1.
The Book of Rites says, “When about to proceed to the prince’s pa- lace, ministers must abstain from animal food and wine, sleep in their outer apartments, and perform the ablutions ; their secretaries must furnish them with ivory note-sticks, on which to write their own thoughts and answers, with the commands they may receive; and, having put on their robes, they must endeavor to have their whole personal appearance comely, w’ith all their attire in complete order : then they may proceed to the palace.”
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SECTION II.
According to the Illustrations of Duties, “ Those who are employed as the envoys of their prince, and have received his commands, must not tarry in their houses with the same unexecuted, even for a single night. When a dispatch arrives, they must go forth to receive (the bearer of) the prince’s condescending message ; and when he re- turns, they must take leave of him at the outer gate. If they wish to send a messenger to court, they must put on the court-dress and give him his charge; and on his return, they must descend to the steps of the hall, there to receive from him the commands of the prince.”
Note. All these ceremonies, which in most respects are carefully observed at the pR 8 nt day, are designed to honor the prince : though the minister must go out to receive tlie messengtT, it is to show respect to the message which he bears, or rather to its author, and not to the bearer.
^ SECTION in.
In the Conversations with Confucius, it is said of him, “ When his prince sent him to receive a guest, his countenance seemed to change, and his steps were short and embarrassed ; when bowing with his attendants on the right and left, his robes both before and behind were uiirulfled ; rapidly he advanced, with his hands dependent like tiie wings of a bird; and when the guest departed, he would always announce it, thus, ‘ he looks not behind him.’ ”
SECTION IV.
“ When entering the door of the palace, he stooped down as if it would not admit him ; he would not stand in the middle of the door, nor tread on its threshhold. When passing the vacant throne, his countenance seemed to change, his steps were short and embarrassed, his words few and carefully uttered. As he ascended the steps of the hall, he raised his robes, respectfully bending forward, in breathless silence. Descending from the hall a single step, the severity of his countenance was relaxed and became placid ; when quite down the steps, he hastened back to his place with his hands dependent like the wings of a bird; and on resuming hjs seat, still retained something of his dignified demeanor.”
Note. The style of moving, and almost all the forms of etiquette, preva- lent among the Chinese, especially at court and in the offices of government, differ so much from those which are common to the people of the west, that some explanations of the text are indispensable. However, in many instances we may omit these explanations, since translations of subsequent ])arts of the classics will afford the necessary information. Our notes, therefore, will be usually few and brief.
SECTION V,
According to the Book of Rites, “ When the prince presents his minister with a carriage and hor.ses, he must go with the same and return thanks; if clothes are given, he must put them on, and then go and return thanks for the present ; but if such are not given him by his prince, he must not presume to procure them tor himself,”
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187
SECTION VI.
In the Illustrations of Duties it is said, “ When the minister re- ceives a present of fruit from his prince in person, he milst carefully preserve the seeds which it may contain.”
Note. To throw them away, when received under such circumstances, it is supposed, would be treating the prince with disrespect. Every thing which comes from the hand of the prince must be regarded with honor and carefully preserved.
SECTION vn.
“ If the minister, when feasting with his prince, is presented with food from his table, he may eat it from his dishes, provided they can be washed ; otherwise, the food must be changed to other dishes.”
Note. Only those dishes which are made of metal, as brass, silver, &c., can be washed.
SECTION VIII.
In the Conversations with Confucius it is said, “When food was presented to him by his prince,- he would carefully arrange it, first tasting of it; if raw flesh was presented him, he would cook it, and then offer it (in sacrifice) to his ancestors ; but when living animals were given him, he reared tliem.”
SECTION IX.
“ When he was feasting with his prince, he did not refrain from eating while his prince was engaged in the sacrificial duties.”
Note. To have waited until the prince had completed these duties, and then commenced eating with him, would have been a violation of the rules of decorum, since he could not have done this without appearing to assume an equality with the prince, his master,
SECTION X.
“ When sick and visited by his prince, he turned his face towards the east, drew up over him his robes of state, and put on his girdle.”
Note. He turned his face eastward, in order to inhale the ‘vital air,’ which was supposed to come from that quarter.
SECTION XI.
“ When summoned to court by his prince, he did not wait to step into his carriage, but went on foot.”
Note. He hastened away with the utmost speed, obeying so promptly and walking so rapidly, that he outstripped his chariot. The same principle of conduct is observed at the present day, in matters of importance : for example, if a fire breaks out in the suburbs of Canton, the governor and other prin- cipal officers, hewten towards the place, usually going on foot until they reach the gates of the city, even though they move much mere slowly than they would if carried in their sedans. But in all things of this kind, ‘the appearan- ces ’ have great influence with the Chinese.
SECTION XII.
“ On the first day of every month, he put on his court-dress and repaired to the palace.”
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Seaou Heo, or Primary Lessons.
Aug.
Note. At the present time, the practice of repairing to court extends to both the 1st and 15th days of every month, and obtains in most of the pro- vincial offices, and even among persons of distinction who are not employed in the government. Indeed, the remark in the section above, according to the commentator, was made respecting Confucius after he had retired from his official duties, as minister of state. In modern days many of these visits of ceremony are superseded by sending cards with compliments.
SECTION XIII.
Confucius said, “ The superior man, when engaged in the service of his prince and is in his presence, will strive to the utmost to do his whole duty ; and, on retiring from his presence, will devise means to amend his errors — endeavoring to second all his good designs, and to rescue him from all evil ones. In this way, the prince and ministers will preserve towards each other the most intimate relations.
SECTION XIV.
“ The prince, in employing his ministers, must treat them with politeness ; and they must serve him with fidelity.”
SECTION XV.
“ The great ministers of state must serve their prince with perfect rectitude ; but if he will not listen to their counsels, then they must retire.”
SECTION XVI.
Tszeloo asked the philosopher, how he ought to serve his prince; Confucius replied, “ Reprove without offending him.”
Note. This is supposed of an extreme case, where every possible effort, on the part of a minister, is required to prevent the prince from falling: in such a case, the faithful minister must not heed the displeasure of his sovereign.
SECTION XVII.
“ Alas, with a faithless minister, how is it possible to serve one’s prince! Such an one, before he comes into office, is anxious Only to obtain it ; and having gained it, his only fear is that he may lose it ; and when this is the case, there is nothing, however base, which he will not do.”
SECTION XVIII.
Mencius said, “ To rouse a prince to do that which is difficult, is doing him reverence ; to open before him the path of virtue, and to close that of evil, is doing him honor ; but to say he is incompetent, is to do him injury/’
SECTION XIX.
“ If you are in office, and you cannot gain the confidence of your prince, then retire ; or if you memorialize, and he does not listen to your statements, then also retire.”
SECTION XX.
Wangshuh said, “As a faithful lady cannot be married to two husbands, so the faithful prince cannot serve two masters.”
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Chinese Pagodas.
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Art. V. Chinese pagodas, their supposed mjluence on the produc- tions of the soil, the prosperity of the people, and the government of the elements ; with notices of the lions of Canton.
Trivial occurrences, and incidental remarks, and the most artless actions, of no value when considered separately, sometimes afford the best materials for elucidating the principles and character of men. Ballads, placards, and the like, fall into the same category ; viewed unconnectedly, they may seem unworthy of notice, but when collected and arranged, they often afford curious and valuable data, for ascer- taining popular sentiment, taste, and manners. To natives, these sources of information are open ; but to foreigners they are, for the most part, inaccessible. Hence, one of the reasons for our ignorance of the customs and usages of the Chinese. Processions and festivals, with a vast variety of rites and ceremonies, are frequently witnessed by the foreigner ; whilst respecting both their cause and their object he knows nothing. The origin and design of the pagodas, prominent objects in almost every part of the country, are but little understood by foreigners ; and indeed, not a few natives are equally ignorant respecting them. In former volumes, we have given a variety of no- tices on this subject, all confessedly incomplete ; we have now only a fragment to add ; it is a ‘ subscription paper it originated early this year, among the gentry of Canton; it has been placarded, and ex- tensively circulated. The following is a free translation.
“ Fellow-countrymen ! The region of country southeast of the provincial city, on account of its water-courses, has an important influence on the for- tunes of the inhabitants. From an examination of old records it appears, that the pagoda on Pachow, and the adjacent temple dedicated to the mon- sters of the sea, were built in the twenty-fifth year of Wanleih (1.598); and that the pagoda at Cheihkang, and the temple there consecrated to the god of letters, were founded in the reign of Teenke (about 1621); all these structures have had a most happy influence on every thing around them, causing the number of literati to be very numerous, and the productions of the soil most abundant. Recently, however, the winds and the rains, driving furiously, have broken down the tops of the pagodas, and laid the temples in ruins, and injur- ed even their foundations. Their appearance now is very unsightly ; they ought to be repaired, in order to secure the return of happy and prosperous times. The pagoda on the north of the city, which rises five stories high and has its walls painted red, a color which is from its very nature productive of fire, ought also to be repaired, and painted with some other color. Already we have obtained the permission of their excellencies, the governor in council, to proceed with the contemplated repairs, and also recommendatory papers in which they advise the people to assist in accomplishing this work. It being an affkir which greatly concerns both our honor and prosperity, we have a right to expect, fellow-countrymen, that you will heartily cooperate, joyfully and promptly contributing, little or much according to your ability, so that by our united efforts the repairs may be soon undertaken, and the buildings rise again to their former splendor ! Then, according to your deeds of merit, the gods will send prosperity, and your glory and virtue will become great beyond comprehension. A special solicitation.”
190
Auo.
Chinese Pagodas.
The gentlemen who have put this paper in circulation, are styled shinkin, a term denoting that they are allowed to wear the sash of honor ; they are all litterary men, and are the most distinguished and honorable in tlie city of Canton ; their number is supposed to be not more than three hundred. Their first ‘ solicitation,’ not having ob- tained a very liberal support, they have just sent forth another, urging their countrymen to come forward with new contributions. Agents have been appointed to solicit and receive money ; but it is said the whole amount now collected does not exceed $1000. The repairs which are contemplated will require several thousand dollars.
It is not easy to understand the motives which have induced these literary gentlemen, and their countrymen, to engage in this enter- prise,— an enterprise which seems to be regarded as both benevolent and religious, one which, when accomplished, will be pleasing to the gods and beneficial to men. The Chinese pagodas generally, and these among the others, are, it is believed, of Budhistic origin. The motives, therefore, which led to their erection, and which are now inducing such .special efforts for repairing them, are purely supersti- tious, ideal, without foundation in reason or fact. It is supposed, by the authors of the paper given above, that these buildings have an influence on all things around them, and that, when in a proper state of repair, they will cause the soil to be productive, the people prospe- rous, and the elements (such as fire, water, «fec.,) submissive and obedient. Here, then, we see not only the common people, but their rulers, with the most honorable and distinguished men of the country, lending themselves and their influence to support vain superstitions, which reason and common sense, when unbiased, will ever condemn. These superstitions are based on an ideal .system termed fungshuy, fully to elucidate which will require much more information than we can now command. Mr. Davis, in his observations on this subject, very justly remarks;
“ The strangest and most unaccountable of the Chinese supersti- tions, is what they denominate foong-shuey, ‘ wind and water,’ a species of geomancy, or a belief in the good or ill luck attached to particular local situations or aspects, which we had occasion to notice before, and which, among the more rational classes of the people, is admitted to be nonsensical. Before a house is built, or a burial-place selected, it is necessary to consult certain professors of the occult science, who, at the price of adequate fees, proceed with much solem- nity to examine the situation. After frequently perambulating and examining the ground, and even deferring their decision for months, they will fix on some particular place. The lucky position of a grave is supposed to exercise some influence on the fortunes of a whole family ; and if, after all the expense and trouble of consulting the cheats who profess the art, ill fortune rather than good should attend the parties, this is, of course, attributed to anything except the ineffi- ciency of i\\e foong-shuey . This term may in general be constructed by the word luck, and it has been supposed that in a country like China, where nearly all long journeys are performed by water, ‘ good
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Chinese Pagodas.
wind and water,’ or in other words good luck on a journey, has by degrees come to signify good luck in every circumstance and condi- tion of life.” See vol. ii, p. 144.
Connected with this ‘ wind and water ’ system there are, in and near Canton, what are called pa king, ‘ the eight lions,’ as the phrase may be freely translated ; the word king means, literally, a light, a prospect, a landscape; and in the pa king, it seems to imply, ‘ a re- markable locality.’ In the history of Lewchew, noticed in our last number, we observed that the Chinese historian has described the eight remerkable localities of that country, and endeavored to illus- trate the same by wood-cuts, in the following order: 1st, a landscape, including hill and dale, viewed by moon-light — it is a night-scene : 2d, a rocky coast, agaitjst which are dashing the billows of the ocean ; 3d, a beautiful village surrounded with bamboos : 4th, a forest of lofty pines : 5th, a rocky precipice : (5th, a rainbow, as seen after the autumnal showers : 7th, a fountain of water : and 8th, gardens of plantain. In Canton, the ‘remarkable localities’ have been different under different dynasties. Those now in vogue are the following.
1st. Yuesew leenfung, or the peaks of Yuesew. This is the name of a ridge, or series of peaks, rising just within the northern walls of the city : the ridge extends from east to west about three Ir, or a little more than one English mile, and is crowned with a pavilion for the goddess of mercy. B'rom these peaks, the spectator has a fine view of the city and its suburbs, and of the surrounding country southward, eastward, and westward. The place is often a resort for parties of pleasure.
2d. Pachow techoo, the pagoda of Pachow, or, more correctly, Pepachow. This is one of the structures mentioned on a former page in this article ; it stand about east from the city, perhaps forty le distant; and is known to foreigners as the ‘Whampoa pagoda.’ The plot of ground on which it stands is an island, ‘ which rises,’ as the Chinese say, ‘abruptly from the middle of the Pearl river, about fifty feet in height, having upon it three knolls, resembling the shape of a guitar ; and hence its name, Pepa chow, ‘ the island Guitar ;’ and hence, too, the name of the pagoda. It was built by permission of the local authorities, and rises nine stories high ; and was originally called Fowtii (Budha?); and also ‘ the pagoda of the sea-monsters.’ On the north, it has a small court dedicated to the god of the north,
» O'
and a temple consecrated to the monsters of the rieep.
3d. Woaseen hedtung, ‘ the pavilion of the five genii.’ The .story of the five genii has been given in our second volume, page 14H. Their pavilion stands in the old city, and was erected by a provincial officer in the reign of the Ming dynasty. Having completed the building he caused images of the five genii to be engraved and placed within its walls. Near its entrance there are to be seen the fiv(^ stone rams, and a huge rocks, forty or fifty feet broad, on which is the print of a man’s foot: the hollow made by the foot on this rock is (said to be) always filled with water, ‘ as if it were sa|)plied by a living fountain beneath which is truly marvelous.'
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Aug.
Chinese Pagodas.
4th. Kooivuli Yushan, the rocks of Ynshaii. This locality is also within the city, and has nothing to distinguish it e.xcept a temple, and that presents nothing remarkable.
5th. Chinhae stanglow. This is the famous red building, describ- ed by the gentry of Canton, as being productive of fires in the city and vicinity. It stands on the northern wall of the city, and was built by Coo Kangtsoo in the first year of Hungwoo, a. d. 1368.
6th. Fowketo tantsing, the wells of Fowkew. These are situat- ed in the western suburbs; the origin of the name, Fowkew, is involv- ed in much obscurity, and connected with many legends and tradi- tions, which are unworthy of notice. Their waters, however, are re- puted to contain divine qualities ; and even the flowers, which grow in the vicinity of the wells, are sought for with great eagerness, since it is supposed they bring good luck to those who pluck them.
7th. Setseaou yunpuh, the cascade of Setseaou. The hills of Setseaou are in the district of Nanhae, about forty miles westward from the city. The surrounding scenery is described as very roman- tic; and the crystal stream, at the head of the cascade, gushes forth from the solid rock, “ as the water from the hose of an engine.”
8th. Tunghae yuchoo, literary, ‘ east sea fish pearl,’ meaning ' the pearl of the eastern river ;’ this was once a beautiful round stone, which rose in the middle of the Choo keang, a little distance from the southern gates of the provincial city ; it is now the site of the Dutch Folly, called by the Chinese, Aae choo sze, ‘the pearl temple of the river.’
In this enumeration, the reader will perceive that two of the build- ings, which the gentry of Canton are about to repair, are included among the ‘ eight beautiful prospects ’ of the city. The other pa- goda, at Cheihkang, is midway between Canton and Whampoa, often called the ‘ half-way pagoda.’ While the Chinese are thus solicitous about, ‘they know not what,’ their indifference in certain cases where their present and immediate welfare is at stake, is truly remarkable. This point is very justly animadverted on by Mr. Davis : he says, — “ In common with a considerable portion of the rest of mankind, they are pretty generally fatalists, or believers in inevitable destiny : and the practical mischiefs of such a creed cannot be more strongly display- ed, than in the consequences resulting from their apathetic careless- ness in regard to the use of fire. Notwithstanding the repeated con- flagrations which every year devastate the town of Canton, the same unaccountable negligence is perpetually apparent to the most casual observer, who, in perambulating their streets, or taking notice of their domestic habits, cannot fail to be struck by the extreme carelessness with which burning paper and lighted sticks of incense are left about their combustible dwellings, or pipes smoked and bunches of crackers discharged in temporary edifices constructed entirely of matting. * * * Some of these fires are doubtless the work of incendiaries, who hope to profit in the confusion; but a large number must also be con- sidered as the results of that stupid belief in fatalism, which tends to paralyze effort and to banish caution.”
1837.
Opium Trade.
193
Art. VI. Opium : revenue derived from it by the British govern- ment in In^a ; amount of sales for thirty-nine seasons ; exports from Bengal to China, Syc.; and from Bombay and Damaun. The monopoly of opium in Bengal supplies the government with a revenue amounting to sicca rupees 84,59,425, or sterling money £981,293 per an- num, and the duty which is thus imposed amounts to 3014 per cent, on the cost of the article. In the present state of the revenue of India it does not appear advisable to abandon so important a source of revenue — a duty upon opium being a tax which falls principally upon the foreign consumer, and which appears upon the whole less liable to objection than any other which could be substituted. Besides the present mode of collecting the duty by means of a governmental monopoly, four other methods have been suggested ; viz. 1st, an additional assessment on lands under poppy cultivation ; 2d, a duty to be levied according to the value of the standing crop when ripe ; 3d, an excise duty on the juice when collected ; 4th, a custom duty on the ex- portation of the opium. * * * Although the governmental monopoly of opium must in all probability, like all other monopolies, be disadvantageous, in con- sequence of the want of economy in the production, and the restrictions which it imposes on the employment of capital and industry, yet in does not appear to be productive of very extensive or aggravated injury ; and unless it should be found practicable to substitute an increased assessment on poppy lands, it does not appear that the present high amount of revenue could be obtained in a less objectionable manner. At the same time it must be recollected, that the revenue thus derived is of the most precarious kind, depending as it does on a species of monopoly under which we possess exclusive control neither over the production nor the consumption of the article : it has already been mate- rially affected by the competition of the opium of Malwa ; and from the con- tinued increase of supply from that district, as well as from its improved qua- lity, which has enabled it to fetch an enhanced price in the foreign market, it would appear that the same cause must in aO probability hereafter produce a still greater reduction in the revenue. It wquld be highly imprudent to rely upon the opium monopoly as a permanent source of revenue ; and the time may probably not be very far distant, when it may be desirable to substitute an ex- port duty, and thus, by the increased production under a system of freedom, to endeavor to obtain some compensation for the loss of the monopoly profit. Another source of revenue under this head, is the duties collected on the transit of Malwa opium through Bombay : the government having for the two last years abandoned their attempted monopoly of that article and substituted a permit or transit duty, which has been attended with satisfactory results. It is in evidence, that previous to this regulation, two-thirds of the opium of Malwa were carried by a circuitous route to the Portuguese settlement of- Damaun, and only one-third brought to Bombay } but latterly, no more than one-tenth has been exported from Damaun, and the remaining nine-tenths have been shipped from Bombay, yielding to the government a revenue of £200,000 for the current year. Report Brit. Commons, 1832.
The opium sold by the E. I. Company in Bengal, has cost them 250 rupees per chest — at least, this has been the usual estimate.' The quantity sold this season (at four sates, Jan. 4th, Feb. 20lh, March 30th, June 12th), as stated in the accom- panying table No. I., is 16,916 chests, for 2,.53,95,300 rupees. Allowing to the E. I. Company for cost, 300 rupees per chest, which is 50 above the usual estimate, leaves, 2,.53,95, 300 — 300 >< 16,916 = 2,03,20,500 rupees; Spanish money, nine millions, two hundred and thirty-six thousand, Jive hundred and ninety dollars ; or in English currency, 2,155,201 pounds sterling, — net revenue for 1837.
VOL. VI. NO. IV. 25
194
Opium Tradt.
Aug.
TABLE NO. I.
Statement of the sales of opium by the E. I. Company at Calcutta from 1798-99 to 1836-37.
|
Thirty-nine |
Seasons. j |
Total Chests. |
Total, annual Sales in Sicea Rupees. |
|
1. |
1798-99 |
4,172 |
17,31,161 |
|
2. |
1799-1800 |
4,054 |
31,42,591 |
|
3. |
1800-1 |
4,570 |
31,43,035 |
|
4. |
1801-2 |
3,947 |
37,19,748 |
|
5. |
1802-3 |
3,292 |
45,55,728 |
|
6. |
1803-4 |
2,840 |
39,44,595 |
|
7. |
1804-5 |
3,159 |
62,03,805 |
|
8. |
1805-6 |
3,836 |
58,94,919 |
|
9. |
1806-7 |
4,126 |
40,77,948 |
|
10. |
1807.8 |
4,538 |
68,54,157 |
|
11. |
1808-9 |
4,208 |
51,05,760 |
|
12. |
1809-10 |
4,561 |
80,70,955 |
|
13. |
1810-11 |
4,968 |
80,88,330 |
|
[4. |
1811-12 |
4,891 |
79,96,870 |
|
15. |
1812-13 |
4,966 |
62,76,705 |
|
16. |
1813-14 |
4,769 |
88,71,475 |
|
17. |
1814-15 |
3,672 |
89,14,290 |
|
18. |
1815-16 |
4,230 |
90,93,980 |
|
19. |
1816-17 |
4,618 |
90,79,972 |
|
20. |
1817-18 |
3,692 |
80,43,197 |
|
21. |
1818-19 |
3,552 |
63,43,265 |
|
22. |
1819-20 |
4,006 |
82,55,603 |
|
23. |
1820-21 |
4,244 |
1,05,63,891 |
|
24. |
1821-22 |
3,293 |
1,31,76,313 |
|
25. |
1822-23 |
3,918 |
1,08,29,496 |
|
26. |
1823-24 |
3,360 |
65,08,610 |
|
27. |
1824-25 |
5,690 |
74,01,563 |
|
28. |
1825-26 |
3,810 |
88,80,225 |
|
29. |
1826-27 |
6,570 |
83,30,025 |
|
30. |
1827-28 |
6,650 |
1,12,28,416 |
|
31. |
1828-29 |
7,709 |
1,06,35,134 |
|
32. |
1829-30 |
8,778 |
1,12,55,767 |
|
33. |
1830-31 |
7,548 |
1,18,07,008 |
|
34. |
1831-32 |
7,938 |
1,17,70,875 |
|
35. |
1832-33 |
10,638 |
1,24,59,572 |
|
36. |
1833-34 |
12,223 |
1,16,31,830 |
|
37. |
1834-35 |
12,977 |
1,32,15,464 |
|
38. |
1835-36 |
14,745 |
1.87,95,355 |
|
39. |
1836-37 |
16,916 |
2,53,95,300 |
N. B. This faljle is from Mr, Phijips’s hook, with additions (in the nuiril)pr of seasons) from other sources. It may not he perfectly correct in all the details, hut is, doubtless, very near to the truth. VVe have omitted to insert the fractions in the average cost of each year. The value of the sicca rupee varies ; if is about -16 hundrelhs of a dollar, or two shilling, s sterling.
1837.
Opium Trade.
195
TABLE NO. n.
Statement of the Opium exported from Calcutta, to China, to the ports in the Indian Archipelago, and to Europe, from 1795 to 1835.
|
Seasons. |
Chests to China. |
Chests to the Eastern Ports. |
Chests to the Western Ports. |
Total Chests. |
|
1795-96 |
1,070 |
4,103 |
10 |
5,183 |
|
1796-97 |
2,387 |
3,247 |
— |
5,644 |
|
1797-98 |
1,985 |
1,514 |
4 |
3,503 |
|
1798-99 |
1,718 |
1,624 |
— |
3,342 |
|
1799-1800 |
1,867 |
2,059 |
— |
3,926 |
|
1800-1801 |
3,224 |
1,539 |
25 |
4,788 |
|
1801-2 |
1,744 |
1,723 |
— |
3,467 |
|
18C2-3 |
2,033 |
1,035 |
— |
3,068 |
|
1803-4 |
2,116 |
937 |
— |
3,053 |
|
1804-5 |
2,322 |
1,026 |
10 |
3,358 |
|
1805-6 |
2,131 |
1,526 |
— |
3,657 |
|
1806-7 |
2,607 |
1,777 |
— |
4,384 |
|
1807-8 |
3,084 |
1,171 |
— |
4,255 |
|
1808-9 |
3,223 |
1,416 |
— |
4,639 |
|
1809-10 |
3,074 |
1,172 |
— |
4,246 |
|
1810-11 |
3,592 |
1,317 |
— |
4,909 |
|
1811-12 |
2,788 |
1,887 |
38 |
4,713 |
|
1812-13 |
3,328 |
1,504 |
— |
4,832 |
|
18ia-14 |
3,213 |
1,059 |
— |
4,272 |
|
1814-15 |
2,999 |
868 |
5 |
3,872 |
|
1815-16 |
2,723 |
1,120 |
5 |
3,848 |
|
1816-17 |
3,376 |
947 |
2 |
4,325 |
|
1817-18 |
2,911 |
794 |
3 |
3,708 |
|
1818-19 |
3,575 |
724 |
— |
, 4,299 |
|
1819-20 |
1,741 |
1,345 |
5 |
3,091 |
|
1820-21 |
3,591 |
1,556 |
— |
5,147 |
|
1821-22 |
1,936 |
655 |
— |
2,591 |
|
1822-23 |
3,207 |
893 |
— |
4,100 |
|
1823-24 |
3,923 |
1,286 |
— |
5,209 |
|
1824-25 |
5,365 |
1,710 |
1 |
7,076 |
|
1825-26 |
4,627 |
536 |
2 |
5,165 |
|
1826-27 |
5,861 |
707 |
— |
6,568 |
|
lS27'-28 |
7,341 |
562 |
— |
7,903 |
|
1828-29 |
4,903 |
1,651 |
— |
6,554 |
|
1829-30 |
7,443 |
2,235 |
— |
9,678 |
|
1830-31 |
5,672 |
— |
7,069 |
|
|
1831-32 |
6,815 |
— |
7,427 |
|
|
1832-33 |
7,598 |
— |
9,408 |
|
|
1833-34 |
7,808 |
— |
9,518 |
|
|
1834-35 |
10,207 |
— |
10,107 |
N. B. The eastern ports are intended to include all those between the Capes (Cape of Good Hope and Cape Horn), and the western, those beyond them. This estimate does not show the exact quantity brought to China, the table being very incomplete.
19(5
Opium Trudf.
Aug.
TADLE NO. III.
Qii antity of Malwa opium exported from Bombay and Damaun to China, from 1821 to 1636.
|
Seasons. |
Chests f 7 um Bu/nbay. |
Chests fro/n Da7nau7i. |
Total a/7ioiint of Chests. |
Average Bombay Rs. |
|
1821 |
1,600 |
678 |
2,278 |
2,024 |
|
18’22 |
1,600 |
2,255 |
3,855 |
2,007 |
|
18-23 |
-^1 ,500 |
1,535 |
5,535 |
1,764 |
|
1824 |
1,500 |
2,063 |
6,063 |
1,288 |
|
1825 |
2,500 |
1,563 |
5,563 |
971 |
|
18-26 |
2,500 |
2,605 |
5,605 |
1,877 |
|
18-27 |
2,980 |
1,5-24 |
4,504 |
1,383 |
|
1828 |
2,820 |
3,889 |
7,709 |
1,765 |
|
1829 |
3,502 |
4,597 |
8,099 |
1,686 |
|
1830 |
3,7-20 |
9,136 |
12,856 |
1,202 |
|
1831 |
4,700 |
4,633 |
9,333 |
1,450 |
|
1832 |
11,000 |
3,007 |
14,007 |
1,250 |
|
1833 |
11,715 |
|||
|
1834 |
8,985 |
2,693 |
11,678 |
|
|
1835 |
7,337 |
5,596 |
12,933 |
1,093 |
|
1836 |
8,224 |
3,500 |
11,724 |
958 |
“ The foregoing statement may be looked upon as an authentic document, since it will be found as correct as it was possible to make it; and from its being a tabular history of the opium trade for so long a period, it will serve as a standard of reference hereafter, to judge of the future by the past, on a subject hitherto involved in mystery, not only as respects the capability of the Indian soil to produce an almost indefinite supply of the article, according to the demand for it, but in regard to the probable out-turn in China, where it is consumed with reference to the number of chests exported. — From Bombay Price Current, '23d March, 1833.” See Phipps’s China, p. 235.
N. B. The above applies to the statement down to 1832 only ; the account of the subsequent years is taken from other sources. “The estimated quantity of Malwa opium to pass through Bombay this season is slated at 19,000 chests, of which 17,300 had arrived, — in addition to about 2,450 chests at Damaun, 450 of which had arrived.” See Calcutta Courier, 29th of April 1837, as (pioted in the Singapore Chronicle for June 17th, 1837. This account gives only 21,450 chests of Malwa for this season ; but we are infoiTOed (by the Macaista Impartial of the 26th of July,) that passes have been granted at Bombay, for 19,754 chests, of which, on the 1st of June, 16,122 had been exported to China,, irt addition to about 2400 from Damaun, which have arrived.
From this note it appears that, at present, a larger part of the Malwa drug pass- es through Bombay, than was stated in a former article. By an order, dated at Bombay October 24th 1835, the duty was reduced from 175 to 125 rupees per chest: which on the 19,000 chests for 1837, gives another item of 23,75,000 to the E. 1. Company’s treasury; this added to the profits on the 16,916 chests sold in Bengal presents a grand total of 2,77,70 300 rupees of revenue to the British gov- ernment in India; in Spatiish dollars $12,622,869; or sterling money JE2,945,336.
“ Under the convention between France and Great Britain, dated 7th March 1815, the French government are entitled to demand any (juantily of opium, not exceeding 300 chests in each season, at the average cost: such requisitions have not been of frequent occurrence, the French authorities preferring to take from the Company, the ditference, between its cost and sale rates, in money, which yields to the French an annual revenue of from three to four lacks of rupees,” See Phipps's China.
1837,
Preparation of Opium for Smoldng.
197
Art. VII. The Chinese method of preparing opium for smoking, described in a series of experwients ; the requisite apparatus specified; and the several stages of the process detailed.
For the accuracy of the following experiments we cannot vouch ; a personal acquaintance, however, with the gentleman who superintended them, affords us good reason lo believe, that they are mainly correct. They were made soiiie years ago in Canton, where the conveniences of a laboratory are not at command t-but being under the inspection of a person familiar with the subject, they will, no doubt, be satisfactory to the general reader. They were first pub- lished in the Canton Courier for April 21st, 1832, from which we quote them.
Experiment 1st.
Half a cake of Patna opium, weighing 26 oz. 19 dwts. having 2 oz. 3 dwts. 9 grs. of the outerijjost part of the skin laid aside, is put into a very thin hemispherical brass vessel, capable of containing twelve pints, with about six pints of spring water, and placed on a brisk fire. At first the mixture is seldom stirred, but when rather more than half the water has been evaporated, the stirring (by means of a wooden spatula) is without intermission. When in this manner the mass has attained about the usual consistency of soft extract, half of it is placed in another vessel, exactly like the first, and the evaporation is conti- nued in the two vessels, by placing them alternately on the fire. The fire is now considerably damped by throwing over the charcoal the burnt ashes from below. The exsiccation is continued by spreading the mass over the inner surface of the pans, to within about an inch and a half of the rim, about the thickness of a fifth of an inch. The pans continue to be alternately put on the fire, and the surface is often changed by mixing the whole well with the spatula, and carefully respread. At length, the fire having been diminished to a very low state, and being without smoke or flame, the pans are inverted for two or three minutes at a time, the drug pressed with the fingers, (to which it does not stick,) and allowed a few minutes to cool. Lastly, the masses are cut, by means of a knife, into lines similar to the meridi- anal lines of a globe. The exsiccation is now finished : the mass, after it has been allowed to cool, is broken up, and about eight pints of spring water are added, and the whole is allowed to remain at rest for twenty four hours. Next day the cold infusion is drawn off clear, by means of a piece of thick cloth (which is used to keep down the sediment), from the edge of which the liquor is poured by inclining the pans. This infusion appears about the consistency of syrup. The mass remaining is quite soft, upon which about three pints of boiling water are poured, and the warm infusion is allowed to remain about ten minutes. It is then filtered through coarse Chinese paper, but no pressure; of the mass takes place. By the time this has been accomplished, the cold infusion, which had been placed over a brisk fire, begins to boil ; and the filtered warm infusion is now added. The
198
Preparation of Opium for Smoking.
Aug.
boiling is briskly continued, and a little scum is thrown up, which is removed by means of a feather. As the extract thickens, it is care- fully stirred, and when the quantity of water is much reduced, the pan is placed on a smaller fire, and carefully stirred with three round sticks; from time to time, it is removed from the fire, and a circular motion given to it. When it has attained the form of a thin extract, it is taken from the fire, stirred gently, cooled by means of a fan, and placed in a jar for use. Its appearance is not unlike treacle, but rather of a reddish brown color. The scum was added to a small part of the warm infusion, which had now dropped from the filter, and evaporated to about the same consistency as the first part ; but its color is darker, and it is not of itself fit for smoking. The residuum,
|
when dried, appears nearly as dark as charcoal. |
oz. |
dwts. |
ffrs |
|
The original opium weighed . - - - |
13 |
14 |
23 |
|
The pure opium weighed . . . . |
9 |
10 |
00 |
|
The second extract weighed |
0 |
2 |
8 |
|
The outer shell |
2 |
3 |
9 |
|
25 |
10 |
16 |
|
|
Weight of the half cake . . - . |
26 |
19 |
0 |
|
Loss |
1 |
8 |
8 |
|
Experiment 2d. |
Thirty grains of the outermost part of the cover of the same cake of opium and exactly similar to what had been laid aside by the Chinese artist, was infused for a week in six drachms of proof spirit. It was then filtered, the residuum washed with fresh portions of spirit and dried, and the spirit evaporated by means of sulphuric acid, in Leslie’s ice machine, to the same consistency as the Chinese extract, which weighed 9 grains ; the residuum weighed 21 grains, equal to the quantity of skin employed. It may be remarked that the skin was perfectly dry, that at least two grains of fluid would be required to give the extract produced its proper consistency, and the hygro- meter showing the air to be somewhat above the medium state of moisture, (65,) so that under different circumstances, the quantity of residuum might have weighed about one grain less. In this way I account for a quantity of extract, which could not be separated from the platina dish, in which the evaporation was conducted, and from the spatula employed to take it out. - 1 am therefore disposed *0 rate the product of the outermost part of the rind at one-third. The mat- ter left on the filter consisted of poppy leaves, very clean, weighing 18 grains; the remaining succulent matter was a gray powder, weighing three grains.
Experiment Zd.
Forty grains of the inner part of the cover, lining the inner part of the portion of skin employed in the last experiment, and carefully freed from the pulp, was treated with the same quantity of spirits, and the’ process conducted in the same manner. The result was : — ex-
18:37.
Preparation of Opium for Smoking.
199
tract 21.50 grs.; residuum, in about equal quantities of leaves and powder, 13.75 grs.; total 35 25 grs. — Here four grains and three- quarters disappear, which may be accounted for by the great hardness of the extract, and- some part adhering to a split in the wooden spa- tula ; it should therefore, without doubt, be added to the product of extract, making 25J grains in 40.
Experiment Ath.
Having taken 14 3’Jj grs. of the pulp of the same cake as was employed in the preceding experiments, it was infused in 10 oz. of spirits, as before. The extract was made over a lamp in a platina dish, of the same form as the Chinese brass dish. The extract, fof the same consistency as the Chinese, weighed 216 grs.; the residuum was a gray powder, weighing 126.25 grs.; total 342.25 grs. Here an excess of 34 grs. appears, and had the residuum been equally moist with the opium employed, it must have weighed full 10 grs. more; but of this difference, say 4 grs. are necessary to account for the greater fluidity of the extract than the opium.
Experiment oth.
Eight ounces troy of Bombay opium was infused in 6 lbs. of proof spirit, and filtered after 12 days’ digestion. The residuum, dried to about the same consistency as the opium, weighed 4 oz. 4 dwts. 16 grs., the extract, 6 oz. 19 grs.; total, 10 oz. 5 dwts. 11 grs. Now two ounces and a quarter appear to be gained, equal, probably, to the fluid containetf in the extract.
Experiment 6th.
Taking 1 oz. 11 dwts. 15 grs. of the residuum of the Chine.se artist’s experiment, it was digested for four days in 16 ounces of spirits 30 per cent, above proof, and filtered. The residuum on the filter was washed with a fresh portion of spirit, as long as the spirit appeared loaded, when the remaining part of the process was completed in the same manner as the former experiments. The result appeared, re- fuse, 1 oz. 4 dwts. 14 grs.; extract, 6 dwts.; total, 1 oz. 10 dwts. 14 grs.; — loss, 25 grs.
Experiment 7 th.
The residuum of experiment v. w'as infused in 30 oz. of alcohol, and after remaining two days, was made to boil, and strained in that state. Upon cooling, the filtered liquor deposited, on the sides of the bottle, regular crystals of the salt of opium, which, being soluble in 100 parts of spirits of wine, and the liquor being saturated, gave the following, 30 X 480 =14.400— :-100 = 144 grs.
Requisite apparatus.
Three hemispherical brass pans of equal size ; two or three bam- boo baskets for filters; a large reservoir for spring water; two or three earthen pots to receive the straining; a large and a small stove (fo- gons); a wooden ladle for stirring; a chisel to scrape the particles that adhere to the pans; a square piece of woollen cloth for strainers; some pieces of common brown paper; a fan for cooling the extract; a feather; a knife; a small bamboo broom, to sprinkle water with while
200 Preparation of Opium for Smoking. Ate.
boiling; and three small round sticks lor stirring. Having procured these articles of apparatus, then take, for experiment, half a cake of one year old Bengal ( Patna ) opium, weighing 21 taels 2 mace 7 candareens.
Process of preparation.
Stage. Isf. The interior of the cake being extracted, is laid in one of the pans and set aside ; then as much of the coat as is found to have any opium adhering to it or to be impregnated with it, is collected into another pan, which is first boiled slightly three several times — each time using a pint of spring water, at the end of each time it is strained through the bamboo basket into the earthen pot : some cold water is poured over the dregs after the third boiling. The liquid thus pro- duced being about five pints, and the time occupied about an hour.
Stage 2d. These five pints of thin liquid are poured into the pan containing the interior of the cake. The whole is boiled and stirred together on an active fire, till it has attained the consistency of paste, which requires about another hour.
Stage Sd. The paste thus produced is divided, half and half, into two pans, and being well spread out with the spatula is laid inverted on the now rather gentle fire, alternately (of and on) for two or three minutes at a time, till it becomes quite dry (i. e., divested of its water, - and not the essential oil), to facilitate which, the paste is as often broken up during this stage, respread with the spatula and pressure of the fingers, and crossed with a knife, as the experience of the artist may suggest.
Stage 4tth. When become quite dry, the whole is put into one pan, spread out with the spatula, and sufficient water poured over to cover the opium, which was about six pints, and so allowed to remain till 9 o’clock the next morning, for digestion.
Stage 5th. The next morning the piece of rag is doubled and ap- plied to the edge of the pan, in the position of one triangle in, and the other out of, the rim; then by raising the opposite side of the pan, the whole digestion drips progressively through the rag (the inner triangle of which keeps the dregs down), into a basket with coarse pa- per laid within it, and from thence into another pan — both the basket and paper being previously well washed with cold water. The quan- tity of liquid thus drawn by the filtration is nearly as much as of water poured over the opium on the preceding day, viz. six pints. Cold water is then poured over the dregs and filtered in the same way, till found to be nearly tasteless and without color ; the whole water thus poured through them being found to be about six pints of much weaker extract. The dregs are again watered, and thrown into a pot to remain over till required.
Stage Qth. The six pints of strong liquid are then boiled over a brisk fire, and in its course sprinkled betimes with cold water from the broom, to prevent the fermentation boiling over the pan, the scum produced round the edge being removed by means of a feather into a pan containing the pint hereafter mentioned. After boiling for 20 minutes, five pints of the other six of weaker liquid are then thrown
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into the pan and boiled with the former, which, when evaporated to about three pints, are strained through the brown paper into another pan, and the remaining one pint, above mentioned, is thrown into the pan just emptied, to wash the adhesive particles, and is boiled about five minutes, and strained again with the three pints ; and while it is boiling down to that degree of consistency in which it is used, the pan is shifted to the small stove and there allowed to remain, till a perfect ring of about the fifth part of an inch thick is formed on the edge by the exhalation of the steam ; then it is, at intervals, removed from the fire to prolong the evaporation, or to avoid miscarriage of the process ; wherefore, during the course of the operation, the fan and the three round sticks are incessantly employed in cooling and stirring the extract (when off the fire), till it is fully completed, when it much resembles thick treacle ; it is then taken off with the chisel, and deposited in a small pot for consumption.
Stage 7th. The dregs, mentioned to be remaining over at the close of the fifth stage, together with the scum and washings of the pans, are strained through the rag and basket into another pot, and boiled on the large stove (much about the same time that the other pan was removed to the smaller stove), producing a thin brownish liquid of about six pints from the additional cold water poured on the dregs, and is boiled down to an inferior quantity of extract, which is some- times used for smoking by the poorer classes, but more frequently reserved for another occasion to add strength to other opium. The whole of this process occupied about twenty-four hours.
The result was, that the 21 taels 2 mace 7 candareens of original opium produced, of superior extract, 9 taels 1 mace; of second quality, from dregs and washings, 1 tael 3 mace 1 candareen ; consumable opium, 10 taels 4 mace 1 candareen. If 21 taels 2 mace 7 canda- reens yield 10 taels 4 mace 1 candareen, then 16 taels, or a catty, will yield 7 taels 8 mace 8 candareens. Reduced 51 per cent.
Note. The outer coat of the cake is apparently never used in this process, as it seems to possess no fluid of the opium. Spring water alone is used throughout the process ; as also charcoal, and not wood, for fire. It is stated in the third stage that, to facilitate the drying of the paste, it is crossed with a knife. The operation is performed but once, and in the last inversion of the pans, by cutting the surface of the paste in opposite lines.
Art. VIII. Loss of the English hrig Fairy, captain McKay, on the coast of Fuhkeeii ; statements respecting the case, from the Chinese authorities, from those of Manila, and from Portuguese and Lascar seamen.
At length, the melancholy story of the Fairy is confirmed by the remainder of her crew — fifteen in number, who arrh^ed in Canton on the 2d in.stant, from Fuhkecn. Twelve months have now elapsed since we first heard rumors of the foul deeds of murder. Some said
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Loss of the Brig Fairy.
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the pirates had cut off a foreign ship. Others supposed tlie Chinese authorities had eitlier made or directed an attack. It was also sus- pected that there had been a mutiiiy. This state of uncertainty was followed by authentic accounts of the brig having sailed from the coast, on a given day, for Lintin. It was soon after reported, that a number of foreign seamen were at Fuhchow foo. The result of an attempt to communicate with them, left but little doubt that captain McKay and his officers had been murdered. Soon after this, a lin- guist, having been sent for from Canton, was dispatched to Fuhkeen. Nothing was heard of the Fairy until some weeks afterwards, when a vessel, supposed to be her, was discovered under water off Cape St. Mary, some distance to the northward of Manila. Persons having bars of gold were suspected, and, having been apprehended, confessed themselves guilty of the bloody act. As their trial is still pendiiig, any expression of opinion here, relative to their conduct, would be pre- mature. A few facts, however, gained from good authorities, may not be out of place.
The brig Fairy — a vessel of 160 tons, built, we believe, about five years ago at Liverpool — left Lintin for the eastern coast of China, on the 20th of June last year. Having accomplished the object of her voyage, she was returning, when, according, to a preconcerted plan, the captain, first and second officers, with the gunner, were murdered. Six ‘ Manilamen’ then took command; and the remainder of her crew, in the longboat, sailed for the shore. The following edict from the hoppo, issued sometime in December (we have not the date), shows how the men were received, what reasons they gave for coming on shore, &:.c.
“ Wan, superintendent of maritime customs in the province Kwang- tung, issues this order to the hong merchants, Howqua and his fellows, and requires that they fully acquaint themselves therewith. I have received from the governor a communication, wherein he states, that, on the 23d day of the 11th month (December 30th 1836), dispatches reached him from Chung the governor of Fuhkeen and Chekeang, and Wei the lieut. -governor of Fuhkeen, informing him, that, on the I7th day of the lOth month (November 25th), the subjoined represen- tation had been laid before them by Chin Kwosuy, acting magistrate of the district Changpoo hetin ;
“ ‘In the course of the 7th month (August, 1836), fourteen distress- ed foreigners successively arrived in this town, and appeared before me, — whom I sent on at once to the capital of the province, and respecting whom I duly reported. Afterwards, on the 17th day of the 9th month (26th October), a foreigner appeared and presented a petition, requesting that the distressed foreigners should be given up to him. He was at once driven away, and the circumstance reported, as is on record. I then immediately entered into communication with the military officers, and requested them to select policemen, well acquainted with the villages and hamlets along the coast, and to send them to Nanking and all the adjoining villages, to search closely and in every direcfion. This haying been done, they returned and
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reported, ‘ that, at a place named Chihoo, they had discovered a for- eigner who was begging, and respecting vvlioni the natives were utterly ignorant from whence he came; that with this exception there was no other foreigner lingering about ; and this man, as in duty bound, they brought before me. ’ Upon his arrival, I examined the foreigner, and observed that he had received on his right temple a sword-cut, an inch and six tenths in length, in an oblique direction. Though the parts had adhered, and formed a cicatrice, yet the cir- cumstance seemed suspicious. And calling to mind that the for- eigners who before had successively arrived came from the neighbor- hood of the village Nanking, I had apprehensions that the people inhabiting the coast might have taken advantage of their distress to assault and plunder them. I therefore, a second time, sent men to ascertain the truth ; but the reports which they brought back were at variance, and every statement diverse from the others ; and on close examination of them, I found, that all their reports were but mere rumors, wholly devoid of a single particle of evidence.
“ ‘ As this affair relates to foreigners, out of the pale of the empire, involving therefore consequences of great importance, I did not ven- ture in the slightest degree to shun a full investigation of it, neither dared 1 to rush precipitately and incautiously upon inquiries. Having been unable to gain any trace whereby to discover the truth, 1 be- thought myself that no step remained but to have the facts explained verbally by the foreigner now brought before me, — that perhaps by adopting this mode of investigation, I might have a prospect of gain- ing some tangible evidence, on which to act. I therefore very care- fully and closely examined him, and, having drawn the figure of a ship, I then required him to delineate the circumstances, and to give evidence by signs. He represented that his name was Walesze; that he had hitherto been in the capacity of a sailor on board an English vessel ; that one Mantilae, on board the same vessel with him, hav- ing conspired with certain of the crew, and killed the captain, and also one Mailing, with some others, he (Walesze) and the other non-con- spirators were driven by them into a small boat, which, while drifting about, was overtaken by a gale and swamped : that the vessel, a two-masted one, which, with the silver and other things on board, Mantilae then seized upon, sailed away from them — she was not lost ; that when he and the other non-conspirators jumped into the small boat, they took no goods or anything with them ; but owing to the force of the wind and violence of the waves, the boat was upset and swamped before they had neared the shore, and all were compelled to commit themselves to the water and swim for their lives : that he remained struggling in the water for several days, before he succeeded in reaching the shore : as to his companions, that they were scat- tered and wholly lost to him : and that he had not been assaulted or plundered by the natives on shore.
‘“Several successive mornings and evenings I anxiously interrogat- ed him, requiring him to go over with his finger, what he had already depicted, to personate the parties, and by actions to represent what had
204 Loss of the Brig Fairy. Aug
taken place, making him repeat the evidence which he had given by signs, and thus again and again narrowly examining him ; these re- peated examinations confirmed in every particular the drawing. But having no linguist to interpret the inquiries and answers, it was in truth difficult to gain any full assurance. I finally, therefore, sent to Amoy, to seek for some native who might be able, in some measure, to interpret the foreigner’s words ; and one Pih Pihleaou was brought to me; the explanations obtained through him were in accordance with the results of my previous examinations.
“ ‘ I am humbly of opinion, that if the foreign vessel had indeed en- countered a gale at sea, then the whole ship must have been upset and swamped ; and it would seem impossible in such a case for them to launch a boat, and assemble together in her to save themselves. And if the vessel had struck on a shoal, and gone to pieces, and the crew had been attacked and plundered by the people on the coast, it must have happened within the inner seas, where are military posts and custom-house stations, and where the naval vessels are dispersed every- where, numerous as the stars, and regularly arranged as on a chess- board, so that there must have been some precise and accurate in- formation thereof How could it be, in such case, that after the lapse of so long a time, no information had been sent from any quarter ? Even when I dispatched a select party of police to seek, in every way, for some clue, and to search in all the villages, I could not gain the slightest trace, whereby to discover the real facts. The deposi- tion of this man Walesze, that certain of the crew conspired together, and, having murdered the captain, escaped with the vessel and the silver and other things on board of her, when compared with the circumstances before us, appears credible. And of those foreigners who previously were successively brought before me, one, on being narrowly examined and required to show by signs what had occurred, assumed the manner of a person alarmed, awaking out of sleep, and murdered ; which appears also to coincide with the deposition of Walesze, But thirteen of these distressed foreigners, who were first brought, merely stated that the vessel was trading in rice, when she was overtaken by a gale ; they acknowledged nothing further ; and this bears somewhat of a suspicious aspect. I would mention, however, that when Walesze was brought before me, I endeavored to set him at ease and comfort him by promising him that he should be sent back to his country immediately ; but I observed that this, contrary to my expectation, raised on his countenance an expression of uneasiness: about which, when J questioned him, he said, that from not having been able to bring aid to their captain in his danger, they would find it difficult hereafter to save themselves from being implicated in the crime. Bearing this in mind, it would appear not improbable that the concealment, on the part of those thirteen distres- sed foreigners was owing to this cause alone.
“ ‘ I would humbly remark, that, although in this case something has been obtained in the shape of a deposition, yet, Pih Pihleaou having never before been employed in the capacity of an interpreter to for-
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eigners, it has been impossible to attain, through his means, perfect assurance in the matter. Revolving this in my thoughts, I see no resource, but in earnestly intreating that a dispatch may be forwarded to Canton, calling for a linguist well acquainted with the English language to be sent to Fuhkeen, to interpret the examinations. Then may the hidden rock appear, above the receding waters.
Suspicion of falsehood and deception having attached to the thir- teen of the distressed foreigners, who were before sent to the capital, I am apprehensive that if Walesze should be now hastily sent on to that place, and be brought in contact with them, he will join to make a like deposition with the others, and thus prevarication will be occa- sioned. Were they merely in this way to withhold and conceal the truth, representing simply that they had suffered from a tempest and escaped only with their lives, nothing objectionable could ensue from this. But should they, in the end, make a pretence of having been attacked and plundered by pirates on the Chinese seas, to save them- selves from the fault of not having rescued their captain, such a state- ment would involve the high dignity of the nation, and would call for no small expenditure of troublesome inquiry ; it is, therefore, necessa- ry, to be in an increased degree, both careful and particular. Now the linguist in his way from Canton to the capital of Fuhkeen, must pass through this city. If I may be allowed to detain the foreigner Walesze in my district until the linguist shall arrive here, and then direct the linguist to interpret his depositions first, and afterwards send both to the capital, that he, with the several foreigners before sent on, may then be separately subjected to a close examination, we may thus, by preventing combination and prevarication, secure faithfulness and truth, and may display a high degree of carefulness.
“ ‘ Be my feeble views correct or incorrect in their aim, it is my duty to present them for consideration, while at the same time, I tran- smit the minute details of the deposition, taken from the above-named foreigner in distress, to which I subjoin also a summary. And I humbly await the condescending conferment of an order to be obeyed by me, to the great advancement of justice and equity.
‘“The governor and lieut.-governor of Fuhkeen, on receipt of the above, forward it with the subjoined remarks : ‘ With regard to these distressed foreigners, cast on shore by the severity of a gale, within the jurisdiction of the district Changpoo, we find it on our records, that the magistrate of that district did present a report respecting them, and did send them to the capital ; also, that the financial and judicial commissioners reported the successive arrival of the foreign- ers, to the number of fourteen j that we directed the prefect of the department of Fuhchow, together with the commander of the city guard, to examine them, and have the results of their examination interpreted; and, that afterwards the commissioners, above named, jointly with the circuit commissioner, did report to us in person, that those distressed foreigners had been examined ; but that, what they had said was not very clear and intelligible. The written state- ment of their depositions, which were interpreted, are not, however,
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Loss of the Brig Fairy.
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found to coincide with the statements now sent to us by the magis- trate of Changpoo heen. And since (here is not in all Fuhkeen, a person thoroughly acquainted with the language of the foreigners, it is certainly our duty to send to Canton to call for a linguist to come hither, that he may fully and truly interpret the examinations, that thus we may show becoming diligence and assiduity. We, therefore, are compelled to send an express, requesting you to consider this matter, and hoping that you will immediately give orders for a linguist, well acquainted with the foreign language, to be selected and speedily sent to Fuhkeen, to interpret the examinations, in order that this matter may be arranged. We send also copies of the two statements laid before us.’
“ The governor, in transmitting to me, the hoppo, this communication from the governor of Fuhkeen, adds, ‘I have directed the financial and judicial commissioners of Kwangtung, to cooperate, and instantly to command the hong tnerchants, that they select a linguist well ac- quainted with the foreign language; that, having so done, they apply to me for him to be sent, with an official communication, to Fuhkeen, to interpret the examinations and transactions in this affair ; and that they suffer not the least portion of time to be lost in delay. It is right that I should also communicate with you on the subject, in the hope that you will examine it, and issue orders to be obeyed and put in force ; and I also forward copies of the two statements conjoined in one.’ On receipt of his excellency’s communication, I, the hoppo, forthwith issue this edict, commanding the said merchants immediate- ly to act in obedience hereto; and also to report their having so acted. Let them not procrastinate. A special order.’ ”
As these men are now in Canton, and have been before the British superintendent, another reference will be made to their testimony; we must first, however, state some facts obtained from Manila. It should be remarked here, that the ‘ foreigner who appeared and presented a petition to the magistrate of Changpoo been,’ was probably one of the interpreters, on the British commission, who visited the coast in Oc- tober to inquire after the officers and crew of the Fairy. Some evi- dence was also obtained from a Chinese at Kumsing Moon, about the same time. Sec Canton Register for October XSth, 1836.
The first advices from Manila were dated 17th January, 1837. Certain sailors, lurking about the place with bars of gold in their pos- session, had attracted notice, and arrangements were being made to arrest them. This was done. Two were taken at Yloylo, and one at Yloco, and brought before the police. In a note from the chief al- calde, dated at Yloco 27th Feb., 1837, he states that he was then en- gaged in investigations. In another communication, of the same date, it was added, that one of the seamen had confessed that he belonged to the brig, and that he endeavored to throw all the blame on others. Under later dates, more ample details were given; from which it ap- pears, that pretty full confessions had been made ; in some of their evidence, they endeavor to implicate others with themselves. Accord- ing to their accounts, the attack commenced, between three and four
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Loss of the Brig Fairy.
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o’clock in the morning, on the first mate, who, witli the captain, second mate, and gunner, — all resisting bravely, were soon dispatched and thrown over board ; every man then took what booty he pleased ; the crew, after remaining together a day and a half, separated ; a part then left in the launch, while the others, the six Manilamen, sailed for Lu^onia; after a boisterous passage of twelve days, they made the land; then they stood along the coast southward, until they anchored off the village Caoayan. There they took their gold and silver on shore, and scuttled the brig. The fate of these men remains to be determined.
We go back now, again, to the other part of the crew, consisting of Lascars, with two or three Portuguese, and five Chinese : of these last, nothing has been heard since the day they left the brig. What was elicited through the linguist, who was sent from Canton to Fuh- keen, does not appear. The substance of the account obtained from the men who have just arrived, and who were immediately delivered over to the British superintendent, is this ; on the passage dow'ii from the east coast to Lintin, the chief officer, Guthrie, found fault with the Manilamen, and repeatedly struck them ; about four o’clock in the morning of the second day after leaving the bay of Chinchew, (one man thinks it was the 2lst of August,) the weather being dark and rainy, the captain and second officer with most of the crew asleep, the rencounter took place ; blood covered the deck ; the six Manilamen, armed with swords and pistols, gained the mastery ; the others were in consternation, some having been wounded in their sleep; and all were in confusion. No dead bodies were seen; but five persons — the captain, first and second mates, and two others — were now missing. The Lascars and Portuguese were told that if they did not go away, they too should be killed ; the boat was hoisted out, and they embarked. They left the brig about 9 o’clock in the forenoon, and steered towards the land, which was not in sight. About 5 o’clock p. m., the same day, they reached the shore; the boat bilged in a heavy surf on the beach; and some of the people were drowned. One man was absent from the party, after landing, for two months. They were first conducted to the magistr.ate of Changpoo heen ; he gave them each a suit of clothes, and fed them with congee and sweet potatoes for nineteen days; allowing them a mace and a half per day, he then sent them to ‘Chinchew;’ and after about a month and a half, to Fuhchow foo, the capital of Fuhkeen, where they received a mace daily, and remained till the beginning of last month, when they started for Canton, — each man on his departure, receiving nine dollars from the officers in whose custody they had been retained.
Here we must conclude — at least for the present, the narrative of this sad catastrophe. Additional facts may, perhaps, be yet elicited, and the guilt of the guilty be made more certain. The conduct of the Chinese authorities, in this case, has been honorable. Through- out, they seem to have treated the men with care and even with some quality of kindness. The motives which have induced this, and also
208
Joiirna! of Occurrence.').
the long detention of the men, are not, to us, apparent; — whether they were teelings of coininiseration ; or ‘ tender solicitude for the high dignity of the nation;’ or (what is more probable) a due regard to their own safety ; the reader must determine. The untimely end of captain McKay is affecting. He had gained a competency, and was about to retire to pass the remainder of his days among a family of affectionate relatives. His prospects, in the full spring-tide of life, were bright : but in an hour — an unexpected hour, and by cruel hands, ‘ the vital spark’ was extinguished, and his remains plunged into the depths of the ocean.
Art. [X. Journal of Occurrences. An imperial edict respecting opium and sycee; triennied examination ; Siamese tribute-bearers; degradation of Tang Tingctiing, governor of Canton.
Avothkr edict, respecting sycee and opium, has just come down from his impe- rial majesty, Taoukwang. It was issued on tlie 14th of July and arrived here on the 3d instant, eighteen days from Peking, by express. Friends abroad may be ‘surprised’ that we do not foretell the conseijuences of these ‘ loud thundering edicts.’ But, honestly, we see no remedy for their surprise. In the present case, more or less additional annoyance may be experienced ; besides which, we do not expect much from this new edict. Possibly, gentlemen who were ordered, some months ago, to quit Canton within ten days, and who have remained here quietly ever since, may again be expelled.
The approaching triennial examination, for the degree of S. T., is drawing to- gether in Canton the ‘flowering talents’ of this ‘wide eastern province.’ Two imperial examiners, Hwang Tsung and Soo Yingah, the former of the Hanlin academy, are on their way hither from Peking. The examination will com- mence about the middle of next month.
Siamese envoys, or rather tribute-bearers, have arrived in Canton, on their way to the court of China. They are to leave the city for Peking in about six weeks.
Governor Tang Tingcliing degraded. Foreigners sometimes have been much surprised to see so many succe.ssive a|)pointments of commissioners from Peking to Canton, withiis the last few years. And it has not abated their surprise to be told, that, whatever secret olijects there might be, the first ostensible one was, to investigate a case, which arose out of a quarrel between two officers, origi- nally together at Peking, where each brought accusations of criminality against the other, and each defended himself by charging the other with spiteful motives, and falsehood. 'Phe tivo officers were degraded; one was a native of Canton. His mother appealed against the decision; and, on every confirmation of the original decision by the commissioners, renewed her appeal. At length, the per- severing appellant has been silenced, and her son transported, for his own or his mother’s contumacy, to the cold regions of Sungfiria. But one of the parties of commissioners, in conjunction with the present governor, had formed a judgment so inconsistent with what now appears to have been the facts, that his majesty has deemed it necessary to correct them with severity. Though retained in office, they lose their rank, and the small allowances attached to it, and are to regain it, oidy after six years oi unerring conduct.
N. B. The last day of each month is our usual ‘publication day;’ this number, however, goes to press on the Kith instant. We have some paragraphs marked in the Peking Gazettes b>r extracts, but space for them is now wanting.' In a late number, his maj( sty exju'e.ssps great pleasure at the seizure of sycee silver, by his degraded servant, governor Tang Tingching.