|
CD |
|
|
CD ^ t>^ |
|
|
'.■- |
|
|
^ — ^ |
|
|
--. CD |
|
|
CO |
|
|
; — ; ■• — |
|
|
O |
|
|
- ,....,_ |
|
|
^ |
z — CD |
|
■ |
r^ |
|
IV |
^=^=^ -r— |
|
2 |
|
|
CO |
Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive
in 2008 witii funding from
IVIicrosoft Corporation
littp://www.arcliive.org/details/clironiclesofpilgOOyounuoft
>r>(5
<J-^\^d^l
/ ^ 3 $ COV.ofPI.YMOUTU COLONY
CHRONICLES
I
I
- -T-^J
CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN,
MDCCCXLIV.
Hit
cov.of ri.^-Moij'ni colony.
4;a
CHRONICLES
THE PILGRIM FATHERS
THE COLONY OF PLYMOUTH,
FROM 1602 TO 1625.
NOW FIRST COLLECTED FROM ORIGINAL RECORDS AND CONTEMPORANEOUS PRINTED DOCUMENTS, AND ILLUSTRATED WITH NOTES.
By ALEXANDER YOUNG.
' Gentis cunabula nostrse.' ' The mother of us all.'
SECOND EDITION.
BOSTON:
CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN.
MDCCCXLIV.
Entered Mcording to Act of Congress, in the year 1841,
By Alexander rouNc,
in the Clerk's Office of liie District Court of the District of Massachusetts.
F
76?
m
boston:
feinted by freejian and bolles, washington street.
THE HONORABLE
WILLIAM PRESCOTT, LL.D
IN TOKEN OF HIGH ESTEEM
AND SINCERE REGARD,
THIS VOLUME
IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED
BY HIS OBLIGED FRIEND
AND PASTOR.
PREFACE.
This volume will be found to contain an authentic History of the Pilgrim Fathers who planted the Colony of Plymouth, from their origin in John Robinson's con- gregation in 1602, to his death in 1625, written by themselves. Some account of the nature of these Chronicles, and of the circumstances which led to their compilation in this form, may not be unacceptable to the reader.
It is well known to those who are familiar with the early history of New England, that WilHam Bradford, the second governor of Plymouth, wrote a History of that People and Colony from 1602 to 1647, in 270 folio pages ; which was used by Morton in compiling his Memorial, by Hutchinson in writing his History of Massachusetts, and by Prince in digesting his Annals of New England. The manuscript of this valuable work, being deposited with Prince's hbrary in the tower of the Old South Church in this city, disap- peared in the War of the Revolution, when that church
yj PREFACE.
was occupied by the British troops, and has long since been given up by our historians as lost. The most important part of this lost History I have had the good fortune to recover. On a visit at Plymouth, a few years since, I found in the records of the First Church a narrative, in the hand-writing of Secretary Morton, which, on comparing it with the large extracts in Hutchinson^ and Prince,^ I recognized as the identical History of Governor Bradford ; a fact put beyond all doubt by a marginal note of Morton at the beginning of it, in which he says, " This was originally penned by Mr. William Bradford, governor of New Plymouth." This fact of the real authorship of the document seems to have escaped the observation of all who had pre- ceded me in examining the records, such as Judge Davis, Mr. Bancroft, and even of Hazard, who attri- butes it expressly to Nathaniel Morton.^ Hazard copied and printed the larger part of it, as a work of Morton's, in his valuable collection of State Papers, though in a very incomplete and inaccurate form, not being able always to decipher the cramped and abbre- viated characters in which it is written, and being frequently obliged to leave blank spaces in his page.
' By comparing the second chapter in this volume with the first article in Hutchinson's Appendix, ii. 449-451, which he quotes from Bradford's MS., it will be found that they agree nearly word for word.
2 The extracts in Prince are too numerous to be referred to ; the prin- cipal are on pages 114, 120, 128, 130, 140-145, 147, 155, 160, of the oc- tavo edition, printed in 1826.
' Hazard's State Papers, i. 340.
PREFACE. Vii
By the favor of the Plymouth Church I was permitted to make a new transcript of this very important paper, the entire accuracy of which has been secured by its careful collation with another copy made by the Rev. Wilham P. Lunt, of Quincy, who kindly favored me with the loan of it. The value of this document de- pends upon its authorship, and cannot be over-esti- mated. It takes precedence of every thing else relat- ing to the Pilgrims, in time, authority, and interest. It will be found to contain a detailed history of their rise in the north of England, their persecutions there, their difficult and perilous escape into Holland, their residence in that hospitable land for twelve years, the causes which led to their emigration, and the means which they adopted to transport themselves to Ame- rica.
The next document is Bradford's and Winslow's Journal of the first settlement of the Colony, containing a minute diary of events from the arrival of the May- flower at Cape Cod, November 9, 1620, to the return of the Fortune, December 11, 1621. This document joins on to the former, making a continuous narrative. It was printed in London in 1622, with a Preface signed by G. MouRT, and has since been usually cited as Mourt's Relation. It will be seen from the notes on pages 113 and 115 of this volume, that Mourt was probably George Morton, the father of Nathaniel, the Secretary, then resident in England, that he had no
••• PREFACE.
hand in writing the Journal, but that it was actually written by Bradford and Winslow, a circumstance which gives to it new value and interest, and confers on it the highest authority. In 1625, this Relation was abridged by Purchas, and printed in the fourth volume of his Pilgrims. This abridgment, comprising only about half of the original, and abounding with errors, was reprinted in 1 802 in the eighth volume of the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Soci- ety. In 1822, after an interval of twenty years, the portions omitted by Purchas were reprinted in the nineteenth volume of the same Collections, from a manuscript copy of the original edition, made at Phil- adelphia. The transcriber, however, omitted some important passages, and committed many errors in copying. The parts of the work being thus disjointed, and printed in separate volumes, rendered the reading of it extremely difficult and repulsive. The present is the only correct and legible reprint that has been made since the appearance of the original in 1622.
The third paper is Robert Cushman's Discourse, delivered at Plymouth in November, 1621, reprinted from an old copy in the library of the American An- tiquarian Society.
The fourth document is Edward Winslow's Relation, entitled "Good News from New England," which takes up the narrative where it was left off by the for- mer Journal, and brings it down to September 10,1623,
PREFACE. iX
This book was printed in London in 1624, was abridged by Purchas in the same way as the former Relation, was reprinted in the same fragmentary manner by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1802, and the omissions in a separate volume in 1822. It is now reprinted for the first time entire, and in a legible form, from the original London edition, for which, as well as for the original of Bradford's and Winslow's Journal, I am indebted to the rich library of Harvard College.
Next in order is Edward Winslow's " Brief Narra- tion of the true grounds or cause of the first planting of New England," which was printed at London in 1646, at the end of his Answer to Gorton. No copy of this rare book is known to exist in this country. The manuscript from which I print was kindly copied for me by the Rev. George E. Ellis, of Charlestown, from the printed volume in the British Museum. In this paper we have the original of Robinson's cele- brated farewell address to the Pilgrims at Leyden, and several facts relating to them not recorded elsewhere.
The sixth paper is a Dialogue, written by Governor Bradford, which has never before appeared in print. A fragment of it, written with his own hand, I found among the manuscripts in the cabinet of the Massa- chusetts Historical Society ; but the entire work I ob- tained from the records of the First Church in Ply- mouth, into which it was copied by Secretary Morton. b
PREFACE.
The next document is a Memoir of Elder Brewster, written by Governor Bradford as part of his History, and also copied by Morton into the Church records.
The volume closes with some letters of John Robin- son, and of the Pilgrims at Leyden and Plymouth, procured from the records of the Plymouth Church and from Governor Bradford's Letter Book.
The value of these contemporaneous documents cannot be overstated. They are the earliest chronicles of New England. We have here the first book of our history, written by the actors themselves. We should esteem it a fortunate circumstance, a peculiar privi- lege, that we thus have the whole story of the origin of this earUest of our northern colonies in the very words of the first planters.^ In authority and import- ance nothing can exceed them ; and I feel that I have been engaged in a useful as well as interesting labor in collecting together and illustrating these scattered memorials of the Fathers. The notes will be found to be copious and various, touching upon all points, and in all cases referring to authorities from which the statements may be verified, and fuller information be obtained. Considering myself as engaged in erecting another monument to the memory of the Pilgrims, I have spared neither labor nor expense in endeavouring to render the work accurate and complete. If the
" Quis est autem, quem non moveat clarissimis monumentis testata consignataque antiquitas?" Cicero de Divinatione, lib. i. 40.
PREFACE. Xi
reader shall derive from its perusal the same satisfac- tion which I have found in its compilation, I shall feel myself abundantly remunerated for this labor of love.
Regarding these documents as the only authentic chronicles of those times, I have considered all devia- tions from them in subsequent writers as errors, and when they have fallen under my notice, I have not scrupled to point them out. In this I have no other object in view than historical accuracy ; and accord- ingly for whatever errors I may have fallen into, I shall hold myself equally obnoxious to criticism.
The portrait of Governor Winslow at the begin- ning of the volume, so beautifully engraved by House, is an accurate copy of the original picture painted in London in 1651, in his 57th year. This picture, the only portrait that we have of any of the Pilgrims, has been handed down in the family ever since it was painted, one hundred and ninety years ago, and was kept till within a few years at the seat of the Wins- lows, in Marshfield. It is now the property of Mr. Isaac Winslow, of Boston, the only surviving male descendant of the Governor, bearing his name, by whose kindness I have been permitted to have it en- graved, and who has deposited it, with other portraits of his ancestors, in the Hall of the Massachusetts Historical Society. The coat of arms was probably painted at the same time with the picture, and has always been an heirloom in the family. The fac-
^•j PREFACE.
simile of Winslow's signature was copied from a letter written by him to Governor Winthrop, from his seat at " Cares well, this 17th of the last month, 1639." The original is in the archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and it was printed by Hutchinson in his Collection of Original Papers, page 110.
The map of Plymouth, on page 160, is copied by permission, on an enlarged scale, from the accurate map of the State, now in preparation under the direc- tion of Simeon Borden, Esq., and the map of Cape Cod, on page 116, is partly reduced from Major Gra- ham's beautiful chart, and partly composed from recent surveys made for the State map. The en- graving of the Mayflower on page 108 is copied from one of Sir Walter Raleigh's ships in De Bry, and is a correct representation of the vessels of that day. The chairs of Winslow, Carver, and Brewster, are faithfully drawn from the originals, the first of which is preserved in the Hall of the Massachusetts Histor- ical Society, and the last two in the Pilgrim Hall, at Plymouth. The seal of the Colony is taken from the title-page of the Book of the General Laws of New Plymouth, printed in 1685. Judge Davis says, "it originated probably in Mr. Cushman's advice to Gov- ernor Bradford in a letter from England, Dec. 18, 1624: 'Make your corporation as formal as you can, under the name of the Society in Plymouth in New England.' Of this seal the Colony was deprived in
PREFACE. Xiii
the rapacious days of Andros. On a return to the old paths, the Governor was requested to procure its restoration. If this application were successful, the seal has since been lost."
In regard to the minuteness of some of the particu- lars recorded in the ensuing pages, no better apology- can be offered than that of the Roman annalist : " Pleraque eorum quae referam parva forsitan et levia memoratu videri, non nescius sum. Non tamen sine usu fuerit introspicere ilia, primo adspectu levia, ex quis magnarum ssepe rerum motus oriuntur."^ — " If any tax me for wasting paper with recording these small matters, such may consider that small common- wealths bring forth matters of small moment ; the reading whereof yet is not to be despised by the judicious, because small things in the beginning of natural or politic bodies are as remarkable as greater in bodies full grown." ^
Boston, June 1, 1841.
' Tacitus, Ann. lib. iv. 32.
^ Dudley's Letter to the Countess of Lincoln.
LIST OF THE ENGRAVINGS
Page.
1. Portrait of Governor Winslow . . . . i
2. The Mayflower 108
3. Map of Cape Cod 116
4. Map of Plymouth Bay ..... 160
5. Governor Winslow's Chair ..... 238
6. Governor Carver's Chair ..... 45S
7. Elder Brewster's Chair ..... 470
8. Seal of Plymouth Colony . . . Back Title.
CONTENTS
Chap. Page.
Gov. Bradford's History of Plymouth Colony . 1
I. The first beginnings of this church and people . . 19
II. Their departure into Holland, and their troubles there- about, with some of the many difficulties they found and met withal ..... 25
in. Their settling in Holland, and their manner of living and
entertainment there . . . . .33
IV. The reasons and causes of their removal from Holland 44
V. The means they used for preparation to this weighty
voyage . . . . . .52
VI, The conditions of their agreement with several merchant
adventurers towards the voyage ... 80
VII, Their departure from Leyden, and embarkation from
Delft-Haven . . . . . .86
VIII. The troubles that befell them on the coast of England, and in their voyage in coming over into New England, and their arrival at Cape Cod ... 97
Bradford's and Winslow's Journal . . . 109
IX. The first planters' combination by entering into a body politic together ; with their proceedings in discovery of a place for their settlement and habitation . 117
X. Their landing and settling at New Plymouth . . 163
XL A Journey to Pokanoket, the habitation of the great king Massasoit; the message, and the answer and entertain- ment they received from him . . . 202 XII, A Voyage to the kingdom of Nauset, to seek a boy that had lost himself in the woods ; and the accidents that befell them in that voyage . . . .214 XIII. A Journey to the kingdom of Namaschet, in defence of the great king Massasoit against the Narragansetts, and to revenge the supposed death of Tisquantura . 219
^yj CONTENTS.
PiOE.
Chap. ^
XIV. A Relation of their voyage to the Massachusetts, and
what happened there ..... 224 XV. A Letter from Edward Winslow to a friend in England, setting forth a brief and true declaration of the worth of the Plantation at Plymouth ; as also certain useful directions for such as intend a voyage into New Eng- land 230
XVI. Robert Cushman's reasons and considerations touching
the lawfulness of removing out of England into the parts of America ..... 239
Cushman's Discourse ..... 253
XVII. The state of the Colony, and the need of public spirit in
the Colonists ..... 255
WiNSLOw's Relation ..... 269 XVIII. The first planters menaced by the Narragansetts, and
their second voyage to the Massachusetts • . 280
XIX. The planting of Weston's colony at Weymouth, and
sundry excursions after corn . . . 296
XX. Winslow's second journey to Pokanoket, to visit Massa-
soit in his sickness . . . . .313
XXI. Standish's expedition against the Indians of Weymouth,
and the breaking up of Weston's Colony at that place 327 XXII. The first allotment of lands, and the distressed state of the
Colony ...... 346
XXIII. The manners, customs, religious opinions and ceremonies
of the Indians ...... 354
XXIV. The situation, climate, soil, and productions of New Eng-
land ...... 368
WiNSLOw's Brief Narration .... 377
XXV. The true grounds or cause of the first planting of New
England . . . . . .379
Gov. Bradford's Dialogue .... 409
XXVI. A Dialogue, or the Sum of a Conference between some
Young Men born in New England, and sundry Ancient Men that came out of Holland and Old England . 414
Gov. Bradford's Memoir of Elder Brewster . 459
XXVII. Memoir of Elder William Brewster . . .461
XXVJII. Letters ...... 471
GOV. BRADFORD'S HISTORY
OF
PLYMOUTH COLONY.
MORTON'S PREFACE.
Christian Reader,
I HAVE looked at it as a duty incumbent on me to commit to writing the first beginnings and after pro- gress of the Church of Christ at Plymouth in New England ; forasmuch as I cannot understand that there is any thing particularly extant concerning it, and al- most all the members of the said church, both elders and others, being deceased, by whom intelligence of matters in that behalf might be procured.^ I dare not charge the reverend elders of that church who are gone to their rest, with any neglect on that behalf; for when they were in Holland, they were necessitated to defend the cause of Christ by writing against opposites of several sorts ; so as such like employs, together with the constant and faithful discharge of the duties of their offices, probably took up the greatest part of their time ; and since the church parted, and a consid- erable part thereof came unto this going down of the sun, it might be neglected partly on the account that divers writings, some whereof being put forth in print,
' In 1679, the year previous to came over in the Mayflower. See the date of this Preface, twelve only Hutchinson's History of Massachu- were living of the hundred who setts, ii. 456.
4, MORTON'S PREFACE.
did point at and in a great measure discriminate the af- fairs of the church ; forasmuch as then the small com- monwealth, in our first beginning at New Plymouth, consisted mostly of such as were members of the church which was first begun and afterwards carried on in Leyden, in Holland, for about the space of twelve years, and continued and carried on at Ply- mouth, in New England, a small part whereof remain- eth until this day. If any thing was done on this kind by those worthy leaders, I suppose the blame is rather to be laid on those which had the first view of their studies, and had their books and writings in custody after their decease ; for I am persuaded that such was their faithfulness and prudence, as that they did not wholly neglect this matter.^
Some years since it pleased God to put an impulse upon my spirit to do something in a historical way con- cerning New England, more especially with respect to the Colony of New Plymouth ; which was entitled NeiD England'^s Memorial ; ^ in which I occasionally
^ Therecordsof John Robinson's of Plymouth Ch. and Mass. Hist,
church at Leyden contained, no Coll. iv. 107.
doubt, some account of its origin * This work was printed at Cam- and its memorable vicissitudes in bridge in 1669, in a small quarto England and Holland. These re- volume, of 193 pages, and the ex- cords, however, were probably lost pense was defrayed by a contribu- when the remnants of that church tion in the several towns in the were scattered after his death in Colony. The greatest part of Mor- 1625. The church at Plymouth had ton's information was " borrowed," no settled pastor till 1629, and af- as he informs us, " from his much terwards, for long intervals, was honored uncle, Mr. William Brad- destitute of a regular ministry until ford, and such manuscripts as he 1669, when John Cotton, son of the left in his study." Prince, the New famous John Cotton of Boston, England annalist, whose copy of was ordained. No records were the first edition of the Memorial is kept by either of his three prede- now before me, enriched with his cessors, Ralph Smith, Roger Wil- marginal notes and emendations, liams, and John Reyner. The re- says that " Morton's History, from cords of the church, previous to his the beginning of the Plymouth peo- settlement, are in the handwriting pie to the end of 1646, is chiefly of Secretary Morton. MS. Records Gov. Bradford's manuscript, abbie-
MORTON'S PREFACE.
took notice of God's great and gracious work in erect- ing so many churches of Christ in this wilderness. But it was judged by some that were judicious that I was too sparing and short in that behalf; the consider- ation whereof put me on thought of recollecting some- thing more particularly relating to the church of Ply- mouth. But it pleased the Lord so to dispose, that having accomplished my desires, some time after the finishing of this work I was solicited to lend it to a reverend friend at Boston, where it was burned in the first fire that was so destructive at Boston, in the year 1667.^ Yet, notwithstanding, I have, through the goodness of God, crowded through many difliculties to achieve it the second time ; and, for that end, did once again repair to the study of my much honored uncle, Wilham Bradford, Esquire, deceased,^ for whose care and faithfulness in such like respects we stand bound ; as firstly and mostly to the Lord, so seconda-
viated." In fact, Morton's chief tion after the publication of the
merit is that of a diligent, but not Memorial in 1669 ; and the date of
always accurate copyist of his un- "the first fire that was so destruc-
cle's documents. He would have tive at Boston" was Nov. 27, 1676.
done a much greater service by The reverend friend to whom the
causing Gov. Bradford's History to manuscript had been lent, was In-
be printed entire. It is the loss of crease Mather, whose church was
that work that now gives so much destroyed by this fire, as well as his
value to his extracts and compila- dwelling-house, and a part of his
tions. The fifth edition of the Me- library. Increase Mather had mar-
morial, greatly enlarged by the tied a daughter of John Cotton,
valuable notes of the learned ed- of Boston ; and her brother be-
itor. Judge Davis, was printed at ing at this time the minister of
Boston in 1826, in an octavo vol- Plymouth, this circumstance pro-
ume of 480 pages. See Plymouth bably led to an acquaintance be-
Colony Laws, p. 153, Morton's tween Mather and Secretary Mor-
New England's Memorial, p. 10, ton. See Hubbard's Indian Wars,
Thacher's Hist, of Plymouth, p. p. 194, Hutchinson's Hist, of Mas-
126, (second edition,) and Prince's sachusetts,i. 349, Snow's History of
Annals of New England, p. xx. Boston, p. 164, Mass. Hist. Coll. iv.
(8vo ed. 1826.) 269, xvi. 648, and Cotton Mather's
^ This is unquestionably an er- Memoirs of his Father, p. 79.
ror; it should be 1676. For the ^ Gov, Bradford died May 9,
writer says he began this compila- 1657, in his 69th year.
MORTON'S PREFACE.
rily to him and his, whose labors in such respect might fitly have been published to the world, had they not been involved in and amongst particulars of other nature.
Gentle reader, I humbly crave thy patience, and ac- ceptance of this small treatise, so as to read it over considerately ; wherein so doing tliou wilt discern much of the goodness, mercy, and power of God ; who as at the first brought this fabric of the world out of the womb of nothing, hath brought so many famous churches of Christ out of so small beginnings ; with many other useful considerations that thou mayest meet with in the serious perusal thereof. So leav- ing thee and this small work to the blessing of the only wise God,
I remain thine in Christ Jesus,
Nathaniel Morton.*
Plymouth.) i^ ^^^ England, January 13th, 1680.
^ Nathaniel Morton was the son Court, and continued in this office
of George Morton, who had rnar- till his death, June 28, 1685, in
ried in England a sister of Gov. his 73d year. His residence in
Bradford, and came over to Plym- Plymouth was by the side of Wel-
outh with his family in July, 1623, lingsly Brook, half a mile south of
in the ship Anne. His father died the village. See Judge Davis's
in June, 1624, when Nathaniel was Preface to Morton's Memorial, pp.
twelve years old. In 1645 he was iv. and 101, and Mass. Hist. Coll.
chosen Secretary of the Colony xiii. 178.
INTRODUCTION.
AN INTRODUCTION TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF
THE CHURCH OF CHRIST AT PLYMOUTH, IN
NEW ENGLAND, AS FOLLOWETH.i
It is well known to the godly and judicious, how intr. that ever since the first breaking out of the light of the Gospel in our honorable nation of England, — which was the first of nations whom the Lord adorned there- with, after that gross darkness of Popery, which had covered and overspread the Christian world, — what wars and oppositions ever since Satan hath raised, maintained, and continued against the saints from time to time, in one sort or other ; sometimes by bloody death and cruel torments, otherwhiles imprisonments, banishments, and other hard usages ; as being loth his kingdom should go down, the truth prevail, and the churches of God revert to their ancient purity, and recover their primitive order, liberty, and beauty. But when he could not prevail by these means against the main truths of the Gospel, but that they began to take footing in many places, being watered with the blood of the martyrs and blessed from heaven with a gracious
' This was originally penned by Mr. William Bradford, Goyemor of New Plymouth. — Morton's Note.
8 INTRODUCTION.
INTR. increase ; he then began to take him to his ancient stratagems, used of old against tlie first Christians ; that when by the bloody and barbarousness ' of the heathen emperor he could not stop and subvert the course of the Gospel, but that it speedily overspread with a wonderful celerity to the then best known parts of the world, he then began to sow errors, heresies, and wonderful desertions amongst the professors them- selves, working upon their pride and ambition, with other corrupt passions incident to all mortal men, yea to the saints themselves in some measure ; by which woful effects followed, as not only bitter contentions and heart-burnings, schisms, with other horrible confu- sions, but Satan took occasion and advantage thereby to foist in a number of vile ceremonies, with many unprofitable canons and decrees, which have since been as snares to many peaceable poor souls even to this day ; so, as in the ancient times the persecution by the heathen and their emperors was not greater than of the Christians, one against another, the Arians' and other their accomplices' against the orthodox and true Christians (as witnesseth Socrates in liis second book, saitli he) " was no less than that of old practised towards the Christians when they were compelled and drawn to sacrifice to idols ; for many endured sundry kinds of torments, others mcking, and dismembering of their joints, confiscating of tlieir goods, some be- reaved of their native soil, others depailed this hfe under the hands of the tormentor, and some died in banishment, and never saw their country again." ~ The like method Satan hath seemed to hold in these
' So m the MS. » Eccles. Hist. lib. ii. cap. 27.
INTRODUCTION. 9
latter times, since the truth began to spring and spread intr. after the great defection made by Antichrist, the Man of Sin. For to let pass the many examples in sundry nations, in several places of the world, and instances of our own, whenas the old serpent could not prevail by those fiery flames, and other his cruel tragedies, wliich he by his instruments put in ure everywhere in the days of Queen Mary and before, he then began another 155 3. kind of war, and went more closely to work, not only 1558. to oppugn, but even to ruinate and destroy the kingdom of Christ by more secret and subtle means, by kind- ling the flames of contention and sowing the seeds of discord and bitter enmity amongst the professors and seeming reformed themselves. For when he could not prevail by the former means against the principal doc- trines of faith, he bent his force against the holy disci- pline and outward regiment of the kingdom of Christ, by which those holy doctrines should be confirmed, and true piety maintained amongst the saints and people of God.
]\Ir. Fox recordeth how that, besides those worthy martyrs and confessors which were burned in Queen Mary's days and otherwise tormented, many, both stu- dents and others, fled out of the land, to the number 1554. of eight hundred, and became several congregations at Wesel, Frankfort, Basle, Emden, Marburg, Strasburg, and Geneva, &:c.^ x\mongst whom, especially those at Frankfort, began a bitter war of contention and per- 1555. secution about the ceremonies and service book, and other popish and antichristian stuff", the plague of Eng- land to this day, which are like the high places in
^ Fox, Acts and Monuments, iii. iii. 146, and Fuller's Ch. Hist, of 40. See also Strype's Memorials, Britain, ii. 405, (ed. 1837.) 2
10
INTRODUCTION.
INTR. Israel which the prophets cried out against, and were their ruin ; which the better part sought, according to the purity of the Gospel, to root out and utterly de- stroy, and the other part, under veiled pretences, for their own ends and advancement, sought as stiffly to continue, maintain, and defend ; as appeareth by the Discourse thereof published in print anno 1575, a book that deserves better to be known and considered than it is.^ The one side labored to have the right worship of God and disciphne of Christ established in the church according to the simplicity of the Gospel, with- out the mixture of men's inventions, and to have and to be ruled by the laws of God's word, dispensed in those offices and by those officers of pastors and teach- ers and elders, according to the Scriptures. The other party, though under many colors and pretences, endeavoured to have the episcopal dignity, after the popish manner, with their large power and jurisdiction, still retained, with all those courts, canons and cere- monies, together with all such livings, revenues, and subordinate officers, with other such means as formerly upheld their antichristian greatness, and enabled them with lordly and tyrannous power to persecute the poor servants of God.
^ This work is entitled, " A Brief the view and consideration of the Discourse of the Troubles beg^un at most Honorable and High Court of Frankfort, in Germany, anno Domi- Parliament, and the reverend di- ni 1554, about the Book of Common vines of the intended ensuing As- Prayer and Ceremonies, and contin- sembly." Hallam says, in his Con- ned by the Englishmen there to the stitutional History of England, end of Queen Mary's reign ; in the i. 233, that "this tract is fairly which Discourse the gentle reader and temperately written, though shall see the very original and be- with an avowed bias towards the ginning of all the contention that Puritan party. Whatever we read hath been, and what was the cause in any historian on the subject, is of the same. 1575." The place derived from this authority." Both where it was printed is not men- editions of ttiis rare book are in the tioned. It was reprinted at London Library of the Massachusetts His- in 1642, and " humbly presented to torical Society.
INTRODUCTION.
11
This contention was so great, as neither the honor intr of God, the common persecution, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other worthies of the Lord in those places, could prevail with those thus episcopally mind- ed ; but they proceeded by all means to disturb the peace of this poor persecuted church, so far as to charge very unjustly and ungodhly (yet prelate like) some of their chief opposers with rebellion and high treason against the Emperor, and other such crimes.^ And this contention died not with Queen Mary, nor was 1558 left beyond the seas. But at her death, these people returning into England, under gracious Queen Eliza- beth, many of them preserved aspired to bishoprics and other promotions,^ according to their aims and desires ;
Nov. 7.
' Calvin, in his letter of Jan. 20, 1555, addressed to John Knox and William Whittingham, at Frank- fort, says, " In the liturgy of Eng- land I see that there were many tolerable foolish things ; by these words I mean that there was not the purity which was to be desired. These vices, though they could not at the first day be amended, yet, seeing there was no manifest im- piety, they were for a season to be tolerated. Therefore it was lawful to begin of such rudiments or abece- daries ; but so that it behooved the learned, grave, and godly ministers of Christ to enterprise farther, and to set forth something more filed from rust, and purer. If godly reli- gion had flourished till this day in England, there ought to have been a thing better corrected, and many things clean taken away. I cannot tell what they mean which so greatly delight in the leavings of popish dregs." Knox was soon after ac- cused of treason before the magis- trates of Frankfort by some of the opposite party, on the ground of certain passages in a book of his, entitled An Admonition to Christ-
ians, in which he called the empe- ror of Germany " no less an enemy to Christ than was Nero ; " in con- sequence of which he was obliged to leave the city. See Discourse of the Troubles of Frankfort, pp. 35 and 44, ed. of 1575, and Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 411.
^ See in Prince's Annals, p. 288, a list of those who were thus pro- moted. It is a just remark of Hal- lam, Const. History of England, i. 238, that the objections to t^ ■■ church ceremonies and the cleric^lj f vestments " were by no means con^\ fined, as is perpetually insinuated, ' to a few discontented persons. The most eminent churchmen, such as Jewel, Grindal, Sandys, Nowell, were in favor of leaving off the sur- plice and what were called the popish ceremonies. The current opinion that these scruples were imbibed during the banishment of the reformers, must be received with great allowance. The dislike to some parts of the Anglican ritual had begun at home, it had broken out at Frankfort, it is displayed in all the early documents of Eliza- beth's reign by the English divines,
12 IXTRODUCTION.
INTR. SO that inveterate hatred against the holy disciphne of Christ in his church hath continued to this day ; inso- much that, for fear it should prevail, all plots and devices have been used to keep it out, incensing the Queen and State against it as dangerous to her commonwealth ; and that it was most needful for the fundamental points of rehgion should be preached in those ignorant and superstitious times, and to win the weak and ignorant, they might retain divers harmless ceremonies ; and though it were to be wished that divers things were reformed, yet this was not a season for it ; and many the like, to stop the mouths of the more godly, to bring them on to yield to one ceremony after another and one corruption after another ; by these ways beguiling some and corrupting others, until at length they began to persecute all the zealous professors in the land, (although they knew little what this discipline meant), both by word and deed, if they would not submit to their ceremonies and become slaves to them and their popish trash, which have no ground in the word of God, but are reUcs of the Man of Sin. And the more the hght of the Gospel grew, the more they urged their subscriptions to these corruptions, so as notwithstanding all their former pretences and fair colors, they whose eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see whereto these things tended. And to cast contempt the more upon the sincere servants of God, they oppro- briously and most injuriously gave unto and imposed
1564. upon them tliat name of Puritans,^ which it is said the
far more warmly than by their Swiss concise and accurate account of the
correspondents. The queen alone origin and growth of Puritanism in
was the cause of retaining those England, will be found in Prince's
observances, to which the great Annals, p. 282 — 307.
separation from the Anglican estab- i The era of the English Puri-
lishment is ascribed." The most tans properly begins in 1550, when
IXTRODUCTIOX.
13
Xovatians, out of pride, did assume and take unto ixtr. themselves.^ And lamentable it is to see tlie eftects " which have followed. Rehgion hath been disgraced, the crodlv grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled ; sundrv have lost their lives in prisons and otlier ways. On the otlier hand, sin hath been countenanced, igno- rance, profaneness and atheism increased, the Papists encouraged to hope again for a day.
This made that holy man ]Mr. Perkins cry out in his Exliortation unto Repentance, on Zephaniah ii, '- Re- hsfion." saith he, •• hath been amonorst us this tliirtv-
Hooper refused, for a time, to be consecrated in the ecclesiastical habits. But in the year 1564, " the English bishops,"' says Fuller, ''coa- ceiving themselves empowered by their canons, began to show their authority in urging the clergy of their respective dioceses to subscribe to the litursv, ceremonies, and dis- cipline of the Church ; and such as refused the same were branded with the odious name of Puritans. We need not speak of the ancient Ca- thari, or primitive Puritans, suffi- ciently known bv their heretical opinions. ' Puritan " here was taken for the opposers of the hierarchy and church-service, as resenting of superstition. But profane mouths quickly improved this nickname, therewith on every occasion to abuse pious people ; some of them so far from opposing the liturgy, that they endeavoured (according to the instructions thereof in the preparative to the Confession) 'to accompany the minister with a pure heart,' and labored (as it is in the Absolution) • for a life pure and holy." ■' An old writer of the Church of England, quoted by Prince, says, " they are called Pu- ritans who would have the Church thoroughly reformed; that is, purged from all those inventions which have been brought into it since the
age of the Apostles, and reduced entirely to the Scripture purity."' See Fuller's Ch. Hist.ii. 331. 474; Strype's Annals, i. 459-463 ; Cam- den's Elizabeth, p. 107 ; Prince, pp. 100, -283 : Xeai's Puritans, i. 46, 72, 91. (4to ed.)
* " >iovatus, a presbyter of the church of Rome, being puffed up with pride against those who in the times of persecution had lapsed through infirmity of mind, as if there were no further hope of salva- tion for them, although they per- formed all things appertaining to an unfeigned conversion and a sincere confession, constituted himself the ringleader of a peculiar sect, of those who by reason of their hauffhty minds styled themselves Cithari, that is. the Pure." Eusebius, Ec- cles. Hist. lib. vi. cap. 43. His excessive rigor towards the lapsed appears to have been tbe only heresy of Xovatus ; and it is quite as likely that the name of Puritan was fas- tened upon his followers in derision and reproach as that they assumed it of themselves ; as we know was the case with the modern Quakers and Methodists. For an account of Xovatus and his opinions, see Lardner's Credibility, part ii. ch. 47 ; Mosheim, de Rebus Christiano- rura ante Const. Maen. Comment, 51'2-5'27 : Jackson's Xovatian. Prsef.
14, INTRODUCTION.
INTR. live years. But the more it is published, the more it ~^ is contemned and reproached of many, &c. Thus not profaneness nor wickedness, but rehgion itself is a by-word, a mocking-stock, and matter of reproach ; so that in England at this day, the man or woman that be- gins to profess religion and to serve God, must resolve with himself to sustain mocks and injuries, even as though he lived amongst the enemies of religion ; and this common experience hath been too apparent." ^
But before I pass on, I cannot omit an observation worthy to be noted, which was observed by the author, viz. Mr. WiUiam Bradford, as followeth.
Saith he : Full little did I think that the downfall of the bishops, with their courts, canons, and ceremo- nies, had been so near when I first began this writing, which was about the year 1630, and so pieced at leisure times afterwards, or that I should have lived to have seen or heard of the same.^ But it is the Lord's doing, Matt, and ought to be marvellous in our eyes. " Every plant which mine heavenly father hath not planted," saith our Saviour, "shall be rooted up."^ " I have snared
' Works, vol. iii. p. 421,ed. 1613. his older age he altered his voice, William Perkins lived in the reign and remitted much of his former of Elizabeth, was a fellow of Christ's rigidness, often professing that to College, Cambridge, and a Puritan preach mercy was the proper office Nonconformist. He was a strict of the ministers of the gospel." Calvinist, and had a controversy * Charles I. was beheaded and with Armiiiius. His writings were the church establishment over- held in high esteem by the fathers thrown in 1G49. of New England. Fuller says, in ^ The version of the Bible here his Life of him in the Holy State, quoted, and subsequently, is the that " he would pronounce the word one which was made by the Eng- damn with such an emphasis as left lish exiles at Geneva, in the reign a doleful echo in his auditors' ears of Queen Mary. It was first printed a good while after. And when in 1560, and was so highly esteemed, catechist of Christ's College, in ex- particularly on account of its notes, pounding the commandments, ap- that it passed through thirty edi- plied them so home, able almost to tions. King James appears to have make his hearers' hearts fall down, had a special dislike of it ; for in and hairs to stand upright. But in the Conference at Hampton Court
XV. 13.
Jer. 1. 24.
INTRODUCTION. 15
thee, and thou art taken, O Babel, (bishops) and thou intr. wast not aware : thou art found and also caught, because thou hast striven against the Lord." But will they needs strive against the truth, against the servants of the Lord, what ! and against the Lord himself.^ Do they provoke the Lord to anger ? Are they stronger i SS]- ^• than he ? No, no, they have met with their match. Behold, I come against thee, O proud men, saith the ^%[^- Lord God of hosts ; for thy day is coming, even the time that I will visit thee. May not the people of God now say, and these poor people among the rest. The Lord had brought forth our righteousness : come, let -"^Jo"- us declare in Zion the work of the Lord our God. Let all flesh be still before the Lord, for he is raised ^^13: "• up out of his holy place.^
This poor people may say among the thousands of Israel, When the Lord brought again the captivity of csivi"i. Zion, we were like them that dream. The Lord hath vs. 3 done great things for us, whereof we rejoice. They that sow in tears shall reap in joy. They went weep- vss.5,6. ing and carried precious seed ; but they shall return with joy, and bring their sheaves.
Do ye not now see the fruits of your labors, O all ye servants of the Lord that have suffered for his truth,
" he professed that he could never Annals, i. 229 ; Troubles at Frank- yet see a Bible well translated in fort, p. 192 ; Barlovy's Sum and English ; but the worst of all his Substance of the Conference at Majesty thought the Geneva to be." Hampton Court, p. 46; Strype's This opinion of the royal pedant Life of Abp. Parker, 205 ; Fuller's would not lower it in the estimation Ch. Hist. iii. 182, 247. of our fathers, who used it in Eng- ' This elevation of spirit w^as a land and Holland, and brought it considerable time after the first pen- with them to this country. King ning of these writings, but here en- James's version, which was first tered because of the suitableness of printed in 1611, had hardly got into the matter going before it. — Mo7'- common use in England when they ion's Note, came over in 1620. See Strype's
Ig INTRODUCTION.
iNTR. and have been faithful witnesses of the same ? And ye little handful amongst the rest, the least amongst the thousands of Israel ? You have not had a seed- time, but many of you have seen a joylul harvest. Should ye not then rejoice, yea, again rejoice, and
xix.T;2. ^^7' Hallelujah ! salvation, and glory, and honor, and power, be to the Lord our God ; for true and righteous are his judgments.
But thou wilt ask. What is the matter ? What is done ? — Why, art thou a stranger in Israel, that thou shouldst not know what is done? Are not those
s^sam. Jebusites overcome, that have vexed the people of Israel so long, even holding Jerusalem even until Da- vid's days, and been as thorns in their sides for many ages, and now began to scorn that not any David should meddle with them ; they began to fortify their tower, as that of the old Babylonians. But these proud Anakims are now thrown down, and their glory laid in the dust. The tyrannous bishops are ejected, their courts dissolved, their canons forceless, their service- books cashiered, their ceremonies useless and despised, their plots for Popery prevented, and all their super- stitions discarded, and returned to Rome, from whence they came ; and the monuments of idolatry rooted out of the land, and the proud and profline supporters and cruel defenders of these, as bloody papists, wicked atheists, and their malignant consorts, marvellously overthrown. And are not these great things ? Wlio can deny it ?
But who hath done it ? Even he that sitteth on the
.^^^u white horse, who is called Faithful and True, and
judgeth and fighteth righteously, whose garments are
vs. 13. dipped in blood, and his name was called The Word
INTRODUCTION. 17
of God ; for he shall rule them with a rod of iron ; for intr. it is he that treadeth the wine-press of the fierceness ^^ ^5 and wrath of Almighty God ; and he hath upon his garment and upon his thigh a name written, The King of Kings and Lord of Lords. Hallelujah !
See how this holy man's spirit was elevated and his heart raised up in praising of the Lord in consideration of the downfall of the proud prelacy ; as he and many more of the saints had good reason, who felt the smart of their bitter and cruel tyranny ; who are, indeed, a limb of Antichrist. And if the generality of the saints had been thus sensible of this great and marvellous work of God, possibly that proud hierarchy had not got up so soon again as they have done, soon after this good man's departure out of this world.' Nevertheless, we doubt not but that God will bring them down in his good time. For undoubtedly all those tliat will not that the Lord Jesus should reign over them, but instead thereof exercise an usurped lordly power over the poor saints of God, shall be brought and slain before him, and (without repentance) shall, together with the beast and false prophet, be thrown into the lake burning with fire and brimstone. When Babylon Cometh into remembrance before God, then shall the saints with the angel say. Thou art just and holy, because thou hast judged these things ; for they, (viz. the whore of Rome and the prelates, their adherents,) have shed the blood of the saints. Give them blood vs. e to drink ; for they are worthy.
> Gov. Bradford died May 9, 1657. Charles 11. was restored and Episcopacy reestablished ia 1660.
Rev. xix. 20.
Rev. xvi. 5.
18 INTRODUCTION.
INTR. The exordium being concluded, I shall come more nearer my intended purpose, viz. in reference unto the Church of Christ at Plymouth in New England, first begun in Old England, and carried on in Holland and at Plymouth aforesaid.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE FIRST BEGINNINGS OF THIS CHURCH AND PEOPLE.
When, by the travail and diligence of some godly chap
and zealous preachers, and God's blessing on their ^__,
labors, as in other places of the land, so in the north impri- mis.
parts, many became enlightened by the word of God, and had their ignorance and sins discovered by the word of God's grace, and began, by his grace, to re- form their lives and make conscience of their ways, the work of God was no sooner manifest in them, but presently they were both scoffed and scorned by the profane multitude, and the ministers urged with the yoke of subscription,^ or else must be silenced ; and the poor people were so urged with apparitors and pursuivants and the Commission Courts,^ as truly their
' Subscription to the book of com- persons, twelve of whom were
raon prayer, the rites and ceremo- bishops, many more privy counsel-
nies, and all the thirty-nine articles, lors, and the rest clergymen or civi-
See Fuller, iii. 68 ; Prince, p. 99. lians. Its spirit and mode of pro-
^ This was the celebrated Court ceeding seem to have been derived
of High Commission, so called be- from the Spanish Inquisition. The
cause it claimed a larger jurisdic- commissioners were empowered and
tion and higher powers than the directed to inquire of all heret-
ordinary courts of the bishops ; its ical opinions, to punish all persons
jurisdiciion extended over the whole absent from church, to visit and
kingdom. It was provided for by reform all errors, heresies, and
the Act of Supremacy, ; passed in schisms, to deprive all persons of
1559, I)ut did not go into full opera- ecclesiastical livings who main-
tion till 1584. It was an ecclesias- tained any doctrine contrary to the
tical court, consisting of forty-four thirty-nine articles, to examine all
20 ORIGIN OP THE PILGRIMS.
CHAP, affliction was not small. Which, notwithstanding, ^^i^ they bare sundry years with much patience, until they were occasioned, by the continuance and increase of these troubles, and other means which the Lord raised up in those days, to see further into these ^ things by the light of the word of God ; how that ^ not only those base beggarly ceremonies were unlawful, but also that the lordly, tyrannous power of the prelates ought not to be submitted to, which those contrary to the freedom of the Gospel would load and burthen men's consciences with, and by their compulsive power make a profane mixture of persons and things in the worship of God ; and that their offices and callings, courts and canons, &c. were unlawful and antichrist- ian, being such as have no warrant in the word of God, but the same that were used in Popery, and still retained ; of which a famous author thus writeth in his Dutch commentaries : — 16 0 3. u ^i i\^Q comino; of Kinsj James out of Scotland into
April.
England,- the new king," saith he, " found there estab-
suspected persons on their oaths, Neal's Puritans, i. 84, 274, 285 ;
and to punish the refractory by ex- Hallara, i. 271. communication, fine, or imprison- ^ I have inserted the words these
ment, according to their discretion, and that from Prince, who quotes
They had fall authority to com- this passage from Bradford's MS.
mand all sheriffs, justices, and other See his Annals, p. 100. officers to apprehend and bring be- ^ At the famous Conference at
fore them all persons that they Hampton Court, held Jan. 14, 1604,
should see fit. Pursuivants or mes- James declared, "I will none of
sengers were sent to the houses of that liberty as to ceremonies ; I will
suspected persons with a citation have one doctrine and one disci-
for them to appear before the com- pline, one religion in substance and
missioners, when they were re- ceremony. — I shall make them
quired to answer upon oath to a [the Puritans] conform themselves,
series of interrogatories, which as or I will harry them out of the land.
Lord Burleigh said, were " so curi- or else do wo/se. — If any would not
ously penned, so full of branches he quiet, and show his obedience,
and circumstances, as he thought he were worthy to be hanged."' —
the inquisitors of Spain used not so In his speech at the opening of his
many questions to trap their preys." first parliament, March 19^ 1604,
See Strype's Annals, iii. 180; he " professed that the sect of Puri-
THEY FORM A SEPARATE CHURCH. 21
lished the reformed religion, according to the reformed chap.
rehgion of King Edward the Sixth, retaining or keep
ing still the spiritual state of the bishops, &c. after the old manner, much varying and diifering from the Re- formed Churches of Scotland, France, and the Nether- lands, Emden, Geneva, &c., whose Reformation is cut or shapen much nearer the first churches, as it was used in the Apostles' times." ^
So many therefore of these professors as saw the evil of these things, in these parts, and whose hearts the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for his truth, they shook off this yoke of antichristian bondage, and, as the Lord's free people, joined themselves, (by a I602. covenant of the Lord,) into a church estate, in the fel- lowship of the Gospel, to walk in all his ways, made known, or to be made known unto them, according to their best endeavours, whatsoever it should cost them.^
tans or Novelists was not to be suf- all respects, as in the reign of Queen fered in any well governed common- Elizabeth, without hope of tolera- wealth." In a private letter writ- tion of any other; and on the 6th of ten about the same time, he said, July he issued another proclamation " I had rather live like a hermit in in which he ordered the Puritan the forest, than be king over such a ministers either to confoim before people as the pack of Puritans that the last of November, or dispose of overrules the lower house." He themselves and families some other had previously written to his son in way ; as being men unfit, for their tha iiasilicon Doron, " Take heed, obstinacy and contempt, to occupy my son, to such Puritans, very pests such places. The consequence of in the church and commonwealth, this was, that before November of I protest before the great God, that the next year more than three ye shall never find with any High- hundred ministers were ejected, land or Border thieves greater in- silenced, or suspended, some of gratitude and more lies and vile whom were imprisoned, and others perjuries than with these fanatic driven into exile. Prince, pp. 107, spirits." Barlow's Sum and Sub- 108, 110 ; Neal's Puritans, i. 432. stance, pp. 71, 83, 92 ; Calderwood, ' The Reformed Churches shapen Hist. Ch. Scotland, p. 478 ; Hallam, much nearer the primitive pattern i. 419. than England; for they cashiered In conformity with these views, the bishops, with their courts, can- on the 5th of March, 1604, he issued ons and ceremonies at the first, and a proclamation, that the same reli- left them amongst the Popish trash, gion, with common prayer, and to which they appertain. — Morion's episcopal jurisdiction, shall fully Note. and only be publicly exercised, in ^ Prince says, " Governor Brad-
22 JOHN ROBINSON'S CHURCH.
CHAP, ^nd that it cost them much pains, trouble, sorrow,
• affliction, and persecution, and expense of their estates,
&c. this ensuing history will declare.^ 16 0 6. These people became two distinct bodies or churches, in regard of distance of place, and did congregate sever- ally, for they were of several towns and villages, some in Nottinghamshire, some in Lincolnshire,- and some of Yorkshire, where they bordered nearest together. In the one of these churches, besides others of note, was Mr. John Smith,^ a man of able gifts, and a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor. But these afterwards falling into some errors in the Low Countries, there for the most part buried them- selves and their names.
But in this other church, which must be the subject of our discourse, besides other worthy men, was Mr. Richard Clifton, a grave and reverend preacher, who by his pains and dihgence had done much good, and
ford's History takes no notice of the correct reading-, as Lincolnshire the year of this federal incorpora- borders both on Nottinghamshire tion ; but Mr. Secretary Morton, in and Yorkshire, whilst Lancashire his Memorial, places it in 1602. does not. Besides, Prince was re- And I suppose he had the account markal)]e for his accuracy, and is either from some other writinfrs of less likely to have made a'niistake Gov. Bradford, the Journals of Gov. in deciphering and copying a word Winslow, or from oral conference than Mortoq.. He tells us" " In the with them, or other of the first passages relating to the Plymouth planters ; with some of whom planters, I chiefly use Gov. Brad- he was contemporary, and from ford's manuscript History of that whence, he tells us, he received Church and Colony, in folio • who his intelligence." Annals, p. 100. was with them from their beginninjr ihese seem to be some of the to the end of his Narrative which first in England that were brave is now before me, and was never enough to improve the liberty published." Annals p 99 wherewith the divine author of our = Some account of Smith Clifton religion has made us free, and and Robinson, is contained in Gov' observe his institiitions as their only Bradford's Dialogue, in a subse- rule in church order, discipline, and quent part of this volume ; where
""" M b^n" P . h rf V^. 1^"- 1 .• ^''" ^'^° b^ ^°""^ ^ "^«^« extended
I have substituted Lincolnshire memoir of Elder Brewster, also
fi)r Lancashire, on the authority of written by Gov. Bradford Prince. Ihis is most likely to be
THE PILGRIMS PERSECUTED. 23
under God had been a means of the conversion of chap. many ; and also that famous and worthy man, Mr. — '■ — John Robinson, who afterwards was their pastor for 16O6. many years, until the Lord took him away by death ; and also Mr. William Brewster, a reverend man, who afterwards was chosen an elder of the church, and lived with them until old age and death.
But, after these things, they could not long continue in any peaceable manner, but were hunted and perse- cuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were but as molehills to mountains in comparison to these which now came upon them. For some were taken and clapped up in prisons, others had their houses beset and watched night and day, and hardly escaped their hands ; and the most were fain to fly and leave their houses and habitations, and the means of their liveli- hood. Yet these, and many other sharper things which afterward befell them, were no other than they looked for, and therefore were the better prepared to bear them by the assistance of God's grace and spirit. Yet seeing themselves thus molested, and that there was no hope of their continuance there, by a joint consent they resolved to go into the Low Countries, where they heard was freedom of religion for all men,^ as also how
^ After the introduction of the Amsterdam as " a common harbour
Reformed religion into the Low of all opinions, of all heresies."
Countries in 1573, the utmost reli- Baylie, in his Dissuasive, p. 8, calls
gious freedom was allowed, all sects Holland " a cage fur unclean birds."
were tolerated, and an asylum was Owen Felltham, in his amusing
opened for fugitives from persecu- description of the Low Countries,
tion from every land. See Grotius, says that "all strange religions
Annals, p. 41 ; Brandt, i. 308 ; Stra- flock thither." Johnson, in his
da, i. 457. This honorable pecu- Wonderworking Providence, ch. 15,
liarity has often been made an exclaims, "Ye Dutch, come out
occasion of reproach against the of your hodge-podge : the great
country. Thus Bishop Hall, in his mingle mangle of religion among
letter to Smith and Robinson, you hath caused the churches of
Decade iii. Epist. 1, speaks of Christ to increase so little with you.
24
THEY RESOLVE TO FLY INTO HOLLAND.
CHAP, sundry from London and other parts of the land, that .^J^ had been exiled and persecuted for the same cause, were gone thither, and lived at Amsterdam,' and in other places of the land. 16 0 7. So after they had continued together about a year, and kept their meetings every Sabbath in one place or another, exercising the worship of God amongst them- selves,^ notwithstanding all the diligence and malice of their adversaries, they seeing they could no longer continue in that condition, they resolved to get over into Holland, as they could, which was in the year 1607 and 1608 ; of which more in that which fol- loweth.
standing at a stay like com among weeds." Beaumont and Fletcher, in their play, The Fair Maid of the Inn, introduce one of their charac- ters as saying,
*' I am a schoolmaster, Sir, and wniiM fain Confer with yoii about erecting f.mr New sects of religion at Amsterdam."
And Andrew Marvell, in his" Char- acter of Holland," writes.
"Sure when religion did itself emhark,
And from the east would westward steer its ark,
It struck ; and splitting on this unknown ground,
Each one thence pillaged the first piece he found.
Hence Amsterdam, Turk, Christian, Pa- gan, Jew,
Staple of sects, and mint of schism, grew ;
That bank of conscience, where not one so strange
Opinion, but finds credit and exchange.
In vain for cathcdics ourselves we bear-
The universal church is only there." '
^ The English church at Am- sterdam was that of which Francis Johnson was pastor and Henry Ainsworth teacher, and which had been originally set up at London, in 1592, and soon afterwards re- moved to Holland. It came very near being torn in pieces at first by intestine divisions, but afterwards
flourished under a succession of pastors for more than a century. In 1596 they published a " Confes- sion of Faith of certain English people living in exile in the Low Countries," which was reprinted in 1604, in " An Apology or Defence of such true Christians as are com- monly, but unjustly, called Brown- ists." This work has soiijetimes been confounded with John Robin- son's " Just and Necessary Apology of certain Christians not less con- tumeliously than commonly called Brownsits or Barrowists," which was first published in 1619. Some account of Johnson and Ainsworth is contained in Bradford's Dialogue, in a subsequent part of this volume. See Brandt's History of the Refor- mation in the Low Countries, i. 479; Neal's Puritans, i. 363, 386; Prince' p. ^303. Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 15. - In Gov. Bradford's Memoir of Elder Brewster, it is stated that " they ordinarily met at his (Brew- ster's) house on the Lord's Day, which was within a manor of the bishop's ; and with great love he entertained them when they came, making provision for them to his great charge, and continued to do so while they could stay in England."
CHAPTER II.
OP THEIR DEPARTURE INTO HOLLAND, AND THEIR TROUBLES
THEREABOUT, WITH SOME OP THE MANY DIFPICULTIES
THEY POUND AND BIET WITHAL.
Being thus constrained to leave their native country, chap.
II their lands and livings, and all their friends and familiar .^^..J^
acquaintance, it was much, and thought marvellous by
many. But to go into a country they knew not, but
by hearsay, where they must learn a new language,
and get their livings they knew not how, it being a
dear place, and subject to the miseries of war,^ it was
by many thought an adventure almost desperate, a case
intolerable, and a misery worse than death ; especially
seeing they were not acquainted with trades nor traffic,
(by which the country doth subsist,) but had only been
' The Netherlands have, in every ence. The best account of this
age, from the earliest times down vrar will be found in the contem-
to the last great conflict at Water- porary historians, Bentivoglio, Delia
loo, been the battle-ground of Eu- Guerra di Fiandra, parte iii. lib.
rope. Bishop Hall says in one of viii. Strada, de Bello Belgico, and
his epistles, " It were pity that your Grotius, Annales et Historiae de
Holland should be still the amphi- Rebus Belgicis. See also Brandt's
theatre of the world, on whose History of the Reformation in the
scaffolds all other nations should Low Countries, Sir William Tem-
sit, and see variety of bloody shows, pie's Observations upon the United
not without pity and horror." At Provinces of the Netherlands, Wat-
this time Spain was waging that son's History of the Reign of Philip
dreadful war with her revolted H. and HI. and Grattau's History
subjects of the United Provinces, of the Netherlands, in Lardner's
which terminated in their independ- Cyclopedia.
4
2Q THE FIRST ATTEMPT PREVENTED.
CHAP, used to a plain country life and the innocent trade of .-iL husbandry. But these things did not dismay them, (although they did sometimes trouble them,) for their desires were set on the ways of God, and to enjoy his ordinances. But they rested on his providence, and knew whom they had believed. Yet this was not all. For although they could not stay, yet were they not suffered to go ; but the ports and havens were shut against them, so as they were fain to seek secret means of conveyance, and to fee the mariners, and give extra- ordinary rates for their passages. And yet were they oftentimes betrayed, many of them, and both they and their goods intercepted and surprised, and thereby put to great trouble and charge ; of which I will give an instance or two, and omit the rest. 16 0 7. There was a great company of them purposed to get passage at Boston, in Lincolnshire ; and for that end had hired a ship wholly to themselves, and made agree- ment with the master to be ready at a certain day, and take them and their goods in at a convenient place, where they accordingly would all attend in readiness. So after long waiting and large expenses, though he kept not the day witli tliem, yet he came at length, and took them in, in the night. And when he had them and their goods aboard, he betrayed them, having beforehand complotted with the searchers and other officers so to do ; who took them and put them into open boats, and there rifled and ransacked them, searching them to their shirts for money, yea, even the women, further than became modesty ; and then carried them back into the town, and made them a spectacle and wonderment to the midtitude, which came flocking on all sides to behold them. Being thus by the catchpole
THE PILGRIMS IMPRISONED.
27
officers rifled and stripped of their money, books, and chap.
mucii other goods, they were presented to the inagis — ■
trates, and messengers sent to inform the Lords of the Council of them ; and so they were committed to ward. Indeed, the magistrates used them courteously, and showed them what favor they could ; but could not deliver them until order came from the Council table. But the issue was, that after a month's im- prisonment the greatest part were dimissed, and sent to the places from whence they came ; but seven ' of the principal men ^ were still kept in prison, and bound over to the assizes.^
The next spring after, there was another attempt leos. made, by some of these and others, to get over at another place ; and it so fell out that they lighted of a Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his own belonging
' The word in the MS. is some; but I have no doubt that seven was the original reading. Hutchinson, who quotes this passage at length from Bradford's History, reads it seven ; and it will be seen by the next note that Morton himself, co- pying another manuscript of Gov. Bradford alluding to this same af- fair, mentions " the seven." The word men I have also restored from Hutchinson. See his History, ii. 450.
* Gov. Bradford says, in the me- moir already referred to on page 24, that Elder Brewster " was the chief of those that were taken at Boston, in Lincolnshire, and suffered the greatest loss, and one of the seven that were kept longest in prison, and after bound over to the assizes." The books that were in the boats probably belonged to him, as we know that he had a considerable library, which he brought over M-ith him to Plymouth. A catalogue of them is contained in his inventory, in the Records of the Old Colony.
The whole number of volumes was 275, of which 64 were in the learned languages. They were valued at £43. See Morton's Memorial, p. 221, and Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 117. Cotton Mather, in his Life of Gov. Bradford in the Magnalia, i. 102, states that he was one of those that were taken and imprisoned at Boston. He adds that " Mr. Brad- ford being a young man of about eighteen, was dismissed sooner than the rest, so that within a while he had opportunity with some others to get over to Zealand, through perils both by land and sea not inconsiderable ; where he was not long ashore ere a viper seized on his hand, that is, an officer, who carried him unto the magistrates, unto whom an envious passenger had accused him as having fled out of England. When the magistrates understood the true cause of his coming thither, they were well satisfied with him ; and so he re- paired joyfully unto his brethren at Amsterdam."
28 THE SECOND EMBARKATION.
CHAP, to Zealand. They made agreement with liim, and ,_,J_ acquainted him with their condition, hoping to find 16 OS. more faithfulness in him than in the former, of their own nation. He bade them not I'ear ; for he would do well enough. He was by appointment to take them in between Grimsby ^ and Hull, where was a large com- mon, a good way distant from any town. Now against the prefixed time, the women and children, with the goods, were sent to the place in a small bark, which they had hired for that end, and the men were to meet them by land. But it so fell out that they were there a day before the ship came ; and the sea being rough, and the women very sick, prevailed with the seamen to put into a creek hard by, where they lay on ground at low water. The next morning the ship came ; but they were fast, and could not stir until about noon. In the mean time, the shipmaster, perceiving how the matter was, sent his boat to be getting the men aboard, whom he saw walking about the shore. But after the first boat-full was got aboard, and she was ready to go for more, the master espied a great company, both horse and foot, with bills and guns and other weapons ; for the country was raised to take them. The Dutchman seeing that, swore his country's oath, (" sacrament ") and having the wind fair, weighed his anchor, hoisted sails, and away.
But the poor men which were got on board were in great distress for their wives and children, which they saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of their helps, and themselves also not having a cloth to shift
^ Grimsby is a sea-port town in foreign trade. See Camden's Bri-
Lincolnshire, near the mouth of the tannia, p. 471, and Britton's Topo-
Humber. It was once rich and pop- graphical Description of the County
ulous, and carried on a considerable of Lincoln, p. 689.
A STORM AT SEA. 29
them with, more than they had on their backs, and chap. some scarce a penny about them, all they had being .J^ on board the bark. It drew tears from their eyes, and 1 6 o 8. any thing they had they would have given to have been on shore again. But all in vain ; there was no remedy ; they must thus sadly part ; and afterwards endured a fearful storm at sea, being fourteen days or more before they arrived at their port ; in seven whereof they neither saw sun, moon, nor stars, and were driven to the coast of Norway ; the mariners themselves often despairing of life, and once with shrieks and cries gave over all, as if the ship had been foundered in the sea, and they sinking without recovery. But when man's hope and help wholly failed, the Lord's power and mercy appeared for their recovery ; for the ship rose again, and gave the mariners courage again to manage her ; and if modesty' would suffer me, I might declare with what fervent prayers they cried unto the Lord in this great distress, especially some of them, even with- out any great distraction. When the water ran into their very ears and mouths, and the mariners cried out, - " We sink, we sink," they cried, if not with miracu- lous, yet with a great height of divine faith, " Yet, Lord, thou canst save ; yet, Lord, thou canst save : " with such other expressions as I will forbear. Upon which the ship did not only recover, but shortly after the violence of the storm began to abate, and the Lord filled their afflicted minds with such comforts as every one cannot understand, and in the end brought them to their desired haven ; where the people came flock-
' From this expression, as well ford himself was in the vessel, as from the whole passage, there The description is that of an eye- can hardly be a doubt that Brad- witness.
k
30
ARRIVAL IN HOLLAND.
CHAP. II.
160 8.
ing, admiring their deliverance, the storm having been so long and sore, in which much hurt had been done, as the master's friends had related unto him in their congratulations.^
But to return to the others where we left. The rest of the men that were in the greatest danger made shift to escape away before the troop could surprise them, those only staying that best might, to be assistant to the women. But pitiful it was to see the heavy case of these poor women in this distress ; what weeping and crying on every side ; some for their husbands that
* Cotton Mather, in the Magna- lia, i. 101, 102, records this and the previous attempt to escape from England ; but he perversely trans- poses their chronological order ; the effect of which is to make it appear that Bradford was imprisoned in Boston after he had escaped to Holland. He did not derive his in- formation from Bradford's original manuscript but from this copy of it in the records of Plymouth church, which he cursorily exam- ined when on his visits to his uncle, John Cotton, the minister of that church.
Mather did not know how to use his valuable materials, and took no pains to ascertain his facts or verify his statements. One instance of his utter disregard of accuracy, even when it could be easily attained, will suffice. In his Life of his father. Increase Mather, he states, p. 24, that he married the only daughter of John Cotton ; whilst in the iNIagnalia, i. 260, he asserts that Cotton had three daughters, two of whom were married. One would have thought that he might have taken the trouble to find the exact truth about such a simple fact as this, relating to his own mother. And yet Cotton Mather is univer- sally cited by Europeans, as well as by our own countrymen, who
imdertake to write our history, not only as an authority, but as the highest authority. This has been the case from Neal and llobertson downwards, De Tocqueville, whose selection of authorities is in all other respects singularly judicious, puts the Magnalia at the head, calling it "the most valuable and important document on the history of New England ; " and Grahame, whose excellent History of the United States evinces great dis- crimination, calls it " the most con- siderable of the early historical works, and the most interesting performance that the literature of New England has ever produced. The biographical portions, in par- ticular," he adds, •' possess the highest excellence, and are supe- rior in dignity and interest to the compositions of Plutarch." It is quite time that it was generally understood that Cotton Mather is not to be relied upon as an authority for any fact, unsupported by other evidence. Mr. Savage, the learned editor of Winthrop's Journal, states the simple truth when he says, that " Cotton Mather has published more errors of carelessness than any other writer on the history of New Eng- land." De Tocqueville, Democracy in America, p. 424 , Grahame, i. 415 ; Savage's Winlhrop, ii. 24.
i
THE WOaiEN LEFT BEHIND. 31
were carried away in the ship, as it was before related ; chap. others not knowing what should become of them and ^-..— their little ones ; others melted in tears, seeing their 1 6 o 8. poor little ones hanging about them, crying for fear and quaking with cold. Being thus apprehended, they were hurried from one place to another, and from one justice to another, until, in the end, they knew not what to do with them. For to imprison so many wo- men and innocent children for no other cause, many of them, but that they would ^ go with their husbands, seemed to be unreasonable, and all would cry out of them ; and to send them home again was as difficult, for they alleged (as the truth was) they had no homes to go to, for they had sold or otherwise disposed of their houses and livings. To be short, after they had been thus turmoiled a good while, and conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad to be rid of them in the end upon any terms, for all were wearied and tired with them ; though, in the mean time, the poor souls endured misery enough ; and thus in the end necessity forced a way for them.
But that I be not tedious in these things, I will omit the rest, although I might relate other notable passages and troubles which they endured and underwent in these their wanderings and travels, both at land and sea.^ But I haste to other things. Yet I may not omit the fruit that came hereby. For by these so
' I have here substituted loould, fit to pieserve the particulars of
which Hutchinson gives as the read- these perils and sufferings of his
ing of Bradford's MS. for must, brethren. Could he have foreseen
which is in Morton's copy. There the deep interest which, two hun-
can be no doubt as to which is the dred years afterwards, would be
true reading. felt in every thing relating to these
^ It IS much to be regretted that poor exiles, he would not have failed
the worthy Governor did not see to record the minutest occurrences
32 RESULT OF THE PERSECUTION.
CHAP, public troubles in so many eminent places ^ their cause
. ^^ became famous, and occasioned many to look into the
1608. same ; and their godly carriage and christian behaviour was such as left a deep impression in the minds of many. And though some few shrunk at those first conflicts and sharp beginnings, (as it was no marvel,) yet many more came on with fresh courage, and greatly animated others ; and in the end, notwith- standing all these storms of opposition, they all got over at length, some at one time and some at another, and met together again, according to their desires, with no small rejoicing.
in their history. But these humble cutions. They were not aware
and modest men did not suppose that they were to be the germs of a
that posterity would be solicitous to great empire,
know about their trials and perse- ^ Boston, Hull, and Grimsby.
CHAPTER III.
OF THEIR SETTLING IN HOLLAND, AND THEIR MANNER OF LIVING AND ENTERTAINMENT THERE.
Being now come into the Low Countries, they saw chap. many goodly and fortified cities, strongly walled, and .___!, guarded with troops of armed men. Also they heard leos. a strange and uncouth language, and beheld the differ- ent manners and customs of the people, with their strange fashions and attires ; all so far differing from that of their plain country villages, wherein they were bred and born and had so long hved, as it seemed they were come into a new world. But those were not the things they much looked on, or long took up their thoughts ; for they had other work in hand, and another kind of war to wage and maintain. For though they saw fair and beautiful cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of wealth and riches, yet it was not long before they saw the grim and griseled ^ face of poverty coming on them like an armed man, with whom they must buckle and encounter, and from whom they could not fly. But they were armed with faith and patience against him and all his encounters ;
' Griseled, for grisly — frightful, hideous. 5
34 THE PILGRIMS IN AMSTERDAM.
CHAP, and though they were sometimes foiled, yet by God's J!L assistance they prevailed and got the victory. 16 08. Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and other principal members were come over, (for they were oi the last, and stayed to help the weakest over before them,) such things were thought on as were necessary for their settling and best ordering of the church affairs. And when they had lived at Amsterdam about a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, and some others of best discerning, seeing how INIr. John Smith and his com- pany was already fallen into contention with the church that was there before them, and no means they could use would do any good to cure the same ; and also that the flames of contention were like to break out in that ancient church itself, (as afterwards lamentably came to pass) ; which things they prudently foreseeing, thought it was best to remove before they were any way engaged with the same ; ^ though they well knew it would be much to the prejudice of their outward
' Neal, Hist, of New England, i. from paofe 22, only a short time
76, falls into an error when he before Robinson. The contention
speaks of " the flames of contention Avas not among the members of
having broken out in Mr. Smith's Smith s congregation, but between
church." Belknap, Amer. Biog. his church and "the church that
ii. 157, follows it when he says, was there before them," " that on-
" these people (Smith and his con- cient church," namely Johnson's,
gregation) fell into controversy, and mentioned in the note on page 24.
were soon scattered ; " and Francis Baylie, in his Dissuasive, p. 16,
Baylies, Memoir of Plymouth, i. 11, Hornius, Hist. Eccles. p. 232, and
repeats it when he says, " some dis- Neal, Hist. Puritans, i. 437, err in
sensions happening amongst them, saying that Smith set up his church
(Smith's people) the church was at Leyden ; whereas it was to avoid
dissolved." This error arises from him and his company that Robinson
their not being aware of, or not removed to that city. Cotton, in
attending to, the fact of the exist- his Way of Cong. Churches, p. 7,
ence of another congregation of says, " I understand by such as
Separatists at Amsterdam, which lived in those parts at that time,
had been established many years Smith lived at Amsterdam, and
before Smith settled there ; who there died, and at Leyden in Hol-
went over to Holland, as appears land he never came."
REMOVAL TO LEYDEN. 35
estate, both at present and, in likelihood, in the fu- chap. ture ; as indeed it proved to be. ^ — ^
For these and some other reasons they removed to 1 6 o 9. Leyden,^ a fair and beautiful city, and of a sweet situ- ation, but made more famous by the university where- with it is adorned, in which of late it had been by so many learned men ; ^ but wanting that traffic by sea which Amsterdam enjoyed, it was not so beneficial for their outward means of living and estates. But being now here pitched, they fell to such trades and employ- ments ^ as they best could, valuing peace and their spiritual comfort above any other riches whatsoever ; and at length they came to raise a competent and com- fortable living, and with hard and continual labor. Being thus settled, after many difficulties, they con- tinued many years in a comfortable condition, enjoying much sweet and delightful society and spiritual comfort together, in the ways of God, under the able ministry
' "By several passages in Gov. sius, and Booerhave. See Grotius,
Bradford's manuscript it seems as Annals, p. 266 ; Brandt, i. 312. if they began to remove to Leyden ^ Cotton Mather, in his Life of
at the end'of 1608. Prince, p. 120. Gov. Bradford, in the Magnalia, i.
The distance from Amsterdam to 102, speaks of " the difficulties to
Leyden is about 22 miles. which Bradford, when in Holland,
^ The university of Leyden was stooped in learning and serving of established in 1575, the year after a Frenchman at the working of the memorable siege of that place, silks; " and Belknap in his Amer. The Prince of Orange, wishing to Biog. ii. 218, says that Bradford, reward the citizens for their con- " being under age, put himself as stancy and valor, gave them the an apprentice to a French Protest- choice of two privileges — either ant, who taught him the art of silk- an exemption from taxes, or a uni- dying." Neither of them, how- versity ; they chose the latter. It ever, refers to any authority for has been at times one of the most their statements. Brewster be- celebrated in Europe ; and from its came a printer, as will be seen reputation the city itself was called hereafter in Bradford's memoir of the Athens of the West, and the him. Many of the first colonists North Star of Holland. Among at Plymouth were weavers, from its distinguished professors and Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire, scholars were Arminius, Episco- and brought over their looms with plus, Grotius, Lipsius, Junius, Vos- them. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. sius, Descartes, Scaliger, Salma- 171.
36 INCREASE OF THE CHURCH.
CHAP, and prudent government of Mr. John Robinson and ^.J^ Mr. William Brewster, who was an assistant unto him 1 6 0 9 in the place of an elder, unto which he was now called 16 17. and chosen by the church ; so as they grew in know- ledge and other gifts and graces of the spirit of God ; and hved together in peace, and love, and holiness. And many came unto them from divers parts of Eng- land, so as they grew a great congregation.^ And if at any time any differences did arise or offences broke out, (as it cannot be but that sometimes there will, even amongst the best of men), they were ever so met with and nipped in the head betimes, or otherwise so well composed, as still love, peace, and communion was continued, or else the church purged of those that were incurable and incorrigible, when, after much patience used, no other means would serve ; which seldom comes to pass.
Yea, such was the mutual love and reciprocal respect that this worthy man had to his flock, and his flock to him, that it might be said of them, as it was once said^ of that famous emperor, Marcus Aurelius, and the peo- ple of Rome, that it was hard to judge whether he de- hghted more in having such a people, or they in having
* It is impossible to ascertain the 100 arrived at Plymouth in the May- exact number of Robinson's congre- flower in 1620 ; 36 came in the For- gation; yet we may approximate to tune, in 1621 ; 60 in the Anne, in it. Gov. Bradford tells us, in his 1623; 35, with their families, in the Dialogue, that in Johnson's church, Mayflower, in 1629; and 60 in 16.30 " at Amsterdam, there were about in the Handmaid ; —making in all three hundred communicants; and more than 300, includinrr the " fami- for the church of Leyden, they were lies." V^e have the names of those sometimes not much fewer in num- who came in the first three ships • I'®^'-^' • Hf^"^*^ Winslow says, in and also a list of the persons in the his Brief Narration, that " the dif- Colony in May, 1627. See Prince ference of number was not great " pp. 264 and 343 ; Morton's Memo- betvveen tjiose who remained at rial, p. 381 ; Winthrop's Journal, i. Leyden and those who embarked for 37, 378
America Now we know that 120 ^ Golden Book, &c. —Mor^n'i
, set sail from England in the May- Note. flower and Speedwell. Of these
JOHN ROBINSON'S CHARACTER. 37
such a pastor. His love was great towards them, and chap.
his care was ahvays bent for their best good, both for
soul and body. For, besides his singular abihties in 1 6 o 9 divine things, wherein he excelled, he was able also to i e 1 7. give direction in civil affairs,^ and to foresee dangers and inconveniences ; by which means he was very helpful to their outward estates ; and so was every way as a common father unto them. And none did more offend him than those that were close and cleav- ing to themselves, and retired from the common good ; as also such as would be stiff and rigid in matters of outward order, and inveigh against the evils of others, and yet be remiss in themselves, and not so careful to express a virtuous conversation. They, in hke manner, had ever a reverent regard unto him, and had him in precious estimation, as his worth and wisdom did de- serve ; and although they esteemed him highly whilst he lived and labored amongst them, yet much more after his death,^ when they came to feel the want of his help, and saw by woful experience what a treasure they had lost, to the grief of their hearts and wounding of their souls ; yea, such a loss as they saw could not
^ It has been the practice of of Mayhew, Chauncy, and Cooper, the Independent or Cong^regational before and during the Revolution, clergy, both in Old and New Eng- will ne\er be forgotten. The Con- land, from the earliest times, to gregational clergy were found, at take an interest and part in public that time, almost to a man, on the affairs. The prominent and efficient side of their country's independ- agency which they exercised in the ence ; and they have ever been the infancy of our colonial settlements earnest and consistent advocates of is well known ; Cotton, Hooker, and " liberty with order." See Hutch- Davenport shared at least an equal inson's Mass. i. 34, 419 ; Trum- power with Winthrop, Haynes, and bull's Connecticut, i. 91 , 99; Bacon's Eaton in moulding the civil polity and Kingsley's Hist. Discourses at of Massachusetts and Connecticut. New Haven ; Tudor's Life of Otis, The services of Increase Mather in pp. 140-155.
obtaining the second charter of ^ Mr. Robinson died at Leyden,
Massachusetts are recorded in her IMarch 1st, 1625. He was about
history ; and the patriotic exertions 50 years old. Prince, p. 237.
38 THE PILGRIMS LIVE IN PEACE.
CHAP, be repaired : for it was hard for them to find such
III. v--.-^ another leader and feeder in all respects, as the Tabo-
16 0 9 rites to find another Ziska.^ And although they did 16 17. not call themselves orphans, as the other did, after his death, yet they had cause as much to lament, in an- other regard, their present condition and after usage. But to return. I know not but it may be spoken to the honor of God, and without prejudice to any, that such was the humble zeal and fervent love of this people (whilst they thus lived together) towards God and his ways, and the single-heartedness and sincere affection one towards another, that they came as near the primitive pattern of the first churches as any other church of these latter times have done, according to their rank and quahty. But seeing it is not my pur- pose to treat of the several passages that befell this people whilst they thus lived in the Low Countries, (which might worthily require a large treatise of itself,) but to manifest something of their beginning and after progress in New England, which I principally scope and aim at ; yet, because some of their adversaries did, upon the rumor of their removal, cast out slanders against them, as if that State had been weary of them, and had rather driven them out, (as the heathen histo-
' The burning of John Huss and sion to the Mount of Transfiauia-
Jerome of Prague by order of the tion, on which the Apostle Peter
Council of Constance, in 1415 and wished to build tabernacles Here
1416, caused great indignation and they founded a city, to which also
excitement in Bohemia, their native they gave the name of Tabor and
country, which led to an open in- from it were themselves called
surrection. The insurgents took Taboritcs. After the death of Ziska
up arms and under the command in 1424, his followers were incon-
ot John Ziska, retired to a moun- solable, and considering themselves
u- u .u"' ""^ ^™™, ^r^g^xe, to deprived of a parent and protector,
which they gave the name of called themselves Orphans. See
Mount 1 abor from the tent which Gieseler's Eccles. Histf iii. 359, and
they erected there for the celebra- Encyc. Amer. articles Ziska and
tion ot the communion, and in allu- Huss.
THEIR CREDIT WITH THE DUTCH. 39
ries did feign of Moses and the Israelites when they chap
went out of Egypt,) ^ than it was their own free
choice and motion, I will therefore mention a par- ticular or two to show the contrary, and that good acceptation they had in the place.
And first, although it was low with many of them, yet their word would be taken amongst the Dutch when they wanted money, because they had found by experience how careful they were to keep their word,^ and saw them so painful and diligent in their callings, that they strove to get their custom, and to employ them above others in their work, for their honesty and diligence.
Again ; the magistrates of the city, about the time of their coming aw ay, or a little before, in the public 1 6 1 9. place of justice, gave this commendable testimony of them, in reproof of the Walloons,^ who were of the French church in the city. " These English," said they, " have lived amongst us now this twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or accusation come
' It was a vulgar slander against deep despair, Moses, one of their
the Jews, that they were expelled number," &c. Josephus vindicates
from Egypt on account of their his countrymen from the same
having the leprosy. Tacitus says charge, as alleged by Manetho,
" A pestilential disease, disfiguring Chseremon, and Lysimachus. See
the race of men, and making the Tacitus, Hist. lib. v. 3, with the
body an object of loathsome de- comments of Brotier and Oberlin,
formity, spread all over Egypt, and Josephus against Apion, lib. 1.
Bocchoris, at that time the reigning 26-35.
monarch, consulted the oracle of ''A great honor to the Gospel. — Jupiter Hammon, and received for Morton's Note. answer that the kingdom must be ^ The Walloons are the inhabit- purified, by exterminating the in- ants of the southern part of Bel- fected multitude, as a race of men gium, bordering on France. Their detested by the gods. After dili- language is a dialect differing from gent search, the wretched sufferers the French and German, as well were collected together, and in a as the Flemish, and is said to re- wild and barren desert abandoned semble the old French of the thir- to their misery. In that distress, teenth century. See Grattan's Hist, while the vulgar herd was sunk in of the Netherlands, p. 1 .
40
THE ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY.
CHAP, against any of ^ them. But your strifes and quarrels
-^.-L- are continual," &c.
16 12. In these times, also, were the great troubles raised by the Arminians ; ^ who, as they greatly molested the whole State, so this city in particular, in which was the chief university ; so as there were daily and hot disputes in the schools thereabouts. And as the students and other learned were divided in their opinions herein, so were the two professors or divinity readers them- selves, the one daily teaching for it, and the other against it ; which grew to that pass, that few of the disciples of the one would hear the other teach. But Mr. Robinson, although he taught thrice a week him- self and wrote sundry books,^ besides, his manifold pains otherwise, yet he went constantly to hear their
' The words any of are inserted from Hutchinson, ii. 454. Morton himself has it so in the Memorial, p. 21.
' The fullest and best account of Arminianism, which Cotton Ma- ther, (Magnalia, i. 46,) spitefully calls " that grand choke-weed of true Christianity," is contained in Brandt's History of the Reformation in the Low Countries. James Armi- nius, (Hermann), born atOudewater in South Holland, in 1560, after hav- ing- been fifteen years a minister at Amsterdam, was chosen professor of divinity at Leyden in 1603, and died Oct. 9, 1609, in his 49th year. The best Life of him is by Brandt. See also his Life by Nichols; Brandfs Hist. Ref. ii. 25-63 ; and Bayle, Diet. Hist, et Crit.
* The following are the titles of the books which Robinson pub- lished after his arrival in Holland, and before the embarkation of the Pilgrims for America. 1. A Jus- tification of Separation from the Church of England ; against Mr.
Richard Bernard his invective, in- tituled the Separatists' Scheme. By John Robinson. 1610. 2. Of Religious Communion, private and public. With the silencing of the clamors raised by Mr. Thomas Helwisse against our retaining the baptism received in England, and administering of baptism unto in- fants. As also a survey of the confession of faith published in certain Conclusions by the remain- ders of Mr. Smith's company. By John Robinson. 1614. 3. Apolo- gia Justa et Necessaria quorundam Christianorum, seque contumeliose ac communiter dictorum Brownis- tarum sive Barrowistarum. Per Johannem Robinsonum, Anglo- Leidensem, suo et ecclesiae nomine, cui praefigitur. 1619. This work was translated into English, and printed in 1644. The place where these books were printed is not mentioned on the title-page of either of them. It probably was Leyden, and Elder Brewster may have been the printer.
ROBINSON DISPUTES WITH EPISCOPIUS. 41
readino^s, and heard as well one as the other. By chap.
Ill which means he was so well grounded in the contro- ^^~J^
versy, and saw the force of all their arguments, and knew the shifts of the adversary ; and being himself very able, none was fitter to buckle with them than himself, as appeared by sundry disputes ; so as he began to be terrible to the Arminians ; which made Episcopius,^ the Arminian professor, to put forth his best strength, and set out sundry theses, which by leis. public dispute he would defend against all men. Now Polyander,^ the other professor, and the chief preach- ers of the city, desired Mr. Robinson to dispute against him. But he was loth, being a stranger. Yet the other did importune him, and told him that such was the ability and nimbleness of wit of the adversary, that the truth w^ould suffer if he did not help them ; so as he condescended, and prepared himself against the time. And when the time came, the Lord did so help him to defend the truth and foil his adversary, as he put him to an apparent nonplus in this great and public audience. And the like he did two or three times upon such like occasions ; the which, as it caused many to praise God that the truth had so famous a victory, so it procured him much honor and respect from those learned men and others which loved the truth.^
'Simon Episcopius (Bisschop) tion, says, " Our pastor, Mr. Robin-
and John Polyander were chosen son, in the time when Arminianism
professors of divinity in the univer- prevailed so much, at the request of
sity at Leyden in 1612. See Brandt, the most orthodox divines, as Poly-
ii. Ill ; Limborch's Historia Vitas ander, Festus Hommius, &c. dis-
Simonis Episcopii, p. 41 ; Calder's puted daily against Episcopius (in
Memoirs of Episcopius, p. 128, and the Academy at Leyden) and others,
Bayle, Diet. Hist, et Crit. the grand champions of that error,
^ Winslow, in his Brief Narra- and had as good respect amongst
6
42
THE DUTCH ESTEEM THE PILGRIMS.
CHAP. III.
Yea, so far were they from being weary of him and his people, or desiring their absence, as that it was 16 08 said by some, of no mean note, that were it not for 16*2 0. giving offence to the State of England,^ they would have preferred him otherwise, if he would, and allow- ed them some public favor. Yea, when there was speech of their removal into these parts, sundry of note and eminency of that nation would have had them come under them ; and for that end made them large offers.^
Now although I might allege many particulars and examples of the like kind to show the untruth and unlikelihood of this slander, yet these shall suffice,
them as any of their own divines." I find, however, no account of this disputation in Brandt or in any of the biographers of Episcopius. Yet John Hoornbeek, a professor at Leyden, says in his Surama Contro- versiarum Religionis, p. 741, (pub- lislied in 1658,) " Yir ille (Johannes Robinsonus) gratus nostris, dum vixit, fuit, et theologis Leidensibus familiaris ac honoratus. Scripsit prseterea varia contra Arminianos : frequens quippe et acer erat Epis- copii in Academia adversarius et opponens." Belknap judiciously remarks concerning this disputa- tion, " It is usual, on such occa- sions, for the partisans on both sides to claim the victory for their respective champions. Whether it were so at this time cannot be de- termined, as we have no account of the controversy from the Ar- minian party." Amer. Biog. ii. 160.
' King James at this time exer- cised an unwarrantable influence in the Low Countries, both in civil and ecclesiastical affairs. He drove Vorstius from his professorship at
Leyden for his heresies, and labored to procure his banishment ; and prevented Ames from being elected to the same office. He seems to have kept an ambassador at the Hague chiefly to inform him of the progress of the theological disputes in that country. See Wiuwood's Memorials, iii. 293-6, 304, 310, 357. Sir Dudley Carleton's Letters, pp. 352, 373, 388, 435 ; Brandt, ii. 85, 97.
^ Henry Hudson, in the employ- ment of the Dutch East India Com- pany, discovered the river called by his name, in 1609. On this ground the Dutch claimed the adjoining territory ; a few huts were erected at New York and Albany in 1613 and 1615 ; but no colony was set- tled in the New Netherlands till 1623. The Dutch West India Com- pany was incorporated in 1621 for this object ; but individuals had for some years before been meditating colonization on the Hudson ; and the offers to the Pilgrims probably came from them. See Hazard's State Papers, i. 121.
THE PILGRIMS IN HOLLAND.
43
seeing it was believed of few, being only raised by chap. the malice of some who labored their disgrace.^ .^ ,-L
^ The English separatists in Hol- land attracted the notice of Cardinal Bentivoglio, who was the papal nuncio in that country from 1G07 to 1616, though he misunderstood the cause of their leaving England, supposing it to be commerce, and not religion. He says, " I Puritani ancora vi son tolerati, che sono i pill puri e piu rigidi Calvinisti, i quali non vogliouo riconoscere au- torita. alcuna ne' magistrati politici sopra il governo de' lore ministri heretici ; e sono quasi tutti de'
16 08
Puritani d' Inghilterra, che per ^ occasion di commercio frequentan ^ " ^ "• I'Ollanda, e lealtre Provincie Unite. — I Puritani Inglesi sono in Am- sterdam quasi tutti per I'istesso rispetto ; e se ne trattengono alcuni medesimamente per occasione di mercantia nella citta di Midelburgo in Zelanda. Per ogni parte dunque, e da tutti gli angoli, si puo dire, delle Provincie Unite, s'odono i latrati, e gli urli di tanti infetti loro settarii." Relazione di Fiandra, parte ii. cap. ii.
CHAPTER IV.
SHOWING THE REASONS AND CAUSES OF THEIR REMOVAL.
CHAP. After they had hved in this city about eleven or JZ^ twelve years, (which is the more observable, being the 16 0 9 whole time of that famous truce between that State 1 6*2 0, and the Spaniards,)^ and sundry of them were taken away by death, and many others began to be well stricken in years, the grave mistress experience having taught them many things, these prudent governors, with sundry of the sagest members, began both deeply 16 17. to apprehend their present dangers and wisely to fore- sec the future, and think of timely remedy. In the agitation of their thoughts and much discourse of par- ticulars hereabout, they began to incline to this con- clusion of removal to some other place ; not out of any newfangledness, or other such like giddy humor, by which men are many times transported, to their great hurt and danger, but for sundry weighty and solid
' After the war had been raging See Bentivoglio, Delia Guerra di
for more than thirty years between Fiandra, parte iii. lib. viii., Opere
Spain and the United Provinces, Storiche, iv. 564 ; Grotius, p. 542,
by the mediation of Henry IV. of 569 ; Brandt, ii. 54 ; Watson's
France and James I. of England, Philip III. p. 275 ; Grattan's Neth-
a truce of twelve years was con- erlands, p. 226. eluded on the 9th of April, 1609.
THE PILGRIMS PROPOSE TO LEAVE HOLLAND. 45
reasons, the chief of which I will here recite and chap. briefly touch. ^ — --
1 . And first, they found and saw by experience 1 6 1 7. the hardness of the place and country to be such, as few in comparison would come to them, and fewer that would bide it out and continue with them. For many that came to them, and many more that desired to be with them, could not endure the great labor and hard fare, with other inconveniences, which they underwent and were contented with. But though they loved their persons, and approved their cause, and honored their sufferings, yet they left them as it were weeping, as Orpah did her mother-in-law Naomi, or ^"h: as those Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused and borne with, though they could not all be Catos.^ For many, though they desired to enjoy the ordinances of God in their purity, and the liberty of the Gospel with them, yet, alas, they admitted of bondage, with danger of conscience, rather than to endure these hardships ; yea, some preferred and chose prisons in England rather than this liberty in Holland, with these afflictions. But it was thought, that if a better and easier place of living could be had, it would draw many and take away these discour- agements ; yea, their pastor would often say, that many of those that both writ and preached now against them, if they were in a place where they might have liberty, and live comfortably, they would then practise as they did.
' Plutarch says, in his Life of him to trust them and make use of
Cato the Younger, that the three their services ; but as they were no
hundred Roman citizens who were Catos, and had not Cato's dignity
with him in Utica, intending to of mind, they hoped he would pity
send messengers to Caesar to in- their weakness." tercede in their behalf, " implored
46 THE REASONS FOR REMOVAL.
CHAP. 2. They saw, that although the people generally ..JIl bore all their difficulties very cheerfully and with a 16 17. resolute courage, being in the best of their strength, yet old age began to come on some of them ; ^ and their great and continual labors, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before the time ; so as it was not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that within a few years more they were in danger to scat- ter by necessity pressing them, or sink under their burdens, or both ; and therefore, according to the JfoVg divine proverb, that " a wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself," so they, like skilful and beaten soldiers, were fearful either to be entrapped or surrounded by their enemies, so as they should neither be able to fight nor fly ; and therefore thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage and less danger, if any could be found. 3. As necessity was a taskmaster over them, so they were forced to be such not only to their servants, but in a sort to their dearest children ; the which, as it did a little wound the tender hearts of many a loving father and mother, so it produced also many sad and sorrow- ful effects. For many of their children, that were of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, having learned to bear the yoke in their youth, and willing to bear part of their parents' burden, were oftentimes so oppressed with their heavy labors, that although their minds were free and wilhng, yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, and became decrepit in their early youth ; the vigor of nature be-
» We know the age of but few of Brewster was 56 years old, Robin- the Pilgrims. Carver was probably son 45, Bradford 32, Edward Wins- one of the oldest. In 1620 Elder low 26, and John Howland 28.
THE REASONS FOR REMOVAL. 47
inor consumed in the very bud, as it were. But that chap.
IV
which was more lamentable, and of all sorrows most .— J^ heavy to be borne, was that many of their children, by 1 6 1 7. these occasions, and the great licentiousness of youth in the country, and the manifold temptations of the place, were drawn away by evil examples unto extra- vagant and dangerous courses, getting the reins on their necks, and departing from their parents. Some became soldiers, others took them upon far voyages by sea, and other some worse courses tending to disso- luteness and the danger of their souls, to the great grief of their parents and dishonor of God ; so that they saw their posterity would be in danger to degen- erate and be corrupted.
4. Lastly, (and which was not the least,) a great hope and inward zeal they had of laying some good foundation, or at least to make some way thereunto, for the propagating and advancing the Gospel of the kingdom of Christ in these remote parts of the world ; yea, though they should be but as stepping-stones unto others for performing of so great a work.
These, and some other like reasons,^ moved them
^ Edward Winslow, in his Brief days from their sports or their or- Narration, mentions three other dinary \^ork ; and the English di- reasons ; first, their desire to live vines took notice of the great scan- under the protection of England dal which the neglect of the Lord's and to retain the language and the Day at Dort gave them, exhorting name of Englishmen ; second, the Synod to interfere with the their inability to give their child- magistrates for preventing the open- ren such an education as they had ing of shops and the exercise themselves received ; and third, of trade on Sundays. Sir Dudley their grief at the profanation of Carleton, too, writing from the the sabbath in Holland. This vi- Hague July 22, 1619, says, " It elation of the sabbath attracted the falls out in these towns of Holland, attention of the Synod of Dort, that Sunday, which is elsewhere which assembled in 1618. The the day of rest, proves the day of Dutch ministers acknowledged the labor, for they never knew yet great difficulty they met with in how to observe the sabbath." See withdrawing the people on Sua- Brandt, iii. 28, 290 ; Hales's Letters
48
THEY TURN THEIR EYES TO AMERICA.
CHAP, to undertake this resolution of their removal, the which JZ^ they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties ; 16 17. as by the sequel will appear.
The place they had thoughts on were some of those unpeopled countries of America, which are fruitful and fit for habitation, being devoid of all civil inhabitants, where there are only salvage and brutish people, which range up and down little otherwise than the wild beasts. This proposition being made public, and com- ing to the scanning of all, it raised many variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears and doubts amongst themselves. Some, from their reasons and hopes conceived, labored to stir up and encourage the rest to undertake and prosecute the same ; others, again, out of their fears, objected against it, and
from the Synod of Dort, p. 3. (Glasgow, 1765) ; Carleton's Let- ters, p. 380.
These reasons for their removal, as stated by Bradford and Wins- low, are sufficient, and are to be received as the true and sole rea- sons. Yet Douglass, in his Sum- mary, i. 369, says, " Being of un- steady temper, they resolved to re- move to some remote country in some wilderness, — as recluses." Chalmers, in his Political Annals, p. 85, says, " After twelve years' unmolested residence they became unhappy in their situation, because they foresaw the destruction of their society in the toleration they en- joyed ; and determined to seek new adventures in America. — Contin- uing unhappy in a country where they were obscure and unpersecut- ed," &c. Robertson, in his History of America, book x. says, "They re- sided at Leyden for several years un- molested and obscure. But as their church received no increase, either by recruits from England or by proselytes gained in the country, they began to be afraid that all
their high attainments in spiritual knowledge would be lost, if they remained longer in a strange land." And Burke, in his account of the European Settlements in America, says that " though in a country of the greatest religious freedom in the world, they did not find them- selves better satisfied than they had been in England. They were tolerated indeed, but watched ; their zeal began to have dangerous languors for want of opposition ; and being without power or conse- quence, they grew tired of the in- dolent security of their sanctuary." These sneers are as contemptible as they are unjust. It is to be re- gretted that any respectable writer in this country should have incau- tiously given currency to such misrepresentations. Chief Justice Marshall perceived and corrected the error into which he had been led by following such unworthy authorities. Compare his Life of Washington, i. 90, (first ed.) with his History of the American Colo- nies, p. 78.
REASONS AGAINST REMOVAL. 49
sought to divert from it, alleging many things, and chap. those neither unreasonable nor unprobable ; as that it ^^ — ^ was a great design, and subject to many inconceivable 16 1 7. perils and dangers ; as, besides the casualties of the seas, (which none can be freed from,) the length of the voyage was such as the w eak bodies of men and wo- men and such other persons, worn out with age and travail, (as many of them were,) could never be able to endure : and yet if they should, the miseries of the land which they should be exposed unto would be too hard to be borne, and likely, some or all of them, to consume and -utterly to ruinate them,^ For there they should be liable to famine, and nakedness, and the want, in a manner, of all things. The changing of the air, diet, and drinking of water would infect their bodies with sore sicknesses ; and all those which should escape or overcome these difficulties should yet be in continual danger of the salvage people, who are cruel, barbarous, and treacherous, being most furious in their rage and merciless where they overcome, not being content only to kill and take away life, but de- light to torment men in most bloody manner that may be, flaying men ahve with the shells of fishes, cutting off* the joints and members of others by piecemeals, and broiling them on the coals, and causing men to eat the collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they Hve ; with other cruelties horrible to be related. And surely it could not be thought but the hearing of these things could not but move the bowels of men to grate
' " Immensus ultra, utque sic Italia relicta, Germaniam peteret,
dixerim, adversus oceanus raris ab informem terris, asperam coelo, tris-
orbe nostro navibus aditur? Quis tem cultu aspectuque, nisi si patria
porro, praeter periculum horridi et sit?" Tacitus, Germania, ii. ignoti maris, Asia, aut Africa aut 7
50 THE OBJECTIONS ANSWERED.
CHAP, within them, and make the weak to quake and trem- S^ ble. It was further objected, that it would require 1617. greater sums of money to furnish such a voyage and to fit them with necessaries, than their estates would amount to. And yet they must all as well look to be seconded with supplies, as presently to be transported. Also, the like precedents of ill success and lamentable miseries befallen others in the like designs,^ were easy to be found, and not forgotten to be alleged ; besides their own experience in their former troubles and hard- ships in their removal into Holland, and how hard a thing it was for them to live in that strange place, although it w^as a neighbour country, and a civil and rich commonwealth.
It was answered, that all great and honorable ac- tions were accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with answera- ble courages. It was granted the dangers were great, but not desperate, and the difficulties were many, but not invincible ; for although there were many of them likely, yet they were not certain. It might be that some of the things feared might never befall them ; others, by providence, care, and the use of good means, might in a great measure be prevented ; and all of them through the help of God, by fortitude and pa- tience, might either be borne or overcome. True it was that such attempts were not to be made and undertaken but upon good ground and reason, not rashly or lightly, as many have done for curiosity or
^ The entire failure of the plan- serve to discourage them from emi-
tation at Sagadahoc, near the grating to America. See Gorges's
mouth of the Kennebec, in 1607, Brief Narrative, in Mass. Hist.
which vs^as abandoned in less than Coll. xxvi. 54 — 56, and William-
a year, and the slow progress of the son's History of Maine, i. 197 —
Virginia settlements, might well 203.
THE PILGRIMS RESOLVE TO EMIGRATE. 51
hope of gain, &c. But their condition was not ordi- chap. nary. Their ends were good and honorable, their ^^ — — calling lawful and urgent, and therefore they might 1 6 1 7. expect a blessing of God in their proceeding ; yea, although they should lose their lives in this action, yet they might have comfort in the same ; and their en- deavours would be honorable. They lived here but as men in exile and in a poor condition ; and as great miseries might possibly befall them in this place ; for the twelve years of truce were now out,^ and there was nothing but beating of drums and preparing for war, the events whereof are always uncertain. The Spaniard might prove as cruel as the salvages of America, and the famine and pestilence are sore here as there, and liberty less to look out for remedy. After many other particular things answered and alleged on both sides, it was fully concluded by the major part to put this design in execution, and to prosecute it by the best means they could.
' The twelve years' truce, con- 1621, v.'hen the war was renewed, eluded April 9, 1609, expired in See Note on page 4'L
CHAPTER V
SHOWING WHAT MEANS THEY USED FOR PREPARATION TO THIS WEIGHTY VOYAGE.
1617.
And first, after their humble prayers unto God for his direction and assistance, and a general conference held thereabouts, they consulted what particular place to pitch upon and prepare for. Some, and none of the meanest, had thoughts and were earnest for Guia- na,^ or some of those fertile places in those hot cli-
^ Sir Walter Raleigh published in 1596 his " Discovery of Guiana," which he calls a mighty, rich and beautiful empire, directly east from Peru, towards the sea, lying under the equinoctial line. Its capital was " that great and golden city which the Spaniards call El Dorado, and the natives Manoa, and for great- ness, riches, and excellent seat it far exceedeth any of the world." Hav- ing, in 1595, sailed up the Orinoco 400 miles in quest of it, he says, "On both sides of this river we passed the most beautiful country that ever mine eyes beheld ; plains of twenty miles in length, the grass short and green, and in divers parts groves of trees by themselves, as if they had been by all the art and labor of the world so made of pur- pose ; and still as we rowed, the deer came down feeding by the
water's side, as if they had been used to a keeper's call. — I never saw a more beautiful country, nor more lively prospects, hills so rais- ed here and there over the val- leys, the river winding into di- vers branches, the plains adjoining without bush or stubble, all fair green grass, the deer crossing in every path, the birds towards the evening singing on every tree with a thousand several tunes, the air fresh, with a gentle easterly wind; and every stone that we stopped to take np promised either gold or silver by his complexion. — For health, good air, pleasure, and riches, I am resolved it cannot be equalled by any region either in the east or west." See Raleigh's Works, viii. 381, 398, 427, 442, 462. (Oxford ed.)
Chapman, too, the translator of
THEY TURN THEIR THOUGHTS TO GUIANA. 53
mates. Others were for some parts of Virginia,^ where chap. the EngUsh had already made entrance and beginning. — ~-
Those for Guiana alleged that the country was rich, 1 6 1 7. fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual spring and a flourishing greenness ; where vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance and plenty, without any great labor or art of man ; so as it must needs make the inhabitants rich, seeing less provision of clothing and other things would secure them than in more colder and less fruitful countries must be had. As also that the Spaniards, having much more than they could possess, had not yet planted there, nor any where very near the same.^
But to this it was answered, that out of question the country was both fruitful and pleasant, and might yield riches and maintenance to the possessors more easily than to others ; yet, other things considered, it would not be so fit. And first, that such hot countries are subject to grievous diseases, and many noisome impediments, which other more temperate places are free from, and would not so well agree with our Eng-
Homer, in a poem on Guiana, writ- History of the United States, i. ten in 1595, thus celebrates the 39.
countiy : ' Although England and Spain
were now at peace, and had been
. ^^ ^ . , , , since 1604, and so continued till the " Gniana, whose rich feet are mines of gola, ■ ,r.ni ^ ,i ni Whose forehead knocks against the roof of rupture in 1G24, yet the I'llgrims, stars, from their long residence in Hol- PtanJs on her tiptoe at fair England looking, i . ■> ^ imhihpH ihp mtinnal re- Kissing her hand, bowing her niightv breast, ^a"^' '^^'^ imDiDea uie nauonaJ re- And every sign of all submission making, pugnance 01 the JJutch to their
To be tho sister and tiie dmighier both Spanish Oppressors, a feeling which
Of our most sacred maid." ^ , \ • j t t .F
was long retained. In a letter writ- ten by the Plymouth colonists to
See Tytler's Life of Raleigh, p. the Dutch on Hudson's river in 164 ; and Oldys's Life in Raleigh's 1627, they speak of resisting "the Works, i. 215. pride of that coreimon enemy, the
^ The successful colonization of Spaniards, from whose cruelty the Virginia commenced in 1607, at Lord keep us both, and our native Jamestown. See Stith's History countries." See Mass. Hist. Coll. of Virginia, p. 46 ; Grahame's iii, 51, 52.
54 THEY CONCLUDE FOR VIRGINIA.
CHAP, lish bodies. Again, if they should there hve and do
v-v-L. well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them
16 17. long, but would displant and overthrow them, as he
15 6 5. did the French in Florida,^ who were settled further
^21^' from his richest countries ; and the sooner, because
they should have none to protect them, and their own
strength would be too small to resist so potent an
enemy and so near a neighbour.
On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if they lived amongst the English which were there planted, or so near them as to be under their government, they should be in as great danger to be troubled and persecuted for their cause of religion ^ as if they lived in England, and it might be worse ; and if they lived too far off, they should neither have succour or defence from them.
And at length the conclusion was, to live in a dis- tinct body by themselves, under the general govern- ment of Virginia ; ^ and by their friends to sue to His
* Seethe account of the massacre land, of 100 miles wide, alono- the
of the Huguenots in Florida by the Atlantic coast of North America,
Spaniards, in Holmes's Annals, i. extending from the 34th to the 45th
86. ^ degree of north latitude — a terri-
^ Virginia had been colonized by tory which then went under the
persons belonging to the Church of common name of Virginia — be-
England, and attached to its ceremo- tween two Companies, %vho were
nies and institutions. In the orders to colonize it. The First or South-
and instructions for the govern- ern Colony was granted to certain
meat of the colony, issued by King knights, gentlemen, merchants, and
James under his sign manual and the adventurers of London, who were
privy seal of England, it was spe- to colonize between the 34th and
cially enjoined that " the word and the 4 1st degrees. The Second, or
service of God should be preached Northern Colony, was granted to
and used according to the rites and persons of like description in Bris-
doctrines of the Church of Eng- tol, Exeter, and Plymouth, who
land." See Stith's Virginia, p. 37, were to plant between the 38th and
and Chalmers's Annals, p. 15. the 45th degrees. Each Company
^ The Virginia Company was was to be under the government of
established in 1606. On the 10th a council of thirteen, and neither of
of April of that year, King James, them was 1o plant a colony within
by letters patent, divided a strip of a hundred miles of a previous settle-
AGENTS ARE SENT TO ENGLAND. 55
Majesty that he would be pleased to grant them free lib- chap.
erty, and freedom of religion. And that this may be ob
tained they were put in good hope by some great persons 1 6 1 7. of good rank and quality that were made their friends.^ Whereupon two ~ were chosen and sent into England, at the charge of the rest, to solicit this matter ; who found the Virginia Company very desirous to have them go thither,^ and wilhng to grant them a patent, with as ample privileges as they had or could grant to any, and to give them the best furtherance they could ; and some of the chief of the Company doubted not to ob- tain their suit of the king for liberty in religion, and to have it confirmed under the king's broad seal, according to their desires. But it proved a harder piece of work than they took it for. For although many means were used to bring it about, yet it could not be effected ; for there were divers of good worth labored with the king
ment made by the other. The Se- Carver will be found in Belknap, ii.
cond or Plymouth Company made 179, 267.
the unsuccessful attempt in 1607 to ^ Sir Ferdinando Gorges, one of
establish a colony near the mouth the leaders of the Second or Ply-
of the Kennebec. The First or mouth Company, says " Before the
London Company was the one to unhappy controversy happened be-
which the agents of the Pilgrims tween those of Virginia and myself,
applied, and which seems at this they were forced, through the great
time to have appropriated to itself charge they had been at, to hearken
exclusively the thle of the Virginia to any propositions that might give
Company. Douglass, i. 370, 395, ease and furtherance to so hopeful a
Moulton, History of New York, business. To that purpose, it was
p. 356, and Grahame, i. 188, err in referred to their considerations how
saying that they obtained a grant of necessary it was that means might
land or a promise of a patent, from be used to draw into those entei-
the Plymouth Company. See the prises some of those families that
Charter in Stith, App. p. 1, and in had retired themselves into Holland
Hazard's State Papers, i. 50. for scruple of conscience, giving
' Among others, no doubt. Sir them such freedom and liberty as
Edwin Sandys, Sir Robert Naun- might stand with their likings. This
ton, and Sir John Wolstenholme, advice being hearkened unto, there
as will hereafter be seerr. were that undertook the putting it
^ Robert Cushrnan and John Car- in practice, and accordingly brought
ver, as appears by the letter of Sir it to elFect so far forth," &c. See
Edwin Sandys on page 58. The Gorges, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi.
little that is known of Cushman and 73.
56 THE AGENTS RETURN UNSUCCESSFUL.
CHAP, to obtain it, amongst whom was one ^ of his chief Jjw Secretaries ; and some other wrought with the Arch- 16 18. bishop^ to give way thereunto. But it proved all in vain. Yet thus far they prevailed in sounding His Majesty's mind, that he would connive at them, and not molest them, provided they carried themselves peacea- bly. But to allow or tolerate them by his public author- ity under his seal, they found it would not be granted.^ And this was all that the chief of the Virginia Company, or any other of their best friends, could do in the case. Yet they persuaded them to go on, for they presumed they should not be troubled.^ And with this answer the messengers returned, and signified what diligence had been used, and to what issue things were come. But this made a damp in the business, and caused some distraction. For many were afraid that if they should unsettle themselves, put off their estates, and go upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and but
* Winslow, in his Brief Narration, sworn a mennber of the Privy Coun-
says that the agents " got Sir Ed- cil. See an account of him, not a
win Sandys, a religious gentleman very favorable one, in Clarendon's
then living, to stir in it, who pro- History of the Rebellion, book i.
cured Sir Robert Naunton, then under the year 1633, in which he
principal Secretary of State to King died. He was too mild and tolerant
James, to move his Majesty." Sir for Clarendon. See also Wood's
Robert Naunton was sworn the Athena? Oxon. i. 561, (ed. Bliss,)
king's secretary, Jan. 8, 1618. He and Neal's Puritans, i. 564.
was the author of " i^raovnCTito Re- ^ The word granted I have re-
galia ; Observations on the late stored from Prince, p. 148.
Queen Elizabeth, her Times and Douglass, Summary, i. 369, and
Favorites," "the fruit," as Fuller the authors of the Modern Universal
says, " of his younger years." Bel- History err in saying that the Pil-
knap. Am. Biog. ii. 170, and Bay- grims •' obtained an instrument from
lies. Memoir of Plymouth Colony, James I. for the full exercise of their
i. 16, err in calling him Norton, religion in any part of America."
See Fuller's Worthies of England, ■• At the very time this negotiation
ii. 336, (4to ed.) ; Birch's Memoirs was pending. King James issued a
of Queen Elizabeth, i. 369. declaration, (May 24, 1618) in which
^ The See of Canterbury was at he required the bishop of Lancashire
this time filled by Dr. George Ab- to constrain all the Puritans within
bot. He had been promoted to it his diocess to conform, or to leave
from the bishopric of London, April the country. Prince, p. 147. 9, 1611, and on the 23d of June was
OTHER AGENTS ARE SENT. 57
a sandy foundation. Yea, it was thought they might chap. better have presumed hereupon, without making any — '-^ suit at all, than, having made it, to be thus rejected. I6I8. But some of the chiefest thought otherwise, and that they might well proceed hereupon, and that the King's Majesty was willing enough to suffer them without molestation, though for other reasons he would not confirm it by any public act ; and furthermore, if there was no security in this promise intimated, there would be no greater certainty in a further confirmation of the same. For if afterward there should be a pur- pose or desire to wrong them, though they had a seal as broad as the house -floor, it would not serve the turn, for there would be means enough found to re- call or reverse it. And seeing, therefore, the course is probable, they must rest herein on God's provi- dence, as they had done in other things.
Upon this resolution, other messenorers ^ were de- 1 6 1 9.
. . Feb.
spatched to end with the Virginia Company, as well as they could, and to procure a patent with as good and ample conditions as they might by any good means attain; as also to treat and conclude with such mer- chants and other friends as had manifested their for- wardness to provoke to and adventure in this voyage. For which end they had instructions given them upon what conditions they should proceed with them ; or else to conclude nothing without further advice. And here it will be requisite to insert a letter or two, that may give light to these proceedings.
^ By Mr. Cushman's letter from page 151. Judge Davis follows
London, of May 8, 1619, inserted on Prince in this error, in his valuable
a following page, it appears that edition of Morton's Memorial, p.
these messengers were Mr. Cush- 22. They were not despatched, it
man himself and Mr. Brewster ; will be seen, till more than a year
not Mr, Bradford, as Prince says, after the first agents were sent.
8
12.
58 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS
CHAP. A Copy of a Letter from Sir Edwin Sandys,^ directed to _. Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster.^
Nov. After my hearty salutations, — The agents of your congregation, Robert Cushraan and John Carver,^ have been in communication with divers select gentlemen of his Majesty's Council for Virginia ; and by the wri- ting of seven articles, subscribed '' with your names, have given them that good degree of satisfaction which hath carried them on with a resolution to set forward your desire in the best sort that may be for your own and the public good ; divers particulars whereof we leave to their faithful report, having carried themselves here with that good discretion as is both to their own and their credit from whom^ they came. And whereas, being to treat for a multitude of people, they have re- quested further time to confer with them that are to be interested in this action about the several particulars which in the prosecution thereof will fall out consider- able, it hath been very wilhngly assented unto ; and so they do now return unto you.^ If therefore it may
^ This name is spelt Sands in the length, which agree almost word
MS., which Stith says is " cer- for word with Bradford's History,
tainly wrong." See the Appendix Compare Hubbard, pp. 44 — 50. to his History, p. 10, Note. ^ These were the agents that
^This letter is contained in Hub- were first sent. See page 55. bard's History of New England, in * The word subscribed is inserted,
Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 46, but very from Prince, p. 142, and Hubbard'
incorrectly transcribed. Prince says, p. 40.
in his Annals,pp. xxi.232,thatHub- *I substitute Ti;Aom for ivhence bard " had never seen Gov. Brad- on the authority of Prince, p. 142. ford's History." But this I think a ^ From the expression, '• they do mistake, since Hubbard relates the norv return unto you," it is evident whole history of this negotiation that the agents must have returned with the Virginia Company, which to Leyden soon after this letter was is not contained in Morton's Memo- written, of which they were un- rial, and which he could have got doubtedly the bearers, that is be- only from Bradford's original MS., tween Nov. 12, the date of the let- or from Morton's copy of it in the ter, and Dec. 15, the date of Rob- records of the Plymouth Church, inson and Brewster's answer to it. He gives passages of considerable Of course Prince, p. 148, and Davis
15,
WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 59
please God so to direct your desires as that on your chap.
parts there fall out no just impediments, I trust by the
same direction it shall likewise appear that on our 1 6 1 7.
Nov.
parts all forwardness to set you forward shall be found 12. in the best sort which with reason may be expected. And so I betake you with this design, (which 1 hope verily is the work of God,) to the gracious protection and blessing of the Highest.
Your very loving friend,
Edwin Sandys.^ London, November 12, 1617.
Their Answer was as followeth.
Right Worshipful,
Our humble duties remembered, in our own, our Dec. messengers' and our church's name, with all thankful acknowledgment of your singular love, expressing it- self, as otherwise, so more especially in your great care and earnest endeavour of our good in this weighty business about Virginia, which the less able we are to
on Morton, p. 22, cannot be correct was in 1621 committed by James in stating that they returned in to tlie Tower for his free speech. May, 1618. It appears from Rob- Anthony Wood says he was " a inson and Brewster's letter that Car- person of great judgment and of a ver was sent a second time to the commanding pen, a solid states- Council of Virginia, in Dec. 1617, man, ingenio et gravitate morum attended by "a gentleman of the insignis." He was the author of company." These agents may have " Europtr Speculum; or a A^ievv or returned to Leyden in May, 1618. Survey of the state of Religion in Cushman and Brewster were after- the western part of the World," wards sent in Feb. 1619, and re- and of a metrical version of the turned late in the same year. Book of Job, the Psalms of David, ^ Sir Edwin Sandys was one of and other poetical parts of Holy the principal members of the Vir- Writ. He died in 1629. See ginia Company. He was the son Wood's Athenae Oxonienses, ii. of Archbishop Sandys, and a favo- 472, (ed. Bliss) ; Walton's Lives, rite pupil of the judicious Hooker, pp. 174, 178, 180, (Major's ed.) ; In Parliament, he was " a member Hume's England, vi. 39, 97, (Pick- of great authority," according to ering's ed.) ; Hallam's Const. Hist. Hume, and taking the popular side of England, i. 495 — 499.
60 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS
CHAP, requite, we shall think ourselves the more bound to
> ^~~^ commend in our prayers unto God for recompense ;
16 17. whom as for the present you rightly behold in our 15. endeavours, so shall we not be wanting on our parts, (the same God assisting us,) to return all answerable fruit and respect unto the labor of your love bestowed upon us. We have, with the best speed and consid- eration withal that we could, set down our requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the hands of ^ the greatest part of our congregation, and have sent the same unto the Council ~ by our agent, a deacon of our church, John Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentleman of our company to adjoin him- self; to the care and discretion of which two we do refer the prosecuting of the business. Now we per- suade ourselves, right worshipful, that we need not to provoke your godly and loving mind to any further or more tender care of us, since you have pleased so far to interest us in yourself, that, under God, above all persons and things in the world we rely upon you, expecting the care of your love, the counsel of your wisdom, and the help and countenance of your author- ity. Notwithstanding, for your encouragement in the work so far as probabilities may lead, we will not for- bear to mention these instances of inducement.
1. We verily believe and trust the Lord is with us, unto whom and whose service we have given our- selves in many trials, and that he will graciously prosper our endeavours according to the simplicity of our hearts therein.
2. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of
» The words i/;eAant?5o/ 1 restore ^ The Council of the Virginia from Prmce, p. 142. Company.
WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 61
our mother country, and inured to the difficulties of chap. a strange and hard land, which yet, in great part, we have by patience overcome.
3. The people are, for the body of them, industrious and frugal, we think we may safely say, as any com- pany of people in the world.
4. We are knit together as a body in a more strict and sacred bond and covenant of the Lord, of the violation whereof we make great ^ conscience ; and by virtue whereof we do hold ourselves straitly tied to all care of each other's good, and of the whole by every, and so mutual.
5. And lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small things can discourage, or small discon- tentments cause to wish themselves at home again. We know our entertainment in England and Holland. We shall much prejudice both our arts and means by removal ; where, if we should be driven to return, we should not hope to recover our present helps and comforts, neither indeed look ever to attain the like in any other place during our lives, which are now drawing towards their periods.
These motives we have been bold to tender unto you, which you in your wisdom may also impart to any other our worshipful friends of the Council with you, of all whose godly dispositions and loving towards our despised persons we are most glad, and shall not fail by all good means to continue and increase the same. We shall not be further troublesome, but do, with the renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your worship, and (so far as in modesty we may be bold) to any other of our well-willers of the Council with
' The word great is restored from Prince, p. 143.
Q2 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS
CHAP, you, we take our leaves, committing your persons and _Il^ counsels to the guidance and protection of the Al- 1617. mighty. 15?* Yours, much bounden in all duty,
John Robinson, William Brewster. Leyden, the 15th of December, 1617.
I found annexed unto the foregoing letters these following hnes, written by Mr. Bradford with special reference unto the fourth particular on the other side written.^
O sacred bond ! Whilst inviolably preserved, how sweet and precious were the fruits that flowed from the same. But when this fidelity decayed, then their ruin approached. Oh that these ancient members had not died or been dissipated, (if it had been the will of God,) or else that this holy care and constant faith- fulness had still lived and remained with those that survived, that were in times afterwards added unto them. But, alas ! that subtile serpent hath slily wound in himself, under fair pretences of necessity and the like, to untwist these sacred bonds and ties, and as it were insensibly, by degrees, to dissolve or in a great measure to weaken the same. I have been happy, in my first times, to see and with much comfort to enjoy the blessed fruits of this sweet communion. But it is now a part of my misery in old age to find and feel the decay and want thereof, in a great measure, and with grief and sorrow of heart to lament and bewail the same ; and for others' warning and admonition, and my own humiliation, do I here note the same.
' On page 61.
27.
WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 63
Thus much by way of digression. For further light chap. in these proceedings forenamed, see some other let- • — -— ters and notes, as followeth. 1 6 1 8.
The Copy of a Letter sent to Sir John Wolstenholme}
Right Worshipful,
With due acknowledgment of our thankfulness for jan your singular care and pains in the business of Vir- ginia, for our and (we hope) the common good, we do remember our humble duties unto you, and have sent, as is desired, a further explanation of our judgments in the three points specified by some of His Majesty's honorable Privy Council. And although it be grievous unto us that such unjust insinuations are made against us, yet we are most glad of the occasion of making our just purgation unto the so honorable personages.
The Declarations we have sent enclosed ; the one more brief and general, which we think the fitter to be presented ; the other something more large, and in which we express some small accidental differences, which, if it seem good unto you and other of your worship's friends, you may send instead of the former. Our prayer unto God is, that your worship may see the fruit of your worthy endeavours, which on our part we shall not fail to further by all good means.
* It is Worsingharn in the MS. ; Rawson, Secretary to the New
but this is an error. Prince, p. 144. England Plantations, by Sir John
and Hubbard, p. 47, write it Wors- Wolstenholme, son of the indi-
tenholme. Sir John Wolstenholme ■vidual in question, dated London,
"was a wealthy merchant and a Feb. 1, 1663, in which he says,
farmer of the customs, one of the "I am a great well-wisher and
principal members of the Virginia good friend to your plantation, and
Company, and one of the Council so was my father before me, who
established by the second charter, died 24 years since." See Stith's
He died in 1639. In Hutchinson's Virginia, pp. 163, 167, 186, and
Collection of papers, p. 383, there App. p. 16. is a letter written to Mr. Edward
64 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS
CHAP. And SO praying that you would, with all conveniency
V— J^ that may be, give us knowledge of the success of the
16 18. business with His Majesty's Privy Council, and ac-
27"' cordingly what your further pleasure is, either for our
direction or furtherance in the same, so we rest
Your worship's, in all duty,
John Robinson, William Brewster. Leyden, January 27, 1617, old styled
The first brief Note was this.
Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, namely, of pastors for teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the church's contribution, as also for the two sacraments, baptism and the Lord's supper, we do wholly and in all points agree with the French Reformed Churches, according to their public Con- fession of Faith ; though some small differences.
The oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if it be required of us, if that convenient satisfaction be not given by our taking the oath of Allegiance.^
John Robinson, William Brewster.
* That is, Jan. 1618, new style. Allegiance was drawn up and ap-
By the old style the year began pointed to be taken by all the kind's
March 25. subjects. This was an oath°of
" In 1531, in the reign of Henry "submission and obedience to the VIII. the king was declared " the king as a temporal sovereign, inde- supreme head of the Church of pendent of any other power' upon England," and all his majesty's earth." By the third charter of the subjects were required on oath to Virginia Company, their Treas- acknowledge his supremacy. In urer, or any two of the Council, 1558, at the accession of Elizabeth, were empowered to administer the the Act of Supremacy, which had oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance been repealed under Queen Mary, to all persons going to their Colony was restored, and all persons in See Burnet's History of the Re- office, civil or ecclesiastical, were formation, ii. 387 (folio) • NeaFs required to take the oath. In 1605, Puritans, i. 8, 11, 84, 117, 440; in the reign of James, the oath of Stiih's App. p. 28 ; Hazard', i. 78'.
WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 65
The second was this. chap.
Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, [as in the ^ ^ ^ ^ former, &c.] we agree, in all things, with the French Jan. Reformed Churches, according to their public Con- fession of Faith ; though some small differences be to be found in our practices, not at all in the substance of the things, but only in some accidental circum- stances : as
1 . Their ministers do pray with their heads cover- ed ; we uncovered.
2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are able to teach ; which ability they do not require.
3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at the most for two or three years ; ours perpetual.
4. Our elders do administer their office in admoni- tions and excommunications, for public scandals, pubhcly and before the congregation; theirs more privately and in their consistories.
5. We do administer baptism only to such infants as whereof the one parent, at the least, is of some church, which some of their churches do not observe ; although in it our practice accords with their public Confession and the judgment of the most learned amongst them.
Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none.
(Subscribed,)
John Robinson, William Brewster.
66 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS
CHAP. Part of another Letter from him that delivered these.
jg jg^ London, Feb. 14, 1617. '
^4^^* Your letter to Sir John Wolstenholme I delivered, almost as soon as I had it, to his own hands, and stayed with him the opening and reading tiiereof. There were two papers enclosed. lie read them to himself, as also the letter ; and in the reading he spake to me and said, " Who shall make them ? " viz. the ministers. I answered his worship that the power of making was in the Church,- to be ordained by the im- position of hands by the fittest instruments they have. It must either be in the Church, or from the Pope ; and the Pope is Antichrist. " Ho ! " said Sir John, " what the Pope holds good, (as in the Trinity,) that we do well to assent to. But," said he, " we will not enter into dispute now ; " and as for your letters, he would not show them at any hand, lest he should spoil all. He expected you should have been of the Arch- bishop's mind for the calling of ministers ; but it seems you differed. I could have wished to have known the contents of your two enclosed, at which he stuck so much, especially the larger. I asked his worship what good news he had for me to write to-morrow. He
' That is, 1618, new style. imposition of hands may be per- ^ That is, the congregation, each formed by some of the brethren, separate body of believers. This orderly chosen by the church there- was Brownism ; and it is Indepen- unto. For if the people may elect dency, or Congregationalism, The officers, which is the greater, and Cambridge Platform says, chaps, wherein the substance of the 'office 8 and 9, " Calling unto office is by doth consist, they may much more the church. — Officers are to be (occasion and need so requiring) called by such churches whereunto impose hands in ordination, which they are to minister. — The choice is less, and but the accomplishment of church officers belongeth not to of the other." It was practised the civil magistrates, as such, or upon at the first ordination in Ameri- diocesan bishops, or patrons. — In ca, at Salem, in 1629. See Morton's churhes where there are no elders. Memorial, p. 146.
WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND.
67
told me, " Very ^ good news ; for both the King's chap
V.
Majesty and the bishops have consented." He said
he would 2:0 to Mr. Chancellor, Sir Fulke Greville,^ 1^ 1 ^^
® Feb.
as this day, and next week I should know more. I u. met with Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night. He wished me to be at the Virginia Court' the next Wednesday, where 1 purpose to be. Thus loth to be troublesome at present, I hope to have something next week of certainty concerning you. I commit you to the Lord.
Yours,
S. B.
These things being long in agitation, and messen- gers passing to and again about them, after all their hopes they were long delayed by many obstacles that fell in the way. For at the return of these messen- gers into England, they found things far otherwise than they expected. For the Virginia Council was now so disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst
' The word very is restored from Prince, p. 145.
* Sir Fulke Greville was ap- pointed chancellor of the exche- quer, and sworn of the Privy Coun- cil Oct. 1, 1614. On the" 9th of Jan. 1621, he was raised to the peerage by the title of Lord Brooke, of Beauchamp's Court. He wrote a Life of Sir Philip Sidney, and " The First Five Years of King James," which is contained in the Harleian Miscellany, vii. 407, (Park's ed.) On his tomb-stone in War- wick Church, he had inscribed this brief but noble epitaph : " Fulke Greville, servant to Queen Eliza- beth, counsellor to King James, and friend to Sir Philip Sidney." See Wood's Athenae Oxon. ii. 430 ;
Fuller's Worthies, ii. 415 ; Birch's Queen Elizabeth, i. 178; Naun- ton's Fragmenta Regalia, p. 112, (ed. 1824) ; Walpole, Royal and Noble Authors, ii. 220.
^ By the third charter of Virginia it was provided that " the Company shall and may once every week, or oftener, at their pleasure, hold and keep a court and assembly for des- patching all casual matters of less consequence and weight concerning the plantation ; and for all affairs of government trade, and disposal of lands, there shall be held every year four great and general courts," at which all officers were to be chosen, and all laws and ordinances enacted. See Stith, App. 26, and Hazard, i. 76.
g3 CORRESPONDENCE OP THE PILGRIMS
CHAP, themselves, as no business could well go forward ; the _I_ which may the better appear in one of the messen- 16 19. gers' letters, as followeth.
To his Loving Friends.
May I had thought long since to have writ unto you ; ^' but could not effect that which I aimed at, neither can yet set things as I wished. Yet, notwithstanding, I doubt not but Mr. Brewster hath written to Mr. Robinson ; but I think myself bound also to do some- thing, lest I be thought to neglect you.
The main hindrance of our proceedings in the Vir- ginia business is the dissensions and factions, as they term it, amongst the Council and Company of Vir- ginia, which are such as that ever since we came up no business could by them be despatched. The occasion of this trouble amongst them is, that a while since Sir Thomas Smith,^ repining at his many offices and troubles, wished the Company of Virginia to ease him of his office in being treasurer and governor of the
April Virginia Company. Whereupon the Company took occasion to dismiss him, and chose Sir Edwin Sandys^
' Sir Thomas Smith was the first the assignees of Sir Walter Ra-
treasurer and governor of" the Vir- leigh's patent, and thus became in-
ginia Company, and continued in terested in the colony of Virginia,
office till superseded by Sir Edwin See Belknap, ii. 9 — 19; Stith,
Sandys. He had the chief man- pp. 42, 158.
agement of their affairs, and pre- '^ Sir Edwin Sandys was elected
sided in all the meetings of the April 28, 1619. Stith says that
Council and Company. He was a "he was a person of excellent un-
London merchant, of great wealth derstanding and judgment, of great
and intiuence, governor of the East industry, vigor and resolution, and
India and Muscovy Companies, and indefatigable in his application to
of the company associated for the the business of the company and
discovery of the north-west passage, colony." His election was brought
In 1604 he was sent ambassador about by the Eail of Warwick's
from King James to the Emperor (Lord Rich) hostility to Sir Tho-
of Russia. He was also one of mas Smith. Sandys was very ob-
WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 69
treasurer and governor of the Company, he havmg chap.
sixty voices, Sir John Wolstenholme sixteen voices, ^ — —
and Alderman Johnson^ twenty-four. But Sir Thomas i ^ 1 9 .
. May-
Smith, when he saw some part of his honor lost, was 8.
very angry, and raised a faction to cavil and contend about the election, and sought to tax Sir Edwin with many things that might both disgrace him and also put him by his office of governor. In which contentions they yet stick; and are not fit nor ready to intermeddle in any business ; and what issue things will come to, I know not, nor are we yet certain. It is most like Sir Edwin will carry it away ; and if he do, things will go well in Virginia ; if otherwise, they will go ill enough always. We hope in two or three Court days things will settle. Mean space I think to go down into Kent, and come up again about fourteen days or three weeks hence ; except either by these aforesaid con- tentions,^ or by the ill tidings from Virginia, we be wholly discouraged ; of which tidings as followeth. Capt. Argall ^ is come home this week. He, upon
noxious to King James, on account Stith had in his possession copies
of his political principles. The of the records of the Company, from
king said, " he knew him to be a April 28, 1619, to June 7, 1624.
man of exorbitant ambition." Ac- See also a declaration made by the
cordingly, when the year for which Council of Virginia, in 1623, enti-
he was chosen, had expired, James tied " The Company's Chief Root of
objected to his re-election, and in a the Differences and Discontents,"
furious passion exclaimed, " Choose in the Appendix to Burk"s History
the devil, if you will, but not Sir of Virginia, i. 316 ; and "A Short
Edwin Sandys." To get out of Collection of the most remarkable
the difficulty, the Company chose passages from the original to the
the Earl of Southampton treasurer, dissolution of the Virginia Com-
and Sandvs deputy. See Stith, pany. London, 1651." (4to. pp.
159, 178, 181 ; Burk, i. 322 ; Short 20.) Collection, pp. 6,8, 19. ^ Sir Samuel Argall was a kins-
^ Alderman Johnson was at this man of Sir Thomas Smith, and a
time the deputy treasurer of ihe favorite of the Earl of Warwick,
Company. See Stith, p. 150. who procured his election as deputy
^For an account of the conten- governor of the Virginia Colony in
tions in the Virginia Company, see the beginning of 1617. He arrived
Stith's Virginia, pp. v. 158, 180. in Virginia in May ; but his admin-
70 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS
CHAP, notice of the intent of the Council, came away before
Sir George Yeardley^ came there, and so there is no
16 19. small dissension. But his tidin^js is ill, althou^j^h his
May .
8. person be welcome. He saith Mr. Blackwell's ship came not there until March ; but going towards winter they had still northwest winds, which carried them to the southward beyond their course ; and the master of the ship and some six of the mariners dying, it seemed they could not find the Bay, till after long seeking and beating about. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr. Maggner, the captain. Yea, there are dead, he saith, a hundred and thirty persons, one and another, in the ship. It is said there was in all a hundred and eighty persons in the ship, so as they were packed to- gether like herrings. They had amongst them a flux and also want of fresh water ; so as it is here rather wondered that so many are alive, than that so many are dead. The merchants here say it was Mr. Black- well's fault to pack so many in the ship ; yea, and there was great murmuring and repining amongst them, and upbraiding of Mr. Blackwell for his deahng and disposing of them, when they saw how he had dispos- ed of them, and how he insulted over them. Yea, the streets of Gravesend rang of their extreme quarrelling, crying out one of another, "Thou hast brought me to this. I may thank thee for this." Heavy news it is,
istration was so tyrannical and in 1619, and was empowered to in- oppressive, tliat he was displaced vestigate the charges aaainstArjrall the next year, and sailed for Eng- on the spot. But the Earl of War- land in April, 1619. See his Life wick having sent over a small hark, in Belknap, ii. 51 — 63; Stith, to inform him of what was prepar- pp. 145, 149; Burk, i. 317 — 322 ; ing against him, and to bring him Smith's General History of Vir- away, Yeardley did not arrive in ginia, ii. 33. (8vo ed. Richmond, Virginiatill ten or twelve days after 1819.) ArgalFs escape. See Belknap, ii. ' Sir George Yeardley was 61 — 72; Stith, p. 157; Burk, p. chosen governor of the colony early 322 ; Smith, ii. 37.
WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 71
and I would be glad to hear how far it will discourage, chap.
I see none here discouraged much, but rather desire ^ ^^
to learn to beware by other men's harms, and to I619. amend that wherein they have failed ; as we desire to sJ serve one another in love, so take heed of being en- thralled by other imperious persons, especially if they be discerned to have an eye to themselves. It doth often trouble me to think that in this business we are to learn, and none to teach. But better so than to depend upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. Such a stratagem he made for Mr. Johnson and his people at Emden ; much was their subversion. But though he then cleanlily yet unhonestly plucked his neck out of the collar, yet at last his foot is caught.
Here are no letters come. The ship Captain Argall came in is yet in the west parts. All that we hear is but his report. It seemeth he came away secretly. The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be here shortly. It is as Mr. Robinson once said ; he thought we should hear no good of them.
Mr. Brewster is not well at this time. Whether he will go back to you or go into the north, I yet know not. For myself, I hope to see an end of this business ere I come, though I am sorry to be thus from you. If things had gone roundly forward, I should have been with you within this fourteen days. I pray God direct us, and give us that spirit which is fitting for such a business.
Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr. Brewster, I think, hath more largely writ of to Mr. Robinson, I leave you to the Lord's protection. Yours, in all readiness, &c.
Robert Cushman. London^ May the 8th, 1619.
72 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS
CHAP. A word or two, by way of digression, touching this v-I^ Mr. Blackwell. He was an elder of the church of 1619. Amsterdam, a man well known of most of them. He dechned from the truth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, and went with him when they departed asunder in that woful manner which brought so great disho- nor to God, scandal to the truth, and outward ruin to themselves, in this world. But I hope, notwithstand- ing, through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at rest with God, in the heavens, and that they are arrived in the haven of happiness, though some of their bodies were thus buried in the terrible seas, and others sunk under the burden of bitter afflictions. He, with some others, had prepared for to go to Virginia ; and he with sundry godly citizens being at a private meeting (I take it, at a Fast,) in London, being discovered, many of them were apprehended, whereof Mr. Blackwell was one. But he so glossed with the bishops, and either dissembled or flatly denied the truth which formerly he had maintained; and not only so, but unworthily betrayed and accused another godly man who had escaped, that so he might slip his own neck out of the collar, and to obtain his own freedom brought others into bonds. Whereupon he so won the bishops' favor, (but lost the Lord's,) as he was not only dismissed, but in open court the Arch- bishop gave him great applause and his solemn bless- ing to proceed in his voyage. But if such events follow the bishops' blessing, happy are they that miss the same. It is much better to keep a good con- science and have the Lord's blessing, whether in life or death. But see how that man, apprehended by Mr. Blackwell's means, writes to a friend of his.
WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 73
Risfht dear friend and christian brother, Mr. Car- chap. ver, I salute you and yours in the Lord. ._— J.^
Sir, as for my own present condition, I doubt not 1 6 1 8. but you well understand it by our brother Masterson,' I. " who should have tasted of the same cup, had his place of residence and his person been as well known as myself. Somewhat I have written to Mr. Cushman how the matter still continues. I have petitioned twice to Mr. sheriff, and once to my Lord Cook,^ and have used such reasons to move them to pity, that if they were not overruled by some others, I suppose I should have soon gained my liberty ; — as that I was a man living by my credit, in debt to divers in our city, living in more than ordinary charges in a close and tedious prison ; besides great rents abroad, all my business lying still, my own servant lying lame in the country, my wife being also great with child : and yet no answer until the Lords of His Majesty's Council gave consent. Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell, a man as deep in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate with a great deal less ado, yea, with an addition of the Arch- bishop's blessing. I am sorry for Mr. Blackwell's weakness. I wish it may prove no worse ; but yet he and some others of them were not sorry, but thought it was for the best that I was nominated ; not because the Lord sanctifies evil to good, but that the action
* Richard Masterson was one of officious with part of his estate for
Robinson's church, and his name public good, and a man of ability,
is subscribed, with others, to a letter as a second Stephen, to defend the
written from Leyden to Bradford truth by sound argument, grounded
and Brewster, Nov. 30, 1625, nine on the Scriptures of truth." See
months after their pastor's death. Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 44. On his coming over to Plymouth, ^ This was the eminent lawyer,
he was chosen a deacon of the whose name is commonly spelt
church. In the church records he Coke. See an account of him in
is described as " a holy man and Fuller's Worthies, ii. 128, and in
an experienced saint, having been Lardner's Cab. Cyc. vi. 1 — 43.
10
74 THE PILGRIMS OBTAIN A PATEIST
CHAP, was good, yea, for the best. One reason I well .-J^ remember he used was, because this trouble would 16 18. increase the Virginia plantation ; that now people ^4!* began more generally to incline to go ; and if he had not nominated some such as I, he had not been free, being it was known that many citizens, besides them- selves, were there. I expect an answer shortly what they intend concerning me. I purpose to write to some other of you, by whom you shall know the certainty. Thus not having further at present to acquaint you withal, commending myself to your prayers I cease, and commit you and us all to the Lord.
Your friend and brother, in bonds,
Sabin Starsmore.^ From my Chamber in Wood-slreet Counter,'^ Sept. 4th, 1618.
But thus much by the way which may be of good use. I have been the larger in these things, that the rising generation may seriously take notice of the many difficulties their poor leaders underwent in the first enterprises towards coming into New England.
16 19. But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, they had a patent granted them, and con- firmed under the Company's seal.^ But these divisions
' There was a Mr. Staismore prison-houses pertaining to the sher- among the associates of Henry iffs of London. Stow's Survey of Jacob, who, after having conferred London, p. 394, (folio.) with Mr. Robinson, in Leyden, ^ Morton says, in his Memorial, laid the foundation of an Inde- p. 22, that they "obtained letters pendent or Congregational Church patent for the northern parts of in England in the year 1616. See Virginia, of King James, of famous Neal's Puritans, i. 476. Some fur- memory," He confounds the king ther account of Jacob will be given with the Virginia Company. Dud- hereafter in a Note to Bradford's ley makes the same mistake in his Dialogue. Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, ''The Compter in Wood Street, in Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 37. Old- erected in 1555, was one of the mixon, i. 29, errs in saying that
FROM THE VIRGINIA COMPANY.
75
and distractions had shaken off many of their pre- chap.
tended friends, and disappointed them of many of their
hoped for and proffered means. By the advice of some 1 6 1 9. friends this patent was not taken in the name of any of their own company,^ but in the name of Mr. John Wincob,^ a rehgious gentleman, then belonging to the Countess of Lincoln,^ who intended to go with them. But God so disposed as he never went, nor they never
" Mr. Brewster made an agreement with the Company fur a large tract of land in the southwest parts of New England, " an error into which he was led by Cotton Mather, i. 47. The Virginia Company could grant no patent for lands north of the 40th degree. The authors of the Modern Universal History, xxxix. 272, err in stating that " their in- tention was to have made a settle- ment under the sanction of Gosnold's patent." Gosnold had no patent. Dunlap, Hist, of New York, i. 43, and Hugh Murray, Hist, of Dis- coveries in North America, i. 245, err in asserting that the agents of the Pilgrims negotiated with the Plymouth Company. See p. 55, note.
' The word company I restore from Hubbard, p. 47.
^ Nothing is known of .Tohn Win- cob. Baylies, in his Memoir of Plymouth, i. 17, errs in calling his Christian name Jacob. It was pro- bably to avoid notoriety and es- cape suspicion, that the patent was taken out in the name of an obscure individual, rather than in the name of the Earl of Lincoln, whose grand- father, Henry, had been (me of the Council of the Virginia Company, established by its second charter in 1609. I suppose that in conse- quence of the Leyden people being out of the realm, the patent would not be granted in any of their names. See Stitii, App. p. 16 ; Collins's Peeraga, ii. 102.
^ The Countess of Lincoln here mentioned was Elizabeth, the daugh-
ter of Sir Henry Knevet, and the dowager of Thomas, the third earl of that noble house, who died Jan. 15, 1619. Arthur Collins calls her " a lady of great piety and virtue," and Cotton Mather speaks of the family as " religious," and " the best family of any nobleman then in England." She was the mother of eighteen children, and wrote a book, printed at Oxford in 1621, entitled, " The Countess of Lin- coln's Nursery," on the duty of mothers nursing their own children. This family had a more intimate connexion with the New England settlements, and must have felt a deeper interest in their success, than any other noble house in England. Two of the first magistrates, or assistants, of the Massachusetts Co- lony had lived many years in the family as stewards, a capacity which Wincob also may have sustained. Frances, a daughter of the Countess, married John, son and heir to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who took so active a part in the attempts to colonize New England. Two other daughters, Susan and Arbella, mar- ried two other of the principal colo- nists of Massachusetts, John Hum- frey and Isaac Johnson, and came over with their husbands to Amer- ica. The lady Arbella died at the end of August, 1630, about six weeks after her arrival. " She came from a paradise of plenty and pleasure, in the family of a noble earldom, into a wilderness of wants, and took New England in her way to hea*en." Like the Spanish lady
L
76
THE PATENT IS SENT OVER TO LEYDEN.
CHAP, made use of this patent, which had cost them so much .Js^ labor and charge ; as by the sequel will appear.^ 16 19. This patent being sent over for them to view and consider,^ as also the passages about the propositions between them and such merchants and friends as should either go or adventure with them, and espe- cially with them on whom they did chiefly depend for shipping and means, whose proflers had been large, they were requested to fit and prepare themselves with all speed.
A right emblem it may be of the uncertain things of this world, that when men have toiled themselves, they vanish into smoke.
mentioned by Peter Martyr, " per- ceiving her husband now furnish- ing himself to depart to the un- known coasts of the new world, and those large tracts of land and sea, she spake these words unto him : Whithersoever your fatal des- tiny shall drive you, either by the furious waves of the great ocean, or by the manifold and horrible dangers of the land, I will surely bear you company. There can no peril chance to me so terrible, nor any kind of death so cruel, that shall not be much easier for me to abide, than to live so far separate from you." Her husband survived her only a month :
" He tried To live without her, liked it nut, and died."
The " right honorable and ap- proved virtuous lady, Bridget, Coun- tess of Lincoln," to whom Dudley addressed his letter of March 12, 1631, was the wife of Theophilus, the son of the Countess mentioned in the text, and the daughter of Vis- count Saye and Sele. See Collins's Peerage, ii. 163 ; Burke's Peerage, Clinton and Newcastle ; Wal- pole's Royal and Noble Authors, ii. 272 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 34 ;
Hutchinson's Mass. i. 15, 17 ; Ma- ther's Magnalia, i. 71, 126 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 36, 40 ; Eden's translation of Peter Martyr's De- cades, p. 84, (ed. 1577.)
' The whole of this paragraph is contained, almost word for word, in Hubbard's History, p. 47, which is conclusive proof that he had seen Bradford's History. See Note'^ on page 58. — Hubbard says, p. 50, " that a patent, as is afore said, was obtained, is published in print, and affirmed by such as yet survive of the first planters ; but where it is, or how it came to be lost, is not known to any that belong to the said colony." Hubbard wrote his His^ tory before 1682. See Mass. Hist. Coll. XV. p. iii. — Grahame, i. 410, errs in asserting that Hubbard's History has never been published ; and also in stating that Gov. Brad- ford's History of Plymouth Colony has been published.
^ Prince, p. 155, quoting from Gov. Bradford's MS. history, in- serts after consider, " with several proposals for their transmigration, made by Mr. Thomas Weston, of London, merchant, and other friends and merchants as should either," &c.
THE PILGRIMS KEEP A FAST. 77
Upon a receipt of these things by one of their mes- chap. sengers, they had a solemn meeting and a day of hu- ^,-J^ mihation, to seek the Lord for his direction. And 1620. their pastor took this text. " And David's men said ^J,^^- unto him, See, we be afraid here in Judah. How ^'^' much more, if we come to Keilah, against the host of the Phihstines. Then David asked counsel of the Lord again." From which text he taught many things very aptly, and befitting their present occasion and condition, to strenofthen them acjainst their fears and perplexities, and encouraging them in their reso- lutions : [and then conclude how many and who should prepare to go first ; ^ for all that were willing could not get ready quickly. The greater number being to stay, require their pastor to tarry with them ; their elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with the other ; those who go first to be an absolute church ^ of themselves, as well as those that stay ; with this proviso, that as any go over or return, they shall be reputed as mem- bers, without further dismission or testimonial ; and those who tarry, to follow the rest as soon as they can.
' Winslow, in his Brief Narration had not been ^^ an absolute church
says, " the youngest and strongest of themselves," yet before the for-
part to go ; and they that went mation of Higginson's church at
should freely offer themselves." Salem, a majority of the Leyden
" The Church at Plymouth thus congregation had actually arrived became the First Independent or at Plymouth, as appears from the Congregational Church in Ameri- note on page 36. Nor is there any ca. Of course the statement of ground for Palfrey's intimation, in Holmes in his accurate Annals of his Centennial Discourse at Barn- America, i. 160, that " the adven- stable, p. 9, that " the first church turers and their brethren remaining in Barnstable is the representative in Holland were to continue to be of the first Congregational Church one church," is incorrect; and the established in England," since it position of Upham, in his eloquent appears from p. 21-21, of this vol- Century Lecture, at Salem in 1829, ume, that the exception, on the pre- that the first church in Salem is sumed absence of which he builds "the First American Congrega- this opinion, was an actual fact, tional Church," cannot be main- namely, that " Robinson's church tained. Even if the first colonists now surviving in that of Plymouth,
78 THE PILGRIMS PREPARE TO LEAVE HOLLAND.
CHAP. Mr. Weston ' coming to Leyden, the people agree
_. with him on articles both for shipping and money to
1620. assist in their transportation; then send Mr. Carver and Cushman to England to receive the money and provide for the voyage ; Mr. Cushman at London, Mr. Carver at Southampton. Those who are to go first prepare with speed, sell their estates, put their money into the common stock to be disposed by their. mana- gers for making general provisions. There was also one Mr. Martin^ chosen in England to join with Mr. Carver and Cushman. He came from Billerica, in Essex ; from which county came several others, as also from London and other places, to go with them.]^
In the foregoing five Chapters the reader may take a view of some of the many difficulties our blessed pre- decessors went through in their first achievement of this weighty enterprise of removal of our Church into these American parts. The immediate following re- lations in Mr Bradford's book, out of which divers of these matters are recollected, do more especially con- was orijanized on Congregational cessful attempt to establish a rival principles before he left the mother colony at Wessagussett, now Wey- country for Holland." With the mouth, will be related hereafter. History of Gov. Bradford to support He visited Plymouth twice in 1623, her claims, the First Church at and again in 1624, and then sailed Plymouth cannot recognise the pre- for Virginia. He died at Bristol, tensions of any other American (Eng.) in the time of the civil war. church to priority of existence. See Prince, pp. 216, 222, 224 ;
' Thimias Weston was one of Morton's Memorial, p. 105. the most active of the merchant * This was undoubtedly Mr.
adventurers, and Hubbard says, p. Christopher Martin, who, with his 72, that he had disbursed £500 to wife and two children, came over advance the interest of Plymouth in the Mayflower. His name colony. Edward Winslow says, stands the ninth in the subscrip- in 1622, "he formerly deserved tion to the Compact signed at Cape well of us," and Bradford, in 1623, Cod, Nov. 11, 1620, and he died that he " becomes our enemy on all Jan. 8, 1621.
occasions." He employed several ^ The passage included in brack- vessels in trade and fishing on the ets is taken from Prince, p. 156, coast of New England. His unsuc- who copied it from Bradford's MS.
CONDITIONS AND LETTERS.
79
cern the conditions of their agreement with several chap.
° V.
merchant adventurers towards the voyage, &c. as also •
several letters sent to and fro from friend to friend 1 6 2 o. relating to the premises, which are not so pertinent to the nature of this small History. Wherefore I shall here omit to insert them,^ judging them not so suitable to my present purpose ; and here also cease to follow the foregoing method by way of Chapters.^
* It is much to be regretted that Morton did not see fit to copy these letters. It will be seen, a few pages further on, that he again testifies that "their transactings with the merchant adventurers were penned at large in Mr. Brad- ford's book." Though omitted in this copy, " the Conditions " were fortunately preserved from oblivion by Hubbard, and we are thus ena- bled to present them in the next Chapter. They are undoubtedly the most valuable portion of Hub-
bard's History, and their existence in it puts it beyond a doubt that he had both seen and used Bradford's MS. notwithstanding Prince's as- sertion to the contrary. See Note ^ on page 58.
* For the sake of uniformity I have taken the liberty still " to fol- low the foregoing method by way of chapters," and the rather as I find that Morton has preserved in his Memorial, pp. 30, 37, and 67, the original titles of three of Gov. Bradford's chapters.
CHAPTER VI.
THE CONDITIONS OF THEIR AGREEMENT WITH SEVERAL MERCHANT ADVENTURERS TOWARDS THE VOYAGE.
[About tliis time they were informed by Mr. Wes- ton and others, that sundry honorable lords and worthy 162 0. gentlemen had obtained a large patent from the King for the more northerly part of America, distinct from the Virginia patent, and wholly excluded from their government, and to be called by another name, viz. New England.^ Unto which Mr. Weston and the chiefest of them began to incline, thinking it was best for them to go thither ; as for other reasons, so chiefly
* On the 23d of July, 1620, King James gave a warrant to his soli- citor, Sir Thomas Coventry, to prepare a new patent for the incor- poration of the adventurers to the northern colony of Virginia, be- tween 40 and 48 degrees north, which patent the king signed on Nov. 3, styling them " The Council established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New England, in America," which is the great civil basis of all the future patents and plantations, that divide this country. Prince, p. 160. See the patent in Hazard, i. 104 ; and the warrant in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 64.
The name of New England was first given, in 1614, by the famous Capt. John Smith, to North Vir- ginia, lying between the degrees of 41 and 45. In that year he ranged along the coast, from the Penobscot to Cape Cod, in a small boat, with eight men. "I took the descrip- tion " he says " of the coast as well by map as writing, and called it New England. At my humble suit, Charles, Prince of Wales, was pleased to confirm it by that title." Smith, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 20. This map was published with his "Description of New England," in 1616. They are both reprinted in Mass. Hist Coll. xxiii. 1, and xxvi. 95 — 140.
THE PILGRIMS MEET WITH DISCOURAGEMENTS. 81
for the hope of present profit, to he made hy fishing ^ chap.
on that coast. But in all husiness the active part is . J^
most difficult, especially when there are many agents 162 0. that may be concerned. So it was found in them ; for some of them who should have gone in England, fell off, and would not go. Other merchants and friends, that proffered to adventure their money, with- drew and pretended many excuses ; some disliking they went not to Guiana ; others would do nothing unless they went to Virginia ; and many who were most relied on refused to adventure if they went thither. In the midst of these difficulties, they of Ley- den were driven to great straits ; but at the length, the generality was swayed to the better opinion. How- beit, the patent for the northern part of the country not being fully settled at that time, they resolved to ad- venture with that patent they had, intending for some place more southward than that they fell upon in their voyage, at Cape Cod, as may appear afterwards. The CONDITIONS, on which those of Leyden en- gaged with the merchants, the adventurers,^ were hard
^ Edward Winslow says, in his of their bringing their wives and
Brief Narration, that on King children with them is conclusive
James asking the agents of the evidence that they came to estab-
Pilgrims " what profits might arise lish a permanent colony, in which
in the part they intended, it was the several occupations of farming,
answered. Fishing." fishing, and trading, would each
I know not what authority Hutch- have its proper place, inson had for asserting, ii. 472, ^ Little is known of these mer- that " their views when they left chant adventurers. Capt. John England were rather to establish a Smith, a good authority in such factory than a colony. They had matters, writing in 1G24, says that no notion of cultivating any more " the adventurers which raised the ground than would afford their own stock to begin and supply this plan- necessary provisions, but proposed tation, were about seventy, some that their chief secular employment gentlemen, some merchants, some should be commerce with the na- handicraftsmen, some adventuring tives." This seems inconsistent great sums, some small, as their with the views with which they estates and affection served. These left Holland : and the simple fact dwell most about London. They 11
32 THE CONDITIONS OF THE PARTNERSHIP
CHAP, enough at tlie first for the poor people, that were to -_.-,_ adventure their persons as well as their estates. Yet 1620. were their agents forced to change one or two of them, to satisfy the merchants, who were not willing to be concerned with them ; although the altering them with- out their knowledge or consent was very distasteful to them, and became the occasion of some contention amongst them afterwards. They are these that follow.
1. The adventurers and planters do agree, that every person that goeth, being sixteen years old and upward, be rated at ten pounds, and that ten pounds be accounted a single share.
2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth himself out with ten pounds, either in money or other provisions, be accounted as having twenty pounds in stock, and in the division shall receive a double share.
3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall continue their joint stock and partnership the space of seven years, except some unexpected im- pediments do cause the whole Company to agree otherwise ; during which time all profits and benefits that are gotten by trade, traffic, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means, of any other person or persons, shall remain still in the common stock until the division.
4. That at their coming there they shall choose out such a number of fit persons as may furnish their ships
are not a corporation, but knit to- served by Gov. Bradford, were very
gether by a voluntary combination friendly "to the Colony, and a few
in a society without constraint or came over and settled in it. Others
penalty, aiming to do good and to were unreasonable, clamorous, and
plant religion." Smith's Gen. Hist, hostile. Their names in 1626 are
of Virginia, ii. 251. Some of these preserved. See Mass. Hist. Coll.
merchants, as appears from the iii. 27 34 48.
Correspondence with them pre-
WITH THE MERCHANT j* DVENTURERS. 83
and boats for fishing upon the sea ; employing the chap.
rest in their several faculties upon the land, as build- « -1^
ing houses, tilhng and planting the ground, and mak- i62 0. ing such commodities as shall be most useful for the Colony.
5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and the profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods, and chat- tels, be equally divided among the adventurers. If any debt or detriment concerning this adventure ^
6. Whosoever cometh to the Colony hereafter, or putteth any thing into the stock, shall at the end of the seven years be allowed proportionally to the time of his so doing.
7. He that shall carry his wife, or children, or ser- vants, shall be allowed for every person, now aged sixteen years and upward, a single share in the divi- sion ; or if he provide them necessaries, a double share ; or if they be between ten years old and six- teen, then two of them to be reckoned for a person, both in transportation and division.
8. That such children that now go and are under the age of ten years, have no other share in the divi- sion than fifty acres of unmanured land.
9. That such persons as die before the seven years be expired, their executors to have their parts or share at the division, proportionably to the time of their life in the Colony.
10. That all such persons as are of the Colony are to have meat, drink, and apparel, and all provisions, out of the common stock and goods of the said Colony.
^ Here something seems to be might, possiblj^ be filled up from
wanting, of the nature of a new the MS. copy of Hubbard in Eng-
article or condition, which cannot land. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii.
now be supplied. This hiatus 286 — 290.
84
THE PILGRIMS ACCEPT THE HARD CONDITIONS.
CHAP. The difference between the conditions thus ex-
VI
.— -L. pressed and the former, before their alteration, stood 16 2 0. in these two points ; first, that the houses and lands improved, especially gardens and home-fields, should remain undivided, wholly to the planters, at the seven years' end ; secondly, that the planters should have two days in the week for their own private employ- ment, for the comfort of themselves and their families, especially such as had them to take care for.^
The altering of those two conditions was very afflic- tive to the minds of such as were concerned in the voyage. But Mr. Cushman, their principal agent, answered the complaints peremptorily, that unless they had so ordered the conditions, the whole design would have fallen to the ground ; and necessity, they said.
' Robertson says, in his History of America, book x., "Under the influence of this wild notion — that the Scriptures contain a complete system not only of spiritual instruc- tion, but of civil wisdom and polity — the colonists of New Plymouth, in imitation of the primitive Chris- tians, threw all their property into a common stock." This misrepre- sentation, which he professes to derive from Chalmers, p. 90, and Douglass, p. 370, (though there is nothing in either of them to sanc- tion the statement,) is repeated sub- stantially by Grahame, i. 194, and verbally by Murray, Hist, of North America, i. 246. It is to be regret- ted that credit and countenance should have been given to such an imputation on the good sense of the Pilgrims, by so respectable an American writer as Chief Justice Marshall, in his Life of Washing- ton, i. 93, (first ed.) and in his His- tory of the American Colonies, p. 81.
There is no foundation for this charge. The Plymouth people were not "misguided by their religious theories," nor influenced by an
"imitation of the primitive Chris- tians," in forming their joint stock company. They entered into this hard and disadvantageous engage- ment with the merchant adven- turers not voluntarily, but of neces- sity, in order to obtain shipping for transporting themselves to Amer- ica ; and they put their own little property into a common fund in order to purchase provisions for the voyage. It was a partnership that was instituted, not a community of goods, as that phrase is commonly understood. They dissolved this partnership, and set up for them- selves, as soon as they were able ; as will be seen hereafter.
The charge is destitute of foun- dation even in regard to the primi- tive Christians. "Nothing like a community of goods," says Mil- man, "ever appears to have pre- vailed in the Christian community. Mosheim appears to me to have proved this point conclusively." See Milman's History of Christian- ity, i. 389, and Mosheim's Disser- tation " De vera natura commu- nionis bonorum in ecclesia Hiero- solymitara." Diss. ii. 1—53.
A VESSEL AND PILOT ARE PROVIDED. 85
having no law, they were constrained to be silent, chap. The poor planters met with much difficulty both _,J^ before and after the expiring of the seven years, and 1 6 2 o. found much trouble in making up accounts with the adventurers about the division ; at which time, though those that adventured their money were no great gainers, yet those that adventured their lives in carrying on the business of the Plantation were by much the greatest sufferers.] ^
[Mr. Robinson writes to Mr. Carver, and com- June plains of Mr. Weston's neglect in getting shipping in England ; for want of which they are in a piteous case at Leyden. And S. F., E. W., W. B., and J. A.^ write from Leyden to Mr. Carver and Cushman, that 10. the coming of Mr. Nash ' and their pilot is a great encouragement to them.
Mr. Cushman, in a letter from London to Mr. Car- 10. ver at Southampton, says that Mr. Crabe, a minister, had promised to go, but is much opposed, and hke to fail ; and in a letter to the people at Leyden, that he had hired another pilot, one Mr. Clark,'' who went last year to Virginia ; that he is getting a ship, hopes he shall make ah ready at London in fourteen days, and would have Mr. Reynolds tarry in Holland, and bring the ship ^ there to Southampton.] ^
' The passage within brackets is ' The name of Thomas Nash is
taken from Hubbard's History. It subscribed, with others, to a letter
is impossible to say where he ob- written at Leyden Nov. 30, 1625,
tained it, except from Bradford's addressed to Bradford and Brewster.
MS. It is to be found nowhere See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 44.
else, and is essential to the com- * Clark, as will be seen hereafter,
pleteness of the History. I have was master's mate on board the
taken care to collate Hubbard's Mayflower.
MS. which is in the archives of the '" The small ship, called the
Massachusetts Historical Society. Speedvi^ell, of which Reynolds was
^ These doubtless are the initials captain,
of Samuel Fuller, Edward Wins- « These last two paragraphs are
low, William Bradford, and Isaac taken from Prince, p. 158, who
Allerton. copied them from Bradford's MS.
CHAPTER VII.
OF THEIR DEPARTURE FROM LEYDEN, AND EMBARKATION FROM DELFT-HAVEN.
CHAP. VII.
162 0.
After such travail and turmoils^ and debates which they went through, things were gotten ready for their departure from Leyden. A small ship was provided in Holland, of about sixty tons, which was intended, as to serve to transport some of them over the seas, so to stay in the country and to tend upon fishing and such other affairs as might be for the good and benefit of the whole, when they should come to the place intended.^ Another was hired at London, of burden about nine- score, and all other things got in a readiness.
* " Much of their troubles re- specting this matter is not express- ed in this book." — Morton^s Note.
" This vessel was less than the average size of the fishing-smacks that go to the Grand Bank. This seems a frail bark in which to cross a stormy ocean of three thousand miles in extent. Yet it should be remembered, that two of the ships of Columbus on his first daring and perilous voyage of discovery were light vessels, without decks, little superior to the small ci-aft that ply on our rivers and along our coasts. Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, the con- temporary of Columbus, and the first writer who mentions the dis- covery of America, says " Ex regio fisco destinata sunt tria navigia ; unum onerarium cavatum, alia duo
levia mercatoria, sine caveis quae ab Hispanis caravelae vocantur." De Orbe Novo, dec. i. cap. i. (p. 2, ed. 1587.) "At the length three ships were appointed him at the king's charges ; of the which one was a great carrack with decks, and the other two light merchant ships without decks, which the Spaniards call caravels." (Eden's tians. p. 8, ed. 1577.) Frobisher's fleet consisted of two barks of twenty-five tons each, and a pin- nace of ten tons, when he sailed in
1576, to discover a north-west pas- sage to the Indies. Sir Francis Drake, too, embarked on his voyage for circumnavigating the globe, in
1577, with five vessels, of which the largest was of one hundred, and the smallest of fifteen tons.
THE PILGRIMS LEAVE LEYDEN. 87
So being ready to depart, they had a day of solemn chap.
humiUation, their pastor taking his text from Ezra the
viiith, 21. " And there, at the river, by Ahava, I pro- i 62 o. claimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves before our God, and seek of him a right way for us, and for our children, and for all our substance." Upon which he spent a good part of the day very profitably, and suitably to their present occasion.^ The rest of the time was spent in pouring out prayers to the Lord with great fervency, mixed with abundance of tears. And the time being come that they must depart, they were accompanied with the most of their brethren out j^iy of the city unto a town sundry miles off, called Delft- ^^• Haven,^ where the ship lay ready to receive them. So they left that goodly and pleasant city, which had been their resting-place near twelve years. But they knew they were Pilgrims,^ and looked not much on ^^\^ those things, but lifted up their eyes to heaven, their dearest country, and quieted their spirits.
The bark in which Sir Humphrey Robinson's farewell discourse. It Gilbert perished was of ten tons will be found in his Brief Narra- only. The Little James, which the tion, in a subsequent part of this Company sent over to Plymouth in volume ; but it ought to be read in July 1623, was a pinnace of only this connexion, forty-four tons. See Navarrete, ^ Delft-Haven is a commodious Coleccion de Viages, ii. p. 11, Doc. port on the north side of the Meuse, Diplom. 7 ; Irving's Life of Colum- two miles south-west from Rotter- bus, i. 113, iii. 303 — 306 ; Kippis's dam, eight miles from Delft, and Biog. Britann. v. 345 ; Aikin's Gen. about fourteen miles south of Ley- Biog. iii. 449, iv. 249 ; Prince, p. den.
220. — Mather, i. 47, is inaccurate ^ "I think I may with singular in stating that the Speedwell was propriety call their lives a pilgrim- hired, in which error he is followed age. Most of them left England by the authors of the Mod. Univ. about the year 1609, after the truce Hist, xxxix. 272. — In a vessel of with the Spaniards, young men be- the same name, of fifty tons, Mar- tween twenty and thirty years of tin Pring had in 1603 coasted along age. They spent near twelve years, the shores of New England. See strangers among the Dutch, first at Prince, p. 102 ; Belknap, ii. 124. Amsterdam, afterwards at Leyden. ^ Edward Winslow, who was After having arrived to the meridi- present, has preserved a portion of an of life, the declining part was to
88 THE SAD PARTING AT DELFT- HAVEN.
CHAP. When they came to the place, they found the ship
^ and all things ready; and such of their friends as
16 2 0. could not come with them, followed after them ; and sundry also came from Amsterdam ^ to see them ship- ped, and to take their leave of them. That night was spent with little sleep by the most, but with friendly entertainment^ and Christian discourse, and other July real expressions of true Christian love. The next day, ^^' the wind being fair, they went on board, and their friends with them ; when truly doleful was the sight of that sad and mournful parting ; to see what sighs and sobs and prayers did sound amongst them ; what tears did gush from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced each other's heart ; that sundry of the Dutch strangers, that stood on the quay as spectators, could not refrain from tears. Yet comfortable and sweet it was to see such hvely and true expressions of dear and unfeigned love. But the tide, which stays for no man, calling them away, that were thus loth to depart, their reverend pastor, falhng down on his knees, and they all with him, with watery cheeks commended them, with most fervent prayers, to the Lord and his blessing ; and then, with mutual embraces and many tears, they took their leaves of one another, which proved to be their last leave to many of them.^
Thus hoisting sail, with a prosperous wind,'' they
be spent in another world, among 'Prince, p. 159, reads cn^er^omm^.
savages, of whom every European ^ xhis scene is the subject of one
must have received a most unfavor- of the great national pictures in the
able, if not formidable idea. ' Tan- rotunda of the capitol at Washing-
tum rehgio potuit suadere.'"— ton. It was painted by Robert
Hutchinson, Hist. Mass. ii. 452. W. Weir, Esq.
The term Pilgrims belongs ex- " Edward Winslow says, in his
clusively to the Plymouth colonists. Brief Narration, " We ^ave them a
l?',^ distance from Amsterdam volley of small shot andlhree pieces
to Delft-Haven is about 36 miles. of ordnance."
THE PILGRIMS ARRIVE AT SOUTHAMPTON. 89
came in a short time to Southampton,^ where they chap. found the bigger ship come from London,^ lying ready >^ — ^-^ with all the rest of their company. After a joyful wel- 1 6 2 0. come and mutual congratulation, with other friendly entertainments, they fell to parley about their proceed- ings. [Seven hundred pounds sterling are laid out at Southampton, and they carry about seventeen hun- dred pounds venture with them ; and Mr. Weston comes thither from London to see them despatched.] ^
A brief Letter written by Mr. John Robinson to Mr. John Carver, at their parting aforesaid, in which the tender love and godly care of a true pastor appears.
My Dear Brother,
I received enclosed your last letter and note of in- formation, which I shall carefully keep and make use of, as there shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of your perplexity of mind and toil of body ; but I hope that you, having always been able so plentifully to administer comfort unto others in their trials, are so well furnished for yourself, as that far greater difficul- ties than you have yet undergone (though I conceive them to be great enough) cannot oppress you, though they press you, as the Apostle speaketh. " The spirit xv'ili! w. of a man (sustained by the Spirit of God) will sustain
' Southampton is a seaport in ^ After London, Prince, p. 160,
Hampshire, situated at the head of inserts from Gov. Bradford's MS,,
an estuary, running up from the " Mr. Jones master, with the rest
isle of Wight, called the Southamp- of the company, who had been
ton Water. It was the rendezvous waiting there with Mr. Cushman
of seven of Winthrop's fleet in seven days."
March, 1630, when he was prepar- ^ The sentence in brackets is
ing to transport his colony to Massa- from Prince, p. 160, who quotes
chusetts Bay. See Savage's Win- Bradford's MS. throp, i. 2, 366.
12
90 ROBINSON'S LETTER TO CARVER.
CHAP, his infirmity." I doubt not so will yours ; and the ^-J^ better much, when you shall enjoy the presence and 16 20. help of so many godly and wise brethren, for the bear- ing of part of your burden ; who also will not admit into their hearts the least thought of suspicion of any the least negligence, at least presumption, to have been in you, whatsoever they think in others.^ Now what shall I say or write unto you and your good wife, my loving sister ? Even only this ; I desire, and always shall, mercy and blessing unto you from the Lord, as unto my own soul ; and assure yourself that my heart is with you, and that I will not foreslow ^ my bodily coming at the first opportunity. I have written a large letter to the whole, and am sorry I shall not rather speak than write to them ; and the more, consid- ering the want of a preacher,^ which I shall also make some spur to my hastening towards you. I do ever commend my best affection unto you ; which if I thought you made any doubt of, I would express in more, and the same more ample and full words. And the Lord, in whom you trust, and whom you serve ever in this business and journey, guide you with his hand, protect you with his wing, and show you and us his salvation in the end, and bring us, in the mean
' This sentence indicates the great the burden of government was ex- confidence reposed in Carver by the pected to rest on him, as it after- Church. His being sent as their wards turned out. See Hutchinson, first and principal agent to England, ii. 45G. shows that he was a leading and ''Foreslow, — delay, trusted man among the Pilgrims, a ^ It appears from page 85, that fact which is confirmed by the cir- " Mr. Crabe, a minister, had prom- cumstance of his being selected by ised to go." They suffered much Robinson as the individual to whom afterward for want of a regular to address this parting letter. Some pastor, passages in it seem to betoken that
ROBINSON'S LETTER TO HIS FLOCK. 91
while, together in the place desired fif such be his chap.
good will) for his Christ's sake. Amen.
Yours, 16 2 0.
John Robinson. July 27th, 1620.
This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see from him.^
At their parting, Mr. Robinson^ writ a letter to the whole company, which, although it hath already been printed, yet I thought good here hkewise to insert it.^
Loving Christian Friends,
I do heartily and in the Lord salute you, as being those with whom I am present in my best affections, and most earnest longings after you, though I be con- strained for a while to be bodily absent from you. I say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and much rather than otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first brunt, were I not by strong necessity held back for the present. Make account of me, in the mean while, as of a man divided in myself with great pain, and as (natural bonds set aside) hav- ing my better part with you. And though I doubt not but in your godly wisdom you both foresee and resolve upon that which concerneth your present state and con- dition, both severally and jointly, yet have 1 thought it but my duty to add some further spur of provoca-
' Carver died in April, 1621. the Plymouth colonists in Dee.
2 Oldmixon, i. 29, errs in saying 1621, and in 1669, in Morton's New
that " Mr. Robinson did not /tue to England's Memorial. There are
go in person" with the first colo- some variations in the text of these
nists. He lived till 1625. several copies. It is not in Neal's
* It was printed in 1622, in the New England, as stated by Prince,
Relation, or Journal, sent over by p. 160.
92 ROBINSON'S LETTER OF ADVICE
CHAP, tion to them, that run well already ; if not because
'. you need it, yet because I owe it in love and duty.
1620. And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance with our God, especially for our sins known, and ijon- erally for our unknown sins and trespasses, so doth the Lord call us in a singular manner, upon occasions of such difficulty and danger as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search and careful reformation of our ways in his sight ; lest he calling to remembrance our sins forgotten by us or unrcpented of, take advan- tage against us, and in judgment leave us for the same to be swallowed up in one danger or other. Whereas, on the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest repentance, and the pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up unto a man's conscience by his Spirit, great shall be his security and })eace in all dangers, sweet his comforts in all distresses, with happy deliverance from all evil, whether in hfe or in death. Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our own consciences, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men, what in us lieth, especially with our associates ; and for that end, watchfulness must be had, that we neither at all in ourselves do give, no, nor easily take ofience, being given by others. Wo be unto the world for offences ; for although it be neces- sary (considering the malice of Satan and man's cor-
xviifV. ruption) that offences come, yet wo unto that man, or woman either, by whom the ofl^ence cometh, saith
ix.^'iT Christ. And if offences in the unseasonable use of things in themselves indifferent be more to be feared than death itself, as the Apostle teacheth, how much more in things simply evil, in which neither honor of God nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded.
TO THE WHOLE COMPANY. 93
Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep ourselves, by chap.
the grace of God, from giving offence, except withal
we be armed against the taking of them, when they ^ ^ ^ o. be given by others. For how unperfect and lame is the work of grace in that person who wants charity to cover a multitude of offences,^ as the Scripture speaks. Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon the common grounds of Christianity, which are, that persons ready to take offence, either want charity to cover offences,^ or wisdom duly to weigh human frail- ties, or, lastly, are gross though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth ; as indeed, in my own ex- ^f/^fjg perience, few or none have been found which sooner give offence, than such as easily take it ; neither have they ever proved sound and profitable members in societies, which have nourished this touchy humor. But, besides these, there are divers motives provoking you, above others, to great care and conscience this way. As first, you are many of you strangers, as to the persons, so to the infirmities one of another, and so stand in need of more watchfulness this way ; lest, w^hen such things fall out in men and women as you suspected not, you be inordinately aftected with them ; wiiich doth require at your hands much wisdom and charity, for the covering and preventing of incident offences that way. And lastly, your intended course of civil community will minister continual occasion of
' The passage between ^ and * — the recurrence of the word o/- is omitted in Morton's copy, in the fences — the eye of the transcriber Church Records, but is restored glancing over the intervening words, from his Memorial, p. 26. It is This is what the critics call an also contained in the Relation or bf-ioioihleviov , See Le Clerc's Ars Journal mentioned in the Note on Critica, ii. 49. Michaelis, Introd. page 91. The cause of this acci- N. T. i. 271, (Marsh's ed.) ; Wet- dental omission is evident enough stein, N. T. ii. 863.
94 ROBINSOiN'S LETTER OF ADVICE
CHAP, offence, and will be as fuel for that fire, except you
.^^^^ diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And
16 20. if taking of offence causelessly or easily at men's
"^ ^' doings be so carefully to be avoided, how much more
heed is to be taken that we take not offence at God
himself ; which yet we certainly do, so oft as we do
murmur at his providence in our crosses, or bear
impatiently such afliictions as wherewith he pleaseth
to visit us. Store we up therefore patience against
the evil day ; without which we take offence at the
Lord himself in his holy and just works.
A fourth thing there is carefully to be provided for, to wit, that with your common employments you join common affections, truly bent upon the general good ; avoiding, as a deadly plague of your both common and special comfort, all retiredness of mind for proper advantage, and all singularly affected any manner of way. Let every man repress in himself, and the whole body in each person, as so many rebels against the common good, all private respects of men's selves, not sorting with the general conveniency. And as men are careful not to have a new house shaken with any violence before it be well settled, and the parts firmly knit, so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much more careful that the house of God, which you are, and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessary novel- ties, or other oppositions, at the first setthng thereof.^
* " Plutarch," says Jeremy Tay- of shape hy many slight acci-
lor, " compares a new marriage to dents ; but when the materials come
a vessel before the hoops are on." once to be settled and hardened by
" Therefore " Plutarch adds, " it be- time, nor fire nor sword will hardly
hooves those people who are newly prejudice the solid substance." See
married to avoid tlie first occasions Plutarch's Morals, iii. 17, (cd,
of discord and dissension ; consid- 1694) ; Taylor's Works, v. 260,
ering that vessels newly formed are (Heber's ed.) subject to be bruised and put out
TO THE WHOLE COMPANY. 95
Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, chap.
using amongst yourselves civil government, and are . .-L-
not furnished with any persons of special eminency 1 6 2 o. above the rest to be chosen by you into office of gov- ernment, let your wisdom and godliness appear not only in choosing such persons as do entirely love and will diligently promote the common good, but also in yielding unto them all due honor and obedience in their lawful administrations, not beholding in them the ordinariness of their persons, but God's ordinance for your good ; nor being hke the foolish multitude, who more honor the gay coat than either the virtuous mind of the man, or glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better things, and that the image of the Lord's power and authority, which the magistrate beareth, is honorable, in how mean persons soever. And this duty you both may the more willingly and ought the more conscionably to perform, because you are, at least for the present, to have only them for your ordinary governors which yourselves shall make choice of for that work.
Sundry other things of importance I could put you in mind of, and of those before mentioned in more words. But I will not so far wrong your godly minds as to think you heedless of these things ; there being also divers among you so well able to admonish both themselves and others of what concerneth them. These few things, therefore, and the same in few words, I do earnestly commend unto your care and conscience, joining therewith my daily, incessant prayers unto the Lord, that He who hath made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, and whose providence is over all his works,
gg ROBINSON'S LETTER OF ADVICE.
CHAP, especially over all his dear children, for good,
J^ would so guide and guard you in your ways, as
16 2 0. inwardly by his Spirit, so outwardly by the hand of
^"^^' his power, as that both you, and we also, for and
with you, may have after matter of praising his
name all the days of your and our lives. Fare you
well in Him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest
An unfeigned well-wisher of your
Happy success is this hopeful voyage,
John Robinson.
This letter, though large, being so fruitful in itself and suitable to their occasions, I thought meet to in- sert in this place. ^
' There is no date to this letter; in that letter Robinson says, "I but it was writen about the same have written a large letter to the time as the one to Carver, since whole."
CHAPTER VIII.
or THE TROUBLES THAT BEFELL THE FIRST PLANTERS UPON THE COAST OP ENGLAND, AND IN THEIR VOYAGE IN COMING OVER INTO NEW ENGLAND, AND THEIR ARRI- VAL AT CAPE COD, ALIAS CAPE JAMES.
All things being got ready, and every business chap despatched, the company was called together, and .^^.^I. this letter read amongst them; which had good 1 620. acception with all, and after fruit with many. Then they ordered and distributed their company for either ship, as they conceived for the best, and chose a governor and two or three assistants for each ship, to order the people by the way, and to see to the disposing of their provisions, and such like affairs ; all which was not only with the liking of the masters of the ships, but according to their desires.
Which being done, they set saiP from thence about the fifth of August.^ [But, alas, the best enterprises 5.°
' Smith, in his New England's appear in the book entitled New
Trials, printed in 1622, and Pur- England's Memorial, page 31 ; and
chas, in his Pilgrims, iv. 1840, likewise of the voyage, and how
printed in 1625, say they sailed they passed the sea, and of their
" with about 120 persons." safe arrival at Cape Cod, see New
^ " But what befell them further England's Memorial, page 33."
upon the coast of England, will Morton''s Note. 13
98 THEY ARE COMPELLED TO PUT BACK TWICE.
CHAP, meet oftentimes witli many discouragements. For
L they had not sailed far, before Mr. Reynolds, the
16 20. master of the lesser ship, complained that he found his ship so leaky, as he durst not put further to sea. Aug. On which they were forced to put in at Dartmouth, Mr. Jones, the master of the biggest ship, likewise putting in there with him ; and the said lesser ship was searched, and mended, and judged sufficient for the voyage by the workmen that mended her. On Aug. which both the said ships put to sea the second time.
21
But they had not sailed above a hundred leagues, ere the said Reynolds again complained of his ship being so leaky as that he feared he should founder in the sea if he held on ; and then both ships bore up again, and went in at Plymouth.^ But being there searched again, no great matter appeared, but it was judged to be the general weakness of the ship.
But the true reason of the retarding and delaying of matters was not as yet discerned. The one of them respecting the ship, (as afterwards was found,) was that she was overmasted ; which when she came to her trim in that respect, she did well, and made divers profitable and successful voyages. But second- ly, and more especially by the deceit of the master and his company, who were hired to stay a whole
As this account of the voyage it from what is contained in the IS substantially Bradford's, as ap- Church records, pears from comparing it with the ' Grahame, i. 190, errs in saying extracts from his MSs. in Prince, that " the emigrants were at first and as Morton refers to his Memo- driven back by' a storm, which Se- rial merely to save the labor of stroyed one of" their vessels ; " and copymg, and would undoubtedly Gorges is wrong in staling that have inserted it had he caused his they sailed in three ships, " whereof uncle s History to be printed, I two proved unserviceable, and so have deemed It proper to make it a were left behind." See Mass. part of the narrative ; enclosing it, Hist. Coll. xxvi. 73. however, in brackets to distinguish
THEY DISMISS ONE OP THEIR VESSELS. 99
year in the country : but now fancying dislike, and chap.
fearing want of victuals, they plotted this stratagem
to free themselves, as afterwards was known, and by 1 6 2 o.
Aug.
some of them confessed. For they apprehended that the greater ship being of force, and in whom most of the provisions were bestowed, that she should retain enough for herself, whatsoever became of them and the passengers. But so strong was self-love and de- ceit in this man, as he forgot all duty and former kindness, and dealt thus falsely with them.
These things thus falling out, it was resolved by the whole to dismiss the lesser ship and part of the company with her, and that the other part of the company should proceed in the bigger ship.' Which when they had ordered matters in reference there- unto, they made another sad parting, the one ship, viz. the lesser, going back for London, and the other, viz. the Mayflower,^ Mr. Jones being master, pro- ceeding on in the intended voyage.
' Neal, in his History of New them." In the text, too, which is
England, i. 86, says, " Mr. Cush- virtually Bradford's, we are told,
man and his family, with some " it was resolved by the lohole to
others, that were more fearful, dismiss the lesser ship and part of
went ashore, and did not proceed the company with her." It was
on the voyage." Baylies, too, in the captain and crew of the Speed-
his Memoir of Plymouth, i. 25. well that were unwilling to go, not
says, " about twenty of the passen- his passengers ; and the error seems
gers were discouraged, and would to have arisen from considering the
not reimbark. There is no ground word company, in the passage "by
for such an imputation on the cour- the deceit of the master and his
age or perseverance of any of the company," as meaning the emi-
emigrants. The dismissal of apart grants instead of the sailors; in
was a matter of necessity, as the which latter sense it is constantly
Mayflower could not carry the used at the present day by mer-
whole. Bradford, as quoted by chants and seamen. — Smith and
Prince, p. 161, says, '^ they agree Purchas say they discharge twenty
to dismiss her, (the Speedwell,) and of their passengers, those who are willing, to return ^ The Mayflower is a ship of re-
to London, though this was very nown in the history of the coloni-
grievous and discouraging ; Mr. zation of New England. She was
Cushman and family returning with one of the five vessels which in
100 THEIR LONG AND BOISTEROUS VOYAGE.
CHAP. These troubles being blown over, and now all be- .__^ ing compact together in one sliip, they put to sea 16 20. again with a prosperous wind. ^ But alter they had 6^ ' enjoyed fair winds for a season, they met with many contrary winds and fierce storms, with which their ship was shrewdly shaken, and her upper works made very leaky ; and one of the main beams of the mid- ships was bowed and cracked,- which put them to some fear that she would not be able to perform the voyage ; on which the principal of the seamen and passengers had serious consultation what to do, whether to return or hold on. But the ship proving strong under water, by a screw ^ the said beam was brought into his place again ; which being done, and well secured by the carpenter, they resolved to hold their voyage.^ And so, after many boisterous storms, in which they could bear no sail, but were forced to lie at hull many days together,^ after long beating at
1G29 conveyed Higginson's com- ^ Prince, p. 161, reads this word company to Salem, and also one of wracked in Bradford's IMS. the fleet which in 1630 hrought ^ Prince, p. 161, quotes Brad- over Winthrop and his Colony to ford's MS. as saying, " a passen- Massachusetts Bay. See Savage's ger having brought a great iron Winthrop, i. 2 ; Hutchinson's Col- screw from Holland." lectin of Papers, p. 33 ; Hazard, * " Nov. 6, dies at sea 'William i- 278. Batten, a youth, and servant to ' With 100 persons, besides the Samuel Fuller, being the only pas- crew of the vessel, according to senger who dies on the voyacre." Smith and Purchas — which cor- Bradford, in Prince, p. 161. °One responds exactly to the number child was born, and called Oceanus, that arrived at Cape Cod, according the son of Stephen Hopkins. Brad- to Gov. Bradford's list, preserved ford, in Prince, p. 172. by Prince, p. 172.— Neal, Hist. = On Nov. 3, about a week be- N. E. 1. 87, Douglass, i. 370, fore their arrival at Cape Cod, King Robertson, History of America, James had signed the patent for the book X., and Marshall, Life of incorporation of tlie adventurers to Washington, i. 91, and again Hist, the Northern Colony of Virginia, Amer. Col. p. 80, err in crowding or New England. The Pilgrims, the whole 120 into the ship. Old- however, did not hear of this tHI the mixon, i. 30, who generally out- arrival of ilie next ship, the For- does all others in his blunders, tune, in Nov. 1621. See Note on magnifies the number to 150, page 80, and Prince, p. 180.
THEY FALL IN WITH CAPE COD.
101
sea, they fell in with the land called Cape Cod :^ the chap.
' -^ . . VIII.
which being made, and certainly known to be it, they were not a little joyful.
After some little deliberation had amongst them- selves with the master of the ship, they tacked about to stand to the southward to find some place about Hudson's river (according to their first intentions) for their habitations.^ But they had not sailed that course
^ Cape Cod, the most remarka- ble feature in the configuration of the New England coast, and the first spot in it ever pressed by the footsteps of P^nglishmen, was dis- covered May 15, 1002, by Bartholo- mew Gosnold, who gave it the name on account of tlie abundance of cod which he caught in its neighbour- hood. John Brereton, who was one of ihe companions of Gosnold, and wrote a Journal of the voyage, says, they first made land May 14, in lat. 43", and " about three of the clock the same day in the afternoon we weighed, and standing southerly oiF into the sea the rest of that day and the night following, with a fresh gale of wind, in the morning we found ourselves embayed with a mighty headland. — At length we perceived this headland to be parcel of the main. — In five or six hours we pestered our ship so with cod- fish, that we threw numbers of them overboard again. — We sailed round about this headland almost all the points of the compass, the shore very bold, the land somewhat low, full of goodly woods, but in some places plain." Henry Hudson, Aug. 3, 1609, saw land in 41*^ 43', and sailing north, anchored at the north end of this headland. Five of liis men went on shore and " found goodly grapes and rose trees, and brought them aboard with them." Supposing it to be an island, and thai he was its first discoverer, he called it New Holland. In a Dutch map, printed at Amsterdam in 1659, by Nicholas John Vischer, the whole
Cape is called Nieuw Hollant, and the northern extremity is called Staaten Hoeck, State Point, or Witte Hoeck, White Point, proba- bly from the white sand hills. The French called it, for the same rea- son. Cap Blanc. Capt. John Smith, who surveyed the coast in 1614, says, " Cape Cod is a headland of high hills of sand, overgrown with shrubby pines, hursts, and such trash, but an excellent harbour for all weathers. This Cape is made by the main sea, on the one side, and a great bay on the other, in form of a sickle. On it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet." Charles, Prince of Wales, altered its name to Cape James, in honor of his father. But the original name could not be so easily supplanted ; " a name," says Cotton Mather, " which I suppose it will never lose till shoals of codfish be seen swimming on its highest hills." See Pur- chas's Pilgrims, iv. 1647 ; iii. 587 ; De Laet, Indise Occidentalis De- scriptio, p. 70 ; Moulton's N. Y. p. 206 ; N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 121 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 119; Ma- ther's Magnalia, i. 43. Brereton's Journal is printed entire in the Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 83.
* There can be no doubt that the Pilgrims intended to settle in the neighbourhood of Hudson's river. This is evident from the early nar- ratives written by Bradford and Winslow. As their patent from the Virginia Company did not authorize^ them to plant themselves north of the 40th degree, they probably de-
102
THEY STAND SOUTH FOR HUDSON'S RIVER.
CHAP, above half a day before they fell amongst perilous
L shoals and breakers/ and they were so far entangled
1620. therewith as they conceived themselves in great dan- 9, ger ; and the wind shrinking upon them withal, they
signed to settle south of the Hud- son, somewhere in New Jersey. But head winds, the shoals and breakers of Cape Cod, and the late- ness of the season, conspired to prevent their original purpose. As Beliinap says, ii. 188, " having been so long at sea, the sight of any land was welcome to women and children ; the new danger was formidable ; and the eagerness of the passengers to be set on shore was irresistible."
Morton, in his Memorial, gives another account of the matter. He says, p. 34, -'Their ])utting into this place, (Cape Cod harbour,) was partly by reason of a storm, by which they were forced in, but more especially by the frauduleiicy and contrivance of Mr. Jones, the mas- ter of the ship ; for their inten- tion, as is before noted, and his en- gagement, was to }Iudson"s river. But some of the Dutch having no- tice of their intentions, and havinir thoughts about the same time of erecting a jdantation there like- wise, they fraudulently hired the said Jones, by delays while they were in England, and now under pretence of the danger of the shoals, &c. to disappoint them in their go- ing thither." He adds, in a note, " Of this plot betwixt the Dutch and Mr. Jones I have had late and certain intelligence." But the con- temporary narratives, written by Bradford and Winslow, say not a word about this treachery of the captain ; nor does Bradford's His- tory, as quoted by Prince, p. 162, who is therefore obliged to derive this statement from ]\lorton. Mor- ton is the first to mention it, and he does it in a book printed in 1609, half a century after the event is said to have occurred. He says, it
is true, that he " had late and cer- tain intelligence of this plot." If ii had been early intelligence, it would liavc been more certain. But Morton was only eleven years old when lie came over with his father to Plymouth in 1623 ; and in 1669, when he published his book, most of the first cnmcrs were dead, who could have furnished credible infor- mation on this point. They had died, and "given no sign" — not even lisped a syllable of complaint against the master of the Mayflower. It was too late then to get certain intelligence of a fact that had slum- bered for fifty years, and which, if well founded, would from tiie first landing have been notoiious, and had a place in every account that was written of the Colony. The silence of Bradford and Winslow seems conclusive on the point. — Yet this story has been repeated from Morton in an endless series by Hubbard, Mather, Prince, Neal, Hutchinson, Belknap, Holmes, Bay- lies, and Grahame, down to the present time. Moulton, in his un- finished but valuable History of New York, p. 355, was the first to question it. — I know not why Old- mixon, i. 29, and Grahame, i. 190, call Jones a Dutchman.
' The Mayflower probably made the Cape towards its northern ex- tremity. The perilous shoals and breakers, among w hich she became entangled after sailing above half a day south, (or south-south-west, as the contemporary account states, in Bradford's Journal,) were undoubt- edly those which lie off the south- eastern extremity of the Cape, near Monamoy Point." The Pollock Rip, the most considerable of these, cor- responds to the " roaring " shoals mentioned by Bradford, in Prince,
THEY PUT BACK TO CAPE COD HARBOUR.
103
resolved to bear up again for the Cape aforesaid, chap The next day, by God's providence, they got into the Cape harbour.] ^
Being now passed the vast ocean and a sea of trou- bles, before their preparation unto further proceed- ings, as to seek out a place for habitation, &:c. they fell down upon their knees and blessed the Lord, the
16 20.
Nov. 11.
p. 162. She may also have en- countered the Great and Little Round Shoals. It is not lilcely that she sailed far enough south to fall in with the Bass Rip or the Gieat Rip. Before she could reach these, the current and the flood tide pro- bably drove her in between Mona- moy Point and Nantucket. ]Iad the wind permitted her to pursue a southern course, she might, in a few hours, have found an opening, and passed safely to the westward.
Gabriel Archer, in liis Relation of Gosnold's voyage, in Purchas, iv. 1648, says, " We trended the coast southerly ; twelve leagues from Cape Cod (Provincetownj we descried a point, with some breach (breaker) a good distance off, and keeping our luff to double it, we came on the sudden into shoal water ; yet well quitted ourselves thereof. This breach we called Tucker's Terror, upon his expressed fear. The point we named Point Care." Tucker's Terror is no doubt the Pollock Rip, and Point Care is Monamoy Point. Robert Juet, Hudson's mate, in his account of their voyage, after stating that they first made the land at the south-eastern point of the Cape, says, " We found a flood come from the south-east, and an ebb from the north-west, with a very strong stream, and a great hurling and noises."' This too was the Pollock Rip. Smith says, " Towards the south and south-west of this Cape is found a long and dangerous shoal of sands and rocks ; but so far as
I encircled it, I found thirty fathom water aboard the shore, which makes me think there is a channel about this shoal."' This also must have been the Pollock Rip. See Purchas, iii. 587 ; N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 121 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 119, xxviii. 74.
' " Let us go up in imagination to yonder hill, and look out upon the November scene. That single dark speck, just discernible through the perspective glass, on the waste of waters, is the fated vessel. The storm moans through her tattered canvass, as she creeps, almost sink- ing, to her anchorage in Province- town harbour ; and there she lies with all her treasures, not of silver and gold, (for of these she has none,) but of courage, of patience, of zeal, of high spiritual daring. So often as I dwell in imagination on this scene ; when I consider the condition of the Mayflower, utterly incapable as she was of living through another gale ; when I sur- vey the terrible front presented by our coast to the navigator, who, unacquainted with its channels and roadsteads, should approach it in the stormy season, I dare not call it a mere piece of good fortune, that the general north and south wall of the shore of New England should be broken by this extraordi- nary projection of the Cape, run- ning out into the ocean a hundred miles, as if on purpose to receive and encircle the precious vessel. As I now see her, freighted with the destinies of a continent, barely
104 THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD.
CHAP. God of heaven, who had brouo^lit them over the vast
Vill.
and furious ocean, and dehvered tliem from all peril.s
16 20. and miseries thereof, aorain to set their feet on the
Nov. °
firm and stable earth, their proper element. And no marvel if they were thus joyful, seeing wise Seneca was so aflected with sailing a few miles on the coast of his own Italy, as he affirms he had rather remain twenty years in his way by land, than pass by sea to any place in a short time ; so tedious and dreadful was the same to liim.^
But here I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amazed at these poor people's condition ; and so I think will the reader too, when he well con- siders the same. For having passed through many troubles, both before and upon the voyage, as afore- said, they had now no friends to welcome them, nor inns to entertain and refresh them, no houses, much less towns, to repair unto to seek for succour.^ It is
escaped from the perils of the deep, Celebration at Barnstable, Sept. 3.
approaching the shore precisely 1839, p. 45.
where the broad sweep of this mos't • Seneca says, in his 53d Epistle,
remarkable headland presents al- that he set out to sail only from
most the only point at which for Parthenope (Naples) to Puteoli,
hundreds of miles she could with (Pozzuoli,) and to get thilher the
any ease have made a harbour, and sooner, launched out into the deep
this perhaps the very best on the in a direct course to Nesis, (Nisida,)
seaboard, I feel my spirit raised without coasting along the shore,
above the sphere of mere natural This beautiful letter, which is well
agencies. I see the mountains of worth reading, may be found in
New England rising from their Thomas Morrell's translaticm of the
rocky thrones. They rush forward Epistles, i. 184, (London, 1786, 2
into the ocean, settling down as vols. 4to.)
they advance ; and there they range ^ .. r^j^^ nearest plantation to themselves a mighty bulwark around them is a French one at Port Roy- the heaven-directed vessel. Yes, al, who have another at Canada; the everlasting God himself stretches and the only English ones are at out the arm of his mercy and his Virginia, Bermudas, and New- power in substantial manifestation, foundland ; the nearest of these and gathers the meek company of about five hundred miles off, and his worshippers as in the hollow every one incapable of helping of his hand." Edward Everett's them." Prince, p. 180 ° Address at the Cape Cod Centennial
THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD.
105
recorded in Scripture as a mercy to the Apostle and chap his shipwrecked company, that " the barbarians show-
VIII.
ed them no small kindness " in refreshing them.
But 1620.
Nov.
these salvage barbarians, when they met with them, ^^^^ (as after will appear,) were readier to fill their sides ^'''""* ^' full of arrows, than otherwise. And for the season, it was winter ; ^ and they that know the winters of that country, know them to be sharp and violent, and subject to violent storms, dangerous to travel to known places, much more to search out unknown coasts. Besides, what could they see but a hideous and desolate wilderness, full of wild beasts and wild men ? and what multitudes there might be of them they knew not. Neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah, to view from this wilderness a more goodly country^ to feed their hopes. For which way soever they turned their eyes (save up- ward to the heavens) they could have little solace or content in respect of any outward objects. For sum- mer being done, all things stand for them to look
' Grahame says, i. 191, that " the intense severity of their first winter in America painfully con- vinced the settlers that a more unfa- vorable season of the year could not have been selected for the planta- tion of their colony." But it vv^as not the season which they selected. They sailed from England at avery proper and favorable time, in the begmning- of August, and might reasonably expect to arrive on the American coast by the middle of September, in ample season to build their houses and provide for the winter. But being obliged to put back twice, and then meeting with head winds, and having a boisterous passage of sixty-four days, they lost two months, and ar- rived just as the winter set in. The
14
winter was more severe than they had been accustomed to, but it was unusually mild for this country and climate. Dudley says, in his Let- ter to the Countess of Lincoln, written in 1631, that the Plymouth colonists "were favored with a calm winter, such as was never seen here since." See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 37. Wood, too, who was here in 1633, and published his New England's Prospect in 1634, says, p. 5, (ed. 1764.) that " the year of New Plymouth men's arrival was no winter in com- parison."
^ In the MS. the word is com- pany, manifestly an error of the pen. Morton, copying the same passage into his Memorial, p. 35, reads it country, as in the text.
106 THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD.
CHAP, upon with a weather-beaten face ; and the whole
VIII
country being full of woods and thickets, represented 16 20. a wild and salvage hue. If they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean which they had passed, and was now as a main bar and gulf to separate them from all the civil parts of the world. If it be said they had a ship to succour them, it is true ; but what heard they daily from the master and company but that with speed they should look out a place with their shallop, where they would be at some near dis- tance ; for the season was such as he would not stir from thence until a safe harbour was discovered by them, where they would be and he might go without danger; and that victuals consumed apace, but he must and would keep sufficient for himself and com- pany for their return. Yea, it was muttered by some, that if they got not a place in time, they would turn them and their goods on shore, and leave them. Let it be also considered what weak hopes of supply and succour they left behind them, that might bear up their minds in this sad condition and trials they were under, and they could not but be very small. It is true, in- deed, the affections and love of their brethren at Ley- den were cordial and entire ; but they had little power to help them, or themselves ; and how the case stood between them and the merchants at their coming away, hath already been declared. What could now sustain them but the spirit of God and his grace ? ^
' " Divers attempts had been panied the designs of both tliese
made to settle this rough and north- nations, that they seem to give it
era country; first by the French, over as not worth the planting:
who would fain account it a part of till a pious people of England, not
Canada ; and then by the English ; allowed to worship their Maker
and both from mere secular views, according to his institutions only,
But such a train of crosses accom- without the mixture of human cere-
THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD.
107
May not and ought not the children of these fathers rightly say, " Our fathers were Englishmen, which came over this great ocean, and were ready to perish in this wilderness. But they cried unto the Lord, and he heard their voice, and looked on their adver- sity." And let them therefore praise the Lord because he is good, and his mercies endure forever. Yea, let them which have been thus redeemed of the Lord show how he hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor. When they wandered in the desert wilderness, out of the way, and found no city to dwell in, both hungry and thirsty, their soul was overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord his loving kindness and his wonderful works before the children of men.'
Of the troubles that befell them after their arrival,
CHAP. VIII.
1620.
Nov.
Deut XXV i.
5,7.
Psalm cvii. 1,2, 4, 5, 8.
monies, are spirited to attempt the settlement, that they might enjoy a worship purely scriptural, and leave the same to their posterity." Prince, p. 98.
" Whether Britain would have had any colonies in America, if religion had not been the grand in- ducement, is doubtful. One hun- dred and twenty years had passed, from the discovery of the northern continent by the Cabots, without any successful attempt. After repeated atteinpts had failed, it seeiBs less probable that any should undertake in such an affair, than it would have been if no attempt had been made." Hutchinson's Mass. i. 3.
^ Milton, in his treatise on Refor- mation in England, written in 1641, thus alludes to the persecution and exile of our New England fathers. " What numbers of faithful and freeborn Englishmen and good Christians, have been constrained to forsake their dearest home, their friends and kindred, whom nothing
but the wude ocean, and the savage deserts of America, could hide and shelter from the fury of the bishops. O if we could but see the shape of our dear mother England, as poets are wont to give a persoiial form to what they please, how would she appear, think ye, but in a mourning weed, with ashes upon her head, and tears abundantly flowing from her eyes, to behold so many of her children exposed at once, and thrust from things of dearest necessity, because their conscience could not assent to things which the bishops thought inditferent 1 Let the astrol- oger be dismayed at the portentous blaze of comets, and impressions in the air, as foretelling troubles and changes to states ; I shall be- lieve there cannot be a more ill- boding sign to a nation, (God turn the omen from us !) then when the inhabitants, to avoid insufferable grievances at home, are enforced by heaps to forsake their native country." Prose Works, i. 37, (Symmons's ed.)
108
THE MAYFLOWER AT CAPE COD.
CHAP, with sundry other particulars concerning their trans-
. .-i. actings with the merchants adventurers, and many
16 20. other passages not so pertinent to this present dis- course, I shall refer the reader to New Englcmd^s Manorial, and unto Mr. J^radlbrd's book, where they are at large penned to his plentiful satisfaction.^
' Here wc take leave of Morton's copy of Gov. Bradford's History. As the rest of it is lost, except the few scattered passages pieserved by Prince and Hutchinson, and as we have a Journal of " the troubles that befell them after their arrival,"
written at the time, and chiefly, as I conceive, by Gov. Bradford, and much more copious and minute than the account in Morton's Me- morial, the narrative will proceed in the words of that Journal.
BRADFORD'S AND WINSLOW'S
JOURNAL.
" Relation or lournall of tlie beginiiin^r and proceedings of the English Plantation sctlcd at Plimotli in Ni:w-E.\gland, by certaine English Adventurers both Merchants and others.
With their difhcult passage, tiieir safe arriuall, their iuyfuU build- ing of, and comfortable planting themselves in the now well defended Towne of New PLnrorn.
As also a Relation of foure seuerall discoueries since made by some of the same English Planters there resident.
I. In a iourney to Parkanokick, the habitation of the Indians greatest King Massasoyt ; as also their message, the answer and entertainment they had of him.
II. In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdome of Nawset, to seeke a boy that had lost himselfe in the woods : w'ith such accidents as befell them in that voyage.
III. In their iourney to the Kingdome of Namasrhct, in defence of their greatest King Massasoyt, against the Narrohiggonsets, and to reuenge the supposed death of their Interpreter Tisquantum.
IIII. Their voyage to the JIassachuscts, and their entertainment there.
With an answer to all such objections as are any way made against the law'fulnesse of English plantations in those parts.
London. Printed for lohn Bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop at the two Greyhounds in Cornhill neere the Royall Ex- change. 1622." sm. 4to.
TO THE READER
Courteous Reader,
Be entreated to make a favorable construction of my forwardness in publishing these ensuing discourses. The desire of carrying the Gospel of Christ into those foreign parts, amongst those people that as yet have had no knowledge nor taste of God, as also to procure unto themselves and others a quiet and comfortable habitation, were, amongst other things, the induce- ments unto these undertakers of the then hopeful, and now experimentally known good enterprise for planta- tion in New England, to set afoot and prosecute the same. And though it fared with them, as it is common to the most actions of this nature, that the first attempts prove difficult, as the sequel more at large expresseth, yet it hath pleased God, even beyond our expectation in so short a time, to give hope of letting some of them see (though some he hath taken out of this vale of tears) ^ some grounds of hope of the accomplish- ment of both those ends by them at first propounded.
' The writer studiously suppres- than half of the first Colonists had ses the discouraging fact that more already perished.
112 GEORGE MORTON'S PREFACE.
And as myself then much desired, and shortly hope to effect, if the Lord will, the putting to of my shoul- der in this hopeful business, and in the mean time these Relations coming to my hand from my both known and faithful friends, on whose writings I do much rely, I thought it not amiss to make them more general, hoping of a cliccrl'ul proceeding both of adventurers and planters ; entreating that the ex- ample of the honorable Virginia and Bermudtis ^ Companies, encountering with so many disasters, and that for divers years together with an unwearied resolution, the good effects whereof are now eminent, may prevail as a spur of preparation also touching this no less hopeful - country, though yet an infant, the extent and commodities whereof are as yet not fully known : after time will unfold more. Such as desire to take knowledge of things, may inform themselves by this ensuing treatise, and, if they please also by such as have been there a first and second time.^ My hearty prayer to God is that the event of his and all other honorable and honest under- takings, may be for the furtherance of the kingdom of Christ, the enlarging of the bounds of our sovereign lord King James, and the good and profit of those
^ By the third patent of the Vir- Virginia or New England had been
ginia Company, granted in 1612, branded as " a cold, barren, mou n-
the Bermudas, and all islands with- tainous, rocky desert," and had
in three hundred leagues of the been abandoned as "uninhabitable
coast, were included within the by Englishmen." See Gorges in
limits of their jurisdiction. These Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 56; and
islands they sold to 120 of their Capt. John Smith in his Gen. Hist,
own members, who became a dis- ii. 174.
tinct corporation, under the name ^ Cushman had just returned
of the Somer Islands Company, from Plymouth, and Clark and
See Stiih's Virginia, p. 127, App. Coppin, llie mates or pilots of the
24. Mayflower, had been on the coast
' After the failure of Popham's twice, colony at Sagadahoc in 1608, North
GEORGE MORTON'S PREFACE.
who, either by purse or person or both, are agents in the same. So I take leave, and rest
Thy friend,
G. MOURT.^
' Who was G. Mourt? From his Preface it is evident that he was a person in England interested in the success of the Plymouth Colony, identifying himself with it, as ap- pears from the expression, " even beyond our expectation," having " much desired " to embark with the first colonists, and intending soon to go over and join them. It is also evident that he had familiar and friendly relations with some of them, (" these Relations coming to my hand from my both known and faithful friends,") and that he was one in whom they reposed such entire confidence as to send to him their first despatches of letters and journals.
The only individual answering to this description that I can ascer- tain, is George Morton, who had married a sister of Gov. Bradford, and came over to Plymouth in July, 1623, in the first ship that sailed for the Colony after this Journal was printed. He is represented in the Memorial, p. 101, as " very faithful in whatsoever public employment he was betrusted withal, and an
unfeigned well-wilier and promoter of the common good and growth of the plantation of New Plymouth." Mourt may have been written de- signedly for Morton, from a disin- clination on his part to have his name appear publicly in print, or it may have been a mistake of the printer, the final letters, from some flourish of the pen or otherwise, not being distinctly legible. Sev- eral other typographical errors, more important and palpable than this, occur in the Journal, It will be seen hereafter that Carver's name was printed Leaver, and Williams, by a flourish of the pen, was con- verted into Williamson.
Prince, p. 132, errs in saying that this Journal was published by Mourt ; and his editor, p. 439, (ed. 1826,) errs in stating that Prince had only Purchas's abridgment of it. He had the entire work, on the title-page of which it is stated that it was " printed for John Bellamy," who continued for at least twenty- five years from that time (1622,) to be the principal publisher of books relating to New England.
15
TO HIS MUCH RESPECTED FRIEND, MR. I. P.'
Good Friend,
As we cannot but account it an extraordinary bless- ing of God in directin<T our course for these parts, after we came out of our native country, — for that we had the happiness to be possessed of the comforts we receive by the benefit of one of the most pleasant, most healthful, and most fruitful parts of the world, — so must we acknowledge the same blessing to be mul- tiplied upon our whole company, for that we obtained the honor to receive allowance and approbation of our free possession and enjoying thereof, under the author- ity of those thrice honored persons. The President and Council for the Affairs of New England ; ^ by whose bounty and grace, in that behalf, all of us are tied to dedicate our best service unto them, as those, under his Majesty, that we owe it unto ; whose noble endea-
' These are probably the initials their behalf, to the President and
of John Pierce, in whose name Council of New England, for a
their second patent was taken. See grant of the territory on which they
Prince, p. 204. had unintentionally settled. This,
* The Pilgrims, by coming so it seems, was leadily accorded. —
far north, had got beyond the The President and Council put
limits of the A^irginia Company, forth in 1622, " A Brief Relation
and accordingly their patent was of the Discovery and Plantation
of no value. On the return of of New England," which is re-
the Mayflower in May, 1621, the printed in the Mass. Hist. Coll. xix.
merchant adventurers applied, in 1 — 25.
ROBERT CUSHMAN'S LETTER.
115
vours in these their actions the God of heaven and earth muhiply to his glory and their own eternal comforts.
As for this poor Relation, I pray you to accept it as being writ by the several actors themselves,^ after their plain and rude manner. Therefore doubt no- thing of the truth thereof. If it be defective in any thing, it is their ignorance, that are better acquainted with planting than writing. If it satisfy those that are well affected to the business, it is all I care for. Sure I am the place we are in, and the hopes that are apparent, cannot but suffice any that will not de- sire more than enough. Neither is there want of
' This constitutes its great value, and confers on it the highest au- thority. George Morton, in his Preface, alludes to the same fact. Edward Winslow, in a postscript to his " Good News from New Eng- land," printed in 1624, states that this Relation was " gathered by the inhabitants of this present planta- tion at Plymouth, in New Eng- land," and in the body of his work alludes to " former letters written by myself and others, which came to the press against my will and knowledge." The Journal, too, directly and by implication, repeat- edly testifies to the same point. Under Dec. 6, in mentioning their third excursion, it says, " the nar- rative of which discovery follows, penned by one of the company."
I do not hesitate to ascribe this Journal to Bradford and Winslow, chiefly to the former. They were among the most active and effi- cient leaders of the Pilgrims ;■ and one or the other of them went on almost every expedition here re- corded, and were therefore cogni- zant of the facts as eye-witnesses. They were also the only practised writers among them. We are not
aware that any of the other colo- nists were accustomed to writing ; at least none of their writings have come down to us. Standish, though '• the best linguist among them," in the Indian dialects, was more expert with the sword than the pen ; and Elder Brewster, then fifty- six years old, was prevented by his office, if not by his age, from going on any of the excursions, and was therefore not competent to write the journal of them. Carver had the weight of government on his shoulders, which would leave little time for writing ; he died too in April, five months after their arri- val at the Cape. Allerton, Fuller, and Hopkins, are the only other persons likely to have had any hand in writing the Journal ; and the part they contributed to it, if any, would probably be confined to furnishing the rough sketches of such expeditions as those to Nau- set, Namaschet, and Massachusetts, in which Bradford and Winslow may not have been personally en- gaged. The style, too, seems to correspond, in its plainness and directness, with that of Bradford, in his History.
ROBERT CUSH3LA.NS LETTER.
au^ht among us but company to enjoy the blessings so plentifully bestowed upon the inhabitants that are here. ^Vhile I was a writing this, I had almost forgot that 1 had but the recommendation of the Relation itself to your further consideration, and therefore I will end without saying more, save that I shall always rest
Yours, in the way of friendship,
R. G.'
From Plymouth, in New England.
1 Who was R. G. ' At the time this Journal was sent over from Plymouth, in Dec. 1621, the only person there whose initials were R. G. was Richard Gardiner. He was one of the signers of the Cora- pact on board the Mayflower, as will be seen hereafter. In that list it is apparent that the 41 names are, for the most part, subscribed in the order of the reputed rank of the signers. The two last, Dotey and Leister, were servants ; the two next preceding, Allertoa and English, were seamen ; then comes Richard Gardiner. Now it is very unlikely that such an obscure per- son as this, Xo. 37, of whom no- thing is known, whose name does not appear in the assignment of the lands in 16'23, nor in the division of the cattle in 16-2T, and occurs no where subsequently in the records of the Colony, should be selected and deputed by the leading men in it to endorse " the recommen- dation '• of their Journal. Such a person, even had he been chosen for this purpose, would not have presumed to speak of his superiors as haying written their narrative " after their plain and rude man- ner, " and apologize for " their ig- norance," by saying they were " better acquainted with planting than writing. " Such language would be used only by one of their compeers.
Nor could R. G. have been
Richard Greene, as is suggested in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvii. 298, 300 ; since Greene did not arrive at Ply- mouth till July, 1622, and this Re- lation was sent to England in Dec. 1621. See note ' on page 236, and paees 296 and 299.
R. G. (or R. C. as I think it should be,) was Robert Cushman, their active and efficient agent, who being prevented from coming over in the Mayflower, came in Nov. 1621, in the Fortune, and returned in her the next month. Cushman brought the intelligence that a charter had been procured for them by the merchant adventurers from the President and Council of New England, "better than their for- mer, and with less limitation." It was very natural, under these cir- cumstances, that the leading colo- nists should request him to write a letter in their behalf, enclosing a copy of their Journal, to Pierce, in whose name the charter had been taken : and it was no less natural, that in writing it, he should render a deserved tribute of acknowledgment to the Company, for their " bounty and grace "' in allowing them the free possession and enjoyment of the land on which they had invo- luntarily settled. See Prince, p. 198.
This letter of Cushman is follow- ed in the original by Robinson's patting Letter of Advice, which has already been printed on page 91.
I rm I II , t /,, II II
CHAPTER IX.
OF THE FIRST PLANTERS' COMBINATION BY ENTERING INTO A BODY POLITIC TOGETHER ; WITH THEIR PRO- CEEDINGS IN DISCOVERY OF A PLACE FOR THEIR SET- TLEMENT AND HABITATION.
Wednesday, the 6th of September, the wind com- chap. ing east-north-east, a fine small gale, we loosed from .^^. Plymouth, having been kindly entertained and cour- i e 2 o. teously used by divers friends there dwelling; and ^y** after many difficulties in boisterous storms, at length, by God's providence, upon the 9th of November fol- Nov. lowing, by break of the day, we espied land, which we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so afterward it proved. And the appearance of it much comforted us, especially seeing so goodly a land, and wooded to the brink of the sea. It caused us to rejoice together, and praise God that had given us once again to see land. And thus we made our course south-south- west, purposing to go to a river ten leagues to the south of the Cape.^ But at night the wind being contrary, we put round again for the bay of Cape Cod ; and upon the 1 1th of November we came to an anchor 11.
* This river was the Hudson, coast. Ten may possibly be an Little was known at that time error of the press, about distances on this unsurveyed
118
CAPE COD WELL WOODED.
CHAP, in the bay,^ which is a good liarbour and pleasant bay,
IX • • •
__^ circled round, except in the entrance, which is about
16 20. four miles over from land to land,'- compassed about to
the very sea with oaks, ])ines, juniper, sassafras, and
other sweet wood.^ It is a harbour wherein a thousand
sail of ships may safely ride/ There we relieved our-
Nov 11
* That is, in Cape Cod or Pro- vincotown harbour.
^ Tliis is just the distance from Long Point to the nearest land in Truro.
' Few trees are now loft round Cape Cod harbour. That they were once common, appears from the name Wood End, given to a part of the coast, and from the stumps that are still found along the shore, particularly at the west end of the harbour, below the pres- ent high water mark, just above what is called " (he rising.'' Tiiere is quite a grove of pines, called Mayo's Wood, near Snow's hill, at the eastern end of the village. There are dwarf oaks, too, grow- ing on High Hill. The young trees would thrive if they were en- closed and protected from the cows, who now get part of their living by browsing on them. There are a few sassafras bushes, but no juni- per. The juniper was probably the red cedar. Josselyn, in his New England's Rarities, published in 1672, says, page 49, " Cardan says juniper is cedar in hot countries, and juniper in cold countries ; it is here very dwarfish and shrubby, growing for the most part by the sea-side." And Wood, in his New England's Prospect, printed in 1634, says, p. 19, " the cedar tree is a tree of no great growth, not bearing above a foot and a half at the most, neither is it very high. This wood is of color red and white, like yew, smelling as sweet as juniper." In 1740 there was a number of oaks in the woods northwest of East Harbour.
* Capo Cod harbour is formed by the spiral bending of the land, from Pamet river to Long Point, nearly round every point of the compass; it is completely land-locked. " It ia one of the finest harbours forshi|)S of war on the whole of our Atlantic coast. The width, and freedom from obstructions of every kind, at its entrance, and the extent of sea- room u])on the bay side, make it accessible to vessels of the largest class in almost all winds. This advantage, its capacity, depth of water, excellent anchorage, and the complete shelter it alfords from all winds, render it one of the most valuable sliip harbours upon our coast, whether considered in a com- mercial or military point of view." See Major J. D. Graham's Heport, pp. 2 and 13, No. 121 of Executive Documents of the 25th Congress, 2d Sess. 1837-8, vol. 5. — Major Graham was employed by the go- vernment of the United States, dur- ing portions of the years 1833, 1834, and 1835, assisted by seven engineers, to survey the extremity of Cape Cod, including the town- ships of Provincetown and Truro, with their sea-coast, and the harbour of Cape Cod. This survey was executed with the greatest accuracy and precision, and a large and beau- tiful map, on a scale of six inches to a mile, was projected from it and published by order of Congress in 1838. It was republished in 1841, on a reduced scale of three inches to a mile, by I. W. P. Lewis, civil engineer. It is very desirable that the whole Cape should be surveyed in the same manner.
ABUNDANCE OF WHALES. 119
selves with wood and water, and refreshed our peo- chap.
pie, while our shallop was fitted to coast the bay, to
search for a habitation. There was the greatest 16 20.
^ Nov.
Store of fowl' that ever we saw. ii.
And every day we saw whales^ playing hard by us ; of which in that place, if we had instruments and means to take them, we might have made a very rich return ; which, to our great grief, we wanted. Our master and his mate, and others experienced in fish- ing, professed we might have made three or four thou- sand pounds' worth of oil. They preferred it before Greenland whale-fishing, and purpose the next winter to fish for whale here. For cod we assayed, but found none ; there is good store, no doubt, in their season.^ Neither got we any fish all the time we lay there, but some few little ones on the shore. We found great muscles,'* and very fat and full of sea-pearl ; but we could not eat them, for they made us all sick that did
^ Sea fowls come in late in the Cod, where it was cariied on en- autumn and remain during the tirely in boats, which put off when- winter. They were formerly plen- ever a signal was given by persons tiful on the sliores ; but they have on the look out from an elevated been so frequently molested, that station, that a whale was seen to their numbers are much reduced. blow. In 1690 " one Ichabod Pad-
* Whales are frequently seen in dock" went from the Cape to Nan-
Barnstable Bay and on the outside tucket to teach the inhabitants of
of the Cape, and are killed by boats that isle the art and mystery of
from Provincetown. Occasionally, catching whales. See Mass. Hist,
though more rarely of late, they Coll. iii. 157.
come into the harbour ; at the begin- ^ This is a little remarkable ; for
ning of the present century, two or cod are caught at the Cape as
three whales, producing about a early as November. They probably
hundred barrels of oil, were annu- fished only in the harbour. The
ally caught ; the last that was best season is in February and
killed in the harbour was in Dec. March, when they are caught in
1840, a hump-back, that made fifty great plenty between Race Point
barrels of oil. The appearance of and Wood End. It was May when
a whale in the harbour is the sig- Gosnold found them in such abun-
nal for a general stir among the dance.
hundred graceful five-hand boats ■* Though muscles are found in
that line the circling shore of this Cape Cod harbour, yet the sea clam
beautiful bay. The American seems to be meant, as it frequently
whale fishery commenced at Cape produces on the stomach the effects
11.
220 ^^^^ COD HARBOUR.
CHAP, eat, as well sailors as passengers. They caused to
TV"
.^_-!_ cast and scour ; but they were soon well again.
1620. The bay is so round and circling, that before we could come to anchor,^ we went round all the points of the compass. We could not come near the shore by three quarters of an English mile, because of shallow water ; ^ which was a great prejudice to us ; for our people, going on shore, were forced to wade a bowshot or two in going a land, which caused many to get colds and coughs ; for it was many times freez- ing cold weather.
Nov. This day, before we came to harbour, observing some not well affected to unity and concord, but gave some appearance of faction, it was thought good there should be an association and agreement, that we should combine together in one body,^ and to submit to such government and governors as we should by
here described. F. — The notes to They also lie all alonp the shore in which this letter is annexed were front of the town, hut do not extend written by the Rev. James Free- so far from the land. At low wa- man, D.T)., of Boston. His father ter it is very shallow, and it is still being a native of Truro, Dr. Free- necessary to wade a considerable man frequently visited the Cape, distance, to get into a boat, as the and became strongly attached to it. writer knows by experience. He wrote a very minute and accu- ^ Here, for the first time in the late topographical account of it, world's history, the f>hilosophical which may be found in the Mass. fiction of a social compact was Hist. Coll. vol. viii. His papers realized in practice. And yet it are signed r. s. denoting his office seems to me that a great deal more of Recording Secretary of the Mass. has been discerned in this docu- Hist. Society ; a Society which, in ment than the signers contemplated, its 28 volumes, has accomplished It is evident, from page 95, that more than any other literary or when they left Holland, they ex- scientific association in America. pected " to become a body politic,
' The Mayflower anchored " with- using amongst themselves civil
in less than a furlong " of the end government, and to choose their
of Long Point, two miles from the own rulers from among them-
present village of Provincetown. selves." Their purpose in drawing
The shore is here very bold, and up and signing this compact was
the water deep. See p. 150. simply, as they state, to restrain
** At the head of the harbour, certain of their number, who had
towards Wood End, and at East manifested an unruly and factious
Harbour, the flats extend three disposition. This was the ^vhole
quarters of a mile from the shore, philosophy of the instrument.
J
THE COMPACT. 121
common consent a2;ree to make and choose, and set chap.
IX.
our hands to this that follows, word for word. -^.-J^
In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are 1 620. underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign 11. lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Bri- tain, France, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, fee, having undertaken, for the glory of God, and advancement of the Christian faith, and honor of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do, by these presents? solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and one of another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the col- ony ; unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names, at Cape Cod, the 11th of Novem- ber, in the year of the reign of our sovereign lord, King James, of England, France and Ireland the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth, anno Domini 1620.
[Mr. John Carver t 8 John Alden 1
William Bradford t 2 IMr. Samuel Fuller 2
Mr. Edward Winslow t 5 * Mr. Christopher Martin! 4
Mr. WiLLiABi Brewster! 6 * Mr. William Mullins t 5
Mr. Isaac Allerton t 6 * Mr. William White t 5
Capt. Miles Standish t 2 Mr Richard Warren 1
whatever may since have been dis- " seems to have been of a mere covered and deduced from it by moral nature, that they might re- astute civihans, phik)Sophical his- move all scruples of inflictin<T neces- torians, and imaginative orators, sary punishments, even capital ones, " One great reason of this cove- seeing all had voluntarily subjected nant," as Hutchinson says, ii. 458, themselves to them."
16
THE LANDING AT CAPE COD.
CHAP. John Rowland
IX. Mr. Stephen Hopkins f — — - * Edward Tilly t 1 0 2 0. * John Tilly t Nov. Francis Cook 11. * Thomas Rogers
* Thomas Tinker t
* John Ridgdale t
* Edwakd Fuller t
* John Turner Francis Eaton t
* James Chilton- t
* John Crackston John Billington t
* Moses Fletcher
|
8 4 |
* * * |
John Goodman Dkgory Priest Thomas Williams |
|
|
3 2 2 3 |
Gilbert Winslow Edmund Margeson Peter Rrown Richard Britterige |
||
|
3 |
* |
Geor(;e Soule Richard Clarke |
|
|
:i 3 4 1 |
* * |
Richard Gardiner John Allerton Thomas English Edward Dotey Edward Leister |
|
|
101]> |
The same day, so soon as we could, we set ashore fifteen or sixteen men, well armed, with some to fetch wood, for we had none left ; as al.<o to see what the land was, and what inhahitants they could meet with.
' I have inserted tliis list from Prince, who found it at the end of Gov. Bradford's MS. From mod- esty, Bradford omits the title of Mr. to his own name. The figures denote the number in eacli family. Those with an asterisk (*) prefixed to their names, 21 in number, died be- fore the end of March. Those with an obelisk (|) affixed, 18, brought their wives with them. Three, Samuel Fuller, Richaid Warren, and Francis Cook, left their wives for the present either in Holland or England. They came in the Anne. Some left behind them part, and others all their children, who after- wards came over. John Howland was of Carver's fimily, George Soule of Edward Winslow's, and Dotey and Leister of Hopkins's family. Martin, Warren, Hopkins, Billington, Dotey, Leister, and pro- bably some others, joined them in England. John Allerton and Eng- lish were seamen. The list includes the child that was born at sea, and the servant who died ; the latter ought not to have been counted. The number living at the signino- of the compact was therefore only 100. See Prince, p. 172.
" So there were just 101, (no, 100,) who sailed from Plymouth in England, and just as many arrived in Cape Cod harbour. And this is the solitary number, who, for an undefiled conscience and the love of pure Christianity, first left their native and pleasant land, and en- countered all the toils and hazards of the tumultuous ocean, in search of some uncultivated region in North Virginia, where they might quietly enjoy their religious liberties and transmit them to posterity." Prince, p. 173.
" These were the founders of the Colony of New Plymouth. The settlement of this colony occasioned the settlement of Massachusetts Bay, which was the source of all the other colonies of New England. Virginia was in a dying state, and seemed to revive and flourish from the example of New England. I am not preserving from oblivion the names of heroes whose chief merit is the overthrow of cities, provinces, and empires, but the names of the founders of a flourishing town and colony, if not of the whole British emi)ire in America." Hutchinson, ii. 4G2.
THE SOIL OP CAPE COD.
They found it to be a small neck of land ; ^ on this chap. side where we lay, is the bay,^ and the further side .^ — -1^
the ground or earth sand hills, much hke I620.
^ ' Nov.
the sea ; ^
the downs ■* in Holland, but much better ; the crust of 11.
the earth, a spit's depth,^ excellent black earth ; all
The same day " they choose Mr. John Carver, a pious and well ap- proved gentleman, their governor for the first year." Bradford, in Prince, p. 162.
' The men appear to have been landed on Long Point, which tra- dition says has been diminished in its length, breadth, and height. F.
^ By the bay is intended tiie har- bour. Plymouth harbour is after- wards called a bay ; and the same name is given to the harbour of Cumuiaquid, or Barnstable. F.
^ That is, Barnstable bay. F.
'' Gosnold, on landing at Cape Cod, in 1602, found "the sand by the shore somewhat deep." Smith, too, calls it " a headland of high hills of sand." The downs, or dunes, along the coast of Holland, are formed by the wind blowing up the sands of the sea-shore. To check the dispersion of the sand, the dunes are sowed regularly every year with a species of reed grass {arundo arenaria.) In a short time the roots spread and combine so as to hold the sand fast together. Lin- naeus, in his journey to the islands of Oeland and Gothland, in the Baltic, pointed out to the natives the advantage of planting the sea- reed grass to arrest the sand and form soil on the shores, to which it is extremely well adapted by the length of its roots. A similar practice has within a few years been adopted at Cape Cod, under the direction and at the expense of the general government. Large tracts of white sand at Province- town have been planted with the beach grass {psam/na arenaria.) The grass, during the spring and suinmer, grows about two leet and
a half. If surrounded by naked beach, the storms of autumn and winter heap up the sand on all sides, and cause it to rise nearly to the top of the plant. In the ensu- ing spring the grass sprouts anew ; is again covered with sand in the winter ; and thus a hill or ridge continues to ascend as long as there is a sufficient base to support it, or till the surrounding sand, being also covered with beach grass, will no longer yield to the force of the wind. See Purchas, iv. 1648 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 119, viii. 110; Bigelow's Plants of Boston and its Vicinity, p. 40 ; Pulteney's General View of the Writings of Linnaeus, p. 35.
* The depth of a spade. F. "A spade's depth thrown out in dig- ging is still called a spit.'" Rich- ardson's Diet. art. Spade.
Some persons may smile at read- ing of " a spade's depth of excellent black earth" at the extremity of Cape Cod. And yet, even now, after the woods ate cut down, and free scope is given to the winds to scatter the sands over the vegetable inould of centuries, there is, at High head, in Truro, within four miles of Long Point, where the Mayflower was anchored, an "ex- cellent black earth" more than a foot in depth, which for years, without manure, has produced 50 to 60 bushels of corn to the acre. It is based on an old Indian clam- bed, in which I observed the shells of the oyster, the scallop, the quahaug, the sea clam, and the common clam. This rich soil is on the property of James Small, whose hospitable dwelling is near the Highland Light.
124
THE TREES OF CAPE COD.
CHAP, wooded ^ with oak.s, pine.s, sassafra.s, juniper, birch,
IX
._— !_ holly, vines, some ash, walnut ; - the wood for the most 162 0. part open and without underwood,^ fit either to go or ride in. At night our people returned, but found not any person, nor habitation ; and laded their boat with juniper,^ which smelled very sweet and strong, and of which we burnt the most part of the time we lay there.
Nov. 11.
' See note^ on page 118.
* There are three kinds of oak on the Cape, the red oak, [ijuercus rubra,) the black oak, {ijuercus tinc- toria,) and the white oak, {qvercus alba.) The frames of the oldest buildinnfs there are made of white oak, which is one of the most du- rable kinds of timber. The pine is the pitch pine, {pmus ri^icla) ; the birch is the white birch, (bctnia populifo/ia) ; the holly is the Amer- ican holly, an evergreen, {ilex opa- ca) ; the ash is the white ash, {fraxinus Americana,) and the wal- nut is the white walnut, [juglans tomentosa.)
^ " The salvages are accustomed to set fire to the country in all places where they come, and to burn it twice a year, viz. at the spring, and the fall of the leaf. The reason that moves them to do so is because it would otherwise be so overgrown with underweeds, that it would be all a coppice wood, and the people would not be able in any wise to pass through the country out of a beaten path. This custom of firing the country is the means to make it passable, and by that means the trees grow here and there, as in our parks, and makes the country very beautiful and com- modious." Morton's New English Canaan, ch. 18, (printed in 1632. Morton was here in 1622 and 1625.) " Whereas it is generally conceived that the woods grow so thick that there is no more clear ground than is hewed out by labor of men, it is nothing so; in many places, divers
acres being clear, so that one may ride a hunting in most places of the land. There is no underwood, saving in swamps and low grounds ; for it being the custom of the In- dians to burn the woods in No- vember, when the grass is wither- ed, and leaves dried, it consumes all the underwood and rubbish, which otherwise would overgrow the country, making it impassable, and spoil their much afi'ected hunt- ing. So that by this means, in these places where the Indians in- habit, there is scarce a bush or bramble, or any cumbersome un- derwood to be seen in the more champaign ground." Wood's New England's Prospect, ch. .'). (Wood was here in 1633.) The w-oods in some parts of Wellfleet and East- ham are now entirely free from underwood, as in the time of the Pilffriins.
* The juniper was no doubt the red cedar, or savin, ( junifxrus Vir- ffiniana,) an evergreen which is still cormnon on the Cape. It resembles very much the juniperus sabina, or common savin of p]urope, which bears the juniper berries. The taste of the leaves in the two spe- cies is nearly the same. The wood of the red cedar is odorous, and the leaves, when bruised, emit a resi- nous, aromatic odor. It burns freely on account of its resinous qualities. Morton says, " Of cedar there is abundance; and this wood was such as Solomon used for the building of that glorious temple of llierusalcm. This wood cuts red."
THE FIRST EXCURSION UP THE CAPE. 125
Monday,^ the 13th of November, we unshipped our chap. shallop, and drew her on land, to mend and repair -— J^ her, having been forced to cut her down in bestow- i6 2o. ing her betwixt the decks, and she was much opened 13. with the people's lying in her ; which kept us long there, for it was sixteen or seventeen days before the carpenter had finished her. Our people went on shore to refresh themselves, and our women to wash, as they had great need. But whilst we lay thus still, hoping our shallop would be ready in five or six days, at the furthest, (but our carpenter made slow work of it, so that) some of our people, impatient of delay, desired for our better furtherance to travel by land into the country, (which was not without appearance of danger, not having the shallop with them, nor means to carry provision but on their backs,) to see whether it might be fit for us to seat in or no ; and the rather, because, as we sailed into the harbour, there seemed to be a river ^ opening itself into the main land. The willingness of the persons was liked, but the thing itself, in regard to the danger, was rather permitted than approved ; and so with cautions, directions, and instructions, sixteen men were set out, with every man his musket,^ sword, and corslet, under the con- duct of Captain Miles Standish ; * unto whom was
See Michaux's Sylva Americana, iii. or six inches of match burning,"
2-21, and Bigelow's Medical Botany, Nov. 16, and from their "• lighting
iii. 49. all their matches," Nov. 30. Even
' It would seem that the day be- as late as 1687, match-locks were
fore, being Sunday, they remained used instead of flint-locks in the
quietly on board. regiments of the Duke of Bruns-
* Pamet river. Winslow spells wick. See Beckmann's History of
it Paomet, and Capt. Smith Paw- Inventions, iii. 440. met. It is pronounced as if spelt * Miles Standish appears now
Parmit. in these Chronicles for the first
^ Their guns were matchlocks, time, as the military leader of the
as appears from their having " five Pilgrims. His name has not been
126
CAPTAIN MILES STANDISH.
CHAP- adjoined, for counsel and advice, William Bradford,^
IX
16 20. Nov.
Stephen Hopkins,^ and Edward Tilley.
mentioned in Gov. Bradford's His- tory. He took no part in the nego- tiations with the Virginia Com- pany or with the merchant advt^n- turers. He was not one of Robin- son's church before it left Enphuid ; but serviuja: in the Low Countries, in the forces sent over by Queen Elizabeth to aid the Dutch arrainst the Spaniards, he fell in, as Wins- low did, with Robinson and his cong-ren-ation, liked them and their principles, and though not a mem- ber of their church, either volunta- rily, or at their request, embarked with them for America. Morton, p. 262, says that he was " a gentle- man, born in Lancashire, and was heir apparent unto a great estate of lands and livings, surreptitiously detained from him. liis great grand- father being a second or younger brother from the house of Standish." This is not improbable. There are at this time in England two an- cient families of the name, one of Standish Hall, and the other of Duxbury Park, both in Lancashire, who trace their descent from a common ancestor, Ralph de Stand- ish, living in 1221. There seems always to have been a military spirit in the family. Froissart, relating in his Chronicles the me- morable meeting between Richard II. and Wat Tyler, says that after the rebel was struck from his horse by William Walworth, " then a squyer of the kynges alyted, called John Standysshe, and he drewe out his sworde, and put into Wat Tyler's belye, and so he dyed." For this act Standish was knighted. In 1415, another Sir John .Stand- ish fought at the battle of Agin- court. From his giving the name of Duxbury to the town where he settled, near Plymouth, and call- ing his eldest son Alexander, (a common name in the Slaiidish fam- ily,) I have no doubt that Miles was a scion from this ancient and
warlike stock, which he did not dishonor. Wiiilst writing this note, 1 observe in the journals of the day, the death (Dec. 7, 1810, at Cadiz,) of " Fratik Hall Standish, Esq, of Duxbury Hall, Lancas- hire."— The Plymouth soldier was a man of small stature, but of such an active and daring spirit that he spread terror through all the Indian tribes from Massachusetts Bay to Martha's Vineyard, and from Cape Cod harbour to Narraganset. In the autumn of 1025 he went to England, as an agent of the colony, and returned in the spring of 1020. In 1030 he removed to Duxbury, which was undoubtedly so called after the family seat of his ances- tors. He had six children, and four sons, Alexander, Miles, Josiah, and Charles, survived him, whose nu- merous descendants are to he found in several towns in Plymouth county, in Connecticut, and in the State of New York. He lived and died at the foot of Captain's Hill, in Dux- bury, so called after him, a monu- mental landmark that will hand his name down to the latest times. He was au assistant in 1633, and was repeatedly n elected to this office. He died in 10.50, but his age is unknown. — Smith, in his Hist, of N. Jersey, p. 18, commits a singular error in saying that "about the year 1020 the Plymouth Com- pany sent a fresh recruit from Eng- land under the command of Capt. Standish." See Belknap, Am. Biog. ii. 310 ; Mass. Hist. Coll, xviii, 121, XX, 58 — 01 ; Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 401 ; Mitchell's Hist, of Bridgewater, p. 307 ; Burke's Hist, of the Commoners of Great Britain, ii. 04, and iv, 642.
^ Winslow not being one of the party, I consider Bradford the sole author of this part of the Journal.
^ Stcpiien Hopkins, whose name stands the 14lh in order among the signers of the Compact, with the
FIRST SIGHT OP THE INDIANS.
127
Wednesday, the loth of November, they were set chap.
ashore ; ^ and when they had ordered themselves in - ^-L-
the order of a single file, and marched about the 1^20. space of a mile by the sea, they espied five or six 15. people, with a dog, coming towards them, who were savages ; who, when they saw them, ran into the wood,^ and whistled the dog after them, &c. First they supposed them to be Master Jones, the master, and some of his men, for they were ashore and knew of their coming ; but after they knew them to be In- dians, they marched after them into the woods, lest other of the Indians should he in ambush. But when the Indians saw our men following them, they ran away with might and main ; and our men turned out of the wood after them, for it was the way they in- tended to go, but they could not come near them. They followed them that night about ten miles ^ by
honorable prefix of Mr., seems to have been a person of some consid- eration among the Pilgrims. From the same list it appears that he brought two servants or laborers with him, Dotey and Leister. It has already been mentioned, p. 100, that he had a son born on the voy- age, named Oceanus. His wife's name was Elizabeth, and his three other children were Giles, Caleb, and Deborah. We are told further on in this Journal, under Dec. 6, that he joined the emigrants in Eng- land, not having been one of Robin- son's congregation at Leyden. He went on two at least of the three excursions from Cape Cod harbour, and on the present occasion in the capacity of a counsellor. He was generally deputed to accompany Standish, and from this it may be inferred that he was somewhat of a military man, at least more so than the others ; or it may be, his cool- ness was deemed important to tem- per the ardor of the captain. Thus
he was adjoined to Standish Feb. 17, 1621, to meet the two Indians who showed themselves on Wat- son's hill ; and March 16. Samoset was lodged for safe keeping at his house. He was also Winslow's companion on his visit to Massas- soit at Pokanoket in July. He was an assistant to the governor of Plymouth from 1633 to 1636, and seems to have been much employed in public affairs. Nothing more is known about him, except that he was alive in 1643. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 184.
' The men were probably set ashore at Long Point.
2 Probably at Wood End.
^ After keeping along the shore for a mile, they turned in to the left after the Indians, and probably pursued them circuitously among the hills back of the village. As they were travelling on foot in the sands, the distance is probably overrated .
128 THE PILGRIMS AT EAST HARBOUR.
CHAP, the trace of their footings, and saw how they had come
L the same way they went, and at a turning perceived
16 20. liow they ran up a hill/ to see whether they followed them. At length night came upon them, and they were constrained to take up their lodging.^ 80 they set forth three sentinels ; and the rest, some kindled a fire, and others fetched wood, and there held our ^ rendezvous that night. Nov. In the morniniT, so soon as we could see the trace,
16. ^
we proceeded on our journey, and had the track until we had compassed the head of a long creek ; "^ and there they took into another wood, and we after them, supposing to find some of their dwellings. But we marched through boughs and bushes, and under hills and valleys,^ which tore our very armor in pieces, and yet could meet with none of them, nor their houses, nor find any fresh water, which we greatly desired and stood in need of; for we brought neither beer nor water with us, and our victuals was only biscuit and Holland cheese, and a little bottle of aqua- vitae, so as we were sore athirst. About ten o'clock
' Perhaps Snow's hill ; or, it may ^ The wi iter of course was one
be, INIt. Gill)oa or Mt. Ararat. of the party — undoubtedly Brad-
^ Probably near Stout's Creek, ford, opposite Beach Point. Stout's ■* East Harbour Creek, a distance
Creek is a small branch of East of about three miles and a half. F.
Harbour Creek. Many years ago The entrance into East Harbour is
tliere was a body of salt marsh on at the extremity of Beach Point.
it, and it then deserved the name It is very shoal, both at its entrance
of a creek. But the marsh was and within it, having only one to
long since destroyed ; and the creek three feet at ordinary low water.
scarcely exists, appearing only like No other use is made of it as a
a small depression in the sand, and harbour than to moor or lay up the
being entirely dry at half tide, small craft belonging to this place,
One of the life-boats provided by in the winter season, to protect
the Humane Society of Massachu- them from the ice. See Major
setts, at the expense of the State, Graham's Report, p. 13. is stationed on the outer shore of = Excepting the trees and bush-
the Cape, opposite Stout's Creek, es, which have disappeared, this
Graham puts the creek down on his is an exact description of that
chart, but omits the name. See part of Truro, called East Har-
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 198; viii. HI. hour. F.
NEW ENGLAND WATER.
129
we came into a deep valley,' full of brush, wood- chap. gaile,^ and long grass, through which we found Httle -^-,^ paths or tracks ; and there we saw a deer, and found 1620.
Nov.
springs of fresh water,^ of which we were heartily le. glad, and sat us down and drunk our first New Eng- land water, with as much delight as ever we drunk drink in all our lives."*
When we had refreshed ourselves, we directed our course full south,^ that w^e might come to the shore, which within a short while after we did, and there
' In this valley is the small vil- lage of East Harbour. It is going to decay, and probably will not long exist. F. — There are now four or five houses remaining. An old gentleman, resident in the valley, told me on the spot in Aug. 1840, that he recollected when there were seventeen houses there.
* The wood-gaile was probably what is called the sweet gale, or Dutch myrtle, [myrica gale.) See Bigelow's Plants of Boston and its vicinity, p. 393, (3d ed.)
' In the midst of the valley above mentioned is a swamp called Dyer's Swamp. Around it was formerly a number of springs of fresh water ; and a few still remain, though probably before another century is closed, they will be choked with sand, as many of them already have been. F. — There is now in the valley a hollow over- grown with bushes ; but in Aug. 1840, I could find no springs round it, and the oldest inhabitant recol- lected none.
* The water and air of New England have always been justly famous. Brereton, who accom- panied Gosnold in 1602, speaks of the " many springs of excellent sweet water " which he found on the Elizabeth islands. Capt. John Smith, in his Description of New England says, " The waters are most pure, proceeding from the entrails of rocky mountains." Hig-
17
ginson, in his New England's Plantation, remarks that " the country is full of dainty springs," and that " a sup of New England's air is better than a whole draught of Old England's ale." Morton, in his New English Canaan, ch. 8, says " and for the water, therein it excelleth Canaan by much ; for the land is so apt for fountains, a man cannot dig amiss. Therefore if the Abrahams and Lots of our times come thither, there needs be no contention for wells. In the deli- cacy of waters, and the conveniency of them, Canaan came not near this country." Wood, in his New Eng- land's Prospect, ch. 5, says " The country is as well watered as any land under the sun ; every family or every two families having a spring of sweet water betwixt them. It is thought there can be no better water in the world. These springs be not only within land, but likewise bordering on the sea-coast, so that sometimes the tides overflow some of them." It is well known that the first settlement of Boston was determined by its abundance of " sweet and pleasant springs." See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 120, i. 120, 121, xii. 88, xx. 173, 175; Snow's History of Boston, p. 31. — The water of Truro is still excel- lent, whilst that of Provincetown is poor.
* The course from Dyer's Swamp to the Pond is south. F.
130
THE POND, TN TRURO.
CHAP, made a fire, that they in the sliip might sec where we .^-J^ were, as we had direction ; and so marched on towards 1020. this supposed river. And as we went, in another val- 16. ley we found a fine clear pond of fresh water, being about a musket shot broad, and twice as long.^ Tiiere grew also many small vines, and fowl and decr~ haunt- ed there. There grew much sassafras.^ From thence we went on, and found much plain ground,^ about fifty acres, fit for the plough, and some signs where the
' Pond Villajre, which was for- merly the principal village in Truro, but of late years exceeded by Painct, takes its name from this jiond. It is situated about a mile south of tlie ■village of East Harbour. The hifrh and sleep banks on the bay are here intersected by a valley which runs directly from the shore, and soon divides itself into two branches. In this valley the houses stand, and are defended from the winds, whilst the entrance of it affords a conve- nient landing place. The pond begins near the western shore, and extends east. About a mile east of it, on the Clay Pounds, stands the Highland or Cape Cod light-house. The pond is not now more than half-a-musket shot broad, though it is quite as long as it is here repre- sented. In Aug. 1840, I found the upper or eastern part of it over- grown with tlags and bushes. It was no doubt formerly much larger, and has been gradually filling up. Many of our swamps were origin- ally ponds of water.
^ Deer were seen near this pond by persons living at the beginning of the present century. F.
^ This is the third time the sas- safras has been mentioned. On the first discovery of America, great medicinal virtues were ascribed to the bark and roots of this tree, and ship-loads of it were exported to Europe. Monardes, a Spanish phy- sician of Seville, who published in 1574, his second part of his " His- toria medicinal de las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias Occiden-
talca que sirven en medicina," after mentioning its great efficacy in dropsies, agues, liver-complaints, &:c. ends with exclaiming, fol. G2, " Bendito nuestro Senor, que iios dio este tan excelentissimo arbol, llamado sassafras, que tan grandes virtudes y tan maravillo.sos efectos, como avemos dicho, tiene, y mas los que el tiempo nos enscfiara, que es descubridor de todas las cosas." The roots were sold in England at three shillings a pound in Gosnold's time, (IGO'2,) who partly loaded his vessel with it from one of the Elizabeth islands. Brereton, the journalist of that voyage, speaks of " sassafras trees, great plenty, all the island over, a tree of high price and profit ; " and Archer, another of the voyagers, says that " the powder of sassafras in twelve hours cured one of our company that had taken a great surfeit by eating the bellies of dog-fish, a very delicious meat." See Purchas, iv. 'lG4G, 1G49. 1653 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 257 ; Michaux's Sylva Americana, ii. 144 ; Bigelow's Medical Botany, ii. 142, and Plants of Boston and its Vicinity, p. 170. For the use of Monardes, and of " Frampton's loyfuU Newes out of the Nevv-fi)und Worlde," which is nothing but a translation of it, printed at London in 1596, I am indebted to the rich library of Har- vard College. — Sassafras is still found on Cape Cod, but in a dwarf- ish form.
^ The land on the south side of the Pond is an elevated plain. F.
INDIAN CORN FOUND.
131
Indians had formerly planted their corn.^ After this, chap. some thought it best, for nearness of the river, to go .—J^ down and travel on the sea sands, by which means 16 20.
•^ Not.
some of our men were tired, and lagged behind. So le. we stayed and gathered them up, and struck into the land again ; ^ where we found a little path to certain heaps of sand, one whereof was covered with old
' " The Indian corn {zca mays) called by the Mexicans tla'dlli by the Haytians maize, and by the Massachusetts Indians eachimmi- nrash, is found everywhere on the continent from Patagonia to Cana- da, and next to rice and wheat, is the most valuable of grains. There can hardly be a doubt that it is a native of America, unknown before the discovery of Columbus. The adventurers who first penetrated into Mexico and Peru found it everywhere cultivated, and in com- mon use as an article of food among- the aborigines. Its culture did not attract notices in Europe till after the voyage of Columbus, nor is it described in any work prior to the end of the 15ih century. It was unknown to the ancient Greek and Roman writers, the passages in their works which have been sup- posed to refer to it being more ap- plicable to other grains, such as tlie hokus sorghum. It is not men- tioned by the earlier travellers who visited China, India, and other parts of Asia and Africa, and who were very minute in describing the pro- ductions of the countries which they visited. Acosta, in his Natural and Moral History of the Indies, (published in 1596,) says, lib. iv. ch. If). " In our discourse on plants we will begin with those which are proper and peculiar to the Indies. As wheat is the most common grain for the use of man in the re- gions of the old world, so in the new found world the most common grain is mays, the which is found almost in all the kingdoms of the West Indies. I do not think that this mays is any thing inferior to
our wheat, in strength nor sub- stance. To conclude, God hath imparted to every region what is needful. To this continent he hath given wheat, which is the chief nourishment of man ; and to the Indians he hath given mays, which hath the second place to wheat, for the nourishment of men and beasts." The maize is correctly figured in Oviedo"s General and Natural His- tory of the Indies, in Ramusio, Delle Navigationi et Viaggi, iii. fol. 131. See Hernandez, Historia Plantarum Novae Hispaniee, lib. vi. cap. 44 ; Lamarck's Botany, in the Encyclopedic Meiiiodique, xxxvi. 680, Planches, 749 ; and Winthrop"s Description of Maize in the London Phil. Trans, xi. 1065. — The principal argument against the American origin of maize is that it has never been found grow- ing wild in any part of this con- tinent. This statement, however, is disputed. Cobbett, in his Essay on Corn, ch. 2, maintains that " the cultivation of Indian corn is as old as the world itself," and draws his chief arguments from the following passages of Scripture — Matt. xii. 1 ; 2 Kings, iv. 2 ; Job xxiv. 24 ; Lev. ii. 14 ; xxiii. 14 ; Deut. xxiii. 24, 25 ; Gen. xli. 5, which he thinks are applicable to maize, but not to wheat.
* Probably at the Great Hollow. F. A mile south of the Pond vil- lage, the bank on the bay is inter- sected by another valley called the Great Hollow. This valley and another near it, towards the north- east, called the Great Swamp, con- tain several houses. The Great Hollow is separated fiom the Pond
132
WALNUTS, STRAWBERRIES, AND VINES.
CHAP, mats, and had a wooden thing, Hke a mortar, whelm-
IX
..^_L ed on the top of it, and an earthen pot laid in a httle 162 0. hole at the end thereof. We, musing what it might 16. be, digged and found a bow, and, as we thought, arrows, but they were rotten. We supposed there were many other things ; but because we deemed them graves, we put in the bow again, and made it up as it was, and left the rest untouched, because we thought it would be odious unto them to ransack their sepulchres.
We went on further and found new stubble, of which they had gotten corn this year, and many walnut trees ^ full of nuts, and great store of strawberries,^ and some vines.^ Passing thus a field or two, which were not
village by a high hill, which com- mands an extensive prospect of the ocean, Cape Cod harbour, and ihe opposite shore, as far as the broad bluff of Manomet, in Plymouth, and the high lands of Marshfield.
' T. Morton says, ch. 2, "Of walnut trees there is infinite store, and there are four sorts ; it is an excellent wood, for many uses ap- proved." Wood says,ch. 5. "The walnut tree is something different from the English walnut, and bears a very good nut, something smaller, but nothing inferior in sweetness and goodness to the English nut, having no bitter peel." And Jos- selyn says, p. 50, " The nuts of the walnut differ much from ours in Europe, they being smooth, much like a nutmeg in shape, and not much bigger ; some three-cornered, all of them but thinly replenished with kernels."
*" There is strawberries," says Wood, "in abundance, very large ones, some being two inches about ; one may gather half a bushel in a forenoon." Roger Williams, in his Key into the Language of America, ch. 16, says " This berry is the wonder of all the fruits, growing naturally in those parts. In some
places where the natives have planted, I have many times seen as many as would fill a good ship within a few miles' compass." See Maos. Hist. Coll. iii. 221. "The common wild strawberry, (frogaria Virginiana,y says Bigelow, Plants of 13oston, p. 215, " is a very deli- cious fruit, and when cultivated is inferior to few imported species. The berries ripen early, are of a light scat let color, exquisitely fla- vored, but more soft and perishable than the other kinds."
* " Vines there are that bear grapes of three colors, white, black, and red. The country is so apt for vines that, but for the fire at the spring of the year, the vines would so overspread the land, that one should not be able to pass for them. The fruit is as big, of some, as a musket ball, and is excel- lent in taste." T. Morton, ch. 2. " The vines afford great store of grapes, which are very big, both for the grape and cluster, sweet and good. These be of two sorts, red and white. There is likewise a smaller kind of grape, which groweth in the islands, which is sooner ripe, and more delectable." Wood, ch. 5.
INDIAN BARNS. 133
great, we came to another,^ which had also been new chap.
IX
gotten, and there we found where a house had been, .__J^ and four or five old planks laid together.^ Also we 1 6 2 o. found a great kettle, which had been some ship's ket- le. ' tie, and brought out of Europe. There was also a heap of sand,^ made like the former, — but it was newly done, we might see how they had paddled it with their hands, — which we digged up, and in it we found a little old basket, full of fair Indian corn ; and digged further, and found a fine great new basket, full of very fair corn of this year, with some six and thirty goodly ears of corn, some yellow, and some red, and others mixed with blue,'* which was a very goodly sight. The basket was round, and narrow at the top. It held about three or four bushels, which was as much as two of us could lift up from the ground, and was very handsomely and cunningly made.^ But whilst
' From the Great Hollow the in this manner it is preserved from
sixteen adventurers travelled south destruction or putrefaction, to be
to the hill which terminates in used in case of necessity, and not
Hopkins's Cliff (or Uncle Sam's else." T. Morton, ch. 13. "Their
hill, as it is now vulgarly called.) corn being ripe, they gather it, and
This they called Cornhill. The dry it hard in the sun, convey it to
Indians formerly dwell in great their barns, which be great holes
numbers on this hill ; and the digged in the ground, in form of a
shells, deposited by them on it, are brass pot, ceiled with rinds of trees,
still ploughed up in abundance, wherein they put their corn."
Hopkins's Cliff is between the Great Wood, ch. 20.
Hollow and Hopkins's Creek, or ■* This corn of mixed colors on
Pamet little river, as it is now the same cob, yellow, red, and blue,
called. is still common at Truro.
* This was probably the remains ° " In summer they gather flags,
of a hut built by some shipwrecked of which they make mats for
sailors. houses, and hemp and rushes, with
^ " Their barns are holes made in dying stuff, of which they make
the earth, that will hold a hogs- curious baskets, with intermixed
head of corn apiece. In these, colors, and portraitures of antique
when their corn is out of the husk, imagery. These baskets be of all
and well dried, they lay their store sizes, from a quart to a quarter, in
in great baskets, with mats under, which they carry their luggage."
about the sides, and on the top; Wood, ch. 30. " Instead of shelves,
and putting it into the place made they have several baskets, wherein
for it, they cover it with earth, and they put all their household stuff.
134 OLD TOM'S HILL, IN TRURO.
CHAP, we were busy about these things, we set our men sen- Ji5^ tinel in a round ring, all but two or three, which dig- 16 2 0. ged up the corn. We were in suspense what to do 16. ' with it and the kettle ; and at length, after much con- sultation, we concluded to take the kettle, and as much of the corn as we could carry away with us ; and when our shallop came, if we could find any of the people, and come to parley with them, we would give them the kettle again, and satisfy them for their corn.^ So we took all the ears, and put a good deal of the loose corn in the kettle, for two men to bring away on a staff. Besides, they that could put any into their pockets, filled the same. The rest we buried again ; for we were so laden with armor - that we could carry no more.
Not far from this place we found the remainder of an old fort or pahsado, which, as we conceived, had been made by some Christians.^ This was also hard by that place which we thought had been a river ; unto which we went, and found it so to be, dividing itself into two arms by a high bank,'' standing right
They have some great bags or ish's grandsons is said to have been
sacks, made of hemp, which will in possession of his coat of mail,
hold five or six bushels." Roger His sword and that of Carver and
Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. Brewster, are in the cabinet of the
212. Massachusetts Historical Society.
' It will be seen that within eight Some doubt however is thrown on months they scrupulously fulfilled this point from the circumstance this their honest intention, and that the Pilgrim Society of Ply- gave the owners of the corn " full mouth have also in their posses- content." The censure of Baylies, sion "the identical sword-blade i. 54, on their conduct as " inexcu- used by Miles Standish." See sable," and as " compromising their Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 216, 336 ; consciences," might as well have Thachei's History of Plymouth, p. been spared. See p. 204. 258, second edition.
'^ It is worthy of notice that the * Perhaps by the same persons
Pilgrims were cased in armor. See who owned the kettle and built the
pages 125 and 128. One of their hut. See p. 133. corslets would be a far more pre- ^ Bradford, in his History, as
cious relic than a cuirass from the quoted by Piince, p. 163, says " a
field of Waterloo. One of Stand- high cliff of sand at the entrance."
PAMET RIVER.
135
by the cut or mouth, which came from the sea. That chap.
IX.
which was next unto us was the less.^ The other ^^ —
arm^ was more than twice as big, and not unhke to 1620.
® Nov.
be a harbour for ships ; but whether it be a fresh 16. river, or only an indraught of the sea, we had no time to discover ; for we had commandment to be out but two days. Here also we saw two canoes ; ^ the one
This is an accurate description of the entrance of Pamet liver. The high bank of sand, is called Old Tom's hill, after an Indian chief, who in former times had its seat on its summit, and who received this name from the first English settlers. It is the termination of a neck of land situated between the two creeks, called Indian Neck, it having been reserved to the In- dians on the first settlement of Truro, about the year 1700. Prince, p. 163, has fallen into a great mis- take in supposing that Barnstable harbour was the place here de- scribed. The description does not suit the harbour of Barnstable, or any other creek or inlet in the bay, except Pamet harbour ; and, as Belknap rightly observes, (Am. Biog. ii. 196,) neither the time nor distance can agree with Prince's conjecture. Barnstable is fifty miles from Cape Cod harbour by land ; a distance which could not have been travelled, and back again, in three short days of No- vember. F.
' The smallest creek, which was next to the travellers, is called Hopkins's Creek, or Pamet little river. There is on it a body of salt marsh, which runs half way across the township of Truro. The depth of water in this creek, when the tide is in, is five feet. F.
^ Pamet river, which is a creek forced into the land from the bay, and extends almost across the town- ship, being separated from the ocean by nothing but a narrow beach and embankment, which the water has been known to break over. The
creek runs through a body of salt marsh. The mouth of it lies nearly south-east from Cape Cod harbour, nine miles distant. It is about a mile south of the Great Hollow, and is a little to the north of what is called the shoal ground, without Billingsgate Point. The part of Truro, south of Pamet river, on the bay, is called Hog's Back. See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 190.
^ " Of the birch bark the salvages of the northern parts make them delicate canoes, so light that two men will transport one of them over land whither they list, and one of them will transport ten or twelve salvages by water at a time." T. Morton, ch. 2. " Their canoes are made either of pine trees, which, before they were acquainted with English tools, they burned hollow, scraping them smooth with clam shells and oyster shells, cutting their outsides with stone hatchets ; these boats be not above a foot and a half or two foot wide, and twenty foot long. Their other canoes be made of thin birch rinds, close ribbed on the inside with broad thin hoops, like the hoops of a tub ; these are made very light ; a man may carry one of them a mile ; being made purposely to carry from river to river, and bay to bay, to shorten land passages. In tiiese cockling fly-boats, wherein an Eng- lishman can scarce sit without a fearful tottering, they will venture to sea, when an English shallop dare not bare a knot of sail, scud- ding over the overgrown waves as fast as a wind-diiven ship, being driven by their paddles ; being much
136 CANOE AND DEER-TRAP.
CHAP, on the one side, the other on the other side.' We
IX
.^ L. could not beheve it was a canoe, till we came near it.
16 20. So we returned, leaving the further discovery hereof Nov.
16. to our shallop, and came that night back again to the
fresh water pond ; and there we made our rendezvous that night, making a great fire, and a barricado to windward of us, and kept good watch with three sen- tinels all night, every one standing when his turn came, while five or six inches of match ^ was burning. It proved a very rainy night. Nov. In the morning, we took our kettle and sunk it in
17. •?'
the pond, and trimmed our muskets, for few of them would go oflf because of the wet ; and so coasted the wood ^ again to come home, in which we were shrewdly puzzled, and lost our way. As we wandered we came to a tree, where a young sprit ^ was bowed down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins said, it had been to catch some deer. So as we were looking at it, William Bradford being in the rear, when he came looked also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was immediately caught by the leg.^ It was a very pretty
like baltledoors ; if a cross wave trees and smooth vi^rought cords ;
(which is seldom) turn her keel so strong as it will toss a horse if
upside down, they by swimming he be caught in it. An English
free her, and scramble into her mare, being strayed from her owner,
again." Wood, ch. 17. and grown wild by hor long so-
' That is, of the bank, in the two journing in the woods, ranging
arms of the creek. up and down with the wild crew,
* This proves that their guns were stumbled into one of these traps, matchlocks. See p. 125. which stopped her speed, hanging
' The wood was terminated by her, like Mahomet's coffin, betwixt
the Pond, by the side of which they earth and heaven. In these traps
travelled, and then through a valley, deer, moose, bears, wolves, cats and
which is continued from it, east, foxes are often caught." "The
toward the ocean. F. salvages" says T. Morton, ch. 5,
* A sapling, a young tree, " take the deer in traps made of
* Wood says, ch. 15, "their deer- their natural hemp, which they traps are springs made of young place in the earth, where they fell
THE EXPLOPaNG PARTY RETURN. 137
device, made with a rope of their own making, and chap. having a noose as artificially made as any roper ^ in ^^ — ^-L- England can make, and as like ours as can be : which 1 620.
*= . Nov.
we brought away with us. In the end we got out of 17. the wood, and were fallen about a mile too high above the creek ; ^ where we saw three bucks,^ but we had rather have had one of them. We also did spring three couple of partridges ; ^ and as we came along by the creek, we saw great flocks of wild geese and ducks,^ but they were very fearful of us. So we marched some while in the woods, some while on the sands, and other while in the water up to the knees ; till at length we came near the ship ; ^ and then we shot off our pieces, and the long boat came to fetch us. Master Jones and Master Carver being on the shore, with many of our people, came to meet us. And thus we came both weary and welcome home ; " and delivered in our corn into the store to be kept for seed, for we knew not how to come by any, and therefore were very glad, purposing, so soon as we could meet with any of the inhabitants of that place, to make them large satisfaction. This was our first discovery, whilst our shallop was in repairing.
Our people did make things as fitting as they could,
a tree for browse ; and when he ^ Probably the Canada goose, rounds the tree for the browse, if {anser Canadensis,) and the dusky- he tread on the trap, he is horsed duck, [anas obscvra). up by the leg-, by means of a pole ® After going about a mile east, that starts up and catcheth him."' they compassed the head of East ' Ropemaker. Harbour Creek, and went down on ' This brought them out about a the north side of it. They then mile east of High Head, and about waded through Stout's Creek, and two miles north-west of the High- also through Mill Creek, near Gull land Light. Hill, and passed on to the end of ^ See page 130. Long Point, near which the ship * The partridge, {perdrLv Virgini- lay. See note ' on page 120. ana,) or quail, as it is called in New '' They had been absent three England, is still found in Tiuro. days. 18
138 THE SECOND EXPEDITION.
CHAP, and time would, in seeking out wood, and helving of J^ tools, and sawing of timber, to build a new shallop. 16 20. But the discommodiousness of the harbour did much hinder us ; for we could neither iro to nor come from the shore but at high water, which was nmch to our hindrance and hurt ; for oftentimes they waded to the middle of the thigh, and oft to the knees, to go and come from land.' Some did it necessarily, and some for their own pleasure ; but it brought to the most, if not to all, coughs and colds, (the weather proving suddenly cold and stormy,) which afterwards turned to the scurvy, whereof many died.
When our shallop was fit, (indeed before she was fully fitted, for there was two days' work after bestowed on her,) there was appointed some four and twenty men of our own, and armed, then to go and make a more full discovery of the rivers before mentioned. Master Jones was desirous to go with us, and we took such of his sailors as he thought useful for us ; so as we were in all about four and thirty men.~ We made Master Jones our leader ; for we thought it best herein to gratifv' his kindness and forwardness.^ When we Nov. were set forth,^ it proved rough weather and cross
27 ' 1
wmds; so as we were constrained, some in the shallop, and others in the long boat, to row to the nearest shore the wind would suffer them to go unto, and then to wade out above the knees. The wind was so strong as the shallop could not keep the water, but was forced to harbour there ^ that night. But we marched
* See note' on page 120. wronged them. See note * on page
^ Of course they had ten of 102.
Jones's crew. * This was ten days after their
' This shows that they could return from their first excursion,
have harboured no suspicion * In East Harbour. The men
that Jones had betrayed and who marched several miles, and
THE PILGRIMS EXPLORE PAMET RIVER. lOlJ
six or seven miles further, and appointed the shallop chap.
to come to us as soon as they could. It blowed and
did snow all that day and night, and froze withal. 1620. Some of our people that are dead took the original of their death liere.^
The next day, about eleven o'clock, our shallop Nov. came to us, and we shipped ourselves ; and the wind being good, we sailed to the river we formerly dis- covered, which we named Cold Harbour ; to which when we came, we found it not navigable for ships ; yet we thought it might be a good harbour for boats, for it flows there twelve foot at high water.^ We landed our men between the two creeks,^ and marched some four or five miles ^ by the greater of them, and the shallop followed us. At length night grew on, and our men were tired with marching up and down the steep hills and deep valleys,^ which lay half a foot thick with snow. Master Jones, wearied with march- ing, was desirous we should take up our lodging, though some of us would have marched further. So we made there our rendezvous for that night under a few pine trees ; and as it fell out, we got three fat geese,*^
what they supposed to be six or straight line. The tradition is, that
seven miles farther, were landed on Pamet river was formerly deeper
Beach Point, which forms this har- than it is at present, and therefore
hour. F. the shallop might easily follow
' See pages 120 and 138. them. F.
' The mouth of Pamet river is * This is an exact description of twelve feet deep at high water, the land on Pamet river. F. Truro Thence the water gradually de- is composed of hills and narrow- creases to five feet, which is the circular valleys. There are also depth at the lower bridge. This is some long valleys, running at right to be understood of the lowest tides, angles with the shore. The tops during the summer. F. of some of the hills spread out into
' The men were landed at the a plain. foot of Old Tom's hill. F. ® " There are three kinds of
* From Old Tom's hill to the goose, the gray goose, the white
head of Pamet river the distance is goose, and the brant." Josselyn,
about three miles and a half, as p. 9. " There are geese of three
the hills run, or three miles in a sorts, viz. brant geese, which are
140 THEY RETURN TO HOPKINS'S CLIFF.
CHAP, and six ducks ^ to our supper, which we eat with sol-
IX
^.^J^ diers' stomachs, for we had eaten little all that day. 1G20. Our resolution was, next morning to go up to the
head of" this river, for we supposed it would prove
fresh water. Nov. But in the morninor our resolution held not, because
29. ....
many liked not the hilliness of the soil and badness of the harbour. So we turned towards the other creek, that we might go over and look for the re.'^t of the corn that we left behind when we were here before. When we came to the creek, we saw the canoe lie on the dry ground, and a flock of geese in the river, at which one made a shot and killed a couple of them ; and we launched the canoe and fetched them, and when we had done, she carried us over by seven or eight at once. This done, we marclied to the place where we had the corn formerly, which place we called Cornhill ; and digged and found the rest, of which
pied, and wliite geese which are a ])lack and while head, strong of bigger, and gray geese which are flight, and these be a great deal as big and bigger than the tame bigger than the ordinary geese of geese of EngUind, with black legs, England ; most of these geese re- black bills, heads and necks black ; main with us from Michaelmas to the flesh far more excellent than April. They feed on the sea, upon the geese of England, wild or tame, the grass in bays at low water, and There is of them great abundance ; gravel, and in the woods of acorns, I have had often a thousand before having, as other fowl have, their the mouth of my gun." T. Mor- pass and repass to the northward ton, ch. 4. "The geese of the and southward." Wood, ch. 8. country be of three sorts; first a '" Ducks there are of three kinds, brant goose, which is a goose al- pied ducks, gray ducks, and black most like the wild goose of England, ducks, in great abundance ; they are The second kind is a white goose, bigger bodied than the tame ducks almost as big as an English tame of England. T. IMorton, ch. 4. goose ; these come in great flocks " The ducks of the country be very about Michaelmas ; sometimes there large ones, and in great abundance, will be two or three thousand in a So there is of teal likewise. If I flock ; those continue six weeks and should tell you how some have so fly to the southward, returning killed a hundred geese in a week, in March, and staying six weeks fifty ducks at a shot, forty teal at more, returning to the northward, another, it may be counted almost The third kind of goose is a great impossible, though nothing more gray goose, with a black neck and certain." Wood, ch. 8.
MORE INDIAN CORN FOUND. 141
we were very glad. We also digged in a place a chap. little further off, and found a bottle of oil. We went - — ^-^ to another place, which we had seen before, and dig- 16 20. ged and found more corn, viz. two or three baskets full of Indian wheat, and a bag of beans, with a good many of fair wheat ^ ears. Whilst some of us were dig- ging up this, some others found another heap of corn, which they digged up also ; so as we had in all about ten bushels, which will serve us sufficiently for seed. And sure it was God's good providence that we found this corn, for else we know not how we should have done ; for we knew not how we should find or meet with any of the Indians, except it be to do us a mis- chief. Also, we had never in all likelihood seen a grain of it, if we had not made our first journey ; for the ground was now covered with snow, and so hard frozen that we were fain with our curtlaxes^ and short swords to hew and carve the ground a foot deep, and then wrest it up with levers, for we had forgot to bring other tools. Whilst we were in this employment, foul weather being towards. Master Jones was earnest to go aboard ; but sundry of us desired to make fur- ther discovery, and to find out the Indians' habitations. So we sent home with him our weakest people, and some that were sick, and all the corn ; and eighteen of us stayed still and lodged there that night, and desired that the shallop might return to us next day, and bring us some mattocks and spades with them.
The next morning, we followed certain beaten paths Nov. and tracks of the Indians into the woods, supposing they would have led us into some town or houses. After we had gone a while, we hght upon a very
* Indian corn is still meant. F. * Cutlasses.
Nov, 30
142 INDIAN GRAVES.
CHAP, broad beaten path, well nifrli two foot broad. Then
IX .
. ^ we lighted all our matches/ and prepared ourselves,
1^6 2 0. concluding that we were near their dwellings. But, in the end, we found it to be only a path - made to drive deer in, when the Indians hunt, as we supposed. When we had marched five or six miles into the woods, and could find no signs of any people, we re- turned again another way ; and as we came into the plain ground, we found a place like a grave, but it was much bigger and longer than any we had yet seen. It was also covered with boards, so as we mu.^^ed what it should be, and resolved to dig it uj) ; where we found first a mat, and under that a fair bow, and then ^ an- other mat, and under that a board about three quar- ters'' long, finely carved and painted ; with three tines or broaches^ on the top, like a crown. Also between the mats w^e found bowls, trays, dishes, and such like trinkets. At length we came to a fair new mat, and under that two bundles, the one bigger, the other less. AVe opened the greater, and found in it a great quan- tity of fine and perfect red powder, and in it the bones and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow hair still on it, and some of the flesh unconsumed. There was bound up with it a knife, a packneedle, and two or three old iron things. It was bound up in a sailor's
1 u*"^,""^? ',"" P^P ^^^- ?"t of this hedge, they set deer
1, iJl'fu u' /^^^ ^^°"^' ^'•^Ps-" See the description of
ch. 15, have other devices to kill them on pa^e 13G.
their game, as sometimes hedges a ^ i„ j,,^ J^^j j,,^, ^^^^^ _ u^doubt
mile or two miles long, being a edly a typographical error,
mile wide at one end, and made ^ Of a yard
narrower and narrovv-er by degrees, 5 Tines, prongs ; broaches, spits,
leavmgonlyagapofsixfuot long. Tines is a word still in common
over aganist which, in the day use in the interior of New En^-
time, they he lurking to shoot the land ; e. g. the tines of a pitchforl^.
irrn w"" "t '"?.' '^"T"'^ ''^^' ^«« ^"^f^ ^^^'^ Country Words, narrow gut ; in the night, at the p. 20.
AN EMBALMED BODY. 143
canvass cassock and a pair of cloth breeches.^ The chap.
IX
red powder was a kind of embalment, and yielded a ^
strong, but no offensive smell; it was as fine as any 16 20. flour. We opened the less bundle Hkewise, and found 39^' of the same powder in it, and the bones and head of a little child. About the legs and other parts of it was bound strings and bracelets of fine white beads.^ There was also by it a little bow, about three quarters long, and some other odd knacks.^ We brought sun- dry of the prettiest things away w^th us, and covered the corpse up again. After this we digged in sundry like places, but found no more corn, nor any thing else but graves.
There was variety of opinions amongst us about the embalmed person. Some thought it was an In- dian lord and king. Others said, the Indians have all black hair, and never any was seen with brown or yellow hair. Some thought it was a Christian of some special note, which had died amongst them, and they thus buried him to honor him. Others thought they had killed him, and did it in triumph over him.
Whilst we were thus ranging and searching, two of the sailors which were newly come on the shore, ^ by chance espied two houses, which had been lately dwelt in, but the people were gone. They having their
^ See pages 133 and 134. plank upon the top, in the form of
* Wampom, made of the peri- a chest, before they cover the place
winkle. F. with earth." And Roger Willianns
^ "It is their custom," says says, ch. 32, "After the dead is
Wood, ch. 19, " to bury with their laid in the grave, sometimes, in
deceased friends their bows and some parts, some goods are cast in
arrows, and good store of their with them ; and upon the grave is
wampompeag." Morton says, ch. spread the mat that the party died
17, that " in the grave of the more on, and the dish he ate in." noble they put a plank in the hot- * Having come from the ship
tom for the corpse to be laid upon, in the shallop when she returned
and on each side a plank, and a after carrying Jones on board.
144 INDIAN HOUSES.
CHAP, pieces, and hearing nobody, entered the houses, and
. — J~^ took out some things, and durst not stay, but came
162 0. ao^ain and told us. So some seven or eiijht of us went ivr 20,' with them, and found how we had gone within a flight
shot of them before. Tlic houses ' were made with long young sapling trees bended, and both ends stuck into the ground. They were made round, like unto an arbour, and covered down to the ground with thick and well wrought mats ; and the door was not over a yard high, made of a mat to open. The chimney was a wide open hole in the top ; for which they had a mat to cover it close when they pleased. One might stand and go upright in them. In the midst of them were four little trunchcs - knocked into the ground, and small sticks laid over, on which they hung their pots, and what they had to seethe. Round about the fire they lay on mats, which are their beds. The houses were double mattted ; for as they were matted with- out, so were they within, with newer and fairer mats. In the houses we found wooden bowls, trays, and dishes, earthen pots,=^ hand-baskets made of crab- shells wrought together ; also an English pail or buck- et; Mt wanted a bail, but it had two iron ears. There was also baskets of sundry sorts, bigger and some lesser, finer and some coarser. Some were curiously
' For the description of the Indian little and mean. The pots they
wigwams, see Roper Williams-s seethe their food in are made of clay
Key, ch. G; Wood's New Eng- or earth, almost in the form of an
lands Prospect ch. 20; Morton-s zrr^, the top taken off. Their
Wevv English Canaan ch. 4, and dishes and spoons and ladles are
Gookin s Historical Collections of made of wood, very smooth and
the Indians in New England, ch. 3, artificial, and of a sort of wood not
sec. 4, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149. subject to split." Gookin, ch. 3,
^ iruncheons, sticks. sec. 6.
"They have dainty wooden ^' This probably belonged to the
bowls of map e, of high price persons who built the hut and
amongst them " T. Morton, ch. owned the kettle, mentioned on
1^. " 1 heir household stufl IS but page 133,
THE SECOND EXPLORING PARTY RETURN. 145
wrought with black and white in pretty works, and chap. sundry other of their household stuff. ^ We found also ^^-^ two or three deer's heads, one whereof had been i6 2o.
Nov.
newly killed, for it was still fresh. There was also a so. company of deer's feet stuck up in the houses, harts' horns, and eagles' claws, and sundry such like things there was ; also two or three baskets full of parched acorns,^ pieces of fish, and a piece of a broiled herring. We found also a little silk grass, and a little tobacco seed, with some other seeds which we knew not. Without was sundry bundles of flags, and sedge, bul- rushes, and other stuff to make mats.^ There was thrust into a hollow tree two or three pieces of veni- son ; but we thought it fitter for the dogs than for us. Some of the best things we took away with us, and left the houses standing still as they were.
So it growing towards night, and the tide almost spent, we hasted with our things down to the shallop, and got aboard that night, intending to have brought some beads and other things to have left in the houses, in sign of peace, and that we meant to truck with them ; but it was not done by means of our hasty coming away from Cape Cod. But so soon as we
• " Some of their baskets are for a novelty." Williams's Key, made of rushes, some of bents, ch. 16. " They mix with their others of maize husks, others of a pottage, several sorts of nuts or kind of silk grass, others of a kind masts, as oak acorns, chestnuts, of wild hemp, and some of barks walnuts ; these husked, and dried, of trees ; many of them very neat and powdered, they thicken their and artificial, with the portraitures pottage therewith." Gookin, ch. 3, of birds, beasts, fishes and flowers sec. 5.
upon them in colors." Gookin, ch. * "They make mats of several
3, sec. 6. sorts, for covering their houses and
* " They also dry acorns ; and doors, and to sleep and sit upon. in case of want of corn, by much The meaner sort of wigwams are boiling they make a good dish of covered with mats made of a kind them; yea, sometimes in plenty of bulrush." Gookin, ch. 3, sec. 4 of corn, do they eat these acorns and 6.
19
146 REASONS FOR SETTLING AT PAMET RIVER.
CHAP, can meet conveniently with them, we will give them
JiL full satisfaction.^ Thus much of our second discovery.
162 0. Having thus discovered this place, it was contro-
^^^' versaP amongst us what to do touching our abode
and settling there.^
Some thought it best, for many reasons, to abide there. As first, that there was a convenient harbour for boats, though not for ships. Secondly, good corn- ground ready to our hands, as we saw by experience in the goodly corn it yielded, which would again agree with the ground and be natural seed for the same. Thirdly, Cape Cod was like to be a place of good fishing ; for we saw daily great whales, of the best kind for oil and bone, come close aboard our ship, and, in fair weather, swim and play about us.* There was once one, when the sun shone warm, came and lay above water, as if she had been dead, for a good while together, within half a musket shot of the ship ; at which two were prepared to shoot, to see whether she would stir or no. He that gave fire first, his musket flew in pieces, both stock and barrel ; yet, thanks be to God, neither he nor any man else was hurt with it, though many were there about. But when the whale saw her time, she gave a snuff, and away. Fourthly, the place was likely to be healthful, secure, and defensible.
But the last and especial reason was, that now the heart of winter and unseasonable weather was come upon us, so that we could not go upon coasting and discovery without danger of losing men and boat, upon
^ See page 137 and note ' on page ^ That is, at Pamet river. I'^'l. •» See note ^ on page 119.
** ControveTted, says Morton, in his Memorial, page 42.
REASONS AGAINST IT. 147
which would follow the overthrow of all, especially chap. consideriniy what variable winds and sudden storms do — L^
o
there arise. Also, cold and wet lodsinoj had so tainted 1 6 2o.
Dec.
our people, (for scarce any of us were free from vehe- ment coughs,) as if they should continue long in that estate, it would endanger the lives of many, and breed diseases and infection amongst us. Again, we had yet some beer, butter, flesh, and other such victuals left, which would quickly be all gone ; and then we should have nothing to comfort us in the great labor and toil we were likely to undergo at the first. It was also conceived, whilst we had competent victuals, that the ship would stay with us ; but when that grew low, they would be gone, and let us shift as we could.
Others, again, urged greatly the going to Anguum, or Angoum,' a place twenty leagues off to the north- wards, which they had heard to be an excellent harbour for ships, better ground, and better fishing. Secondly, for any thing we knew, there might be hard by us a far better seat ; and it should be a great hindrance to seat where ^ we should remove again. Thirdly, the water was but in ponds ; and it was thought there would be none in sununer, or very little. Fourthly, the water there must be fetched up a steep hill.^
But to omit many reasons and replies used here- abouts, it was in the end concluded to make some
' Agawam, Ipswich ; Smith calls building their town, for protection
it Augoam. Little was known at against the Indians, on the high
this time of Massachusetts Bay, or bank, called Old Tom's hill, near
the distances from one place to the entrance of Pamet river. This
another ; that little was derived hill is still very steep. There is a
from Smith's map and Description well now in front of it on the shore,
of New England. Sae Mass. Hist, where vessels water. The Pilgrims
Coll. xxiii. 1, and xxvi. 118. seemed to have relied on running
* Perhaps an error for whence. streams, and never thought of sink-
^ I suppose they contemplated ing wells.
148
THE FIRST CHILD BORN.
CHAP, discovery within the bay ; but in no case so far as .^-^-.1. Angoum. Besides, Robert Coppin, our pilot/ made 1620. relation of" a great navigable river and good harbour in the other head-land of the bay,^ almost right over against Cape Cod, being, in ^ a right line, not much above eight leagues distant, in which he had been once ; and because that one of the wild men with whom they had some trucking stole a harping iron ^ from them, they called it Thievish Harbour. And be- yond that place they were enjoined not to go. Where- upon a company was chosen to go out upon a third discovery. Whilst some were employed in this dis- covery, it pleased God that IVIistress White was brought a bed of a son, which was called Peregrine.^ Dec. The 5th day we, through God's mercy, escaped a great danger by the foolishness of a boy, one of Fran-
' Coppin was second mate of the Mayflower.
* The other headland of the bay was Manomet Point, and the river was probably the North river, in Scituate.
^ The word in I insert from ]\Ior- ton, p. 43.
■* A harpoon.
^ In the Boston News Letter, of July 31, 1704, the 15th No. of the first newspaper printed in New England, is the fullowino- article of intelligence. " Marshfield, July 22, Captain Peregrine White, of this town, aged 83 years and eight months, died here the 20ih inst. He was vigorous and of a comely aspect to the last ; was the son of William White and Susanna his wife, born on board the Mayflower, Capt Jones commander, in Cape Cod harbour, Nov, 1620, the first Englishman born in New En<T- land." In ihe records of Plymouth Colony is the following entry under Oct. 1005, when Thomas Prince was governor. " In reference unto the request of the King's commis-
sioners in behalf of Lieut. Pere- grine White, desiring that the Court would accommodate him with a portion of land, in respect that he was the first of the English that was born in these parts ; and in answer unto his own petition preferred to this Court respecting tlie premises, the Court have granted unto him 200 acres of land, lying and being at the path that goes from Bridgewater to the Bay, adjoining to the Bay line," A list of his descendants, some of whom are still living, may be seen in Thacher's Plymouth, p. 23.
" Dec. 4, dies Edward Thom- son, servant of Mr. White, the first that dies since their arrival. Dec. 6, dies Jasper, a boy of Mr. Car- ver's. Dec. 7, Dorothy, wife to Mr. William Bradford, (drowned.) Dec. 8, James Chilton."' Gov. Brad- ford, in Prince, p. 105. Prince had Bradford's pocket-book, which con- tained a register of deaths, births, and marriages, from Nov. 6, 1020, to the end of March, 1021.
THE THIRD EXPEDITION. 149
cis Billington's sons,^ who, in his father's absence, had chap.
IX
got gunpowder, and had shot off a piece or two, and ^J^ made squibs ; and there being a fowHng-piece charged 1 6 2 o. in his father's cabin, shot her off in the cabin ; there being a httle barrel of powder half full, scattered in and about the cabin, the fire being within four foot of the bed between the decks, and many flints and iron things about the cabin, and many people about the fire ; and yet, by God's mercy, no harm done.
Wednesday, the 6th of December, it was resolved Dec. our discoverers should set forth, for the day before was too foul weather, — ^ and so they did, though it was well o'er the day ere all things could be ready. So ten of our men were appointed who were of them- selves willing to undertake it, to wit. Captain Stand- ish. Master Carver, William Bradford, Edward Wins- loe, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, John Houland,- and
' Billington was not one of the He came from London, and I know
Leyden church, but slipped in not by what friends shuffled into
among the Pilgrims in England, our company." John, his eldest
His accession was of no benefit to son, who probably fired the powder,
the colony. He was a mischievous was a young scape-grace, who the
and troublesome fellow. The first next summer wandered offdovvn the
offence in the settlement was com- Cape as far as Eastham, causing
mitted by him. In March, 1621, great anxiety to the infant colony,
he was " convented before the and putting them to the trouble of
whole company for contempt of the sending an expedition after him.
Captain's (Standish) lawful com- Erancis, the other son, was the dis-
mands, with opprobrious speeches, coverer of Billington sea, which
for which he was adjudged to have will immortalize the name. The
his neck and heels tied together." mother's name was Helen. See
Gov. Bradford, in a letter to Cush- Prince, pp. 189, 192, and 319.
man, written June 9, 1625, says, Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 37; Hutchin-
" Billington still rails against you, son's Mass. ii. 464 ; Hubbard's
and threatens to arrest you, I know New England, p. 101.
not wherefore. He is a knave, and ^ John Howland, the 13th signer
so will live and die." The pro- of the Compact, is counted as be-
phecy was fulfilled, for he was hung longing to Carver's family, whose
in Oct. 1630, for waylaying and daughter Elizabeth he married,
shooting a young man, named John The Plymouth Colony records say
Newcomen. Gov. Bradford says, that " he was an ancient professor
in his History, " The said Billington of the ways of Christ ; one of the
was one of the profanest among us. first comers, and proved a useful
150
NAMES OF THE PARTY.
CHAP, three of London,^ Richard Warren,^ Steeven Hopkins,
IX
.^J^ and Edward Dotte, and two of our^ seamen, John 162 0. Alderton and Thomas Enghsh. Of the ship's com- pany there went two of the master's mates, Master Clarke and Master Coppin, the master gunner, and three sailors."* The narration of which discovery follows, penned by one^ of the company.
Wednesday, the 6th of December, we set out, being very cold and hard weather. We were a long while, after we launched from the ship, before we could get clear of a sandy point, "^ which lay within less than a fur- In which time two were very sick.
Dec 6.
long of the same.
instrument of pood, and was the last of the male survivors of those who came over in the Mayflower in 1620, and whose place of abode was Plymouth." John Alden, of Duxbury, outlived him 15 years. The last survivor of the Mayflower was Mary Cushman, daugiiter of Isaac Allerton, who was alive in 1698. Rowland died in 1072 at Rocky Nook, in Kingston, aged 80. He had four sons and six daughters, some of whose descend- ants are still living in the Old Colony and in Rhode Island. A genealogy of the family, written by one of them, the venerable John Howland, President of the R. I. Historical Society, is inserted in Thacher's Plymouth, p. 129. See Farmer's Genealogical Register of the First Settlers of New England, App. art. Howland; Mitchell's Bridgewater, p. 379; Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 456, 462.
* They were therefore not mem- bers of Robinson's congregation at Leyden. See p. 78, and note ' on p. 122 of this volume.
^ Richard Warren, the 12th signer of the Compact, with the honorable prefix of Mr. is mentioned by Bradford as a most useful man, during the short time he lived, bearing a deep share in the diffi-
culties and troubles of the planta- tion. He died in 1628. His widow, Elizabeth, survived him about 45 years, dying in 1673, at the age of 90, They had two sons and five daughters. His descend- ants perpetuate the name in Ply- mouth, New Bedford, Lowell, Boston, New York, and elsewhere. At the partition of the lands in 1623, Richard Warren's lot was assigned him near Eel river. The farm has continued in the pos- session of his posterity till within a few years. See Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 462 ; Morton's Memorial, p. 135 ; Thacher's Plymouth, p. 71.
' They were not a part of the Mayflower's crew, but were in- tended to remain in the country and to manage the Speedwell, had she come over. Their occupation at present, I suppose, was to take charge of the shallop, until another small vessel should be sent over ; which took place in Aug. 1623, when a pinnace of 4 1 tons, called the Little James, arrived.
* There were 18 in all ; among whom were 12 out of the 41 sign- ers of the Compact.
® I take it to be Bradford. See note ' on page 115.
* The end of Long Point. F.
BILLINGSGATE POINT. 151
and Edward Tilley had like to have sounded^ with chap-
cold. The gunner also was sick unto death (but ^ .-^
hope of trucking made him to go,) and so remained i6 20. all that day and the next night. At length we got 6.' clear of the sandy point, and got up our sails, and within an hour or two we got under the weather shore,^ and then had smoother water and better sailing. But it was very cold ; for the water froze on our clothes, and made them many times like coats of iron. We sailed six or seven leagues by the shore, but saw neither river nor creek. At length we met with a tongue of land, being flat off" from the shore, with a sandy point.^ We. bore up to gain the point, and found there a fair income or road of a bay, being a league over at the narrowest, and some two or three in length ; but we made right over to the land before us, and left the discovery of this income till the next day. As we drew near to the shore,'* we espied some ten or twelve Indians very busy about a black thing, — what it was we could not tell, — till afterwards they saw us, and ran to and fro, as if they had been carry- ing something away. We landed a league or two from them,^ and had much ado to put ashore any where, it
' Swooned. Nothing further is ^ Billingsgate Point. This point
known of Edward Tilley than that then joined the land north of it ;
he brought his wife with him, and but it is now an island, having
had two other individuals in his been cut off by a ditch many years
family, probably his children, and since ; and being constantly washed
died before the end of March. John by the tide, there is now a passage
Tilley, who was also one of this for small light vessels to pass at
exploring party, was probably a full sea. Wellfleet bay is, as here
brother of Edward. He also brought described, a league over at the nar-
his wife and one other person, rowest and two or three in length,
most likely a child, and died before The distance from Long Point to
the end of March. The name does Billingsgate Point is seven leagues.
not appear in the division of the See Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 41.
lands in 1623, nor of the cattle ■* In Eastham, north of Great
in 1627. pond.
* The shore of Truro. * South.
7.
152 THE PILGRIMS IN WELLFLEET.
CHAP, lay SO full of flat sands.^ When we came to shore,
IX
..^.^ we made us a barricado, and got firewood, and set 1620. out sentinels, and betook us to our lodging, such as it was. We saw the smoke of the fire which the sav- ages made that night about four or five miles from us. Dec. In the morning we divided our company, some eight in the shallop, and the rest on the shore went to dis- cover this place. But we found it only to be a bay,^ without either river or creek coming into it. Yet we deemed it to be as good a harbour as Cape Cod ; for they that sounded it found a ship might ride in five fathom water. We on the land found it to be a level ^ soil, though none of the fruitfullcst. We saw two becks ^ of fresh water, which were the first running streams that we saw in the country ; but one might stride over them. We found also a great fish, called a grampus,^ dead on the sands. They in the shallop
* A sandy flat, a mile wide, ex- was probably Cook's brook, in tends alonjr the western shore of Eastham, three quarters of a mile Eastham, from Dennis to the bounds south of Indian brook, or possibly of Wellfleet. It is left dry about Snow's brook a mile further south, three hours, and may easily be See Mass Hist. Coll. iv. 41, and crossed by horses and carriages, viii. 155. See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 155. ^ The grampus, {grand-poisson,
* Wellfleet harbour, which is Fr., grapois, Norm., dclphinus large, indented within with creeks, orca,) is the largest and most re- where vessels of 70 or 80 tons may markable species of the genus lie. Large ships may lie safe in Piiocaena, of the cetaceous order of ■what is called the Deep Hole, near Mammalia. It is a large animal, the town. There are five and a half the size of the Greenland full- half fathom of water in the har- grown whale, being often seen from hour. SeeMass. Hist. Coll. iii. 117. 25 to 30 feet in length and 10 or
^ The land in Eastham is a level 12 in circumference. The color is
pl^-in. black above, suddenly giving place
* Becks — rivulets, small brooks, to white on the sides, which'is con- See Ray's North Country Words, tinued over the abdomen. Indi- pp. 17 and 99. One of these no viduals of this species are some- doubt was Indian brook, which times thrown ashore on the Cape, forms the boundary between East- 20 feet long, and having four inches ham and Wellfleet, and runs into of blubber. See Jardine's Natu- the harbour of Silver Springs, ralist's Library, Mammalia, vi. 228 The spring from which it issues —232; Shaw's Zoology, Mam- has a white sand at the bottom, re- malia, vol. ii. part ii. p. 513 ; Jos- sembling that metal. The other selyn, p. 26.
THE PILGRIMS IN EASTHAM. 153
found two of them also in the bottom of the bay, dead chap in hke sort. They were cast up at high water, and ^^-J^ could not get off for the frost and ice. They were 1620. some five or six paces long, and about two inches 7. thick of fat, and fleshed hke a swine. They would have yielded a great deal of oil, if there had been time and means to have taken it. So we finding nothing for our turn, both we and our shallop returned. We then directed our course along the sea sands to the place where we first saw the Indians.^ When we were there, we saw it was also a grampus which they were cutting up. They cut it into long rands ^ or pieces, about an ell long and two handfull broad. We found here and there a piece scattered by the way, as it seemed for haste. This place the most were minded we should call the Grampus Baij,^ because we found so many of them there. We followed the track of the Indians' bare feet a good way on the sands. At length we saw where they struck into the woods by the side of a pond."* As we went to view the place, one said he thought he saw an Indian house among the trees ; so went up to see. And here we and the shallop lost sight one of another till night, it being now about nine or ten o'clock. So we hght on a path, but saw no house, and followed a great way into the woods. At length we found where corn had been set, but not that year. Anon, we found a great burying place, one part whereof was encompassed with a large palisado, like a
' They went back, north, to- forty feet wide, separates it from
wards Wellfleet liarbour. Long pond ; the distance of which
* Rands — strips. from Mill pond, connected with the 3 Wellfleet harbour. northern arm of Nauset harbour, is
* Great pond, in Eastham, north not more than a furlong. A canal of which they landed. F. This might thus be easily cut, connect- pond is a quarter of a mile from ing the bay with the ocean. See the shoie, A narrow neck, about Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 156.
20
154 AN INDIAN BURYING-G ROUND.
CHAP, church-yard, with young spires/ four or five yards long,
TV
..JJ^ set as close one by another as they could, two or three 162 0. foot in the ground. Within it was full of graves, some
DcCt
7. bigger and some less. Some were also paled about; and others had like an Indian house ^ made over them, but not matted. Those graves were more sumptuous than those at Cornhill ; yet we digged none of them up, but only viewed them and went our way. With- out the palisado were graves also, but not so costly. From this place we went and found more corn-ground, but not of this year. As we ranged, we light on four or five Indian houses, which had been lately dwelt in ; but they were uncovered, and had no mats about them ; else they were like those we found at Cornhill,^ but had not been so lately dwelt in. Tiiere was nothing left l)ut two or three pieces of old mats, and a little sedge. Also, a little further, we found two baskets full of parched acorns^ hid in the ground, which we supposed had been corn when we began to dig the same ; we cast earth thereon again, and went our way. All this while we saw no people.
We went ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low, and then we hasted out of the woods, that we might come to our shallop ; which, when w^e were out of the woods, we espied a great way off, and called them to come unto us ; the which they did as soon as they could, for it was not yet high water. They were exceeding glad to see us, for they feared
^ Spires — twisted or wreathed 1621, saw the grave of Nanepashe-
boughs. met, the deceased king, surrounded
" "Over the grave of the more by a palisado, and over it "the
noble they erect something in form frame of a house, wherein, being
of a hearse-cloth." T. Morion, ch. dead, he lay buried." See page 142.
17. The Pilgrims, on their first =* See page 141.
visit to Massachusetts Bay, in Sept. * See note* on page 145.
A MroNIGHT ALARM.
155
because they had not seen us in so long a time, think- chap,
ing we would have kept by the shore side. So being ^^
both weary and faint, — for we had eaten nothing all 1 620. that day, — we fell to make our rendezvous and get 7. firewood, which always costs us a great deal of labor. By that time we had done, and our shallop come to us,^ it was within night ; and we fed upon such vict- uals as we had, and betook us to our rest, after we had set out our watch. About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry ; and our sentinels called, " Arm ! Arm ! " So we bestirred ourselves, and shot off a couple of muskets, and the noise ceased. We concluded that it was a company of wolves or foxes ; for one ^ told us he had heard such a noise in New- foundland.'*
^ It appears from Gov. Bradford's MS. History, quoted by Prince, p. 165, that the shallop coasted along the shore, south, and that towards night, the people on land met it at a creek. This Morton, in his Me- morial, p. 44, conjectures to be Namskeket, which is the dividing line between Orleans and Brewster. But it may with more probability be concluded that it was Great Mea- dow creek, in Eastham. If the travellers had gone as far as Nam- skeket, they must have crossed Great Meadow creek, then, half a mile south. Boat Meadow creek, then, half a mile further south, Rock Harbour creek, and then, a mile southwest. Little Namskeket creek ; or they m.ust have passed round their heads, which, at a time when the country was covered with a forest very difficult to be pene- trated, would have been no easy task. Namskeket creek was best known to the first settlers of Ply- mouth ; and this appears to have been the cause of Morton's supposi- tion. F. See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 155, 188.
^ Probably either Clark or Cop- pin, the maies of the Mayflower, who had been on the coast before. See pp. 85 and 148.
^ Newfoundland was not disco- vered in 1497 by Sebastian Cabot. See Biddle's Life of Cabot, book i. ch. 6. Captain Richard Whit- bourne, who wrote a book, printed in London in 1622, entitled " A Discourse and Discovery of New- found-land," says that he was first there in 1582, and again in 1586, " at which time Sir Humfrey Gil- bert, a Devonshire knight, came tliither with two good ships and a pinnace, and brought with him a large patent from the late most renowned Queen Elizabeth, and in her name took possession of that country, in the harbour of St. John's, whereof I was an eye-witness." Whitbourne was at Newfoundland again in 1588, 1611, 1614, 1615, and 1618. Clark or Coppin may have gone in one of his ships. Whitbourne says, p. 8, " In divers parts of the country there are many foxes, wolves, and bears. In 1615, three several times the wolves and
156 AN ATTACK FROM THE INDIANS.
CHAP. About five o'clock in the morning we began to be
IX
.^^J^ stirring ; and two or three, which doubted whether 16 20. their pieces would go off or no, made trial of them
Dec
8. and shot them off, but thought nothing at all. After prayer ^ we prepared ourselves for breakfast, and for a journey ; and it being now the twilight in the morning, it was thought meet to carry the things down to the shallop. Some said it was not best to carry the armor ^ down. Others said, they would be readier. Two or three said, they would not carry theirs till they went themselves, but mistrusting nothing at all. As it fell out, the water not being high enough, they laid the things down upon the shore, and came up to breakfast. Anon, all upon a sudden, we heard a great and strange cry, which wc knew to be the same voices, though they varied their notes. One of our company, being abroad, came running in, and cried, " They are men ! Indians ! Indians ! " and withal their arrows came fly- ing amongst us. Our men ran out with all speed to recover their arms ; as by the good providence of God they did. In the mean time, Captain JMiles Standish, having a snaphance ^ ready, made a shot ; and after
beasts of the country came down were permitted to interfere with to the sea-side, near to 48 persons their stated devotions, of my coinpany, .who were laboring ^ ggg ^^^g 2 ^^ p^^g ^34^ about their fish, howling and mak- ^ A snaphance is a musket with ing a noise." Whitbourne's book a flint-lock. In 1643 the house- was published by royal authority, holders at Plymouth w^ere " ordered and distributed throughout the se- to be furnished with approved arms, veral parishes of the kingdom. A viz. muskets with snaphance, or contribution too was ordered by the matchlocks with match calivers. Privy Council to be taken in the and carbines, which are allowed, parish churches to defray the ex- and also fowling-pieces." At the pense of the printing, and as time of Philip's war, in 1674, snap- " some reward to him for his great hances were rare, yet a few of them charge,^ travails, and divers losses were used. See Mass. Hist. Coll. ^* f^-" xiii. 183, and Haven's Centennial
' Ihis incidental remark shows Address at Dedham, p. 61. the religious character of the Pil- Meyrick, in his Critical Inquiry
gnms. No dangers or hardships into Ancient Armour, iii. 88, points
FIRST ENCOUNTER WITH THE INDIANS. 157
him another. After they two had shot, other two of chap. us were ready ; but he wished us not to shoot till we . — -— ^ could take aim, for we knew not what need we should 1620.
' . Dec.
have ; and there were four only of us which had their 8. arms there ready, and stood before the open side of our barricado, which was first assaulted. They thought it best to defend it, lest the enemy should take it and our stuff; and so have the more vantage against us. Our care was no less for the shallop ; but we hoped all the rest would defend it. We called unto them to know how it was with them ; and they answered "Well! Well!" every one, and "Be of good courage ! " We heard three of their pieces go off, and the rest called for a firebrand to light their matches.^ One took a log out of the fire on his shoulder and went and carried it unto them ; which was thought did not a little discourage our enemies. The cry of our enemies- was dreadful, especially when our men ran out to recover their arms. Their note was after this manner, " Woach, ivoach. ha ha hach ivoach.'''' Our men were no sooner come to their arms, but the enemy was ready to assault them. There was a lusty man, and no whit less valiant, who was thought to be their captain, stood behind a tree within half a musket shot of us, and there let his arrows fly at us. He was seen to shoot three arrows, which were all avoided ; for he at whom the first arrow was aimed, saw it, and stooped down, and it
out a difference between the fire- rate from its cover ; whilst in the
lock and the snaphance, and quotes firelock the hammer is affixed to
a document which " prefers the the pan, supplying the place of its
firelock," but " if they cannot be covei', and opening at the percus-
procured, snaphances will do." The sion of the cock,
difference seems to be that in the ^ See note ^ on page 125.
snaphance a movable hammer was '■' These were the Nauset Indians,
})laced beyond the pan, and sepa- as will appear hereafter.
158 THE INDIANS REPULSED.
CHAP, flew over him. The rest were avoided also. He
IX.
. — .^ stood three shots of a musket. At length, one took, 16 20. as he said, full aim at him : after whicli he ffave an
Dec. °
8. extraordmary cry, and away they went all.^ We fol- lowed them about a quarter of a mile ; but we left six to keep our shallop, for we were very careful of our business. Then we shouted all together two several times, and shot off a couple of muskets, and so returned. This we did that they might see we were not afraid of them, nor di.<couraged.
Thus it pleased God to vanqui.sh our enemies and give us deliverance. By their noise we could not guess that they were less than thirty or forty, though some thought that they were many more. Yet, in the dark of the morning, we could not so well discern them among the trees, as they could see us by our fire-side. We took up eighteen of their arrows, which we have sent to England by Master Jones ; ^ some whereof were headed with brass, others with harts' horn, and others with eagles' claws. Many more no doubt were shot, for these we found were almost covered with leaves; yet, by the especial providence of God, none of them either hit or hurt us, though many came close by us and on every side of us, and some coats which hung up in our barricado were shot through and through.
' Johnson, in his Wonder-work- statement. In the same chapter
ing Providence ch. 8, says that he savs, " Of Plymouth plantation
one Laptam Miles Standish, hav- the author purposes not to speak mg his fowling-piece in readiness, particularly, bein? prevented by the presented full at them. His shot, honored Mr. Winslow, who was an being directed by the provident eye-witness of the work." Edward hand of the most high God, struck Johnson lived at Woburn, in Mas- the stoutest sachem among them sachusetts, and his book was print- on the right arm, it being bent over ed in London in 1054. See Mass. his shoulder to reach an arrow forth Hist. Coll. xii. 49 67. his quiver." We know not what ^ On the return of tlie Mayflower authority Johnson had for this in April, 1621.
THE SHALLOP DISABLED. 159
So after we had given God thanks for our dehver- chap.
IX
ance, we took our shallop and went on our journey,
and called this place The First Encounter. From 1620.
^ Dec.
hence we intended to have sailed to the aforesaid 8. Thievish Harbour^ if we found no convenient harbour by the way.^ Having the wind good, we sailed all that day along the coast about fifteen leagues f but saw neither river nor creek^ to put into. After we had sailed an hour or two, it began to snow and rain, and to be bad weather. About the midst of the afternoon the wind increased, and the seas began to be very rough ; and the hinges of the rudder broke, so that we could steer no longer with it, but two men, with much ado, were fain to serve with a couple of oars. The seas were grown so great that we were much troubled and in great danger ; and night grew on. Anon, Master Coppin bade us be of good cheer ; he saw the harbour. As we drew near, the gale be- ing stiti", and we bearing great sail to get in, split our mast in three pieces, and vf^re like to have cast away our shallop.'* Yet, by God's mercy, recovering our-
' Gov. Bradford, in his History, ble that they would have entered
as quoted by Prince, p. 166, says, and made their settlement there. " They hasten on to a port which "* Bradford says, in his History,
Mr. Coppin, their pilot, assures " The pilot, being deceived, cries
them is a good one, which he had out, ' Lord be merciful ! my eyes
been in, and they might reach be- never saw this place before! ' And
fore night." Coppin might have he and the mate would have run
been on the coast before, either her ashore in a cove full of break-
with Smith or Hunt, in 1614. ers, before the wind ; but a steert-
^ The distance along the coast man calling to the rowers, ' About
from Eastham to the high bluff of with her, or we are cast away,'
Manomet, in Plymouth, is about they get her about immediately,
45 miles or 15 leagues. and Providence showing a fair
' The snow-storm, which began sound before them, they get under
" after they had sailed an hour or the lee of a small rise of land ; but
two," prevented their seeing San- are divided about going ashore,
dy Neck, and led them to over- lest they fall into the midst of
shoot Barnstable harbour. Had it savages. Some, therefore, keep the
not been for this, it is highly proba- boat, but others being so wet,
160
THE PILGRIMS LAND ON CLARK'S ISLAND.
CHAP, selves, we had the flood with us, [ind struck into the -^— L. harbour.
16 2 0. Dec.
Now he that thought that had been the place, was deceived, it being a place where not any of us had been before ; and coming into the harbour, he that was our pilot did bear up northward, which if we had con- tinued, we had been cast away.^ Yet still the Lord kept us, and we bare up for an island^ before us ; and recovering of that island, being compa-^i^ed about with many rocks, and dark night growing upon us, it pleas- ed the Divine Providence that we fell upon a place of sandy ground, where our shallop did ride safe and se- cure all that night ; and coming upon a strange island, kept our watch all night in the rain upon that island.^
cold, and feeble, cannot I)ear it, but venture ashore, and with preat dif- ficulty kindle a fire ; and after mid- night, the wind shifting to the northwest, and freezing hard, the rest are glad to get to them, and here stay the night." See Prince, p. lefi.
' The cove where they were in danger lies between the Gurnet Head and Saquish Point, at the en- trance of Plymouth harbour.
** Clark's island just within the entrance of Plymouth harbour, and so called after the mate of the Mayflower, who is said to have been the first to step ashore on it. It is sheltered from the ocean by Salt-house beach, contains about eighty acres of fertile land, and is called by Gov. Hutchinson, i. 360, " one of the best islands in New England." It was neither sold nor allotted in any of the early di- visions of the lands, but was re- served for the benefit of the poor of the town, to furnish them with wood, and with pasture for their cattle. Previous to 1638 the " Court granted that Clark's island, the Eel river beach, Saquish, and the Gurnet's Nose, shall be and remain
unto the town of Plymouth, with the woods, thereupon." In lOUO, Clark's island was sold to Sam- uel Lucas, Elkanah Watson, and George Morton. The Watson family have been in possession of this island for half a century, and one of them, Edward Watson, now resides on it. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 162, 181 ; Thachcr's Plymouth, pp. 82, 153, 158, 330.
One of the oldest grave-stones on the burial hill in Plymouth, is that of a Thomas Clark, who died March 21, lO'JT, aged 98. He came in the Anne, in 1623. Some have thought that this was the mate of the Mayflower. But it is not known that his name was Thomas, nor is there any evidence that he ever returned to this coun- try. See Thacher's Plymouth, 168.
^ Bradford adds, in his History, " In the morning they find the place to be a small island, secure from Indians. And this being the last day of the week, they here dry their stuff, fix their pieces, rest themselves, return God thanks for their many deliverances ; and here the next day keep their Christian Sabbath." Prince^ p. 167.
I
LANDING OF THE FATHERS AT PLYMOUTH.
161
And in the morninsf we marched about it, and found chap.
IX.
no inhabitants at all ; and here we made our rendez- . J^
vous all that day, being Saturday, lOth^ of December. 1 6 20. On the Sabbath day we rested ; and on Monday we 9—11 sounded the harbour, and found it a very good harbour for our shipping. We marched also into the land,^
' This is an error. Saturday was the 9th ; for on page 163 the next Saturday is called the 16th, and by Allestree's Almanac for 1620, I find that the 9lh of December fell on a Saturday.
^ This is the ever-memorable day of the Landing of the Fathers at Plymouth. " The place of the landing is satisfactorily ascertain- ed. TJnquestionable tradition had declared that it was on a large rock at the foot of a cliff near the termination of the north street leading to the water. In the year 1774 an attempt was made to re- move this rock (over which a wharf had been built) to a more central situation. The rock was split in the operation. The upper part, weighing several tons, was re- moved, and now stands in front of the Pilgrim Hall, enclosed by a very appropriate iron railing, of an elliptical form. It is regarded by the inhabitants and by visiters as a precious memorial of that inter- esting event, the arrival of the first planters of New England at their place of settlement. The 22d of De- cember, corresponding to the 11th, old style, has long been observed at Plymouth in commemoration of the landing of the Fathers. It has there universally the familiar and endearing appellation of Forefath- ers^ Day.'''' See Morton's Memo- rial, p. 48, and Thacher's Ply- mouth, pp. 29, 199.
President Dwight, of Yale Col- lege, says, " Plymouth was the first town built in New England by civilized men ; and those by whom it was built were inferior in worth to no body of men whose
21
names are recorded in history dur- ing the last 1700 years. A kind of venerableness, arising from these facts, attaches to this town, which may be termed a prejudice. Still, it has its foundation in the nature of man, and will never be eradi- cated either by philosophy or ridi- cule. No New Englander, who is willing to indulge his native feel- ings, can stand upon the rock where our ancestors set the first foot after their arrival on the Amer- ican shore, without experiencing emotions very different from those which are excited by any common object of the same nature. No New Englander could be willing to have that rock buried and for- gotten. Let him reason as much, as coldly, and as ingeniously as he pleases, he will still regard that spot with emotions wholly different from those which are excited by other places of equal or even supe- rior importance." Travels through New England, ii. 110.
De Tocqueville, in the second chapter of his work on America, says, " Ce rocher est devenu un objet de veneration aux Etats Unis. J'en ai vu des fragmens conserves avec soin dans plusieurs villes de rUnion. Ceci ne montre-t-il pas bien clairement que la puissance et la grandeur de I'homme est tout entiere dans son ame ? Voici une pierre que les pieds de quelques miserables touchent un instant, et cette pierre devient celebre ; elle attire les regards d'un grand peu- ple ; on en ventre les debris, on s'en partage au loin la poussiere. Qu'est devenu le seuil de tant de palais ■? Qui s'en inquiete ? " —
162 THE SHALLOP RETURNS TO CAPE COD.
CHAP, and found divers cornfields, and little runninjr brooks,
IX. . . s '
.--— ^ a place very good for situation. 80 we returned to 1620. our ship^ aijain with jjood news to the rest of our
Dec. . .
13. people, which did much comfort their hearts.
" This rock has become an object of veneration in the United States. I have seen bits of it carefully pre- served in several towns of the Union. Does not this sufficiently show that all human j)ower and greatness is in the soul of man ? Ilere is a stone which the feet of a few outcasts pressed for an instant ; and this stone becomes famous ; it is treasured by a great nation ; its very dust is shared as a relic. And M'hat has become of the gateways of a thousand palaces? Who cares for them? " — Keevcs's Trans.
' They left the Mayflower in Cape Cod harbour, December 0, and were three days in getting to Plymouth. They probably started on their return to the ship on the 12th, and striking across the bay, a distance of 25 miles, reached h(!r on the 13th. They found tiiat the day after their leaving the vessel, December 7, Dorothy, the wife of William Bradford, who was one of the party in the shallop, fell overboard, and was drowned. See Prince, p. 165.
CHAPTER X.
OF THEIR LANDING AND SETTLING AT NEW PLYMOUTH.
On the 15th day we weighed anchor to go to the chap
X.
place we had discovered ; and coming within two leagues of the land, we could not fetch the harbour, but 1 6 2 o.
Dec.
were fain to put round ^ again towards Cape Cod, our 15.' course lying west, and the wind was at northwest. But it pleased God that the next day, being Saturday the 16th day, the wind came fair, and we put to sea 16. again, and came safely into a safe harbour ; and within half an hour the wind changed, so as if we had been letted but a httle, we had gone back to Cape Cod.
This harbour is a bay greater than Cape Cod, com- passed with a goodly land ; and in the bay two fine islands,^ uninhabited, wherein are nothing but woods.
' In the original, roome; mani- 1635, two shallops going, laden
festly an error of the press. with goods, to Connecticut, were
^ Clark's island is now the only taken with an easterly storm, and island in Plymouth harbour. It cast away upon Brown's island, has sometimes been supposed that near the Gurnet's Nose, and the a shoal, called Brown's island, men all drowned." Dr. Freeman, which lies near the entrance of the in his note on this place, considers harbour, about half a mile east by this passage as confirming the sup- north of Beach point, was above position. But Morton, in record- water at the time the Pilgrims ar- ing the same event in his Memo- rived. Gov. Winthrop, in his His- rial, p. 182, says, the night being tory of New England, i. 169, has dark and stormy, they ran upon the following record : October 6, a skirt of a JIat that lieth near
164
PLYMOUTH HARBOUR.
CHAP, oaks, pines, walnuts, beech, sassafras, vines, and other s^J^ trees ^ which we know not. This bay is a most hope- 16 20. ful place ; innumerable store of fowl,^ and excellent
good ; and cannot but be of fish in their seasons ;
skate, cod, turbot,^ and herring, we have tasted of;
abundance of muscles, the greatest and best that ever
we saw ; crabs and lobsters,'' in their time, infinite.
It is in fashion like a sickle, or fish-hook.^ i8*]' Monday, the 18th day, we went a land,*^ manned
the mouth of the harbour." This seems conclusive of the point that Brown's island was then under water. The other island 1 suppose was Sacpiish, which, althoiitrli a peninsula, very much resembles an island, and may very naturally have been mistaken for one ; or at that time the water may have flowed across the narrow neck which now unites it with the Gurnet, and com- pletely isolated it. Oldmixon, i. 30, commits an egregious blunder when he states, that " the har- bour (Plymouth) was a bay larger than Cape Cod, and two fine is- lands, Rhode Island and Elizabeth Island, in it ! "
' The only forest trees now on Clark's island are three red cedars, which appear to be very old, and are decaying. This wood was the original growth of the island, a tree which loves the vicinity of rocks, which abound here. A few years since, the present proprietor of the island, whilst digging out some large roots on its margin, found a number of acorns four feet beneath the surface. Blackberry vines are still found there. On Saquish there is one solitary tree, which has weathered the storms of ages. In 1815 there were two. In earlier times the town forbade felling trees at Saquish within 40 feet of the bank. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 182.
^ Wild fowl are yet abundant in Plymouth harbour.
' Skate and cod are still caught here. The European turbot, it is well known, is not found in our waters. The first settlers probably gave this name to the flounder or small halibut. See Storer's Re- port on the Fishes of Massachusetts, pp. 110, 1 15, 1 IG. Higginson, in his New England's Plantation, enu- merates the turbot among other fish. T. Morton, in his New Eng- lish Canaan, ch. vii. says, " there is a large-sized fish, called halibut, or turbot ; some are taken so big that two men have much ado to haul them into the boat." Wood, ch. ix. says, "the halibut is not much unlike a plaice or turbot, some being two yards long, and one wide, and a foot thick." And Josselyn, p. 26, says, " some will have the halibut and turbot all one ; others dis- tinguish them ; there is no question to be made of it but that they are distinct kinds of fish." The turbot and plaice are very much alike in appearance. See the figures of them in Yarrell's British Fishes, i. 209, 233.
* There are muscles in Plymouth, but generally small, and clams ; the Journal probably refers to the latter. Crabs and lobsters are very abund- ant in the summer season.
^ The form of Plymouth Bay, M'hich includes Kingston and Dux- bury harbours, is accurately de- scribed.
® The words "in the long-boat" seem to be omitted.
THE TREES AND PLANTS OF PLYMOUTH.
165
with the master of the ship and three or four of the chap. sailors. We marched along the coast in the woods • — — some seven or eight miles,^ but saw not an Indian nor 162 0.
c' ' Dec.
an Indian house ; only we found where formerly had is. been some inhabitants, and where they had planted their corn. We found not any navigable river, but four or five small running brooks ^ of very sweet fresh water, that all run into the sea. The land for the crust of the earth is, a spit's depth,^ excellent black mould, and fat in some places ;'' two or three great oaks, but not very thick, pines, walnuts, beech, ash, birch, hazel, holly, asp, sassafras in abundance, and vines^ every where, cherry trees, plum trees, and many others which we know not.*^ Many kinds of herbs we found here in winter, as strawberry leaves innumera- ble, sorrel, yarrow, carvel, brooklime, liverwort, water-
^ Whichever way the travellers went, they could not have walked seven miles ; because northwest, at the distance of four miles, they would have come to Jones's river in Kingston, and southeast, at the distance of three miles, to Eel river. These rivers, though not large, cannot be denominated brooks. F.
^ North of the village, towards Kingston, there are five brooks, which were named by the original planters First Brook, Second Brook, &c. in order, beginning from the town. Half a mile south of the village is Wellingsly Brook, by the side of which dwelt Secretary Morton. Double Brook, or Shingle Brook of the first settlers, runs northerly by the post road to Sand- wich, and unites with Eel river. Beaver Dam Brook is in the village of Manomet Ponds. Indian Brook is still further south on the shore. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 178, and Thacher's Plymouth, p. 322.
' See note ° on page 123.
"• This is an exact description of a strip of land, between the hills and the sea-shore, where the gar- dens now are. The soil too is good on Clark's Island, Saquish, and the Gurnet.
* The wild grape, both white and red, the blackberry and the rasp- berry, are found here now.
^All the trees here enumerated are now found in Plymouth. The asp, or aspen, was probably our native poplar. The beach, about three miles long, which lies in front of the village, extending from Eel river, N. N. West, and pro- tecting the harbour, was originally well wooded. Towards the north- ern part, till 1770, it was quite thickly covered with trees. The inner side of the beach was cover- ed with plum and wild-cherry trees, and the swamp with large pitch pine and beech wood. Beech plums, wild gooseberries, and white grapes were found here in great quantities in their proper season. See a list of the trees, in Mass. Hist. Coll,
166 JONES'S RIVER, IN KINGSTON.
CHAP, cresses, great store of leeks and onions/ and an ex-
J^ cellent strong kind of flax and hemp.^ Here is sand,
16 2 0. gravel, and excellent clay, no better in the world, ex- cellent for pots, and will wash like soap, and great store of stone,^ though somewhat soft, and the best water^ that ever we drunk ; and the brooks now begin to be full of fish.^ That night, many being weary with marching, we went aboard again. Dec. The next morning, being Tuesday, the 19th of De- cember, we went again to discover further ; some went on land, and some in the shallop. The land we found as the former day we did ; and we found a creek, and went up three English miles, a very pleasant river^ at full sea. A bark of thirty tons may go up ; but at low water scarce our shallop could pass. This place we had a great liking to plant in, but that it was so far from our fishing, our principal profit, and so encom- passed with woods, that we should be in much danger of the salvages ; and our number being so little, and so much ground to clear ; so as we thought good to
xiii. 165, 172, 206 ; Thacher's * Plymouth is abundantly suppli-
Plymouth, p. 328. ed with springs and brooks of ex-
^ These were probably the allium cellent water. F. See p. 129.
Canadense. '" Some years since, before the
^ The Indian hemp {a'pocynum Town Brook was obstructed, tom-
cannabinum.) Wood says, ch. 5, cods were abundant in December ;
" This land likewise affords hemp eels and smelts enter the brooks in
and flax naturally;" and Captain autumn.
John Smith mentions " a kind or ^ This was Jones's river, in
two of flax, wherewith they make Kingston, so called, it is supposed,
nets, lines and ropes, both small by the Pilgrims, in compliment to
and great, very strong for their the Captain of the Mayflower ;
quantities." T. Morton too, says, which they would not have done
ch. 2, " there is hemp, that naturally had they entertained any doubt of
groweth, finer than our hemp of his fidelity. Jones's river parish
England." See Mass. Hist. Coll, was set off from Plymouth in 1717,
xxvi. 120. and incorporated in 1726, as the
^The sand, gravel and clay are town of Kingston. See note ' on
aptly described. There is not p. 138, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii.
much stone at Plymouth, except a 208 and 217. few bowlders of sienite.
THEY CONCLUDE TO BUILD ON THE BANK. 167
quit and ^ clear that place till we were of more strength, chap. Some of us, having a good mind, for safety, to plant • — 1-^ in the greater isle, we crossed the bay, which is there i62 0. five or six miles over, and found the isle about a mile and a half or two miles about,^ all wooded, and no fresh water but two or three pits, that we doubted of fresh water in summer, and so full of wood as we could hardly clear so much as to serve us for corn. Besides, we judged it cold for our corn, and some part very rocky ; yet divers thought of it as a place defensible, and of great security. That night we returned again a shipboard, with resolution the next morning to settle on some of those places.
So in the morning, after we had called on God for ^^^• direction, we came to this resolution, to go presently ashore again, and to take a better view of two places which we thought most fitting for us; for we could not now take time for further search or consideration, our victuals being much spent, especially our beer, and it being now the 19th of December. After our land- ing and viewing of the places, so well as we could, we came to a conclusion, by most voices, to set on the main land, on the first place, on a high ground,^ where there is a great deal of land cleared, and hath been planted with corn three or four years ago ; and there is a very sweet brook ^ runs under the hill side, and many delicate springs of as good water as can be drunk, and where we may harbour our shallops and boats exceeding well ; and in this brook much good
^ I think the word not is here * Now called Town brook. It accidentally omitted. issues from a pond called Billing-
^ See note ^ on page 160. ton Sea. F.
^ On the bank, facing the har- bour.
138 RAINY AND TEMPESTUOUS WEATHER.
CHAP, fish in their seasons ; on the further side of the river v-^-,-!- also much corn-ground cleared.' In one field is a 162 0. great hill,~ on which we point to make a platform, and plant our ordnance, which will command all round ahout. From thence we may see into the bay, and far into the sea; and we may see thence Cape Cod.^ Our greatest labor will be fetching of our wood, which is half a quarter of an English mile ; but there is enough so far off'. What people inhabit here we yet know not, for as yet we have seen none. So there we made our rendezvous, and a place for some of our people, about twenty, resolving in the mornino; to come all ashore and to build houses, i^ec. But the next morning, being Thursday, the 21st of December, it was stormy and wet, that we could not go ashore ; and those that remained there all night could do nothing, but were wet, not having dayhght enough to make them a sufficient court of guard, to keep them dry. All that night it blew and rained extremely. It was so tempestuous that the shallop could not go on land so soon as was meet, for they had no victuals on land. About eleven o'clock the shallop went off" with much ado with provision, but could not return, it blew so strong ; and was such foul weather that we were forced to let fall our an- chor, and ride with three anchors ahead. ^
Dec
22.* Friday, the 22d, the storm still continued, that we
^ On the spot now called the Duxhury, and the shores of the bay
Training Green. for miles around, is unrivalled by
^ The Burial Hill, rising 165 feet any sea-view in the country,
above the level of the sea, and co- ^ i,j ^ clear day the white sand
vering about eight acres. The hills of Provincetown may be dis-
view from this eminence, embrac- tinctly seen from this hill,
ing the harbour, the beach, the * " Dec. 21, dies Richard Britte-
Gurnet, Manomet Point, Clark's rige, the first who dies in this har-
island, Saquish, Captain's Hill in hour." Bradford, in Prince, p. 108.
THEY CUT timber: FOR BUILDING. 169
could not get a land, nor they come to us aboard, chap.
This mormng goodwife Alderton^^ was delivered of a -^ ^-^
son, but dead born. 16 20.
Saturday, the 23d, so many of us as could went Dec on shore, felled and carried timber, to provide them- selves stuff for building.
Sunday, the 24th, our people on shore heard a cry 24. of some savages, as they thought, which caused an alarm and to stand on their guard, expecting an assault ; but all was quiet.^
Monday, the 25th day, we went on shore, some to 25. fell timber, some to saw, some to rive, and some to carry ; ^ so no man rested all that day. But, towards night, some, as they were at work, heard a noise of some Indians, which caused us all to go to our mus- kets ; but we heard no further. So we came aboard again, and left some twenty to keep the court of guard. That night we had a sore storm of wind and rain.
Monday, the 25th, being Christmas day, we began to drink water aboard. But at night the master caused us to have some beer ; and so on board we had divers times now and then some beer, but on shore none at all.
Tuesday, the 26th, it was foul weather, that we 26. could not go ashore.
Wednesday, the 27th, we went to work again. 27.
Thursday, the 28th of December, so many as could 28. went to work on the hill, where we purposed to build
' This was the second child born, been a son of Christopher Martin.
Its father was Isaac Allert on. The ^ Bradford adds in his History,
mother, named Mary, died Feb. 25. "They begin to erect the first
^ "Dec. 24, this day dies Solo- house about twenty foot square,
mon Martin, the sixth and last who for their common use, to receive
dies this month." Bradford, in them and their goods." See Prince,
Prince, p. 168. He must have p. 168.
170 HOUSE LOTS LAID OUT.
CHAP, our platform for our ordnance,^ and which doth com-
. mand all the plain and the bay, and from whence we
16 20. may sec far into the sea,- and might be easier impaled, having two rows of houses and a fair street. So in the afternoon we went to measure out the grounds, and first we took notice how many families there were, willing all single men that had no wives to join with some family, as they thought fit, that so we might build fewer houses ; which was done, and we reduced them to nineteen families. To greater fami- lies we allotted larger plots ; ^ to every person half a pole in breadth, and three in length ; and so lots were cast where every man should lie ; which was done, and staked out. We thought this proportion was large enough at the first, for houses and gardens to impale them round, considering the weakness of our people, many of them growing ill with colds ; for our former discoveries in frost and storms, and the wading at Cape Cod had brought much weakness amongst us, which increased so every day more and more, and after was the cause of many of their deaths. Dec. Friday and Saturday we fitted ourselves for our la-
29
30. bor ; but our people on shore were much troubled and discouraged with rain and wet that day, being very stormy and cold. We saw great smokes of fire made by the Indians, about six or seven miles from us, as we conjectured.'*
> Vestiges of this fortification ^ The single lots were 8 1-4 feet
are still visible on the Burial hill, front bj' 49 1-2 in depth.
See Holmes's Annals, i. 163. ■» "Here," says Prince, p. 169,
* I think there is something " Governor Bradford ends his First
omitted here. The house-lots were Book, containing ten Chapters, in
not laid out on the hill, but in front fifty-three pages folio." I conceive
of it, on Leyden-street, which runs that much of this Relation is in
from the Town Square to Water- substance, and often in language,
street. Gov. Bradford's History.
STANDISH GOES IN SEARCH OP THE INDIANS. 171
Monday, the 1st of January, we went betimes to chap.
work. We were much hindered in lying so far off '~^
from the land, and fain to go as the tide served, that 1 6 2 1. we lost much time ; for our ship drew so much water 1. ' that she lay a mile and almost a half off,^ though a ship of seventy or eighty tons at high water may come to the shore.
Wednesday, the 3d of January, some of our people 3. being abroad to get and gather thatch, they saw great fires of the Indians ; and were at their corn-fields, yet saw none of the savages, nor had seen any of tliem since we came to this bay.
Thursday, the 4th of January, Captain Miles Stand- 4. ish, with four or five more, went to see if they could meet with any of the savages in that place where the fires were made. They went to some of their houses, but not lately inhabited ; yet could they not meet with any. As they came home, they shot at an eagle and killed her, which was excellent meat ; it was hardly to be discerned from mutton.
Friday, the 5th of January, one of the sailors found 5. ahve upon the shore a herring, which the master had to his supper ; which put us in hope of fish, but as yet we had got but one cod ; we wanted small hooks.^
Saturday, the 6th of January, Master Marten was 6. very sick, and, to our judgment, no hope of life. So Master Carver was sent for to come aboard to speak
^ Being a vessel of 180 tons, of Degory Priest." Bradford, in
she probably anchored in the Cow Prince, p. 182.
Yard, an anchorage near Clark's ^ This was a singular oversight,
island, which takes its name from If they had had fish-hooks, they
a cow whale which once came into could hardly have suffered so much
it, and was there killed. See for want of food. Winslow, in his
Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 182, and Good News from New England,
Thacher's Plymouth, p. 331. says they wanted "fit and strong
" The year begins with the death seines and other netting."
172 DISCOVERY OF BILLINGTON SEA.
CHAP, with him about his accounts ; who came the next
X.
morning.
162 1. Monday, the 8th of January, was a very fair day, s"' and we went betimes to w^ork. Master Jones sent the shallop, as he had formerly done, to see where fish could be got. They had a great storm at sea, and were in some danger. At night they returned with three great seals,^ and an excellent good cod, which did assure us that we should have plenty of fish shortly. This day Francis Billington, having the week before seen from the top of a tree on a high hill a great sea,^ as he thought, went with one of the master's mates to see it. They went three miles and then came to a great water, divided into two great lakes ; the bigger of them five or six miles in circuit, and in it an isle of a cable length square ; the other three miles in com- pass, in their estimation. They are fine fresh water, full of fish and fowl. A brook ^ issues from it ; it will be an excellent place for us in time. They found seven or eight Indian houses, but not lately inhabited.
' Seals still haunt the harbour of margin. See page 149, and Mass.
Plymouth and the Bay of Cape Cod. Hist. Coll. xiii. 181, and Thacher's
'^ The beautiful pond, so accu- Plymouth, p. 320. rately described in the text, bears ^ Town Brook. It passes through the appropriate name of Billington the town, and empties into the Sea. In the first century it was harbour a little south of Forefathers' called Fresh Lake. It is about rock. It has proved an " excellent two miles soutliwest from the place " indeed, its stream supplying town, proving that the distances in an unfailing water power for nu- this Relation are overstated ; and in merous manufactories. In 1636, it it are two small islands. It is now, w^as " concluded upon by the Court, as at first, embosomed in a wilder- that Mr. John Jenney shall have ness of woods. The eagle still liberty to erect a mill for grinding sails over it, and builds in the and beating of corn upon the brook branches of the suriounding forest, of Plymouth." Before the brook Here the loon cries, and leaves her was so much impeded by dams, eggs on the shore of the smaller vast quantities of alewives passed island. Here too the beautiful up through it annually to Billington wood-duck finds a sequestered re- Sea. In a single season 800 bar- treat ; and the fallow deer, ntiindful rels have been taken. See Thach- of their ancient haunts, still resort er's Plymouth, p. 321, 332 ; Ply- to it to drink and to browse on its mouth Colony Laws, p. 56.
THEY BEGIN TO BUILD HOUSES.
173
When they saw the houses, they were in some fear : chap.
for they were but two persons, and one piece.^ ^
Tuesday, the 9th of January, was a reasonable fair 1 6 2 1. day ; and we went to labor that day in the building 9?' of our town, in two rows of houses, for more safety.^ We divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build our town, after the proportion formerly allotted. We agreed that every man should build his own house, thinking by that course men would make more haste than working in common.^ The common house,'' in which for the first we made our rendezvous, being near finished, wanted only covering, it being about tv/enty foot square. Some should make mortar, and some gather thatch ; so that in four days half of it was thatched. Frost and foul weather hindered us much.^
* " Jan. 8, this day dies Mr. Christopher Martin." Bradford, in Prince, p. 182. He was the ninth signer of the Compact, and one of the few distinguished with the title of Mr. He was not one of the Leyden church, but came from Bil- lerica, in Essex, and was associated with Cushman and Carver to pro- vide means for the voyage. He brought his wife and two children, with him, one of whom, Solomon, died Dec. 24. See pages 78 and 169.
^ The houses were built on each side of Leyden street, which ex- tends from the First Church to the harbour. The first entry in the records of Plymouth Colony is an incomplete list of" The Meersteads and Garden-plotes of those which came first, laj-ed out, 1620." Ed- ward Winslow, in his Letter at the end of this Relation, says, " We have built seven dwelhng-houses, and four for the use of the planta- tion." The highway led to the Town Brook.
The J\rorth Side.
The South Side.
Peter Brown. John Goodman. Mr. Brewster.
Highway.
Tohn BiHington. Mr. Isaac Allerton. Francis Cooke. Edward Winslow.
See Hazard's State Papers, i. 100.
^ See note ^ on page 84.
■* On the spot where it is sup- posed the common house stood, in digging- a cellar, in 1801, there were discovered sundry tools and a plate of iron, seven feet below the surface of the ground. F.
* Providentially it was a very mild winter. See page 105. The ice often remains in the harbour from Christmas to March ; but at this lime it appears not to have been frozen. In Dec. of 1831 and 1834 the harbour and shores were an expanse of ice and snow, and the thermometer several degrees
174 FOUR MEN SENT TO CUT THATCH.
CHAP. This time of the year seldom could we work half the
— ^ week.
162 1. Thursday, the 11th, Wilham Bradford being at
11. work, (for it was a fair day,) was vehemently taken with a grief and pain, and so shot to his huckle-bone,^ it was doubted that he would have instantly died. He got cold in the former discoveries, especially the last ; and felt some pain in his ankles by times ; but he grew a little better towards night, and in time, through God's mercy in the use of means, recovered.
12. Friday the 12th we went to work ; but about noon it began to rain, that it forced us to give over work.
This day two of our people put us in great sorrow and care. There was four sent to gather and cut thatch in the morning ; and two of them, John Good- man and Peter Browne,^ having cut thatch all the forenoon, went to a further place, and willed the other two to bind up that which was cut, and to follow them. So they did, being about a mile and a half from our plantation. But when the two came after, they could not find them, nor hear any thing of them at all, though they hallooed and shouted as loud as they could. So they returned to the company, and told them of it. Whereupon Master Carver,^ and three or four more
below zero. Had it been so when cattle in 1627, with Martha and
the Pilgrims landed, they must Mary Brown, the former of whom
have perished from cold. See was probably his wife, and the lat-
Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 1S6, and ter his daughter.
Thacher's Plymouth, p. 27. ' In the original, iecfuer ,- un-
' Hip-bone. questionabl)'^ a typographical error.
' Goodman and Brown both had There is no such name as Leaver
lots assigned them in Leyden-street, among the signers of the Compact,
in 1620. Nothing more is known and it is not at all probable that
of Goodman, except that he died one of the ship's crew would be
before the end of March. Brown distinguished by the title of Mr.
had also an acre assigned him in or be sent on such an errand,
the division of the lands in 1623, This error escaped the acute obser-
and a share in the division of the vation of Prince, who copies the
TWO OF THEM LOST IN THE WOODS. 275
went to seek them ; but could hear nothing of them. chap. So they returning, sent more ; but that night they .J^ could hear nothing at all of them. The next day 1 621. they armed ten or twelve men out, verily thinking 12" the Indians had surprised them. They went seeking seven or eight miles ; but could neither see nor hear any thing at all. So they returned, with much dis- comfort to us all.
These two that were missed at dinner time, took their meat in their hands, and would go walk and re- fresh themselves. So going a httle ofl^, they find a lake of water,^ and having a great mastiff bitch with them and a spaniel, by the water side they found a great deer.^ The dogs chased him ; and they followed so far as they lost themselves, and they could not find the way back. They wandered all that afternoon, being wet ; and at night it did freeze and snow. They were slenderly apparelled, and had no weapons but each one his sickle, nor any victuals. They ranged up and down and could find none of the salvages' hab- itations. When it drew to night, they were much per-
passage, p. 183. Edward Wins- ' Probably Murdock's Pond, about
low, at the end of his Preface to the half a mile from the village, in the
Reader in his Good News from rear of Burial hill. It is a deep,
New England, says, "some faults round pond. A brook, called Little
have escaped because I could not Brook, issues from it, and crossing
attend on the press." This pro- the west road, unites with Town
bably was also the case with this brook. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii.
Relation. It was sent over to 181, and Thacher's Plymouth,
George Morton, who not being in p. 320.
London, where it was printed, did '^ The fallow deer still run in the
not correct the proof sheets. He extensive woods of Plymouth, a
probably put it into the hands of district of country nearly twenty
one of the merchant adventurers, miles square. In Jan. 1831, 160
who got it printed. It is not sur- were killed and 40 taken alive. In
prising that some mistakes should Feb. 1839, a deer chased by the
have been made by the printer in dogs, came into the streets of the
deciphering the MS. See note on village, and was caught in the front
page 113. This will account for yard of the Hon. N. M. Davis's
Morton's name, as well as Carver's, house. See Thacher's Plymouth,
and Williams's being misspell. p. 314.
176 ROARING OF LIONS.
CHAP, plexed ; for they could find neither harbour nor meat ;
but, in frost and snow, were forced to make the earth
1^21. t]|eir bed and the element their coverinof. And another thing did very much terrify them ; they heard, as they thought, two lions ' roaring exceedingly for a long time together, and a third that they thought was very near them. So not knowing what to do, they resolved to climb up into a tree, as their safest refuge, though that would prove an intolerable cold lodging. So they stood at the tree's root, that when the lions came, they might take their opportunity of climbing up. The bitch they were fain to hold by the neck, for she would have been gone to the lion. But it pleased God so to dispose, that the wild beasts came not. So they walked up and down under the tree all night. It was
j^^ an extreme cold night. So soon as it was light, they 13. travelled again, passing by many lakes ^ and brooks
* Several of the first settlers of 37 years since, an Indian shot a New England supposed that the young lion, sleeping upon the body lion existed here. Higginson, in of an oak blown up by the roots, his New-England's Plantation says, with an arrow, not far from Cape " For beasts, there are some bears, Ann, and sold the skin to the Eng- and they say some lions also; for lish." Lechford, too, in his Plam they have been seen at Cape Ann." Dealing, p. 47, and Johnson, in his Wood, in his New-England's Pros- Wonderworking Providence, b. ii. pect, ch. 6, says, " Concerning lions oh. 21, mention the lion among the I will not say that I ever saw any beasts of New England. Vander- myself; but some affirm that they donck also enumerates lions among have seen a lion at Cape Ann. the wild animals of New Nether- Some likewise being lost in the lands. But Morton, in his New woods, have heard such terrible English Canaan, ch. 5, remarks, roarings, as have made them much " Lions there are none in New Eng- aghast ; which must be either de- land ; it is contrary to the nature of vils or lions ; there being no other the beast to frequent places accus- creatures which use to roar, saving tomed to snow." Dr. Freeman ob- bears, which have not such a terri- serves, that Goodman and Brown, hie kind of roarmg." Josselyn, in coming from England, where both his New-England's Rarities, p. 21, the lion and the wolf are unknown, says, "The Jackal IS a creature that might easily, under the impression hunts the lion's prey, a shrewd sign of fear, mistake the howling of the that there are lions upon the conti- one for the roaring of the other, nent. There are those that are ^pjy^^,^^,^ abounds with ponds, yet living in the country that do that would be called lakes in Eng- constantly affirm, that about 36 or land. It is supposed that withm
THE COMMON HOUSE BURNT. 177
and woods, and in one place where the salvages had chap.
burnt the space of five miles in length, which is a fine ^^
champaign country, and even.^ In the afternoon, it i62i. pleased God from a high hill they discovered the two^ isles in the bay, and so that night got to the plantation, being ready to faint with travail and want of victuals, and almost famished with cold. John Goodman was fain to have his shoes cut off his feet, they were so swelled with cold ; and it was a long while after ere he was able to go. Those on the shore were much comforted at their return ; but they on shipboard were grieved at deeming them lost.
But the next day, being the 14th of January, in the Jan. morning about six of the clock, the wind being very great, they on shipboard spied their great new rendez- vous on fire ; which was to them a new discomfort, fearing, because of the supposed loss of the men, that the salvages had fired them. Neither could they pre- sently go to them for want of water. But after three quarters of an hour they went, as they had purposed the day before to keep the Sabbath on shore,^ because now there was the greater number of people. At their landing they heard good tidings of the return of the two men, and that the house was fired occasionally by a spark that flew into the thatch, which instantly burnt it all up ; but the roof stood, and little hurt. The most loss was Master Carver's and Wilham Bradford's,"^ who
the bounds of the town there are bath which they kept on shore.
more than two hundred. See Prince, p. 169, adduces no authority
Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 180, and for his assertion, that "the 31st of
Thacher's Plymouth, p. 320. Dec. seems to be the first day that
^ A plain commences two miles any keep the sabbath in the place
from the town, and extends six of their building."
miles southwest. F. ■* The omission of Mr. before
^ See note ^ on page 163. Bradford's name in this place, and
' This seems to be the first sab- on pages 126, 136, 149, and else-
23
178 A SHED BUILT FOR THE PROVISIONS.
CHAP, then lay sick in bed, and if they had not risen with . — l^ good speed, had been blown up with powder ; but, 162 1. through God's mercy, they had no harm. The
house was as full of beds as they could lie one by
another, and their muskets charged ; but, blessed be
God, there was no harm done. Jan. Monday, the 15th day, it rained much all day, that
they on shipboard could not go on shore, nor they on
shore do any labor, but were all w^ct.
Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, were very fair,
sunshiny days, as if it had been in April ; and our
people, so many as were in health, wrought cheerfully.
19. The 19th day we resolved to make a shed to put our common provision in, of which some were already set on shore ; but at noon it rained, that we could not work. This day, in the evening, John Goodman went abroad to use his lame feet, that were pitifully ill with the cold he had got, having a little spaniel with him. A little way from the plantation two great wolves ran after the dog ; the dog ran to him and betwixt his legs for succour. He had nothing in his hand, but took up a stick and threw at one of them and hit him, and they presently ran both away, but came again. He got a pale-board in his hand ; and they sat both on their tails grinning at him a good while ; and went their way and left him.
20. Saturday, 20th, we made up our shed for our common goods.
21. Sunday, the 21st, we kept our meeting on land.
22. Monday, the 22d, was a fair day. We wrought on
where, whilst it is prefixed to the this Relation was written by Brad- names of persons unquestionably his ford. If any other person had been inferiors, as Mr. Christopher Martin, the author, he would have prefixed p. 171, is a strong presumption that Mr. to Bradford's name.
COLD, FROSTY WEATHER. 179
our houses ; and in the afternoon carried up our hogs- chap.
heads of meal to our common storehouse. The rest '-^
of the week we followed our business likewise. I62i.
Monday, the 29th, in the morning, cold, frost, and Jan. sleet ; but after reasonable fair. Both the long-boat and the shallop brought our common goods on shore. ^
Tuesday and Wednesday, 30th and 31st of January, 30, 31. cold, frosty weather and sleet, that we could not work. In the morning, the master and others saw two sava- ges, that had been on the island near our ship. What they came for we could not tell. They were going ^ so far back again before they were descried, that we could not speak with them.
Sunday, the 4th of February, was very wet and Feb. rainy, with the greatest gusts of wind that ever we had since we came forth ; that though we rid in a very good harbour, yet we were in danger, because our ship was light, the goods taken out, and she un- ballasted ; and it caused much daubing ^ of our houses to fall down.
Friday, the 9th, still the cold weather continued, 9. that we could do little work. That afternoon, our little house for our sick people was set on fire by a spark that kindled in the roof; but no great harm was done. That evening, the master going ashore, killed five geese, which he friendly distributed among the sick people. He found also a good deer killed. The savages had cut off" the horns, and a wolf was eating of him. How he came there we could not conceive.
' "Jan. 29, dies Rose, the wife 'Their houses were probably
of Captain Standish. N. B. This log-huts, thatched, and the inter- month eight of our number die." stices filled with clay. Bradford, in Prince, p. 184.
^ Probably a typographical error for Fone.
180 TWO INDIANS MAKE THEIR APPEARANCE.
CHAP. Friday, the 16th, was a fair day; but the northerly _J_ wind continued, which continued the frost. This day, 162 1. after noon, one of our people being a fowling, and le!' having taken a stand by a creek side in the reeds, about a mile and a half from our plantation, there came by him twelve Indians, marching towards our plantation, and in the woods he heard the noise of many more. He lay close till they were passed, and then with what speed he could he went home and gave the alarm. So the people abroad in the woods returned and arm- ed themselves, but saw none of them ; only, toward the evening, they made a great fire about the place where they were first discovered. Captain Miles Standish and Francis Cooke being at work in the woods, coining home left their tools behind them ; but before they returned, their tools were taken away by the savages. This coming of the savages gave us occasion to keep more strict watch, and to make our pieces and furniture ready, which by the moisture and rain were out of temper. 17. Saturday, the 17th day, in the morning, we called a meeting for the establishing of military orders among ourselves ; and we chose Miles Standish our captain, and gave him authority of command in affairs. And as we were in consultation hereabouts, two savages presented themselves upon the top of a hill,^ over against our plantation, about a quarter of a mile and less, and made signs unto us to come unto them ; we likewise made signs unto them to come to us. Where- upon we armed ourselves and stood ready, and sent
* Watson's Hill, called by the leTelled in 1814, Indian relics of
first settlers Strawberry Hill. The various kinds were found. See
Indian name was Cantaugcanteest. Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 177. When the summit of the hill was
THE ARTILLERY PLANTED ON THE HILL. 181
two over the brook ^ towards them, to wit, Captain chap.
Standish and Steven Hopkins,^ who went towards L^
them. Only one of them had a musket, which they 1621.
laid down on the ground in their sight, in sign of
peace, and to parley with them. But the savages
would not tarry their coming. A noise of a great
many more was heard behind the hill ; but no more
came in sight. This caused us to plant our great
ordnances in places most convenient.
Wednesday, the 21st of February,^ the master came Feb.
21 on shore, with many of his sailors, and brought with
him one of the great pieces, called a minion,^ and helped us to draw it up the hill, with another piece that lay on shore, and mounted them, and a sailer, and two bases. He brought with him a very fat goose to eat with us, and we had a fat crane and a mallard, and a dried neat's tongue ; and so we were kindly and friendly together.
Saturday, the 3d of March, the wind was south, the Mar. morning misty, but towards noon warm and fair ^* weather. The birds sang in the woods most plea- santly. At one of the clock it thundered, which was
' The Town Brook. See note* Morton, in his Memorial, p. 50, as
on page 172. " a man pious and well deserving,
* See note * on page 126. endowed also with a considerable
* " February 21. Die Mr. Wil- outward estate; and had it been liam White, Mr. William Mullins, the will of God that he had sur- with two more ; and the 25th dies vived, might have proved a useful Mary, the wife of Mr. Isaac Allerton. instrument in his place."
N. B. This month seventeen of our * The minion was a piece of
number die." Bradford, in Prince, ordnance, the bore of which was
p. 184. Mullins and White were 3 1-4 inches diameter. The saher
the 10th and 11th signers of the (for which sailer is probably a
Compact ; each of them brought misprint,) was a larger gun, the
his wife over, and each had three diameter of which at the bore was
others, probably children, in his from 3 1-2 to 4 inches; and the
family. White was the father of base was the smallest sort of artil-
the first child born in New Eng- lery, the diameter of whose bore
land, as mentioned on page 148. was only 1 1-4 inch. See Crabb's
William Mullins is described by Univ. Tech. Diet.
1 82 WELCOME, SAMOSET !
CHAP, the first we heard in that country. It was strong and
. Jw great claps, but short ; but after an hour it rained
162 1. very sadly till midnight.
Mar. Wednesday, the 7th of March, the wind was full ^' east, cold, but fair. That day Master Carver, with five others, went to the great ponds,' which seem to be excellent fishing places. All the way they went they found it exceedingly beaten, and haunted with deer ; but they saw none. Amongst other fowl they saw one, a milk-white fowl, with a very black head. This day some garden seeds were sown.
• 16. Friday, the 16th, a fair warm day towards.^ This morning we determined to conclude of the military orders, which we had begun to consider of before, but were interrupted by the savages, as we mentioned formerly. And whilst we were busied hereabout, we were interrupted again ; for there presented himself a savage, which caused an alarm. He very boldly came all alone, and along the houses, straight to the rendez- vous; where we intercepted him, not suffering him to go in,^ as undoubtedly he would out of his boldness. He saluted us in English, and bade us " Welcome!'''' for he had learned some broken English among the Eng- lishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon,'* and knew by name the most of the captains, commanders, and masters, that usually come.^ He was a man free in
* Billington Sea. * Monhegan, an island on the ^ Perhaps the word noon was coast of Maine, between tlie Ken- here accidentally omitted. nebec and the Penobscot, and about 3 They were unwilling he should 12 miles distant from the shore. It see how few and weak they were, was an early and favorite place of They had already lost nearly half resort for the English fishermen, of their number, and had the In- See Williamson's Maine, i. 61. dians attacked them in their sickly * Seeing the Mayflower in the and enfeebled state, they would harbour, he no doubt took her for a have fallen an easy prey. fishing-vessel. This explains his
DESCRIPTION OP SAMOSET. 183
speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of a chap. seemly carriage. We questioned him of many things ; v___^ he was the first savage we could meet withal. He 1 6 2 i said he was not of these parts, but of Morattiggon,^ 16.' and one of the sagamores or lords thereof; and had been eight months in these parts, it lying hence a day's sail with a great wind, and five days by land. He discoursed ^ of the whole country, and of every prov- ince, and of their sagamores, and their number of men and strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a horseman's coat about him ; for he was stark naked, only a leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long or little more. He had a bow and two arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded. He was a tall, straight man, the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before, none on his face at all. He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of mallard ; all which he liked well, and had been acquainted with such amongst the EngHsh. He told us the place where we now live is called Patuxet, and that about four years ago all the inhabit- ants died of an extraordinary plague,^ and there is
boldness in coming directly to more intercourse with the natives,
them. says, " As for the language, it is
' Morattiggon. I know not what A'ery copious, large, and difficult, part of the country this was meant As yet we cannot attain to any to designate. Perhaps it is an error great measure thereof, but can un- foi Monhiggon. Samoset evidently derstand them, and explain our- was desirous of magnifying his own selves to their understanding by importance, in giving the Pilgrims the help of those that daily con- to understand that he was a saga- verse with us." more. ^ All the early writers on New
^ It is difficult to conceive how England agree, that for three or
they could converse together so as four years previous to the arrival
to be mutually understood. Ed- of the Pilgrims, a deadly pestilence
ward Winslow, in his Good News had raged all along the seaboard,
from New England, written two from the Penobscot to Narraganset
years afterwards, when they had had Bay. The two tribes dwelling at
184
THE INDIAN PLAGUE.
CHAP, neither man, woman, nor child remaininir, as indeed
.___L- we have found none ; so as there is none to hinder our
162 1. possession, or to lay claim unto it. All the afternoon
16. we spent in communication with him. We would
gladly have been rid of him at night, but he was not
willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry
these extremes, as well as the Nau- set Indians, on Cape Cod, escaped, whilst the intermediate inhabitants were almost entirely swept off. Some tribes were nearly extinct ; the Massachusetts, in particular, are said to have been reduced from 30,000 to 300 fighting men. Capt. Dermer, who was here in 1619, says, " I passed along the coast where I found some ancient plan- tations, not long since populous, now utterly void. In other places a remnant remains, but not free of sickness ; their disease the plague, for we might perceive the sores of some tliat had escaped, who de- scribed the spots of such as usually die." Higginson, in his New Eng- land's Plantation, printed in 1030, says, "Their subjects above twelve years since, were swept away by a great and grievous plague that was amongst them, so that there are very few left to inhabit the coun- try." Morton, in his New English Canaan, b. i. ch. 3, says, " Some few years before the English came to inhabit at New Plymouth, the hand of God fell heavily upon the natives, with such a mortal stroke, that they died on heaps. In a place where many inhabited, there hath been but one left alive to tell what became of the rest ; and the bones and skulls upon the several places of their habitations made such a spectacle after my coming into these parts, that as I travelled in that forest, near the Massachusetts, it seemed to me a new-found Gol- gotha. This mortality was not ended when the Brownists of New Plymouth were settled at Patuxet, and by all likelihood the sickness
that these Indians died of was the plague, as by conference with them since my arrival and habitation in these parts I have learned." John- son, in his Wonderworking Provi- dence, b. i. ch. 8, says, " About the year 1618, a little before the remo- val of that church of Christ from Holland to Plymouth in New Eng- land, as the ancient Indians report, there befell a great mortality among them, chiefly desolating those places where the English afterwards plant- ed ; their disease being a sore con- sumption, sweeping away whole fomilics, but chiefly young men and children, the very seeds of increase." " What this disease was," says Gookin, who wrote in 1674, " that so generally and mor- tally swept away the Indians, I cannot well learn. Doubtless it was some pestilential disease. I have discoursed with some old In- dians, that were then youths, who say that the bodies all over were exceeding yellow, describing it by a yellow garment they showed me, both before they died, and after- wards." " There are some old planters," says Increase Mather, writing in 1677, " surviving to this day, who helped to bury the dead Indians, even whole families of them all dead at once." See Pur- chas, iv. 1778 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 122, 148, xii.fi6 ; Hutchinson, i. 34. In the Great Patent of New Eng- land, granted Nov. 3, 1620, the des- olating effects of this pestilence are assigned by King James as a reason for granting it. " We have been further given certainly to know, that within these late years there hath, by God's visitation,
THE NAUSITES.
185
Mar. 17.
him on shipboard, wherewith he was well content, chap.
and went into the shallop ; but the wind was high .^ ^-^
and the water scant, that it could not return back. 1621. We lodged him that night at Steven Hopkins's house,^ and watched him.
The next day he went away back to the Masasoits,^ from whence he said he came, who are our next bor- dering neighbours. They are sixty strong, as he saith. The Nausites are as near, southeast of them, and are a hundred strong ; and those were they of whom our people were encountered, as we before re- lated. They are much incensed and provoked against the English ; and about eight months ago slew three Englishmen, and two more hardly escaped by flight
to Monhiggon.
They were Sir Ferdinando Gorge's ^
reigned a wonderful plague amongst the savages there heretofore inha- biting, in a manner to the utter destruction, devastation, and de- population of that whole territory, so as there is not left, for many leagues together, in a manner, any that do claim or challenge any kind of interest therein ; whereby we, in our judgment, are persuaded and satisfied that the appointed time is come in which Almighty God, in his great goodness and bounty to- wards us and our people, hath thought fit and determined, that these large and goodly territories, deserted as it were by their natural inhabitants, should be possessed and enjoyed by such of our subjects and people as shall by his mercy and favor, and by his powerful arm, be directed and conducted thither." Plymouth Colony Laws, p. 3.
Hutchinson, in his Hist, of Mass. i. 35, remarks, " Our ancestors sup- posed an immediate interposition of Providence in the great mortality among the Indians, to make room for the settlement of the English.
21
I am not inclined to credulity, but should not we go into the contrary extreme if we were to take no notice of the extinction of this peo- ple in all parts of the continent? In some the English have made use of means the most likely to have prevented it ; but all to no purpose. Notwithstanding their frequent ruptures with the English, very few comparatively have pe- rished by wars. They waste, they moulder away, and, as Charlevoix says of the Indians of Canada, they disappear."
' See note ^ on page 126.
^ The English, not understanding Samoset perfectly, supposed that by Massasoit he meant an Indian tribe ; but this was the name of the great sagamore, as appears after- wards. F.
3 See the Life of Sir Ferdinando Gorges in Belknap's Am. Biog. i. 346 — 393, and his Brief Narration, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 45 — 93. In this work, p. 63, he mentions an attack that was made in July, 1620, by the Indians of Martha's Vine, yard on Capt. Dermer and his com.
136 HUNT, THE KIDNAPPER.
CHAP, men, as this savage told us ; as he did hkewise of the .J^ huggery, that is, fight, that our discoverers had with 162 1. the Nausites, and of our tools that were taken out of the woods, which we willed him should be brought again ; otherwise we would right ourselves. These people are ill affected towards the English by reason of one Hunt,^ a master of a ship, who deceived the people and got them, under color of trucking with them, twenty out of this very place where we inhabit, and seven men from the Nausites, and carried them away, and sold them for slaves, like a wretched man (for twenty pound a man,) that cares not what mis- chief he doth for his profit. Mar. Saturday, in the morning, we dismissed the sal- vage, and gave him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring. He promised within a night or two to come again and to bring with him some of the Massasoyts, our neighbours, with such beavers' skins as they had to truck with us. 18. Saturday and Sunday reasonable fair days. On this day came again the savage, and brought with him five other tall, proper men. They had every man a deer's
pany, whom he had sent over to ence in the accounts of the number
New England. Dermer lost all of the natives which he thus seized
his men but one, and received four- and carried off. The President
teen wounds in this encounter ; and Council of New England, in
which took place just eight months their Brief Relation of its Disco-
before ; and there can hardly be a very and Plantation, state the num-
doubt that these were the " Sir ber as 24 ; Gorges mentions 30 ;
Ferdinando Gorge's men," men- whilst Capt. John Smith says 27,
tioned in the text. Dermer had agreeing with the number men-
previously been at Nautican, or tioned in the text. Hunt carried
Nauset. See Prince's Annals, pp. these Indians to Spain, where they
157, 186. were humanely rescued and set at
^ The name of this Captain Hunt liberty by the monks of Malaga.
has come down to us loaded with Several of them got over to Eng-
deserved infamy, as the first kid- land, and proved of essential ser-
napper and slave-dealer on the coast vice to Gorges. See Mass. Hist,
of North America. There is a differ- Coll. xix. 6, xxvi. 58, 61, 132.
DESCRIPTION OP THE INDIANS. 187
skin on him, and the principal of them had a wild cat's chap. skin, or such like, on the one arm. They had most of ^— -^ them long hosen^ up to their groins, close made, and i62i. above their groins to their waist another leather ; they is.' were altogether like the Irish trousers.^ They are of complexion like our English gipseys ; no hair or very little on their faces ; on their heads long hair to their shoulders, only cut before ; some trussed up before with a feather, broad-wise, like a fan ; another a fox tail, hanging out. These left (according to our charge given him before) their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from our town. We gave them entertainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eat liberally of our Enghsh victuals. They made semblance unto us of friendship and amity. They sang and danced after their manner, like antics. They brought with them in a thing like a bow-case, (which the principal of them had about his waist,) a little of their corn pounded to powder, which, put to a httle water, they eat.^ He
* Leggins. days with no other food but this ^ Morton, in his New English meal, which he eateth as he needs, Canaan, b. i. ch. 6, says, "Of such and after it drinketh water. And. deer's skins as they dress bare, they for this end, when they travel a make stockings, that come within journey, or go a hunting, they carry their shoes, like a stirrup stocking, this nokake in a basket or bag, for and is fastened above at their belt, their use." Gookin, in Mass. Hist, which is about their middle. When Coll. i. 150. — '■'■ Nokehich, parched they have their apparel on, they meal, which is a ready, very whole- look like Irish, in their trousers, some food, which they eat with a the stockings join so to their little water, hot or cold. I have breeches." Wood, in his New travelled with near two hundred England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 5, of them at once, near a hundred says, " In the winter time the more miles through the woods, every aged of them wear leather drawers, man carrying a little basket of this in form like Irish trousers, fast- at his back, and sometimes in a ened under their girdles with but- hollow leather girdle about his tons." middle, sufficient for a man three ' " The Indians make a certain or four davs. With this ready pro- sort of meal of parched maize, vision, and their bows and arrows. This meal they call nokake. It is are ihey ready for war and travel so sweet, toothsome, and hearty, at an hour's warning. With a that an Indian will travel many spoonful of this meal, and a spoon-
188
THE INDIANS' USE OF TOBACCO.
CHAP, had a little tobacco in a baff : but none of them
X .
..^J- ' drank ^ but when he Hked. Some of them had their
16 21. faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four
18. or five fingers broad ; others after other fashions, as
they liked. They brought three or four skins ; but we
ful of water from the brook, have I made many a good dinner and sup- per." Roger Williams's Key, in Mass. Hist. Coll. lii. 208.— "If their imperious occasions cause them to travel, the best of their victuals for their journey is nocahc, (as they call it,) which is nothing but Indian corn parched in the hot ashes. The ashes being sifted from it, it is afterwards beat to powder, and put into a long leathern bag, trussed at their backs like a knap- sack, out of which they take thrice three spoonfuls a day, dividing it into three meals. If it be in win- ter, and snow be on the ground, they can eat when they please, stopping snow after tlieir dusty victuals. In summer they must stay till they meet with a spring or brook, when they may have water to prevent the imminent danger of choking. With this strange via- ticum, they will travel four or five days together, with loads filter for elephants than men." W^ood's New England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 6.
' That is, smohed. This was formerly a common expression. Thus Brereton, in his Journal of Gosnold's A^oyage, says, " they gave us also of their tobacco, which ihey drink green, but dried into powder, very strong and pleasant." Rosier, in his account of Weymouth's Voyage to New England, in 1G05, reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 142, says, " We drank of their excellent tobacco, as much as we would, with them ; but we saw not any great quantity to truck for, and it seemed they had not much left of old, for they spend a great quantity yearly by their continual drinking.'''
Johnson, in his Wonderworking Providence, b. i. ch. 41, mentions a lusty man, (doubtless Underbill,) who held forth to his pastor before the whole congregation, that the spirit of revelation came to him as he was drinking a pipe of tobacco." In the Records of Plymouth Colo- ny, under the year 1()40, is the fol- lowing entry. " Anthony Thacher and George Pole were chosen a committee to draw up an order concerning disorderly drinking to- bacco."— This use of language was probably descriptive of the manner in which the weed was formerly inhaled, and which still prevails in the East. Lane, in his account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, i. 187, says, " In smoking, the people of Egypt, and of other countries of the East, draw in their breath freely, so that much of the smoke descends into the lungs ; and the terms which they use to express ' smoking to- bacco ' signify ' drinking smoke,' or ' drinking tobacco.' "
Winslow, in his Good News from New England, says, " The men take much tobacco." Roger Williams, in his Key, chs. ii. and XX. says, " They generally all take tobacco, and it is the only plant which men labor in, the women managing all the rest. They say they take tobacco for two causes ; first, against the rheum, which causeth the toothache, which they are impatient of; secondly, to re- vive and refresh them, they drink- ing nothing but water. Their to- bacco bag hangs at their neck, or sticks at their girdle, and is to them instead of an English pocket."
INTERCOURSE WITH THE NATIVES. 189
would not truck with them at all that day,^ but chap. wished them to bring more, and we would truck for .^-J^ all ; which they promised within a night or two, and 1621. would leave these behind them, though we were not jg^' willing they should ; and they brought us all our tools again, which were taken in the woods, in our men's absence. So, because of the day, we dismissed them so soon as we could. But Samoset, our first acquaint- ance, either was sick or feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and stayed with us till Wednesday morning. Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they came not according to their words ; and we gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of cloth to tie about his waist.
The Sabbath day, when we sent them from us, we gave every one of them some trifles, especially the principal of them. We carried them, along with our arms, to the place where they left their bows and ar- rows ; whereat they were amazed, and two of them began to slink away, but that the other called them. When they took their arrows we bade them farewell, and they were glad ; and so, with many thanks given us, they departed, with promise they would come again.
Monday and Tuesday proved fair days. We dig- 19,20. ged our grounds and sowed oar garden seeds.
Wednesday a fine warm day. We sent away Sa- 21. moset.
That day we had again a meeting to conclude of laws and orders for ourselves, and to confirm those military orders that were formerly propounded, and twice broken off" by the savages' coming. But so we were again the third time ; for after we had been an
' It was Sunday,
190
SQUANTO.
CHAP, hour together, on the top of the hilP over against us ..^J-. two or three savages presented themselves, that made 1G2 1. semblance of daring us, as we thought. So Captain Standish with another, with their muskets, went over to them, with two of the master's mates that follows them without arms,^ having two muskets with them. They whetted and rubbed their arrows and strings, and made show of defiance ; but when our men drew near them, they ran away. Thus were we again interrupted by them. This day, with much ado, we got our carpenter, that had been long sick of the scurvy, to fit our shallop to fetch all from aboard. Thursday, the 22d of March, was a very fair, warm day. About noon we met again about our public bu- siness. But we had scarce been an hour together, but Samoset came again, and Squanto,^ the only native
Mar. 22.
' The same hill on which the two Indians appeared, Feb. 17. See note on page 180.
'•' By arms must be here meant side aims, swords, &c., as it is slated they had mujkets.
^ Also called Squantum, or Tis- quanlum. There is some discre- pancy in the early accounts of Squanto's captivity. Gorges, in his Brief Narration, ch. 2, says that " there happened to come into the harbour of Plymouth, where I then commanded, one Captain Wey- mouth, who happened into a river on the coast of America, called Pemraaquid, (the Penobscot,) from whence he brought five of the na- tives, three of whose names were Manida, Sketwarroes, and Tas- quantum, whom I seized upon. They were all of one nation, but of several parts and several families." This was in 1605. But the Gov- ernor and Council for New Eng- land, in their Relation, printed in 1622, say, " It pleased God to send into our hands Tasquantum, one of
those savages that formerly had been betrayed by this unworthy Hunt before named. But this sav- age being at that time in New- foundland, Master Dermer, who was there alsO; found the means to give us intelligence of him, and his opinion of the good use that might be made of his employment." Der- mer took Tisquantum with him to England, and on his return to New England in the spring of 1619, brought him back to his native country. In a letter dated Dec. 27, of that year, he says, " When I ar- rived at my savage's native coun- try, finding all dead, I travelled almost a day's journey westward to a place called Nummastaquyt, (Namasket,) where finding inhabit- ants, I despatched a messenger a day's journey further west to Po- conaokit, which bordereth on the sea , whence came to see me two kings, attended with a guard of fifty armed men, who being well satisfied with that my savage and I discoursed unto them, being de-
MASSASOIT.
191
of Patuxet, where we now inhabit, who was one of ch^p.
the twenty captives that by Hunt were carried away,
and had been in England, and dwelt in Cornhill with ^^^^J- Master John Slanie,^ a merchant, and could speak a 22. little Enghsh, with three others ; and they brought with them some few skins to truck, and some red her- rings, newly taken and dried, but not salted ; and sig- nified unto us, that their great sagamore, Masasoyt,^ was hard by, with Quadequina, his brother, and all their men. They could not express well in English what they would f but after an hour the king came to the top of a hill ^ over against us, and had in his train sixty men, that we could well behold them, and they us. We were not willing to send our governor to them, and they were ^ unwilhng to come to us. So
sirous of novelty, gave me content in whatsoever I demanded." These two king-s were undoubtedly Mas- sasoit and Quadequina. On going to Virginia, in June, Dermer left Tisquantum at Sawahquatooke, now Saco, whence he probably re- turned to Patuxet and Namasket. In another letter, dated June 30,
1620, Dermer says, " Squanto can- not deny but that the Pocanokets would have killed me when I was at Namassaket, had he not entreat- ed hard for me." See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 50, 62, xix. 7, 10, 13 ; Purchas, iv. 1778 ; Morton's Me- morial, pp. 55 — 59.
The beautiful promontory in Quin- cy, near Thompson's island, will perpetuate the name of this early friend of the Pilgrims. They prob- ably called it after him in their first expedition to the Massachusetts in
1621, when he accompanied them as interpreter. This is probably the same place which is called Squanto's Chapel, by Morton, in his New English Canaan, b. ii. chs. 6 and 8.
" * The worshipful John Slany, of
London, merchant," was one of the undertakers of the Newfound- land plantation, and treasurer of the Company. He probably sent Squanto to Newfoundland. See Whitebourne's Newfoundland, p. v. and Purchas, iv. 1876, 1888.
^ Prince says, in his Annals, p. 187, " The printed accounts gene- rally spell him Massasoit ; Gov. Bradford writes him Massasoyt and Massasoyet ; but I find the ancient people, from their fathers in Ply- mouth Colony, pronounce his name Ma-sas-so-it." It will be seen hereafter that Winslow writes it Massassowat. The sachem, in con- formity with a prevailing cus- tom among the Indians, afterwards changed his name, and took that of Owsamequin or Woosamequen. See his Life in B. B. Thatcher's Indian Biography, i. 117 — 140, and in S. G. Drake's Book of the Indi- ans, b. ii. 17 — 29.
^ See note ^ on page 183.
^ Watson's hill, mentioned twice before on pages 180 and 190.
* The word were was accident- ally omitted in the original.
192 WINSLOW'S PARLEY WITH MASSASOIT.
CHAP. Squanto went again unto him, who brought word
'^ that we should send one to parley with him, which wc
1G2 1. (\[([^ which was Edward VVinsloe, to know his mind, Mar. an(j signify the mind and will of our governor, which was to have trading and peace with him. We sent to the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain with a jewel at it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, and withal a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter ; which were all willingly accepted.
Our messenger made a speech unto him, that King James saluted him with words of love and peace, and did accept of him as his friend and ally ; and that our governor desired to see him and to truck with him, and to confirm a peace with him, as his next neigh- bour, lie liked well of the speech, and heard it atten- tively, though the interpreters did not well express it. After he had eaten and drunk himself, and given the rest to his company, he looked upon our messenger's sword and armor, which he had on, with intimation of his desire to buy it ; but, on the other side, our mes- senger showed his unwillingness to part with it. In the end, he left him in the custody of Quadequina, his brother, and came over the brook, and some twenty men following him, leaving all their bows and arrows behind them. We kept six or seven as hostages for our messenger. Captain Standish and Master Wil- liamson^ met the king at the brook, with half a dozen musketeers. They saluted him, and he them ; so one
' There was a Thomas Wil- Standish in this duty. Perhaps it
Hams, but no person of the name of should read Master Allerton, as we
Williamson, among- the signers of find that he went with Standish the
the Compact. It is probably an next day. See p. 195. See also
error of the press. It is very un- note on page 113, and note ^ on
likely that any one of the ship's page 174. Williams was dead be-
company would be associated with fore the end of March.
TREATY OF PEACE WITPI MASSASOIT. 193
going over, the one on the one side, and the other on chap.
the other, conducted him to a house then in building,
where we placed a green rus: and three or four cush- i62i.
. ° . Mar.
ions. Then instantly came our governor, with drum 22. and trumpet after him, and some few musketeers. After salutations, our governor kissing his hand, the king kissed him ; and so they sat down. The governor called for some strong water, and drunk to him ; and he drunk a great draught, that made him sweat all the while after. He called for a little fresh meat, which the king did eat willingly, and did give his followers. Then they treated of peace, which was :
1 . That neither he nor any of his should injure or do hurt to any of our people.
2. And if any of his did hurt to any of ours, he should send the offender, that we might punish him.
3. That if any of our tools were taken away, when our people were at work, he should cause them to be restored ; and if ours did any harm to any of his, we would do the like to them.
4. If any did unjustly war against him, we would aid him ; if any did war against us, he should aid us.
5. He should send to his neighbour confederates to certify them of this, that they might not wrong us, but might be likewise comprised in the conditions of peace.
6. That when their men came to us, they should leave their bows and arrows behind them, as we should do our pieces when we came to them.
Lastly, that doing thus. King James would esteem of him as his friend and ally.^
^ " Tliis treaty," says Belknap, estly intended on both sides, was " the work of one day, being hon- kept with fidelity as long as Mas-
25
]94 aUADEQUINA.
CHAP. All which the king seemed to hke well, and it was _i_ applauded of his followers. All the while he sat by 1G21. the governor, he trembled for fear. In his person he 22. is a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech ; in his attire little or notliing dillering from the rest of his followers, only in a great chain of white bone beads about his neck ; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a little bag of tobacco, which he drank,^ and gave us to drink. His face was painted with a sad red, like mur- rey, and oiled both head and face, that he looked greasily. All his followers likewise were in their faces, in part or in whole, painted, some black, some red, some yellow, and some white, some with crosses, and other antic works ; ^ some had skins on them, and some naked ; all strong, tall men in appearance. So after all was done, the governor conducted him to the brook, and there they embraced each other, and he departed ; we diligently keeping our hostages. We expected our messenger's coming ; but anon word was brought us that Quadequina was coming, and our mes- senger was stayed till his return ; who presently came, and a troop with him. So likewise we entertained him, and conveyed him to the place prepared. He was very fearful of our pieces, and made signs of dis- like, that they should be carried away ; whereupon
sasoit lived, but was afterwards, remain inviolable. It was accord- in 1675, broken by Philip, his sue- ingly ratified and confirmed by cessor." Am Biog. ii, 214. In the government. See Morton's Sept. 1639, Massasoit and his Memorial, p. 210; eldest son, Mooanam, afterwards ' See note ' on page 188. called VVamsutta, and in 1662 by ^ This description corresponds to the English named Alexander, the appearance of Black Hawk and came into the Court at Plymouth Keokuk, and the braves of the and desired that this ancient league Sacs and Foxes, on their visit to and confederacy might stand and Boston in 1837.
ISAAC ALLERTON. 195
commandment was given they should be laid away. chap.
He was a very proper, tall young man, of a very mod-
est and seemly countenance, and he did kindly like of 1^2 1. our entertainment. So we conveyed him likewise, as we did the king ; but divers of their people stayed still. When he was returned, then they dismissed our messenger. Two of his people would have stayed all night ; but we would not suffer it. One thing I for- got ; the king had in his bosom, hanging in a string, a great long knife. He marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as well as they could. Samoset and Squanto, they stayed all night with us ; and the king and all his men lay all night in the woods, not above half an Enghsh mile from us, and all their wives and women with them. They said that within eight or nine days they would come and set corn on the other side of the brook, and dwell there all summer ; which is hard by us. That night we kept good watch ; but there was no appearance of danger.
The next morning, divers of their people came over Mar. to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. Some of them told us the king would have some of us come see him. Captain Standish and Isaac Alderton ^
' Generally spelt Allerton. He trade, and at length left them and was the fifth signer of the Compact settled there. ]Iis male posterity on board the Mayflower. After the settled in Maryland. If they be death of his wife Mary, Feb. 25, extinct. Point Alderton, at the en- 1621, he married, in 1626, Fear, a trance of Boston harbour, which daughter of Elder Brewster. She took his name, will probably pre- died in 1633, and he then married a serve it many ages." Judge Davis thiid wife, named Johanna. His adds, in his edition of Morton's son Isaac graduated at Harvard New England's Memorial, p. 394, College in 1650. Hutchinson, in " Like the promontory of Palinurus, his History of Massachusetts, ii. it is respectfully regarded as the 461, says " Isaac Allerton or Al- memorial of an ancient worthy ; derton, the first assistant, was em- and the appellation, perpetuating ployed several times to negotiate the memory of a man of the great- matters in England relative to their est commercial enterprise in those
296 THE FIRST LAWS ENACTED.
CHAP, went venturously, who were welcomed of him after ^-^^ their manner. He gave them three or four ground- nuts and some tobacco. We cannot yet conceive but that he is willing to have peace with us ; for they have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work and fowling, whenas they offered them no harm, as they might easily have done ; and espe- cially because he hath a potent adversary, the Narow- higansets, that are at war with him, against whom he thinks we may be some strength to him ; for our pieces are terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till ten or eleven of the clock ; and our governor bid them send the king's kettle, and filled it full of pease, which pleased them well ; and so they went their way.
Friday was a very fair day. Samoset and Squanto still remained with us. Squanto went at noon to fish for eels. At night he came home with as many as he could well lift in one hand ; which our people were glad of; they were fat and sweet. He trod them out ^ with his feet, and so caught them with his hands, without any other instrument.
This day we proceeded on with our common busi- ness, from which we had been so often hindered by the salvages' coming ; and concluded both of military
early times, is most fitly applied, daughter Mary, who married Tho- ' Gaudet cognomine terra.'' ''"' — The mas Cushman, son of Robert, was accurate Hutchiuson is for once in alive in 1698, the last survivor of an error. Allerton removed to the passengers in the Mayflower. New Haven in Connecticut, pre- See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvii. 243 vious to the last of March, 1647, and 301, Professor Kingsley's His- and died there in 1659. We are torical Discourse, p. 92, and Mitch- indebted to the Rev. Leonard Ba- elTs Bridgewater, p. 356. con of New Haven, for the disco- ^ Of the mud ; probably at Eel very of this fact. His conjecture, river, so called from the abundance however, is unfounded that Allerton of eels which are taken there, left no daughter. It appears from About 150 barrels are annually Hutchinson, ii. 456, compared with caught. See Thacher's Plymouth, Morton's Memorial, p. 381, that his p. 322.
CARVER RE-ELECTED GOVERNOR.
197
orders and of some laws ' and orders as we thought chap.
behooveful for our present estate and condition ; and ^
did hkewise choose^ our governor for this year, i62i. which was Master John Carver, a man well approved amonsst us.^
[March 24. Dies Elizabeth, the wife of Mr. Ed- ward Winslow. N. B. This month thirteen of our number die. And in three months past, dies half our company ; the greatest part in the depth of winter,
Mar. 24.
' In 1636 a code of laws was made, with a preamble containing an account of the settlement of the Colony. This Code was revised in 1658, and again in 1671, and print- ed with this title, " The Book of the General Laws of the Inhabit- ants of the Jurisdiction of New Plymouth." In 1685, a new digest of them was published. In 1836 these several codes were collected and digested into one volume by William Brigham, Esq. Counsellor at Law, agreeably to a Resolve of (he Legislatuie of Massachusetts. It serves to illustrate the condition of the Colony at different periods, the maimers, wants, and senti- ments of our forefathers, the diffi- culties with which they struggled, and the remedies provided for their relief. See Mass. Hisi. Coll. xxii. 265, 270.
Gov. Hutchinson, with unac- countable carelessness, has assert- ed, ii. 463, that "they never estab- lished any distinct code or body of laws ; " grounding his assertion on a passage in Hubbard's Hist, of N. England, which implies no such thing. The quotation, imperfectly given by Hutchinson, is correctly as follows: "The laws they in- tended to be governed by were the laws of England, the which they were willing to be subject unto, though in a foreign land ; and have since that time continued in that
mind for the general, adding only some particular municipal laws of their own, suitable to their consti- tution, in such cases where the common laws and statutes of Eng- land could not well reach, or afford them help in emergent difficulties of the place ; possibly on the same ground that Pacuvius sometimes advised his neighbours of Capua not to cashier their old magistrates till they could agree upon better lo place in their room. So did these choose to abide by the laws of Eng- land, till they could be provided of better." Belknap's Am. Biog. ii, 242 ; Mass Hist. Coll. xv. 62.
^ " Or rather confirm." Bradford in Prince, p. 188. It will be recol- lected that Carver had been chosen governor on the 11th of November, the same day on which the Com- pact was signed. It was now the 23d of March, and the new year beginning on the 25th, according to the calendar then in use, Carver was reelected for the ensuing year. The question has sometimes been asked, Why was not Brewster cho- sen 1 The answer is given by Hutchinson, ii. 460. " He was their ruling elder, which seems to have been the bar to his being their governor, civil and ecclesiastical office in the same person being then deemed incompatible."
^ Here the daily journal breaks off, and an interval of three months
198
MORTALITY AMONO THE COLONISTS.
CHAP, wantinor houses and other comforts, beins: infected
. -— ^ with the scurvy and other diseases, which their long
162 1. voyage and unaccoininodate condition brought upon them ; so as there die sometimes two or three a day. Of a hundred persons scarce fifty remain ; the living scarce able to bury the dead ; the well not sufficient to tend the sick, there being, in their time of greatest dis- tress, but six or seven, who spare no pains to help them. Two of the seven were I\Ir. Brewster, their reverend elder, and Mr. Standish, their cai)tain. The like dis- ease fell also among the sailors, so as almost half their company also die before they sail.' But the
occurs before tlie account of the expedition to Pokanoket, durinn; which nothing is recorded. To fill up this chasm in some measure, I insert the following particulars, which Prince extracts from Gov. Bradford's History, and from his Register, in which he records some of the first deaths, marriages, and punishments at Plymouth.
' The exact bill of mortality, as collected by Prince, is as follows.
In December In January In February In March
G 8
17 13
Total 44
Of these were subscribers to the Compact,
The wives of Bradford, Stand- ish, Allerton, and Winslow,
Also, Edward Thomson, a ser- vant of Mr. White, Jasper Carver, a son of the go- vernor, and Solonnon Mar- tin, son of Christopher,
Other women, children and servants, whose names are not known,
21
4
IG
44
Before the arrival of the Fortune in Nov. six more died, including Carver and his wife, making the whole number of deaths 50, and leaving the tc tal number of the sur- vivors 50. Of those not named among the survivors, being young men, women, children, and ser- vants, there were 31 ; amongst whom, as appears from the list of names in the division of the lands in 1623, were Joseph Rogers, probably a son of Thomas, Mary Chilton, probably a daughter of James, Henry Samson, and Humil- ity Cooper. See Baylies' Plymouth, i. 70 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii, 207 ; Morton's Memorial, p. 376.
Wood, in his New England's Prospect, ch. 2, says, " Whereas many died at the beginning of the plantations, it was not because the country was unheallhful, but be- cause their bodies were corrupted with sea-diet, which was naught, the beef and pork being tainted, their butter and cheese corrupted, their fish rotten, and the voyage long by reason of cross winds, so that winter approaching before they could get warm houses, and the searching sharpness of that purer climate creeping in at the crannies of their crazed bodies, caused death
THE MAYFLOWER SAILS FOR ENGLAND.
199
spring advancing, it pleases God the mortality begins chap. to cease, and the sick and lame recover ; which puts — ^ new life into the people, though they had borne their 1 6 2 l sad affliction with as much patience as any could do.
The first oflence since our arrival is of John Bil- lington, who came on board at London, and is this month convented before the whole company for his contempt of the Captain's lawful command with opprobrious speeches, for which he is adjudged to have his neck and heels tied together ; but upon humbling himself and craving pardon, and it being the first offence, he is forgiven.^
April 5. We despatch the ship with Captain Jones, April who this day sails from New Plymouth, and May 6 arrives in England.^
and sickness." Dudley, too, in his letter to the Countess of Lincoln, in Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 43, re- marks, " Touching the sickness and mortality which every first year hath seized upon us and those of Plymouth, (of which mortality it may be said of us almost as of the Egyptians, that there is not a house where there is not one dead, and in some houses many,) the natural causes seem to be, the Avant of warm lodging and good diet, to which Englishmen are habituated at home. Those of Plymouth, who landed in winter, died of scurvy, as did our poorer sort, whose housing and bedding kept them not suffi- ciently warm."
Holmes, in his Annals, i. 168, says, " Tradition gives an affecting picture of the infant colony during this critical and distressing period. The dead were buried on the bank, at a little distance from the rock where the fathers landed ; and, lest the Indians should take advantage of the weak and wretched state of the English, the graves were lev-
elled, and sown for the purpose of concealment. This information I received at Plymouth from the late Ephraim Spooner, a lespectable inhabitant of that town, and deacon of the church, who accompanied me to the spot where those first inter- ments were made. Human bones have been washed out of the bank, within the memory of the present generation. Deacon Spooner, then upwards of 70 years of age, had his information from I\Ir. Thomas Faunce, who was a ruling elder in the first church in Plymouth, and was well acquainted with several of the first settlers. Elder Faunce knew the rock on which they first landed ; and hearing that it was covered in the erection of a wharf, was so affected, that he wept. His tears perhaps saved it from oblivion. He died Feb. 27, 1746, aged 99." See note * on page 161.
' See note ^ on page 149.
* It is a circumstance worthy of notice, that notwithstanding the hardships, privations, and mortality among the Pilgrims, not one of
200
DEATH OP GOVERNOR CARVER.
CHAP. While we are busy about our seed, our governor, _- J-- Mr. Carver, comes out of the field very sick, com- i('2i. plains greatly of his head. Within a few hours his senses fail, so as he speaks no more, and in a few days after dies, to our great lamentation and heavi- ness. His care and pains were so great for the com- mon good, as therewith, it is thought, he oppressed himself and shortened his days ; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complain ; and his wife deceases about five or six weeks after.^
them was induced to abandon the enterprise and return home in the Mayflower. The ship had been detained so hmcr " by reason of the necessity and danger that lay on them, because so many died both of themselves and the ship's company likewise ; by which they became so few, as the master durst not put to sea until those that lived recovered of their sickness, and the winter over." Morton's Memorial, p. G7. ' " Before I pass on, I may not omit to take notice of the sad loss the church and this infant common- wealth sustained by the death of Mr. John Carver, who was one of the deacons of the church in Ley- den, but now had been and was their first governor. This worthy gentleman was one of singular piety, and rare for humility, which appeared, as otherwise, so by his great condescendency, whenas this miserable people were in great sickness. He shunned not to do very mean services for them, yea, the meanest of them. He bare a share likewise of their labor in his own person, according as their great necessity required. Who being one also of a considerable estate, spent the main part of it in this enterprise, and from first to last approved him- self not only as their agent in the first transacting of things, but also all along to the period of his life, to
be a pious, faithful, and very bene- ficial instrument. He deceased in the month of April in the year 1021, and is now reaping the fruit of his labor with the Lord." MS. Re- cords of Plym. Ch. vol. i. p. 27. See also Morton's Memorial, p. 68.
It is supposed that Carver's death was occasioned by a stroke of the sun ; and yet, as Baylies observes, "it is not a little remarkable that such an effect should have been produced in this climate in the month of April." Morton says, " he was buried in the best man- ner they could, with as much so- lemnity as they were in a capacity to perform, with the discharge of some volleys of shot of all that bare arms."
Nothing is known of Carver pre- vious to his appointment in 1617 as one of the agents of the Church at Leyden. Nor is any thing known of his immediate descend- ants. It will be seen by the Com- pact, p. 121, that there were 8 per- sons in his family. He lost a son Dec. 6, and his daughter Elizabeth married John Howland. See note ^ on page 149. The name of Car- ver does not appear in the assign- ment of the lands in 1623, nor in the division of the cattle in 1627 ; nor does it occur at any subsequent time in the annals of the Colony. " His children attained no civil
THE FIRST MARRIAGE AND DUEL. 201
Soon after we choose Mr. William Bradford our chap.
X.
governor and Mr. Isaac Alierton his assistant, who — '-^ are by renewed elections continued together sundry i6 2i. years.
May 12. The first marriage in this place is of Mr. May Edward Winslow to Mrs. Susanna White, widow of ^^' Mr. Wilham Wliite.^
June 18. The second offence is the first duel June
18
fought in New England, upon a challenge at single combat with sword and dagger, between Edward Doty and Edward Leister, servants of Mr. Hopkins. Both being wounded, the one in the hand, the other in the thigh, they are adjudged by the whole com- pany to have their head and feet tied together, and so to lie for twenty-four hours, without meat or drink ; which is begun to be inflicted, but within an hour, because of their great pains, at their own and their master's humble request, upon promise of better car- riage, they are released by the governor.]
honors ; they rose to no distinction ; house at the same time. Many of but less fortunate than the children the name are still living in various of the other governors, they re- parts of the Old Colony. The mained in obscurity, and were un- town of Carver, in Plymouth Coun- noticed by the people." William, ty, will help to perpetuate it. Com- the grandson (or nephew) of the pare Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 456, governor, died at Marshfield, Oct. with Mitchell's Hist, of Bridge- 2, 1760, at the age of 102. Not water, pp. 129 and 362 ; and see long before his death, this grand- Baylies' Plymouth, i. 71, and Bel- son, with his son, his grandson, knap's Am. Biog. ii. 179 — 216. and great grandson, were all at ' Wm. White died Feb. 21, and work together without doors, and Edward Winslow's first wife, the great great grandson was in the March 24.
26
CHAPTER XI.
A JOURNEY TO PACKANOKICK, THE HABITATION OF THE GREAT KING MASSASOYT; AS ALSO OUR MESSAGE, THE ANSWER AND ENTERTAINMENT WE HAD OF HIM.»
It seemed good to the company, for many consider- ations, to send some amongst them to Massaspyt, the 162 1. greatest commander amongst the savages bordering upon us ; partly to know where to find them, if occasion served, as also to see their strength, discover the coun- try, prevent abuses in their disorderly coming unto us, make satisfaction for some conceived injuries to be done on our parts, and to continue the league of peace and friendship between them and us. For these and the like ends it pleased the governor to make choice of Steven Hopkins and Edward Winsloe to go unto him ; and having a fit opportunity, by reason of a savage called Tisquantum, that could speak English, coming
' There can hardly be a doubt The peculiar mode in which cer-
that the narrative of this expedition tain words are spelt corresponds
was written by Winslow. He and with the manner in which they are
Hopkins were the only persons en- spelt in Winslow's Good News
in it, and of course one of from New England. Thus the
them must have written it. That name of their Indian interpreter is
the author was Winslow, and not in both papers invariably called
Hopkins, is rendered highly proba- Tisquantum, whilst Bradford writes
ble by the circumstance that Hop- ii Squanto. In both narratives too
kins's name is mentioned first, we read Paomet instead of Pamet.
EMBASSY TO MASSASOIT. 203
unto us, with all expedition provided a horseman's chap.
coat of red cotton, and laced with a slight lace, for a > L.
present, that both they and their message might be i62i.
1 11 1 June.
the more acceptable amongst them.
The message was as follows : That forasmuch as his subjects came often and without fear upon all occa- sions amongst us, so we were now come unto him ; and in witness of the love and good-will the English bear unto him, the governor hath sent him a coat, desiring that the peace and amity that was between them and us might be continued ; not that we feared them, but because we intended not to injure any, desiring to live peaceably, and as with all men, so especially with them, our nearest neighbours. But whereas his people came very often, and very many together unto us, bringing for the most part their wives and children with them, they were welcome ; yet we being but strangers as yet at Patuxet, alias New Plymouth,^ and not knowing how our corn might prosper, we could no longer give them such entertainment as we had done, and as we desired still to do. Yet if he would be pleased to come himself, or any special friend of his desired to see us, coming from him they should be welcome. And to the end we might know them from others, our governor had sent him a copper chain ; de- siring if any messenger should come from him to us, we might know him by bringing it with him, and hearken
* Capt. John Smith, in his map left in their native country ; and of New England, published in for that they received many kind- 1616, had given the name of Ply- nesses from some Christians there." mouth to this place- Morton says Smith says its Indian name was in his Memorial, p. 56, "The Accomack, and calls it ''an ex- name of Plymouth was so called, cellent good harbour." The na- not only for the reason here named, lives also called it Apaum. See but also because Plymouth, in Old Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 1, and England, was the last town they xxvi. 97, 119.
204 THE DESIGN OF THE EMBASSY.
CHAP, and give credit to his message accordingly ; also re- .^J^ questing him that such as have skins should bring them 162 1. to us, and that he would hinder the multitude from oppressing us with them. And whereas, at our first arrival at Paomet,^ called by us Cape Cod, we found there corn buried in the ground, and finding no inha- bitants, but some graves of dead new buried, took the corn, resolving, if ever we could hear of any that had right thereunto, to make satisfaction to the full for it ; yet since we understand the owners thereof were fled for fear of us, our desire was either to pay them with the like quantity of corn, English meal, or any other commodities we had, to pleasure them withal ; requesting him that some one of his men might signify so much unto them, and we would content him for his pains.^ And last of all, our governor requested one favor of him, which was that he would exchange some of their corn for seed with us, that we might make trial which best agreed with the soil where we live. With these presents and message we set forward the Ji'ne 10th June," about nine o'clock in the morning, our July guide resolving that night to rest at Namaschet,^ a town under Massasoyt, and conceived by us to be very near, because the inhabitants flocked so thick upon every slight occasion amongst us ; but we found it to be some
* See note ^ on page 125, and with the rest of the Journal, I con- note ' on page 202. elude that on Monday, July 2d, ^ See note ' on page 134. they ajjreed to send, but set not out ' " June 10th being Lord's Day, till the next morning." Prince, it is very unlikely that they set out Ann. 191. Morton, in his Memo- then, and is also inconsistent with rial, p. 69, says it was July 2. the rest of the Journal ; whereas ■* Namaschet, or Namasket; that July 2d is Monday, when Governor part of Middleborough, which the Bradford says, 'We sent Mr. Ed- English first began to settle. See ward Winslovv and Mr. Steven Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 148. Capt. Hopkins to see our new friend Derraer was at this place in 1619. Massasoit ; ' though, to comport See note ' on page 190.
3.
THE MESSENGERS REACH MIDDLEBOROUGH. 205
fifteen English miles. On the way we found some chap.
XI
ten or twelve men, women, and children, which had .^-^ pestered us till we were weary of them, perceiving i6 2i. that (as the manner of them all is) where victual is 3. easilest to be got, there they live, especially in the summer ; by reason whereof, our bay afibrding many lobsters, they resort every spring-tide thither ; and now returned with us to Namaschet. Thither we came about three o'clock after noon, the inhabitants entertaining us with joy, in the best manner they could, giving us a kind of bread called by them mai- zium,^ and the spawn of shads, which then they got in abundance, insomuch as they gave us spoons to eat them. With these they boiled musty acorns ; but of the shads we eat heartily. After this they desired one of our men to shoot at a crow, complaining what damage they sustained in their corn by them ; who shooting some fourscore ^ off and killing, they much admired at it, as other shots on other occasions.
After this, Tisquantum told us we should hardly in one day reach Packanokick, moving us to go some eight miles further, where we should find more store and better victuals than there. Being wilhng to has- ten our journey, we went and came thither at sunset- ting, where we found many of the Namascheucks (they so calling the men of Namaschet) fishing upon a wear ^ which they had made on a river which be- longed to them, where they caught abundance of bass. These welcomed us also, gave us of their fish, and we
^ Made of maize, or Indian corn, adjoining Bridgwater, is a noted
See note ^ on page 131. place, which was formerly called
^ Paces or yards, understood. the Old Indian Wear. Though
^ At or near a village now called other wears have been erected on
Titicut, on Taunton river, in the Taunton river, yet this is probably
northwest part of Middleborough, the place intended. F.
206 THEY FORD TAUNTON RIVER.
CHAP them of our victuals, not doubtinsj but we should have
XI.
™ enough where'er we came. There we lodged in the 1 G 2 1. open fields, for houses they had none, though they spent the most of the summer there. The head of this river is reported to be not far from the place of our abode. ^ Upon it are and have been many towns, it being a good length. The ground is very good on both sides, it being for the most part cleared. Thousands of men have lived there, which died in a great plague ^ not long since ; and pity it was and is to see so many goodly fields, and so well seated, without men to dress and manure the same. Upon this river dwelleth Mas- sasoyt. It Cometh into the sea at the Narrohigganset bay, where the Frenchmen so much use. A ship may go many miles up it, as the salvages report, and a shallop to the head of it ; but so far as we saw, we are sure a shallop niay.^ But to return to our journey. •^uiy The next morning we brake our fast, took our leave, and departed ; being then accompanied with some six salvages. Having gone about six miles by the river side, at a known shoal place, ^ it being low water, they spake to us to put off our breeches, for we must wade through. Here let me not forget the valor and courage of some of the salvages on the opposite side of the river ; for there were remaining alive only two men, both aged, especially the one, being above threescore. These two, espying a company of men entering the river, ran very swiftly, and low in the grass, to meet
' The Winnatuckset, one of the * About six miles below Old In-
tributaries of Taunton river, has its dian Wear is a noted wading place,
source in Carver, seven miles from The opposite shore of Taunton river
Plymouth. is in Raynham. F. — Baylies, says,
^ See note ^ on page 183. i. 75, it is " near the new forge on
^ The river is navigable for sloops Taunton river, about three miles
as far as Taunton. from the Green.
DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY. 207
US at the bank ; where, with shrill voices and great chap.
XI
courage, standing charged upon us with their bows, ^.-v^ they demanded what we were, supposing us to be i62i. enemies, and thinking to take advantage on us in the 4. water. But seeing we were friends, they welcomed us with such food as they had, and we bestowed a small bracelet of beads on them. Thus far we are sure the tide ebbs and flows.
Having here again refreshed ourselves, we pro- ceeded in our journey, the weather being very hot for travel ; yet the country so well watered, that a man could scarce be dry, but he should have a spring at hand to cool his thirst, beside small rivers in abun- dance. But the salvages will not wilhngly drink but at a spring-head. When we came to any small brook, where no bridge was, two of them desired to carry us through of their own accords ; also, fearing we were or would be weary, offered to carry our pieces ; also, if we would lay off any of our clothes, we should have them carried ; and as the one of them had found more special kindness from one of the messengers, and the other salvage from the other, so they showed their thankfulness accordingly in affording us all help and furtherance in the journey.
As we passed along, we observed that there were few places by the river but had been inhabited ; by reason whereof much ground was clear, save of weeds, which grew higher than our heads. There is much good timber, both oak, walnut tree, fir, beech, and exceeding great chestnut trees. The country, in re- spect of the lying of it, is both champaign and hilly, like many places in England. In some places it is very rocky, both above ground and in it ; and though
208 THEY ARRIVE AT BARRINGTON, R. I.
CHAP, the country be wild and overgrown with woods, yet — ^ the trees stand not thick, but a man may well ride a 16 21. horse amongst theni.^ 4. Passing on at length, one of the company, an In- dian, espied a man, and told the rest of it. We asked them if they feared any. They told us that if they were Narrohigganset men, they would not trust them. Whereat we called for our pieces, and bid them not to fear ; for though they were twenty, we two alone would not care for them. But they hailing him, he proved a friend, and had only two women with him. Their baskets were empty ; but they fetched water in their bottles, so that we drank with them and departed. After w^e met another man, with other two women, which had been at rendezvous by the salt water ; and their baskets were full of roasted crab fishes and other dried shell fish, of which they gave us ; and we eat and drank with them, and gave each of the women a string of beads, and departed.
After we came to a town of Massasoyt's, where we eat oysters and other fish. From thence we went to Packanokick ; - but Massasoyt was not at home.
' See note ' on page 124. course on Rhode Island, says, that
2 " This was a general name for " Sowams is the neck since called
the northern shore of Narraganset Phebe's Neck, in Barringion ; " but
Bay, between Providence and Taun- intimates in a note that "perhaps
ton rivers, and comprehending the Sowams is properly the name of the
present townships of Bristol, War- river, where the two Swanzey rivers
ren, and Barrington, in the State of meet and run together for near a
Rhode Island, and Swanzey, in mile, when they empty themselves
Massachusetts. Its northern ex- in the Narraganset Bay, or of a
tent is unknown. The principal small island, where these two rivers
seats of Massasoit were at Sowams meet, at the bottom of New Mea-
and Kikemuit. The former is a dow Neck, so called." See Rhode
neck of land formed by the conflu- Island Hist. Coll. iv. 84. ence of Barrington and Palmer's Morton says, p. 69, that " they
rivers ; the latter is Mount Hope." found his (Massasoit's) place to be
Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 221. about forty miles from New Ply-
Callender, in his Historical Dis- mouth."
CONFERENCE WITH MASSASOIT. 209
There we stayed, he being sent for. When news was chap.
brought of his coming, our guide Tisquantum re
quested that at our meeting we would discharge our ^^^^' pieces. But one of us going about to charge his 4. piece, the women and children, through fear to see him take up his piece, ran away, and could not be pacified till he laid it down again ; who afterward were better informed by our interpreter. Massasoyt being come, we discharged our pieces and saluted him ; who, after their manner, kindly welcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us down by him ; where, having delivered our foresaid message and presents, and having put the coat on his back and the chain about his neck, he was not a little proud to behold himself, and his men also to see their king so bravely attired.
For answer to our message, he told us we were wel- come, and he would gladly continue that peace and friendship which was between him and us ; and, for his men, they should no more pester us as they had done ; also, that he would send to Paomet, and would help us with corn for seed, according to our request.
This being done, his men gathered near to him, to whom he turned himself and made a great speech ; they sometimes interposing, and, as it were, confirm- ing and applauding him in that he said. The meaning whereof was, as far as we could learn, thus : Was not he, Massasoyt, commander of the country about them ? Was not such a town his, and the people of it ? And should they not bring their skins unto us ? To which they answered, they were his, and would be at peace with us, and bring their skins to us. After this man- ner he named at least thirty places, and their answer
27
A NIGHT AT POKANOKET.
CHAP- was as aforesaid to every one ; so that as it was
___ delightful, it was tedious unto us.
10 2 1. This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of England and of the King's Majesty, marvelling that he would live without a wife.^ Also he talked of the Frenchmen, bidding us not to sufler them to come to Narrohigganset, for it was King James's country, and he also was King James's man. Late it grew, but victuals he offered none ; for indeed he had not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired to go to rest. He laid us on the bed with himself and his wife, they at the one end and we at the other, it being only planks laid a foot from the ground and a thin mat upon them.^ Two more of his chief men, for want of room, pressed by and upon us ; so that we were worse weary of our lodging than of our journey. July The next day, being Thursday, many of their sachims, or petty governors, came to see us, and many of their men also. There they went to their manner of games for skins and knives. There we challenged them to shoot with them for skins, but they durst not ; only they desired to see one of us shoot at a mark, who
' Anne of Denmark, the wife of says, " Their lodging is made in
James I. of England, died on the three places of the house about the
3d of March, 1619, aged 45. See fire. They lie upon planks, com-
Hume's Hist, of England, eh. xlix. monly about a foot or eighteen
^ "In their wigwams," says inches above the ground, raised
Gookin, "they make a kind of upon rails that are borne up upon
couch or mattress, firm and strong, forks. They lay mats under them,
raised about a foot high from the and coats of deer's skins, otters',
earth ; first covered with boards beavers', racoons', and of bears'
that they split out of trees, and up- hides, all which they have dressed
on the boards they spread mats gen- and converted into good leather,
erally, and sometimes bear skins with the hair on, for their coverings;
and deer skins. These are large and in this manner they lie as
enough for three or four persons to warm as they desire." See Mass.
lodge upon ; for their mattresses Hist. Coll. i. 150, and New Eng-
are 6 or 8 feet broad." Morton lish Canaan, b. i. ch. 4.
5.
WANT OF FOOD. 211
shooting with hail-shot, they wondered to see the chap. mark so full of holes. . — — .
About one o'clock Massasoyt brought two fishes 1621. that he had shot ; they were like bream, but three times so big, and better meat.^ These being boiled, there were at least forty looked for share in them ; the most eat of them. This meal only we had in two nights and a day ; and had not one of us bought a partridge, we had taken our journey fasting. Very importunate he was to have us stay with them longer. But we desired to keep the Sabbath at home ; and feared we should either be light-headed for want of sleep, for what with bad lodging, the savages' barba- rous singing, (for they use to sing themselves asleep,) lice and fleas within doors, and mosquitoes without, we could hardly sleep ail the time of our being there ; we much fearing that if we should stay any longer, we should not be able to recover home for want of strength. So that on the Friday morning, before July sunrising, we took our leave and departed, Massasoyt being both grieved and ashamed that he could no better entertain us ; and retaining Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure truck for us, and appointing another, called Tokamahamon, in his place, whom we had found faithful before and after upon all occasions.
At this town of Massasoyt's, where we before eat, we were again refreshed with a little fish, and bought about a handful of meal of their parched corn,^ which was very precious at that time of the year, and a small string of dried shell-fish, as big as oysters.^ The
^ Probably the fish called tataug. - See note ^ on page 187. Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 288. ' These were probably clams.
212 A NIGHT AT TITICUT.
CHAP, latter we gave to the six savages that accompanied
us, keeping the meal for ourselves. When we drank,
16 2 1. ^ye eat each a spoonful of it with a pipe of tobacco, instead of other victuals ; and of this also we could not but give them so long as it lasted. Five miles they led us to a house out of the way in hope of vict- uals ; but we found nobody there, and so were but worse able to return home. That night we reached to the wear ^ where we lay before ; but the Namas- cheucks were returned, so that we had no hope of any thing there. One of the savages had shot a shad in the water, and a small squirrel, as big as a rat, called a neuxis ; the one half of either he gave us, and after went to the wear to fish. From hence we wrote to Plymouth, and sent Tokamahamon before to Namasket, willing him from thence to send another, that he might meet us with Namasket. Two men now only remained with us ; and it pleased God to give them good store of fish, so that we were well refreshed. After supper we went to rest, and they to fishing again. More they gat, and fell to eating afresh, and retained sufficient ready roast for all our breakfasts. July About two o'clock in the morning, arose a great storm of wind, rain, lightning, and thunder, in such violent manner that we could not keep in our fire ; and had the savages not roasted fish when we were asleep, we had set forward fasting ; for the rain still continued with great violence, even the whole day through, till we came within two miles of home. Being wet and weary, at length we came to Namaschet. There we
' See note ' on page 205.
THE MESSENGERS REACH HOME. 213
refreshed ourselves, giving gifts to all such as had chap.
showed us any kindness. Amongst others, one of the . ^-^
six that came with us from Packanokick, having before 1 6 2 1. this on the way unkindly forsaken us, marvelled we 7. gave him nothing, and told us what he had done for us. We also told him of some discourtesies he offered us, whereby he deserved nothing. Yet we gave him a small trifle ; whereupon he offered us tobacco. But the house being full of people, we told them he stole some by the way, and if it were of that, we would not take it; for we would not receive that which was stolen, upon any terms ; if we did, our God would be angry with us, and destroy us. This abashed him, and gave the rest great content. But, at our depart- ure, he would needs carry him ^ on his back through a river whom he had formerly in some sort abused. Fain they would have had us to lodge there all night, and wondered we would set forth again in such weather. But, God be praised, we came safe home that night, though wet, weary, and surbated.^
^ Undoubtedly the writer himself, and reached Pokanoket on Wed-
Winslow, nesday, spent Thursday there, left
* Surbated, with galled feet. Friday morning before sunrise, and
They had been absent five days, arrived at Plymouth Saturday eve-
They started Tuesday morning, ning.
CHAPTER XII.
A VOYAGE MADE BY TEN OF OUR MEN TO THE KINGDOM OP NAUSET, TO SEEK A BOY' THAT HAD LOST HIMSELF IN THE WOODS; WITH SUCH ACCIDENTS AS BEFELL US IN THAT VOYAGE.
^xit^ The 11th of June- we set forth, the weather being very fair. But ere w^e had been long at sea, there arose a storm of wind and rain, with muchhghtning and thun- der, insomuch that a spout arose not far from us. But, God be praised, it dured not long, and we put in that night for harbour at a place called Cummaquid,^ where we had some hope to find the boy. Two savages were in the boat with us. The one was Tisquantum, our interpreter ; the other Tokamahamon, a special
* The name of this boy was John ^ Barnstable harbour; which is
Billington, according to Bradford, formed by a neck of land, about
in Prince, p. 192. He was the half a mile wide, called Sandy
brother of Francis, who discovered Neck, which projects from Sand-
Billington Sea, and the son of John, wich on the north shore, and runs
the first culprit. See note * on page east almost the length of the town.
149, and note ^ on page 172. Mas- The harbour is about a mile wide,
sasoit had sent word he was at and four miles long. The tide
Nauset. See Prince, p. 192. rises in it from ten to fourteen feet.
^ " This date being inconsistent It has a bar running off northeast
with several hints in the foregoing from the neck several miles, which
and follovfcfing stories, I keep to prevents the entrance of large ships.
Governor Bradford's original man- Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 12. See
uscript, and place it between the note ^ on page 159. end of July and the 13th of Au- gust." Prince, p. 192.
BARNSTABLE HARBOUR. 215
friend. It being niojht before we came in, we anchored chap.
XII.
in the midst of the bay, where we were dry at a low . .~-
water. In the morning we espied savages seeking i62i.
2d
lobsters, and sent our two interpreters to speak with <jay. them, the channel being between them ; where they told them what we were, and for what we were come, willing them not at all to fear us, for we would not hurt them. Their answer was, that the boy was well, but he w^as at Nauset ; yet since we were there, they desired us to come ashore, and eat with them ; which, as soon as our boat floated, we did, and went six ashore, having four pledges for them in the boat. They brought us to their sachim, or governor, whom they call lyanough,^ a man not exceeding twenty-six years of age, but very personable, gentle, courteous, and fair conditioned, indeed not hke a savage, save for his attire. His entertainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheer plentiful and various.
One thing was very grievous unto us at this place. There was an old woman, whom we judged to be no less than a hundred years old, which came to see us, because she never saw Enghsh ; yet could not behold us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and crying excessively. We demanding the reason of it, they told us she had three sons, who, when Master Hunt ^ was in these parts, went aboard his ship to trade with him, and he carried them captives into Spain, (for Tisquantum at that time was carried away also,) by which means she was deprived of the comfort of her children in her old age. We told them we
»
' Sometimes called lyanough of ble and Yarmouth harbours. See
Cummaquid, and sometimes lya- Prince, p. 193 ; Mass. Hist. Coll.
nough of Mattakiest, which seems i. 197, and iii. 15. F.
to be the country between Barnsta- ^ See pages 186 and 190.
216 THE EXPEDITION REACH EASTHAM.
CHAP, were sorry that any Englishman should give them that ^ — -^ offence, that Hunt was a bad man, and that all the 162 1. English that heard of it condemned him for the same; but for us, we would not offer them any such injury, though it would gain us all the skins in the country. So we gave her some small triffes, which somewhat appeased her. 2d After dinner we took boat for Nauset, lyanough ^^' and two of his men accompanying us. Ere we came to Nauset,^ the day and tide were almost spent, inso- much as we could not go in with our shallop ; ^ but the sacliim or governor of Cummaquid went ashore, and his men with him. We also sent Tisquantum to tell As- pinet,^ the sachim of Nauset, wherefore we came. The savages here came very thick amongst us, and were earnest with us to bring in our boat. But we neither well could, nor yet desired to do it, because we had less cause to trust them, being they only had formerly made an assault upon us in the same place,"* in time of
' The territory to which the Eng- subjection to Massasoit. There
lish in 1651 gave the name of East- seem to have been two cantons or
ham, and the northern part of which sachemdoms of the Cape Indians,
still retains the Indian name. The One extended from Eel river in
three light-houses, recently erected Plymouth, to the south shore of the
in that town are called the Nauset Cape, and comprehended what are
Lights. The principal seats of the now called the Mashpee Indians,
Nauset Indians were at Namskeket, and then extended upon the Cape
within the limits of Orleans, and to the eastern part of Barnstable,
about the cove, which divides this and as far westward as Wood's
township from Orleans. Captain Hole ; and divers petty sachems or
John Smith mentions twice " the sagamores were comprehended in
isle Nawset," or"Nausit." See this division, of which Mashpee
Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 160, xxvi. was one. The eastern part of the
108, 119, and Plym. Col. Laws, Cape, from Nobscusset, or Yar-
P- 94. mouth, made another sachemdom,
^ The water is very shoal at the capital of which was Nauset,
Nauset, or Eastham. See note ^ or Eastham. Of these petty tribes
on page 152. the Nauset Indians appear to have
3 •' The Indians upon Cape Cod, been the most important." Hutch-
although not considered a part of inson's Mass. i. 459, and Mass. Hist,
the VVamponoags, yet were sup- Coll. viii. 159, posed to be under some kind of * See page 156.
THE BOY RECOVERED. 217
our winter discovery for habitation. And indeed it chap.
XII
was no marvel they did so ; for howsoever, through '-
snow or otherwise, we saw no houses, yet we were in i62i. the midst of them.
When our boat was aground, they came very thick ; but we stood therein upon our guard, not suffering any to enter except two, the one being of Manamoick,^ and one of those whose corn we had formerly found. We promised him restitution, and desired him either to come to Patuxet for satisfaction, or else we would bring them so much corn again. He promised to come. We used him very kindly for the present. Some few skins we gat there, but not many.
After sunset, Aspinet came with a great train, and brought the boy with him, one bearing him through the water.^ He had not less than a hundred with him ; the half whereof came to the shallop side unarmed with him ; the other stood aloof with their bows and arrows. There he dehvered us the boy, behung with beads, and made peace with us ; ^ we bestowing a knife on him, and likewise on another that first enter- tained the boy and brought him thither. So they departed from us.
Here we understood that the Narrohiggansets had spoiled some of Massasoyt's men, and taken him. This struck some fear in us, because the colony was so weakly guarded, the strength thereof being abroad.''
1 Chatham, the southern exlre- ^ Bradford adds, " We give them
mity of Cape Cod. full satisfaction for the corn we
« " He had wandered five days, had formerly found in their coun-
lived on berries, then light of an In- try." Prince, p. 193. See note'
dian plantation, twenty miles south on page 134.
of us, called Manomet, (Sandwich,) * There were ten men in this
and they conveyed him to the peo- expedition. At the same time, ac-
ple who first assaulted us." Brad- cording to the dates of this and the
ford, in Prince, p. 192. previous paper, Winslow and Hop-
28
218 RETURN TO BARNSTABLE AND HOME.
CHAP. But we set forth with resolution to make the best
XII
. -^ haste home we could ; yet the wind being contrary,
16 2 1. having scarce any fresh water left, and at least six- teen leagues ^ home, we put in again for the shore. There we met again with lyanough, the sachim of Cummaquid, and the most of his town, both men, women and children with him. He, being still will- ing to gratify us, took a runlet,^ and led our men in the dark a great way for water, but could find none good ; yet brought such as there was on his neck with them. In the mean time the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing before the shallop, the men also showing all the kindness they could, lyanough himself taking a bracelet from about his neck and hanging it upon one of us.
Again we set out, but to small purpose ; for we
gat but little homeward. Our water also was very
,^<^ brackish, and not to be drunk. The next mornin*:
day. °
lyanough espied us again, and ran after us. We, being resolved to go to Cummaquid again to water, took him into the shallop, whose entertainment was not inferior unto the former.
The soil at Nauset and here is alike, even and sandy, not so good for corn as where we are. Ships may safely ride in either harbour. In the summer they abound with fish. Being now watered, we put forth again, and by God's providence came safely home that night.
kins were absent on their expedition ^ The distance from Eastham to
to Pokanoket, leaving only seven Plymouth is not more than twelve
men at the Plantation, the whole leagues. F. number surviving at this time being * A small barrel, nineteen.
CHAPTER XIII.
A JOURNEY TO THE KINGDOM OF NAMASCHET, IN DEFENCE OF THE GREAT KING MASSASOYT AGAINST THE NARRO- HIGGANSETS, AND TO REVENGE THE SUPPOSED DEATH OF OUR INTERPRETER, TISQUANTUM.
At our return from Nauset we found it true that chap.
XIII
Massasoyt was put from his country by the Narrohig- L
ffansets.^ Word also was brouo-ht unto us that Cou- i62i. batant,^ a petty sachim or governor under Massasoyt, "^' whom they ever feared to be too conversant with the Narrohiggansets, was at Namaschet ; who sought to draw the hearts of Massasoyt's subjects from him ; speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at the peace between Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and at Tisquan- tum, the worker of it ; also at Tokamahamon and one Hobbamock, two Indians, our allies,^ one of which he would treacherously have murdered a little before, be- ing a special and trusty man of Massasoyt's. Toka- mahamon went to him, but the other two would not ;
' Gov. Bradford says nothinof of ^ In the original "or Lemes," to
this, nor of Massasoit's being either which no meaning can be attached,
seized or invaded by the Narragan- It is manifestly an error of the press,
setts. Prince, p. 193. and I have given what I consider
* Gov. Bradford plainly writes the true reading. See note ^ on
him Corbitant. Prince, p. 194. page 174.
220 THE EXPEDITION REACH NAMASKET.
CHAP, yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see ^-^^ if they could hear of their king, and lodging at Nam- 162 1. aschetwere discovered to Coubatant, who set a guard to beset the house, and took Tisquantum ; for he had said if he were dead, the English had lost their tongue. Hobbamock, seeing that Tisquantum was taken, and Coubatant held a knife at his breast, being a strong and stout man, brake from them and came to New Plymouth, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, whom he thought to be slain. Aug. Upon this news the company assembled together, and resolved on the morrow to send ten men armed to Namaschet, and Hobbamock for their guide, to revenge the supposed death of Tisquantum on Couba- tant, our bitter enemy, and to retain Nepeof,^ another sachim or governor, who was of this confederacy, till we heard what was become of our friend Massasoyt. 14. On the morrow we set out ten- men, armed, who took their journey as aforesaid ; but the day proved very wet. When we supposed we were within three or four miles of Namaschet, we went out of the way, and stayed there till night ; because we would not be discovered. There we consulted what to do ; and thinking best to beset the house at midnight, each was appointed his task by the Captain,^ all men en- couraging one another to the utmost of their power. By night our guide lost his way, which much dis- couraged our men, being we were wet, and weary of our arms. But one^ of our men, having been before at Namaschet, brought us into the way again.
' This is the only time the name ish with 14 men.'' Prince, p. 194.
of this chief occurs in the annals ^ Standish.
of the Colony. '' Either Winslow or Hopkins,
* Bradford says, "Captain Stnnd- -who stopped at Namasket in going
THEY BESET THE HOUSE AT MIDNIGHT. 221
Before we came to the town, we sat down and ate chap.
XIII.
such as our knapsacks afforded. That being done, we ^
threw them aside, and all such things as might hinder 1 6 2 1.
Aug.
us, and so went on and beset the house, according to u^ our last resolution. Those that entered demanded if Coubatant were not there ; but fear had bereft the savages of speech. We charged them not to stir ; for if Coubatant were not there, we would not meddle with them. If he were, we came principally for him, to be avenged on him for the supposed death of Tis- quantum, and other matters ; but, howsoever, we would not at all hurt their women or children. Not- withstanding, some of them pressed out at a private door and escaped, but with some wounds. At length, perceiving our principal ends, they told us Coubatant was returned with all his train, and that Tisquantum was yet living and in the town ; offering some tobacco, other such as they had to eat. In this hurly-burly we discharged two pieces at random, which much terrified all the inhabitants, except Tisquantum and Tokama- hamon ; who, though they knew not our end in com- ing, yet assured them of our honesty, that we would not hurt them. Those boys that were in the house, seeing our care of women, often cried Neen squaes ! ^ that is to say, I am a woman ; ^ the women also hang- ing upon Hobbamock, calling him towam, that is,
and returning from Pokanoket, in liams's Key to the native language
July. If it was Winslow, he may of New England, ch. 5 ; Wood's
reasonably be considered the writer Nomenclator, at the end of his New
of this narrative. England's Prospect ; and Gallatin's
^ This is correct Indian in the Indian Vocabularies, in Coll. Am.
Massachusetts and Narragansett Antiq. Soc. ii. 308, 352. dialects. See Eliot's Indian Gram- ^ Rather, I am a girl ; squaes be-
mar, in Mass. Hist. Coll, xix. 253 ; ing a diminutive, formed by adding
Cotton's Vocabulary of the Massa- es to squa. See the xlposlle Eliot's
chusetts language, in Mass. Hist. Indian Grammar, in Mass. Hist.
Coll. xxii. 156, 178 ; Roger Wil- Coll. xix. 258.
222 COUBATANT AND HIS PARTY ESCAPE.
CHAP, friend.' But, to be short, we kept them we had, and
XIII
' made them make a fire, that we might see to search
162 1- the house. In the mean time, Hobbamock gat on the top of the house, and called Tisquantum and Tokama- hamon, which came unto us accompanied with others, some armed, and others naked. Those that had bows and arrows, we took them away, promising them again when it was day. The house we took, for our better safeguard, but released those we had taken, manifest- ing whom we came for and wherefore. Aug. On the next morninsf, we marched into the midst
15.
of the town, and went to the house of Tisquantum to breakfast. Thither came all whose hearts were up- right towards us ; but all Coubatant's faction were fled away. There, in the midst of them, we manifested again our intendment, assuring them, that although Coubatant had now escaped us, yet there was no place should secure him and his from us, if he continued his threatening us, and provoking others against us, who had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so justly deserved it. More- over, if Massasoyt did not return in safety from Nar- rohigganset, or if hereafter he should make any insur- rection against him, or offer violence to Tisquantum, Hobbamock, or any of Massasoyt's subjects, we would revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those [who] were wounded, we were sorry for it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the house, at our command ; yet if they would return home with us, our surgeon ^ should heal them.
^ The most common word for tor; Roger Williams's Key, ch. 1,
friend, in the Massachusetts and and Gallatin, in Coll. Am. Antiq.
Narragansett dialects was netoj) or Soc. ii. 321.
netomp. See Cotton, in Mass. Hist. ^ Their surgeon and physician was
Coll. xxii. 165 ; Wood's Noraencla- Mr. Samuel Fuller, the eighth
THE EXPEDITION RETURN TO PLYMOUTH.
At this offer, one man and a woman that were chap.
XIII.
wounded went home with us ; Tisquantum and many -^--^ other known friends accompanying us, and offering 1 6 2 1. all help that might be by carriage of any thing we is. had, to ease us. So that by God's good providence we safely returned home the morrow night after we set forth.
signer of the Compact. In 1628, when the scurvy and a malignant distemper broke out among the first settlers at Salem, "Mr. Endicot, understanding that there was one at Plymouth that had skill in such diseases, sent thither for him ; at whose request he was sent unto them." He was there again for the same purpose in May, 1629, after the arrival of Higginson's company. We find him also at Dorchester, in June 1630, at the request of Mr. Warham, " to let twenty of these people blood ; " again at Salem, in July, and at Charlestown, in August of the same year, after the arrival of Winthrop's colony, whence he writes, " The sad news here is that many are sick, and many are dead. I here but lose time, and long to be at home. I can do them no good, for I want drugs, and things fitting to work with." He died in 1633, of an infectious fever. In the MS. Records of Ply-
mouth Church, vol. i. p. 42, it is stated that " when the church came away out of Holland, they brought with them one deacon, Mr. Samuel Fuller, who officiated amongst them until his death. He was a good man, and full of the holy spirit." Morton says, that " he did much good in his place, being not only useful in his faculty, but otherwise, as he was a godly man, and served Christ in the office of a deacon in the church for many years, and forward to do good in his place, and was much missed after God removed him out of this world." His widow, Bridget, who came in the Anne, in 1623, and his son Samuel gave to the Plymouth church the lot of ground on which the parsonage now stands. See Morton's Memorial, pp. 143 and 173 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 66, 74— 76, xiii. 186 ; and Prince's Annals, pp. 253 and 259.
CHAPTER XIV.
A RELATION OF OUR VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETTS,' AND WHAT HAPPENED THCRE.
CHAP. It seemed good to the company in general, that
J__ though the IMassachusets had often threatened us, (as
162 1. we were informed,) yet we sliould go amongst them,
partly to see the country, partly to make peace with
them, and partly to procure their truck. For these
ends the governors chose ten men, fit for the purpose,
and sent Tisquantum and two other salvages to bring
us to speech with the people and interpret for us.
Sept. We set out about midnif^ht, the tide then servincf for
18. ^
us. We supposing it to be nearer than it is, thought to be there the next morning betimes ; but it proved well near twenty leagues ^ from New Plymouth. We
* The territory and tribe probably was called so from the Blue Hills,
took their name from the Blue a little island thereabout (in Nar-
Hills in Milton, which were origin- ragansett Bay) ; and Connonicus's
ally called Massachusetts Mount, father and ancestors living in those
Smith speaks of them as "the high southern parts, transferred and
mountain of Massachusit." Cot- brought their authority and name
ton, in his Vocabulary of the Mas- into those northern parts." See
sachusetts language, gives the fol- Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. 75, xix. 1 ;
lowmg definition : " Massa-chusett xxvi. 120; R. I. Hist. Coll. iv. 208;
— a hill in the form of an arrow's and Hutchinson's Mass. i. 460.
head." Roger Williams says, " I * The distance from Plymouth to
had learnt that the Massachusetts Boston by water is about 40 miles.
THE FIRST LANDING IN BOSTON. 225
came into the bottom of the bay; ^ but beinor late, we chap.
^ . XIV.
anchored and lay in the shallop, not having seen any
of the people. The next morning we put in for the i62i. shore. There we found many lobsters, that had been 2*5f gathered together by the salvages, which we made ready under a cliff.^ The Captain ^ set two sentinels behind the cliff, to the landward, to secure the shal- lop, and taking a guide with him and four of our com- pany, went to seek the inhabitants ; where they met a woman coming for her lobsters. They told her of them, and contented her for them. She told them where the people were. Tisquantum went to them ; the rest returned, having direction which way to bring the shallop to them.
The sachim or governor of this place is called Obba- tinewat ; and though he hves in the bottom of the Massachuset Bay,'' yet he is under Massasoyt. He used us very kindly. He told us he durst not then remain in any settled place for fear of the Tarentines.^ Also the squa sachim,^ or Massachusets queen, was an enemy to him.
' By the bay is meant Bostoa ton. Thus Gov. Winthrop speaks
harbour. It extends from Nantas- of going from Salem lo Massaclui-
liet to Boston, and spreads from setts. See Savage"sWinllirop, i. 27. Chelsea to Hingham, containing * The Tarrateens or Tarreiiteens
about 75 square miles. See Snow"s resided on the Kennebec and the
History of Boston, p. 113. other rivers in ]\laine, and the
* Supposed to be Copp's hill, at country east of it. There was great the north end of Boston. At the enmity between them and the In- first settlement of the town, in dians of Massachusetts Bay, who, 1630, this hill, rising to the height although they had formerly been of about fifty feet above the sea, a great people, yet were now so presented on its northwest brow an reduced that, upon alarms, they abrupt declivity, long after known would fly to the English houses as as Copp's hill steeps. See Snow's to asylums, where the Tarrenteens History of Boston, p. 105. durst not pursue them. Hutchin-
^ Standish. son's Mass. i. 28, 456.
■• By Massachusetts Bay was ^ I suppose the widow of Nane-
formerly understood only the inner pashemet, mentioned on the next
bay, from Nahant to Point Alder- page.
29
226 THE PILGRDIS IN QUI^'CY.
CHAP. We told him of divers sacliims that had acknowledo-ed XIV. . °
. — -^ tliemsclves to be King James's men,^ and if he also
162 1. would submit himself, we would be his safeguard from his enemies ; which he did, and went along with us to bring us to the scjua sachim. Again we crossed the bay, which is very large, and hath at least filty islands in it ; ~ but tlie certain number is not known to the inhabitants. Night it was before we came to that side of the bay where this people were. On shore the salvages went, but found nobody. That night also we rid at anchor aboard the slKillop.
Sept. On the morrow we went ashore,^ all but two men, ^^' and marched in arms up in the country. Having gone three miles we came to a place where corn had been newly gathered, a house pulled down, and the people gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemct, their king, in his life-time had lived. His house was not like others, but a scaflbld was largely built, with poles and planks, some six foot from [the] ground, and the house upon that, being situated on the top of a hill."*
' Of course he could not be, as many isles, all planted with corn,
Prince supposes, the Obbatinnua groves, mulberries, and salvage
who, with eight other sachems, on gardens." See Mass. Hist. Coll.
the 13th of the same month, seven iii. 295, and xxvi. 118. days before, had signed a paper, ^ They probably landed at Squan-
prufessing their submission to King tum, in Quincy, which may have
James ; unless his name was affix- been so called by them at this time
ed subsequently to that date. See after their inler|)reter Tisquantum,
Morton's Memorial, p. 67, and who was one of the party. See
Prince's Annals, p. 196. note on page 191, and Mass. Hist.
^ The number of islands in Bos- Coll. ix. 161. ton harbour is not overstated, al- * Perhaps Milton Hill, or some though several of them, such as one of the Blue Hills. " At Mas- Bird Island and Nick's Mate, have sachusettii, near the mouih of been washed away since this Jour- Charles river, there used to be a nal was written. A list of them is general rendezvous of Indians, contained in Snow's Boston, p. 111. That circle, which now makes the Smith, in his Description of New harbours of Boston and Charles- England, says, " The country of town, round by Maiden, Chelsea, the Massachusets is the paradise Nantasket, Hingham, Weymouth, of all those parts; for here are Braintree, and Dorchester, "was the
THE PILGRIMS IN MILTON. 227
Not far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort, chap.
XIV.
built by their deceased king ; the manner thus. There « ■ — -
were poles, some thirty or forty feet long, stuck in the 1621. ground, as thick as they could be set one by another ; 21. and with these they enclosed a ring some forty or fifty foot over ; ' a trench, breast high, was digged on each side ; one way there was to go into it with a bridge. In the midst of this palisado stood the frame of a house, wherein, being dead, he lay buried.^
About a mile from hence, we came to such another, but seated on the top of a hill. Here Nanepashemet was killed,'* none dwelling in it since the time of his death. At this place we stayed, and sent two salvages to look [for] the inhabitants, and to inform them of our ends in coming, that they might not be fearful of us. Within a mile of this place they found the women of the place together, with their corn on heaps, whither we supposed them to be fled for fear of us ; and the more, because in divers places they had newly pulled down their houses, and for haste in one place had left some of their corn covered with a mat, and nobody with it.
With much fear they entertained us at first ; but see- ing our gentle carriage towards them, they took heart and entertained us in the best manner they could,
capital of a great sachem, much Sec also Gookin, in Mass. Hist.
reverenced by all the plantations of Coll. i. 148.
Indians round about, and to him ' This corresponds exactly with
belonged Naponset, (Milton,) Pun- the engraving of the Pequot Fort
kapog, (Stoughton,) Wessagusset, in Underbill's Newes from Ameri-
( Weymouth,) and several places on ca, printed in London in 1638, and
Charles river, where the natives reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi.
were seated. The tradition is, 23.
that this sachem had his principal ^ See page 154.
seat upon a small hill or rising ^ Nanepashemet is supposed to
upland, in the midst of a body of have been killed in 1619, and his
salt marsh in the township of Dor- widow, the squa sachim, continued
Chester, near to a place called Squan- in the government. See Lewis's
turn." Hutchinson's Mass. i. 460. Hist, of Lynn, p. 16.
228 THEY DISCOVER MYSTIC RIVER.
CHAP. boilinfT cod and such other tilings as they had for us.
XIV. . s J
.^^--^ At length, with much sending for, came one of their
162 1. men, shaking and trembhng for fear. But when he
21. saw we intended them no hurt, but came to truck, he
promised us his skins also. Of him we incjuired for
their queen ; but it seemed she was far from thence ; ^
at least we could not see her.
Here Tis(iuantum would have had us rifle the sal- vage women, and taken their skins and all such things as might be serviceable for us ; for, said he, they are a bad people, and have oft threatened you. But our answer was. Were they never so bad, we would not wrong them, or give them any just occasion against us. For their words, we little weighed them ; but if they once attempted any thing against us, then we would deal far worse than he desired.
Having well spent the day, we returned to the shal- lop, almost all the women accompanying us to truck, who sold their coats from their backs, and tied boughs about them, but with great shamefacedness, for in- deed they are more modest than some of our English women are. We promised them to come again to them, and they us to keep their skins.
Within this bay the salvages say there are two riv- ers ; ^ the one whereof we saw, having a fair entrance, but we had no time to discover it. Better harbours for shipping cannot be than here are. At the entrance of the bay are many rocks ; ^ and in all likelihood good
* The residence of the squa sa- Shaltuck's Hist, of Concord, p. 2,
chim of Massachusetts is variously and Drake's Book of the Indians, b.
conjectured to have been at Con- ii. p. 40.
cord, and in the neighbourhood of ^ The Mystic and the Charles,
the Wachusett mountain. There the former of which they saw.
seems, however, no sufficient rea- ^ 'j^^ Graves and the Brewsters
son for placing it so remote. See are the principal rocks at the en-
THEY RETURN TO PLYMOUTH.
229
fishing-ground.^ Many, yea most of the islands have chap.
been inhabited, some being cleared from end to end. - ^^
But the people are all dead,^ or removed. I62i.
Our victual growing scarce, the wind coming fair, and having a light moon, we set out at evening, and through the goodness of God came safely home before Sept. noon the day following.^
trance of Boston bay. It is sup- posed that in this or some subse- quent voyage the three Brewsters were named in honor of their ven- erable elder, and Point Alderton, the head-land of Nantasket, after Isaac Allerton. See note on page 195.
^ The neighbourhood of these rocks is excellent fishing-ground.
* They had been swept off by the pestilence mentioned on page 184.
^ Governor Bradford adds, " with a considerable quantity of beaver, and a good report of the place, wishing we had been seated there." Prince, p. 198.
They were absent on this expe- dition four days. Winslovv was probably one of the party, and wrote this account.
" All the summer no want. While some were trading, others were fishing cod, bass, &c. We now gather in our harvest ; and as cold weather advances, come in store of water fowl, wherewith this place abounds, though afterwards they by degrees decrease ; as also abundance of wild turkeys, with venison, &;c. Fit our houses against winter, are in health, and have all things in plenty." Bradford, in Prince, p. 198.
CHAPTER XV.
A LETTER SENT FROM NEW ENGLAND TO A FRIEND IN THESE PARTS, SETTING FORTH A BRIEF AND TRUE DECLARATION OF THE WORTH OF THAT PLANTATION; AS ALSO CERTAIN USEFUL DIRECTIONS FOR SUCH AS INTEND A VOYAGE INTO THOSE PARTS.
CHAP. Loving and Old Friend,^
XV.
- ,~^ Although I received no letter from you by this
16 2 1. ship,^ yet forasmuch as 1 know you expect the per- 11. formance of my promi.se, which was, to write unto you truly and faithfully of all things, I have therefore at this time sent unto you accordingly, referring you for further satisfaction to our more large Relations.' You shall understand that in this little time that a few of us have been here, we have built seven dwell- ing-houses "^ and four for the use of the plantation, and have made preparation for divers others. We set the last spring some twenty acres of Indian corn,^ and
' This letter I think was addressed help, showing us how to set, fish,
to George Morton. See note on dress, and tend it." Bradford, in
page 113. Prince, p. 190. The Indians' sea-
* The Fortune, in which this let- son for planting the maize was ter and the preceding Journal were " when the leaves of the white oak sent to England. are as big as the ear of a mouse."
^ The preceding narrative. See Belknap's Hist, of New Hamp-
•* See note * on page 173. shire, iii. 70.
* " Wherein Squanto is a great
THE FIRST THANKSGIVING. 231
sowed some six acres of barley and pease ; and ac- chap.
cording to the manner of the Indians, we manured L.
our ground with herrings, or rather shads, ^ which we i62i.
Dsc.
have in great abundance, and take with great ease n.' at our doors. Our corn did prove well ; and, God be praised, we had a good increase of Indian corn, and our barley indifferent good, but our pease not worth the gathering, for we feared they were too late sown. They came up very well, and blossomed ; but the sun parched them in the blossom.
Our harvest being gotten in, our governor^ sent four men on fowling, that so we might, after a special manner, rejoice together after we had gathered the fruit of our labors.^ They four in one day killed as much fowl as, with a little help beside, served the company almost a week. At which time, amongst other recreations, we exercised our arms, many of the Indians coming amongst us, and among the rest their greatest king, Massasoyt, with some ninety men, whom for three days we entertained and feasted ; and they went out and killed five deer,"* which they brought to the plantation, and bestowed on our gov- ernor, and upon the captain and others. And although it be not always so plentiful as it was at this time with us, yet by the goodness of God we are so
' Or rather alewives. Morton, in and an acre thus dressed will pro-
his New English Canaan, b. ii. ch. duce and yield so much corn as
7, says, " There is a fish, by some three acres without fish." The
called shads, by some allizes, that Indians used to put two or three
at the spring of the year pass up fishes into every corn-hill,
the rivers to spawn in the ponds ; * Bradford.
and are taken in such multitudes in ' This was the first Thanksgiv-
every river that hath a pond at the ing, the harvest festival of New
end, that the inhabitants dung their England. On this occasion they
ground with them. You may see no doubt feasted on the wild turkey
in one township a hundred acres as well as venison. See note ^ on
together set with these fish, every page 229.
acre taking a thousand of them ; ^ See note ^ on page 175.
232 THE INDIANS WELL-DISPOSED.
CHAP, far from want, that we often wish you partakers ot
— ^ our plenty.^
162 1. "VVe have found the Indians very faithful in their
Dec .
11.' covenant of peace with us, very loving, and ready to pleasure us. We often go to them, and they come to us. Some of us have been fifty miles ^ by land in the country with them, the occasions and relations whereof you shall understand by our general and more full dec- laration of such things as are worth the noting. Yea, it hath pleased God so to possess the Indians with a fear of us and love unto us, that not only the greatest king amongst them, called Massasoyt, but also all the princes and peoples round about us, have either made suit unto us, or been glad of any occasion to make peace with us ; so that seven of them at once have sent their messengers to us to that end.^ Yea, an isle at sea,'' which we never saw, hath also, together with the former, yielded willingly to be under the protection and subject to our sovereign lord King James. So that there is now great peace amongst the Indians
' This representation was rather Ohquamchud, ChikJ:atal)ak,
too encouraging, as will be seen Cmcnacome, Qnadaquina,
hereafter. Ohbatinnua, Huttmoiden,
^ VVinslow himself had been to Nattaivaliunt^ Apannow."
Pokanoket, a distance of forty Caunbatant, miles. See page 208.
^ Morton has preserved in his Cawnacome was the sachem of
Memorial, p. 67, the following do- Manomet, or Sandwich, Caunha-
cument. tant of Mattapuyst, or Swanzey,
and Chikkatahak, of Neponset.
" September 13, anno Dom. tC2l. Quadequina was the brother of
"Know all men by these presents, Massasoit, and Apannow was pro-
that we, whose names are under- bably Aspinet, the sachem of Nau-
written, do acknowledge ourselves set. Obbatinua is supposed to have
to be the loyal subjects of King been the same as Obbatinewat, the
James, king of Great Britain, sachem of Shawmut, or Boston.
France, and Ireland, Defender of But see note on page 225.
the Faith, &c. In witness where- * Capawack, or Nope, Martha's
of, and as a testimonial of the Vineyard. See Bradford, in Prince,
same, we have subscribed our p. 195, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii.
names or marks, as followeth : 89.
THE CLIMATE OP NEW ENGLAND. 233
themselves, which was not formerly, neither would chap.
•' XV.
have been but for us ; and we, for our parts, walk as
peaceably and safely in the wood as in the highways ^-^^^• in England. We entertain them familiarly in our ii. houses, and they as friendly bestowing their venison on us. They are a people without any religion or knowledge of any God,^ yet very trusty, quick of ap- prehension, ripe-witted, just. The men and women go naked, only a skin about their middles.
For the temper of the air here, it agreeth well with that in England ; and if there be any difference at all, this is somewhat hotter in summer. Some think it to be colder in winter ; but I cannot out of experience so say. The air is very clear, and not foggy, as hath been reported. I never in my life remember a more season- able year than we have here enjoyed ; and if we have once but kine,^ horses, and sheep, I make no question but men might live as contented here as in any part of the world. For fish and fowl, we have great abundance. Fresh cod in the summer is but coarse meat with us. Our bay is full of lobsters' all the summer, and affordeth variety of other fish. In September we can take a hogs- head of eels in a night, with small labor, and can dig them out of their beds all the winter.^ We have mus- cles and othus ^ at our doors. Oysters we have none
1 The writer of this letter, Ed- ^ The writer himself was the ward Winslovv, afterwards correct- first to brinff over cattle to the plan- ed this statement in his Good News tation, in 1624 — a bull and three from New England. " Whereas," heifers. See Prince, p. 225. he says, " myself and ol hers in for- ^ See note ^ on page 161, and mer letters, (which came to the press also page 205. a<!ainst my will and knowledge.) ■* See note ' on page 196. wrote that the Indians about us are * This I think a typographical a people without any religion, or error for other — the word shell- knowledge of any God, therein I fish being accidentally omitted ; or erred, though we could then gather perhaps the word in the MS. was no better." dams.
30
234 THE PRODUCTIONS OF THE COUNTRY.
CHAP, near, but we can have them brought by the Indians when .--...^L we will. All the spring-time the earth sendeth forth na- 162 1. turally very good sallet herbs. Here are grapes,' white
Dec.
11. and red, and very sweet and strong also ; strawberries, gooseberries, raspas,- &:c.; plums^ of three sorts, white,'* black, and red, being almost as good as a damson ; abundance of roses, white, red and damask ; single, but very sweet indeed. The country wanteth only indus- trious men to employ ; for it would grieve your hearts if, as I, you had seen so many miles together by goodly rivers uninhabited ; * and withal, to consider those parts of the world wherein you live to be even greatly bur- thened with abundance of people. These things I thought good to let you understand, being the truth of things as near as I could experimentally take know- ledge of, and that you might on our behalf give God thanks, who hath dealt so favorably with us.
Our supply of men from you came the 9th of No- vember, 1621, putting in at Cape Cod, some eight or ten leagues from us.*^ The Indians that dwell there-
■ See note * on page 165. month ere she sails for England."
^ Raspas, raspberries. Bradford and Smith, in Prince, p. 198. ^ See note ®on page 165. Tlie Fortune brought a letter for
* In the original loith — an error Mr. Carver from Mr. Weston, dated of the press. London, July 6, wherein he writes,
^ Winslow had observed this de- " We (ihe adventurers) have pro-
solation on the banks of Taunton cured you a charter, the best we
river. See page 206. could, better than your former, and
* The Fortune, a small vessel of with less limitation." Judge Da- 55 tons, brought over Robert Cush- vis, in a note on Morton's Memo- man and 35 persons, a part of rial, p. 73, says, " This intimation whom no doubt were the 20 that refers to a patent from the Presi- put back in the Speedwell. See dent and Council of New England note ' on page 99. The Fortune to John Pierce and his associates, sailed from London the beginning which was in trust for the compa- of July, but could not clear the ny. It was probably brought in channel till the end of August, this ship, and w-as a few years She found all the colonists whom since found among the old papers the Mayflower had left in April, in the Land Ofhce at Boston, by "lusty and in good health, except AViJliam Smith, Esq. one of the Land six who had died ; and she stays a Committee. It bears the seals and
ARRIVAL OF THE SECOND SHIP.
235
1621. Dec. 11.
about were they who were owners of the corn which chap
. XV.
we found in caves, for which we have given them full .^ ,-_.
content,^ and are in great league with them. They sent us word there was a ship near unto them, but thought it to be a Frenchman ; and indeed for our- selves we expected not a friend so soon. But when we perceived that she made for our bay, the governor commanded a great piece to be shot off, to call home such as were abroad at work. Whereupon every man, yea boy, that could handle a gun, were ready, with full resolution that, if she were an enemy, we would stand in our just defence, not fearing them. But God provided better for us than we supposed. These came all in health, not any being sick by the way, otherwise than by sea-sickness, and so continue at this time, by the blessing of God.^ The good-wife
signatures of the Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton, the Earl of Warwick, and of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. There is another signa- ture so obscurely written, as to be illegible. It does not appear what use was made of this patent by the Plymouth planters ; it was, not long afterwards, superseded by the second patent, surreptitiously ob- tained by Pierce, for his own bene- fit, and which, after his misfortunes, was assigned to the adventurers." Judge Davis gives an abstract of this patent in his Appendix, p. 362. I have sought for the original in vain in the archives of the State. It was never printed ; and it is to be feared is now lost. The original of the third patent, granted in 1629 to William Bradford and his asso- ciates, is preserved in the office of the Register of Deeds at Plymouth. It is on parchment, signed by the Earl of Warwick, and the seal of the Plymouth Company, four inches in diameter, is appended to it. It is prefixed to the printed Laws of
Plymouth Colony, p. 21 — 26. See Memorial, p. 95 — 97, and Prince, pp. 204, 217.
^ See page 217.
^ The following is an alphabeti- cal list of the persons who came over in the Fortune.
John Adams, WiUiam Bassitc, William Beale, Edward Bompasse, .lonathan Brewster, Clement Brigges, John Cannon, William Conor, Robert Cushman, Thomas Cushman, Stephen Dean, Philip De La Noye, Thomas Flavell
and son, Widow Foord,
Robert Hickcs, William Hilton, Bennet Morgan, Thomas Morton, Austin Nicolas, William Palmer, William Pitt, Thomas Prence, Moses Simonson, Hugh Staiie, James Steward, William Tench, John Winslow, William Wright.
Jonathan Brewster was a son of Elder Brewster ; Thomas Cushman was a son of Robert ; John Wins- low was a brother of Edward. Thomas Prence (or Prince) was afterwards governor of the colony.
236 THE FORTUNE'S RETURN CARGO.
CHAP. Ford was delivered of a son the first u'lfAit she landed,
X V . 3 7
and both of them are very well.
When it pleaseth God we are settled and fitted for the fishing business and other trading, I doubt not but by the blessing of God the gain will give content to all. In the mean time, that we have gotten we have sent by this ship ; ' and though it be not much, yet it will witness for us that we have not been idle, considering the smallness of our number all this sum- mer. We hope the merchants will accept of it, and be encouraged to furnish us with things needful for further employment, which will also encourage us to put forth ourselves to the uttermost.
Now because I expect your coming unto us,^ with other of our friends, whose company we much desire, I thought good to advertise you of a few things need- ful. Be careful to have a very good bread-room to put your biscuits in. Let your cask for beer and water be iron-bound, for the first tire, if not more. Let not your
De La Noye (or Delano) was, ac- French, carried into France, kept cording to Winslow, in his Brief there fifteen days, and rohbed of all Narration, " born of French pa- she had worth taking ; then the rents," and Simonson (or Sim- people and ship are released, and mons) was a "child of one that get to London Feb. 17." Bradford, was in communion with the Dutch iri Prince, p. 199. Smith, in his' church at Leyden." The widow New England's Trials, printed in Foord brought three children, Wil- 1G22, says she was laden with three ham, Martha, and John. For a hogsheads of beaver skins, clap- further account of some of these, hoard, wainscot, walnut, and some and the other early settlers, see sassafras.
Farmer's Genealogical Register, " Upon her departure, the gov-
Mitcheirs Family Register, ap- ernor and his assistant dispose the
pended to his Hist, of Bridgewater, late comers into several families,
and Deane's Family Sketches, in find their provisions will now scarce
his Hist, of Scituate. hold out six months at half allow-
" The Fortune sails Doc. 13, ance, and therefore put them to it,
laden with two hogsheads of beaver which they bear patiently." Brad-
and other skins, and good clap- ford, in Prince, p. 199. boards as full as she can hold ; the 'George Morton, to whom I
freight estimated near £:500. But suppose this letter was written,
in her voyage, as she draws near came out in the next ship, the
the English coast, is seized by the Anne.
THINGS NEEDFUL FOR THE COLONY. 237
meat be dry-salted ; none can better do it than the chap.
XV
sailors. Let your meal be so hard trod in your cask .— ..^ that you shall need an adz or hatchet to work it out 1621. with. Trust not too much on us for corn at this time, u^' for by reason of this last company that came, depend- ing wholly upon us, we shall have little enough till harvest. Be careful to come by some of your meal to spend by the way ; it will much refresh you. Build your cabins as open as you can, and bring good store of clothes and bedding with you. Bring every man a musket or fowling-piece. Let your piece be long in the barrel, and fear not the weight of it, for most of our shooting is from stands. Bring juice of lemons, and take it fasting ; it is of good use. For hot waters, aniseed water is the best ; but use it sparingly. If you bring any thing for comfort in the country, butter or sallet oil, or both, is very good. Our Indian corn, even the coarsest, maketh as pleasant meat as rice ; therefore spare that, unless to spend by the way. Bring paper and linseed oil for your windov^s,^ with
^ Oiled paper to keep out the Even in the time of Henry VIII. snow-storms of a New England they were considered a luxury, and winter ! This serves to give us yeomen and farmers were perfectly some idea of the exposures and contented with windows of lattice, hardships of the first colonists. It In the days of Queen Elizabeth is an indication of progress in do- they were unknown except in a mestic comfort when we find Hig- few lordly mansions, and in them ginson in 1629 writing from Salem they were regarded as movable to his friends in England, " Be furniture. When the dukes of sure to furnish yourselves with Northumberland left Alnwick cas- glass for windows." SeeHutchin- tie to come to London for the win- son's Collection of Papers, p. 50. ter, the few glass windows, which
Glass windows were first intro- formed one of the luxuries of the
duced into England in 1180. They castle, were carefully taken out
were so rare in the reign of Edward and laid away, perhaps carried to
TIL that Chaucer, in describing London to adorn the city residence,
his chamber, mentions particularly See Anderson's Hist, of Commerce,
that i. 90, ed. 1764 ; Ellis's Specimens
of the early English Poets, i. 221,
u with eia^s ^^^ 5 Hallam's Middle Ages, iii.
" Were all the windows" well y-glazed." 426, (ed. 1837); Northumberland
238
POWDER AND SHOT.
CHAP, cotton yarn for your lamps. Let your shot be most — ,-1 for big fowls, and bring store of powder and shot. I 162 1. forbear further to write for the present, hoping to see i^' you by the next return. So I take my leave, com- mending you to the Lord for a safe conduct unto us, resting in him,
Your loving friend,
E. W.^
PJpnoiith, in New England, this Wlh of December, 1621.
Household Book, Preface, p. 16 ; ' Edward Winslow, of whom E. Everett's Address before the some account will be given here- Mere, Lib. Assoc, p. 19. after.
THE ■WINSLOW CHAIR.
CHAPTER XVI.
REASONS AND CONSIDERATIONS TOUCHING THE LAWFUL- NESS OF REMOVING OUT OF ENGLAND UNTO THE PARTS OF AMERICA.
Forasmuch as many exceptions are daily made chap.
XVI
against the 2;oin2: into and inhabitinjT of foreign desert __L places, to the hindrances of plantations abroad, and I62i. the increase of distractions at home ; it is not amiss ^amwe!" that some which have been ear-witnesses of the ex- ceptions made, and are either agents or abettors of such removals and plantations, do seek to give content to the world, in all things that possibly they can.
And although the most of the opposites are such as either dream of raising their fortunes here to that than which there is nothing more unlike, or such as affect- ing their home-born country so vehemently, as that they had rather with all their friends, beg, yea, starve in it, than undergo a little difficulty in seeking abroad ; yet are there some who, out of doubt in tenderness of conscience, and fear to offend God by running before they are called, are straitened and do straiten others from going to foreign plantations.
For whose cause especially I have been drawn, out of my good affection to them, to publish some reasons
240 THE LAWFULNESS OF REMOVING
CHAP that miffht ffive them content and satisfliction, and
XVI. tote _ _ '
L also stay and stop the wilful and witty caviller ; and
1(5 2 L herein I trust I shall not be blamed of any godly wise, though through my slender judgment I should miss the mark, and not strike the nail on the head, con- sidering it is the first attempt that hath been made (that I know of) to defend those enterprises. Reason would, therefore, that if any man of deeper reach and better judgment see further or otherwise, that he rather instruct me than deride me. cau- And being studious for brevity, we must first con- Gen.xii. sider, that whereas God of old did call and summon
1 • 2, &
XXXV. ]. our fathers by predictions, dreams, visions, and certain
iiV.' illuminations, to go from their countries, places and
habitations, to reside and dwell here or there, and to
I'saim wander up and down from city to city, and land to cv. jy. ^ . .
land, according to his will and pleasure ; now there is
no such calling to be expected for any matter whatso- ever, neither must any so much as imagine that there
i!\% will now be any such thing. God did once so train up his people, but now he doth not, but speaks in another manner, and so we must apply ourselves to God's present dealing, and not to his wonted deahng ;
Josh, and as the miracle of sfivinor manna ceased, when the
V. 12. _ & O '
fruits of the land became plenty, so God having such a plentiful storehouse of directions in his holy word, there must not now any extraordinary revelations be expected. But now the ordinary examples and pre- cepts of the Scriptures, reasonably and rightly under- stood and apphed, must be the voice and word, that must call us, press us, and direct us in every action. ^Gen.^ Neither is there any land or possession now, like unto the possession which the Jews had in Canaan,
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 241
being legally holy and appropriated unto a holy people, chap.
the seed of Abraham, in which they dwelt securely, ^
and had their days prolonged, it being by an imme- i62i. diate voice said, that he (the Lord) gave it them as a land of rest after their weary travels, and a type of eternal rest in heaven. But now there is no land of that sanctimony, no land so appropriated, none typical; much less any that can be said to be given of God to any nation, as was Canaan, which they and their seed must dwell in, till God sendeth upon them sword or captivity. But now we are all, in all places, strangers and pilgrims, travellers and sojourners, most properly, having no dwelling but in this earthern tabernacle ; "i^X'Z' our dwelling is but a wandering, and our abiding but as a fleeting, and in a w^ord our home is nowhere but in the heavens,^ in that house not made with hands, w^hose maker and builder is God, and to which all ascend that love the coming of our Lord Jesus.
Though then there may be reasons to persuade a man to live in this or that land, yet there cannot be the same reasons which the Jews had ; but now, as natural, civil and religious bands tie men, so they must be bound, and as good reasons for things terrene and heavenly appear, so they must be led.
And so here falleth in our question, how a man °''J^'='- that is here born and bred, and hath lived some years, may remove himself into another country.
I answer, a man must not respect only to live, and ^ns. i. do good to himself, but he should see where he can ^^^^^^^^ live to do most good to others ; for, as one saith, " He Se whose living is but for himself, it is time he w^ere dead."
^ So were the Jews, but yet their were more large than ours. — Au- temporal blessings and inheritances thorns Note.
31
242 REASONS FOR EMIGRATING
CHAP. Some men there are who of necessity must here hve,
XVI.
^ as being tied to duties either to church, common-
162 1. weahh, household, kindred, &:c. ; but otliers, and that many, who do no good in none of those, nor can do none, as being not able, or not in favor, or as want- ing opportunity, and hve as outcasts — nobodies, eye- sores, eating but for themselves, teaching but them- selves, and doing good to none, either in soul or body, and so pass over days, years and months, yea, so live and so die. Now such should lift up their eyes and see whether there be not some other place and coun- 2. Why try to which they may go to do good, and have use 'eulove. towards others of that knowledge, wisdom, humanity, reason, strength, skill, faculty, &c. wiiich God hath given them for the service of others and his own glory. But not to pass the bounds of modesty so far as to name any, though I confess I know many, who sit Luke here still with-their talent in a napkin, havinsj notable endowments both of body and mind, and might do great good if they were in some places, which here do none, nor can do none, and yet through fleshly fear, niceness, straitness of heart, &;c. sit still and look on, and will not hazard a drachm of health, nor a day of pleasure, nor an hour of rest to further the knowledge Rea^'. 1. and salvation of the sons of Adam in that new world, where a drop of the knowledge of Christ is most pre- cious, which is here not set by. Now what shall we say to such a profession of Christ, to which is joined no more denial of a man's self? Object. But some will say. What right have I to go live in
the heathens' country ? Answ. liCtting pass the ancient discoveries, contracts and agreements which our Englishmen have long since
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 243
made in those parts, toa^ether with the acknowledff- chap
. . XVI.
ment of the histories and chronicles of other nations, ^ -~
who profess the land of America from the Cape de i62i. Florida unto the Bay of Canada ^ (which is south and north three hundred leagues and upwards, and east and west further than yet hath been discovered) is proper to the knig of England, yet letting that pass, lest I be thought to meddle further than it concerns me, or further than I have discerning, I will mention such things as are within my reach, knowledge, sight and practice, since I have travailed in these affairs.
And first, seeing we daily pray for the conversion ueas. 2. of the heathens, we must consider whether there be not some ordinary means and course for us to take to convert them, or whether prayer for them be only referred to God's extraordinary work from heaven. Now it seemeth unto me that we ought also to en- deavour and use the means to convert them ; and the means cannot be used unless we go to them, or they come to us. To us they cannot come, our land is full ; to them we may go, their land is empty.
This then is sufficient reason to prove our going Reas. 3. thither to live, lawful. Their land is spacious and void, and there are few, and do but run over the grass, as do also the foxes and wild beasts. They are not industrious, neither have art, science, skill or faculty to use either the land or the commodities of it; but all spoils, rots, and is marred for want of manuring, gathering, ordering, &c. As the ancient patriarchs, therefore, removed from straiter places into more
* Jacques Cartier, of St. Malo, Montreal. Florida was discovered in France, discovered the great by Juan Ponce de Leon, a Span- river of Canada in August, 1534, iard, in 1512. See Holmes's An- and in 1535 sailed up as far as nals of America, i. 31 and 65.
244 REASONS FOR EMIGRATING
CHAP, rooniv, where the land lav idle and waste, and none
XVI. " .
^ used it, though there dwelt inhabitants by them, as
1G2I. Gen. xiii. 6, 11, 12, and xxxiv. 21, and xh. 20, so is it lawful now to take a land which none usetli, and make use of it. Reas. 4. ^j^j j^g j|- jg r^ couunou laud, or unused and undress- ed country, so we have it by common consent, compo- sition and agreement ; ^ which agreement is double. First, the imperial governor, Massasoit, whose circuits, in likelihood, are larger than England and Scotland, hath acknowledged the King's Majesty of England to be his master and commander, and that once in my hearing, yea, and in writing, under his hand, to Cap- tain Standish, both he and many other kings which are under him, as Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, Nar- rowhiggonset, Namaschet, &lc., with divers others that dwell about the bays of Patuxet and Massachu- set.~ Neither hath this been accomphshed by threats and blows, or shaking of sword and sound of trumpet ; for as our faculty that way is small, and our strength less, so our warring with them is after another man- ner, namely, by friendly usage, love, peace, honest and just carriages, good counsel, &c., that so we and they may not only live in peace in that land, and psau ex. they yield subjection to an earthly prince, but that as xiviii. 3. yoluntaries they may be persuaded at length to em- brace the Prince of Peace, Christ Jesus, and rest in peace with him forever.
Secondly, this composition is also more particular and applicatory, as touching ourselves there inhabiting.
^ This is to be considered as " See pages 193 and 232. respecting New England, and the territories about the plantation. — Author's Note.
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 245
The emperor, by a joint consent, hath promised and chap. appointed us to hve at peace where we will in all his _-_-^ dominions, taking what place we will, and as much i6 2i. land as we wilV and bringing as many people as we will ; and that for these two causes. First, because we are the servants of James, king of England, whose the land (as he confesseth) is. Secondly, because he hath found us just, honest, kind and peaceable, and so loves our company. Yea, and that in these things there is no dissimulation on his part, nor fear of breach (except our security engender in them some unthought of treachery, or our uncivihty provoke them to anger) is most plain in other Relations,^ which show that the things they did were more out of love than out of fear. It being then, first, a vast and empty chaos ; secondly, acknowledged the right of our sovereign king ; thirdly, by a peaceable composition in part possessed of divers of his loving subjects, I see not who can doubt or call in question the lawfulnesss of inhabiting or dwelling there ; but that it may be as lawful for such as are not tied upon some special occasion here, to live there as well as here. Yea, and as the enterprise is weighty and difficult, so the honor is more worthy, to plant a rude wilderness, to enlarge the honor and fame of our
^ In the "Warrantable Grounds English New Plymouth. All which
and Proceedings of the first Asso- lands being void of inhabitants,
ciates of New Plymouth, in their we, the said John Carver, William
laying the first foundation of this Bradford, Edward Winslow, Wil-
Government, in their making of liam Brewster, Isaac Allerton, and
laws, and disposing of the lands the rest of our associates, enteiing
within the same," prefixed to the into a league of peace with Massa-
Code of Laws printed in 1G85, it is soil, since called Woosamequin,
stated that " by the favor of the prince or sachem of those parts,
Almighty they began the colony in he, the said Massasoit, freely gave
New England (there being then them all the lands adjacent, to them
no other within the said continent) and their heirs for ever."
at a place called by the natives * He refers to the preceding
Apaum, alias Patuxet, but by the Journal.
Prnv. xxu. 13.
Ps^l. xlix. 5.
246 REASONS FOR EMIGRATING
CHAP, dread sovereign, but chiefly to display the efficacy
L. and power of the Gospel, both in zealous preaching,
162 1. professing, and wise walking under it, before the faces of these poor blind infidels.
As for such as object the tediousness of the voyage thither, the danger of pirates' robbery, of the savages' treachery, &:c., these are but lions in the way ; and it were well for such men if they were in heaven. For who can show them a place in this world wiiere in- iquity shall not compass them at the heels, and where '^'"^•,/'- they shall have a day without grief, or a lease of life for a moment ? And who can tell, but God, what dangers may lie at our doors, even in our native coun- try, or what plots may be abroad, or when God will ^l^^'l cause our sun to go down at noon-day, and, in the midst of our peace and security, lay upon us some lasting scourge for our so long neglect and contempt of his most glorious Gospel ? oi.ject. But we have here great peace, plenty of the Gos- pel, and many sweet delights and variety of comforts. Answ. True, indeed ; and far be it from us to deny and 2 c^^'fo- diminish the least of these mercies. But have we ren- ^' dered unto God thankful obedience for this long peace, whilst other peoples have been at wars ? Have we not rather murmured, repined, and fallen at jars amongst ourselves, whilst our peace hath lasted with foreign power ? Was there ever more suits in law, more envy, x?ii"9, contempt and reproach than nowadays .f^ Abraham and Lot departed asunder when there fell a breach betwixt them, which was occasioned by the straitness of the land ; and surely 1 am persuaded, that howso- ever the frailties of men are principal in all conten- tions, yet the straitness of the place is such, as each
10.
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 247
man is fain to pluck his means, as it were, out of his chap.
. . XVI.
neighbour's throat, there is such pressing and oppress
ing in town and country, about farms, trades, traffick, 1 6 2 1. &c. ; so as a man can hardly any where set up a trade, but he shall pull down two of his neighbours.
The towns abound with young tradesmen, and the hospitals are full of the ancient ; the country is replen- ished with new farmers, and the almshouses are filled with old laborers. Many there are who get their living with bearing burdens ; but more are fain to burden the land with their whole bodies. Multitudes get their means of life by prating, and so do numbers more by begging. Neither come these straits upon men always through intemperance, ill husbandry, in- discretion, &c., as some think ; but even the most wise, sober, and discreet men go often to the wall, when they have done their best ; wherein, as God's providence swayeth all, so it is easy to see that the straitness of the place, having in it so many strait hearts, cannot but produce such effects more and more ; so as every indifferent minded man should be ready to say with father Abraham, " Take thou the right hand, and I will take the left : " let us not thus oppress, straiten, and afflict one another ; but seeing there is a spacious land, the way to which is through the sea, we will end this difference in a day.
That I speak nothing about the bitter contention that hath been about religion, by writing, disputing, and inveighing earnestly one against another, the heat of which zeal, if it were turned against the rude bar- barism of the heathens, it might do more good in a day, than it hath done here in many years. Neither of the httle love to the Gospel, and profit which is
248 REASONS FOR EMIGRATING
CHAP, made by the preachers in most places, which might .^-^^ easily drive tlie zealous to the heathens ; who, no 16 2 1. doubt, if they had but a drop of that knowledge which here flieth about the streets, would be filled with ex- ceeding great joy and gladness, as that they would even pluck the kingdom of heaven by violence, and take it, as it were, by force. ^"let'"'* The greatest let that is yet behind is the sweet fel- lowship of friends, and the satiety of bodily delights. But can there be two nearer friends almost than Abraham and Lot, or than Paul and Barnabas ? And yet, upon as little occasions as we have here, they departed asunder, two of them being patriarchs of the church of old, the other the apostles of the church which is new ; and their covenants were such as it seemeth might bind as much as any covenant between men at this day ; and yet to avoid greater inconve- niences, they departed asunder.
Neither must men take so much thought for the flesh, as not to be pleased except they can pamper their bodies with variety of dainties. Nature is con- tent with little, and health is much endangered by mixtures upon the stomach. The delights of the palate do often inflame the vital parts ; as the tongue setteth a-fire the whole body. Secondly, varieties here are not common to all, but many good men are glad to snap at a crust. The rent-taker lives on sweet mor- sels, but the rent-payer eats a dry crust often with watery eyes ; and it is nothing to say what some one of a hundred hath, but what the bulk, body and com- monalty hath ; which I warrant you is short enough. And they also which now live so sweetly, hardly will their children attain to that privilege ; but some
James iii. b.
FROM ENGLAND TO A3VIERICA. 249
circumventor or other will outstrip them, and make chap. them sit in the dust, to which men are brought in one ^^l'_- age, but cannot get out of it again in seven genera- 1621. tions.
To conclude, without all partiality, the present con- sumption which groweth upon us here, whilst the land groaneth under so many close-fisted and unmerciful men, being compared with the easiness, plainness and plentifulness in living in those remote places, may quickly persuade any man to a liking of this course, and to practise a removal ; which being done by hon- est, godly and industrious men, they shall there be right heartily welcome ; but for other of dissolute and profane life, their rooms are better than their compa- nies. For if here, where the Gospel hath been so long and plentifully taught, they are yet frequent in such vices as the heathen would shame to speak of, what will they be when there is less restraint in word and deed ? My only suit to all men is, that whether they live there or here, they would learn to use this world as they used it not, keeping faith and a good conscience, both with God and men, that when the day of account shall come, they may come forth as good and fruitful servants, and freely be received, and enter into the joy of their Master. R. C.^
' Robert Cushman. It will be Ma)'flo\ver/' In a letter to Gover-
recollected that he was twice sent nor Bradford, dated December 22,
from Leyden to England as the 1624, he writes, " I hope the next
agent of the Pilgrims, and embark- ships to come to you ; " but he
ed in the Speedwell, in 1020, but was prevented by death. Governor
was obliged to put back. He came Bradford speaks of him as " our
over in the Fortune, and returned ancient friend, Mr. Cushman, who
in her, as the adventurers had ap- was our right hand with the ad-
poinled, to give them information of venturers, and for divers years
the state of the colony. In 1623, a managed all our business with
lot of land was assigned him with them." He brought his son Thomas
those " which came first over in the with him in the Fortune, whom he
32
250 CONDITION AND PRODUCTS OF THE COLONY.
CHAP. [A Letter from New Plymouth.
162 1. Loving Cousin,
Nov.
At our arrival at New Plymouth, in New England, we found all our friends and planters in good health, though they were left sick and weak, with very small means; the Indians round about us peaceable and friendly ; the country very pleasant and temperate, yielding naturally, of itself, great store of fruits, as vines of divers sorts, in great abundance. There is likewise walnuts, chestnuts, small nuts and plums, with much variety of flowers, roots and herbs, no less pleasant than wholesome and profitable. No place hath more gooseberries and strawberries, nor better. Timber of all sorts you have in England doth cover the land, that affords beasts of divers sorts, and great flocks of turkeys, quails, pigeons and partridges; many great lakes abounding with fish, fowls, beavers, and ot- ters. The sea affords us great plenty of all excellent sorts of sea-fish, as the rivers and isles doth variety of wild fowl of most useful sorts. Mines we find, to our thinking; but neither the goodness nor quality we know. Better grain cannot be than the Indian corn, if we will plant it upon as good ground as a man need desire. We are all freeholders; the rent-day doth not
entrusted to the care of Governor lived to the aae of 83. Descend-
Bradford, and who, after the death ants of this honorable name are
of Brewster, was chosen, in 1649, numerous in the Old Colony. See
ruling elder ofthe Plymouth church, Morton's Memorial, pp. 128, 376;
in which office he continued till he Prince, p. 238 ; Mass. Hist. Coll.
died in 1691, aged 84. He married iii. 35 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii.
Mary, daughter of Isaac Allerton, 267; Mitchell's History of Bridge-
and his son Isaac, born in 1649, was water, p. 372. the first minister of Plympton, and
CHARACTER OF THE COLONISTS. 251
trouble us : and all those sfood blessingrs we have, of chap.
. . XVI.
which and what we list in their seasons for taking. Our company are, for most part, very religious, hon- est people ; the word of God sincerely taught us every Sabbath ; so that 1 know not any thing a contented mind can here want. I desire your friendly care to send my wife and children ^ to me, where I wish all the friends 1 have in England ; and so I rest Your loving kinsman,
William Hilton.^]
' His wife and two children came of 1623, at Dover, the settlement of
in the next ship, the Anne, which New Hampshire. Farmer says,
arrived at Plymouth in the summer " He was at Newbury about 1648,
of 1623. See Prince, p. 220, and and at Charlestown, Mass. in 1665 ;
Morton, p. 379. and here I suppose he died in 1675,
' I insert this letter, because it as there is the inventory of William
was written by one of the passen- Hilton taken that year in the Pro-
gers in the Fortune. It was first bate Records." See Belknap's
printed in 1622, in Smith's New New Hampshire, p. 4, (Farmer's
England's Trials. The writer and ed.) ; Prince, p. 215 ; Savage's
his brother Edward, fishmongers of Winthrop, i. 97 ; Holmes's An-
London, commenced, in the spring nals, i. 183.
CUSHMAN'S DISCOUESE.
CHAPTER XVII.
OF THE STATE OF THE COLONY, AND THE NEED OF PUBLIC SPIRIT IN THE COLONISTS.i
162 1. Dec.
New England, so called not only fto avoid novel- chap.
. . . . xvn. ties) because Captain Smith hath so entitled it in his '.
Description, but because of the resemblance that is in it of England, the native soil of EngHshmen ; it being muchwhat the same for heat and cold in summer and winter, it being champaign ground, but not high moun- tains ; somewhat like the soil in Kent and Essex, full of dales and meadow ground, full of rivers and sweet springs, as England is. But principally, so far as we
1 In the course of Robert Cush- man's short residence of a month at Plymouth he delivered a discourse to the colonists on the Sin and Danger of Self-Love, from 1 Cor. X. 24, " Let no man seek his own, but every man another's wealth ; " which was printed at London in 1622, but without his name. In a tract printed at London in 1644, entitled " A Brief Narration of some Church Courses in New Eng- land," I find the following- allusion to this discourse ; " There is a book printed, called A Sermon preached at Plymouth, in New England, which, as I am certified, was made there by a comber of wool."
Dr. Belknap remarks, that " this discourse may be considered as a specimen of the prophesyings of the brethren. The occasion was sin- gular ; the exhortations and re- proofs are not less so, but were adapted to the existing state of the colony." Judge Davis says that " the late Isaac Lothrop, of Ply- mouth, often mentioned an intima- tion, received from an aged relative, as to the spot where this sermon was delivered. It was at the com- mon house of the Plantation, which is understood to have been erected on the southerly side of the bank, where the town brook meets the harbour. Mr. Lothrop died in 1808, aged seventy-three. Not many
256 DESCRIPTION OF NEW ENGLAND.
CHAP, can yet find, it is an i.sland,' and near about the quantity XVII . . '^ of Eno;land, beinfj cut out from the main land in Ameri-
1621. ca, as England is from the main of Europe, by a great
'^^' arm of the sea,*^ which entereth in forty degrees, and
runneth up northwest and by west, and goeth out
either into the South Sea, or else into the Bay of
Canada. The certainty whereof, and secrets of which,
we have not yet so found as that, as eye-witnesses,
we can make narration thereof ; but if God give time
and means, we shall ere long discover both the extent
of that river, together with the secrets thereof; and
also try what territories, habitations, or commodities
may be found, either in it, or about it.
It pertaineth not to my purpose to speak any thing
either in praise or dispraise of the country. So it is, by
God's providence, that a few of us are there planted to
our content and have with great charge and difficulty
attained quiet and competent dwellings there. And
thus much I will say for the satisfaction of such as
have any thought of going thither to inhabit ; that for
men which have a large heart, and look after great
riches, ease, pleasures, dainties, and jollity in this
world, (except they w ill live by other men's sweat, or
have great riches,) I would not advise them to come
there, for as yet the country will affiDrd no such mat-
years before his death he had the England, together with all well- satisfaction of being called to view willers and well-wishers thereunto, sundry tools and implements which grace and peace, &c." The Epistle were dug up at that spot, and which is here printed entire, and all that he carefully preserved." See note* is of any general or historical inter- on page 173 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. est in the discourse, ii. 274 ; and Morton's Memorial, ' Jt will be seen hereafter that p. 74. Winslow too, on the authority of
Prefixed to the discourse is an the natives, calls it an island.
" Epistle Dedicatory, to his loving * Hudson's river, friends, the adventurers for New
EMIGRATION SPREADS CHRISTIANITY. 257
ters. But if there be any who are content to lav out chap.
. . XVJI.
their estates, spend their time, labors and endeavours,
for the benefit of them that shall come after, and in i62i.
Dec.
desire to further the Gospel among those poor hea- thens, quietly contenting themselves with such hard- ship and difficulties, as by God's providence shall fall upon them, being yet young, and in their strength, such men I would advise and encourage to go, for their ends cannot fail them.
And if it should please God to punish his people in the Christian countries of Europe, for their coldness, carnality, wanton abuse of the Gospel, contention, &c., either by Turkish slavery, or by popish tyranny, (which God forbid,) yet if the time be come, or shall come (as who knoweth ?) when Satan shall be let loose to cast out his floods against them, here is a w^ay Kev.xii.
~ ^ •'14, 15.
opened for such as have wings to fly into this wilder- ness ; and as by the dispersion of the Jewish church through persecution, the Lord brought in the fulness go^a^i.' of the Gentiles, so v/ho knoweth, whether now by tyranny and affliction, which he suflereth to come upon them, he will not by little and little chase them even amongst the heathens, that so a light may rise up in i-uke the dark, and the kingdom of heaven be taken from them which now have it, and given to a people that ^^^';'"4''3- shall bring forth the fruit of it ? This I leave to the judgment of the godly wise, being neither prophet nor ^mos son of a prophet. But considering God's dealing of 2 Kings old, and seeing the name of Christian to be very great, but the true nature thereof almost quite lost in all degrees and sects, I cannot think but that there is some judgment not far ofl", and that God will shortly, ^,^f"J^- even of stones, raise up children unto Abraham. 33
258 THE INDIANS FRIENDLY.
CHAP. And whoso riorhtly considereth what manner of cn-
XVII.
^ — -^ trance, abiding, and proceedings we have liad among i''-i- i\m^G poor heathens since we came hither, will easily
Dec. . ^ ^ J
think that CJod hath some great work to do towards them.
They were wont to be the most cruel and treach- erous people in all these parts, even like lions ; but to us they have been like lambs, so kind, so submissive, and trusty, as a man may truly say, many Christians are not so kind nor sincere.
They were very much wasted of late, by reason of a great mortality ^ that fell amongst them three years since ; which, together with their own civil dissensions and bloody wars, hath so wasted them, as I think the twentieth person is scarce left alive ; and those that are left, have their courage much abated, and their countenance is dejected, and they seem as a people affrighted. And though when we first came into the country, we were few, and many of us were sick, and many died by reason of the cold and wet, it being the depth of winter, and we having no houses nor shelter, yet when there was not six able persons among us, and that they came daily to us by hundreds, with their sachems or kings, and might in one hour have made a dispatch of us, yet such a fear was upon them, as that they never offered us the least injury in word or deed. And by reason of one Tisquanto,^ that lives amongst us, that can speak English, we have daily commerce with their kings, and can know what is done or intended towards us among the savages ; also we can acquaint them with our courses and purposes, both human and religious. And the greatest commander of
' See note ^ on page 183. * See note ^ on page 190.
THE INDIANS WELL TREATED. 259
the country, called Massasoit,^ cometh often to visit chap.
XVII.
us, though he lives fifty miles from us, often sends us -.^--^ presents, he having with many other of their governors 1 6 2 1. promised, yea, subscribed obedience to our Sovereign Lord King James, and for his cause to spend both strength and life.^ And we, for our parts, through God's grace, have with that equity, justice, and com- passion carried ourselves towards them, as that they have received much favor, help, and aid from us, but never the least injury or wrong by us.^ We found the place where we live empty, the people being all dead and gone away,'' and none living near by eight or ten miles ; and though in the time of some hard- ship, we found, travelling abroad, some eight bushels of corn hid up in a cave, and knew no owners of it, yet afterwards hearing of the owners of it, we gave them (in their estimation) double the value of it.^ Our care also hath been to maintain peace amongst them, and have always set ourselves against such of them as used any rebellion or treachery against their governors ; and not only threatened such, but in some sort paid them their due deserts. And when any of
' See page 191. avoid the least scruple of intrusion.
^ See pacres 193 and 232. Particularly publish that no wrong
^ They offer us to dwell where or injury be oifered to the natives."
we will. — Cushman's Note. And in 1676, it was as truly as
The first planters of Plymouth proudly said by Governor Josiah and Massachusetts invariably pur- Winslow, of Plymouth, " I think I chased of the natives the lands on can clearly say, that before these which they settled, for considera- present troubles broke out, the lions which were deemed at the English did not possess one foot of time fully equivalent. They fol- land in this Colony but what was lowed literally the instructions giv- fairly obtained by honest purchase en by the governor of the New Eng- of the Indian proprietors." See land Company to Gov. Endicott, in Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 266 ; Haz- 1629: " If any of the salvages pre- ard's State Papers, i 263; Hub- tend right of inheritance to all or bard's Indian Wars, p. 13, (ed. any part of the lands granted in our 1677.)
patent, we pray you endeavour to * See pages 184 and 206.
purchase their title, that we may * See jiage 217.
260 THE PILGRIMS TRUE TO THEIR PRINCIPLES.
CHAP, them are in want, as often they are in the winter, XVII. , , . . , , , when their corn i.^ done, we snpply tliem to our
10 2 1. power, and have them in our houses eating and drink-
Dec
ing, and warming themselves; which thing, though it be something a trouble to us, yet because they should see and take knowledge of our labors, orders and diligence, both for this life and a better, we are content to bear it ; and we find in many of them, especially of the younger sort, such a tractable dispo- sition, both to religion and humanity, as that if we had means to apparel them, and wholly to retain them with us, (as their desire is,) they would doubtless in time prove serviceable to God and man ; and if ever God send us means, we will bring up hundreds of their children both to labor and learning.
But leaving to speak of them till a further occasion be offered, if any shall marvel at the publishing of this treatise in England, seeing there is no want of good books, but rather want of men to use good books, let them know, that the especial end is, that we may keep those motives in memory for ourselves and those that shall come after, to be a remedy against self-love, the bane of all societies ; and that we also might testify to our Christian countrymen, who judge diversely of us, that though we be in a heathen country, yet the grace of Christ is not quenched in us, but we still hold and teach the same points of faith, mortification, and sanc- tification, which we have heard and learned, in a most ample and large manner, in our own country. If any shall think it too rude and unlearned for this curious age, let them know, that to paint out the Gospel in plain and flat English, amongst a company of plain Englishmen, (as we are,) is the best and most profita-
THE DESIGN OF THE PLANTATION. 261
ble teaching ; and we will study plainness, not cu- chap.
riosity, neither in things human nor heavenly. If any '-
error or unsoundness be in it, ("as who knoweth.-^) i62i.
. Dec.
impute it to that frail man which indited it, which professeth to know nothing as he ought to know it. I have not set down my name, partly because I seek no name, and principally because I would have nothing esteemed by names ; for I see a number of evils to arise through names, when the persons are either fa- mous or infamous, and God and man is often injured. If any good or profit arise to thee in the receiving of it, give God the praise and esteem me as a son of Adam, subject to all such frailties as other men are.
And you, my loving friends, the adventurers to this Plantation, as your care has been, first to settle religion^ here, before either profit or popularity, so I pray you, go on to do it much more, and be careful to send godly men, though they want some of that worldly policy which this world hath in her own generation ; and so, though you lose, the Lord shall gain. I rejoice greatly in your free and ready minds to your powers, yea, and beyond your powers to further this work, that you thus honor God with your riches ; and I trust you shall be repayed again double and treble in this world, yea, and the memory of this action shall never die. But
' " The great and known end of his Majesty's dominions, might, the first comers, in the year of our with the liberty of a good con- Lord 1620, leaving their dear na- science, enjoy the pure sciiptural tive country and all that was dear worship of God, without the mix- to them there, transporting them- ture of human inventions and im- selves over the vast ocean into this positions ; and that their children remote waste wilderness, and there- after them might walk in the holy in willingly conflicting with dan- ways of the Lord." See General gers, losses, hardships and distress- Fundamentals, prefixed to the Laws es, sore and not a few, was, that of New Plymouth, published in without offence, they, under the 1672, and reprinted in Brigham's protection of their native prince, edition, p. 242. together with the enlargement of
262 ENCOURAGEMENT TO THE ADVENTURERS.
CHAP, above all, adding unto this, as 1 trust you do, like free-
^ ness in all other God's services, both at home and
1621. abroad, you shall find reward with God, ten thousand- fold surpassing all that you do or think. Be not, there- fore, discouraged, for no labor is lost nor money spent, which is bestowed for God. Your ends were good, your success is good, and your profit is coming, even in this life, and in the life to come much more. And what shall I say now ? A word to men of understand- ing sufiiceth. Pardon, I pray you, my boldness, read over the ensuing treatise, and judge wisely of the poor weakhng ; and the Lord, the God of sea and land, stretch out his arm of protection to you and us, and over all our lawful and good enterprises, either this, or any other way.
Plymouth^ in New England, December 12, 1621.
There is a generation, which think to have more in this world, than Adam's felicity in innocency, being born, as they think, to take their pleasures and their ease. Let the roof of the house drop through, they stir not ; let the field be overgrown with weeds, they care not ; they must not foul their hand, nor wet their foot. It's enough for them to say. Go you, not. Let us go, though never so much need. Such idle drones are intolerable in a settled commonwealth, much more in a commonwealth which is but as it were in the bud. Of what earth, I pray thee, art thou made ? Of any better than the other of the sons of Adam.^ And canst thou see other of thy brethren toil their hearts out, and thou sit idle at home, or takest thy pleasure abroad ?
THE SIN AND DANGER OF SELF-LOVE. 263
It is reported that there are many men gone to that chap.
XVII
other plantation in Virginia, which, whilst they lived '-
in England, seemed very religious, zealous, and con- i62i, scionable ; and have now lost even the sap of grace, and edge to all goodness ; and are become mere worldings. This testimony I believe to be partly true, and amongst many causes of it, this self-love is not the least. It is indeed a matter of some commenda- tions for a man to remove himself out of a thronged place into a wide wilderness ; to take in hand so long and dangerous a journey, to be an instrument to carry the Gospel and humanity among the brutish heathen ; but there may be many goodly shows and glosses, and yet a pad in the straw. Men may make a great appearance of respect unto God, and yet but dissem- ble with him, having their own lusts carrying them ; and, out of doubt, men that have taken in hand hither to come, out of discontentment, in regard to their estates in England, and aiming at great matters here, affecting it to be gentlemen, landed men, or hoping for office, place, dignity, or fleshly liberty. Let the show be what it will, the substance is naught ; and that bird of self-love which was hatched at home, if it be not looked to, will eat out the life of all grace and goodness ; and though men have escaped the danger of the sea, and that cruel mortality, which swept away so many of our loving friends and brethren, yet except they purge out this self-love, a worse mischief is pre- pared for them. And who knoweth whether God in mercy have delivered those just men which here de- parted, from the evils to come, and from unreasonable men, in whom there neither was, nor is, any comfort, but grief, sorrow, affliction, and misery, till they cast out this spawn of self-love "^
264 THE DUTY OF SELF-SACRIFICE.
CHAP. Now, brethren, I pray you, remember yourselves,
and know that you are not in a retired, monastical
162 1. course, but have given your names and promises one to another, and covenanted here to cleave together in the service of God and the King. What then must you do ? May you live as retired hermits, and look after nobody ? Nay, you must seek still the wealth of one another, and inquire, as David, How liveth such a man ? llow is he clad ? How is he fed ? He is my brother, my associate ; we ventured our lives together here, and had a hard brunt of it ; and we are in league together. Is his labor harder than mine ? Surely I will ease him. Hath he no bed to lie on ? Why, I have two ; I'll lend him one. Hath he no apparel ? Why, I have two suits ; I'll give him one of them. Eats he coarse fare, bread and water, and I have bet- ter ? W hy, surely we will part stakes. He is as good a man as I, and we are bound each to other ; so that his wants must be my wants, his sorrows my sorrows, his sickness my sickness, and his welfare my welfare ; for I am as he is. And such a sweet sympathy were excellent, comfortable, yea, heavenly, and is the only maker and conserver of churches and commonwealths ; and where this is wanting, ruin comes on quickly.
It wonderfully encourageth men in their duties, when they see the burthen equally borne ; but when some withdraw themselves, and retire to their own particular ease, pleasure, or profit, what heart can men have to go on in their business ? W hen men are come together to lift some weighty piece of timber, or vessel, if one stand still and do not lift, shall not the rest be weakened and disheartened ? Will not a i'ew idle drones spoil the whole stock of laborious bees ? So
THE IMPORTANCE OP PUBLIC SPIRIT. 265
one idle belly, one murmurer, one complainer, one chap. self-lover, will weaken and dishearten a whole colony, v.,...^ Great matters have been brought to pass, where men I621. have cheerfully, as with one heart, hand and shoulder, gone about it, both in wars, buildings and plantations ; but where every man seeks himself, all cometh to nothing.
The country is yet raw ; the land untilled ; the cities not builded ; the cattle not settled. We are compassed about with a helpless and idle people, the natives of the country, which cannot, in any comely or comfort- able manner, help themselves, much less us. We also have been very chargeable to many of our loving friends, which helped us hither, and now again supplied us ; so that before we think of gathering riches, we must even in conscience think of requiting their charge, love, and labor ; and cursed be that profit and gain which aimeth not at this. Besides, how many of our dear friends did here die at our first entrance ; many of them, no doubt, for want of good lodging, shelter, and comfortable things ; and many more may go after them quickly, if care be not taken. Is this then a time for men to begin to seek themselves ? Paul saith, that men in the last days shall be lovers of them- •2..'^™. selves ; but it is here yet but the first days, and, as it were, the dawning of this new world. It is now therefore no time for men to look to get riches, brave clothes, dainty fare ; but to look to present necessities. It is now no time to pamper the flesh, live at ease, snatch, catch, scrape, and pill, and hoard up ; but rather to open the doors, the chests, and vessels, and say. Brother, neighbour, friend, what want ye ? any thing that I have ? Make bold with it ; it is yours to 34
Luke XV. 12.
266 THE GENERAL GOOD TO BE REGARDED.
CHAP, command, to do you good, to comfort and cherish
', you ; and glad I am that 1 have it for you.
16 21. Let there be no prodigal person to come forth and say, Give me the portion of lands and goods that appertain- eth to me, and let me shift for myself^ It is yet too soon to put men to their shifts. Israel was seven years in Canaan before the land was divided unto tribes, much longer before it was divided unto families ; and why wouldest thou have thy particular portion, but be- cause thou thinkcst to live better than thy neighbour, and scornestto live so meanly as he .^ But who, I pray thee, brought this particularizing first into the world ? Did not Satan, who was not content to keep that equal state with his fellows, but would set his throne above the stars ? Did not he also entice man to despise his general felicity and happiness, and go try particular knowledge of good and evil 't And nothing in this world doth more resemble heavenly happiness, than for men to live as one, being of one heart and one soul ; neither any thing more resembles hellish horror, than for every man to shift for himself; for if it be a good mind and practice, thus to affect particulars, mine and thine ,f then it should be best also for God to provide one heaven for thee, and another for thy neighbour.
Objection. But some will say, If all men will do their endeavours, as I do, I could be content with this
' Throughout this paragraph ment, and were clamorous for a
there is a manifest reference to the partition of the lands, and the in-
copartnership into which they had stitution of separate property. It
been obliged to enter with the was the design of Mr. Cushman to
merchant adventurers, by which exhort them to be faithful to their
all the property and profits of the engagement, to cherish a public spi-
Plantation for seven years were to rit, and to seek the general and
be held as a joint stock, not to be ultimate good of the Colony, rather
divided till the expiration of that than their personal and immediate
time. The colonists had already interest. See the conditions on
become impatient of this arrange- page 81, and note ' on page 84.
THE NEED OF MUTUAL HELP. 267
generality ; but many are idle and slothful, and eat chap. up others' labors, and therefore it is best to part, and .^.^ then every man may do his pleasure. 1 6 2 1.
If others be idle and thou diligent, thy fellowship, provocation, and example may well help to cure that malady in them, being together ; but being asunder, shall they not be more idle, and shall not gentry and beggary be quickly the glorious ensigns of your com- monwealth ?
Be not too hasty to say men are idle and slothful. All men have not strength, skill, faculty, spirit, and courage to work alike. It is thy glory and credit, that canst do so well, and his shame and reproach, that can do no better ; and are not these sufficient rewards to you both ?
If any be idle apparently, you have a law and gov- ernors to execute the same, and to follow that rule of the Apostle, to keep back their bread, and let them not eat. Go not therefore whispering to charge men with idleness ; but go to the governor and prove them idle, and thou shalt see them have their deserts.
And as you are a body together, so hang not toge- ther by skins and gymocks, but labor to be jointed together and knit by flesh and sinews. Away with envy at the good of others, and rejoice in his good, and sorrow for his evil. Let his joy be thy joy, and his sorrow thy sorrow. Let his sickness be thy sick- ness, his hunger thy hunger, his poverty thy poverty ; and if you profess friendship, be friends in adversity, for then a friend is known and tried, and not before.
Lay away all thought of former things and forget them, and think upon the things that are. Look not gapingly one upon other, pleading your goodness, your birth, your hfe you lived, your means you had and
268 EXHORTATION TO PEACE AND UNION.
CHAP, might have had. Here you are by God's providence
L under difficulties ; be thankful to God it is no worse,
1621. and take it in good part that which is, and hft not up yourselves because of former privileges. Consider therefore what you are now, and where you are. Say not, I could have lived thus and thus ; but say. Thus and thus I must live ; for God and natural necessity requireth, if your difficulties be great, you had need to cleave the faster together, and comfort and cheer up one another, laboring to make each other's burden lighter. There is no grief so tedious as a churlish compan- ion ; and nothing makes sorrows easy more than cheerful associates. Bear ye therefore one another's burthen, and be not a burthen one to another. Avoid all factions, frowardness, singularity, and withdrawings, and cleave fast to the Lord and one to another contin- ually ; so shall you be a notable precedent to these poor heathens, whose eyes are upon you, and who very brutishly and cruelly do daily eat and consume one an- other, through their emulations, wars and contentions. Be you, therefore, ashamed of it, and wdn them to peace, both with yourselves and one another, by your peaceable examples, which will preach louder to them than if you could cry in their barbarous language. So also shall you be an encouragement to many of your Christian friends in your native country, to come to you, when they hear of your peace, love and kind- ness that is amongst you. But, above all, it shall go well with your souls, when that God of peace and unity shall come to visit you with death, as he hath done many of your associates ; you being found of him, not in murmurings, discontent, and jars, but in brotherly love and peace, may be translated from this wander- ing wilderness unto that joyful and heavenly Canaan.
WINSLOW'S RELATION.
" Good Newes from New England : or a true Relation of things very remarkable at the Plantation of Plimoth in New- England.
Shewing the wondrous providence and goodness of God, in their preservation and continuance, being delivered from many appa- rent deaths and dangers.
Together with a Relation of such religious and civill Lawes and Customes, as are in practise amongst the Indians, adjoyning to them at this day. As also what Commodities are there to be raysed for the maintenance of that and other Plantations in the said Country.
Written by E. W. who hath borne a part in the fore-named trou- bles, and there lived since their first Arrivall.
Whereunto is added by him a briefe Relation of a credible intel- ligence of the present Estate of Virginia.
London. Printed by /. D. for William Bladen and John Bella- mie, and are to be sold at their Shops, at the Bible in Paul's Church-yard, and at the three Golden Lyons in Corn-hill, neere the Royall Exchange. 1624." pp. 66, sm. 4to.
To all well-ivillers and furtherers of Plantations in New England, especially to such as ever have or desire to assist the people of Plymouth in their just proceedings^ grace and peace he imiltiplied.
Right Honorable and Worshipful Gentlemen, or whatsoever,
Since it hath pleased God to stir you up to be instruments of his glory in so honorable an enterprise as the enlarging of his Majesty's dominions by planting his loyal subjects in so healthful and hopeful a country as New-England is, where the church of God being seated in sincerity, there is no less hope of convincing the heathen of their evil ways, and converting them to the true knowledge and worship of the living God, and so consequently the salvation of their souls by the me- rits of Jesus Christ, than elsewhere, though it be much talked on and lightly or lamely prosecuted, — I there- fore think it but my duty to offer the view of our pro- ceedings to your worthy considerations, having to that end composed them together thus briefly, as you see ; wherein, to your great encouragement, you may behold the good providence of God working with you in our preservation from so many dangerous plots and treach- eries as have been intended against us, as also in giving
272 THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
his blessing so powerfully upon the weak means we had, enabling us with health and ability beyond expec- tation in our greatest scarcities, and possessing the hearts of the salvages with astonishment and fear of us ; whereas if God had let them loose, they might easily have swallowed us up, scarce being a handful in comparison of those forces they might have gathered together against us ; which now, by God's blessing, will be more hard and difficult, in regard our number of men is increased, our town better fortified, and our store better victualled. Blessed therefore be his name, that hath done so great things for us and hath wrought so great a change amongst us.
Accept, I pray you, my weak endeavours, pardon my unskilfulness, and bear with my plainness in the things I have handled. Be not discouraged by our former necessities, but rather encouraged with us, hop- ing that as God hath wrought with us in our beginning of this worthy work, undertaken in his name and fear, so he will by us accomplish the same to his glory and our comfort, if we neglect not the means. I confess it hath not been much less chargeable to some of you ' than hard and difficult to us, that have endured the brunt of the battle, and yet small profits returned. Only, by God's mercy, we are safely seated, housed, and fortified, by which means a great step is made unto gain, and a more direct course taken for the same, than if at first we had rashly and covetously fallen upon it.
Indeed three things are the overthrow and bane, as I may term it, of plantations.
' The merchant adventurers. See pages 67 and 78.
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY. 273
1. The vain expectation of present profit, which too commonly taketh a principal seat in the heart and affection, though God's glory, &c. is preferred before it in the mouth with protestation.
2. Ambition in their governors and commanders, seeking only to make themselves great, and slaves of all that are under them, to maintain a transitory base honor in themselves, which God oft punisheth with contempt.
3. The carelessness of those that send over supplies of men unto them, not caring how they be qualified ; so that ofttimes they are rather the image of men en- dued with bestial, yea, diabolical affections, than the image of God, endued with reason, understanding, and holiness. I praise God I speak not these things expe- rimentally, by way of complaint of our own condition, but having great cause on the contrary part to be thank- ful to God for his mercies towards us ; but rather, if there be any too desirous of gain, to entreat them to moderate their afl'ections, and consider that no man expecteth fruit before the tree be grown ; advising all men, that as they tender their own welfare, so to make choice of such to manage and govern their affairs, as are approved not to be seekers of themselves, but the common good of all for whom they are employed ; and beseeching such as have the care of transporting men for the supply and furnishing of plantations, to be truly careful in sending such as may further and not hinder so good an action. There is no godly, honest man but will be helpful in his kind, and adorn his pro- fession with an upright life and conversation ; which doctrine of manners^ ought first to be preached by
' This sentiment shows how little ticism, which has often been alleged obnoxious the first settlers of New against them by persons alike igno- England were to the charge of fana- rant of their spirit and their history.
35
274
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY
giving good example to the poor savage heathens amongst whom they Hve. On the contrary part, what great offence hath been given by many profane men, who being but seeming Christians, have made Christ and Christianity sfink in tlie nostrils of the poor infidels, and so laid a stumbling-block before them. J3ut woe be to them by whom such offences come.
These things I offer to your Christian considera- tions, beseeching you to make a good construction of my simple meaning, and take in good part this ensu- ing Relation, dedicating myself and it evermore unto your service ; beseeching God to crown our Christian and faithful endeavours with his blessings temporal and eternal.
Yours in this service.
Ever to be commanded,
E. W.>
' Edward Winslow was, ac- cordinjj to Hutchinson, " of a very reputable family and of a very ac- tive genius" — "a gentlennan of the best family of any of the Ply- mouth planters, his father, Edward Winslow, Esq., being a person of some figure at Droitwich, in Wor- cestershire," a town seven miles from Worcester, celebrated for its salt springs. Edward was the eldest of eight children, and was born at Droitwich Oct. 19, 1595, as appears from the following extract from the records of St. Peter's church in that place : " 1595, Oct. 20, baptized Edward, son of Ed- ward Winslow, born the previous Friday," which was the 19th. His mother's name was Magdalen ; her surname is unknown ; she was married Nov, 3, 1594. He was not one of the original band of Pil- grims who escaped to Holland in 1608, but being on his travels, fell in with them at Leyden, in 1617,
as we learn from his Brief Narra- tion, where he speaks of " living three years under Mr. Robinson's ministry before we began the work of plantation in New England." His name stands the third among the signers of the Compact on board the Mayflower ; and his family consisted at that time of Ids wife, Elizabeth, George Soule, and two others, perhaps his children, Ed- ward and John, who died young. As has already been seen, and will hereafter appear, he was one of the most energetic and trusted men in the Colony. He went to England in 1623, 1024, 1635 and 1646, as agent of the Plymouth or Massa- chusetts colonies ; and in 1633 he was chosen governor, to which office he was reelected in 1636 and 1644. He did not return to New England after 1646. In 1655 he was sent by Cromwell as one of three commissioners to superintend the expedition against the Spanish
EDWARD WINSLOW.
275
possessions in the West Indies, and died at sea, near Hispaniola. on the 8th of May of that year, in his 60th year. An interesting letter, writ- ten by him at Barbadoes, March 16, and addressed to Secretary Thudoe, is preserved in Thurloe's State Papers, iii. 250. Three letters of his to Gov. Winthrop; one to the Commissioners of the United Colo- nies, and another to Thurloe from Barbadoes, March 30, are contained in Hutchinson's Collection of Pa- pers, pp. 60, 110, 153, 228, 268.
In 1637 he obtained a grant of a valuable tract of land at Green's harbour, now Marshfield, to which he j!ave the name of Careswell. This estate continued in the family till a few years since, when it came into possession of Daniel Webster, the late Secretary of State.
Kdvvard Winslow's son, (2) Josiah, born at Plymouth in 1628, was gov- ernor of the Colony, from 1673 to his death in 1680, and commanded the New-England forces in Philip's war. (3) Isaac, his only surviving son, sustained the chief civil and military oihces in the county of Ply- mouth after its incorporation with Massachusetts, and was President of the Provincial Council. He died in 1738, aged 68. (4) John, his son, was a captain in the expedition against Cuba in 1740, a colonel at Louisburgh in 1744, and afterwards a major-general in the British ser- vice. He died in 1774, aged 71. His son, (5) Isaac, was a physician in Marshfield, and died in 1819, aged 80. His only son, (6) John, was an attorney, and died in 1822, aged 48. His only surviving son, (7) Isaac, and the last surviving male descendant of Gov. Edward, of the name of Winslow, born in 1813, resides in Boston, and pos- sesses original portraits of these his illustrious ancestors. See Mass. Hist. Coll. -sxvii. 286.
Edward Winslow had four bro- thers, all of whom came over to
New England. Their names were, John, born in April, 1597; Kenelm, born, April 29, 1599 ; Gilbert, born in Oct. 1600 ; and Josiah, born in Feb. 1605. — John came in the Fortune in 1621, married Mary Chilton, who came in the May- flower, and removed to Boston, in 1655, where he died in 1674, aged 77. He left a numerous pos- terity, one of whom is Isaac Wins- low, Esq., of Roxbury, formerly a merchant in Boston. — Gilbert came in the Mayflower, and soon left the Colony, and it is thought went to Portsmouth, N. H. and died before 1660. — Kenelm and Josiah arrived at Plymouth before 1632, and both settled at Marshfield. The former died whilst on a visit at Salem in l*i72, aged 73, and the latter in 1674, aged 69. — P^dward Wins- low's sisters were Eleanor, born in April, 1598, Elizabeth, born in March, 1601, and Mngdalen, born Dec. 26, 1604. Elizabeth died in Jan. 1604, and neither of the other two ever came to New England.
For the copy of the record of St. Peter's Church, Dntitwich. contain- ing the births and baptisms of Ed- ward Winslow and his sisters and brothers, exceptinir Josiah. I am indebted to Isaac Winslow, Esq., of Roxbury, whose son, Isaac, of New York, visited that place for this purpose in Aug. 1839. I am also indebted to Mr. Isaac Winslow, of Boston, for the loan of the family bible of the Winslows, containing on one of its covers an ancient re- gister, corresponding nearly with the Droilwich records, with the ad- dition of the birlh and baptism of Josiah, the youngest child. See Hutchinson's Mass. i. 187, ii. 457— 460 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 281 — 309; Mitchell's Bridsewater, p.
387 — 390 ; Deaue's Scituate, p.
388 — 390; Thacher's Plvmouth, p. 90—103, 139— 144 ; Morton's Me- morial, pp. 178, 235, 259—261, 382. 415 ; Hazard's Hist. Coll. i. 326.
TO THE READER.
Good Reader,
When I first penned this Discourse, I intended it chiefly for the satisfaction of my private friends ; but since that time have been persuaded to pubhsh the same. And the rather, because of a disorderly colony ^ that are dispersed, and most of them returned, to the great prejudice and damage of him- that set them forth ; who, as they were a stain to Old England that bred them, in respect of their lives and manners amongst the Indians, so, it is to be feared, will be no less to New England, in their vile and clamorous reports, because she would not foster them in their desired idle courses. I would not be understood to think there were no well deserving persons amongst them ; for of mine knowledge it was a grief to some that they were so yoked ; whose deserts, as they were then suitable to their honest protestations, so 1 desire still may be in respect of their just and true Relations.
Peradventure thou wilt rather marvel that I deal so
' At Wessatrnsset, or Weymouth, '^ Thomas Weston. See note' of which an ample account will be on page 78. found in the ensuing Narrative.
THE PREFACE.
plainly, than any way doubt of the truth of this my Relation ; yea, it may be, tax me therewith, as seem- ing rather to discourage men than any way to further so noble an action. If any honest mind be discour- aged, I am sorry. Sure I am I have given no just cause ; and am so far from being discouraged myself, as I purpose to return forthwith.^ And for other light and vain persons, if they stumble hereat, I have my desire, accounting it better for them and us that they keep where they are, as being unfit and unable to perform so great a task.
Some faults have escaped because 1 could not attend on the press,^ which I pray thee correct, as thou findest, and I shall account it as a favor unto me.
Thine,
E. W.
277
' Winslow returned in the ship * This serves to confirm the
Charity, in I\Iarch, 1624. He had statement of numerous typographi-
been absent six months, having cal errors in the previous Narrative,
sailed from Plymouth in the Anne, See note on page 113, and note ^
on the lOlh of Sept. previous. See on page 174. Bradford, in Prince, p. 221, 225.
A BRIEF RELATION OF A CREDICLE INTELLIGENCE OF THE PRESENT ESTATE OF VIRGINIA.
At the earnest entreaty of some of my much re- spected friends, I have added to the former Discourse a Relation of such things as were credibly reported at Plymouth, in New England, in September last past, concerning the present estate of Virginia. And because men may doubt how we should have intelligence of their aflairs, being we are so far distant, I will there- fore satisfy the doubtful therein. Captain Francis West ^ being in New England about the latter end of May past, sailed from thence to Virginia, and returned in August. In September the same ship and company being discharged by him at Damarin's Cove,^ came to New Plymouth, where, upon our earnest inquiry after the state of Virginia since that bloody slaughter com- mitted by the Indians upon our friends and country- men,^^ the whole ship's company agreed in this, viz.
* West had a commission as ad- in Prince, p. 218, and in Morton,
miral of New England, to restrain p. 97.
such ships as came to fish and trade * The Damariscove islands, five vvithout license from the New or six in number, lying west by England Council ; but finding the north from Monhegan, were early fishermen stubborn fellows, and too resorted to and occupied as fishing- strong for him, he sails for A'irginia; stages. See Williamson's Maine, and their owners complaining to i. 56.
Parliament, procured an order that ^ On the 22d of March, 1G22, at
fishing should be free. Bradford, mid-day, the Indians, by a precon-
THE CONDITION OF VIRGINIA.
that upon all occasions they chased the Indians to and fro, insomuch as they sued daily unto the English for peace, who for the present would not admit of any ; that Sir George Early,^ &c. was at that present em- ployed upon service against them ; that amongst many others, Opachancano,^ the chief emperor, was supposed to be slain ; his son also was killed at the same time. And though, by reason of these fore- named broils in the fore part of the year, the English had undergone great want of food, yet, through God's mercy, there never was more show of plenty, having as much and as good corn on the ground as ever they had. Neither was the hopes of their tobacco crop inferior to that of their corn ; so that the planters were never more full of encouragement ; which I pray God long to continue, and so to direct both them and us, as his glory may be the principal aim and end of all our actions, and that for his mercy's sake. Amen.
279
certed plan, fell upon the English ^ Yeardley. See note ^ on p.
settlements in Virginia, and mas- 70.
sacred 347 persons. A war of ex- ^ Opechancanough, as the name
termination immediatel}'' ensued, is commonly spelt.
See Smith's Virginia, ii. 64 — 79,
and Stith, p. 208—213.
CHAPTER XVIII.
OF THEIR BEING MENACED BV THE NARRAGANSETTS, AND THEIR SECOND VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETTS.
CHAP. The jTOod ship called the Fortune, which, in the ^Z^ month of November, 1621, (blessed be God,) brought 16-2 2. us a new supply of thirty-five persons, was not long departed our coast, ere the great people of Nanohig- ganset,^ which are reported to be many thousands strong, began to breathe forth many threats against us, notwithstanding their desired and obtained peace with us in the foregoing summer ; insomuch as the common talk of our neighbour Indians on all sides was of the preparation they made to come against us. In reason a man would think they should have now more cause to fear us than before our supply came. But
' The Narragansetts were a nu- traveller would meet with a dozen
merous and powerful tribe that oc- Indian towns in twenty miles,
cupied nearly the whole of the They were a martial and formida-
present territory of the State of ble race, and were frequently at
Rhode Island, including the islands war with the Pokanokets on the
in Narragansett Bay. They had east, the Pequots on the west, and
escaped the pestilence which had the Massachusetts on the north,
depopulated other parts of New See Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll. i.
England, and their population at 147 ; Callender in R. I. Hist. Coll.
this time was estimated at thirty iv. 123 ; Potter's Early History of
thousand, of whom five thousand Narragansett, ibid._ iii. 1, and
were warriors. Roger Williams Hutchinson's Mass. i. 457. says they were so populous that a
Jan.
A MESSENGER FROM CANONIC US. 281
though none of them were present, yet understanding chap.
\^ VI IT
by others that they neither brought arms, nor other .^..^ provisions with them, but wholly relied on us, it occa- 1622. sioned them to slight and brave us with so many threats as they did.' At length came one of them to us, who was sent by Conanacus,^ their chief sachim or king, accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly In- dian.^ This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our interpreter, who not being at home, seemed rather to be glad than sorry, and leaving for him a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake's skin, desired to depart with all expedition. But our governors not knowing what to make of this strange carriage, and comparing it with that we had formerly heard, com- mitted him to the custody of Captain Standish, hoping now to know some certainty of that we so often heard, either by his own relation to us, or to Tisquantum, at
* "Since the death of so many or obtained ; for I never gat any
Indians, they thought to lord it thing of Connonicus but by gift."
over the rest, conceive we are a In 1636 the Massachusetts Colony
bar in their way, and see Massa- sent to him " a solemn embas-
soit already take shelter under our sage," who " observed in the sa-
wings." Bradford's Hist, quoted chem much state, great command
by Prince, p. 200. See pages 217 over his men, and marvellous wis-
and 219, previous. dom in his answers." Edward
'^ Canonicus, the great sachem Johnson, who probably accompa- of the Narragansetts, though hos- nied the ambassadors, has given in tile to the Plymouth colonists, his " Wonderworking Providence," probably on account of their league b. ii. ch. vi. a very minute account of with his enemy, Massasoit, show- their reception and entertainment, ed himself friendly to the first set- He says that " Canonicus was very tiers of Rhode Island, who planted discreet in his answers." He died themselves within his territory. June 4th, 1647, according to Win- Roger Williams says that "when throp, " a very old man." See his the hearts of my countrymen and Life in Thatcher's Indian Biogra- friends failed me, the Most High phy, i. 177 — 209, and in Drake's stirred up the barbarous heart of Book of the Indians, b. ii. 54 — 57. Connonicus to love me as his son See also Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 215. to the last gasp. Were it not for 229, xiv.42 — 44,xvii. 75, 76 ; Sav- the favor that God gave me with age's Winthrop, i. 192, ii. 308. him, none of these parts, no, not ^ See pages 211, 214, 219. Rhode Island had been purchased
36
282 THE MESSENGER INTERROGATED.
CHAP liis return, desiring myself, having special familiarity
witli the other forenamed Indian, to see if I could
1 022. learn any thing from him; whose answer was spar- ingly to this effect, that he could not certainly tell us, but thought they were enemies to us.
Thatniglit Cai)tain Standish gave me and another^ charge of him, and gave us order to use him kindly, and that he should not want any thing he desired, and to take all occasions to talk and inquire of the reasons of those reports we heard, and withal to signify that upon his true relation he should be sure of his own freedom. At first, fear so possessed him that he could scarce say any thing ; but in the end became more familiar, and told us that the messenger which his master sent in summer to treat of peace, at his return persuaded him rather to war ; and to the end he might provoke him thereunto, (as appeared to him by our reports,) detained many of the things [which] were sent him by our Governor, scorning the meanness of them both in respect of what himself had formerly sent, and also of the greatness of his own person ; so that he much blamed the former messenger, saying, that upon the knowledge of this his false carriage, it would cost him his life, but assured us that upon his relation of our speech then with him to his master, he would be friends with us. Of this we informed the Governor and his Assistant^ and Captain Standish, who, after consultation, considered him howsoever but in the state of a messenger ; and it being as well against the law of arms amongst them as us in Europe to lay violent
* Probably Stephen Hopkins. * Isaac Allerton. See note on See note * on page 126, and pages page 195, and page 201. 181, 185, and 202.
HE BRINGS A DEFIANCE FROxAI CANONICUS. 283
hands on any such, set him at Hberty ; the Governor chap.
giving him order to certify his master tliat he had '.
heard of his large and many threatenings, at which he 16-22, was much offended ; daring him in those respects to the utmost, if he would not be reconciled to live peaceably, as other his neighbours ; manifesting withal (as ever) his desire of peace, but his fearless resolu- tion, if he could not so live amongst them. After which he caused meat to be offered him ; but he refused to eat, making all speed to return, and giving many thanks for his liberty, but requesting the other Indian again to return. The weather being violent, he used many words to persuade him to stay longer, but could not. Whereupon he left him, and said he was with his friends, and would not take a journey in such extremity.
After this, when Tisquantum returned, and the arrows were delivered, and the manner of the mes- senger's carriage related, he signified to the Governor that to send the rattlesnake's skin in that manner imported enmity, and that it was no better than a challenge.^ Hereupon, after some deliberation, the Governor stuffed the skin with powder and shot, and sent it back, returning no less defiance to Conanacus, assuring him if he had shipping now present, thereby to send his men to Nanohigganset, (the place of his abode,) they should not need to come so far by land to us ; yet withal showing that they should never come
^ "There is a remarkable coin- of declaring war by the Aracaunian
cidence in the form of this chal- Indians of South America, was by
lenge with that of the challenge sending from town to town an ar-
given by the Scythian prince to row clenched in a dead man's
Darius. Five arrows made a part hand."' Holmes, Annals, i. 17~.
of the present sent by his herald See Rollin, Anc. Hist. b. vi. s. 4;
to the Persian king. The manner and Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 69.
284 THE TOWN IMPALED.
CHAP, unwelcome or unlocked for. This message was sent
X V 1 1 1 .
^ by an Indian, and delivered in such sort, as it was no
1622. small terror to this savage king; insomuch as he would not once touch the powder and shot, or suffer it to stav in his house or country. Whereupon the messenger rcfu.'^ing it, another took it up; and having been posted from j)lace to place a long time, at length came whole back again. Feb. In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, not- withstanding our high words and lofty looks towards them, and still lying open to all casualty, having as yet (under God) no other defence than our arms, we thought it most needful to impale our town ; which with all expedition we accomplished in the month of February, and some few days, taking in the top of the hill under which our town is seated ; making four bul- warks or jetties without the ordinary circuit of the pale, from whence we could defend the whole town ; in three whereof are gates,^ and the fourth in time to be. This being done, Captain Standish divided our strength into four squadrons or companies, appointing whom he thought mo.st fit to have command of each ; and, at a general nmster or training,- appointed each his place, gave each his company, giving them charge, upon every alarm, to resort to their leaders to their appointed place, and, in his absence, to be command- ed and directed by them. That done according to his order, each drew his company to his appointed place for defence, and there together discharged their muskets. After which they brought their new com-
' Bradford adds, " "Which are ' This was the first general
locked every night; a watch and muster in New England, and the
ward kept in the day." Prince, embryo of our present militia sys-
p. 200, tem.
AN ATTACK OF THE INDIANS APPREHENDED. 285
manders to their houses, where aeain they graced chap.
^ o XVIII.
them with their shot, and so departed. ^ — —
Fearing, also, lest the enemy at any time should 1622. take any advantage by firing our houses, Captain Standish appointed a certain company, that whenso- ever they saw or heard fire to be cried in the town, should only betake themselves to their arms, and should enclose the house or place so endangered, and stand aloof on their guard, with their backs towards the fire, to prevent treachery, if any were in that kind intended. If the fire were in any of the houses of this guard, they were then freed from it ; but not otherwise, without special command.
Long before this time we promised the people of Mar. Massachusets, in the beginning of March to come unto them, and trade for their furs ; which being then come, we began to make preparation for that voyage. In the mean time, an Indian, called Hobbamock, who still lived in the town, told us that he feared the Massachusets or Massac huseucks (for so they called the people of that place,) were joined in confederacy with the Nanohigganeucks, or people of Nanohig- ganset, and that they therefore would take this oppor- tunity to cut off Captain Standish and his company abroad ; but, howsoever, in the mean time, it was to be feared that the Nanohigganeucks would assault the town at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy, as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who, we should find, would use many persuasions to draw us from our shallops to the Indians' houses, for their better advantage. To confirm this his jealousy, he told us of many secret passages that passed between him and others, having their meetings ordinarily
286 A COUNCIL HELD.
CHAP, abroad, in the woods ; but if at home, howsoever, he
\ was excluded from their secrecy ; saying it was the
162 2. manner of the Indian.s, when they meant plainly, to deal openly ; but in this his practice there was no show of honesty.
Hereupon the Governor, together with his Assist- ant and Captain Standish, called together such as by them were thought most meet for advice in so weighty a business ; who, after consideration hereof, came to this resolution ; that as hitherto, upon all occasions between them and us, we had ever manifested un- daunted courage and resolution, so it would not now stand with our safety to mew up ourselves in our new- enclosed town ; partly because our store was almost empty, and therefore must seek out for our daily food, without which we could not long subsist ; but espe- cially for that thereby they would see us dismayed, and be encouraged to prosecute their malicious pur- poses with more eagerness than ever they intended. Whereas, on the contrary, by the blessing of God, our fearless carriage might be a means to discourage and weaken their proceedings. And therefore thought best to proceed in our trading voyage, making this use of that we heard, to go the better provided, and use the more carefulness both at home and abroad, leaving the event to the disposing of the Almighty ; whose providence, as it had hitherto been over us for good, so we had now no cause (save our sins) to despair of his mercy in our preservation and continu- ance, where we desired rather to be instruments of good to the heathens about us than to give them the least measure of just offence.
All things being now in readiness, the forenamed
A DISCHARGE OF CANNON. 287
Captain, with ten men, accompanied with Tisquantum chap.
XVIII
and Hobbamock, set forwards for the Massachusets. ■'
But we ^ had no sooner turned the point of the harbour, 1 6 2 2.
April.
called the Gurnet's Nose,^ (where, being becalmed, we let fall our grapnel to set things to right and prepare to row,) but there came an Indian of Tisquantum's family running to certain of our people that were from home with all eagerness, having his face wounded, and the blood still fresh on the same, calling to them to repair home, oft looking behind him, as if some others had him in chase ; saying that at Namaschet"' (a town some fifteen miles from us,) there were many of the Nanohiggansets, Massassowat^ our supposed friend, and Conbatant,^ our feared enemy, with many others, with a resolution to take advantage on the present opportunity to assault the town in the Captain's ab- sence ; affirming that he received the wound in his face for speaking in our behalf, and by sleight escaped ; looking oft backward, as if he suspected them to be at hand. This he affirmed again to the Governor ; where-
' This indicates that the writer several places on the coast of Eng-
himself, Winslow, was one of the land ; in the Channel we believe
parly. there are at least two." Connected
* So early was the name of Gur- with the Gurnet by a narrow neck, net given to thij remarkable fea- and contiguous to Clark's island, is ture of Plymouth harbour. It is a another headland, called Saquish, peninsula or promontory, connect- containing ten or fourteen acres, ed with Marshfield by a beach See note ^ on page 164, Mass. Hist, about six miles long, called Salt- Coll. xiii. 182, 204, and Thacher's house beach. It contains about Plymouth, p. 330. twenty-seven acres of excellent ^ See note ^ on page 204. soil. On its southern extremity, ^ The sachem of the Wampa- or nose, are two light-houses. It noags. See note ^ on page 191. probably received its name from It will be observed that Winslow some headland known to the Pil- spells many of the Indian words grims in the mother country. The differently from Bradford in the pre- late Samuel Davis, of Plymouth, ceding Journal, the accurate topographer, and faith- ^ The same as Coubatant or Cor- ful chronicler of the Old Colony, bitant. See note ^ on page 219. says, " Gurnet is the name of
288 THE TOWN ALARMED.
CHAP, upon he gave command that three pieces of ordnance
'. should be made ready and discharged, to the end that
16 22. if we were not out of hearing, we might return there- at ; which we no sooner heard, but we repaired home- ward with all convenient speed, arming ourselves, and making all in readiness to fi<dit. AVhcn we entered the harbour, we saw the town likewise on their guard, whither we hasted with all convenient speed. The news being made known unto us, Ilobbamock said flatly that it was false, assuring us of IVIassassowat's faithfulness. Howsoever, he presumed he would never have undertaken any such act without his privity, him- self being a pinse,'^ that is, one of his chiefest cham- pions or men of valor ; it being the manner amongst them not to undertake such enterprises without the advice and furtherance of men of that rank. To this the Governor answered, he should be sorry that any just and necessary occasions of war should arise be- tween him and any [of] the savages, but especially Massassowat ; not that he feared him more than the rest, but because his love more exceeded towards him than any. Whereunto Hobbamock replied, there was no cause wherefore he should distrust him, and therefore should do well to continue his affections.
But to the end things might be made more manifest, the Governor caused Hobbamock to send his wife with all privacy to Puckanokick, the chief place of Massas- sowat's residence, (pretending other occasions,) there to inform herself, and so us, of the right state of things. When she came thither, and saw all things quiet, and that no such matter was or had been intended, [she] told Massassowat what had happened at Plymouth, (by
' What is now called a brave.
TISaUANTUM'S DOUBLE-DEALING. 289
them called Patuxet ; ^) which, when he understood, chap.
he was much offended at the carriage of Tisquantum,
returning many thanks to the Governor for his good ^.^^.^• thoughts of him, and assuring him that, according to their first Articles of Peace,^ he would send word and give warning when any such business was towards.
Thus by degrees we began to discover Tisquantum, whose ends were only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, by means of his nearness and favor with us ; not caring who fell, so he stood. In the general, his course was to persuade them he could lead us to peace or war at his pleasure, and would oft threaten the Indians, sending them word in a private manner we were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himself, to work their peace ; insomuch as they had him in greater esteem than many of their sachims ; yea, they themselves sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of us, yea, and protection also, so as they would resort to him ; so that whereas divers were wont to rely on Massassowat for protection, and resort to his abode, now they began to leave him and seek after Tisquan- tum. Now, though he could not make good these his lurge promises, especially because of the continued peace between Massassowat and us, he therefore raised this false alarm ; hoping, whilst things were hot in the heat of blood, to provoke us to march into his country against him, whereby he hoped to kindle such a flame as would not easily be quenched ; and hoping if that block were once removed, there were no other be- tween him and honor, which he loved as his life, and
' See page 183, and note on page * See the Articles on page 193. 245.
37
290 SECOND VISIT TO BOSTON HARBOUR.
CHAP, preferred before his peace. For these and the hke
abuses the uovernor sharply reproved him ; yet was
1 ^' 2 2. lie so necessary and profitable an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him. But when we understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and innocency therein ; assuring them, till they begun with us, they should have no cause to fear ; and if any hereafter should raise any such re- ports, they should punish them as liars and seekers of their and our disturbance ; which gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides.
After this we proceeded in our voyage to the ]Mas- sachusets ; where we had good store of trade,^ and (blessed be God) returned in safety, though driven from before our town in great danger and extremity of weather.
At our return we found Ma.ssas.sowat at the Planta- tion ; who made his seeming just apology for all former matters of accusation, being much offended and en- raged against Tisquantum ; whom the Governor paci- fied as much as he could for the present. But not long after his departure, he sent a messenger to the Gov- ernor, entreating him to give way to the death of Tis- quantum, who had so much abused him. But the Governor answered, although he had deserved to die, both in respect of him and us, yet for our sakes he desired he would spare him ; and the rather, because without him he knew not well how to understand him- self or any other the Indians.^ With this answer the messenger returned, but came again not long after, accompanied with divers others, demanding him from ^
' We should like to have known ^ See note "^ on page 183. more about this second voyage to ^ On the part of. Boston harbour. See page 224.
MASSASOIT DEMANDS TISQUANTUM. 291
Massassowat, their master, as being one of his subjects, chap.
whom, by our first Articles of Peace, we could not
retain. Yet because he would not willingly do it with- 1 6 2 2.
. May.
out the Governor's approbation, offered him many bea- vers' skins for his consent thereto, saying that, according to their manner, their sachim had sent his own knife, and them therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and bring them to him. To which the Governor answered, It was not the manner of the English to sell men's fives at a price, but when they had deserved justly to die, to give them their reward ; and therefore refused their beavers as a gift ; but sent for Tisquantum, who, though he knew their intent, yet offered not to fly, but came and accused Hobbamock as the author and work- er of his overthrow, yielding himself to the Governor to be sent or not according as he thought meet. But at the instant when our Governor was ready to deliver him into the hands of his executioners, a boat was seen at sea to cross before our town, and fall behind a headland ^ not far off. Whereupon, having heard many rumors of the French, and not knowing whether there were any combination between the savages and them, the Governor told the Indians he would first know what boat that was ere he would deliver them into their custody. But being mad with rage, and impatient at delay, they departed in great heat.
Here let me not omit one notable, though wicked practice of this Tisquantum ; who, to the end he might possess his countrymen with the greater fear of us, and so consequently of himself, told them we had
' This headland is Hither Man- mark in Barnstable bay, being visi-
omet Point, forming the southern ble from all points of its circling
boundary of Plymouth bay. Man- shore, from Sandwich to Province-
omet is the most prominent land- town. See note ^ on page 148.
292 SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS.
CHAP, the plafjue buried in our store-house : whicli, at our
XVIII.
pleasure, we could send forth to what place or people
16 22. we would, and destroy them therewith, though we stirred not from home, lacing, upon the forenamed brabbles,' sent for by the Governor to this j)lace, where Ilobbamock was and some other of us, the ground being broke in the midst of the house, where- under certain barrels of powder were buried, though unknown to him, Hobbamock asked him what it meant. To whom he readily answered. That was the place wherein the plague was buried, whereof he formerly told him and others. After this Hobba- mock asked one of our people, whether such a thing were, and whether we had such command of it ; who answered, No ; but the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at his pleasure to the destruc- tion of his and our enemies.
This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1 622 ; at which time our store of victuals was wholly spent, having lived long before with a bare and short allow- ance. The reason was, that supply of men, before mentioned,'- which came so unprovided, not landing so much as a barrel of bread or meal for their whole company, but contrariwise received from us for their ship's store homeward. Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be blamed therein, but rather certain amongst ourselves, who were too prodigal in their writing and reporting of that plenty we enjoyed.^ But that I may return.
This boat proved to be a shallop, that belonged to a
' Brabbles, clamors. ^ Winslow himself had sent
* The passengers iu the Fortune, home too flatterinfr an account of See page 234. their condition. See paje 232.
WINSLOW GOES TO MONHEGAN. 293
fishins ship, called the Sparrow, set forth bv Master chap.
XVIII
Thomas Weston, late merchant and citizen of London, '.
which brought six or seven passengers at his charge, 1622. that should before have been landed at our Plantation ;^ ^^^^' who also brought no more provision for the present than served the boat's gang for their return to the ship ; which made her voyage at a place called Damarin's Cove,^ near Munhiggen, some forty leagues from us northeastward ; about which place there fished about thirty sail of ships, and whither myself was employed by our Governor, with orders to take up such victuals as the ships could spare ; where I found kind enter- tainment and good respect, with a willingness to sup- ply our wants. But being not able to spare that quantity I required, by reason of the necessity of some amongst themselves, whom they supplied before my coming, would not take any bills for the same, but did what they could freely, wishing their store had been such as they might in greater measure have expressed their own love, and supplied our necessities, for which they sorrowed, provoking one another to the utmost of
' " She briiigs a letter to Mr, he can, but writes to others to do
Carver from Mr. Weston, of Jan, the like ; by which means he gets
17. By his letter we find he has as much bread as amounts to a
quite deserted us, and is going to quarter of a pound a person per
settle a plantation of his own. The day till harvest; the Governor
boat brings us a kind letter from causing their portion to be daily
Mi. John Huddleston, a captain of given them, or some had starved,
a ship fishing at the eastward, And by this voyage we not only
whose name we never heard be- got a present supply, but also learn
fore, to inform us of a massacre of the way to those parts for our fu-
400 English by the Indians in Vir- ture benefit." Bradford, in Prince,
ginia, whence he came. By this p. 202. Huddleston's letter, (or
boat the Governor returns a grate- Hudston's, as Morton calls him.)
ful answer, and with them sends may be found in New England's
Mr. Winslow in a boat of ours to Memorial, p. 80. See note ^ on
get provisions of the fishing ships; page 278.
whom Captain Huddleston receives ^ See note ^ on page 278. kindly, and not only spares what
294 THE COLONY IN A FAMISHING CONDITION.
CHAP, their abilities ; which, although it were not much
I ^ amongst so many people as were at the Plantation,
16 2 2. yet through the provident and discreet care of the ^^^^' governors, recovered and preserved strength till our own crop on the ground ^vas ready.
Having dispatched there, I returned home with all speed convenient, where I found the state of the Col- ony much weaker than when I left it ; for till now we were never without some bread, the want whereof much abated the strength and flesh of some, and swelled others. But here it may be said, if the coun- / try abound with fish and fowl in such measure as is / reported, how could men undergo such measure of hardness, except through their own negligence.'^ I answer, every thing must be expected in its proper season. No man, as one saith, will go into an orchard in the winter to gather cherries ; so he that looks for fowl there in the summer, will be deceived in his ex- pectation. The time they continue in plenty with us, is from the befjinninoj of October to the end of March ; but these extremities befell us in May and June. I con- fess, that as the fowl decrease, so fish increase. And indeed their exceeding abundance was a great cause of increasing our wants. For though our bay and creeks were full of bass and other fish, yet for want of fit and strong seines and other netting, they for the most part brake through, and carried all away before them.^ And though the sea were full of cod, yet we had neither tackling nor hawsers for our shallops. And indeed had w^e not been in a place, where divers sort of shell-fish are, that may be taken with the hand, we must have
' See note ' on page 171.
lune.
A FORT EUILT ON BURIAL HILL. 295
perished, unless God had raised some unknown or chap.
XVIII.
extraordinary means for our preservation.
In the time of these straits, indeed before my going 1622. to Munhiggen, the Indians began again to cast forth many insuhing speeches, glorying in our weakness, and giving out how easy it would be ere long to cut us off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frown on us, and neither came or sent to us as formerly. These things occasioned further thoughts of fortification. And whereas we have a hill called the Mount,^ enclosed within our pale, under which our town is seated, we resolved to erect a fort thereon ; from whence a few might easily secure the town from any assault the Indians can make, whilst the rest might be employed as occasion served. This work was begun with great eagerness, and with the approbation of all men, hoping that this being once finished, and a con- tinual guard there kept, it would utterly discourage the savages from having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us. And though it took the greatest part of our strength from dressing our corn, yet, life being continued, we hoped God would raise some means in stead thereof for our further preservation.
' The burying-hill. See page in Plymouth. After the fort was
168. The intelligence of the mas- used as a place of worship, it is
sacre in Virginia reached Plymouth probable they began to bury their
in May, and was the immediate dead around it. Before that time
incitement to the erection of this the burial-place was on the bank,
fort. See page 279. above the rock on which the land-
" Some traces of the fort are still ing was made." Judge Davis's
visible on the eminence called the note in Morton's Memorial, p. 82.
burying-hill, directly above the See note ^ on page 108, and page
meeting-house of the first church 169 previous.
CHAPTER XIX.
OF THE PLANTING OF MASTER WESTON'S COLONY AT WES- SAGUSSET, AND OF SUNDRY EXCURSIONS AFTER CORN.
CHAP. Im the end of June, or bcfrinninfT of July, came into
our harbour two ships of Master ^V^cston's aforesaid ;
^^r^- the one called the Charity,^ the other the Swan ; hav-
July.
ing in them some fifty or sixty men, sent over at his own charge to plant for hiin.^ These we received into our town, aflbrding them whatsoever courtesy our mean condition could afford. There the Charity, being the bigger ship, left them, having many passen- gers which she was to land in Virginia. In the mean time the body of them refreshed themselves at Ply- mouth, whilst some most fit sought out a place for
* By Mr. Weston's ship comes will hardly deal so well with the a letter from Mr. John Pierce, in savages as they should. I pray whose name the Plymouth patent you therefore signify to Squanto is taken, signifying that whom the that they are a distinct body from governor admits into the associa- us, and we have nothing to do with tion, he will approve." Bradford, them, nor must be blamed for their in Prince, p. 204. faults, much less can warrant their
* They came upon no religious fidelity." And Mr. John Pierce in design, as did the planters of Ply- another writes, " As for Mr. Wes- mouth ; so they were far from be- ton's company they are so base in ing Puritans. Mr. Weston in a condition for the most part, as in letter owns that many of them are all appearance not fit for an honest rude and profane fellows. Mr. man's company. I wish they prove Cushman in another writes, " They otherwise." Bradford, in Prince, are no men for us, and I fear they p. 203.
WESTON'S COLONY SETTLE AT WEYMOUTH. 297
them. That httle store of corn we had was exceeding- chap.
XIX.
ly wasted by the unjust and dishonest walking of these
strangers ; who, though they would sometimes seem 1 6 2 2. * . July.
to help us in our labor about our corn, yet spared not
day and night to steal the same, it being then eatable and pleasant to taste, though green and unprofitable ; and though they received much kindness, set light both by it and us, not sparing to requite the love we showed them, with secret backbitings, revilings, &c., the chief of them being forestalled and made against us before they came, as after appeared. Nevertheless, for their master's sake, who formerly had deserved well from us,^ we continued to do them whatsoever good or furtherance we could, attributing these things to the want of conscience and discretion, expecting each day when God in his providence would disbur- den us of them, sorrowing that their overseers were not of more ability and fitness for their places, and much fearing what would be the issue of such raw and unconscionable beginnings.
At length their coasters returned, having found in their judgment a place fit for plantation, within the bay of the Massachusets^ at a place called by the Indi- ans Wichaguscusset.^ To which place the body of them went with all convenient speed, leaving still with us such as were sick and lame, by the Governor's permission, though on their parts undeserved ; whom our surgeon,'' by the help of God, recovered gratis for them, and they fetched home, as occasion served.
They had not been long from us, ere the Indians
1 See note ' on page 78. ' Or Wessagusset, now called
^ Boston harbour. See notes ' Weymouth, and * on page 225. ^ Dr. Fuller. See note ^ on p. 222
88
298 THE PILGRIMS FEEBLE AND DESTITUTE.
CHAP, filled our ears with clamors against them, for steahng XIX .
.—^1- their corn, and other abuses conceived by them. At
16 22. which we grieved the more, because the same men,^ in mine own hearing, had been earnest in persuading Captain Standish, before their coming, to solicit our Governor to send some of his men to plant by thein, alleging many reasons how it might be commodious for us. But we knew no means to redress those abuses, save reproof, and advising them to better walking, as occasion served.
Aug. In the end of August, came other two ships into our harbour. The one, as I take it, was called the Disco- very, Captain Jones ^ having the command thereof; the other was that ship of Mr. Weston's, called the Sparrow, which had now made her voyage of fish, and was consorted with the other, being both bound for Virginia.^ Of Captain Jones we furnished ourselves of such provisions as we most needed, and he could best spare ; who, as he used us kindly, so made us pay largely for the things we had. And had not the Al- mighty, in his all-ordering providence, directed him to us, it would have gone worse with us than ever it had been, or after was ; for as we had now but small store of corn for the year following, so, for want of supply, we were worn out of all manner of truckinor-stuflr, not having any means left to help ourselves by trade ; but, through God's good mercy towards us, he had where-
' That is, the same Indians. bound for Virginia ; " and Brad-
^ This is supposed to be the same ford states that "she was on her
Jones who was captain of the INIay- way from Virginia homeward, be-
flower. See note ' on page 102, ing sent out by some merchants to
and note ® on page 160. discover the shoals about Cape Cod,
^ Prince says, p. 205, that " Mr. and harbours^ between this and
Winslow seems to mistake in Virginia." thinking Captain Jones was now
PROPOSED EXCURSION AFTER CORN. 299
with, and did supply our wants on that kind compe- chap. tently.^ J^
In the end of September, or beginning of Octo- 1 6 2 2. ber, Mr. Weston's biggest ship, called the Charity, re- turned for England, and left their colony sufficiently victualled, as some of most credit amongst them re- ported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with his colony, for their further help. At which time they desired to join in partnership with us, to trade for corn ; to which our Governor and his Assistant^ agreed, upon such equal conditions, as were drawn and confirmed between them and us. The chief places aimed at were to the southward of Cape Cod ; and the more, because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time was wrought with Massassowat, un- dertook to discover unto us that supposed, and still hoped, passage within the shoals.
Both colonies being thus agreed, and their compa- nies fitted and joined together, we resolved to set forward, but were oft crossed in our purposes. As first Master Richard Greene, brother-in-law to Master Weston, who from him had a charge in the oversight and government of his colony, died suddenly at our Plantation, to whom we gave burial befitting his place, in the best manner we could. Afterward, having fur- ther order to proceed by letter from their other Gover- nor at the Massachusets, twice Captain Standish set forth with them, but were driven in again by cross and violent winds ; himself the second time being sick
' " Of her we buj' knives and we are fitted to trade both for corn
beads, which is now good trade, and beaver." Bradford, in Prince,
though at cent, per cent, or more, p. 205, and in Morton's Memorial,
and yet pay away coat beaver at p. 83. 35. a pound, (which a few years ^ Isaac Allerton. after yields 20s.) ; by which means
300 BRADFORD ENTERS CHATHAM HARBOUR.
CHAP, of a violent fever. By reason whereof (our own wants
L being like to be now greater than formerly, partly be-
1G22. cause we were enforced to neglect our corn and spend much time in fortification, but especially because such havock was made of that little wc had, through the un- just and dishonest carriage of those people, before men- tioned, at our first entertainment of them,) our Gover- nor in his own person supplied the Captain's place ; Nov. and, in the month of November, again set forth, having Tisquantum for his interpreter and pilot ; who afiirmed he had twice passed within the shoals of Cape Cod, both with English and French. Nevertheless they went so far with him, as the master of the ship saw no hope of passage ; but being, as he thought, in danger, bare up, and according to Tiscjuantum's direc- tions, made for a harbour not far from them, at a place called INIanamoycke ; ^ which they found, and sound- ing it with their shallop, found the channel, though but narrow and crooked ; where at length they har- boured the ship. Here they perceived that the tide set in and out with more violence at some other place more southerly,^ which they had not seen nor could discover, by reason of the violence of the season all the time of their abode there. Some judged the en- trance thereof might be beyond the shoals ; but there is no certainty thereof as yet known.
That night the Governor, accompanied with others, having Tisquantum for his interpreter, went ashore. At first, the inhabitants played least in sight, because none of our people had ever been there before ; but understanding the ends of their coming, at length came to them, welcoming our Governor according to their
* Chatham. * See note ' on page 103.
DEATH OF TISQUANTUM. 301
savage manner : refreshinor them very well with store chap.
x rx
of venison and other victuals, which they brought them
in great abundance; promising to trade with them, ^^^^' with a seeming gladness of the occasion. Yet their joy was mixed with much jealousy, as appeared by their after practices ; for at first they were loth their dwellings should be known ; but when they saw our Governor's resolution to stay on the shore all night, they brought him to their houses, having first conveyed all their stuff to a remote place, not far from the same ; which one of our men, walking forth occasionally, espied. Whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor they could be found ; and so many times after, upon conceived occasions, they would be all gone, bag and baggage. But being afterwards, by Tisquantum's means better persuaded, they left their jealousy, and traded with them ; where they got eight hogsheads of corn and beans, though the people were but few. This gave our Governor and the company good en- couragement ; Tisquantum being still confident in the passage, and the inhabitants affirming they had seen ships of good burthen pass within the shoals aforesaid. But here, though they had determined to make a second essay, yet God had otherways disposed ; who struck Tisquantum with sickness, insomuch as he there died ; ^ which crossed their southward trading, and the
^ His disorder was a fever, ac- Prince, p. 206, and in Morton, companied with " a bleeding at the p. 85. Judge Davis adds in his nose, which the Indians reckon a note, that " Governor Bradford's fatal symptom." Before his death pen was worthily employed in the " he desired the Governor (Brad- tender notice taken of the death of ford) to pray that he might go to this child of nature. With some the Englishman's God in heaven, aberrations, his conduct was gen- bequeathing divers of his things to erally irreproachable, and his useful sundry of his English friends, as services to the infant settlement remembrances of his love ; of whom entitle him to grateful remem- we had great loss." Bradford, in brance."
302 CORN PROCURED AT EASTHAM AND YARMOUTH.
CHAP, more, because the master's sufficiency was much
. .-^ doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit
16 22. to go upon discovery, having no guide to direct them. From thence they departed ; and the wind being fair lor the IMassachusets, went thither, and the rather, because tiie savages, upon our motion, had planted much corn for us, which they promised not long be- fore that time. AVhen they came thitlicr, they found a great sickness to be amongst the Indians, not unlike the plague, if not the same. They renewed their complaints to our Governor, against that other planta- tion seated by them, for their injurious walking. But indeed the trade both for furs and corn was over- thrown in that place, they giving as much for a quart of corn as we used to do for a beaver's skin ; so that little cfood could be there done.
From thence they returned into the bottom of the bay of Cape Cod, to a place called Nauset ; where the sachim' used the Governor very kindly, and where they bought eight or ten hogsheads of corn and beans ; also at a place called Mattachicst,^ where they had hke kind entertainment and corn also. During the time of their trade in these places, there were so great and violent storms, as the ship was much endangered, and our shallop cast away ; so that they had now no means to carry the corn aboard that they had bought, the ship riding by their report well near two leagues from the same, her own boat being small, and so leaky, (having no carpenter with them,) as they durst scarce fetch wood or water in her. Hereupon the Governor caused the corn to be made in a round stack, and bought mats,
' Aspinet. See page 216. ble and Yarmouth harbours. See
^ The country between Barnsta- note * on page 215.
BRADFORD RETURNS HOME BY LAND. 303
and cut sedge, to cover it ; and gave charge to the In- chap. dians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt s^— ^ next to it a reward, if he would keep vermin also from 1 6 2 2. it ; which he undertook, and the sachim promised to make good. In the mean time, according to the Governor's request, the sachim sent men to seek the shallop ; which they found buried almost in sand at a high water mark, having many things remaining in her, but unserviceable for the present ; whereof the Governor gave the sachim special charge, that it should not be further broken, promising ere long to fetch both it and the corn ; assuring them, if neither were diminished, he would take it as a sign of their honest and true friendship, which they so much made show of ; but if they were, they should certainly smart for their unjust and dishonest dealing, and further make good whatsoever they had so taken. So he did likewise at Mattachiest, and took leave of them, being resolved to leave the ship and take his journey home by land with our own company, sending word to the ship that they should take their first opportunity to go for Plymouth, where he determined, by the permission of God, to meet them. And having procured a guide, it being no less than fifty miles to our Plantation,^ set forward, receiving all respect that could be from the Indians in his journey ; and came safely home, though weary and surbated ; ^ whither some three days after the ship ^ also came.
The corn being divided, which they had got. Master Weston's company went to their own plantation ; it
' The distance from Eastham ^ With galled feet, to Plymouth by land is about fifty ^ The Swan. See page 299. iniles.
304 STANDISH GOES TO EASTHAM.
CHAP. beinfjT further agreed, that they should return with all
^J^ convenient speed, and bring their carpenter, that they
10 2 3. might fetch the rest of the corn, and save the shallop.
At their return, Captain Standish, being recovered
and in health, took another shallop, and went with
them to the corn, which they found in safety as they
left it. Also they mended the other shallop, and got
all their corn aboard the ship. This was in January,
as I take it, it being very cold and stormy ; insomuch
as, (the harbour being none of the best,) they were
constrained to cut both the shallops from the ship's
stern ; and so lost them both a second time. But the
storm being over, and seeking out, they found them
both, not having received any great hurt.
Whilst they were at Nauset, having occasion to lie on the shore, laying their shallop in a creek ' not far from them, an Indian came into the same, and stole certain beads, scissors, and other trifles, out of the same ; which, when the Captain missed, he took cer- tain of his company with him, and went to the sachim, telling him what had happened, and requiring the same again, or the party that stole them, (who was known to certain of the Indians,) or else he would revenge it on them before his departure ; and so took leave for that night, being late, refusing whatsoever kindness they oftered. On the morrow the sachim came to their rendezvous, accompanied with many men, in a stately manner, who saluted ^ the Captain in this wise. He thrust out his tongue, that one might see the root thereof, and therewith licked his hand
' Nauset, or Eastham, abounds * In the or\crma.\ saluting ; prob- with creeks. See note ' on page ably a typographical error. 156, and Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 155, 188.
BRADFORD AT MIDDLEBOROUGH AND SANDWICH. 305
from the wrist to the finger's end, withal bowing the chap. knee, striving to imitate the Enghsh gesture, being .^^.^ instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum. His men 1 6 2 3. did the like, but in so rude and savage a manner, as our men could scarce forbear to break out in open laughter. After salutation, he dehvered the beads and other things to the Captain, saying he had much beaten the party for doing it ; causing the women to make bread, and bring them, according to their desire ; seeming to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be reconciled. So they departed and came home in safety ; where the corn was equally divided, as before.
After this the Governor went to two other inland towns, with another company, and bought corn like- wise of them. The one is called Namasket,^ the other Manomet.^ That from Namasket was brought home partly by Indian women f but a great sickness arising amongst them, our own men were enforced to fetch home the rest. That at Manomet the Governor left in the sachim's custody.
This town lieth from us south, well near twenty miles, and stands upon a fresh river, which runneth into the bay of Nanohigganset,'* and cannot be less than sixty miles from thence. It will bear a boat of
* See note ■* on page 204. miles with a hundred weight of ^ The part of Sandwich, which lobsters at their backs ; in winter lies on Manomet river. F. they are their husbands' porters to ^ " It is almost incredible," says lug home their venison." See Roger Williams, " what burthens Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149, iii. 212, the poor women carry of corn, of and Wood's New England's Pros- fish, of beans, of mats, and a child pect, panii. ch.20. besides." Gookin says, " In their 4 This is called Manomet or removals from place to place, for Buzzard's bay, though Winslow their fishing and hunting, the wo- seems to mistake it for Narragan- men carry the greatest burthen." sett bay, which is near twenty And Wood says, " In the summer leagues to the westward. Prince, they trudge home two or three p. 208.
39
306
BUZZARD'S BxVY.
CHAP, ei^ht or ten tons to this place. Hither the Dutch or
XIX.
^ French, or both, use to come. It is from hence to the
162 3. bay of Cape Cod, about eight miles ; ^ out of which bay it floweth into a creek some six miles, almost direct towards the town. The heads of the river and this creek are not far distant. This river yicldeth, thus high, oysters,^ muscles, clams,^ and other shell- fish ; one in shape like a bean,^ another like a clam ; both good meat, and great abundance at all times ; besides it aboundeth with divers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons.^
' " This creek runs out easterly into Cape Cod bay at Scussett har- bour ; and this river runs out west- erly into Manomet bay. The dis- tance overland from bay to bay is but six miles. The creek and river nearly meet in a low ground ; and this is the place, through which there has been a talk of making a canal, this forty years , which would be a vast advantage to all these countries, by saving the long and dangerous navigation round the Cape, and through the shoals adjoining." Prince, p. 208, (A. D. 1736.) Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122.
* Oysters are still found in great excellence and plenty in Sandwich, on the shores of Buzzard's bay. See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122.
^ The common clam, {mya are- naria,) or perhaps the quahaug, {venus mercenaria.) The English call the former the sand-gaper, the word clam not being in use among them, and not to be found in their dictionaries. And yet it is men- tioned by Captain Smith, in his Description of New England, print- ed in 1616. Johnson, whose Won- derworking Providence was pub- lished in 1654, speaks of " dam- banks, a fish as big as horse-mus- cles." Morton too, in his New English Canaan, (1637) mentions them, and Josselyn, (1672) in his
Rarities, p. 96, speaks of "clam, or clamp, a kind of shell-fish, a white muscle." Wood says, ch. ix. " clams or clamps is a shell- fish not much unlike a cockle ; it lieth under the sand. These fishes be in great plenty. In some places of the country there be clams as big as a penny white-loaf." See Mass. Hist. Col. iii. 224, viii. 193, xiii. 125, xxvi. 121, and Dr. Gould's Re- port on the Mollusca of Mass. pp. 40—42, and 85, 86.
* The razor-shell, {solen,) which very much resembles a bean pod, or the haft of a razor, both in size and shape. See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 192. Josselyn calls them " sheath fish, which are very plen- tiful, a delicate fish, as good as a prawn, covered with a thin shell like the sheath of a knife, and of the color of a muscle." And Mor- ton says, " razor fishes there are."
" The animal is cylindrical, and is often used as an article of food under the name of long-clam, razor- fish, knife-handle, »&c." See Dr. Gould's Report on the Mollusca of Massachusetts, p. 29.
° In INIanomet river, as well as in Buzzard's and Buttermilk bays, are found fish of various kinds, such as bass, sheep's head, tautang, scuppaug, &c. See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122.
CANACUM. 307
The governor, or sachim, of this place was called chap.
Canacum ; ^ who had formerly, as well as many others, 1
yea all with whom as yet we had to do, acknowledged 1623.
•^ . . Jan.
themselves the subjects of our sovereign lord, the King. This sachim used the Governor very kindly ; and it seemed was of good respect and authority amongst the Indians. For whilst the Governor was there, wdthin night, in bitter weather, came two men from Manamoick, before spoken of; and having set aside their bows and quivers, according to their manner, sat down by the fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when they would speak. At length they looked toward Canacum ; and one of them made a short speech, and dehvered a present to him from his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco and many beads, which the other received thankfully. After which he made a long speech to him ; the con- tents hereof was related to us by Hobbamock (who then accompanied the Governor for his guide,) to be as followeth. It happened that two of their men fell out, as they were in game, (for they use gaming as much as any where, and will play away all, even their skin from their backs,^ yea their wives' skins also, though it may be they are many miles distant from them, as myself have seen,) and growing to great heat, the one killed
1 He was the same as Cawna- have." And Wood adds, " They
come, mentioned in note ^ on page are so bewitched with these two
232. games, that they will lose some-
* " In their gamings," says Roger times all they have, beaver, moose Williams, "they will sometimes skins, kettles, wampompeage, mow- stake and lose their money, clothes, hackies, hatchets, knives, all is con- house, corn, and themselves, if sin- fiscate by these two games." See gle persons." Gookin says, "They Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 153, iii. 234, are addicted to gaming, and will, and Wood's New England's Pros- in that vein, play away all they pect, part ii. eh. 14.
308 STANDISH AT YARMOUTH.
CHAP, the Other. The actor of this fact was a jjowah,^ one
i of special note amongst them, and such an one as they
16 23. could not well miss ; yet another people greater than themselves threatened them with war, if they would not put him to death. The party oflending was in hold ; neither would their sachim do one way or other till their return, resting upon him for advice and fur- therance in so weighty a matter. After this there was silence a short time. At length, men gave their judg- ment what they thought best. Amongst others, he asked Hobbamock what he thought ; who answered, He was but a stranger to them ; but thought it was better that one should die than many, since he had deserved it, and the rest were innocent. Whereupon he passed the sentence of death upon him. Feb. Not long after, having no great quantity of corn left, Captain Standish went again with a shallop to Mattachiest, meeting also with the like extremity of weather, both of wind, snow, and frost ; insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour, the first night they entered the same. Here they pretended their wonted love, and spared them a good quantity of corn to con- firm the same. Strangers also came to this place, pre- tending only to see him and his company, whom they never saw before that time, but intending to join with the rest to kill them, as after appeared. But being forced through extremity to lodge in their houses, which they much pressed, God possessed the heart of the Captain with just jealousy, giving strait command, that as one part of his company slept, the rest should wake, declaring some things to them which he under- stood, whereof he could make no good construction.
' Poiootv, a priest and medicine man.
STANDISH AT SCUSSETT. 309
Some of the Indians, spying a fit opportunity, stole chap. some beads also from him ; which he no sooner per- . — .^1 ceived, having not above six men with him, drew them 1 6 2 3. all from the boat, and set them on their guard about the sachim's house, where the most of the people were ; threatening to fall upon them without further delay, if they would not forthwith restore them ; sig- nifying to the sachim especially, and so to them all, that as he would not offer the least injury, so he would not receive any at their hands, which should escape without punishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon the sachim bestirred him to find out the party ; which, when he had done, caused him to return them again to the shallop, and came to the Captain, desiring him to search whether they were not about the boat; who, suspecting their knavery, sent one, who found them lying openly upon the boat's cuddy. Yet to appease his anger, they brought corn afresh to trade ; insomuch as he laded his shallop, and so departed. This acci- dent so daunted their courage, as they durst not attempt any thing against him. So that, through the good mercy and providence of God, they returned in safety. At this place the Indians get abundance of bass both summer and winter ; for it being now Feb- ruary, they abounded with them.
In the beginning of March, having refreshed him- Mar. self, he took a shallop, and went to Manomet, to fetch home that which the Governor had formerly bought,^ hoping also to get more from them ; but was deceived in his expectation, not finding that entertainment he found elsewhere, and the Governor had there received.
' It seems as if the Captain went up westward towards Manomet. into Scussett harbour, which goes Prince, p. 210.
310 WITUWAMAT.
CHAP. The reason whereof, and of the treachery intended in — 1- the place before spoken of, was not then known unto 1623. us, but afterwards; wherein may be observed the abundant mercies of God, working with his provi- dence for our good. Captain Standish being now far from the boat, and not above two or three of our men with him, and as many with the shallop, was not long at Canacum, the sachim's house, but in came two of the Massachuset men. The chief of them was called Wituwamat, a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly imbrued his hands in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his own valour, and derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, they died crying, making sour faces, more like children than men.
This villain took a dagger from about his neck, which he had gotten of Master Weston's people, and presented it to the sachim ; and after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort, as the Captain, though he be the best linguist amongst us,^ could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was afterwards discovered to be as followeth. The Mas- sacheuseuks had formerly concluded to ruinate Mas- ter Weston's colony ; and thought themselves, being about thirty or forty men, strong enough to execute the same. Yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered more strength to themselves, to make their party good against us at Plymouth ; con- cluding, that if we remained, though they had no other arguments to use against us, yet we would never leave the death of our countrymen unrevenged ; and there-
' In the Indian dialects.
A CONSPIRACY AMONG THE INDIANS. 311
fore their safety could not be without the overthrow of chap.
XIX
both plantations. To this end they had formerly soli- .-^-.-^ cited this sachim, as also the other, called lanough,^ 16 23.
71 r 1 • 1 1 • , , Mar.
at Mattachiest, and many others, to assist them, and now again came to prosecute the same ; and since there was so fair an opportunity offered by the Cap- tain's presence, they thought best to make sure [of] him and his company.
After this his message was delivered, his entertain- ment much exceeded the Captain's ; insomuch as he scorned at their behaviour, and told them of it. After which they would have persuaded him, because the weather was cold, to have sent to the boat for the rest of his company ; but he would not, desiring, according to promise, that the corn might be carried down, and he would content the women ^ for their labor ; which they did. At the same time there was a lusty Indian of Paomet,^ or Cape Cod, then present, who had ever demeaned himself well toward us, being in his general carriage very affable, courteous, and loving, especially towards the Captain. This savage was now entered into confederacy with the rest ; yet, to avoid suspicion, made many signs of his continued affections, and would needs bestow a kettle of some six or seven gallons on him, and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof, saying he was rich and could afford to bestow such favors on his friends whom he loved. Also he would freely help to carry some of the corn, affirming he had never done the like in his life be- fore ; and the wind being bad, would needs lodge with
' Or lyanough. See note ' on ^ Or Pamet, now called Truro, pa^e 215. See pages 135 and 139.
* See note ^ on page 305.
312 STANDISH RETURNS TO PLYMOUTH.
CHAP, him at their rendezvous, having indeed undertaken to
XIX.
'^ kill him hefore they parted ; which done, they in-
16 2 3. tended to fall upon the rest.
Mar.
The night proved exceeding cold ; insomuch as the Captain could not take any rest, but either walked, or turned himself to and fro at the fire. This the other observed, and asked wherefore he did not sleep as at other times ; who answered, He knew not well, but had no desire at all to rest. So that he then missed his opportunity.
The wind serving on the next day, they returned home, accompanied with the other Indian ; who used many arguments to persuade them to go to Paomet, where himself had much corn, and many other, the most whereof he would procure for us, seeming to sorrow for our wants. Once the Captain put forth with him, and was forced back by contrary wind ; which wind serving for the Massachuset, was fitted to go thither. But on a sudden it altered again.
CHAPTER XX.
WINSLOW'S SECOND JOURNEY TO PACKANOKICK, TO VISIT MASSASOIT IN HIS SICKNESS.
During the time that the Captain was at Manomet, chap
XX-
news came to Plymouth that Massassowat was Hke to — — ^ die, and that at the same time there was a Dutch ship 1623.
Mar.
driven so high on the shore by stress of weather, right before his dwelhng, that till the tides increased, she could not be got off. Now it being a commendable manner of the Indians, when any, especially of note, are dangerously sick, for all that profess friendship to them to visit them in their extremity,^ either in their persons, or else to send some acceptable persons to them ; therefore it was thought meet, being a good and warrantable action, that as we had ever professed friendship, so we should now maintain the same, by observing this their laudable custom ; and the rather, because we desired to have some conference with the Dutch, not knowing when we should have so fit an opportunity. To that end, myself having formerly
' " All their refreshing in their very solemn, unless it he in infec-
sickness is the visit of friends and tious diseases, and then all forsake
neighbours, a poor empty visit and them and fly." Roger Williams,
presence ; and yet indeed this is in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 236.
40
314
JOHN HAMPDEN NEVER IN AMERICA.
CHAP. XX.
1 G 2 3. Mar.
1st day.
2d day.
been tliere, and understanding in some measure the Dutch tongue, the Governor again laid this service upon myself, and fitted me with some cordials to ad- minister to him ; having one Master John Ilamden,' a gentleman of London, who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the country, for my consort, and Ilobbamock for our guide. So we set forward, and lodged the first night at Namasket, where we had friendly entertainment.
The next day, about one of the clock, we came to
' It was conjectured by Belknap, Am. Biog. ii. 229, and lias since been repeatedly asserted as a fact by other writers, that this person was the celebrated English patriot of the same name. Jkit tliis is highly improbable. Hampden, who was born in 15!M, and married in 1619, was a member of the parlia- ment which assembled in January, 1621, and was dissolved by James in 16-22, under circumstances and in a juncture of affairs which ren- dered it certain that a new parlia- ment must soon be called. It is not at all likely that a person in Hampden's circumstances, a man of family, wealth and considera- tion, would, merely for the sake of gratifying his curiosity, have left England at this critical period, on a long voj'^age to another hemi- sphere, and run the risk of not being at home at the issuing of the writs for a new parliament. For the passage to America was at that time precarious ; the vessels were few, and the voyage a long one ; so that a person who undertook it could not reasonablv calculate upon getting back in ruuch less than a year. Winslow's companion, who- ever he was, must have come in the Charity, which brought Wes- ton's colony, unless we adopt the improbable supposition that this " gentleman of London " embarked in one of the fishing vessels that
visited the Grand Bank, and took his chance of getting to Plymoutli as he could. Now the Charity left London the last of April, 1622, and arrived at Plymouth the last of June. The visit to Massasoit took place in March, 1623, and after this no vessel sailed for England till the Anne, September 10, in which Winslow went home. Of course this " gentleman of London," must have been absent at least eighteen months, which it is altogether im- probable that Hampden would have done, running the risk of not being at home to stand for the next par- liament, to which he undoubtedly expected to be returned, as we know he actually was.
Besides, had this companion of Winslow been the great English patriot, the silence of the early Plymouth writers on the point is unaccountable. On publishing his " Good News from New England " immediately on his arrival in Lon- don, in 1624, one object of which was to recommend the new colony, how gladly would Winslow have appealed for the correctness of his statements to this member of par- liament who had passed more than a year in their Plantation. How natural too would it have been for him to have mentioned the fact in his " Brief Narration," published in 1646, only three years after the death of the illustrious patriot. Bradford,
REPORTED DEATH OF MASSASOIT.
315
a ferry ^ in Conbatant's country, where, upon discharge chap. of my piece, divers Indians came to us from a house ^^-^^ not far off. There they told us that Massassowat 1623.
Mar
was dead, and that day buried ; and that the Dutch would be gone before we could get thither, having hove off their ship already. This news struck us blank, but especially Hobbamock, who desired we might return with all speed. I told him I would first think of it. Considering now, that he being dead, Conbatant^ was the most like to succeed him, and that we were not above three miles from Mattapuyst,^ his dwelling-place, although he were but a hollow-
also, whose sympathies were all with the popular party in England, in writing an elaborate history of the Colony, would not have failed to record the long residence among them of one who, at the time he v;rote, had become so distinguished as the leader of that party in the House of Commons. That his lost history contained no such passage we may be certain ; for had it been there, it must have been quoted cither by Prince or Morton, who make so free use of it, both of whom too mention this visit to Mas- sasoit, and who would not have omitted a circumstance so honora- ble to the Colony.
Again. Winslow's companion was " a gentleman of London.'^ Now althouj^h .John Hampden hap- pened to be born in London, when his father was in parliament in 1594, he was properly of Bucking- hamsliire. Winslow, who was him- self of Worcestershire, if he knew who Hampden was, would not have called him " a gentleman of Lon- don;'^ and we cannot suppose that this English gentleman would have spent so many months in the Colony without making himself known to its two leading men, Winslow and Bradford.
Equally unfounded is the state- ment that has gained so wide a currency and become incorporated with the history of those times, and is repeated in Lord Nugent's Life of Hampden, that John Hamp- den, in company with Cromwell, Pym, and Hazelrig., had actually em- barked for America on board a fleet in the Thames, in 1638, but were detained by an order from the Privy Council. Miss Aikin, in her Me- moirs of Charles I., ch. xiii., was the first to detect and expose this error of the historians. — For some of the views in this note I am in- debted to the MS. suggestions of the learned editor of Governor Win- throp's History of New England.
' Probably the same which is now called Slade's Ferry, in Swanzey. Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 292.
^ Conbatantor Corbitant, was the sachem of Pocasset, and was sub- ject to Massasoit. See Baylies' Plymouth, ii. 232.
^ A neck of land in the town- ship of Swanzey, commonly pro- nounced Mattapoiset, now Gard- ner's neck, situated between the Shawomet and Toweset necks. See Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 292, and Baylies' Plymouth, ii. 232, 234.
316 HOBBAMOCK'S CHARACTER OF MASSASOIT.
CHAP, hearted friend toward us, I thouirlit no time so fit as
XX.
. — -L. this to enter into more friendly terms with him, and 162 3. tlie rest of the sachims thereabout ; hoping, through the blessing of God, it would be a means, in that unsettled state, to settle their afiections towards us ; and though it were somewhat dangerous, in respect of our personal safety, because myself and llobbamock had been employed upon a service against him,' which he might now fitly revenge ; yet esteeming it the best means, leaving the event to God in his mercy, I re- solved to put it in practice, if Master Ilamden and Hobbamock durst attempt it with me ; whom I found willing to that or any other course might tend to the general good. So we went towards Mattapuyst.
In the way, Hobbamock, manifesting a troubled spirit, brake forth into these speeches : Neen ivomasu saglmus, neen womasu sagimus, &:c. " My loving sachim, my loving sachim ! Many have I known, but never any hke thee." And turning him to me, said, whilst I lived, I should never see his like amongst the Indians ; saying, he was no har, he was not bloody and cruel, like other Indians ; in anger and passion he was soon reclaimed ; easy to be reconciled towards such as had offended him ; ruled by reason in such measure as he would not scorn the advice of mean men ; and that he governed his men better with few strokes, than others did with many ; truly loving where he loved ; yea, he feared we had not a faithful friend left among the Indians ; showing, how he ofttimes restrained their malice, &c., continuing a long speech, with such signs of lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, as it would have made the hardest heart relent.
' Sen page 220.
WINSLOW AT GARDNER'S NECK, IN SWANZEY. 317
At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the chap. sachimo comaco^ for so they call the sachim's place, ^^~^^ though they call an ordinary house witeo;^ but Con- 162 3. batant, the sachim, was not at home, but at Puckano- kick, which was some five or six miles off. The squa- sachim, for so they call the sachim's wife, gave us friend- ly entertainment. Here we inquired again concerning Massassowat ; they thought him dead, but knew no certainty. Whereupon I hired one to go with all ex- pedition to Puckanokick, that we might know the certainty thereof, and withal to acquaint Conbatant with our there being. About half an hour before sun- setting the messenger returned, and told us that he was not yet dead, though there was no hope we should find him living. Upon this we were much revived, and set forward with all speed, though it was late within night ere we got thither. About two of the clock that afternoon, the Dutchmen departed ; so that in that respect our journey was frustrate.
When we came thither, we found the house so full of men, as we could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, making such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and therefore unUke to ease him that was sick.^ About
' " Sachimmaacommock, a, T^nnce^s ards and witches, holding familiari-
house, which, according to their ty with Satan, that evil one ; and
condition, is far different from the partly are physicians, and make
other house, both in capacity or use, at least in show, of herbs and
receipt, and also the fineness and roots for curing the sick and dis-
qnality of their mats." Roger Wil- eased. These are sent for by the
liams's Key, ch. xxii. sick and wounded ; and by their
' Wetu, or loigioam. See Galla- diabolical spells, mutterings, ex- tin's Indian A^ocabularies, in Am. orcisms, they seem to do wonders. Antiq. Soc. Coll. ii. 322. They use extraordinary strange mo-
^ " There are among them cer- tions of their bodies, insomuch that
tain men and women, whom they they will sweat until they foam ;
call powoics. These are partly wiz- and thus continue for some hours
318
WINSLOVV'S RECEPTION I3Y MASSASOIT.
162 3.
Mar.
CHAP, him were six or ei<Tlit women, who chafed his arms,
XX
V— V-.1 legs, and thighs, to keep heat in him. AVhen they had made an end of their charming, one told him that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Hav- ing understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, Who was come ? They told him Winsnow, for they cannot pronounce the letter /, but ordinarily n in the place thereof.' lie desired to speak with me. "When I came to him, and they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said twice, though very inwardly. Keen Winsnow ? which is to say, " Art thou Winslow ? " I answered, Ahhe, that is. Yes. Then he doubled these words ; Matta neen wonckanet namen, Winsnow ! that is to say, " O Winslow, I shall never see thee again."
Then I called Ilobbamock, and desired him to tell Massassowat, that the Governor, hearing of his sick-
together, strokinpr and hovering over the sick." Gookin, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 154.
" Poicaics, priests. These do be- gin and order their service and in- vocation of their gods, and all the people follow, and join interchange- ably in a laborious bodily service, unto sweating, especially of the priest, who spends himself in strange antic gestures and actions, even unto fainting. In sickness the priest comes close to the sick person, and performs many strange actions about him, and threatens and conjures out the sickness. The poor people commonly die under their hands ; for, alas, they admin- ister nothing, but howl and roar and hollow over them, and begin the song to the rest of the people, who all join like a choir in prayer to their gods for them." Roger Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 2-27, 237.
" The manner of their action in
their conjuration is thus. The par- ties that are sick are brought before them ; the powow sitting down, the rest of the Indians give atten- tive audience to his imprecations and invocations, and after the violent expression of many a hideous bel- lowing and groaning, he makes a stop, and then all the auditors with one voice utter a short canto. Which done, the powow still pro- ceeds in his invocations, some- times roaring like a bear, other times groaning like a dying horse, foaming at the mouth like a chafed boar, smiting on his naked breast and thighs with such violence as if he were mad. Thus will he con- tinue sometimes half a day." Wood's New England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 12. See also Hutchin- son's Mass. i. 474.
^ Wood says, ch. 18, " They pro- nounce / and r in our English tongue, with much difficulty, call- ing a lobster a nobslan." \et
WINSLOW TENDS MASSASOIT. 319
ness, was sorry for the same ; and though, by reason chap.
of many businesses, he could not come himself, yet he . ^-1-
sent me with such thino^s for him as he thouMit most 16 23.
... * Mar.
likely to do him good in this his extremity ; ^ and whereof if he pleased to take, I would presently give him ; which he desired ; and having a confection of many comfortable conserves, &c., on the point of my knife I gave him some, which I could scarce get through his teeth. When it was dissolved in his mouth, he swallowed the juice of it ; whereat those that were about him much rejoiced, saying he had not swallowed any thing in two days before. Then 1 desired to see his mouth, which was exceedingly furred, and his tongue swelled in such a manner, as it was not possible for him to eat such meat as they had, his passage being stopped up. Then I washed his mouth, and scraped his tongue, and got abundance of corruption out of the same. After which I gave him more of the confection, which he swallowed with more readiness. Then he desiring to drink, I dissolved some of it in water, and gave him thereof Within half an hour this wrought a great alteration in him, in
Roger Williams states, that " al- ' " When they are sick, their though some pronounce not / nor r, misery appears, that they have yet it is the most proper dialect of not, but what sometimes they get other places, contrary to many re- from the English, a raisin or cur- ports ; " and Eliot, in his Indian rant, or any physic, fruit, or spice. Grammar, says, " These conso- or any comfort more than their nants, Z, n, r, have such a natural corn and water, &c. In which coincidence, that it is an eminent bleeding case, wanting all means variation of their dialects. We of recovery or present refreshing, Massachusetts pronounce the n ; I have been constrained, to and be- the Nipmuk Indians pronounce /; yond my power, to refresh them, and and the Northern Indians pronounce to save many of them from death, r. As instance : who I am confident perish many We say Anum ) millions of them, in that mighty Nipmuck, Alum > A Dog." continent, for want of means." Ro- Northern, Arum ) ger Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 223, xix. iii. 236. 248.
320 WINSLOW SENDS TO PLYMOUTH FOR MEDICINE.
CHAP, the eyes of all that beheld him. Presently after his J-— sight began to come to him, which gave him and us 1623. good encouragement. In the mean time I inquired how he slept, and when he went to stool. They said he slept not in two days before, and had not had a stool in five. Then I gave him more, and told him of a mishap we had by the way, in breaking a bottle of drink, which the Governor also sent him, saying if he would send any of his men to Patuxet, I would send for more of the same ; also for chickens to make him broth, and for odier things, which I knew were good for him ; and would stay the return of his messenger, if he desired. This he took marvellous kindly, and appointed some, who were ready to go by two of tlie clock in the morning ; against which time I made ready a letter, declaring therein our good success, the state of his body, Sec, desiring to send me such things as I sent for, and such physic as the surgeon durst administer to him.
He requested me, that the day following, I would take my piece, and kill him some fowl, and make him some English pottage, such as he had eaten at Ply- mouth ; which I promised. After, his stomach coming to him, I must needs make him some without fowl, before 1 went abroad, which somewhat troubled me, being unaccustomed and unacquainted in such busi- nesses, especially having nothing to make it comforta- ble, my consort being as ignorant as myself; but being we must do somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some corn, and take the flour from it, and set over the grit, or broken corn, in a pipkin, for they have earthen pots 3d of all sizes.^ When the day broke, we went out, it
day. "^
' See note ^ on page 144.
WINSLOW MAKES BROTH FOR THE SICK SACHEM. 321
beino; now March, to seek herbs, but could not find chap
® XX.
any but strawberry leaves, of which I gathered a hand-
ful, and put into the same ; and because I had nothing 16 23. to relish it, I went forth again, and pulled up a sassa- fras root, and sliced a piece thereof, and boiled it, till it had a good relish, and then took it out again. The broth being boiled, I strained it through my handker- chief, and gave him at least a pint, which he drank, and liked it very well. After this his sight mended more and more ; also he had three moderate stools, and took some rest ; insomuch as we with admiration blessed God for giving his blessing to such raw and ignorant means, making no doubt of his recovery, himself and all of them acknowledging us the instru- ments of his preservation.
That morning he caused me to spend in going from one to another amongst those that were sick in the town, requesting me to wash their mouths also, and give to each of them some of the same I gave him, saying they were good folk. This pains I took with willingness, though it were much offensive to me, not being accustomed with such poisonous savours. After dinner he desired me to get him a goose or duck, and make him some pottage therewith, with as much speed as I could. So I took a man with me, and made a shot at a couple of ducks, some six score paces off, and killed one, at which he wondered. So we returned forthwith and dressed it, making more broth there- with, which he much desired. Never did I see a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hob- bamock I must take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if he did eat it. This he 41
322 MASSASOIT GRADUALLV RECOVERS.
CHAP, acquainted Massassowat tllcrc^^ itli, who would not be .^-^^ persuaded to it, though I pressed it very much, show- 16 2 3. ing the strength thereof, and the weakness of liis sto- mach, which could not possibly bear it. Notwith- standing, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as nuich as would well have satisfied a man in health. About an hour after he began to be very sick, and straining very much, cast up the broth again ; and in overstrain- ing himself, began to bleed at the nose, and so con- tinued the space of four hours. Then they all wished he had been ruled, concluding now he would die, which we much feared also. They asked me what 1 thought of him. I answered, his case was desperate, yet it might be it would save his life ; for if it ceased in time, he would forthwith sleep and take rest, wdiich was the principal thing he wanted. Not long after his blood stayed, and he slept at least six or eight hours. When he awaked, I washed his face, and bathed and suppled his beard and nose with a linen cloth. But on a sud- den he chopped his nose in the water, and drew up some therein, and sent it forth again with such vio- lence, as he began to bleed afresh. Then they thought there was no hope ; but we perceived it was but the tenderness of his nostril, and therefore told them I thought it would stay presently, as indeed it did.
The messengers were now returned ; but finding his stomach come to him, he would not have the chickens killed, but kept them for breed. Neither durst we give him any physic, which was then sent, because his body was so much altered since our instructions; neither saw we any need, not doubting now of his re- covery, if he were careful. Many, whilst we were there, came to see him ; some, by their report, from a
MASSASOIT REVEALS AN INDIAN PLOT. OZo
place not less than an hundred miles. To all that chap.
XX
came one of his chief men related the manner of his J-^- sickness, how near he was spent, how amongst others 16 23. his friends the English came to see him, and how sud- denly they recovered him to this strength they saw, he being now able to sit upright of himself.
The day before our coming, another sachim being there, told him that now he might see how hollow- hearted the English were, saying if we had been such friends in deed, as we were in show, we would have visited him in this his sickness, using many arguments to withdraw his affections, and to persuade him to give way to some things against us, which were motioned to him not long before. But upon this his recovery, he brake forth into these speeches : Now I see the English are my friends and love me ; and whilst I live, I will never forget this kindness they have showed me. Whilst we were there, our entertainment exceeded all other strangers'. Divers other things were worthy the noting ; but I fear I have been too tedious.
At our cominff away, he called Hobbamock to him, 4th
. day.
and privately (none hearing, save two or three other of his pnieses,^ who are of his council) revealed the plot of the Massacheuseucks, before spoken of, against Master Weston's colony, and so against us ; saying that the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succonet,^ Mattachiest, Manomet, Agowaywam,^ and the isle of Capawack,^ were joined with them ; himself also in his sickness was earnestly solicited, but he would neither join therein, nor give way to any of his. Therefore, as we
* The same as pinse. See page ^ Or Agawam, part of Ware- 288. ham.
* Sokones, or Succonnsset, now ■* Martha's Vineyard, called Falmouth.
324 WINSLOW LODGES WITH CORBITANT.
CHAP, respected the lives of our countrymen, and our own ^--v~' after safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massa- 1 62 3. chuset, who were the authors of this intended mischief.
]Vid.r.
And whereas we were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began ; if, said he, upon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when their countrymen at ^V'ichaguscusset are killed, they being not able to defend themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their lives ; nay, through the multitude of adversaries, they shall with great dilli- culty preserve their own ; and therefore he counselled without delay to take away the principals, and then the plot would cease. With this he charged him thoroughly to acquaint me by the way, that I might inform the Governor thereof, at my first coming home. Being fitted for our return, we took our leave of him ; who returned many thanks to our Governor, and also to ourselves for our labor and love ; the like did all that were about him. So we departed.
That night, through the earnest request of Conba- tant, who till now remained at Sawaams,' or Puckano- kick, we lodged with him at IMattapuyst. By the way I had much conference with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the like are returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in case he were thus danger- ously sick, as Massassowat had been, and should send word thereof to Patuxet for maskiet,^ that is, physic, whether then Mr. Governor would send it ; and if he would, whether I would come therewith to him. To
^ See note ^ on page 208. sic." Roger Williams's Key, in
' " Maskit, give me some phy- R. I. Hist. Coll. i. 159.
HIS CONVERSATION WITH THE SACHEM. 325
both which I answered, Yea : whereat he gave me chap.
XX.
many joyful thanks. After that, being at his house, - — — he demanded further, how we durst, being but two, 1 6 2 3.
° Mar.
come so far into the country. I answered, where was true love, there was no fear ; and my heart was so upright towards them, that for mine own part I was fearless to come amongst them. But, said he, if your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how Cometh it to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, with the mouths of your pieces presented towards us ? Whereupon I answered, it was the most honorable and respective entertain- ment we could give them ; it being an order amongst us so to receive our best respected friends ; and as it was used on the land, so the ships observed it also at sea, which Hobbamock knew and had seen observed. But shaking the head, he answered, that he liked not such salutations.
Further, observing us to crave a blessing on our meat before we did eat, and after to give thanks for the same, he asked us, what was the meaning of that ordinary custom. Hereupon I took occasion to tell them of God's works of creation and preservation, of his laws and ordinances, especially of the ten com- mandments ; all which they hearkened unto with great attention, and hked well of; only the seventh com- mandment they excepted against, thinking there were many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied to one woman ; about which we reasoned a good time. Also I told them, that whatsoever good things we had, we received from God, as the author and giver thereof; and therefore craved his blessing upon that we had, and were about to eat, that it might nourish and
326 WINSLOW RETURNS TO PLYMOUTH.
CHAP, strenofthen our bodies : and having eaten sufBcient,
« .-L- being satisfied therewith, we again returned thanks to
16 23. the same our God, for that our refreshing, &:c. This all of them concluded to be very well ; and said, they believed almost all the same things, and that the same power that we called God, they called Kichtan} Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which would be too tedious to relate, yet was no less delightful to them, than comfortable to us. Here we remained only that night, but never had better enter- tainment among.st any of them. 5th The day following, in our journey, Hobbamock told me of the private conference he had with Massasso- wat, and how he charged him perfectly to acquaint me therewith, as I showed before ; which having done, he used many arguments himself to move us there- unto. That night we lodged at Namasket ; and the 6th day following, about the mid-way between it and *^' home, we met two Indians, who told us, that Captain Standish was that day gone to the Massachusets. But contrary winds again drove him back ; so that we found him at home ; where the Indian of Paomet still was, being very importunate that the Captain should take the first opportunity of a fair wind to go with him. But their secret and villanous purposes being, through God's mercy, now made known, the Governor caused Captain Standish to send him away, without any distaste or manifestation of anger, that we might tho better eflfect and bring to pass that which should be thought most necessary.
' ^' Kefan is their good God, to cate for fair weather, for rain in
whom they sacrifice after their time of drought, and for the reco-
gainers be full with a good crop, very of their sick." Wood's New
Upon this God likewise they invo- England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 12.
CHAPTER XXI.
OF STANDISH'S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE INDIANS OF WESSA-
GUSSET, AND THE BREAKING UP OF WESTON'S COLONY
AT THAT PLACE.
Before this journey we heard many complaints, chap.
both by the Indians, and some others of best desert .^ -^
amongst Master Weston's colony, how exceedingly 16 23. their company abased themselves by undirect means, to get victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not far from them, fetching them wood and water, &c. and all for a meal's meat ; whereas, in the mean time, they might with diligence have gotten enough to have served them three or four times. Other by night brake the earth, and robbed the Indians' store ; for which they had been publicly stocked and whipped, and yet was there small amendment. This was about the end of February ; at which time they had spent all Feb. their bread and corn, not leaving any for seed, neither would the Indians lend or sell them any more upon any terms. Hereupon they had thoughts to take it by violence ; and to that spiked up every entrance into their town, being well impaled, save one, with a full resolution to proceed. But some more honestly minded advised John Sanders, their overseer, first to
328 A MESSENGER FROM WESTON'S COLONY.
CHAP, write to Plvmouth ; and if the Governor advised him
XXI.
> ^~L thereunto, he might the better do it. This course was
16 23. ^vell hked, and an Indian was sent with all speed with a letter to our Governor, the contents whereof were to this effect ; that being in great want, and their people daily fallmg down, he intended to go to Mun- higgen, where was a plantation of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to buy bread from the ships that came thither a fishing, with the first opportunity of wind ; but knew not how the colony would be preserved till his return. He had used all means both to buy and borrow of Indians, whom he knew to be stored, and he thought maliciou.sly withheld it, and therefore was resolved to take it by violence, and only waited the return of the messenger, which he desired should be hastened, craving his advice therein, promising also to make restitution afterward. The Governor, upon the re- ceipt hereof, asked the messenger what store of corn they had, as if he had intended to buy of them ; who answered, very little more than that they reserved for seed, having already spared all they could.
Forthwith the Governor and his Assistant sent for many of us to advise with them herein ; who, after seri- ous consideration, no way approving of this intended course, the Governor answered his letter, and caused many of us to set our hands thereto ; the contents whereof were to this purpose. We altogether disliked their intendment, as being against the law of God and nature, showing how it would cross the worthy ends and proceedings of the King's Majesty, and his honor- able Council for this place, both in respect of the peace- able enlarging of his Majesty's dominions, and also of the propagation of the knowledge and law of God, and
THE PILGRIMS' ADVICE TO WESTON'S COLONY. 329
the glad tidings of salvation, which we and they were chap.
bound to seek, and were not to use such means as
would breed a distaste in the salvages against our per- 1 6 2 3.
. . ^ .^ ^ Mar.
sons and professions, assuring them their master would incur much blame hereby, neither could they answer the same. For our own parts, our case was almost the same with theirs, having but a small quantity of corn left, and were enforced to live on ground-nuts, clams, muscles, and such other things as naturally the country aftbrded, and which did and would maintain strength, and were easy to be gotten ; all which things they had in great abundance, yea, oysters^ also, which we wanted ; and therefore necessity could not be said to constrain them thereunto. Moreover, that they should consider, if they proceeded therein, all they could so get would maintain them but a small time, and then they must perforce seek their food abroad ; which, having made the Indians their enemies, would be very difficult for them, and therefore much better to begin a little the sooner, and so continue their peace ; upon which course they might with good conscience desire and expect the blessing of God ; whereas on the con- trary they could not.
Also that they should consider their own weakness, being most swelled, and diseased in their bodies, and therefore the more unlikely to make their party good against them, and that they should not expect help from us in that or any the hke unlawful actions. Lastly, that howsoever some of them might escape, yet the
^ Morton says, in his New Eng- seen an oyster bank a mile in
lish Canaan, ch. vii. "There are length. Muscles there are infinite
great store of oysters in the en- store. I have often gone to Wes-
tranee of all rivers. They are not sagiiscus, where were excellent
round, as those of England, but ex- muscles to eat, (for variety,) the
cellent fat and all good. I have fish is so fat and large."
42
330 WESTON'S AGENT COMES TO PLYMOUTH.
CHAP, principal agents should expect no better than the gal-
L lows, whensoever any special officer should be sent
1623. over by his INIajesty, or his Council for New England, which we expected, and who would undoubtedly call them to account for the same. These were the con- tents of our answer, which was directed to their whole colony. Another particular letter our Governor sent to John Sanders, showing how dangerous it would be for him above all others, being he was their leader and commander; and therefore in friendly manner advised him to desist.
AVith these letters we dispatched the messenger ; upon the receipt whereof they altered their determina- tion, resolving to shift as they could, till the return of John Sanders from Munhiggen ; who first coming to Plymouth, notwithstanding our own necessities, the Governor spared him some corn, to carry them to Munhiggen. But not having sufficient for the ship's store, he took a shallop, and leaving others with in- structions to oversee things till his return, set forward Feb. about the end of February ; so that he knew not of this conspiracy of the Indians before his going. Neither was it known to any of us till our return from Sawaams, or Puckanokick ; at which time also another sachim, called Wassapinew at, brother to Obtakiest, the sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for par- taking with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to purge himself, revealed the same thing. Mar. The three and twentieth of March being now come, ^^' which is a yearly court day, the Governor, having a double testimony, and many circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof, not being ^ to undertake war
' The word inclined or disposed seems to have been accidentally omitted.
A GENERAL COURT HELD. 331
without the consent of the body of the company, made chap. known the same in pubHc court, offering it to the con- .— ^ sideration of the company, it being high time to come 16 23. to resolution, how sudden soever it seemed to them, 23. fearing it would be put in execution before we could give any intelligence thereof. This business was no less troublesome than grievous, and the more, because it is so ordinary in these times for men to measure things by the events thereof; but especially for that we knew no means to deliver our countrymen and pre- serve ourselves, than by returning their malicious and cruel purposes upon their own heads, and causing them to fall into the same pit they had digged for others ; though it much grieved us to shed the blood of those whose good we ever intended and aimed at, as a prin- cipal in all our proceedings. But in the end we came to this public conclusion, that because it was a matter of such weight as every man was not of sufficiency to judge, nor fitness to know, because of many other In- dians, which daily, as occasion serveth, converse with us ; therefore the Governor, his Assistant, and the Cap- tain, should take such to themselves as they thought most meet, and conclude thereof. Which done, we came to this conclusion, that Captain Standish should take so many men, as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the Indians in the Massachu- set bay; and because, (as all men know that have to do with them in that kind,) it is impossible to deal with them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay for others, therefore he should pre- tend trade, as at other times ; but first go to the Eng- lish, and acquaint them with the plot, and the end of his own coming ; that comparing it with their carriages
332 STANDISH'S ARMV.
CHAP, towards them, he might the better judge of the certain-
ty of it, and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the
162 3. same ; but should forbear, if it were possible, till such time as he could make sure [of] Wituwamat, that bloody and bold villain before spoken of; whose head he had order to bring with him, that he might be a warning and terror to all of that disposition.
Upon this Captain Standish made choice of eight men, and would not take more, because he would pre- vent jealousy, knowing their guilty consciences would Mar. soon be provoked thereunto. But on the ne.xt day, before he could go, came one ^ of Mr. Weston's com- pany by land unto us, with his pack at his back, who made a pitiful narration of their lamentable and weak estate, and of the Indians' carriages, whose boldness increased abundantly ; in.^omuch as the victuals they got, they would take it out of their pots, and eat before their faces ; yea, if in any thing they gainsaid them, they were ready to hold a knife at their breasts ; that to give them content, since John Sanders went to Munhiggen, they had hanged- one of them that stole
' Morton says, " this man's not hinderin;? a plantation." At name was Phinehas Prat, who the Court held May 3, lfi65, it was has penned the particulars of his ordered that land he laid out for perilous journey, and some other Prat, " in the wilderness on the things relating to this tragedy." east of the Merrimack river, near Huhbard states that he was living the upper end of Nacook [Penna- in 1677, at the time he was writ- cook?J brook, on the southeast of ing his History of New England, it." Prat married in 1G30, at Ply- In 1662 the General Court of Mas- mouth, a daughter of Cuthbert sachusetts, in answer to a petition Cuthbertson. His heirs had grants of Phinehas Prat, then of Charles- of land in Abington subsequent to town, which was accompanied 1672. Drake says that after long " with a narrative of the straits search he has not been able to dis- and hardships that the first plant- cover Prat's narrative. It was ers of this Colony underwent in probably never printed. See Mor- their endeavours to plant them- ton's iVIemorial, p. 90 ; Drake's selves at Plymouth, and since, Bookof the Indians, b. ii. 35; Mass. whereof he was one, the Court Hist. Coll. xv. 78, xvii. 122. judgeth it meet to grant him 300 ^ The notorious Thomas Morton, acres of land, wheie it is to be had, of Merry Mount, in his New Eng-
WRETCHED STATE OF WESTON'S COLONY.
333
their corn, and yet they regarded it not ; that another chap.
of their company was turned salvage ; that their people - -^
had most forsaken the town, and made their rendezvous 16 2 3.
Mar.
where they got their victuals, because they would not take pains to bring it home ; that they had sold their clothes for corn, and were ready to starve both with cold and hunger also, because they could not endure to get victuals by reason of their nakedness ; and that they were dispersed into three companies, scarce hav- ing any powder and shot left. What would be the
lish Canaan, b. iii. ch. 4, which was published in 1637, is the first writer who mentions a ludicrous fable connected with this execution, which has been made the occasion of some reproach on the first plant- ers of New England. After relat- ing the settlement of Weston's col- ony at Weymouth, he mentions that one of them stole the corn of an Indian, and upon his complaint was brought before " a parliament of all the people " to consult what punishment should be inflicted on him. It was decided that this offence, which might have been settled by the gift of a knife or a string of beads, " was felony, and by the laws of England, punished with death ; and this must be put in execution, for an example, and likewise to appease the salvage. When straightways one arose, moved as it were with some com- passion, and said he could not well gainsay the former sentence, yet he had conceived within the com- pass of his brain an embryon, that was of special consequence to be delivered and cherished. He said that it would most aptly serve to pacify the salvage's complaint, and save the life of one that might, if need should be, stand them in good stead, being young and strong, fit for resistance against an enemy, which might come unexpected, for any thing they knew. The oration
made was liked of every one, and he entreated to proceed to show the means how this may be performed. Says he, ' You all agree that one must die ; and one shall die. This young man's clothes we will take off, and put upon one that is old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape death ; such is the disease on him confirmed, that die he must. Put the young man's clothes on this man, and let the sick person be hanged in the other's stead.' 'Amen,' says one, and so say many more. And this had liked to have proved their final sentence ; but that one, with a ra- venous voice, begun to croak and bellow for revenge, and put by that conclusive motion, alleging such deceits might be a means hereafter to exasperate the minds of the com- plaining salvages, and that by his death the salvages should see their zeal to justice ; and therefore he should die. This was concluded ; " and they " hanged him up hard by." _
This story of the unscrupulous Morton furnished Butler with the materials out of which he construct- ed the following fable in his Hudi- bras, part. ii. canto ii. line 409.
" Our brethren of New England use Cliuice malefactors to excuse, And lian^' the euiltless in their stead, Of whom the churches have less need ; As lately happened. In a town, There lived a cobhler and but one,
334
STANDISH PROCEEDS TO WEYMOUTH.
CHAP, event of these thin<TS he said he much feared ; and
XXI
..^.-^ therefore not daring to stay any longer among them, 102 3. tliough he knew not the way, yet adventured to come to us ; partly to make known their weak and danger- ous estate, as he conceived, and partly to desire he might there remain till things were better settled at the other plantation. As this relation was grievous to us, so it gave us good encouragement to proceed in our intendments, for which Captain Standish was now ^l^^' fitted ; and the wind coming fair, the next day set forth for the IMassachusets.
The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man ;
That out of doctrine coiild cut use, And int'nil men's lives as well as shoes. This precious brother having slain, In times of pence, an Iniliaii, (.Not out of malice, l>ut mere zeiU, ilecause he was an infidel,) The mighty Toltipntymoy Pent to our elders an envoy, Ciimplainiiig surely of the breach Of league, held fo'rtli, by brother Patch, Against the articles in force Between both churches, his and ours ; For which he craved the saints to render Into his hands, or hang the oflVnder. Hut they, maturely having weiiihed, They had no more but him of the trade, A man that served them in a double Capacity, to teach and cobble, Resolved to spare him ; yet to do The Indian lloghgan Moghgan, loo, Impartial justice, in his stead did Hang an old weaver, that was bed rid."
It will be observed that Morton mentions this substitution merely as the suggestion of an individual, which was rejected by the compa- ny. Even had it been adopted by them, and carried into execution, it would not have implicated the Plymouth people at all, nor cast the least slur on their characters or principles. For Weston's colony was entirely distinct from theirs, and composed of a very different set of men. Their character, as portrayed by Weston himself, and by Cushman and Pierce, before they came over, may be seen in note ^ on page 296, to which the reader is particularly requested to
refer. Morton himself calls " many of them lazy persons, that would use no endeavour to lake the benefit of the country." As BelUnap says, " they were a set of needy adven- turers, intent only on gaining a subsistence." They did not come over from any religious scruples, or with any religious purpose. There is no evidence that they had any church at all ; they certainly were not Puritans. Neal says, in his Hist, of New England, i. 102, that Weston obtained a patent under pretence of propagating the disci- pline of the Church of England in America.
Grahame, i. 198, falls into an er- ror in attributing this execution to Gorges's colony, which settled at the same place in the autumn of the same year ; and Drake, b. ii. 34, eirs in saying that Morton was one of Weston's company. Morton did not come over till March, 1625, in company with Wollaston, and set- tled with him not at Weymouth, but in Quincy. See Prince, pp. 221, 231. The accurate Hutchin- son, i. 6, should not have made a fact out of the careless Hubbard's supposition, which the latter men- tions as barely " possible." See Mass, Hist. Co'll. xv. 77.
AN INDIAN SPY ARRESTED. 335
and suspecting his coming to us, as we conceive, sent chap.
one after him, and gave out there that he would never
come to Patuxet, but that some wolves or bears would ^Jl^^-
' Mar.
eat him. But we know, both by our own experience, and the reports of others, that though they find a man sleeping, yet so soon as there is life discerned, they fear and shun him. This Indian missed him but very little ; and missing him, passed by the town and went to Manomet ; whom we hoped to take at his return, as afterward we did. Now was our fort made fit for ser- vice, and some ordnance mounted ; and though it may seem long work, it being ten months since it begun, yet we must note, that where so great a work is begun with such small means, a little time cannot bring [it] to perfection. Beside, those works which tend to the preservation of man, the enemy of mankind will hinder, what in him lieth, sometimes blinding the judgment, and causing reasonable men to reason against their own safety ; as amongst us divers seeing the work prove tedious, would have dissuaded from proceeding, flat- tering themselves with peace and security, and account- ing it rather a work of superfluity and vainglory, than simple necessity. But God, whose providence hath waked, and, as I may say, watched for us whilst we slept, having determined to preserve us from these intended treacheries, undoubtedly ordained this as a special means to advantage us and discourage our adversaries, and therefore so stirred up the hearts of the governors and other forward instruments, as the work was just made serviceable against this needful and dangerous time, though we ignorant of the same. But that I may proceed, the Indian last mentioned, in his return from Manomet, came through the town,
336 STANDISH ARRIVES AT WEYMOUTH.
CHAP. prctcndiniT still friendship and in love to see us ; but — — . as formerly others, so his end was to sec whether we 10 2 3. continued still in health and strenfrth, or fell into
Mar. .
weakness, like their neiirhbours ; which they hoped and looked for, (thouirh God in mercy provided better for us,) and he knew would be glad tidiniifs to his countrymen. But here the Governor stayed him ; and sending for him to the fort, there gave the guard charge of him as their prisoner ; where he told him he must be contented to remain till the return of Captain Standish from the Massachusets. So he was locked in a chain to a staple in the court of guard, and there kept. Thus was our fort hanselled,' this being the first day, as I take it, that ever any watch was there kept. The Captain, being now come to the Massachusets, went first to the ship ; but found neither man, or so much as a dog therein. Upon the discharge of a musket, the master and some others of the plantation showed themselves, who were on the shore gathering ground-nuts, and getting other food. After salutation, Captain Standish asked them how they durst so leave the ship, and live in such security ; who answered, like men senseless of their own misery, they feared not the Indians, but lived and sufTered them to lodge w ith them, not having sword or gun, or needing the same. To which the Captain answered, if there were no cause, he was the gladder. But, upon further in- quiry, understanding that those in whom John Sanders had reposed most special confidence, and left in his stead to govern the rest, were at the plantation, thither he went; and, to be brief, made known the Indians' pur- pose, and the end of his own coming, as also, (which
' Hansel, to use for the first time.
PECKSUOT. 337
formerly I omitted,) that if afterward they durst not chap.
there stay, it was the intendment of the governors and
people of Plymouth there to receive them, till they ^^^^' could be better provided ; but if they conceived of any other course, that might be more likely for their good, that himself should further them therein to the utter- most of his power. These men, comparing other cir- cumstances with that they now heard, answered, they could expect no better ; and it was God's mercy that they were not killed before his coming ; desiring there- fore that he would neglect no opportunity to proceed. Hereupon he advised them to secrecy, yet withal to send special command to one third of their company, that were farthest off', to come home, and there enjoin them on pain of death to keep the town, himself allow- ing them a pint of Indian corn to a man for a day, though that store he had was spared out of our seed. The weather proving very wet and stormy, it was the longer before he could do any thing.
In the mean time an Indian came to him, and brought some furs, but rather to gather what he could from the Captain, than coming then for trade ; and though the Captain carried things as smoothly as pos- sibly he could, yet at his return he reported he saw by his eyes that he was angry in his heart ; and therefore began to suspect themselves discovered. This caused one Pecksuot, who was a pniese,^ being a man of a notable spirit, to come to Hobbamock, who was then with them, and told him, he understood that the Cap- tain was come to kill himself and the rest of the sal- vages there. " Tell him," said he, " we know it, but fear him not, neither will we shun him ; but let him
' The same as pinse, on page 288. 43
338 INSOLENCE OF PECKSUOT AND VVITUWAMAT.
CHAP, beirin when he dare, he shall not take us at unawares."
XXI. .
..^1-1 Many times after, divers of them severally, or few 162 3. together, came to the plantation to him ; where they would whet and sharpen the points of their knives be- fore his face, and use many other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst the rest Wituwamat bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the handle there was pictured a woman's face ; " but," said he, " I have another at home, wherewith I have killed both French and English, and that hath a man's face on it ; and by and by these two must marry." Further he said of that knife he there had, Ilinnaim namen, hinnaim michen, matta cuts ; that is to say, By and by it should see, and by and by it should eat, but not speak. Also Pecksuot, being a man of greater stature than the Captain,^ told him, though he were a great captain, yet he was but a little man ; and, said he, though I be no sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These things the Captain observed, yet bare with patience for the present.
On the next day, seeing he could not get many of them together at once, and this Pecksuot and Witu- wamat both together, with another man, and a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to Wituwamat, and, villain-like, trod in his steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and having about as many of his own company in a room with them, gave the word to his men, and the door being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and snatching his own knife from his neck, though with much struggling, killed him therewith, the point where-
* Standish is said to have been a page 126, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. man of shoit stature. See note on 111, and xviii. 121.
SEVEN INDIANS SLAIN. 339
of he had made as sharp as a needle, and orround the chap.
XX f
back also to an edge. Wituvvamat and the other man L
the rest killed, and took the youth, whom the Captain 1623. caused to be hanged. But it is incredible how many wounds these two pineses received before they died, not making any fearful noise, but catching at their weapons and striving to the last. Hobbamock stood by all this time as a spectator, and meddled not, ob- serving how our men demeaned themselves in this action. All being here ended, smihng, he brake forth into these speeches to the Captain : "Yesterday Peck- suot, bragging of his own strength and stature, said, though you were a great captain, yet you were but a little man ; but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground." But to proceed ; there being some women at the same time. Captain Standish left them in the custody of Mr. Weston's people at the town, and sent word to another company, that had intelligence of things, to kill those Indian men that were amongst them. These killed two more. Him- self also with some of his own men went io another place, where they killed another ; and through the negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who dis- covered and crossed their proceedings.^
' When the news of the first Tn- eludes with saying, " O how happy
dians being killed by Standish at a thing had it been that you had
Weymouth reached Mr. Robinson, converted some before you killed
their pastor, at Leyden, he wrote any!" Prince adds, "It is to be
to the church at Plymouth, Decern- hoped that Squanto was converted."
ber 19, 1623, "to consider the dis- It seems Standish was not of their
position of their Captain, who was church at first, and Hubbard says
of a warm temper. He hoped the he had more of his education in the
Lord had sent him among them school of Mars than in the school
for good, if they used him right; of Christ. Judge Davis remarks,
but he doubted where there was " These sentiments are honorable
not wanting that tenderness of the to Mr. Robinson ; they indicate a
life of man, made after God's image, generous philanthropy, which must
which was meet;" and he con- always gain our affection, and
340 TWO OF WESTONS MEN KILLED.
CHAP. Not loii<T belbrc this execution, three of ]Mr. AVes-
XXI.
— 1.^ ton's men, which more regarded tlieir belhes tlian any 16 23. command or commander, having formerly fared well with the Indians for making them canoes, went again to the sachim to ofier their service, and had entertain- ment. The first night they came thither, within night, late came a messenger with all speed, and de- livered a sad and short message. AVhereupon all the men gathered together, put on their boots and breeches, trussed up themselves, and took their bows and arrows and went forth, telling them they went a hunting, and that at their return they should have venison enough. Being now gone, one being more ancient and wise than the rest, calling former things to mind, especially the Captain's presence, and the strait charge diat on pain of death none should go a mu.sket shot from the plantation, and comparing this sudden departure of theirs therewith, began to dislike and wish himself at home again, which was further off than divers other dwelt. Hereupon he moved his fellows to return, but could not persuade them. So there being none but women left, and the other that was turned salvage, about midnight came away, for- saking the paths, lest he should be pursued ; and by this means saved his life.
should ever be cherished. Still little doubt. It is certain that they the transactions to which the stric- were fully persuaded of its exist- lures relate, are defensible. As ence, and 'with the terrible exam- to vStandish, Belknap places his pie of the Virginia massacre in defence on the rules of duty im- fresh remembrance, they had sol- posed by his character, as the mili- emn duties to discharge. The ex- tary servant of the Colony. The istence of the whole settlement povernment, It is presumed, will be was at hazard." See Prince, p. considered as acting under severe 220 ; Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 461 ; necessity, and will require no apol- Belknnp"s Am. Biog. ii. 330; Mor- oiry if the reaHty of the conspiracy ton's Memorial, p. Ul. be admitted, of which there can be
SKIRMISH WITH THE INDIANS. 341
Captain Standish took the one half of his men, and chap.
XXI
one or two of Mr. Weston's, and Hobbamock, still ^
seekinij to make spoil of them and theirs. At length I623.
Mar.
they espied a file of Indians, which made towards them amain ; and there being a small advantage in the ground, by reason of a hill near them, both companies strove for it. Captain Standish got it; whereupon they retreated, and took each man his tree, letting fly their arrows amain, especially at himself and Hobba- mock. Whereupon Hobbamock cast off" his coat, and being a known pinese, (theirs being now killed,) chased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him ; insomuch as our men could have but one certain mark, and then but the arm and half face of a notable villain, as he drew^ at Captain Standish ; who together with another both discharged at once at him, and brake his arm ; whereupon they fled into a swamp. When they were in the thicket, they parleyed, but to small purpose, getting nothing but foul language. So our Captain dared the sachim to come out and fight like a man, showing how base and woman-like he was in tonguing it as he did ; but he refused, and fled. So the Captain returned to the plantation ; where he released the women, and would not take their beaver coats from them, nor suffer the least discourtesy to be offered them.
Now were Mr. Weston's people resolved to leave their plantation, and go for Munhiggen, hoping to get passage and return^ with the fishing ships. The Cap- tain told them, that for his own part he durst there live with fewer men than they were ; yet since they were otherways minded, according to his order from
» His bow. « To England.
342 WESTON'S PLANTATION BROKEN UP.
CHAP, the governors and people of Plymouth, he would help — -~ them with corn competent for their provision by the 10 2 3. way; which he did, scarce leaving himself more than brought them home. Some of them disliked the choice of the body to go to Munhiggen, and therefore desiring to go with him to Plymouth, he took them into the shallop ; and seeing them set sail, and clear of the Massachuset bay,^ he took leave and returned to Plymouth ; whither he came in safety, blessed be God! and brought the head of Wituwamat witli him. Among the rest, there was an Indian youth, that was ever of a courteous and loving disposition towards us. He, notwithstanding the death of his country- men, came to the Captain without fear, saying, his good conscience and love towards us imboldened him so to do. This youth confessed, that the Indians in- tended to kill Mr. Weston's people, and not to delay any longer than till they had two more canoes or boats,
' " Thus tills plantation is broken in the bottom of the bay between
up in a year ; and this is the end of Pascataquak and Murriniak river,
those who being all able men, had and hardly escapes with his life,
boasted of their strength and what Afterwards he falls into the hands
they would bring to pass, in com- of the Indians, who pillage him of
parison of the people at Plymouth, all he saved from the sea, and strip
who had many women, children, him of all his clothes to his shirt,
and weak ones with them ; and At length he gets to Pascataquak,
said at their first arrival, when borrows a suit of clothes, finds
they saw the wants at Plymouth, means to come to Plymouth, and
that they would take another course, desires to borrow some beaver of
and not fall into such a condition us. Notwithstanding our straits,
as this simple people were come to." yet in consideration of his neces-
Bradford, in Prince, p. 214, and in sity, we let him have one hundred
Morton, p. 92. and seventy odd pounds of beaver,
" Shortly after Mr. Weston's peo- with which he goes to the east- pie went to the eastward, he comes ward, stays his small ship and there himself with some of the fish- some of his men, buys provisions ermen, under another name and and fits himself, which is the foun- disguise of a blacksmith ; where dation of his future courses ; and he hears the ruin of his plantation ; yet never repaid us any thing save and getting a shallop with a man reproaches, and becomes our ene- or two comes on to see how things my on all occasions." Bradford, in are, but in a storm is cast away Prince, p. 216. See note ' on p. 78.
THE INDIAN PLOT CONFESSED. 343
which Mr. Weston's men would have finished by this chap.
time, having made them three already, had not the
Captain prevented them ; and the end of stay for 1^2 3. those boats was to take their ship therewith.
Now was the Captain returned and received with joy, the head being brought to the fort, and there set up.^ The governors and captains with divers others went up the same further, to examine the prisoner, who looked piteously on the head. Being asked whether he knew it, he answered. Yea. Then he confessed the plot, and that all the people provoked Obtakiest, their sachim, thereunto, being drawn to it by their importunity. Five there were, he said, that prosecuted it with more eagerness than the rest. The two principal were killed, being Pecksuot and Witu- wamat, whose head was there ; the other three were powahs, being yet living, and known unto us, though one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himself, he would not acknowledge that he had any hand therein, begging earnestly for his hfe, saying he was not a Massachuset man, but as a stranger hved with them. Hobbamock also gave a good report of him, and besought for him ; but was bribed so to do. Nev- ertheless, that we might show mercy as well as ex- tremity, the Governor released him, and the rather, because we desired he might carry a message to Ob- takiest, his master. No sooner were the irons from his legs, but he would have been gone ; but the Gover-
' " This may excite in some year 1747, the heads of the lords
minds an objection to the humanity who were concerned in the Scots
of our forefathers. The reason as- rebellion were set up over Temple
signed for it was that it might Bar, the most frequented passage
prove a terror to others. In mat- between London and Westmin-
ters of war and public justice, they ster." Belknap's Am. Biog. ii.
observed the customs and laws of 326. the English nation. As late as the
344 A MESSAGE TO OBTAKIEST.
CHAP, nor bid him stav, and fear not, for he should receive .^■,~. no hurt ; and by Ilobbamock commanded him to de- 1(5 2 3. liver this message to his master : That for our parts it never entered into our hearts to take such a course with them, till their own treachery enforced us there- unto, and therefore they might thank themselves for their own overthrow ; yet since he had begun, if again by any the like courses he did provoke him, his coun- try should not hold him ; for he would never suffer him or his to rest in peace, till he had utterly con- sumed them ; and therefore should take this as a warning ; further, that he should send to Patuxet the three Engli.shmen he had, and not kill them ; also that he should not spoil the pale and houses at Wicha- guscusset ; and that this messenger should either bring the English, or an answer, or both ; promising his safe return.
This message was delivered, and the party would have returned with [an] answer, but was at first dis- suaded by them, whom afterwards they would, but could not persuade to come to us. At length, though long, a woman came and told us, that Obtakiest was sorry that the English were killed, before he heard from the Governor ; otherwise he would have sent them. Also she said, he would fain make his peace again with us, but none of his men durst come to treat about it, having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to place, expecting when we would take further vengeance on him.
Concerning those other people, that intended to join with the Massacheuseuks against us, though we never went against any of them ; yet this sudden and unexpected execution, together with the just judgment
THE EFFECTS OF STANDISH'S EXPEDITION. 345
of God upon their guilty consciences, hath so terri- chap.
fied and amazed them, as in hke manner they forsook
their houses, runnino^ to and fro hke men distracted, i6 23.
... Mar.
hving in swamps and other desert places, and so brought manifold diseases amongst themselves, where- of very many are dead ; as Canacum, the sachim of Manomet, Aspinet, the sachim of Nauset, and la- nough, sachim of Mattachiest. This sachim in his life, in the midst of these distractions, said the God of the English was offended with them, and would de- stroy them in his anger ; and certainly it is strange to hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst them. Neither is there any hkelihood it will easily cease ; because through fear they set little or no corn, which is the staff of life, and without which they can- not long preserve health and strength. From one of these places a boat was sent with presents to the Governor, hoping thereby to work their peace ; but the boat was cast away, and three of the persons drowned, not far from our Plantation. Only one escaped, who durst not come to us, but returned ; so as none of them dare come amongst us.
I fear I have been too tedious both in this and other things. Yet when I considered how necessary a thing it is that the truth and grounds of this action especially should be made known, and the several dispositions of that dissolved colony, whose reports undoubtedly will be as various, I could not but enlarge myself where I thought to be most brief. Neither durst I be too brief, lest I should eclipse and rob God of that honor, glory, and praise, which belongeth to him for preserving us from falling when we were at the pit's brim, and yet feared nor knew not that we were in danger. 44
CHAPTER XXII.
OF THE FIRST ALLOTMENT OF LANDS, AND THE DISTRESSED STATE OF THE COLONY.
CHAP. The month of April beinir now come, on all hands
XXII
.^^-^ we began to prepare for corn. And because there was 1623. hq corn left before this time, save that was preserved ^" ' for seed, being also hopele.^s of relief by supply, we thought best to leave otf all other works, and pro- secute that as most necessary. And because there was no ^ small hope of doing good, in that common course of labor that formerly we were in ; ^ for that the governors, that followed men to their labors, had no- thing to give men for their necessities, and therefore could not so well exercise that command over them therein, as formerly they had done ; especially con- sidering that self-love wherewith every man, in a measure more or less, loveth and preferreth his own good before his neighbour's, and also the base disposi- tion of some drones, that, as at other times, so now especially would be most burdenous to the rest ; it was therefore thought best that every man should use the
' The word no appears to be an * See note * on page 84. error of the press. F.
THE FIRST ALLOTMENT OF LAND. 347
best diligence he could for his own preservation, both chap.
in respect of the time present, and to prepare his own
corn for the year following ; and bring in a competent \^^.f' portion for the maintenance of public officers, fisher- men, &c., which could not be freed from their calling without greater inconveniences. This course was to continue till harvest, and then the governors to gather in the appointed portion, for the maintenance of them- selves and such others as necessity constrained to exempt from this condition. Only if occasion served, upon any special service they might employ such as they thought most fit to execute the same, during this appointed time, and at the end thereof all men to be employed by them in such service as they thought most necessary for the general good. And because there is great diflference in the ground, that therefore a set quantity should be set down for a person, and each man to have his fall by lot,^ as being most just and equal, and against which no man could except.
At a general meeting of the company, many courses were propounded, but this approved and followed, as being the most hkely for the present and future good of the company ; and therefore before this month began to prepare our ground against seed-time.
In the midst of April we began to set, the weather being then seasonable, which much encouraged us, giving us good hopes of after plenty. The setting season is good till the latter end of May. But it pleased God, for our further chastisement, to send a sreat drought : insomuch as in six weeks after the
' This allotment was only for as before, he gives every person an
one year, Jn tiie spring of the next acre of land." Bradford, in Prince,
year, 1624, " the people requesting pp. 215 and 226. See ihis latter
the Governor to have some land for allotment in Hazard, i. 100, and m
continuance, and not by yearly lot, Morton, p. 376.
348 DROUGHT AND FAMINE.
CHAP, latter scttinor there scarce fell any rain : so that the
XXlI
_--..~l stalk of that was first set began to send forth the ear, 16 23. before it came to half growth, and that which was later not like to yield any at all, both blade and stalk hanging the head, and changing the color in such manner, as wc judged it utterly dead. Our beans also ran not up according to their wonted manner, but stood at a stay, many being parched away, as though they had been scorched before the fire. Now were our hopes overthrown, and we discouraged, our joy being turned into mourning.^
To add also to this sorrowful estate in which we were, we heard of a supply that was sent unto us many months since, which having two repulses before, was a third time in company of another ship three hundred leagues at sea, and now in three months time heard no further of her ; only the signs of a wreck were seen on the coast, wliich could not be judged to be any other than the same.^ So that at once God
■ " But by the time our corn is divide among the company ; and in
planted, our victuals are spent, the winter are helped with fowl and
not knowing at night where to ground-nuts." Bradford, in Prince,
liave a bit in the morning, and p. 216.
have neither bread nor corn for * "At length we receive letters
three or four months together, yet from the adventurers in England
bear our wants with cheerfulness of December 22 and April 9 last,
and rest on Providence. Having wherein they say, ' It rejoiceth us
but one boat left, we divide the much to hear those good reports
men into several companies, six that divers have brought home of
or seven in each ; who take their you ;' and give an account, that last
turns to go out with a net and fall, a ship, the Paragon, sailed
fish, and return not till they get from London with passengers, for
some, though they be five or six New Plymouth ; bemg fitted out
days out ; knowing there is nothing by Mr. John Pierce, in whose name
at home, and to return empty our first patent was taken, his name
would be a great discouragement, being only used in trust; but when
When they stay long oi get but he saw we were here hopefully
little, the rest go a digging shell- seated, and by the success God
fish ; and thus we live the sum- gave us, had obtained favor with
mer ; only sending one or two the Council for New England, he
to range the woods for deer, they gets another patent of a larger ex-
now and then get one, which we tent, meaning to keep it to him-
THE FIRST FAST. 349
seemed to deprive us of all future hopes. The most chap.
XXII
courageous were now discouraged, because God, which '.
hitherto had been our only shield and supporter, now 1 6 2 3. seemed in his anger to arm himself against us. And who can withstand the fierceness of his wrath .^
These and the like considerations moved not only every good man privately to enter into examination with his own estate between God and his conscience, and so to humiliation before him, but also more solemnly to humble ourselves together before the Lord by fasting and prayer. To that end a day was ap- pointed by public authority, and set apart from all other employments ; hoping that the same God, which had stirred us up hereunto, would be moved hereby in mercy to look down upon us, and grant the request of our dejected souls, if our continuance there might any way stand with his glory and our good. But Oh the mercy of our God ! who was as ready to hear, as we to ask ; for though in the morning, when we assem- bled together, the heavens were as clear, and the drought as like to continue as ever it was, yet, (our exercise continuing some eight or nine hours,) before
self, allow us only what he pleas- to Portsmouth, having 109 souls
ed, hold us as his tenants and sue aboard, with Mr. Pierce himself,
to his courts as chief lord. But Upon which great and repeated
meeting with tempestuous storms loss and disappointment, he is pre-
in the Downs, the ship is so bruised vailed upon lor jG500 to resign
and leaky that in fourteen days she his patent to the Company, which
returned to London, was forced to cost him but j£50 ; and the goods
be put into the dock, £100 laid out with charge of passengers in this
to mend her, and lay six or seven ship cost the Company jC640, for
weeks to December 22, before she which tlsey were forced to hire
sailed a second time ; but being another ship, namely, the Anne, of
half way over, met with extreme 140 tons, to transport them, namely,
tempestuous weather about the mid- 60 passengers with 60 tons of
die of February which held fourteen goods, hoping to sail by the end of
days, beat off the round house April." Bradford, in Prince, pp.
with all her upper works, obliged 217,218. See note ® on pages 234
them to cut her mast and return and 235.
350 SEASONABLE SHOWERS.
CHAP, our departure, the weather was overcast, the clouds
XXH.
^^ — '. gathered together on all sides, and on the ne.\t morn- 1 fi 2 3. ing distilled such soft, sweet, and moderate showers of rain, continuing some fourteen days, and mixed with such seasonahle weather, as it was hard to say whether our withered corn or drooping ad'cctions were most quickened or revived ; such was the bounty and good- ness of our God. Of this the Indians, by means of Hobbamock,' took notice ; who being then in the town, and this exercise in the midst of the week, said, It was but three days since Sunday ; and therefore demanded of a boy, what was the reason thereof. Which when he knew, and saw what effects followed thereupon, he and all of them admired the goodness of our God towards us, that wrought so great a change in so short a time ; showing the difference between their conjuration, and our invocation on the name of God for rain ; theirs being mixed with such storms and tempests, as sometimes, instead of doing them good, it layeth the corn fiat on the ground, to their prejudice ; but ours in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they never observed the like.
At the same time Captain Standish, being formerly employed by the Governor to buy provisions for the refreshing of the Colony, returned with the same, ac- companied with one Mr. David Tomson,^ a Scotch-
* This is the last time that Hob- lion, and also in his practice, re-
bamock's name occurs in the his- forming and conforminp: himself ac-
tory of the Cohmy. His services cordingly ; and though he was much
to the infant settlement had been tempted by enticements, scoffs, and
very important, and in the allot- scorns from the Indians, yet could
ment of the land in 1624, mention he never be gotten from the Eng-
is made of" Hohhamock's ground." lish, nor from seeking after their
In New England's First Fruits, God, but died amongsl them, leav-
published in London in 1643, he is ing some good hopes in their hearts
described as follows : " As he in- that his soul went to rest."
creased in knowledge, so in affec- * David Thomson was sent over
PUBLIC THANKSGIVING. 351
man, who also that spring began a plantation twenty- chap. five leagues northeast from us, near Smith's isles,^ at a ^-^v-^ place called Pascatoquack, where he hketh well. Now 1 6 2 3. also heard we of the third repulse that our supply had,^ of their safe, though dangerous, return into England, and of their preparation to come to us. So that hav- ing these many signs of God's favor and acceptation, we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly we should smother up the same, or content ourselves with private thanksgiving for that, which by private prayer could not be obtained. And therefore another solemn day was set apart and appointed for that end ; wherein we returned glory, honor, and praise, with all thankfulness, to our good God, which dealt so gra- ciously with us ; whose name for these and all other his mercies towards his church, and chosen ones, by them be blessed and praised, now and evermore. Amen.
In the latter end of July, and the beginning of Au- Aug. gust, came two ships with supply unto us ; who
by Gorges and Mason in the spring throp, i. 44, with Hubbard, in
of 1623, and commenced a settle- Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 105 ; and see
ment at a place called Little Har- Adams's Annals of Portsmouth, p.
hour, on the west side of Piscata- 10, and Levett's voyage into New-
qua river, near its mouth. Chris- England, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii.
topher Levett says he stayed a 164.
month at Thomson's plantation in ' So called after himself, by 1623. Afterwards, in 1626, or Captain John Smith, who discov- later, out of dislike of the place or ered them in 1614. He thus de- his employers, Thomson removed scribes them : " Smyth's Isles are to Boston harbour, and took pos- a heap together, none near them, session of "a fruitful island and against Accominticus." They are very desirable neck of land," which eight in number, and are now call- were afterwards confirmed to him ed the Isles of Shoals. See a de- or his heirs by the government of scription and historical account of Massachusetts. This neck of land them in Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. 242 — was Squantum, in Quincy, and the 262 ; xxvi. 120. island which is very near it, has * " Governor Bradford gives no ever since been called by his name, hint of this third repulse." Prince, It is now the seat of the Farm p. 219. School. Compare Savage's Win-
352
A NEW SUPPLY OF COLONISTS.
CHAP, brought all their passengers,' except one, in health,
who recovered in short time ; who, also, notwithstand-
1623. jj^ OP all our wants and hardship, blessed be God!
Aug. * ^
found not any one sick person amongst us at the Plan-
' The following is an alphabetical list of those who came over in the Anne and Little James.
Anthony AnnaMe, Eilwarfi Holman, Edward Hangs, John Joniiy, Roliert Bartlctt, Robert Loiif,', Fear Brewster, ExperienceMitchcll,
Patience Brewster, George Morion, Mary Bucket, Thomas Morton, jr.
Edward Burcher, Ellen Newton, Thomas Clark, John Oldham, Christopher Conant, Frances Palmer, Cuthbert Cuthbert- Christian Pcnn,
son, Mr. Perce's two
Anthony Dix, servants,
John Faiince, Joshua Pratt,
Manasseh Faunco, James Rand. Goodwife Flavell, Robert RatllifTe, Edmund Flood, Nicholas Snow, Bridget Fuller, Alice Southworth,
Timothy Hatberly, Francis Sprague, William Heard, Barbara Slandisli, Margaret Hickes, Thomas Tilden,
and her children, Stephen Tracy, William Hilton's Ralph Wallen.
wife and two
children,
This list, as well as that of the passengers in the Fortune, is ob- tained from the record of the allot- ment of lands, in 1624, which may be found in Hazard's State Papers, i. 101 — 103, and in the Appendix to Morton's Memorial, pp. 377 — 380. In that list, however, Fran- cis Cooke's and Richard Warren's names are repeated, although they came in the Mayflower ; probably because their wives and children came in the Anne, and therefore an additional grant of land was made to them. Many others brought their families in this ship ; and Bradford says that " some were the wives and children of such who came before."
Fear and Patience Brewster were daughters of Elder Brewster. John Faunce married Patience, daughter of George Morton, and was father of the venerable Elder Faunce.
Thomas Clark's gravestone is one of the oldest on the Burial hill in Plymouth. See nole't)n page 160. Francis Cooke's wife, Hester, was a Walloon, and Cuthbert Cuthberl- son was a Dutchman, as we learn from Winslow's Brief Narration. Anthony Dix is mentioned in Win- throp, i. 287. Goodwife Flavell was probably the wife of Thomas, who came in the Fortune, and Bridget Fuller was the wife of Samuel, the physician. Timothy Hathcrly went to England the next winter, and did not return till 1632 ; ho settled in Sciluate. Mar- garet Hicks, was the wife of Rob- ert, who came in the Fortune. William Hilton (see page 251) had sent for his wife and children. George Morton brought his son, Nathaniel, the secretary, and four other children. Thomas Morton, jr. was probably the son of Thomas, who came in the Fortune. John Old- ham afterwards became notorious in the history of the Colony. Fran- ces Palmer was the wife of Wil- liam, who came in the Fortune. Pliinehas Pratt had a lot of land assigned him among those who came in the Anne ; but he was un- doubtedly one of Weston's colony, as appears from page 332. Bar- bara Standish w^as the Captain's second wife, whom he married after the arrival of the Anne. Her maiden name is unknown.
Annable afterwards settled in Sciluate, Mitchell in Duxbury and Bridgewater, Bangs and Snow in Eastham, and Sprague in Duxbury. John Jenny was a brewer, and in 1636 had "liberty to erect a mill for grinding and beating of corn upon the brook of Plymouth."
Those who came in the first three ships, the Mayflower, the
ARRIVAL OF THE THIRD SHIP.
353
tation. The biffger ship, called the Anne,^ was hired, chap.
XXII
and there again freighted back ; ^ from whence we set •
sail the 10th of September. The lesser, called the 162 3.
. Sept.
Little James, ^ was built for the company at their lo. charge."* She was now also fitted for trade and dis- covery to the southward of Cape Cod, and almost ready to set sail ; whom I pray God to bless in her good and lawful proceedings.
Fortune, and the Anne, are distinct- ively called the old comers, or the forefathers. See pages 121 and 235. For further particulars concerning them, see Farmer's Genealogical Register, Mitchell's Bridgewater, and Deane's Scituate.
^ " Of 140 tons, Mr. William Pierce, master." Bradford, in Prince, pp. 213 and 220.
^ " Being laden with clapboards, and all the beaver and other furs we have ; with whom we send Mr, Winslow, to inform how things are and procure what we want." Brad- ford, in Prince, p. 221.
^ " A fine new vessel of 44 tons Mr. Bridges, master." Bradford, in Prince, p. 220.
* " They bring about 60 persons, some being very useful and become good members of the body ; of whom the principal are Mr. Timothy Hatherly and Mr. George Morton, who came in the Anne, and Mr. John Jenny, who came in the James. Some were the wives and children of such who came before ; and some others are so bad we are forced to be at the charge to send them home next year.
" By this ship R. C. [i. e. doubt- less Mr. Cushman, their agent,] writes. Some few of your old friends are come ; they come dropping to you, and by degrees I hope ere long you shall enjoy them all, &c.
" From the general, [that is, the joint concern, the company] sub- scribed by thirteen, we have also a letter wherein they say, ' Let it not
45
be grievous to you, that jon have been instruments to break the ice for others who come afier with less difficulty ; the honor shall be yours to the world's end. We bear you always in our breasts, and our hearty affection is towards you all, as are the hearts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, who doubtless pray your safety as their own.'
" When these passengers see our poor and low condition ashore, they are much dismayed and full of sad- ness ; only our old friends rejoice to see us, and that it is no worse, and now hope we shall enjoy better days together. The best dish we could present them with, is a lob- ster, or piece offish, without bread, or any thing else but a ^up of fair spring water ; and the long contin- uance of this diet, with our labors abroad, has somewhat abated the freshness of our complexion ; but God gives us health, &c.
" August 14. The fourth mar- riage is of Governor Bradford to Mrs. Alice Southvvorth, widow," Bradford, in Prince, pp, 220, 221. Her maiden name was Carpenter, as appears from the following en- try in the records of the Plymouth Church :" 1667, Mary Carpenter, (sister of Mrs. Alice Bradford, the wife of Governor Bradford,) a mem- ber of the church at Duxbury, died in Plymouth, March 19-20, being newly entered into the 91st year of her age. She was a godly old maid, never married,"
CHAPTER XXIII.
OF THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS, RELIGIOUS OPINIONS AND CERE- MONIES OF THE INDIANS.
CHAP. Thus have I made a true and full narration of the
', state of our Plantation, and such things as were most
1G2 3. remarkable therein since December, 1621. If I have omitted any thing, it is either through weakness of memory, or because I judged it not material. I con- fess my style rude, and unskil fulness in the task I undertook ; being urged thereunto by opportunity, which I knew to be wanting in others, and but for which 1 would not have undertaken the same. Yet as it is rude, so it is plain, and therefore the easier to be understood ; wherein others may see that which we are bound to acknowledge, viz. that if ever any peo- ple in these later ages were upheld by the providence of God after a more special manner than others, then we ; and therefore are the more bound to celebrate the memory of his goodness with everlasting thankfulness. For in these forenamed straits, such was our state, as in the morning we had often our food to seek for the day, and yet performed the duties of our callings, I mean other daily labors, to provide for after time ; and though at some times in some seasons at noon I
RELIGION OF THE INDIANS. 355
have seen men stagger by reason of faintness for want chap.
XXIII.
of food, yet ere night, by the good providence and bless- -^^-^-S ing of God, we have enjoyed such plenty as though the 1 623. windows of heaven had been opened unto us. How few, weak, and raw were we at our first beginning, and there settling, and in the midst of barbarous ene- mies! Yet God wrought our peace for us. How often have we been at the pit's brim, and in danger to be swallowed up, yea, not knowing till afterward that we were in peril ! And yet God preserved us ; yea, and from how many that we yet know not of, He that knoweth all things can best tell. So that when I se- riously consider of things, T cannot but think that God hath a purpose to give that land as an inheritance to our nation, and great pity it were that it should long lie in so desolate a state, considering it agreeth so well with the constitution of our bodies, being both fertile, and so temperate for heat and cold, as in that respect one can scarce distinguish New England from Old.
A few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which I have observed amongst the Indians, both touching their rehgion and sundry other customs amongst them. And first, whereas myself and others, in former letters, (which came to the press against my will and know- ledge,) wrote that the Indians about us are a people without any religion, or knowledge of any God,^ therein I erred, though we could then gather no bet- ter ; for as they conceive of many divine powers, so of one, whom they call Kiehtan^^ to be the principal and maker of all the rest, and to be made by none. He, they say, created the heavens, earth, sea and all creatures
' See page 233. antiquity; for Chise is an old man,
* The meaning of the woid and Kichchise a man that exceedeth Kiehtan, I think, hath reference to in ago. — Wiiislow^s Note.
356 KIEHTAN, THE INDIAN GOD.
CHAP, contained therein ; also that he made one man and ^^"^^ one woman, of whom they and we and all mankind 1623. came ;^ but how they became so far dispersed, that know they not. At first, they say, there was no sa- chim or king, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth above in the heavens, whither all i^ood men i^o when they die, to see their friends, and have their fill of all things. This his habitation lieth far westward in the heavens, they say ; thither the bad men go also, and knock at his door, but he bids them (juatc/ict, that is to say, walk abroad, for there is no place for such ; so that they wander in restless want and penury.^ Never man saw this Kiehtan ; only old men tell them of him, and bid them tell their children, yea to charge them to teach their posterities the same, and lay the like charge upon them. This power they acknowledge to be good; and when they would obtain any great matter, meet to- gether and cry unto him ; and so likewise for plenty, victory, &c. sing, dance, feast, give thanks, and hang up garlands and other things in memory of the same. Another power they worship, whom they call Hob- bamock, Vind to the northward of us, Hobbamoqvi ;^ this, as far as we can conceive, is the devil. Him they call upon to cure their wounds and diseases. When they are curable, he persuades them he sends the same
' " They relate how they have it believe that the souls of men and
from their fathers, that Kautantow- women go to the southwest ; their
wit made one man and woman of great and good men and women to
a stone, which disliking he broke Kautantowwii's house, where they
them in pieces, and made another have hopes, as the Turks liave, of
man and woman of a tree, which carnal joys; murtherers, thieves
were the fountains of all mankind." and liars, their souls, say they,
Roger Williams's Key, ch. xxi. wander restless abroad." Wil-
^ " Kautantowwit, the great south- liams's Key, ch. xxi.
west God, to whose house all souls ^ Wood, in his New England's
go, and from whom came their Prospect, ch. xix. spells this word
corn and beans, as they say. They Abamacho.
THE POWOW, OR MEDICINE MAN. 357
for some conceived anorer aojainst them : but upon their chap. calHng upon him, can and doth help them ; but when -^.^' they are mortal and not curable in nature, then he i623. persuades them Kiehtan is angry, and sends them, whom none can cure ; insomuch as in that respect only they somewhat doubt whether he be simply good, and therefore in sickness never call upon him. This Hobbamock appears in sundry forms unto them, as in the shape of a man, a deer, a fawn, an eagle, &c. but most ordinarily a snake. He appears not to all, but the chiefest and most judicious amongst them ; though all of them strive to attain to that hellish height of honor. He appeareth most ordinary and is most con- versant with three sorts of people. One, I confess I neither know by name nor office directly ; of these they have few, but esteem highly of them, and think that no weapon can kill them ; another they call by the name of powah ; and the third pniese.
The office and duty of the powah is to be exercised principally in calling upon the devil, and curing diseases of the sick or wounded. The common people join with him in the exercise of invocation, but do but only assent, or as we term it, say Amen to that he saith ; yet sometime break out into a short musical note with him. The powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in coun- tenance, and joineth many antic and laborious gestures with the same, over the party diseased.^ If the party be wounded, he will also seem to suck the wound ; but if they be curable, (as they say,) he toucheth it not, but asJcooke, that is, the snake, or ivohsaaick, that is, the eagle, sitteth on his shoulder, and licks the same. This none see but the powah, who tells them he doth it
» See page 317.
358 THE POWOWS TRACTICES.
CHAP, himself. If the party be otherwise diseased, it is ac-
X X 1 1 1 . , . . . .
U — J counted sulhcient if in any shape he but come into the
162 3. house, taiving it for an undoubted sign of recovery.
And as in former ages Apollo had his temj)le at Delphos, and Diana at Ephesus, so have I heard them call upon some as if they had their residence in some certain places, or because they appeared in those forms in the same. In the powah's speech, he promiseth to sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads, knives, and other the best things they have to the fiend, if he will come to help the party diseased ; but whether they perform it, I know not. The other prac- tices I have seen, being necessarily called sometimes to be with their sick, and have used the best argu- ments I could to make them understand against the same. They have told me I should see the devil at those times come to the party ; but I assured myself and them of the contrary, which so proved ; yea, them- selves have confessed they never saw him when any of us were present. In desperate and extraordinary hard travail in child-birth, when the party cannot be delivered by the ordinary means, they send for this powah ; though ordinarily their travail is not so ex- treme as in our parts of the world, they being of a more hardy nature ; for on the third day after child-birth, I have seen the mother with the infant, upon a small occasion, in cold weather, in a boat upon the sea.
Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases kill children. It seemeth they are various in their re- ligious worship in a little distance, and grow more and more cold in their worship to Kiehtan ; saying, in their memory he was much more called upon. The Nano- higgansets exceed in their blind devotion, and have a
THE PNIESE, OR INDIAN WARRIOR. 359
great spacious house, wherein only some few (that chap.
are, as we may term them, priests) come. Thither, at '
certain known times, resort all their people, and offer 1623. almost all the riches they have to their gods, as kettles, skins, hatchets, beads, knives, &c., all which are cast by the priests into a great fire that they make in the midst of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To this offering every man bringeth freely ; and the more he is known to bring, hath the better esteem of all men. This the other Indians about us approve of as good, and wish their sachims would appoint the like ; and because the plague ^ hath not reigned at Nanohig- ganset as at other places about them, they attribute to this custom there used.
The pnieses are men of great courage and wisdom, and to those also the devil appeareth more familiarly than to others, and as we conceive, maketh covenant with them to preserve them from death by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, &:c. or at least both themselves and especially the people think themselves to be freed from the same. And though, against their battles, all of them by painting disfigure themselves, yet they are known by their courage and boldness, by reason whereof one of them will chase almost an hun- dred men ; for they account it death for whomsoever stand in their way. These are highly esteemed of all sorts of people, and are of the sachim's council, with- out whom they will not war, or undertake any weighty business.^ In war their sachims, for their more safety, go in the midst of them. They are commonly men of the greatest stature and strength, and such as will en- dure most hardness, and yet are more discreet, cour-
' See pages 183 and 206. * See pages 288 and 323.
360 THE SAC HIM, OR INDIAN CHIEF.
CHAP, teous and humane in their carriages than any amonffst
XX 11 1. JO
^-J — . them, scorning theft, lying, and the hke base dealings, 16 2 3. and stand as much upon their reputation as any men. And to the end tiiey may have store of these, they train up the most forward and likeliest boys, from their childhood, in great hardness, and make them abstain from dainty meat, observing divers orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of age, the devil may appear to them ; causing to drink the juice of sentry ^ and other bitter herbs, till they cast, which they must disgorge into the platter, and drink again and again, till at length through extraordinary oppressing of nature, it will seem to be all blood ; and this the boys will do with eagerness at the first, and so continue till by reason of faintncss, they can scarce stand on their legs, and then must go forth into the cold. Also they beat their shins Avith sticks, and cause them to run through bushes, stumps and brambles, to make them hardy and acceptable to the devil, that in time he may appear unto them.
Their sachims cannot be all called kings, but only some few of them, to whom the rest resort for protec- tion, and pay homage unto them ; ^ neither may they
' Or centaury — probably the cured at what time as havinitj en-
sabbatia cMoroides, a plant conspi- tertained Hercules in his cabin, he
cuous for its beauty, which is found would needs be handling and tam-
in great abundance on the margin pering with the weapons of his
of the ponds in Plymouth. It be- said guest so long until one of the
longs to the natural order of Gen- arrows light upon his foot and
tians, one characteristic of which wounded him dangerously." Hol-
is an intense bitterness, residing land's Pliny, b. xxv. ch. 6.
both in the stems and roots. The * " Their government is gene-
gentiana crinita, or fringed gentian, rally monarchical, their chief saga-
also grows in this region. See more or sachem's will being their
Bigelow's Plants of Boston, pp. law ; but yet the sachem hath some
79 and 111. chief men that he consults with as
" The greater centaury is that his special counsellors. Among
famous herb wherewith Chiron the some of the Indians their govern-
centaur (as the report goeth) was ment is mixed, partly monarchical
THE SACHIM'S FAMILY AND GOVERNMENT. 361
war without their knowledge and approbation ; yet to chap.
be commanded by the greater, as occasion serveth. '
Of this sort is Massassowat, our friend, and Conanacus, 1 623. of Nanohigganset, our supposed enemy. Every sachim taketh care for the widow and fatherless, also for such as are aged and any way maimed, if their friends be dead, or not able to provide for them. A sachim will not take any to wife, but such an one as is equal to him in birth ; otherwise, they say, their seed would in time become ignoble ; and though they have many other wives, yet are they no other than concubines or servants, and yield a kind of obedience to the princi- pal, who ordereth the family and them in it. The like their men observe also, and will adhere to the first during their lives ; but put away the other at their pleasure. This government is successive, and not by choice. If the father die before the son or daughter be of age, then the child is committed to the protection and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in his stead till he be of age ; but when that is, I know not.
Every sachim knoweth how far the bounds and lim- its of his own country extendeth ; and that is his own proper inheritance. Out of that, if any of his men de- sire land to set their corn, he giveth them as much as they can use, and sets them their bounds. In this cir- cuit whosoever hunteth, if they kill any venison, bring
and partly aristocratical ; their sachems that can protect them ; so sagamore doing not any weighty that their princes endeavour to car- matter without the consent of his ry it obligingly and lovingly unto great men or petty sagamores, their people, lest they should desert Their sachems have not tiieir men them, and thereby their strength, in such subjection but that very power and tribute would be dimin- frequently their men will leave ished." Gookin in Mass. Hist, them upon distaste or harsh deal- Coll. i. 154. ing, and go and live under other
46
362 SICKNESS AND DEATH.
CHAP, him his fee : which is the fore parts of the same, if it
XXIII. .
. -^' be killed on the land, but if in the water, then the skin
162 3. thereof. The great sachims or kings know their own bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest. All travellers or strangers for the most part lodge at the sachim's. When they come, they tell them how long they will stay, and to what place they go ; during which time they receive entertainment, according to their persons, but want not. Once a year the pnieses use to provoke the people to bestow much corn on the sachim. To that end, they appoint a certain time and place, near the sachim's dwelling, where the people bring many baskets of corn, and make a great stack thereof. There the pnieses stand ready to give thanks to the people, on the sachim's behalf; and after ac- quaint the sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, and is no less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them. When any are visited with sickness, their friends resort unto them for their comfort, and continue with them ofttimes till their death or recovery.^ If they die, they stay a certain time to mourn for them. Night and morning they perform this duty, many days after the burial, in a most doleful manner, insomuch as though it be ordinary and the note musical, which they take one from another and all together, yet it will draw tears from their eyes, and almost from ours also.^ But
' See page 313. and public. — When they come to ^ " Upon the death of the sick, the grave, they lay the dead by the the father, or husband, and all his grave's mouth, and then all sit neighbours wear black faces, and down, and lament, that I have seen lay on soot very thick, which I tears run down the cheeks of stout- have often seen clotted with their est captains in abundance ; and tears. This blacking and lament- after the dead is laid in the grave, ing they observe in most doleful they have then a second lamenta- manner divers weeks and months, tion." Roger Williams's Key, ch. yea a year, if the person be great xxxii.
EMPLOYMENTS OP THE MEN. 363
if the V recover, then because their sickness was charge- chap.
xxiii. able, they send corn and other gifts unto them, at a ...I~-^'
certain appointed time, whereat they feast and dance, 162 3. which they call commoco. When they bury the dead, they sow up the corpse in a mat, and so put it in the earth. If the party be a sachim, they cover him with many curious mats, and bury all his riches with him, and enclose the grave with a pale.^ If it be a child, the father will also put his own most special jewels and ornaments in the earth with it ; also will cut his hair, and disfigure himself very much, in token of sor- row. If it be the man or woman of the house, they will pull down the mats, and leave the frame standing, and bury them in or near the same,^ and either re- move their dwelling or give over house-keeping.
The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and other exercises of the bow, except at some times they take some pains in fishing. The women live a most slavish life ; they carry all their burdens,^ set and dress their corn, gather it in, seek out for much of their food, beat and make ready the corn to eat, and have all household care lying upon them.
The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all mean offices, whilst they are together, although they be strangers. Boys and girls may not wear their hair hke men and women, but are distinguished thereby.
A man is not accounted a man till he do some notable act, or show forth such courage and resolu- tion as becometh his place. The men take much tobacco ; ^ but for boys so to do, they account it odious.
All their names are significant and variable ; for
» See pages 142, 143 and 154. ^ See note * on page 305. » See pages 154 and 227. * See note ' on page 188.
364 INDIAN WOMEN.
CHAP, when thcv come to the state of men and women, they
XXlII.
aher ^ them according to their deeds or dispositions.
162 3. When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth her hair, and after weareth a covering on her head, till her hair be grown out. Their women are di- versely disposed ; some as modest, as they will scarce talk one with another in the company of men, being very chaste also ; yet other some light, lascivious and wanton. If a woman have a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there be war or opposition between that and any other people, she will run away from him to the contrary party, and there live ; where they never come unw^elcome, for where are most women, there is greatest plenty.
When a woman hath her monthly terms, she sepa- rateth herself from all other company, and liveth cer- tain days in a house alone ; after which, she washeth herself, and all that she hath touched or used, and is again received to her husband's bed or family. For adultery, the husband will beat his wife and put her away, if he please. Some common strumpets there are, as well as in other places ; but they are such as either never married, or widows, or put away for adul- tery ; for no man will keep such an one to wife.
In matters of unjust and dishonest deahng, the sa- chim examineth and punisheth the same. In case of thefts, for the first offence, he is disgracefully rebuked ; for the second, beaten by the sachim with a cudgel on the naked back ; for the third, he is beaten with many strokes, and hath his nose slit upwards, that thereby all men may both know and shun him. If any man kill another, he must likewise die for the same. The
* See note ^ on page 191.
INDIAN APPAREL. 365
sachim not only passes the sentence upon malefactors,^ chap.
but executeth the same with his own hands, if the '■
party be then present; if not, sendeth his own knife, i62 3. in case of death, in the hands of others to perform the same.^ But if the offender be to receive other punish- ment, he will not receive the same but from the sachim himself; before whom, being naked, he kneeleth, and will not offer to run away, though he beat him never so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during the time of his correction, than is his offence and punishment.
As for their apparel, they wear breeches and stock- ings in one, like some Irish," which is made of deer skins, and have shoes of the same leather. They wear also a deer's skin loose about them, like a cloak, which they will turn to the weather side. In this habit they travel ; but when they are at home, or come to their journey's end, presently they pull off their breeches, stockings and shoes, wring out the water, if they be wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe the same. Though these be off, yet have they another small garment that covereth their secrets. The men wear also, when they go abroad in cold weather, an otter or fox skin on their right arm,'^ but only their bracer on the left. Women, and all of that sex, wear strings about their legs, which the men never do.
The people are very ingenious and observative ; they
• See page 308. chiefest warriors, to fetch off a head
^ " The most usual custom by some sadden, unexpected blow
amongst them in executing pun- of a hatchet, when they have fear-
ishments, is for the sachim either ed mutiny by public execution."
to beat or whip or put to death Roger Williams's Key, ch. xxii.
with his own hand, to which the See also page 291 previous.
common sort most quietly submit ; ^ See note'' on page 187.
though sometimes the sachim sends * See page 187.
a secret executioner, one of his
366 LANGUAGE OF THE INDIANS.
CHAP keep account of time by the moon, and winters or
XXI II
IJ — '. summers ; they know divers of the stars by name ; in 16 23. particular they know the north star, and call it maske,^ which is to say, the bear ; ' also they have many names for the winds. They will guess very well at the wind and weather beforehand, by observations in the hea- vens. They report also, that some of them can cause the wind to blow in what part they list — can raise storms and tempests,- which they usually do when they intend the death or destruction of other people, that by reason of the unseasonable weather, they may take advantage of their enemies in their houses. At such times they perform their greatest exploits, and in such seasons, when they are at enmity with any, they keep more careful watch than at other times.
As for the language, it is very copious, large, and difficult. As yet we cannot attain to any great mea- sure thereof; but can understand them, and explain ourselves to their understanding, by the help of those that daily converse with us. And though there be difference in a hundred miles' distance of place, both in language and manners, yet not so much but that
' " Mask or pauJiunawaw, the water burn, the rocks move, the
Great Bear, or Charles's Wain ; trees dance, and metamorphize
which words mosk or paukunawaw himself into a flaming man. In
signifies a bear ; which is so much winter, when there are no green
the more observable, because in leaves to be got, he will burn an
most languages ihat sign or constel- old one to ashes, and putting these
lation is called the Bear." Roger into the water, produce a new green
Williams's Key, ch. xii. leaf, which you shall not only see,
^ " Their powows, by their exor- but substantially handle and carry
cisms, and necromantic charms, away ; and make a dead snake's
bring to pass strange things, if we skin a living snake, both to be seen,
may believe the Indians; who re- felt, and heard." Wood's New
port of one Passaconavvay, a great England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 12;
sagamore upon Merrimack river, Hutchinson's Mass. i. 474 ; Mor-
and the most celebrated povvow in ton's New English Canaan, book i.
the country, that he can make the ch. 9.
INDIAN MEMORIALS. 367
they very well understand each other.^ And thus chap.
XXlll
much of their lives and manners. '
Instead of records and chronicles, they take this I623. course. Where any remarkable act is done, in mem- ory of it, either in the place, or by some pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground, about a foot deep, and as much over ; which when others passing by behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, which being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men, as occasion serveth, therewith ; and lest such holes should be filled or grown up by any accident, as men pass by, they will oft renew the same ; by which means many things of great antiquity are fresh in memory. So that as a man travelleth, if he can understand his guide, his journey will be the less tedious, by reason of the many histori- cal discourses [which] will be related unto him.
' " There is a mixture of this " The Indians of the parts of
language north and south, from the New England, especially upon the
place of my abode, about 600 miles; sea-coasts, use the same sort of
yet within the 200 miles aforemen- speech and language, only with
tioned, their dialects do exceedingly some difference in the e.cpressions,
differ ; yet not so but, within that as they differ in several counties in
compass, a man may converse with England, yet so as they can well
thousands of natives all over the understand one another." Gookin,
country." Roger Williams's Key, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149. Pref.
CHAPTER XXIV.
OF THE SITUATION, CLIMATE, SOIL, AND TRODUCTIONS OF NEW ENGLAND.
CHAP. In all this, it may be said, I have neither praised nor dispraised the country; and since Hived so long there- in 23. in, my judgment thereof will give no less satisfiiction to them that know me, than the relation of our pro- ceedings. To which I answer, that as in one, so of the other, I will speak as sparingly as I can, yet will make known what I conceive thereof.
And first for that continent, on which we are, called New England, although it hath ever been conceived by the English to be a part of the main land adjoining to Virginia, yet by relation of the Indians it should ap- pear to be otherwise ; for they affirm confidently that it is an island,^ and that either the Dutch or French pass through from sea to sea between us and Virginia, and drive a great trade in the same. The name of that inlet of the sea they call Mohegon, which I take to be the same which we call Hudson's river, up which Master Hudson went many leagues, and for want of
* ' See page 256.
THE TEMPERATURE OF NEW ENGLAND. 369
means (as I hear) left it undiscovered.^ For confirm- chap. ation of this their opinion, is thus much ; though Vir- iSI' ginia be not above a hundred and fifty leagues from 16 23. us, yet they never heard of Powhatan, or knew that any Enghsh were planted in his country, save only by us and Tisquantum, who went in an English ship thither ; and therefore it is the more probable, be- cause the water is not passable for them, who are very adventurous in their boats.
Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three years' experience I can scarce distinguish New Eng- land from Old England, in respect of heat and cold, frost, snow, rain, winds, &c. Some object, because our Plantation lieth in the latitude of 42^, it must needs be much hotter. I confess I cannot give the reason of the contrary ; only experience teacheth us, that if it do exceed England, it is so little as must require better judgments to discern it. And for the winter, I rather think (if there be difference) it is both sharper and longer in New England than Old ; and yet the want of those comforts in the one, which I have enjoyed in the other, may deceive my judgment also. But in my best observation, comparing our own condition with the Relations of other parts of America, I cannot conceive of any to agree better with the constitution of the English, not being oppressed with extremity of heat, nor nipped by biting cold ; by which
* In September, 1609, Hudson land." See Robert Juet's Journal ascended the " great river of the of Hudson's third voyage, in Pur- mountains," now called by his name, chas, iii. 593, and in N. Y. Hist, in a small vessel called the Half- Coll. i. 139, 140, and 2d series, i. Moon, above the city of Hudson, 317 — 332 ; Moulton's Hist, of Nevs^ and sent up a boat beyond Albany. York, 213, 244 — 249 ; Mass. Hist. Josselyn says, that Hudson " disco- Coll. xxiii. 372 ; Belknap's Am. vered Mohegan river, in New Eng- Biog. i. 400.
47
370 INDIAN CORN.
CHAP, means, blessed be God, we enjoy our health, notwith-
XXIV. . , .
\ standing those difficulties we have underii;one, in such
162 3. a measure as would have been admired if we had lived in England with the like means. The day is two hours longer than here, when it is at the shortest, and as much shorter there, when it is at the longest.
The soil is variable, in some places mould, in some clay, others, a mixed sand, ice. The chiefest grain is the Indian mays, or Guinea wheat.^ The seed time beginneth in [the] midst of April,^ and continueth good till the midst of May. Our harvest beginneth with September. This corn incrcaseth in great measure, but is inferior in quantity to the same in A irginia ; the reason I conceive is because Virginia is far hotter than it is with us, it requiring great heat to ripen. I3ut whereas it is objected against New England, that corn will not grow there except the ground be manured with fish,^ I answer, that where men set with fish, (as with us,) it is more easy so to do than to clear ground, and set without some five or six years, and so begin anew, as in Virginia and elsewhere. Not but that in some places, where they cannot be taken with ease in such abundance, the Indians set four years together without, and have as good corn or better than we have that set with them ; though indeed I think if we had cattle to till the ground, it would be more pro- fitable and better agreeable to the soil to sow wheat, rye, barley, pease and oats, than to set mays, which our Indians call eicachim ; for we have had expe- rience that they like and thrive well ; and the other will not be procured without good labor and diligence,
See note ' on page 131. ^ See note ' on page 231.
See note * on page 230.
THE FISHERIES. 371
especially at seed-time, when it must also be watch- chap.
XXIV
ed by night, to keep the wolves from the fish, till '
it be rotten, which will be in fourteen days. Yet men 162 3. agreeing together, and taking their turns, it is not much.
Much might be spoken of the benefit that may come to such as shall here plant, by trade with the Indians for furs, if men take a right course for ob- taining the same ; for I dare presume, upon that small experience I have had, to affirm that the English, Dutch and French return yearly many thousand pounds profit by trade only from that island on which we are seated.
Tobacco may be there planted, but not with that profit as in some other places ; neither were it profita- ble there to follow it, though the increase were equal, because fish is a better and richer commodity, and more necessary, which may be and are there had in as great abundance as in any other part of the world ; witness the west-country merchants of England, which return incredible gains yearly from thence. And if they can so do, which here buy their salt at a great charge, and transport more company to make their voyage than will sail their ships, what may the plant- ers expect when once they are seated, and make the most of their salt there, and employ themselves at least eight months in fishing ; whereas the other fish but four, and have their ship lie dead in the harbour all the time, whereas such shipping as belong to planta- tions may take freight of passengers or cattle thither, and have their lading provided against they come ? 1 confess we have come so far short of the means to raise such returns, as with great difficulty we have pre-
372 THE PROFITS OF THE COLONY.
CHAP, served our lives : insomuch as when I look back upon
XXIV
..^— ^ our condition, and weak means to preserve the same, 1623. I rather admire at God's mercy and providence in our preservation, than that no greater things have been effected by us. But though our beginning have been thus raw, small and dilficult, as thou hast seen, yet the same God that hath hitherto led us through the former, I hope will raise means to accomplish the latter. Not that we altogether, or principally, propound profit to be the main end of that we have undertaken, but the glory of God, and the honor of our country, in the enlarging of his JMajcsty's dominions. Yet want- inor outward means to set things in that forward- ness we desire, and to further the latter by the former, I thought meet to ofTer both to consideration, hoping that where religion and profit jump together (which is rare) in so honorable an action, it will encourage every honest man, either in person or purse, to set forward the same, or at leastwise to commend the welfare thereof in his daily prayers to the blessing of the blessed God.
I will not again speak of the abundance of fowl, store of venison, and variety of fish, in their sea.sons, which might encourage many to go in their persons. Only I advise all such beforehand to consider, that as they hear of countries that abound with the good crea- tures of God, so means must be used for the taking of every one in his kind, and therefore not only to con- tent themselves that there is sufficient, but to foresee how they shall be able to obtain the same. Otherwise, as he that walketh London streets, though he be in the midst of plenty, yet if he want means, is not the better, but hath rather his sorrow increased by the sight of
CAUTIONS TO EMIGRANTS. 373
that he wanteth, and cannot enioy it, so also there, if chap.
XXIV
thou want art and other necessaries thereunto belong-- ^ ."
ing, thou mayest see that thou wantest and thy heart 16 23. desire th, and yet be never the better for the same. Therefore, if thou see thine own insufficiency of thy- self, then join to some others, where thou mayest in some measure enjoy the same ; otherwise, assure thy- self thou art better where thou art. Some there be that thinking altogether of their present wants they enjoy here, and not dreaming of any there, through indiscretion plunge themselves into a deeper sea of misery. As for example, it may be here, rent and firing are so chargeable, as without great difficulty a man cannot accomplish the same ; never consider- ing, that as he shall have no rent to pay, so he must build his house before he have it, and peradventure may with more ease pay for his fuel here, than cut and fetch it home, if he have not cattle to draw it there ; though there is no scarcity, but rather too great plenty.
I write not these things to dissuade any that shall seriously, upon due examination, set themselves to fur- ther the glory of God, and the honor of our country, in so worthy an enterprise, but rather to discourage such as with too great lightness undertake such cour- ses; who peradventure strain themselves and their friends for their passage thither, and are no sooner there, than seeing their foolish imagination made void, are at their wits' end, and would give ten times so much for their return, if they could procure it ; and out of such discontented passions and humors, spare not to lay that imputation upon the country, and others, which themselves deserve.
374 UNREASONABLE EXPECTATIONS.
CHAP. As, for example, I have heard some complain of '^^Z'- others for their large reports of New England, and yet 162 3. because they must drink water and want many deli- cates they here enjoyed, could presently return with their mouths full of clamors. And can any be so sim- ple as to conceive that the fountains should stream forth wine or beer, or the woods and rivers be like butchers' shops, or fishmongers' stalls, where they might have things taken to their hands ? If thou canst not live without such things, and hast no means to procure the one, and wilt not take pains for the other, nor hast ability to employ others for thee, rest where thou art ; for as a proud heart, a dainty tooth, a beg- gar's purse, and an idle hand, be here intolerable, so that person that hath these qualities there, is much more abominable. If therefore God hath given thee a heart to undertake such courses, upon such grounds as bear thee out in all difficulties, viz. his glory as a prin- cipal, and all other outward good things but as acces- saries, which peradventure thou shalt enjoy, and it may be not, then thou wilt with true comfort and thankfulness receive the least of his mercies ; whereas on the contrary, men deprive themselves of much happiness, being senseless of greater blessings, and through prejudice smother up the love and bounty of God ; whose name be ever glorified in us, and by us, now and evermore. Amen.
A POSTSCRIPT.
If any man desire a more ample relation of the state of this country, before such time as this present Rela- tion taketh place, I refer them to the two former printed books ; the one published by the President and Council for New England, and the other gath- ered by the inhabitants of this present Plantation at Plymouth in New England : both which books are to be sold by John Bellamy, at his shop at the Three Golden Lions in Cornhill, near the Royal Exchange.^
^ The former of the works here is included in the present volume, referred to is reprinted in the Mass. pp. 109 — 250. See note ' on page Hist. Coll. xix. 1—25; the latter 115.
WINSLOW'S BRIEF NARRATION.
48
" HvpocRisiE Unmasked : By a true Relation of the Proceedings of the Governour and Company of the Massachusets against Samuel Gorton, (and his Accomplices,) a notorious disturher of the Peace and (jiiict of the severall Governments wherein he lived : With the grounds and reasons thereof, examined and allowed by their Generall Court holden at Boston in New Eng- land, in November last, 1646.
Together with a particular Answer to the manifold slanders, and abominable falsehoods which are contained in a Book written by the said Gorton, and entituled Sim2)licitics Drfcnrc against SiiHii-hradcd Policy, &lc. Discovering to the view of all whose eyes are open, his manifold Blasphemies ; as also the dangerous agreement which he and his Accomplices made with ambitious and treacherous Indians, who at tlie same time were deeply engaged in a desperate Conspiracy to cut off all the rest of the English in the other Plantations.
Whereunto is added a Briefe Narration {occasioned by certain aspersions) of the true grounds or cause of the first Planting of New England ; the Precedent of their Churches in the way and worship of God ; their Communion with the Reformed Churches ; and their practise towards those that dissent from them in matters of Religion and Church Government. By Edward Winslow. Psalm cxx. 3, 4. ' What shall be given unto thee, or what shall be done unto thee, thou false tongue ? Sharp arrows of the mighty, with coals of juniper.' Published by Authority.
LoxDON. Printed by Rich. Cotes for John Bellamy, at the Three Golden Lions in Cornhill, neare the Royall Exchange. 1646." sm. 4to, pp. 103.
CHAPTER XXV.
OF THE TRUE GROUNDS OR CAUSE OF THE FIRST PLANTING OF NEW ENGLAND.
And now that I have finished what I conceive chap.
XXV.
necessary concerning Mr. Gorton's scandalous and .^. — '. slanderous books,^ let me briefly answer some objec- tions that I often meet withal against the country of New England.
The first that I meet with is concerning the rise and foundation of our New England Plantations ; it being alleged (though upon a great mistake by a late writer) ^
' Winslow was sent to England in 1646 as the agent of Massachu- setts, to defend that colony against the complaints of Gorton ; and for that purpose published the work, the title of which is given on the last page, and of which this Brief Narration constituted an Appendix. No copy of it is known to exist in this country, although it was in the possession both of Morton and Prince ; and I have endeavoured in vain to procure it from England. The portion of the volume which I print was copied for me from one in the British Museum. It is very desirable that the whole book should be reprinted here, as Gor- ton's work, to which it is an an-
swer, has been recently embodied in the Collections of the R. I. His- torical Society, and the merits of the case cannot be well understood without reading both sides. Full information about Gorton will be found in Savage's Winthrop, ii. 57, 295 — 299 ; Hutchinson "s Mass. i. 117—124, 549; Morton's Me- morial, pp. 202 — 206 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xvii. 48 — 51 ; Callender's Historical Discourse, in R. I. Hist. Coll. iv. 89— 92, and ii. 9 — 20.
* This was Robert Baylie, minis- ter at Glasgow, who in 1645 pub- lished " A Dissuasive from the Er- rors of the Time, wherein the tenets of the principal sects, especially of the Independents, are examined."
380 THE PILGRIMS AT LEYDEN.
CHAP, that division or disafrrccment in the churcli of Lcyden
XXV. .
.--..^ was the occasion, nay cause, of the first plantation in New England ; for, saith the author, or to this effect, when they could no longer agree together, the one part went to New England, and began the Plantation at Plymouth, which he makes the mother, as it were, of the rest of the churches ; as if the foundation of our New England plantations had been laid upon division or separation, than which nothing is more untrue.' For I persuade myself, never people upon earth lived more lovingly together and parted more sweetly than we, the church at Lcyden, did ; not rashly, in a di.stracted humor, but upon joint and serious deliberation, often seeking the mind of God by fasting and prayer ; whose gracious presence we not only found with us, but his blessing upon us, from that time to this in.stant, to the indignation of our adversaries, the admiration of stran- gers, and the exceeding consolation of ourselves, to see such effects of our prayers and tears before our pil-
In this work, paofe 54, he speaks of or twelve years' residence in Hol- '* a small company at Leyden, un- land, they had contention among der Master Robinson's ministry, themselves, and divided, and be- which, partly by divisions among came two congregations." This is themselves, was well near brought a misstatement ; they had no con- to nought." John Cotton of Boston, tentinn among themselves. Gover- who in 1648 wrote his work enti- nor Bradford says in his Dialogue, tied " The Way of Congregational " They lived together in love and Churches cleared from the historical peace all their days, without any aspersions of Mr. Robert Baylie," considerable differences, or any dis- says, p. 14, "The church at Leyden tnrbance that grew thereby, but was in peace, and free from any di- such as was easily healed in love ; vision, when they took up thoughts and so they continued until WMth of transporting themselves into mutual consent they removed into America wuth common consent. New England." They left Am- Themselves do declare it, that the sterdam for Leyden, as appears proposition of removal was set on from page 34, in order to avoid foot and prosecuted by the elders being drawn into the controversy upon just and weighty grounds." that was then springing up between ' Hutchinson, too, in his Hist, of Smith's company and Johnson's Mass. ii. 451, says, " During eleven church.
THEIR REASONS FOR EMIGRATING. 381
2rimao;e here be ended. And therefore briefly take chap.
XXV.
notice of the true cause of it. '^
'Tis true that that poor persecuted flock of Christ, by the malice and power of the late hierarchy, were driven to Leyden in Holland, there to bear witness in their practice to the kingly office of Christ Jesus in his church; and there lived together ten years under 16O8. the United States, with much peace and liberty. But leso. our reverend pastor, Mr. John Robinson, of late mem- ory, and our grave elder, Mr. William Brewster, (now at rest with the Lord,) considering, amongst many other inconveniences, how hard the country was where we lived, how many spent their estate in it and were forced to return for England, how grievous to live from under the protection of the State of England, how hke we were to lose our language and our name of English, how little good we did or were like to do to the Dutch in reforming the sabbath,' how unable there to give such education to our children as we our- selves had received, &c., they, I say, out of their Christian care of the flock of Christ committed to them, conceived, if God would be pleased to discover 1617. some place unto us, (though in America,) and give us so much favor with the King and State of England as to have their protection there, where we might enjoy the hke liberty, and where, the Lord favoring our en- deavours by his blessing, we might exemplarily show our tender countrymen by our example, no less bur- dened than ourselves, where they might live and com- fortably subsist, and enjoy the like liberties with us, being freed from antichristian bondage, keep their
' See note ' on page 47.
382 THEIR APPLICATION TO KING JAMES.
CHAP, names and nation, and not only be a means to enlarge
XXV
..^-.-^ the dominions of our State, but the Church of Christ 16 17. also, if the Lord have a people amongst the natives whither he should bring us, &c. — hereby, in their great wisdoms, they thought we might more glorify God, do more good to our country, better provide for our posterity, and live to be more refreshed by our labors, than ever we could do in Holland, where we were.^
Now these their private thoughts, upon mature de- liberation, they imparted to the brethren of the congre- gation, which after much private discussion came to public agitation, till at the length the Lord was solemnly sought in the congregation by fasting and prayer to direct us ; who moving our hearts more and 16 18. more to the work, we sent some of good abilities over into England to see what favor or acceptance such a thins^ mio-ht find with the Kinij. These also found God going along with them, and got Sir Edwin Sands, a religious gentleman then living, to stir in it, who procured Sir Robert Naunton,then principal Secretary of State to King James, of famous memory, to move his Majesty by a private motion to give way to such a people (who could not so comfortably live under the government of another State) to enjoy their liberty of conscience under his gracious protection in America, where they would endeavour the advancement of his Majesty's dominions and the enlargement of the Gospel by all due means. This his Majesty said was a good and honest motion, and asking what profits might arise
' Compare this with Bradford's ses of their removal, in Chapter statement of the reasons and cau- IV. pp. 44 — 48.
THEY CONCLUDE TO PART THE CHURCH. 383
in the part we intended, (for our eye was upon the chap.
most northern parts of Virginia,)^ 'twas answered, \
Fishing. To which he rephed with his ordinary is is. asseveration, " So God have my soul, 'tis an honest trade ; t' was the Apostles' own calling," &c. But afterwards he told Sir Robert Naunton (who took all occasions to further it) that we should confer with the bishops of Canterbury and London,- &c. Whereupon we were advised to persist upon his first approbation, and not to entangle ourselves with them ; which caused our agents to repair to the Virginia Company, 1 6 1 9.
Feb.
who in their court ^ demanded our ends of going ; which being related, they said the thing was of God, and granted a large patent, and one of them lent us £300 gratis for three years, which was repaid.
Our aoents returnino^, we further sought the Lord i62o. by a public and solemn Fast, for his gracious guidance. And hereupon we came to this resolution, that it was best for one part of the church to go at first, and the other to stay, viz. the youngest and strongest part to go. Secondly, they that went should freely oflfer themselves. Thirdly, if the major part went, the pastor to go with them ; if not, the elder only. Fourthly, if the Lord should frown upon our proceed- ings, then those that went to return, and the brethren that remained still there, to assist and be helpful to them ; but if God should be pleased to favor them that went, then they also should endeavour to help over such as were poor and ancient and willing to come.
' See note ^ on page 54. note * on paD;e 56, and Fuller's Ch.
^ Abbot was at this time arch- Hist. iii. 293, and Wood's Athen.
bishop of Canterbury, and John Oxon. ii. 294, (ed. Bliss.)
King was bishop of London. See * See note ^ on page 67.
384 THE EMBARKATION AT DELFT-HAVEN.
CHAP. These things being agreed, the major part stayed, .^~^~i^ and the pastor with them, for the present ; but all i6 20. intended (except a very few, who had rather we would have stayed) to follow after. The minor part, with Mr. Brewster, their elder, resolved to enter upon this great work, (but take notice the diflerence of number was not great.) And when the ship was ready to carry us away, the brethren that stayed having again solemn- ly sought the Lord with us and for us, and we further engaging ourselves mutually as before, they, I say, that stayed at Leyden feasted us that were to go, at our pastor's house, being large ; where we refreshed ourselves, after tears, with singing of psalms, making joyful melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, there being many of our congregation very expert in music ; and indeed it was the sweetest melody that July ever mine ears heard. After this they accompanied ^^* us to Delph's Haven, where we were to embark, and there feasted us again ; and after prayer performed by our pastor, where a flood of tears was poured out, they accompanied us to the ship, but were not able to speak one to another for the abundance of sorrow to part. But we only going aboard, (the ship lying to the quay and ready to set sail, the wind being fair,) we gave them a volley of small shot and three pieces of ordnance, and so lifting up our hands to each other, and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God, July we departed, and found his presence with us in the ■ midst of our manifold straits he carried us through. And if any doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I hear, at Delph's Haven preserve the memory of it to this day, and will inform them.
Nov.
9. But falling in with Cape Cod, which is in New
THE SETTLEMENT AT PLYMOUTH. 385
England, and standing to the southward for the place chap.
. XXV
we intended/ we met with many dangers, and the ^ — i mariners put back into the harbour of the Cape, which 1620. was the 11th of Nov^ember, 1620 ; where considering 11. winter was come, the seas dangerous, the season cold, the winds high, and being well furnished for a planta- tion, we entered upon discovery and settled at Ply- mouth ; where God being pleased to preserve and enable us, we that went were at a thousand pounds charge in sending for our brethren that were behind, and in providing there for them till they could reap a crop of their own labors.
And so, good reader, I have given thee a true and faithful account, though very brief, of our proceedings, wherein thou seest how a late writer,^ and those that informed him, have wronged our enterprise. And truly what I have written is far short of what it was, omitting for brevity sake many circumstances ; as the large offers the Dutch offered to us, either to have removed into Zealand and there lived with them, or, if we would go on such adventures, to go under them to Hudson's river, (where they have since a great planta- tion, &c.) and how they would freely have transported us, and furnished every family with cattle, &c.^ Also the English merchants that joined with us in this expedition, whom we since bought out ; "^ which is fitter for a history than an answer to such an objection, and I trust will be accomplished in good time. By all which the reader may see there was no breach between us that went and the brethren that stayed, but such love as indeed is seldom found on earth.
^ See note * on page 102. ^ See page 42,
* Baylie. See note ^ on page 379. •♦ See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 47.
49
386 SUCCEEDING COLONIES CONSULT PLYMOUTH.
CHAP. And for the many plantations that came over to us
XXV. ■
^-~ — upon notice of God's blessing upon us, whereas 't is falsely said they took Plymouth for their precedent, as fast as they came ; ^ 't is true, I confess, that some of
1629. the chief of them advised with us, (coming over to be freed from the burthensome ceremonies then imposed in England,) how they should do to fall upon a right platform of worship, and desired to that end, since God had honored us to lay the foundation of a Com- monwealth, and to settle a Church in it, to show them whereupon our practice was grounded ; and if they found, upon due search, it was built upon the Word, they should be willing to take up what was of God. We accordingly showed them the primitive practice for our warrant, taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, and the Epistles written to the several churches by the said Apostles, together with the commandments of Christ the Lord in the Gospel, and other our warrants
' " The Dissiiader," says Cotton, love and care in sending- Mr. Fuller
" is much mistaken when he saith, (the i)hysician) amongst us, and
' The congregation of Plymouth did rejoice much that I am by him
incontinently leaven all the vicin- satisfied touching your judgment of
ity ; ' seeing for many years there the outward form of God's wor-
was no vicinity to be leavened. And ship. It is, as far as I can yet
Salem itself, that was gathered gather, no other than is warranted
into church order seven or eight by the evidence of truth, and the
years after them, was above forty same which I have professed and
miles distant from them. And maintained ever since the Lord in
though it be very likely that some mercy revealed himself unto me,
of the first comers might help their being far differing from the com-
theory by hearing and discerning mon report that hath been spread
their practice at Plymouth, yet of you touching that particular."
therein the Scripture is fulfilled. Fuller himself, in a letter dated
The kingdom of heaven is like Massachusetts, June 28, 1630,
unto leaven, which a woman took writes, "Here is a gentleman, one
and hid in three measures of meal, Mr. Coddington, a Boston man,
till all was leavened." Way, &c. who told me that Mr. Cotton's
p. 16. charge to them at Hampton was,
Endicott, writing to Governor that they should take advice of
Bradford from Salem, May 11, them at Plymouth, and should do
1629, says, " I acknowledge myself nothing to offend them." Mass.
much bound to you for your kind Hist. Coll. iii. 66, 75.
THE PRIMITIVE CHURCHES THE ONLY PATTERN. 387
for every particular we did from the book of God. chap.
xxv Which being by them well weighed and considered, L
they also entered into covenant with God and one 16 29.
another to walk in all his ways, revealed or as they
should be made known unto them, and to worship him
according to his will revealed in his written word only,
&c. So that here also thou mayest see they set not
the church at Plymouth before them for example, but
the primitive churches were and are their and our
mutual patterns and examples, which are only worthy
to be followed, having the blessed Apostles amongst
them, who were sent immediately by Christ himself,
and enabled and guided by the unerring spirit of God.
And truly this is a pattern fit to be followed of all that
fear God, and no man or men to be followed further
than they follow Christ and them.
Having thus briefly showed that the foundation of our New England plantations was not laid upon schism, division or separation, but upon love, peace and holi- ness ; yea, such love and mutual care of the church of Leyden for the spreading of the Gospel, the wel- fare of each other and their posterities to succeeding generations, as is seldom found on earth ; and having showed also that the primitive churches are the only pattern which the churches of Christ in New England have in their eye, not following Luther, Calvin, Knox, Ainsworth, Robinson, Ames, or any other, further than they follow Christ and his Apostles, I am earnestly requested to clear up another gross mistake which caused many, and still doth, to judge the harder of New England and the churches there, " because (say they) the Church of Plymouth, which went first from
388 ROBINSON'S DOCTRINE OF COMMUNION.
CHAP. Levden, were schismatics, Brownists, rimd Separa-
XXV
'. tists, Lc, having Mr. Robinson for their pastor, wlio
made and to the last professed separation from other the churches of Christ, &c. And the rest of the churches in New England, holding communion with that church, are to be reputed such as they are."
For answer to tiiis aspersion, first, he that knew Mr. Robinson either by his doctrine daily taught, or hath read his Apology, published not long before his death,' or knew the practice of that church of Christ under his government, or was acquainted with the wholesome counsel he gave that part of the church which went for New England at their departure and afterward, might easily resolve the doubt and take off the aspersion. 1617. For his doctrine, I living three years- under his min- 162 0 i^^O^ before we began the work of plantation in New England, it was always against separation from any the churches of Christ ; professing and holding com- munion both with the French and Dutch churches,^ yea, tendering it to the Scotch also, as I shall make appear more particularly anon ; ever holding forth how wary persons ought to be in separating from a Church,
' In 1G19. Robinson died in Again, on page 8, he says, "Touch-
1625. ing the Reformed Churches, what
* From 1617 to 1620. Winslow more shall I say? We account
was 22 years old when he united them the true churches of Jesus
himself to Robinson's church at Christ, and both profess and prac-
Leyden. See note on page 274. tisc communion with them in the
^ Robinson says in his Apology, holy things of God, what in us lieth. page 6, " We do profess before God Their sermons such of ours fre- and men, that such is our accord, quent, as understand the Dutch in the case of religion, with the tongue; the sacraments we do ad- Dutch Reformed Churches, as that minister to their known members, we are ready to subscribe to all and if by occasion any of them be pre- every article of failh in the same sent with us ; their distractions Church, as they are laid down in and other evils we do seriously be- the Harmony of Confessions of wail ; and do desire from the Lord Faith, published in tlieir name." their holy and firm peace."'
HIS REGARD FOR THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 389
and that till Christ the Lord departed wholly from it, chap.
man ought not to leave it, only to bear witness against
the corruption that was in it.
But if any object, he separated from the Church of England and wrote largely against it, but yet let me tell you he allowed hearing the godly ministers preach and pray ^ in the public assemblies ; yea, he allowed private communion ^ not only with them, but all that were faithful in Christ Jesus in the kingdom and else- where upon all occasions ; yea, honored them for the power of godliness, above all other the professors of religion in the world. Nay, I may truly say, his spirit cleaved unto them, being so well acquainted with the integrity of their hearts and care to walk blameless in their lives ; which was no small motive to him to per- suade us to remove from Holland,^ where we might probably not only continue English, but have and maintain such sweet communion with the godly of that nation as through God's great mercy we enjoy this day.
'T is true, I confess, he was more rigid in his course and way at first than towards his latter end ; '' for his study was peace and union, so far as might agree with faith and a good conscience ; and for schism and divi-
> Cotton says, " This must not any church, but from the world.' "
be understood of the Common Prince, Annals, p. 174.
Prayer Book, but of the prayers ^ The words " to some other
conceived by the preacher before place," seem to be here accidentally
and after sermon." Way, p. 8. omitted.
* " By private communion I sup- * Baylie himself acknowledges pose he means in opposition to the that " Master Robinson was the mixed communion in the public most learned, polished, and modest churches ; that is, he allowed all of spirit that ever that sect enjoyed ; " the Church of England who were and adds, " it had been truly a mar- known to be pious to have commu- vel if such a man had gone on to nion in his private church. For as the end a rigid Separatist." Dis- Mr. Cotton, writing of Mr. Robin- suasive, p. 17. son, saj^s, 'lie separated not from
390 HIS DISLIKE OF EPISCOPACY AND THE LITURGY.
CHAP, sion, there was nothinfr in the world more hateful to
XXV
L him. But for the government of the Church of Eng- land, as it was in the Episcopal way, the Liturgy, and stinted prayers of the Church then, yea, the constitu- tion of it as National, and so consequently the corrupt communion of the unworthy with the worthy receivers of the Lord's Supper, these things were never approved of him, but witnessed against to his death, and are by the church over which he was, to this day.' And if the Lord would be pleased to stir up the hearts of those in whom (under him) the power of reformation lies to reform that abuse, that a distinction might once be put between the precious and the vile, particular churches might be gathered by the powerful preaching of the Word, those only admitted into communion whose hearts the Lord persuades to submit unto the iron rod of the Gospel, O how sweet then would the communion of the churches be ! How thorough the reformation ! How easy would the differences be re- conciled between the Presbyterian and Independent way ! How would the God of peace, who command-
' "Our faith is not negative, strangers from all show of true piety nor consists in the condemning of and goodness, and franght never so others, and wiping their names out full with many most heinous inipie- of the bead-roll of churches, but in ties and vices, are without difTcrence the edifying of ourselves ; neither compelled and enforced by most se- require we of any of ours, in the vere laws, civil and ecclesiastical, confession of their faith, that they into the body of that church. And either renounce or in one word of this confused heap (a few, corn- contest with the Church of Eng- pared with the rest, godly persons land — whatsoever the world cla- mingled among,) is that national mors of us in this way. Our faith church, commonly called the Church is founded upon the writings of the of England, collected and framed. Prophets and Apostles, in which no Every subject of the kingdom, mention of the Church of England dwelling in this or that parish, is is made." bound, will he, nill he, fit or unfit,
" No man to whom England is as with iron bonds, to participate
known can be ignorant that all in all holy things, and some unholy
the natives there, and subjects of also, in that same parish church."
the kingdom, although never such Robinson's Apology, pp. 52, .'3G.
THE PILGRIMS NOT SCHISMATICS. 391
eth love and good agreement, smile upon this nation ! chap.
How would the subtle underminers of it be disap- 1
pointed, and the faithful provoked to sing songs of praise and thanksgiving ! Nay, how would the God of order be glorified in such orderly walking of the saints ! And as they have fought together for the liberties of the kingdom, ecclesiastical and civiV so may they join together in the preservation of them (which otherwise, 't is to be feared, v/ill not long continue) and in the praises of our God, who hath been so good to his poor distressed ones, whom he hath delivered and whom he will deliver out of all their troubles. But I have made too great a digression, and must return.
In the next place I should speak of Mr. Robinson's Apology, wherein he maketh a brief defence against many adversaries, &c. But because it is both in Latin and English,^ of small price, and easy to be had, I shall forbear to write of it, and only refer the reader to it for the difference between his congrega- tion and other the Reformed Churches.
The next thing I would have the reader take notice of is, that however the church of Leyden differed in some particulars, yet made no schism or separation from the Reformed Churches, but held communion with them occasionally. For we ever placed a large difference between those that grounded their practice upon the word of God, (though differing from us in the exposition or understanding of it) and those that hated such Reformers and Reformation, and went on in anti- christian opposition to it and persecution of it, as the
' This was written and published * See the title of this work, note in England in the time of the civil on page 40. wars in the reign of Charles I.
392 COMMUNION WITH THE DUTCH CHURCHES.
CHAP, late Lord Bishops did, who would not in deed and truth
XXV
L (whatever their pretences were) that Christ should
rule over them. But as they often stretclied out their hands against the saints, so God hath withered the arm of their power, thrown them down from their high and lofty seats, and slain the chief of their persons, as well as the hierarchy, that he might become an exam- ple to all those that rise against God in his sabbath, in the preaching of his word, in his saints, in the purity of his ordinances. And I heartily desire that others may hear and fear withal.
As for the Dutch, it was usual for our members that understood the language and lived in or occasionally came over to Leyden, to communicate with them, as one John Jenny,^ a brewer, long did, his wife and family, &;c. and without any oftence to the church. So also for any that had occasion to travel into any other part of the Netherlands, they daily did the like. And our pastor, Mr. Robinson, in the time when Ar- minianism prevailed so much, at the request of the most orthodox divines, as Polyander, Festus Hommius,
16 13. &c. disputed daily against Episcopius (in the Academy at Leyden) and others, the grand champions of that error, and had as good respect amongst them as any of their own divines.^ Insomuch as when God took him away from them and us by death, the University and ministers of the city accompanied him to his grave with all their accustomed solemnities, bewailing the great loss that not only that particular church had, whereof he was pastor, but some of the chief of them
* He was one of the passengers ' See pages 40 — 42. in the Anne. See note on page 352.
COMMUNION WITH THE FRENCH CHURCHES.
393
sadly affirmed that all the churches of Christ sustained chap.
XXV.
a loss by the death of that worthy instrument of the — -^ Gospel.^ I could instance also divers of their mem- bers that understood the English tongue, and betook themselves to the communion of our church, went with us to New England, as Godbert Godbertson,^ &c. Yea, at this very instant, another, called Moses Symonson,^ because a child of one that was in com- munion with the Dutch church at Leyden, is admitted into church fellowship at Plymouth in New England, and his children also to baptism, as well as our own, and other Dutch also in communion at Salem, &c.
And for the French churches, that we held and do hold communion with them, take note of our practice at Leyden, viz. that one Samuel Terry was received
* " Contrary to Mr. Baylie's sug- gestion, Gov. Bradford and Gov. Winslow tell us that Mr. Robin- son and his people always lived in great love and harmony among themselves, as also with the Dutch, with whom they sojourned. And when I was at Leyden in 1714, the most ancient people from their pa- rents told me, that the city had such a value for them, as to let them have one of their churches, in the chancel whereof he lies bu- ried, which the English still enjoy ; and that as he was had in high es- teem both by the city and univer- sity, for his learning, piety, mode- ration, and excellent accomplish- ments, the magistrates, ministers, scholars, and most of the gentry mourned his death as a public loss, and followed him to the grave." Prince, p. 238.
Mrs. Adams, the wife of Presi- dent John Adams, in a letter writ- ten Sept. 12, 17S6, says. " I would not omit to mention that I visited the church at Leyden, in which our forefathers worshipped, when they
50
fled from hierarchical tyranny and persecution. I felt a respect and veneration upon entering the doors, like what the ancients paid to their Druids."
Robinson was admitted to the privileges of the University of Ley- den, Sept. 5, 1615, at the age of 39. The house in which he dwelt was near the Belfry, (" by let Klock- huys, ") and he was buried March 4, 1625, three days after his death, under the pavement in the aisle of St. Peter's, the oldest church in the city ; but no stone marks the spot. These facts were ascertained by Mr. George Sumner, of Boston, who visited Leyden in 184 1 , and searched the records of the church, the city, and the university.
^ This name is also spelt Cudbart Cudbartson and Cuihbert Cuthbert- son. He came in the Anne, and married Sarah, a sister of Isaac Allerton. See note on page 352.
^ Symonson came in the Fortune. The 'name has become changed into Simmons. See note ^ on page 235, and Thacher's Plymouth, p. 72.
394
THE FRENCH AND DUTCH CHURCHES.
CHAP, from the French church there into communion with us.
XXV
. L Also the wife of Francis Cooke,' being a Walloon, holds
communion with the church at Plymouth, as she came from the French, to this clay, by virtue of communion of churches. There is also one Philip Delanoy,- born of French parents, came to us from Leyden to New Plymouth, who coming to age of discerning, demanded also communion w ith us ; and proving himself to be come of such parents as were in full communion with the French churches, was hereupon admitted by the church of Plymouth ; and after, upon his removal of habitation to Duxburrow,^ where Mr. Ralph Partridge "* is pastor of the church, and upon letters of recommen-
' Francis Cooke came in the Mayflower, and his wife Hester and children in the Anne. See note ^ on page 39.
^ De la Noye came in the For- tune. This name has become cor- rupted into Delano.
^ The church in Duxbury was formed in 1632. " Those that lived on their lots on the other side of the bay, (called Duxburrow,) could no longer bring their wives and child- ren to the public worship and church meetings here (at Ply- mouth,) but with such burthen, as growing to some competent num- ber, they sued to be dismissed and become a body of themselves ; and so they were dismissed about this time, (though very unwillingly,) and some time after being united into one entire body, they procured Reverend Mr. Ralph Partrich to be their pastor." MS. Records Plym. Ch. p. 36. " So that Duxbury seems to be the second town and church in Plymouth Colony, and the next town settled after New- ton, that is, Cambridge, in New England." Prince, p. 411. Sec note on page 126.
* Ralph Partridge, " a gracious
man of great abilities," arrived at Boston in 1G36. He had been a clergyman of the church of Eng- land, but " being hunted, by the ecclesiastical setters, like a par- tridge on the mountains, he had no defence, neither of beak nor claw, but a flight over the ocean." He was a member of the Cambridge Synod, in 1647, and was associated with John Cotton and Increase Mather, in drawing up the Plat- form of church government and discipline. He continued in the ministry at Duxbury till his death in 1658. Cotton Mather, after jjlaying upon his name through a whole page, concludes his Life of him thus; "Mr. Partridge was, notwithstanding the paucity and poverty of his congregation, so afraid of being any thing thnt look- ed like a bird wandering from his nest, that he remained with his poor people, till he took wing lo become a bird of paradise, along with the winged seraphim of hea- ven. Ejntaphhim — Avolavit ! " See Morton's Memorial, p. 276 ; Mallier"s Mngnalia, i. 365; Mil- chell's Bridgewater, p. 3S3.
COMMUNION WITH THE SCOTCH. 395
dation from the church at Plymouth, he was also ad- chap.
mitted into fellowship with the church at Duxburrow, ^
being six miles distant from Plymouth ; and so, 1 dare say, if his occasions lead him, may from church to church throughout New England. For the truth is, the Dutch and French churches, either of them being a people distinct from the world, and gathered into a holy communion, and not national churches, — nay so far from it as I verily believe the sixth person is not of the church, — the difference is so small (if moderately pondered between them and us) as we dare not for the world deny communion with them.
And for the Church of Scotland, however we have had least occasion offered to hold communion with them, yet thus much I can and do affirm, that a godly divine coming over to Leyden in Holland, where a book was printed anno 1619, as I take it, showing the nullity of Perth Assembly,^ whom we judged to be the author of it, and hidden in Holland for a season to avoid the rage of those evil times, (whose name I have forgotten,) this man being very conversant with our pastor, Mr. Robinson, and using to come to hear him on the sabbath, after sermon ended, the church being I619, to partake in the Lord's Supper, this minister stood up and desired he might, without offence, stay and see the manner of his administration and our participation in that ordinance. To whom our pastor answered in these very words, or to this effect, " Reverend Sir, you
^ Sir Dudley Carleton, in a letter of the church. It is without name
to Secretary Naunton, dated at the either of author or printer ; but I
Hague, July 17, 1619, writes,"! am informed it is printed by a cer-
have seen, within these two days, tain English Brownist of Leyden,
a certain Scottish book, called Perth as are most of the Puritan books
Assembly, written with much scorn sent over of late days into Eng-
and reproach of the proceeding in land." Letters, p. 379. See note *
that kingdom concerning the affairs on page 42,
396 ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICE.
CHAP, may not only stay to behold us, but partake with us, if
you please ; for we acknowledge the churches of Scot-
16 19. land to be the churches of Christ," ike. The minister also replied to this purpose, if not also in the same words, " that for his part he could comfortably partake with the church, and willinirly would, but that it is possible some of his brethren of Scotland might take oflence at his act ; which he desired to avoid in re- gard of the opinion the English churches, which they held communion withal, had of us." However, he rendered thanks to Mr. Robinson, and desired in that respect to be only a spectator of us.^ These things I was earnestly requested to publish to the world by some of the godly Presbyterian party, who apprehend the world to be ignorant of our proceedings, conceiv- ing in charity that if they had been known, some late writers and preachers would never have written and spoke of us as they did, and still do as they have occa- sion. But what they ignorantly judge, write, or speak of us, I trust the Lord in mercy w ill pass by.
In the next place, for the wholesome counsel Mr. Robinson gave that part of the church whereof he was 162 0. pastor at their departure from him to begin the great work of plantation in New England, — amongst other wholesome instructions and exhortations he used these expressions, or to the same purpose :
" We are now ere long to part asunder, and the Lord knoweth whether ever he should live to see our faces again. But whether the Lord had appointed it
' Cotton, in his Way of Congre- John Tarbes,) he offered him com-
gational Churches Cleared, page 8, munion at the Lord's table ; though
says, " 1 have been given to under- the other, for fear of offence to the
stand, that when a reverend and Scottish churches at home, excused
godly Scottish minister came that himself." way, (it seemeth to have been Mr.
ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICE. 397
or not, he charged us before God and his blessed an- chap.
^ . XXV.
gels, to follow him no further than he followed Christ ;
and if God should reveal any thing to us by any other 1 6 2 o. instrument of his, to be as ready to receive it as ever we were to receive any truth by his ministry ; for he was very confident the Lord had more truth and light yet to break forth out of his holy word. He took oc- casion also miserably to bewail the state and condition of the Reformed Churches, who were come to a period in religion, and would go no further than the instru- ments of their Reformation. As, for example, the Lutherans, they could not be drawn to go beyond what Luther saw ; for whatever part of God's will he had further imparted and revealed to Calvin, they will rather die than embrace it. And so also, saith he, you see the Calvinists, they stick where he left them ; a misery much to be lamented ; for though they were precious shining lights in their times, yet God had not revealed his whole will to them ; and were they now living, saith he, they would be as ready and willing to embrace further light, as that they had received. Here also he put us in mind of our church covenant,^ at least that part of it whereby we promise and cove- nant with God and one with another, to receive what- soever light or truth shall be made known to us from his written word ; but withal exhorted us to take heed what we received for truth, and well to examine and compare it and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth before we received it. For, saith he, it is not possible the Christian world should come so lately out of such
' See on page 21, the terms of the of the Lord, made known or to be covenant here alluded to, by which made known unto them." they agree "to walk in all the ways
398
ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICE.
CHAP, thick antichrist! an darkness, and that full perfection of
XXV.
L knowledge should break forth at once.
1620. " Another thing he commended to us, was that we should use all means to avoid and shake off the name of Brownist,^ being a mere nickname and brand to make religion odious and the professors of it to the Christian world. And to that end, said he, I should be glad if some godly minister would go over with you before my coming ; - for, said he, there will be no dif- ference between the unconformable ^ ministers and you, when they come to the practice of the ordinances out of the kingdom/ And so advised us by all means
' In his book on Religious Com- munion, printed in IGII, Robinson says, p. 45, "He miscalls usBrown- isis ; '' and on the lille page of his Apology he speaks of " certain Chrislians, contumeliously called Brownisis " See this matter set right by Dr. Holmes, in his Annals, i. 312. Some account of Brown will be given hereafter.
* They had engaged a minister to go with them. See page 85.
^ That is, the nonconforming clergy, who had not separated from the church.
* This prediction was remarka- bly fulfilled in the case of the Mas- sachusetts colonists. Higginson, in 1629, in taking his last look of his native land from the stern of his ship, exclaimed, " We will not say as the Separatists were wont to say at their leaving of Eng- land, Farewell, Babylon ! Farewell, Rome ! But we will say. Fare- well, dear England! Farewell, the Church of God in England, and all the Christian friends there ! We do not go to New England as sep- aratists from the Church of Eng- land." Gov. Winthrop, too, and his company, on their departure in 1630, in their address " to the rest of their brethren in and of the Church
of England," say, " We desire you would be pleased to take notice of the principals and body of our com- pany, as those who esteem it our honor to call the Church of Eng- land, from whence we rise, our dear mother, and cannot part from our native country, where she specially resideth, without much sadness of heart, and many tears in our eyes, ever acknowledging that such hope and part as we have obtained in the common salvation, we have received in her bosom and sucked it from her breasts. We leave it not therefore as loathing that milk, wherewith we were nou- rished there, but blessing God for the parentage and education, as members of the same body, shall always rejoice in her good, and unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow that shall ever betide her, and while we have breath, sincerely desire and endeavour the continuance and abundance of her welfare, with the enlarjement of her bounds in the kingdom of Christ Jesus ; wishing our heads and hearts were fountains of tears for your everlasting wel- fare, when we shall be in our poor cottages in the wilderness, over- shadowed with the spirit of suppli- cation."
ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICE.
399
162 0.
to endeavour to close with the godly party of the chap.
kingdom of England, and rather to study union than ^^
division, viz. how near we might possibly without sin close with them, than in the least measure to affect division or separation from them. And be not loath to take another pastor or teacher, saith he ; for that flock that hath two shepherds is not endangered but secured by it." ^
Many other things there were of great and weighty consequence which he commended to us. But these things I thought good to relate, at the request of some well-willers to the peace and good agreement of the godly, (so distracted at present about the settling of church government in the kingdom of England,) that
These professions were undoubt- edly heartfelt and sincere. And yet no sooner were these Noncon- formists in a place where they could act for themselves, than they pur- sued precisely the course taken by the Separatists, adopted their form of ecclesiastical discipline and gov- ernment, and set up Independent churches. Hig-ginson, though a presbyter of the Church of Eng- land, was ordained over again by the members of his own congrega- tion at Salem. Phillips, after- wards the minister of Wateitown, who signed the above address with Winthrop, declared soon after his arrival, that if his companions would " have him stand minister by that calling which he received from the prelates in England, he would leave them." And when Mr. Cotton came over in 1633, " by his preaching and practice he did by degrees mould all their church administrations into the very same form which Mr. Phillips labored to introduce into the churches before ; " so that after a while there was no perceptible difference between the Puritans of Massachusetts and the Separatists of Plymouth. See Ma-
ther's Magnalia, i. 328 ; Hutchin- son's Mass. i. 487 ; Morton's Me- morial, p. 146 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 74, XV. 186.
* We have here this celebrated farewell discourse of Robinson in its original form. Winslow was present and heard it, and either took it down from memory or from the notes of his pastor. It ap- peared in print for the first time in 1646, in this work, and all succeed- ing writers, such as Mather, Prince and Neal, have copied it from Wins- low.
" Words," says Prince, speak- ing of this exhortation, " almost astonishing in that age of low and universal bigotry which then pre- vailed in the English nation ; wherein this truly great and learned man seems to be the only divine who was capable of rising into a noble free- dom of thinking and practising in religious matters, and even of urging such an equal liberty on his own people. He labors to take them off from their attachment to him, that they might be more entirely free to search and follow the Scriptures." Annals, p. 176.
400 ROBINSON NOT A RIGID SEPARATIST.
CHAP. SO both sides may truly see what this poor despised church of Christ, now at New Plymouth in New Eng- land, but formerly at Leyden in Holland, was and is ; how far they were and still are from separation from the churches of Christ, especially those that are Reformed. 'T is true we profess and desire to practise a sepa- ration from the world, and the works of the world, which are works of the flesh, such as the Apostle speaketh of. And as the churches of Christ are all Ephes. saints by calling, so we desire to see the grace of God ^i"co^r!' shining forth (at least seemingly, leaving secret things 9-11. to God) in all we admit into church fellowship with
Ephes. ' , ^ _
ii.11,12. ug^ j^j^d iQ keep off such as openly wallow in the mire of their sins, that neither the holy things of God nor the communion of the saints may be leavened or pol- luted thereby. And if any joining to us formerly, either when we lived at Leyden in Holland, or since we came to New England, have with the manifesta- tion of their faith and profession of holiness held forth therewith separation from the Church of England, I have divers times, both in the one place and the other, heard either Mr. Robinson, our pastor, or Mr. Brew- ster, our elder, stop them forthwith, showing them that we required no such things at their hands, ^ but only to hold forth faith in Christ Jesus, holiness in the fear of God, and submission to every ordinance and appointment of God, leaving the Church of England to themselves and to the Lord, before whom they should stand or fall, and to whom we ought to pray to
' Cotton too says, " When some inson would bear witness against
Englishmen that offered themselves such profession, avouching they re-
to become members of his church, quired no such professions of sepa-
would sometimes in their confes- ration from this or that or any
sions profess their separation from church, but only from the world."
the church of England, Mr. Rob- Wuy, p. 3.
CONGREGATIONALISM AN APOSTOLIC INSTITUTION.
401
reform what was amiss amono;st them.^ Now this re- chap
XXV.
formation we have Hved to see performed and brought
about by the mighty power of God this day in a good measure, and I hope the Lord Jesus will perfect his work of reformation, till all be according to the good pleasure of his will. By all which I desire the reader to take notice of our former and present practice, not- withstanding all the injurious and scandalous taunting reports [that] are passed on us. And if these things will not satisfy, but we must still suffer reproach, and others for our sakes, because they and we thus walk, our practice being, for aught we know, wholly ground- ed on the written word, without any addition or human invention known to us, taking our pattern from the primitive churches, as they were regulated by the blessed Apostles in their own days, who were taught
^ In 1634, nine years after his death, there was pubUshed " A Treatise of the lawfulness of hear- injT of the ministers in the Church of England ; penned by that learned and reverend divine, Mr. John Ro- binson, late pastor to the English church of God in Leyden ; printed according to the copy that was found in his study after his decease." From this rare work I extract the concluding paragraph.
" To conclude. For myself, thus I believe with my heart before God, and profess with my tongue, and have before the world, that I have one and the same faith, hope, spirit, baptism, and Lord, which I had in the Church of England, and none other ; that I esteem so many in that Church, of what state or order soever, as are truly partakers of that faith, (as I account many thousands to be,) for my Christian brethren, and myself a fellow mem- ber with them of that one mystical body of Christ scattered far and wide throughout the world ; that I
51
have always, in spirit and affection, all Christian fellowship and com- munion with them, and am most ready in all outward actions and exercises of religion, lawful and lawfully done, to express the same ; and withal, that I am persuaded the hearing of the word of God there preached, in the manner and upon the grounds formerly men- tioned, both lawful, and upon occa- sion necessary for me and all true Christians, withdrawing from that hierarchical order of church gov- ernment and ministry, and the ap- purtenances thereof, and uniting in the order and ordinances instituted by Christ, the only King and Lord of his church, and by all his disci- ples to be observed ; and lastly, that I cannot communicate with or sub- mit unto the said church order and ordinances there established, either in state or act, without being con- demned of mine own heart, and therein provoking God, who is great- er than my heart, to condemn me much more."
402 PRESBYTERIANS TOLERATED IN NEW ENGLAND.
CHAP, and instructed by the Lord Jesus Christ, and had the
XXV.
. <^ unerring and all-knowing spirit of God to bring to
their remembrance the things they had heard, — I say if we must still suffer such reproach, notwithstanding our charity towards them who will not be in charity with us, God's will be done.
The next aspersion cast upon us is, that we will not suffer any that differ from us never so little to reside or cohabit with us ; no, not the Presbyterian government, which differeth so little from us. To which I answer, our practice witnesseth the contrary. For t' is well known that Mr. Parker and Mr. Noyce,^ who are ministers of Jesus Christ at Newberry, are in that way, and so known, so far as a single congregation can be exercised in it ; yet never had the least molestation or disturbance, and have and find as good respect from magistrates and people as other elders in the Congre- gational or primitive way. 'T is known also, that Mr. Hubbard,^ the minister at Hengam, hath declared him-
' Thomas Parker and James things according to the presbytery,
Noyes came to New England in as of Newbury, &c. The assembly
1G34, and were settled in 1635 as concluded against some parts of the
pastor and teacher of the church in presbyterial way, and the Newbury
Newbury, which was the tenth ministers took time to consider the
church gathered in Massachusetts, arguments," &c. For further par-
They were cousins, had been pu- ticulars concerning them, see JMa-
pils and teachers in the same school, ther's Magnalia, i. 433 — 441 ; Sav-
came over in the same ship, and age's Winthrop, ii. 137 ; Allen's
lived together in the same house for Am. Biog. Diet. ; and Eliot's New
twenty years, when death separated England Biog. Diet, them. Parker had been a pupil of ^ Peter Hobart, the first minister
Archbishop Usher, and Noyes had of Hingham, was from the town of
been a student in the university of the same name in Norfolk, England.
Oxford. The celebrated Baxter said He was educated at Magdalen Col-
" he was a lover of the New Eng- lege, Cambridge, where he received
land churches according to the New the degree of A. B. in 1625, and
England model, as Mr. Noyes had A. M. in 1629. He came to New
explained it." We are told by England in June, 1635. Hubbard
Winthrop that the principal occa- says " he was not so fully persuaded
sion of the synod held at Cambridge of the congregational discipline as
in 1643, was because " some of the some others were ; he was reported
elders went about to set up some to be of a presbyterial spirit, and
HOBART, OP HINGHAM. 403
self for that way ; nay, which is more than ever I chap.
heard of the other two, he refuseth to baptize no ^
children that are tendered to him, (although this liberty stands not upon a Presbyterian bottom,) and yet the civil state never molested him for it. Only coming to a Synod held in the country the last year, which the magistrates called, requesting the churches to send their elders and such others as might be able to hold forth the hght of God from his written word in case of some doubts which did arise in the country, I say he coming the last sitting of the Assembly, which was adjourned to the 8th of June next, was in all meekness and love requested to be present and hold forth his light he went by in baptizing all that were brought to him, hereby waiving the practice of the churches ; which he promising to take into con- sideration, they rested in his answer.
So also 't is well known that before these unhappy troubles arose in England and Scotland, there were divers gentlemen of Scotland that groaned under the heavy pressures of those times, wrote to New England to know whether they might be freely suffered to ex- ercise their Presbyterial government amongst us ; and it was answered affirmatively they might. And they sending over a gentleman to take a view of some fit place, a river called Meromeck, near Ipswich and
managed all affairs without advice for that his spirit had been dis-
of the brethren." Some idea of his covered to be averse to our eccle-
character may be gathered from the siastical and civil government, and
following passage in Winthrop's he ivas a bold man and would speak
History ; " There was a great mar- his mind." See more concerning
riage to be solemnized at Boston, him in Mather's Magnalia, i. 448 —
The bridegroom being of Hingham, 452; Lincoln's History of Hing-
Mr. Hubbard's church, he was pro- ham, pp. 21, 59, 156; Savage's
cured to preach, and came to Bos- Winthrop, ii. 222, 313 ; Hubbard,
ton to that end. But the magis- in Mass. Hist. Coll. xv, 192, xvi.
trates, hearing of it, sent to him to 418, xxviii. 248. forbear. The reasons were, first.
404 LAW AGAINST ANABAPTISTS.
CHAP. Newberry aforesaid, was showed their agent, which he
XXV. J ^ a '
>- well hked, and where w^e have since four towns settled,
and more may be for aught I know ; so that there they might have had a complete Presbytery, and whither they intended to have come. But meeting with mani- fold crosses, being half seas through, they gave over their intendments ; and, as I have heard, these w ere many of the gentlemen that first fell upon the late Covenant in Scotland. By all which will easily ap- pear how we are here wronged by many, and the harder measure, as we hear, imposed upon our breth- ren for our sakes, nay pretending our example for their precedent. And last of all, not long before I came away, certain discontented persons in open court of the Massachusets, demanding that liberty, it was freely and as openly tendered to them, showing their former practices by me mentioned, but willed not to expect that we should provide them ministers, &LC. for the same ; but getting such themselves, they might exercise their Presbyterian government at their liberty, walking peaceably towards us, as we trusted we should do towards them. So that if our brethren here shall be restrained, they walking peaceably, the example must not be taken from us, but arise from some other principle.
But it will be objected. Though you deal thus with the Presbyterian way, yet you have a severe law against Anabaptists ; ^ yea, one was whipped at Massachusets for his religion ; ^ and your law banish- eth them. Answer. 'Tis true the Massachusets
' This law may be seen in punished was Thomas Painter, of
Hazard's State Papers, i. 538. See Hingham. This was in 1644. See
also Savage's Winthrop, ii. 174. an account of it in Savage's Win-
* The name of the person thus throp, ii. 174.
CHAUNCY, OF SCITUATE. 405
Government have such a law to banish, but not to chap.
XXV
whip in that kind. And certain men desiring some ^
mitigation of it, it was answered in my hearing, " 'Tis true we have a severe law, but we never did or will execute the rigor of it upon any ; and have men living amongst us, nay some in our churches, of that judg- ment ; and as long as they carry themselves peaceably, as hitherto they do, we will leave them to God, our- selves having performed the duty of brethren to them. And whereas there was one whipped amongst us, 't is true we knew his judgment what it was ; but had he not carried himself so contemptuously towards the au- thority God hath betrusted us with in a high exemplary measure, we had never so censured him ; and there- fore he may thank himself, who suffered as an evil- doer in that respect. But the reason wherefore we are loath either to repeal or alter the law, is, because we would have it remain in force to bear witness against their judgment and practice, which we con- ceive them to be erroneous. And yet nevertheless," said the Governor to those [who] preferred the request, " you may tell our friends in England, whither ye are some of you going, since the motion proceedeth from such as we know move it in love to us, we will seri- ously take it into consideration at our next General Court." So that thou mayest perceive, good reader, that the worst is spoken of things in that kind.
Furthermore, in the Government of Plymouth, to our great grief, not only the pastor ^ of a congregation
^ The person here referred to was should be administered to infants,
the Rev. Charles Chauncy, at this provided it were done by immersion,
time minister of Scituate, and after- He took the degree of A. B. at
wards President of Harvard College. Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1613,
It appears, however, that he was of A. M. in 1617, and of B. D. in
willing that the ordinance of baptism 1624. He w as also incorporated
406 CONGREGATIONALISM THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH POLITY.
CHAP, waiveth the administration of baptism to infants, but
XXV.
1- divers of his congregation are fallen with him ; and yet
all the means the civil power hath taken against him and them is to stir up our elders to give meeting, and see if by godly conference they may be able to convince and reclaim him, as in mercy once before they had done, by God's blessing upon their labors. Only at the fore- said Synod, two were ordered to write to him in the name of the Assembly, and to request his presence at their next meeting aforesaid, to hold forth his light he goeth by in waiving the practice of the churches ; with promise if it be light, to walk by it ; but if it appear otherwise, then they trust he will return again to the unity of practice with them. And for the other two Governments of Conectacut and Newhaven, if either have any law in force against them, or so much as need of a law in that kind, 'tis more than I have heard on. For our parts (I mean the churches of New Eng- land) we are confident, through God's mercy, the way of God in which we walk and according to which we perform our worship and service to Him, concurreth with those rules our blessed Saviour hath left upon record by the Evangelists and Apostles, and is agreea- ble with the practice of those primitive churches men- tioned in the Acts, and regulated by the same Apostles, as appeareth not only in that Evangelical History, but in their Epistles to the several churches there men- tioned. Yet nevertheless if any through tenderness of conscience be otherwise minded, to such we never turn a deaf ear, nor become rigorous, though we have
A. M. at Oxford, in 1019. See Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 112, x. 30, 174,
Mather's Magnalia, i. 418 — 430 Deane's Scituate, pp. 60, 89, 173 Savage's Winthrop, i. 330, ii. 72
xxviii. 247 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 227 ; Wood's Fasti Oxon. First Part, p. 391, (Bliss's ed.)
EVIL-DOERS NOT TO BE TOLERATED. 407
the stream of authority on our sides. Nay, if in the chap. use of all means we cannot reclaim them, knowinor ._..__ " the wisdom that is from above is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy ; and the fruit of righteousness is sown in peace of them that make peace," according to James iii. 17, 18 ; and if any differing from us be answera- ble to this rule in their lives and conversations, we do not exercise the civil sword against them. But for such as Gorton and his company, whose wisdom seems not to be from above, as appeareth in that it is " full of envying, strife, confusion," being therein such James as the Apostle Jude speaks on, viz. " earthly, sensual, jude devilish," who " despise dominion and speak evil of dignities," these are " murmurers, complainers, walk- le. ers after their own lusts, and their mouth speaketh great swelling words, being clouds without water, car- jg. ried about of winds, trees whose fruit withereth, with- out fruit, twice dead, plucked up by the roots, raging 13. waves of the sea, foaming out their own shame, wan- dering stars, to whom, (without repentance, which I much desire to see or hear of in him, if it may stand with the will of God,) is reserved the blackness of darkness forever " — these, I say, are to be proceeded with by another rule, and not to be borne ; who suffer as evil-doers, and are a shame to religion, which they profess in word, but deny in their lives and conversa- tions. These every tender conscience abhors, and win justify and assist " the higher powers God hath ordained," against such carnal gospellers, " who bear Rom. not the sword in vain," but execute God's vengeance on such ; for the civil magistrate is " the minister of God, a revenofer to execute wrath on him that doth evil."
408 NEW ENGLAND — GOD BLESS HER!
CHAP. And therefore a broad difference is to be put between
XXV. .
^ such evil-doers and those tender consciences who fol- low the Ught of God's word in their own persuasions, (though judged erroneous by the places where they live) so long as their walking is answerable to the rules of the Gospel, by preserving peace and holding forth holiness in their conversations amongst men.
Thus much I thought good to signify, because we of New England are said to be so often propounded for an example. And if any will take us for a precedent, I desire they may really know what we do, rather than what others ignorantly or maliciously report of us, assur- ing myself that none will ever be losers by following us so far as we follow Christ. Which that we may do, and our posterities after us, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ and our Father accept in Christ what is according to him ; discover, pardon and reform what is amiss amongst us ; and guide us and them by the assistance of the Holy Ghost, for time to come, till time shall be no more ; that the Lord our God may still delight to dwell amongst his plantations and churches there by his gracious presence, and may go on blessing to bless them with heavenly blessings in these earthly places, that so by his blessing they may not only grow up to a nation, but become exemplary for good unto others. And let all that wish well to Zion say Amen.^
' The work of Winslow, to which London. 1649." The paging, list
this Brief Narration is appended, of errata, &c. are precisely the same
was afterwards published with a as in the other book, Hypocrisy
new title-page, as follows : " The Unnnasked.
danger of tolerating levellers in a Whilst Winslow was in England,
civil state ; or a historical narration he published, in 1649, another book,
of the dangerous practices and entitled " New England's Salamaii-
opinions wherewith Samuel Gor- der Discovered — or a satisfactory
ton and his levelling accomplices answer to many aspersions cast
so much disturbed and molested upon New Enfiland." This work
the several plantations in New is reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxii.
England. By Edward Winslow, 110 — 145. of Plymouth, in New England.
GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.
52
MORTON'S PREFACE.
Godly and Conscientious Reader,
It is a great part of the happiness of heaven, that the saints in celestial glory are and shall be all of one mind ; and it is not unprobably gathered by the learned, that when " the Lord shall be one, and his 2:«ii.
' ' XIV. 9.
name one," there shall be a joint concurrence of the saints in and about the matters of God. In the mean time, it is no small grief to every modest, moderate- minded Christian, to see such discord among the best of saints ; whereas if the ground of the difference were sometimes well scanned, it would appear to be more in circumstance than in substance, more nominal, or respecting names or abusive names given, than in substantial realities. Rev. Mr. Manton, in his sermon before the honorable House of Commons, saith, "The Devil getteth great advantages by names amongst Christians, as Lutherans, Calvinists, Presbyterians, Independents, inventing," saith he, " either such as may tend to contempt or derision, as of old Christians, of late Puritans, or to tumult and division, as those names amongst us, under which the members of Christ sadly gather into bodies and parties."
412 MORTON'S PREFACE.
Let me add hereunto, that the miscliief of this also appeared when hght sprung out of [tlie] darkness of Popery. Then the godly were forced to sustain the name of Puritans and the nickname of Brownists, so as many of the godly in our nation lay in obscurity under contempt of those names; ^ and afterwards, as light ap- peared, notwithstanding became one in the profession and practice of the truth respecting the kingly office of Christ, wherein they seemingly differed but a little before, both in New England and in Old England ; but yet so as some estrangcdness remains amongst those, although that in the main and substance of things they are of one mind, and with oneness of heart and mouth do serve the Lord, and do agree in and about the matters of the kingdom of Christ on earth. Yea, and I doubt not but some such of them as were of the eminentest on both sides, who arc now departed this life, do ajxree and have sweet communion with each other in their more nobler part in glory.
I have lately met with a plain, well composed, and useful Dialogue, penned by that honored pattern of piety, William Bradford, Esq. late Governor of the Jurisdiction of New Plymouth Colony, which occa- sionally treats something of this matter, together with and in defence of such as I may without just offence term martyrs ~ of Jesus, and in defence of the cause they suffered for ; it being no other in effect but what our church and the churches of Christ in New England do both profess and practise. I will not defend, neither
' These differences were partly Greenwood, Mr. John Penry, Mr. blown up amonfTst these Christians William Dennis, [Mr. John] Cop- by the names of Brownist and Pu- intj and Elias [Thacker] and several ritans. — Morion's Note. others that suffered nuioh, thoujfli
^ Mr. Henry Barrow, Mr. John not put to death. — Morion's Note.
MORTON'S PREFACE. 413
doth he, all the words that might fall from those blessed souls in defence of the truth, who suffered so bitterly as they did from such as ere while (if I mistake not) were forced to fly into Germany for the cause of God in Queen Mary's days, and returned again in the happy reign of Queen Elizabeth, and turned prelates and bitter persecutors.^ This thing considered, and other things also, if some passages that fell from them might have been spared, yet in many things we all offend, and " oppression will make a wise man mad," saith Solomon. Such circumstantial weakness will not unsaint a Christian, nor render him no martyr, if his cause be good, as you will find it to be by the perusing of this Dialogue, I doubt not ; but let it speak for itself
Gentle reader, I hope thou wilt obtain a clear reso- lution about divers things, whereof possibly thou wert in doubt of formerly respecting the premises ; in the transcribing whereof I have taken the best care I could to prevent offence and to procure acceptance. If any good comes thereof, let God have all the praise.^
' See pages 9 — 13. Dialogue into the records of the Piy-
' This Preface was written by mouth Church, whence I obtained it. Secretary Morton, who copied this It has never before been printed.
CHAPTER XXVI.
A DIALOGUE, OR THE SUM OF A CONFERENCE BETWEEN SOME VOUNG MEN BORN IN NEW ENGLAND AND SUNDRY ANCIENT MEN THAT CAME OUT OF HOLLAND AND OLD ENGLAND, ANNO DOMINI 1648.'
YOUNG MEN.
xxv^ Gentlemen, you were pleased to appoint us this time to confer with you, and to propound such ques- tions as might give us satisfaction in some things wherein we are ignorant, or at least further light to some things that are more obscure unto us. Our first request therefore is, to know your minds concerning the true and simple meaning of those of The Separa- tion, as they are termed, when they say the Church of England is no Church, or no true Church.
ANCIENT MEN.
For answer hereunto, first, you must know that they speak of it as it then was under the hierarchical prelacy, which since have been put down by the State, and not as it is now unsettled.
2. They nowhere say, that we remember, that they
' That is, the Dialogue was held or written in 1648.
THE CHURCH OP ENGLAND NO TRUE CHURCH. 415
are no Church. At least, they are not so to be under- chap.
XXVI
stood ; for they often say the contrary. ',
3. When they say it is no true Church of Christ, they do not at all mean as they are the elect of God, or a part of the Catholic Church, or of the mystical body of Christ, or visible Christians professing faith and holiness, (as most men understand the church) ; for which purpose hear what Mr. Robinson in his Apology, page bo. " If by the Church," saith he, " be under- stood the Catholic Church, dispersed upon the face of the whole earth, we do willingly acknowledge that a singular part thereof, and the same visible and con- spicuous, is to be found in the land, and with it do profess and practise, what in us lies, communion in all things in themselves lawful, and done in right order."
4. Therefore they mean it is not a true church as it is a National Church, combined together of all in the land promiscuously under the hierarchical government of archbishops, their courts and canons, so far differ- ing from the primitive pattern in the Gospel.
YOUNG MEN.
Wherein do they difter then from the judgment or practice of our churches here in New England ?
ANCIENT MEN.
Truly, for matter of practice, nothing at all that is in any thing material ; these being rather more strict and rigid in some proceedings about admission of members, and things of such nature, than the other ; and for matter of judgment, it is more, as we conceive, in words and terms, than matter of any great sub- stance ; for the churches and chief of the ministers
416 BROWNISTS AND SEPARATISTS.
CHAP, here hold that the National Church, so constituted and
XXVI.
governed as before is said, is not allowable according
to the primitive order of the Gospel ; but that there are some parish a.'^semblies that arc true churches by virtue of an implicit covenant amongst tlicm.selves, in which regard the Church of England may be held and called a true church.
Answer. Whcrc auy such are evident, we suppose the other will not disagree about an implicit covenant, if they mean by an implicit covenant that which hath the substance of a covenant in it some way discernible, though it be not so formal or orderly as it should be. But such an implicit [covenant] as is no way explicit, is no better than a Popish implicit faith, (as some of us conceive,) and a mere fiction, or as that which should be a marriage covenant which is no way explicit.
YOUNG MEN.
Wherein standeth the dilference between the rigid Brownists and Separatists ' and others, as we observe our ministers in their writings and sermons to distin- guish tliem ?
ANCIENT MEN.
The name of Brownists^ is but a nickname,
as
'The learned and ever-memora- charitable sentiment; "Difference
ble John Hales, of Eton, said of of opinion may work a disaffection
this word Separatist, " Where it in me, but not a detestation. I
may be rightly fixed and deservedly rather pity than hate Turk and
charged, it is certainly a great of- infidel, for they are of the same
fence ; but in common use now metal and bear the same stamp as
among us, it is no other than a I do, though the inscriptions differ,
theological scarecrow." Works, i. If I hate any, it is those schismatics
XV. Foulis, 17G5. that puzzle the sweet peace of our
2 James Howell, in one of his church ; so that I could be content
letters, aping the style, whilst de- to see an Anabaptist go to hell on a
void of the liberal spirit of Sir Brownist's back." Letters, p. 270,
Thomas Browne, has the following (ed. 1754.)
PURITANS AND HUGUENOTS. 417
Puritan^ and Huguenot,^ &c., and therefore they do chap.
not amiss to dedine the odium of it in what they may. ."
But by the rigidness of Separation they do not so much mean the difference, for our churches here in New England do the same thing under the name of secession from the corruptions found amongst them, as the other did under the name or term of separation from them. Only this declines the odium the better. See Reverend Mr. Cotton's Answer to Mr. BayHe, page the 14th.^
That some which were termed Separatists, out of some mistake and heat of zeal, forbore communion in lawful things with other godly persons, as prayer and hearing of the word, may be seen in what that worthy man, Mr. Robinson, hath published in dislike thereof.
YOUNG MEN.
We are well satisfied in what you have said. But they difler also about synods.
' See note ' on pacre 12. du nom des Eignots de Gendve, un
2 The origin of this word is un- pen autrement prononce." The
known. Some have thought it term was first applied to the Cal-
was derived from a French and vinists of the Cevennes in 1560.
faulty pronunciation of the German See Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. iv.
word eidgnossen, which signifies 368 ; Fleury, Hist. Eccles. xviii.
confederates, and which had been G03. An admirable Memoir of the
originally the name of that valiant French Protestants, both in their
part of the city of Geneva, which native country and in America,
entered into an alliance with the written by that accurate annalist,
Swiss cantons in order to maintain Dr. Holmes, is contained in the
their liberties against the tyranni- Mass. Hist. Coll. xxii. 1 — 84. cal attempts of Charles HI. duke ^ " Neither was our departure
of Savoy. These confederates were from the parishional congregations
called eignots, and from thence very in England a separation from them
probably was derived the word hu- as no churches, but rather a seces-
gucnots. The Abbe Fleury says, sion from the corruptions found
"lis y furent appeles Huguenots, amongst them."
53
418 NO SYNODS AMONG THE SEPARATISTS.
CHAP. ANCIENT MEN.
XXVI.
It is true we do not know that ever they had any
solemn Sy nodical Assembly. And the reason may be, that those in England living dispersed and ' could not meet in their ordinary meetings without danger, much less in synods. Neither in Holland, where they might have more liberty, were they of any considerable num- ber, being but those two churches, that of Amsterdam and that of Leyden. Yet some of us know that the church [of Leyden] sent messengers to those of Am- sterdam, at the request of some of the chief of them, both elders and brethren, when in their dissensions they had deposed JMr. Ainsworth and some other both of their elders and brethren, Mr. Robinson being the chief of the messengers sent; which had that good effect, as that they revoked the said deposition, and confessed their rashness and error, and lived together in peace some good time after. But when the churches want neither peace nor light to exercise the power which the Lord hath given them, Christ doth not direct them to gather into synods or classical meetings, for removing of known offences either in doctrine or man- ners ; but only sendeth to the pastors or presbyters of each church to reform within themselves what is amongst them. " A plain pattern," saith Mr. Cotton in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, page 95, " in case of public offences tolerated in neighbour churches, not forthwith to gather into a synod or classical meeting, for redress thereof, but by letters and messengers to admonish one another of what is behooveful ; unless
• Here something seems to have been omitted.
PROPHESYING.
419
upon such admonition they refuse to hearken to the chap.
XXVI
wholesome counsel of their brethren." And of this ^
matter Mr. Robinson thus writeth in his book, Just. page 200,^ " The officers of one or many churches may meet together to discuss and consider of matters for the good of the church and churches, and so be called a Church Synod, or the like, so they infringe no order of Christ or liberty of the brethren ; " not differing herein from Mr. Davenport ^ and the princi- pal of our ministers.
YOUNG MEN.
But they seem to difTer about the exercise of pro- phecy,^ that is, that men out of office, having gifts,
* See the title of this book in note ^ on page 40.
* John Davenport, born at Coven- try in 1597, a graduate of Oxford, and vicar of St. Stephens, in Lon- don, came to New England in 1637, with Theophilus Eaton and Ed- ward Hopkins, and wdth them laid the foundations of the colony of New Haven, in 1638. In 1668, in his 71st year, he removed to Boston, to be- come the pastor of the First Church, md there died in 1670. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. iii. 889, (ed. Bliss) ; Mather's Magnalia, i. 292 — 302; Winthrop's N. E. i. 227, 404 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 82, 115, 215 ; Emerson's History of the First Church in Boston, pp. 110 — 124. But the most ample and satisfac- tory account of Davenport will be found in Prof. Kingsley's Cen- tennial Discourse at New Haven, and in Dr. Leonard Bacon's His- torical Discourses. These works contain also a noble vindication of the principles and character of the Puritan fathers of New England.
* This religious exercise, in which laymen publicly taught and exhorted, was early practised in
both the colonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts. As the church of Plymouth was long without a regu- lar pastor, " the ruling elder, when he wanted assistance, used frequent- ly to call upon some of the gifted brethren to pray and give a word of exhortation in their public assem- blies ; the chief of whom were Gov. Edward Winslow, Gov. Bradford, his son-in-law, Mr. Thomas South- worth, and Secretary Nathaniel Morton ; men of superior talents and parts, and of good school-learning." We are told by Gov. Winthrop, in his Journal, March 29, 1631, that "Mr. Coddington and Mr. Wilson and divers of the congregation met at the Governor's, and there Mr. Wilson, praying and exhorting the congregation to love, &c. commend- ed to them the exercise of prophecy in his absence, and designed those whom he thought most fit for it, viz. the governor, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Nowell, the elder." On the visit of Governor Winthrop and Mr. Wilson to Plymouth in Octo- ber, 1632, it is related that " on the Lord's day in the afternoon, Mr. Roger Williams (according to their
420 PROPHESYING AN ANCIENT PRACTICE.
CHAP XX
VP. may upon occasion edify the church pubhcly and ~" openly, and applying the Scriptures ; which seems to be a new practice.
ANCIENT MEN.
It doth but seem so ; as many things else do that have by usurpation grown out of use. i3ut that it hath been an ancient practice of the people of God, besides the grounds of Scripture, we will give an instance or two. We find in the ancient Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, lib. vi. cap. 19, how Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, being pricked with envy against Origcn, complaineth in his letters that there was never such a practice heard of, nor no precedent to be found, that laymen in presence of bishops have taught in the church ; but is thus answered by the bishop of Jerusa- lem and the bishop of Ccsarea : " We know not," say they, " why he reporteth a manifest untruth, whenas there may be found such as in open assemblies have taught the people ; yea, whenas there were present learned men that could profit the people, and more- over holy bishops, who at that time exhorted them to
custom) propounded a question, to may learn, and all be comforted."
which the pastor, Mr. Smith, spake It was for encouraging a similar
briefly ; then Mr. Williams prophe- exercising among his clergy, that
sied ; and after the governor of archbishop Grindal incurred the
Plymouth spake to the question; displeasure of Queen Elizabeth, and
after him the elder ; then two or was for a time suspended from his
three more of the congregation, see. It should be remembered that
Then the elder desired the goveinor this was the scriptural sense of the
of Massachusetts and Mr. Wilson to word prophesying; and that pre-
speak to it, which they did." The diction is not its only signification,
exercise was grounded on the appears from the title of one of
primitive practice of the Church of Jeremy Taylor's Works, "The
Corinth, as described and regulated Liberty of Prophesying." See
by the Apostle Paul, in I Cor. xii. Savage's Winthrop, i. 50, 91 ;
and xiv. and especially prescribed Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 136'; Prince's
in the 31st verse of the last named Annals, p. 407 ; Fuller's Ch. Hist,
chapter, where he says, " Ye may iii. 6—18 ; Pierce's Vindication,
all prophesy one by one, that all part i. pp.92 — 96.
THE LIBERTY OF PROPHESYING. 421
preach. For example, at Laranda Euelpis was re- chap. quested of Neon, at Iconium Paulinus was requested — ■ — by Celsus, at Synada Theodorus was requested by Atticus, who were godly brethren, &c." ^
The second instance is out of Speed's Cloud of Wit- nesses, page 71. Saith he, " Rambam or Maymon records, that in the synagogues, first, only a Levite must offer sacrifice ; secondly, but any in Israel might expound the law ; thirdly, the expounder must be an eminent man, and must have leave from the master of the synagogue ; and so contends that Christ, Luke iv. 16, taught as any of Israel might have done as well as the Levites ; and the like did Paul and Barnabas, Acts xiii. 15."
If any out of weakness have abused at any time their liberty, it is their personal faulting, as sometimes weak ministers may their office, and yet the ordinance good and lawful.
And the chief of our ministers in New England agree therein. See Mr. Cotton's Answer to Baylie, page the 27th, 2d part. " Though neither all," saith he, " nor most of the brethren of a church have ordi- narily received a gift of public prophesying, or preach- ing, yet in defect of public ministry, it is not an unheard of novelty that God should enlarge private men with public gifts, and ^ to dispense them to edification ; for we read that when the church at Jerusalem were all scattered abroad, except the Apostles, yet they that ^^cts were scattered went every where preaching the word." xx.21
^ See Doctor Fulke also on Ro- in 1585 a learned confutation of the mans the xi. in answer to the Rhe- Rhemish version of the New Testa- mists. — Bradford's Note. ment. See Fuller's Church His-
Dr. William Fulke, master of tory, iii. 70. Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, wrote * Some word is here omitted.
422 THE INDEPENDENTS.
CHAP. ]Mr. Robinson also, in his Apology, page 15, chap-
ter 8, to take oil' the aspersion charged on them, as if
all the members of a church were to prophesy publicly, answers, " It comes within the compass but of a few of the multitude, haply two or three in a church, so to do ; and touching prophecy," saith he, " we think the very same that the Synod held at Embden, 1571, hath decreed in these words : ' First, in all churches, whether but springing up, or grown to some ripeness, let the order of proj)hecy be observed, according to Paul's institution. Secondly, into the fellowship of this work are to be admitted not only the ministers, but the teachers too, as also of the elders and deacons, yea, even of the multitude, which are wilhng to confer their gift received of God to the common utility of the church ; but so as they first be allowed by the judg- ment of the ministers and others.' So we believe and practise with the Belgic churches, &lc." See more in tlie immediate following page.
YOLWG MEN.
We cannot but marvel that in so few years there should be so great a change, that they who were so hotly persecuted by the prelates, and also opposed by the better sort of ministers, not only Mr. Gifford, Mr. Bernard, and other such like, but many of the most eminent both for learning and godliness, and yet now not only these famous men and churches in New Eng- land so fully to close with them in practice, but all the godly party in the land to stand for the same way, under the new name of Independents, put upon them.
THE GROWTH OP CONGREGATIONALISM. 423
ANCIENT MEN. CHAP.
XXVI.
It is the Lord's doing, and it ought to be marvellous in our eyes ; and the rather, because Mr. Bernard, in his book, made their small increase in a few years one and the chief argument against the way itself. To which Mr. Robinson answered, that "Rehgion is not always sown and reaped in one age ; and that John Huss and Jerome of Prague finished their testimony a hundred years before Luther, and WicklifF well nigh as long before them, and yet neither the one nor the other with the like success as Luther. And yet," saith he, " many are already gathered into the kingdom of Christ ; and the nearness of many more throughout the whole land, (for the regions are white unto the harvest,) doth promise within less than a hundred years, if our sins and theirs make not us and them unworthy of this mercy, a very plenteous harvest ; " {Justif. folio 62) ; as if he had prophesied of these times. Yea, some of us have often heard him say that " even those ministers and other godly persons that did then most sharply oppose them, if they might come to be from under the bishops, and live in a place of rest and peace, where they might comfortably subsist, they would prac- tise the same things which they now did."^ And truly, many of us have seen this abundantly verified, not only in these latter times, but formerly.
Doctor Ames ^ was estranged from and opposed Mr.
• See page 45, and note ^ on page la 1609 lie fled from the persecu- 398, and Prince's Annals, p. 305. tion of archbishop Bancroft, and
* William Ames, one of the most became minister of the English acute controversial writers of his church at the Hague, whence he age, was educated at Cambridge was invited by the states of Fries- under the celebrated Perkins, and land to the chair of theological pro- became fellow of Christ's College, fessor at Franeker, which he filled
424 FRANCIS JOHNSON, OF AMSTERDAM.
CHAP. Robinson ; and yet afterwards there was lovinor com-
XXVI. .
pliance and near agreement between them ; and, which
is more strange, Mr. Johnson himself, who was after- wards pastor of the church of God at Amsterdam, was a preacher to the company of Enghsh of the Staple at Middleburg, in Zealand, and had great and certain maintenance ^ allowed him by them, and was highly respected of them, and so zealous against this way as that [when] Mr. Barrow's and Mr. Greenwood's Re- futation of Gitibrd^ was privately in printing in this city, he not only was a means to discover it, but was made the ambassador's instrument to intercept them at the press, and see them burnt ; the which charge he did so well perform, as he let them go on until they were wholly finished, and then surprised the whole impression, not suflering any to escape ; and then, by the magistrates' authority, caused them all to be openly burnt, himself standing by until they were all con- sumed to ashes. Only he took up two of them, one to keep in his own study, that he might see their er- rors, and the other to bestow on a special friend for the like use. But mark the sequel. When he had
with reputation for twelve years. * jC200 per annum. — Bradford's
He was a member of the Synod of Note.
Don, and wrote several treatises * This book was printed in 1591,
atrainst the Arminians, besides his Its title was " A plain refutation of
famous Medulla Theologuc. He M. Gifford's book, entitled ' A short
afterwards removed to Rotterdam, treatise against the Donatists of
to preach to a congregation of his England ; ' wherein is discovered the
countrymen there ; but the air of forgery of the whole ministry, the
Holland not agreeing with his con- confusion, false worship, and anti-
stitution, he determined to remove christian disorder of these parish
to New England. This was pre- assemblies, called the Church of
vented by his death in 1633. The England. Here also is prefixed a
next spring his widow and children sum of the causes of our Separation,
came over, bringing with them his and of our purposes in practice."
valuable library. Fuller's Hist, of A copy of this rare work, reprinted
Cambridge, p. 222 ; Neal's Puri- in 1006, is in Prince's New Eng-
tans, i. 436, 578 ; I3elknap's Am. land Library, in the keeping of the
Bio"-. ii. 161. Mass. Hist. Society.
JOHNSON'S CONVERSION. 425
done this work, he went home, and being set down in chap.
XXVI.
his study, he began to turn over some pages of this
book, and superficially to read some things here and there, as his fancy led him. At length he met with something that began to work upon his spirit, which so wrought with him as drew him to this resolution, seriously to read over the whole book ; the which he did once and again. In the end he was so taken, and his conscience was troubled so, as he could have no rest in himself until he crossed the seas and came to London to confer with the authors, who were then in prison, and shortly after executed. After which con- ference he was so satisfied and confirmed in the truth, as he never returned to his place any more at Middle- burg, but adjoined himself to their society at London, and was afterwards committed to prison, and then banished ; and in conclusion coming to five at Am- sterdam, he caused the same books, which he had been an instrument to burn, to be new printed and set out at his own charge. And some of us here pre- sent testify this to be a true relation, which we heard from his own mouth before many witnesses.
YOUNG MEN.
We have seen a book of Mr. Robert Bayhe's,^ a Scotchman, wherein he seemeth to take notice of the spreading of the truth under the notion of error, and casts all the disgraces he can on it, and ranks it with others the foulest errors of the time, and endeavours to show how hkc a small spark it revived out of the ashes, and was brought from Leyden over the seas into New England, and there nourished with much
' The title of this book is given in note * on page 379. 54
426 ROBINSON'S CHURCH A MODEL.
CHAP, silence until it spread to other places in the country, .' and by eminent hands from thence into Old England.
ANCIENT MEN.
As we dare say Mr. Baylie intends no honor to the persons by what he says, either to those here or from whence they came, so are they far from seeking any to themselves, but rather are ashamed that their weak working hath brought no more glory to God ; and if in any thing God hath made any of them instruments for the good of his people in any measure, they desire he only may have the glory. And whereas Mr. Baylie affirmeth that, however it was, in a few years the most who settled in the land did agree to model themselves after Mr. Robinson's pattern, we agree with reverend Mr. Cotton, that " there was no agreement by any solemn or common consultation ; but that it is true they did, as if they had agreed, by the same spirit of truth and unity, set up, by the help of Christ, the same model of churches, one like to another ; and if they of Plymouth have helped any of the first comers in their theory, by hearing and discerning their practices, therein the Scripture is fulfilled that the kingdom of Matth. heaven is like unto leaven which a woman took and
xiii. 33.
hid in three measures of meal until all was leavened." Answer to Mr. Baylie, page 17.
YOUNG MEN.
We desire to know how many have been put to death for this cause, and what manner of persons they were, and what occasions were taken against them by bringing them to their end.
THE PURITAN MARTYRS. 427
ANCIENT MEN. CHAP.
XXVI.'
We know certainly of six that were publicly exe-
cuted, besides such as died in prisons; Mr. Henry Barrow, Mr. Greenwood, (these suffered at Tyburn;) 1594. Mr. Penry at St. Thomas Waterings, by London ; ^ Mr. William Dennis, at Thetford, in Norfolk ; two others at St. Edmund's, in Suffolk, whose names were 15 83. Copping and Elias [Thacker.] ^ These two last men- tioned were condemned by cruel Judge Popham,^ whose countenance and carriage was very rough and severe toward them, with many sharp menaces. But God gave them courage to bear it, and to make this answer :
" My Lord, your face we fear not, And for your threats we care not, And to come to your read service, we dare not."
These two last named were put to death for dispersing of books.
For Mr. Dennis, he was a godly man, and faithful in his place ; but what occasion was taken against him, we know not, more than the common cause.
^ According- to Stow's Chronicle, month, for spreading certain books
page 765, Heary Barrow and John seditiously penned by one Robert
Greenwood were hung on the 6th Browne, against the Book of Com-
of April, 1594. John Penry was mon Prayer established by the laws
executed May 29, 1593. Barrow of this realm. Their books, so
was a gentleman of Gray's Inn; many as could be found, were burnt
Greenwood and Penry were clergy- before them." See Strype's An-
men. In L592, Greenwood was nals, iii. 186 ; Fuller's Ch. Hist. iii.
teacher of a church in London, of 66 ; Neal's Puritans, i. 254, 260,
which Francis Johnson, mentioned (4to ed.)
in note ' on page 24, was pastor. * This was Lord John Popham,
See Fuller's Ch. Hist. iii. 136; Hal- Chief Justice of England, who af-
lam's Const. Hist. i. 209, (4th ed.) ; terwards took so deep an interest
Prince's Annals, p. 303. in the colonization of New Eng-
^ Stow, in his Chronicle, page land, and was foremost in planting
697, says, " Elias Thacker was the abortive colony at Sagadahoc
hinged at Saint Edmondsbury on in 1607. See note * on page 50,
tlie'4th of June, 1583, and John and note ^ on page 112 ; and Wood's
Coping on the 0th of the same Athen. Oxon. ii. 20, (I31iss's ed.)
428 THESE MARTYRS NOT BROWNISTS.
CHAP. For Mr. Penry, how unjustly he was charged, him-
XXVI " J J o
'. self hath made manifest to the world in his books, and
that Declaration which he made a little before his suf- fering ; all which are extant in print, with some of his godly letters.^
As for Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood, it also appears by their own writings how those statutes for- merly made against the Papists were wrested against them, and they condemned thereupon ; as may be seen by their Examinations.-
YOUNG MEN.
But these were rigid Brownists, and lie under much aspersion, and their names much blemished and be- clouded, not only by enemies, but even by godly and very reverend men.
ANCIENT MEN.
They can no more justly be called Brownists, than the disciples might have been called Judasites ; for they did as much abhor Brown's apostasy, and profane course, and his defection, as the disciples and other Christians did Judas's treachery.
' These tracts of Penry are in " The Examinations of Henry Bar- the Prince Collection, in the Libra- rowe, John Greenwood, and John ryof the Mass. Hist. Society. Hal- Penrie, before the Hiph Commis- 1am says, " Penry's protestation at sioners and Lordes of the Counsel ; his death is in a style of the most penned by the prisoners themselves affecting and simple eloquence." before their deathes." "Let any He was a graduate of Oxford, and man read the examinations of Bar- was charged with being one of the row and Greenwood, and I am mis- authors of Martin Mar-Prelate, taken if he will not perceive a See Wood's Athen. Oxon. i 591 plain-hearted Christian simplicity — 598, (Bliss's ed.),Hallam's Const, in their behaviour, and an inhu- Hist. i. 201, (4th ed.), and Neal's man spirit of cruelty and fyran- Puritans, i. 374 — 379. ny in their persecutors." Peirce's
* In the Harleian Miscellany, iv. Vindication of the Dissenters, page
340, (Park's ed.) may be seen 146.
HENRY BARROW, THE MARTYR. 429
And for their rigid and roughness of spirit, as some chap. of them, especially Mr. Barrow, is taxed, it may be — -' considered they were very rigidly and roughly dealt with, not only by the Lord's enemies and their ene- mies, but by some godly persons of those times, differ- ing in opinions from them ; which makes some of us call to mind what one Doctor Taylor hath written in a late book in these stirring times. " Such an eminent man," said he, " hath had the good hap to be reputed orthodox by posterity, and did condemn such a man of such an opinion, and yet himself erred in as con- siderable matters ; but meeting with better neighbours in his life-time, and a more charitable posterity after his death, hath his memory preserved in honor ; and the other's name suffers without cause." Of which he gives instances in his book entitled The Liberty of Prophesying, page 33 and following.
We refer you to Mr. Robinson's Answer to Mr. Ber- nard,^ where he charges him with blasphemy, railing, scoffing, &c. " For Mr. Barrow," saith Mr. Robinson, " as I say with Mr. Ainsworth, that I will not justify all the words of another man, nor yet mine own, so say I also with Mr. Smith, that because I know not by what particular motion of the Spirit he was guided to write in those phrases, I dare not censure him as you do ; especially considering with what fiery zeal the Lord hath furnished such his servants at all times, as he hath stirred up for special reformation. Let the example of Luther alone suffice, whom into what terms his zeal carried, his writings testify ; and yet both in him and in Mr. Barrow there might be with
^ See the title of this work in note ^ on page 40.
430 SLANDERS AGAINST BARROW.
CHAP, true spiritual zeal fleshly indignation minified." An-
XXVT ./ o ~
swer to'^Ir. Bernard,' folio 84.
p.; And further in page 86 he saith, that " such harsh terms wherewith he entertains such persons and things in the church as carry with them most appearance of holiness, they are to be interpreted ^ according to his meaning, with this distinction, that Mr. Barrow speaks not of these persons and things simply, but in a respect, and so and so considered ; and so no one term given by Mr. Barrow but.^may, at^ the least, be tolerated."
YOUNG MEN.
But divers reverend men have expressed concern- ing this matter that God is not wont to make choice of men infamous for gross sins and vices before their calling, to make them any instruments of reformation after their calling, and proceed to declare that Mr. Barrow was a great gamester and a dicer when he lived in court, and getting much by play, would boast of loose spending it with courtesans, &c.
ANCIENT MEN.
Truly, with due respect to such reverend men be it spoken, those things might well have been spared from putting in print, especially so long after his death, when not only he, but all his friends are taken out of the world, that might vindicate his name. That he was tainted with vices at the court before his conversion and caUing, it is not very strange ; and if he had lived and died in that condition, it is like he might have gone out of the world without any public brand on his name, and have passed for a tolerable Christian and
VINDICATION OP BARROW. 431
member of the church. He had hurt enough done chap.
XXVI
him, whilst he hved, by evil and cruel enemies ; why '
should godly men be prejudicated to him after his death in his name ? Was not the Apostle Paul a per- secutor of God's saints unto death ? And doth not the same Apostle, speaking of scandalous and lasci- vious persons, say, " And such were some of you ; V^or. but ye are washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified in the name of the Lord Jesus and by the spirit of our God."
And if histories deceive us not, was not Cyprian a magician before his conversion, and Augustine a Mani- chajan ? And when it was said unto him in the voice he heard, Tolle et lege^ he was directed to that place of Scripture, " Not in gluttony and drunkenness, nor in ^["^g chambering and wantonness, nor in strife and envy- ing ; but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and take no thought for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts of it." ^ By which it may seem that if God do not^ make choice of such men as have been infamous for gross vices before their calling, yet sometimes he is wont to do it, and is free to choose whom he pleaseth for notable instruments for his own work. As for other things that have been spoken of him and Mr. Green- wood and Mr. Penry, we leave them as they are. But some of us have reason to think there are some mistakes in the relations of those things. Only we shall add other pubhc testimonies concerning them from witnesses of very worthy credit, which are also in print.
First, from Mr. Phillips. A famous and godly
* This is the Geneva version. ^ The word ordinarily seems to See note ^ on page 14. have been accidentally omitted here.
432 BARROW AND GREENWOOD.
CHAP, preacher, having heard and seen Mr. Barrow's holy
', speeches and preparations for death, said, " Barrow,
Barrow, my soul be with thine ! " The same author also reports, that Queen Elizabeth asked learned Doctor Reynolds,' what he thought of those two men, INIr. Barrow and iMr. Greenwood ; and he answered her Majesty that it could not avail any thing to show his judgment concerning them, seeing they were put to death ; and being loath to speak his mind further, her iMajesty charged him upon his allegiance to speak. Whereupon he answered, that he was persuaded, if they had lived, they would have been two as worthy instruments for the church of God, as have been raised up in this age. Her Majesty sighed and said no more. But after that, riding to a park by the place where they were executed, and being willing to take further information concerning them, demanded of the right honorable the Earl of Cumberland, that was present when they suffered, what end they made. He an- swered, " a very godly end, and prayed for your Majesty, and the State," &c.^ We may also add what some of us have heard by credible information, that the Queen demanded of the Archbishop^ what he thought
' Dr. John Reynolds, one of clined a bishopric. He died in
the most learned divines of his 1607. See Wood's Athen. Oxon.
ase, -was, according to Anthony ii. 12 — 19, (Bliss ed.) ; Prince's
Wood, "the pillar of Puritanism, Worthies of Devon, pp. 684 — 69-2;
and the grand favorer of Noncon- Fuller's Church History, iii. 172 —
formity." He was born at Devon- 193, 228, 230.
shire in 1549, and educated in Cor- * See Pierce's Vindication of pus Christi College, Oxford, of the Dissenters, part. i. 147, and which he was afterwards president. Strvpe's Life of Bishop Aylmer, p. He was the principal champion of 247, and Xeal's History' of New the Puritans at the Hampton Court England, i. 71. Conference, and was one of the ^ Whitgift. He succeeded Grin- persons appointed by James to dal in 1584, and held the see till make the English version of the his death in 1604, the second year Bible now in common use. He of James's reign. See Fuller's'Ch. had been Dean of Lincoln, and de- Hist. iii. 66, 198.
BARROW'S CHARACTER. 433
of them in his conscience. He answered " he thought chap.
they were the servants of God, but dangerous to the ' '
State." " Alas ! " said she, " shall we put the servants of God to death .? " And this was the true cause why no more of them were put to death in her days,^
YOUNG MEN.
Did any of you know Mr. Barrow .^ if we may be so bold to ask, for we would willingly know what [was] his life and conversation ; because some, we perceive, have him in precious esteem, and others can scarce name him without some note of obloquy and dislike.
ANCIENT MEN.
We have not seen his person ; but some of us have been well acquainted with those that knew him fami- liarly both before and after his conversion ; and one of us hath had conference with one that was his domes- tic servant, and tended upon him both before and some while after the same.
He was a gentleman of good worth, and a flour- ishing courtier in his time, and, as appears in his own 15 86.
. Nov.
answers to the Archbishop and Doctor Cousens, he 19. was some time a student at Cambridge and the Inns of Court, and accomplished with strong parts.
We have heard his conversion to be on this wise. Walking in London one Lord's day with one of his companions, he heard a preacher at his sermon very loud, as they passed by the church. Upon which Mr.
' " There be grave professors, when she heard of it afterwards."
who lived near those occurrences, Cotton's Way, page 5. Bayliesays,
who speak of Queen Elizabeth as p. 14, that " Queen Elizabeth, by the
ignorant of Barrow's execution and evil advice of the cruel prelates about
Greenwood's, and displeased at it her, caused Barrow to be hanged."
55
434 BARROW'S CONVERSION.
CHAP. Barrow said unto his consort, " Let us go in and hear
' what this man saith that is thus earnest." " Tush,"
saith the other, " what ! shall we go to hear a man talk ? " ^c. But in he went and sat down. And the minister was vehement in reproving sin, and sharply applied the judgments of God against the same ; and, it should seem, touched him to the quick in such things as he was guilty of, so as God set it home to his soul, and began to work his repentance and con- version thereby. For he was so stricken as he could not be quiet, until by conference with godly men and further hearing of the word, with diligent reading and meditation, God brought peace to his soul and con- science, after much humiliation of heart and reforma- tion of hfe ; so as he left the court, and retired him- self to a private life, some time in the country and some time in the city, giving himself to study and reading of the Scriptures and other good works very diligently. And being missed at court by his consorts and acquaintance, it was quickly bruited abroad that Barrow was turned Puritan. What his course was afterwards, his writings show, as also his suiferings and conference with men of all sorts do declare, until his life was taken from him.
And thus much we can further affirm, from those that well knew him, that he was very comfortable to the poor and those in distress in their sufferings ; and when he saw he must die, he gave a stock for the relief of the poor of the church, which was a good help to them in their banished condition afterwards. Yea, and that which some will hardly believe, he did much persuade them to peace, and composed many differ- ences that were grown amongst them whilst he lived,
THE SEPARATISTS AND PURITANS. 435
and would have, it is like, prevented more that after chap.
XXVI
fell out, if he had continued. .— . ^"
YOUNG MEN.
We thank you for your pains. We hope it will ex- tend further than our satisfaction. We cannot but mar- vel that such a man should be by so many so aspersed.
ANCIENT MEN.
It is not much to be marvelled at ; for he was most plain in discovering the cruelty, fraud, and hypocrisy of the enemies of the truth, and searching into the corruptions of the time, which made him abhorred of them ; and peradventure something too harsh against the baitings of divers of the preachers and professors that he had to deal with in those times, who out of fear or weakness did not come so close up to the truth in their practice as their doctrines and grounds seemed to hold forth. Which makes us remember what was the answer of Erasmus to the Duke of Saxony, when he asked his opinion whether Luther had erred. He answered, " his opinions were good, but wished he would moderate his style, which stirred him up the more enemies, no doubt."
YOUNG MEN.
W^e find in the writings of some such who were very eminent in their times for piety and learning, that those of the Separation^ found more favor in our native coun- try than those who were reproached by the name of Puritans ; and after much discourse thereabouts, come
* For an account of the difference aratists, see Prince's Annals, pp. between the Puritans and the Sep- 302 — 305.
436 SUFFERINGS OF THE PURITANS.
CHAP, to this conclusion, that no comparison will hold from
XXVI
^^-^^ the Separatists to them in their sufferings but a mmon ; and then they go on and say, what a compulsory ban- ishment has been put upon those blessed and glorious lights, Mr. Cartwright,^ Mr. Parker,- Doctor Ames, &c.
ANCIENT MEN.
Far be it from any of us to detract from or to ex- tenuate the sufferings of any of the servants of God, much less from those worthies forenamed, or any others afterwards mentioned. Yet, under favor, we crave pardon if we cannot consent to the judgment of such eminent ones for piety and learning above hinted. We doubt not, but do easily grant, that the sufferings of those reproached by the name of Puritans were great, especially some of them, and were better known to those pious and learned [men] first above intimated, than the sufferings of those that are reproached by the name of Brownists and Separatists.^ But we shall
' Thomas Cartwright, " chief of Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 503, iii. 105, the Nonconformists," as Fuller 1G5, 171 ; Neal's Puritans, i. 420. calls him, was one of the most * Robert Parker, a Puritan divine learned scholars and skilful dis- of Wiltshire, in consequence of pub- putants of his age. He was born lishing a Treatise on the Cross in in 1535, and educated at Cam- Baptism, was obliged in 1607 to fly- bridge ; was fellow of Trinity Col- into Holland. Here he would have lege, and Lady Margaret's profes- been chosen pastor of the English sor of divinity. But venturing in Church at Amsterdam ; but the some of his lectures to point out magistrates being afraid of offending the defects in the discipline of the King James, he went to Doesburgh, Church, he was expelled from the and became minister of the garrison university. He then went to Ge- there, where he died in 1630. See neva, and afterwards became preach- Wood's Athen. Oxon. ii. 309, (ed. er to the English merchants at BHss) ; Peirce's Vindication, p. Antwerp. After his return from 171 ; Neal's Puritans, i. 436, 456. Antwerp he was often in trouble ^ On the occasion of the passage by suspensions, deprivations and of a law of banishment against the long imprisonment ; till at length Separatists in 1593, Sir Walter the Earl of Leicester made him Raleigh said in the House of Com- governor of his hospital at War- mons, " In his conceit the Brown- wick, where he died in 1603. See ists are worthy to be rooted out of
PERSECUTION OF THE SEPARATISTS. 437
give vou some instances, and leave it to you and some chap.
, ■ -, r XXVI.
others to consider oi.
1. Though no more were pubhcly executed, yet sundry more were condemned, and brought to the gallows, and ascended the ladder, not knowing but they should die, and have been reprieved, and after banished ; some of which we have known and often spoken with.
2. Others have not only been forced into voluntary banishment, by great numbers, to avoid further cruelty, but divers, after long and sore imprisonment, have been forced to abjure the land by oath, never to return without leave. In anno 1604 four persons at once were forced to do so at a public Sessions in London, or else upon refusal they were to be hanged. This their abjuration was done on the statute of the 35 of Queen Ehzabeth. Some of these we have also known.
3. We find mention in a printed book of seventeen or eighteen that have died in several prisons in Lon- don in six years' time before the year 1592, besides what have been in other parts of the land, and since that time, perishing by cold, hunger, or noisomeness of the prison.
4. In the same year we find a lamentable petition, 1592. now in print, of sixty persons committed unbailably to several prisons in London, as Newgate, the Gatehouse, Chnk, &c., being made close prisoners, allowing them neither meat, drink, fire, nor lodging, nor suffering any
a commonwealth ; but what dan- afraid there is near twenty thou-
ger may grow to ourselves if this sand of them in England ; and
law passes, it were fit to be consid- when they are gone, who shall
ered. If two or three thousand maintain their wives and child-
Brownists meet at the seaside, at ren?" Simon D'Ewes's Journals,
whose charge shall they be trans- p. 517, and Peirce's Vindication,
ported? or whither will you send page 143. them ? I am sorry for it ; I am
438 THE SEPARATISTS EXCOMMUNICATED.
CHAP, whose hearts the Lord would stir up for their reUef, SIh to have any access unto them ; so as they complain that no felons, traitors, nor murderers in the land were thus dealt with ; and so after many other grievous complaints conclude with these words : " We crave for all of us but the liberty either to die openly or to live openly in the land of our nativity. If we deserve death, it beseemeth the majesty of justice not to see us closely murdered, yea starved to death with hunger and cold, and stifled in loathsome dungeons. If we be guiltless, we crave but the benefit of our innocence, viz. that we may have peace to serve our God and our Prince in the place of the sepulchres of our fathers." ^ And what numbers, since those times, have been put unto compulsory banishment and other hard suf- ferings, as loss of goods, friends, and long and hard imprisonments, under which many have died, — it is so well known, that it would make up a volume to rehearse them, and would not only equalize but far exceed the number of those godly called Puritans that have suflfered. Suppose they were but few of them ministers that suffered, as above expressed ; yet their sorrows might be as great, and their wants more, and their souls as much afflicted, because more contemned and neglected of men.
But some have said they were excommunicated ; and that was no great matter as excommunications went in those days. So were these, not only whilst they were living, but some of them many times after they were dead; and as some of the other were imprisoned, so were more of these. But it is further said, all of them were deprived of their ministry ; and so were
' See Peirce's ViaJication of the Dissenters, part. i. p. 144.
THE SEPARATISTS IMPRISONED AND BANISHED. 439
these of their livelihood and maintenance, though they chap
XXVI.
had no offices to lose. But those remained still in the --
land, and were succoured and sheltered by good peo- ple in a competent wise, the most of them, and sundry of them lived as well, as may easily be proved, if not better, than if they had enjoyed their benefices ; where- as the other were, a great number of them, forced to fly into foreign lands for shelter, or else might have per- ished in prisons; and these poor creatures endured, many of them, such hardships (as is well known to some of us) as makes our hearts still ache to remember.
We some of us knew Mr. Parker, Doctor Ames, and Mr. Jacob ^ in Holland, when they sojourned for a time at Leyden ; and all three boarded together and had their victuals dressed by some of our acquaintance, and then they lived comfortably, and then they were provided for as became their persons. And after Mr. Jacob returned, and Mr. Parker was at Amsterdam,
• Henry Jacob was born in the but in 1624 went to Virginia, county of Kent in 1563, and was where he soon after died. From educated at Oxford. He became a the Library of the American Anti- clergyman of the Church of Eng- quarian Society, at Worcester, I land'^ and as Anthony Wood says, have obtained the use of a book "was a person most excellently written by Jacob, entitled " An At- well read in theological authors, testation of many learned, godly but withal was a most zealous and famous divines, lights of reli- Puritan, or as his son Henry used gion and pillars of the gospel, jus- te say, the first Independent in tifying this doctrine, viz. that the England." He wrote two treatises church government ought to be al- againstFrancis Johnson, the Brown- ways w'ith the people's free con- is"t,in defence of the Church of Eng- sent. Also this, that a true church land's being a true church. But under the Gospel containeth no flying froin the persecution under more ordinary congregations but Bishop Bancroft in 1604, he fell in one. Anno Dom. 1613." pp. 323. with John Robinson at Leyden, 16mo. This w-ork is not contained and conferring with him embraced in Wood's list of Jacob's writings, his peculiar sentiinents of church nor is it mentioned by Neal. See government. On his return to Wood's Athen. Oxon. iii. 329 — 333, England, he laid in 1616, the foun- (Bliss's ed.) ; Neal's Puritans, i. datfon of an Independent or Con- 438, 476; Mass. Hist. Coll. xi. 101 gregational Church. He continued — 167. with his people about eight years,
440 SUFFERINGS OF THE SEPARATISTS.
CHAP, (where he printed some of his books,) and Mr. Ames
disposed of himself to other places, it was not worse
with them ; and some of us well know how it fared then with divers precious Christians in those times and places. To speak the truth, the professors in England, though many of them suffered much at the hands of the prelates, yet they had a great advantage of the Separatists ; for the Separatists had not only the prelates and their faction to encounter with, (and what harder measure they met with at their hands, above the other, doth sufficiently appear by what is before declared,) but also they must endure the frowns, and many times the sharp invectives, of the forward minis- ters against them, both in public and private ; and what influence they had upon the spirits of the people, is well enough known ; also by reason hereof the min- isters in foreign countries did look awry at them when they would give help and countenance to the other.
YOUNG MEN.
Indeed, it seems they have sometimes suffered much hardness in the Low Countries, if that be true that is reported of such a man as Mr. Ainsworth, that he should live for some time with nine pence a week. To which is replied by another, that if people suflfered him to live on nine pence a week, with roots boiled, either the people were grown extreme low in estate, or the growth of their godliness was come to a very low ebb.
ANCIENT MEN.
The truth is, their condition for the most part was for some time vcrv low and hard. It was with them
SUFFERINGS OP THE SEPARATISTS. 441
as, if it should be related, would hardly be believed, chap.
X wi And no marvel. For many of them had lain long in J^-^^
prisons, and then were banished into Newfoundland, where they were abused, and at last came into the Low Countries, and wanting money, trades, friends or acquaintances, and languages to help themselves, how could it be otherwise ? The report of Mr. Ainsworth was near those times, when he was newly come out of Ireland with others poor, and being a single young man and very studious, was content with a little. And yet, to take off the aspersion from the people in that par- ticular, the chief and true reason thereof is mistaken; for he was a very modest and bashful man, and con- cealed his wants from others, until some suspected how it was with him, and pressed him to see how it was ; and after it was known, such as were able mended his condition ; and when he was married afterwards, he and his family were comfortably provided for. But we have said enough of these things. They had few friends to comfort them, nor any arm of flesh to sup- port them ; and if in some things they were too rigid, they are rather to be pitied, considering their times and sufferings, than to be blasted with reproach to posterity.
YOUNG MEN.
Was that Brown, ^ that fell away and made apos- tasy, the first inventor and beginner of this way ?
1 Robert Brown was descended mence of his delivery gained him from an ancient and respectable repntation with the people. He family in Rutlandshire. His father, was first a schoolmaster in South- Anthony Brown, Esquire, of Tol- worth, and then a preacher ai Is- thorp sheriff of the county, was lington, near London. He first sepa- nearly related to Cecil, Lord Bur- rated from the Church of England leigh. He was educated at Cam- in 1580, and having been twice im- bridae, and preached some time in prisoned, at length escaped into Benet Church, where the vehe- Holland, and set up a congregation
56
442
ROBERT BROWN, THE SEPARATIST.
CHAP. XXVI.
ANCIENT MEN.
No, verily ; for, as one answers this question very well in a printed book, almost forty years ago, that the prophets, apostles, and evangelists have in their authentic writings laid down the ground thereof; and upon that ground is their building reared up and surely settled.^ Moreover, many of the martyrs, both former and latter, have maintained it, as is to be seen in The Acts and Monuments of the Church. Also, in the days of Queen Elizabeth there w^as a separated church, whereof Mr. Fitts was pastor,^ and another before that in the time of Queen Mary, of which Mr. Rough ^ was
of his followers at Middleburg. After its dissolution, he returned in 1589 to England, recanted his prin- ciples of separation, became re- conciled to the established church, and was rewarded with a living in Northamptonshire. Fuller, the church historian, who was born within a mile of his residence, says he often saw him in his youth, and adds that " he had in my time a wife with whom for many years he never lived, and a church wherein he never preached.*' Being im- prisoned for striking the constable of his parish for demanding a church rate of him, he died in Northamp- ton gaol in 1630, in his 81st year. Hornius says, " De eo inter alia ridicula referunt, quod cum frequen- ter uxorem suam pulsaret, repre- hensus propterea respondent, ' Se non verberare earn ut uxorem suam, verum ut nefariam et maledictam vetulam.' " — A good account of this eccentric individual may be found in Bridges"s History of North- amptonshire, ii. 366, (Whalley"s ed.) Robinson, in his Justification of Separation, page-54, says, "Now touching Browne, it is true, that as he forsook the Lord, so the Lord forsook him in his way ; and so he did his own people Israel many a
time. And if the Lord had not for- saken him, he had never so returned back into Egypt, as he did, to live of the spoils of it. And for the wicked things which Mr. Bernard affirmeth he did in this way, it may well be as he saith, and the more wicked things he committed in this course, the less like he was to continue long in it, and the more like to return again to his proper centre, the Church of England, where he should be sure to find companions enough in any wick- edness, as it came to pass." See Wood's Athen. Oxon. ii. 17, (ed. Bliss) ; Fuller's Ch. Hist. iii. 61 — 65 ; Strype's Annals, iii. 15 ; Neal's Puritans, i. 251 ; Baylie's Dissua- sive, p. 13 ; Hornii Hist. Eccles. p. 231 ; Hoornbeek, Summa Con- trov. p. 739.
* As for Mr. Robinson's being the author of Independency, Mr. Cotton replies that " the New Tes- tament was the author of it, and it was received in the times of purest, primitive antiquity, many hundreds of years before Mr. Robinson was born." Prince, p. 176. See Cot- ton's Way, p. 9.
* See Prince's Annals, p. 302.
^ Rough was burnt. See Neal's Puritans, i. 71.
SEPARATISTS BEFORE BROWN. 443
pastor or teacher, and Cudbert Simpson a deacon, who chap. exercised amongst themselves, as other ordinances, so — — ' church censures, as excommunication, &c., and pro- fessed and practised that cause before Mr. Brown wrote for it. But he being one that afterwards wrote for it, they that first hatched the name of Puritans ^ and bestowed it on the godly professors that desired reformation, they likewise out of the same storehouse would needs bestow this new livery upon others that never would own it, nor had reason so to do. Mr. Cotton, likewise, in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, page fourth, shows how in the year 1567 there were a hun- dred persons who refused the common liturgy, and the congregations attending thereunto, and used pray- ers and preaching and the sacraments amongst them- selves, whereof fourteen or fifteen were sent to prison, of whom the chiefest were Mr. Smith, Mr. Nixon, James Ireland, Robert Hawkins, Thomas Rowland, and Richard Morecroft ; and these pleaded their sep- aration before the Lord Mayor, Bishop Sands, and other commissioners on June 20, 1567, about eighty years ago, being many years before Brown.^ Divers other instances might be given.
YOUNG MEN.
But if we mistake not, Mr. Brown is accounted by some of good note to be the inventor of that way which is called Brownism, from whom the sect took its name. Moreover, it is said by such of note as aforesaid, that it is not God's usual manner of deahng to leave any of the first publishers or restorers of any truth of his to such fearful apostasy.
' In 1564. See note ' on page * See Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 480, 12. and Neal's Puritans, i. 161 — 164.
444 THE TITLE OF BROWNIST DISCLAIMED.
CHAP. ANCIENT MEN.
XXVI.
Possibly this speech might arise from a common
received opinion. But reverend Mr. Cotton, in his Answer to ]\Ir. Bayhe, saith "the backshding of Brown from tliat way of Separation is a just reason why the Separatists may disclaim denomination from him, and refuse to be called Brownists, after his name ; and to speak with reason," saith he, " if any be justly to be called Brownists, it is only such as revolt from Sepa- ration to formality, and from thence to profaneness." Page 5.
To which we may add, that it is very injurious to call those after his name, whose person they never knew, and whose writings few if any of them ever saw, and whose errors and backslidings they have constantly borne witness against ; and what truths they have received have been from the light of God's sacred word, conveyed by other godly instruments unto them ; though Brown may sometimes have pro- fessed some of the same things, and now fallen from the same, as many others have done.
YOUNG MEN.
Seeing we have presumed thus far to inquire into these ancienter times of you, and of the sufferings of the aforesaid persons, we would likewise entreat you, though never so briefly, to tell us something of the persons and carriages of other eminent men about those times, or immediately after, as Mr. Francis Johnson, Mr. Henry Ainsworth, Mr. John Smith, Mr. John Robinson, Mr. Richard Clifton.
FRANCIS JOHNSON, OF AMSTERDAM. 445
ANCIENT MEN. CHAP.
XXVI.
Here are some in the company that knew them all familiarly, whom we shall desire to satisfy your re- quest.
Those answered, We shall do it most willingly ; for we cannot but honor the memory of the men for the good that not only many others but we ourselves have received by them and their ministry ; for we have heard them all, and lived under the ministry of divers of them for some years. We shall therefore speak of them in order briefly.
Mr. Johnson,
Of whom something was spoken before,^ was pastor of the church of God at Amsterdam. A very grave man he was, and an able teacher, and was the most solemn in all his administrations that we have seen any, and especially in dispensing the seals of the covenant, both baptism and the Lord's supper. And a good disputant he was. We heard Mr. Smith upon occasion say, that . he was persuaded no men living were able to maintain a cause against those two men, meaning Mr. Johnson and Mr. Ains worth, if they had not the truth on their side. He, by reason of many dissensions that fell out in the church, and the subtilty of one of the elders of the same, came after many years to alter his judgment about the government of the church, and his practice thereupon, which caused a division amongst them. But he lived not many years after, and died at Amster- dam after his return from Embden.
On page 424.
446 FRANCIS JOHNSON'S WIFE.
CHAP. YOUNG MEN.
XXVI.
But he is much spoken against for excommunica- ting his brother ' and his own father, and maintaining his wife's cause, who was by his brother and others reproved for her pride in apparel.
ANCIENT MEN.
Himself hath often made his own defence, and others for him. The church did, after long patience towards them and much pains taken with them, excom- municate them for their unreasonable and endless op- position, and such things as did accompany the same ; and such was the justice thereof, as he could not but consent thereto. In our time his wife was a grave matron, and very modest both in her apparel and all her demeanour, ready to any good works in her place, and helpful to many, especially the poor, and an orna- ment to his calling. She was a young w idow when he married her, and had been a merchant's wife, by . whom he had a good estate, and was a godly woman ; and because she wore such apparel as she had been formerly used to, which were neither excessive nor im- modest, for their chiefest exceptions were against her wearing of some whalebone in the bodice and sleeves of her gown, corked shoes, and other such like things as the citizens of her rank then used to wear. And although, for offence sake, she and he were wilhng to reform the fashions of them so far as might be without spoiling of their garments, yet it would not content them except they came full up to their size. Such
' His brother's name was George. See Baylie, p. 15.
BRAVERY IN DRESS REPROVED. 447
was the strictness or rigidness (as now the term goes) chap.
of some in those times, as we can by experience and '■
of our own knowledge show in other instances. We shall for brevity sake only show one.
We were in the company of a godly man that had been a long time prisoner at Norwich for this cause, and was by Judge Cooke set at liberty. After going into the country he visited his friends, and returning that way again to go into the Low Countries by ship at Yarmouth, and so desired some of us to turn in with him to the house of an ancient woman in the city, who had been very kind and helpful to him in his sufferings. She knowing his voice made him very welcome, and those with him. But after some time of their entertainment, being ready to depart, she came up to him and felt of his band, (for her eyes were dim with age,) and perceiving it was something stiffened with starch, she was much displeased, and reproved him very sharply, fearing God would not prosper his journey. Yet the man was a plain coun- tryman, clad in gray russet, without either v/elt or guard, (as the proverb is,) and the band he wore scarce worth threepence, made of their own home- spinning ; and he was godly and humble as he was plain. What would such professors, if they were now living, say to the excess of our times .^ '
* Francis Johnson became a Se- son escaped from the country, and
paratist by reading- a book written with some of his people set up a
by Barrow and Greenwood, as re- church at Amsterdam. Robinson
lated on page 425. In 1592, on the found him there in 1608, as appears
formation of a new congregation from ]iage 34. On the breaking
of Separatists in London, Johnson out of the dissensions among them,
was chosen its pastor and Green- Johnson removed to Embden. See
wood its teacher. They, with fifty- note ' on page 24 ; Neal's Puritans,
four of their church, were soon pp. 363, 436 ; Prince Annals, p.
seized by the bishop's officers, and 303 ; Robinson's Justification, p.
imprisoned. After the execution 55 ; Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 14 ;
of Barrow and Greenwood, John- Cotton's Way, p. 6.
448 HENRY AINSWORTH, OF AMSTERDAM.
CHAP. Mr. Henry Ainsworth,
XXVI.
A man of a thousand, was teacher of this church at
Amsterdam at the same time when Mr. Johnson was pastor. Two worthy men they were and of excellent parts. He continued constant in his judgment and practice unto his end in those things about the church government, from which Mr. Johnson swerved and fell. He ever maintained good correspondence with Mr. Robinson at Leyden, and would consult with him in all matters of weight, both in their differences and afterwards. A very learned man he was, and a close student, which much impaired his health. We have heard some, eminent in the knowledge of the tongues, of the university of Leyden, say that they thought he had not his better for the Hebrew tongue in the uni- versity, nor scarce in Europe.^ He was a man very modest, amiable, and sociable in his ordinary course and carriage, of an innocent and unblamable life and conversation, of a meek spirit, and a calm temper, void of passion and not easily provoked. And yet he would be something smart in his style to his opposers in his public writings ; at which we that have seen his con- stant carriage, both in public disputes and the managing of all church affairs, and such like occurrences, have sometimes marvelled. He had an excellent gift of teaching and opening the Scriptures ; and things did flow from him with that facility, plainness and sweet- ness, as did much affect the hearers. He was powerful and profound in doctrine, although his voice was not
' Cotton, in his Way of Conffre- pently studious of the Hebrew text,
gational Churches Cleared, page 6, hath not been unuseful to tlie church
says, " Mr. Ainsworth, a man of a in liis Exposition of the Pentateuch,
modest and humble spirit, and dili- especially of Moses his rituals."
HENRY AINSWORTH. 449
Strong ; and had this excellency above many, that he chap.
was most ready and pregnant in the Scriptures, as if "
the book of God had been written in his heart ; being as ready in his quotations, without tossing and turning his book, as if they had laid open before his eyes, and seldom missing a word in the citing of any place, teaching not only the word and doctrine of God, but in the words of God, and for the most part in a con- tinued phrase and words of Scripture. He used great dexterity, and was ready in comparing scripture with scripture, one with another. In a word, the times and place in which he lived were not worthy of such a man.
YOUNG MEN.
But we find that he is taxed, in a book writ by George Johnson, with apostasy and to be a man- pleaser, &c.
ANCIENT MEN.
Who can escape the scourge of tongues ? Christ himself could not do it when he was here upon earth, although there was no guile found in his mouth ; nor Moses, although he was the meekest man in the earth. For man-pleasing, they that tax him [do it] because he concurred against their violent and endless dissen- sions about the former matters. And for his apostasy, this was all the matter. When he was a young man, before he came out of England, he at the persuasion of some of his godly friends went once or twice to hear a godly minister preach ; and this was the great matter of apostasy, for which those violent men thought him worthy to be deposed from his place, and for which
57
450 JOHN SMITH.
CHAP, they thus charge him. And truly herein they may _J — '■ worthily bear the name of rigid, Scc.^
Mr. John Smith
Was an eminent man in his time, and a good preacher, and of other good parts ; but his inconstancy, and unstable judgment, and being so suddenly carried away with things, did soon overthrow him. Yet we have some of us heard him use this speech : " Truly," said he, " we being now come into a place of liberty, are in great danger, if we look not well to our ways ; for we are like men set upon the ice, and therefore may easily slide and fail."' But in this example it appears it is an easier matter to give good counsel than to follow it, to foresee danger than to prevent it : which made the jere. prophct to Say, " O Lord, the way of man is not in himself, neither is it in man to walk and to direct his steps." He was some time pastor to a company of honest and godly men which came with him out of England, and pitched at Amsterdam. He first fell into some errors about the Scriptures, and so into some opposition with Mr. Johnson, who had been his tutor,
' After Johnson's lemoval to he would desire ; hut Ainsworth, Embden, Ainsworth was the sole though poor, would accept of no- pastor of the church at Amsterdam thing hut a conference with some till his death. This " Rabbi of his of the rabbles upon the prophecies age," as he was called, " was the of the Old Testament relating to author of a very learned comment- the Messiah, which the other pro- ary on the five books of Moses, in mised ; but not having interest which he shows himself a complete enough to obtain it, and Ainsworth master of the Oriental languages being resolute, it is thought he and of Jewish antiquities. His was poisoned. His congregation death was sudden, and not without remained without a pastor for some suspicion of violence ; for it is re- years after his death and then chose ported, that having found a dia- Mr. Canne, author of the marginal mond of great value in the streets references to the Bible." See of Amsterdam, he advertised it in Neal's Puritans, i. 3G3, 386, 437; print, and when the owner, who Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 15; Cot- was a Jew, came to demand it, he ton's Way, p. 6. offered hira any acknowledgment
J. 23,
JOHN SMITH.
451
and the church there. But he was convinced of them chap.
by the pains and faithfulness of Mr. Johnson and Mr. '
Ainsworth, and revoked them ; but afterwards was drawn away by some of the Dutch Anabaptists, who finding him to be a good scholar and unsettled, they easily misled the most of his people, and other of them scattered away. He hved not many years after, but died there of a consumption, to which he was inclined before he came out of England. His and his people's condition may be an object of pity for after times.^
Mr. John Robinson
Was pastor of that famous church of Leyden, in Hol- land ; a man not easily to be paralleled for all things, whose singular virtues we shall not take upon us here
' Smith, who has already been mentioned on pages 22 and 34, was, according to Baylie, p. 15, " a man of right eminent parts." Neal says that he was " a learned man, of good abilities, but of an unsettled head, as appears by the preface to one of his books, in which he desires that his last writing may always be taken for his present judg- ment. He was for refining upon the Brownists' scheme, and at last de- clared for the principles of the Bap- tists ; but being at a loss for a pro- per administrator of the ordinance of baptism, he plunged himself, and then performed the ceremony upon others ; which gained hiin the name of a Se-baptist. He afterwards em- braced the tenets of Arminius, and published certain conclusions upon those points in the year 1611, which Mr. Robinson answered in 1614 ; but Smith died soon after, and his congregation dissolved.
" The fall of Mr. Smith," says Cotton, in his Way, p. 6, "and the spirit of errors and instability that fell upon him, was a dreadful warn-
ing from heaven against self-fulness and self-pleasing. For though the tyranny of the Ecclesiastical Courts was harsh towards him, and the yokes put upon him in the ministry too grievous to be borne, yet neither was he alone in sufTering. Nor were those that suffered with him at that time (Mr. Clifton and Mr. Rob- inson) such inconsiderable persons that he should affect to go alone from them. He thought he could have gained his tutor, Johnson, [of Am- sterdam] from the errors of his rigid separation. But he had promised them not to go over to him without their consents; and they utterly dis- suaded him therefrom, as fearing his instability. And yet, contrary to his promise, he went over to him, which led him into manifest temp- tations and aberrations."
The celebrated Bishop Hall wrote a letter which he addressed " to Mr. Smith and Mr. Robinson, ringlead- ers of the late Separation, at Am- sterdam." See Neal's Puritans, i. 437 ; Baylie's Dissuasive, pp. 15, 19 ; Bp. Hall's Epistles, dec. iii. ep. 1.
452 JOHN ROBINSON.
CHAP, to describe. Neither need we, for they so well are
XXVI.
known both by friends and enemies. As he was a
man learned and of solid judgment, and of a quick and sharp wit, so was he also of a tender conscience, and very sincere in all his ways, a hater of hypocrisy and dissimulation, and would be very plain with his best friends. He was very courteous, alVable and sociable in his conversation, and towards his own people espe- cially. He was an acute and expert disputant, very quick and ready, and had much bickering with the Arminians,^ who stood more in fear of him than any of the university. He was never satisfied in himself until he had searched any cause or argument he had to deal in thoroughly and to the bottom ; and we have heard him sometimes say to his familiars that many times, both in writing and disputation, he knew he had suffi- ciently answered others, but many times not himself; and was ever desirous of any light, and the more able, learned, and holy the persons were, tlie more he desired to confer and reason with them. He was very profit- able in his ministry and comfortable to his people. He was much beloved of them, and as loving was he unto them, and entirely sought their good for soul and body. In a word, he was much esteemed and reverenced of all that knew him, and his abilities [were acknow- ledged] both of friends and strangers. But we re- solved to be brief in this matter, leaving you to better and more large information herein from others.^
' See pages 41 and 392. the year before he went over to * John Robinson was born in Holland. Before his election as 1576, but the place of his birth pastor of the Pilprim Church, men- is unknown. He was educated tioned on page 23. he had a bene- al Emmanuel College, Cambridge, fice near Yarmouth, in Norfolk, where he entered in 1502, took the where he was often molested by degree of Master of Arts in 1600, the bishop's otBcers, and his friends and Bachelor of Divinity iu 1G07. almost ruined in the ecclesiastical
RICHARD CLIFTO^^
4oC>
AIr. Richard Clifton
"Was a grave and fatherly old man ^vllen he came first into Holland, having a great white beard ; and pirv it was that such a reverend old man should be forced to leave his country, and at those years to go into exile. But it was his lot : and he bore it patiently. ]Much good had he done in the country where he lived, and converted many to God by his faithful and painful ministry, both in preaching and catechizing. Soimd and orthodox he always was. and so continued to his end. He belonged to the church at Levden : but be- ing settled at Amsterdam, and thus a^ed. he was loath to remove anv more : and so when thev removed, he
CHAP. XXVI.
courLS. Ii is rin lii^ireneroGS insui- ua'.ion of Bishop Hall, ai the end of his Apolosry aeninst Brownisls, •• Neither doubt we to say, that the mastership of the hospital al Nor- wich, or a lease from that city, (sued for, with repulse.) might have pro- cured that this separation fmm the coBQmunion, g^overnment, and wor- ship of the Church of Erigland, should not have been made by John Robinson."
Baylie, that bitter inTeigher aeainst the Brownisls and Indepen- dents, acknowledges tliai " Robin- son was a man of excelieni f»arts, and the most learned, polished and modest spirit that ever separated from the Church of England : that the Apologies and Justifications he wroie were very handsome ; that by Dr. Ames and Mr. Parker he was brought to a greater modeja- tion than he at first expressed ; that he ruined the rigid separation, was a principal OTerthrower of the Brownists, and became the author of IndependeTtcy.^- As to this last poiut. howerer, see Cotton's reply, in note * on page 44*3. The name, however, as Mo&heim suggests.
may have been derived from an expression of Robinson's in his Apology : '* Ccetum qnemlibet par- ticulsrem esse totam, integram et perfectam ecclesiam. ex snis parti- bus constanjem, immediaie et inde- pctuicaler quoad alias ecclesias, sub ipsti Christo."
As has already been seen, pp. 77 and 3S4, and will more fully appear heteaiier from his Letters, it was Robinson's intention and most ear- nest desire to come over and settle with his flock at Plymouth : but he was prevented by the want of means, the opposition of some of the merchant adveninrers, and finally by death . which removed him from the world March 1. 1625. The honors paid to his memory at his funeral are recorded in note ' on page 393. Hoornbeek says, in the work quoted on page 42, '• Post obitum ejus, obona in coetu eon- tentione et schismaie super com- munione cum Ecclesia Angiicaca m auditione verbi, D. Robinsoni vidua, liberi, reliquique piopinqui et amici in communionem ecclesia? nosirze recepli fnerant." Prince says, in his Annals, p. 238, *■ His son Isaac
454
ROBINSON'S WRITINGS.
CHAP, was dismissed to them there, and there remained until
XXVI
'. he died.^ Thus have we briefly satisfied your desire.
YOUNG MEN.
We are very thankful to you for your pains. We perceive God raiseth up excellent instruments in all ages to carry on his own work ; and the best of men have their failings sometimes, as we see in these oui:
came over to Plymouth Colony, liv- ed to above ninety of years, a ven- erable man, whom I have often seen, and has left male posterity in the county of Barnstable." lie lived at Scituate in 1630, and in 1639 removed to Barnstable ; he was a highly respectable man, and an Assistant in the jOfovernment. He married a sister of Elder Faunce, and a son of his, Isaac, was drown- ed at Barnstable in 1668. See Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 151 — 178; Neals Puritans, i. 437 ; Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 17 ; Cotton's Way, p. 7 ; Hoornbeek, Sum. Cont. p. 741 ; Hornius, Hist. Eccles. p. 23:2 ; Mosheim, Eccles. Hist. v. 405 ; Deane"s Scituate, p. 332 ; Holmes's Annals, i. 191, 575 ; Prince, 173; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 248, 249.
In note ' on page 40 there is a list of the books published by Rob- inson before the departure of the Pilgrims for America. He after- wards wrote the following works, all of which, with the others, I have had the privilege and pleasure of consulting. 1. "A Defence of the Doctrine propounded by the Synod at Dort, against John Mor- ton and his Associates, wdth the Refutation of their Answer to a writing touching baptism. By John Robinson. Printed in the 5'earl624." 4lo,pp. 203. 2. " A Treatise of the lawfulness of hear- ing of the ministers in the Church of England ; penned by that learn- ed and reverend divine, John Rob- inson, late pastor to the English church of God at Leyden. Printed according to the copy that was
found in his study after his de- cease ; and now published for the common good. Together with a letter written by the same author, [Leyden, 5 April, 1624] and ap- proved by his Church, which fol- lowclh after this Treatise. Anno 1034." pp. 77, ir.mo. 3. " Es- says, or Observations, divine and moral, collected out of Holy Scrip- tures, ancient and modern writers, both divine and human, as also out of the great volume of men's man- ners; tending to the furtherance of knowledge and virtue. By John Robinson. The Second Edition. London. Printed for /. Bel/amie. 1638."' pp. 55G, 4to. In his Pre- face he speaks of having " dili- gently observed the great volume of men's manners ; having had, in the days of my pilgrimage, special opportunity of conversing with per- sons of divers nations, estates, and dispositions, in great variety. This kind of study and meditation hath been unto me full sweet and de- lightful, and that wherein I have often refreshed my soul and spirit, amidst many sad and sorrowful thoughts, unto which God hath call- ed me."
' Of course Belknap is in an er- ror, when he says, in his Life of Robinson, Am. Biog. ii. 157, " As nothing more is said of the aged Mr. Clifton, it is probable that he died before this embarkation," i. e. from England to Holland. Baylies, in his Memoir of New Plymouth, i. 11, repeats the error. Yet Prince would have set them right, p. 120.
THE CHURCH AT AMSTERDAM. 455
times, and that there is no new thing under the sun. chap.
11- T • 11 XXVI.
But before we end this matter, we desire you would .-^ —
say something of those two churches that were so long
in exile, of whose guides we have already heard.
ANCIENT MEN.
Truly there were in them many worthy men ; and if you had seen them in their beauty and order, as we have done, you would have been much affected there- with, we dare say. At Amsterdam, before their divi- sion and breach, they were about three hundred com- municants, and they had for their pastor and teacher those two eminent men before named, and in our time four grave men for ruling elders,' and three able and godly men for deacons, one ancient widow for a dea- coness, who did them service many years, though she was sixty years of age when she v/as chosen. She honored her place and was an ornament to the congre-
' The difference between the pas- that they " chose none for govern- tor, or teaching elder, and the ruling ing elders but such as were able to elder, as it existed in the churches teach." The office of ruling elder of the Pilgrims, is thus described by also existed in the churches of Mas- Prince, from their published writ- sachusetts Bay, at their first plant- ings. "1. Pastors, or teaching el- ing. Mr. Savage, says, " It was ders — who have the power of over- kept up hardly more than fifty years, seeing, teaching, administering the though in a few churches it contin- sacraments, and ruling too ; and ued to the middle of the last cen- being chiefly to give themselves to tury, much reduced, however, in studying, teaching, and the spiritual importance, and hardly distinguish- care of the flock, are therefore to be able from that of deacon. The title maintained. 2. Mere ruling elders of elders was retained from the be- — who are to help the pastors in ginning as a name (or ministers." overseeing and ruling ; that their The ofllice of ruUng elder is still offices be not temporary, as among kept up in the First Church in Sa- the Dutch and French churches, leni, the oldest church in Massa- but continual ; and being also quali- chusetts proper, the next after Ply- fied in some degree to teach, they mouth. For further particulars con- are to teach occasionally, through cerning the functions and duties of necessity, or in their pastor's ab- the ruling elder, see Robinson's sence or illness; but being not to Apology, ch. iv. ; the Cambridge give themselves to study or teach- Platform, ch. vii. ; Hutchinson's ing, they have no need" of mainte- Mass, i. 426; Prince's Annals, p. nance." It appears, from page 65, 177 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 31.
456 THE CHURCH AT LEYDEN.
CHAP. 2"ation. She usually sat in a convenient place in the
XXVI. ^ . . ^
congregation, with a little birchen rod in her hand, and
kept little children in great awe from disturbing the congregation. She did frequently visit the sick and weak, especially women, and, as there was need, call- ed out maids and young women to watch and do them other helps as their necessity did require ; and if they were poor, she would gather relief for them of those that were able, or acquaint the deacons ; and she was obeyed as a mother in Israel and an officer of Christ. And for the church of Leyden, they were sometimes not much fewer in number, nor at all inferior in able men, though they had not so many officers as the other ; for they had but one ruling elder with their pastor, a man well approved and of great integrity ; also they had three able men for deacons. And that which was a crown unto them, they lived together in love and peace all their days,^ without any considerable dif- ferences or any disturbance that grew thereby, but such as was easily healed in love ; and so they continued until with mutual consent they removed into New England. And what their condition hath been since, some of you that are of their children do see and can tell. Many worthy and able men there were in both places, who hved and died in obscurity in respect of the world, as private Christians, yet were they pre- cious in the eyes of the Lord, and also in the eyes of such as knew them, whose virtues we with such of you as are their children do follow and imitate.
YOUNG MEN.
If we may not be tedious, we would request to know
' See pages 34, 36, and 380.
THEIR COMMUNION WITH OTHER CHURCHES. 457
one thinsf more. It is commonlv said that those of chap.
XXVI.
the Separation hold none to be true churches but their
own, and condemn all the churches in the world be- sides ; which lieth as a foul blot upon them, yea even on some here in New England, except they can re- move it.
ANCIENT MEN.
It is a manifest slander laid upon them ; for they hold all the Reformed Churches to be true churches, and even the most rigid of them have ever done so, as appears by their Apologies^ and other writings ; and we ourselves some of us know of much intercommu- nion that divers have held with them reciprocally, not only with the Dutch and French, but even with the Scotch,^ who are not of the best mould, yea and with the Lutherans also ; and we believe they have gone as far herein, both in judgment and practice, as any of the churches in New England do or can do, to deal faithfully and bear witness against their corruptions.
Having thus far satisfied all your demands, we shall here break off this conference for this time, desiring the Lord to make you to grow up in grace and wis- dom and the true fear of God, that in all faithfulness and humihty you may serve him in your generations.
YOUNG MEN.
Gentlemen, we humbly thank you for your pains with us and respect unto us, and do further crave that upon any fit occasions we may have access unto you for any further information, and herewith do humbly take our leave.^
1 See Robinson's Apology, quot- * See pages 391 — 396. ed in note ^ on page 388. ' Bradford continued this Dia-
58
458
BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.
CHAP, lo^ue in two other parts ; one of XXVI. which I have had in my possession, ^-^v— — written with his own hand. The title is as follows: "A Dialogue, or 3d Conference, betweene some yonge men borne in New-Eng- land, and some ancient men which came out of Holand and Old Eng- land, concerning the Church and the governmente therof." It is
longer than the first part which is here printed, and relates chiefly to the " controversy es amongst four sorts of men ; The Papists, the Episcopacy, the Presbyterians, and the Independents, as they are call- ed." Being a theological rather than a historical work, I have not deemed it suitable to be inserted in this volume.
GOVERNOR carver's CHAIR.
%*
GOV. BRADFORD'S MEMOIR
ELDER BREWSTER.
CHAPTER XXVII.
MEMOIR OF ELDER WILLIAM BREWSTER.i
Now followeth that which was matter of great sad- chap.
XXVII.
ness and mourning unto this Church. About the
16th of April,^ in this year, died their reverend Elder,^ \^^t' our dear and loving friend, Mr. William ^ Brewster ; i6. a man that had done and suffered much for the Lord Jesus and the Gospel's sake, and had borne his part in weal and wo with this poor persecuted Church about thirty-six years in England, Holland, and in this wilderness, and done the Lord and them faithful ser- vice in his place and calling ; and notwithstanding the many troubles and sorrows he passed through, the Lord upheld him to a great age. He was near four-
* From the MS. Records of Ply- Hist. Mass. ii. 460, inserts about a
mouth Church, book i. folio 38, into page of it from Bradford's MS. His-
which it was copied by Secretary tory. There can be no doubt that
Morton, from Governor Bradford's the whole Memoir proceeded from
MS. History of Plymouth Colony, the pen of Bradford, and that Mor-
^ Morton, in his Memorial, p. ton, in this as in other cases, was a
219, places Brewster's death on the mere copyist.
18th of April, 1643. "Concerning ' Burk, in his Hist, of Virginia,
whom," he adds, " I could say i. 214, makes Brewster the military
much of mine own knowledge ; but as well as the spiritual leader of
I shall content myself only to insert the Pilgrims, confounding him with
the honorable testimony that Mr. Standish.
William Bradford, deceased, hath * Neal, in his Hist, of New Eng-
left written with his own hand con- land, i. 85, errs in calling him John;
cerning him." He then proceeds an error which is repeated by the
to copy a considerable part of the authors of the Mod. Univ. Hist,
above account. Hutchinson, in his xxxix. 271.
462 MEMOIR OF ELDER BREWSTKR.
CHAP, score years of afje ('if not all out) when he died. He
XXVII o \ /
had this blessing added by the Lord to all the rest, to
die in his bed, in peace, amongst the midst of his friends, who mourned and wept over him, and minis- tered what help and comfort they could unto him, and he aijain recomforted them whilst he could. liis sickness was not long. Until the last day thereof he did not wholly keep his bed. His speech con- tinued until somewhat more than half a day before his death, and then i'ailed him ; and a])out nine or ten of the clock that evening he died, without any pang at all. A few hours before he drew his breath short, and some few minutes before his last he drew his breath long, as a man fallen into a sound sleep, with- out any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly departed this life unto a better.
I would now demand of any what he was the worse for any former sutTerings. What do I say ? The worse ? Nay, surely he was the better, and they now
Y^"- add to his honor. " It is a manifest token," saith the Apostle, '• of the righteous judgment of God, that ye may be counted worthy of the kingdom of God, for which ye also suffer ; seeing it is a righteous thing with God to recompense tribulation to them that trou- ble you ; and to you who are troubled, rest with us when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven \J.T4'. with his mighty angels ; " and " If ye be reproached for the name of Christ, happy are ye ; for the spirit of God and of glory resteth upon you." What though he wanted the riches and pleasures of the world in his Prov. life^ and pompous monuments at his funeral, yet the memorial of the just shall be blessed when the name of the wicked shall rot.
BREWSTER UNDER SECRETARY DAVISON. 463
I should say something of his hfe, if to say a little chap. were not worse than to be silent. But I cannot whol- "^^ilii" ly forbear, though haply more may be done hereafter.
After he had attained some learning, viz. the know- ledge of the Latin tongue and some insight into the Greek, and spent some small time at Cambridge, and then being first seasoned with the seeds of grace and virtue, he went to the Court, and served that rehgious and godly gentleman, Mr. Davison,^ divers years, when he was Secretary of State ; who found him so discreet and faithful, as he trusted him above all other that were about him, and only employed him in matters of greatest trust and secrecy.^ He esteemed him rather as a son than a servant, and for his wisdom and godli- ness, in private, he would converse with him more like a familiar than a master. He attended his master when he was sent in ambassage by the Queen into the Low Countries, (in the Earl of Leicester's time,) as 158 5. for other weighty affairs of State, so to receive posses- sion of the cautionary towns ; ^ and in token and sign
' The unfortunate William Davi- not a man in the land so furnished
son, who fell a victim to Queen universally for the place he had,
Elizabeth's duplicity and state- neither know I any that can come
craft, was a person of great worth near him." See Supplement to
and ability. The Earl of Essex, in the Cabala, p. 23; Strype"s An-
a letter to King James, April 18, nals, iii. 373.
1587, interceding in his behalf, * Brewster had for a colleague
speaks of him as " beloved of in office under Davison, George
the best and most religious of this Cranmer, the pupil and friend of
land. His sufficiency in council the judicious Hooker. See Wal-
and matters of state is such, as ihe ton's Lives, p. 179, (Major's ed.)
Queen herself confesseth in her Judge Davis justly remarks that
kingdom she hath not such anoth- " there seems to have been a sirni-
er ; his virtue, religion, and worth larity of character between Mr.
in all degrees are of the world taken Brewster and his patron." Mor-
to be so great, as no man in his ton's Memorial, p. 221.
good fortune hath had more gen- ^ In 1584, when Elizabeth enter-
eral love than this gentleman in ed into a league with the United
his disgrace ; " and Lord Burleigh, Provinces, and advanced money to
in a petition to Queen Elizabeth, enable them to maintain their in-
February 13, 1586, writes, "I know dependence of Spain, her rival in
464
BREWSTER TRUSTED BY SECRETARY DAVISON.
CHAP, thereof the keys of Flushinor being dehvered to him in
XXVII o o
.J-~ her Majesty's name, he kept them some time, and com- mitted them to his servant, who kept them under his pillow on which he slept, the first night. And, at his return, the States honored him with a gold chain, and his master committed it to him, and commanded him to wear it when they arrived in England, as they rotle through the country, until they came to the Court. He afterwards remained with him until his troubles,
15 87. when he was put from his place about the death of the Queen of Scots, and some good time after, doing him many offices of service in the time of his troubles.' Afterwards he went and lived in the country, in good
power and ambition, she very pru- dently got consifjned into her hands the three important fortresses of Flushing, the Brille, and Ramme- kins, as pledges for the reiml)urse- ment of the money wliich she ad- vanced in defence of their liberties. They were accordingly called " the cautionary towns."' They were surrendered by James in IGIG. See Sir Dudley Carleton's Letters, pp. 27—35.
' " When Mary, Queen of Scots, had been tried and condemned, and the Parliament of England had pe- titioned their sovereign for her ex- ecution, Elizabeth privately or- dered Davison to draw a death- warrant, which she signed, and sent him with it to the Chancellor to have the great seal annexed. Having performed his duty, she pre- tended to blame him for his preci- pitancy. Davison acquainted the Council with the whole transac- tion ; they knew the Queen's real sentiments, and persuaded him to send the warrant to the Earls of Kent and Shrewsbury, promising to justify his conduct, and take the blame on themselves. These Earls attended the execution of Mary ; but when Elizabeth heard of
it, she affected great indignation, threw all the blame on the inno- cent Secretary, and committed him to the Tower, where he became the subject of raillery from those very counsellors who had promised to countenance and protect him. He was tried in the Star Chamber, and fined jC10,000, which being rigorously levied upon him, re- duced him to poverty." IJelknap's Am. Biog. ii. 253. Camden says, " Thus was Davison, a man of good ingenuity, but not well skill- ed in court arts, brought upon the court stage of purpose (as most men thought) to act for a time this part in the tragedy ; and soon after, the part being acted, and his stage attire laid aside, as if he had failed in the last act, he was thrust down from the stage, and, not without the pity of many, shut up in pri- son." For a particular account of Davison, and a full vindication of his conduct, see Kippis's Biog. Brit. v. 4 — 15 ; and Nicolas's Life of Davison, London, 1823. See also Camden's History of Queen Elizabeth, pp. 389—393 ; Supple- ment to the Cabala, pp. 22 — 25 ; Strype's Annals, iii. 370—376, 447.
BREWSTER JOINS THE PILGRIMS. 465
esteem amongst his friends and the good gentlemen ^^^^j of those parts, especially the godly and religious.
He did much good in the country where he lived, in promoting and furthering religion ; and not only by his practice and example, and provoking and encou- raging of others, but by procuring of good preachers to all places thereabouts, and drawing on of others to assist and help to forward in such a work ; he himself most commonly deepest in the charge, and sometimes above his ability. And in this state he continued many years, doing the best good he could, and walk- ing according to the light he saw, until the Lord revealed further unto him. And in the end, by the tyranny of the bishops against godly preachers and people, in silencing the one and persecuting the other, he and many more of those times began to look fur- ther into particulars, and to see into the unlawfulness of their calhngs, and the burden of many anti-christian corruptions, which both he and they endeavoured to cast off, as they also did, as in the beginning of this treatise is to be seen.'
After they were joined together into communion, I602. he was a special stay and help to them. They ordi- narily met at his house on the Lord's day, which was a manor of the bishop's, and with great love he enter- tained them when they came, making provision for them to his great charge ; and continued so to do whilst they could stay in England. And when they were to remove out of the country, he was one of the first in all adventures, and forwardest in any. He was the chief of those that were taken at Boston, in 160 7. Lincolnshire, and suffered the greatest loss ; and
^ See page 20, 59
466 BREWSTER IN HOLLAND.
CHAP, [one] of the seven that were kept longest in prison,
^J — and after bound over to the assizes.^
16 08, After he came into Holland, he suffered much hard- ship after he had spent tlie most of his means, having a great charge and many children ; and, in regard of his former breeding and course of life,^ not so fit for many employments as others were, especially such as were toilsome and laborious. Yet he ever bore his condition with much cheerfulness and contentation. Towards the latter part of those twelve years spent in Holland, his outward condition was mended, and he lived well and plentifully ; for he fell into a way, by reason he had the Latin tongue, to teach many stu- dents who had a desire to learn the English tongue, to teach them English, and by his method they quickly attained it with great facihty ; for he drew rules to learn it by, after the Latin manner ; and many gentle- men, both Danes and Germans, resorted to him, as they had time from other studies, some of them being great men's sons. He also had means to set up print- ing,^ by the help of some friends, and so had employ- ment enough ; and by reason of many books which would not be allowed to be printed in England,^ they might have had more than they could do.
^ See pages 26 and 27. mum Brewsterum, in vico Chorali.
- The words " of life " I restore 1617." 8vo. pp.1513. A copy
from Bradford, in Hutchinson, ii. of this work is now in the posses-
460. sion of the Pastor of the First
' Among the books printed by Church in Plymouth, having been
Brewster at Leyden was the fol- presented to that Church in 1828
lowing : " Commentarii Succincti by the Hon. John Davis, LL.D.
et Dilucidi in Proverbia Salomonis. the learned editor of Morton's New
Authore Thoma Cartwrightio, SS. England's Memorial. Another copy
Theologiae in Academia Canlabri- is in the library of the Pilgrim So-
giensi quondam Professore. Qui- ciety at Plymouth. See Thacher's
bus adhibita est Praefatio clarissimi Plymouth, p. 270. viri Johannis Polyandri, S. Theo- * It appears from the following
logice Professoris Leidensis. Lug- extracts of letters written by Sir
duni Batavorum. Apud Guliel- Dudley Carlcton to Secretary Naun-
BREWSTER IN AMERICA. 467
But now removing into this country, all these things chap.
. XXVII
were laid aside again, and a new course of living must '
be submitted to ; in which he was no way unwilling ^ ^ ^ ^• to take his part and to bear his burden with the rest, living many times without bread or corn many months together, having many times nothing but fish, and often wanting that also ; and drank nothing but water for many years together, yea, until within five or six years of his death. And yet he lived, by the blessing of God, in health until very old age ; and besides that, he would labor with his hands in the fields as long as he was able. Yet when the Church had no other minister, he taught twice every sabbath, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the great contentment of the hearers, and their comfortable edification. Yea, many were brought to God by his ministry. He did more in their behalf in a year, than many that have their hundreds a year do in all their lives.
ton, from the Hague in 1619, that lation, Glosses and Annotations of Brewster was at this time an ohject the New Testament, anno 1618, of suspicion and pursuit to the Eng- was printed by him. So was an- lish government on account of cer- other in 18mo. De vera, et genuina tain obnoxious books which he had Jesu Christi Domini et Salvatoris printed. nostri Religione, of which I send " July 22. One William Brew- your honor herewith the title page ; ster, a Brownist, hath been for and if you will compare that, which some years an inhabitant and print- is underlined therein, with the er at Leyden, but is now wilhin other, De Regimine Ecclesice Scoti- three weeks removed from thence caace, of which I send your honor and gone back lo dwell in London, the tiile-page likewise, you will where he may be found out and ex- find it is the same character; and amined, not only of this book De the one being confessed (as that Jlegimine Ecclesice Scoticame, but De vera et genuina Jesu Christi, likewise of Perth Assembly, of cf-c. Rdigione, Brewster doth openly which if he was not the printer avow,) the other cannot well be himself he assuredly knows both denied." — "x^ug. 20. I have made the printer and author ; for as I good inquiry after William Brew- am informed, he hath had, whilst sier, at Leyden, and am well as- he remained here, his hand in all sured that he is not returned thither; such books as have been sent over neither is it likely he will, having into England and Scotland ; as par- removed from thence both his fam- ticularly a book in folio, entitled A ily and goods." — "Sept. 12. In my Confutation of the Rhemists^ Trans- last I advertised your honor that
468 BREWSTER'S PRIVATE CHARACTER.
CHAP. For his personal abilities, he was qualified above
many. He was wise and discreet and well spoken,
having a grave, deliberate utterance; of a very cheerful spirit, very sociable and plca.'^ant amongst his friends, of an humble and modest mind, of a peaceable disposi- tion, undervaluing himself and his own abilities, and sometimesovervaluing others; inoffensive and innocent in his life and conversation, which gained him the love of those without as well as those within. Yet he would tell them plainly of their faults and evils, both publicly and privately; but in such a manner as u.sually was well taken from him. He was tender-hearted, and compassionate of such as were in misery, but es- pecially of such as had been of good estate and rank, and were fallen into want and poverty, either for good- ness and religion's sake, or by the injury and oppres- sion of others. He would say, of all men these de- served to be most pitied ; and none did more offend
Brewster was taken at Leyden ; phlets, wliich I have newly reco- which proved an error, in that tlie vered." — "Sept. 18. It appears schout, who was employed by the that this Brewer, and Brewster, magistrates for his apprehension, whom this man set on work, hav- being a dull drunken fellow, took inp: kept no open shop, nor printed one man for another. But Brewer, many books fit for public sale in who set him on work, and being a these provinces, their practice was man of means bare the charge of his to print prohibited books to be printing, is fast in the University's vented underhand in his Majesty's prison; and his printing letters, kingdom." — " Jan. 19, 1C20. Un- which were found in his house in a less Brewer undertakes to do his garret, where he had hid them, and uttermost in finding out Brewster, his books and papers, are all seized (wherein I will not fail likewise of and sealed up. 1 expect to-morrow all other endeavours,) he is not like to receive his voluntary confession to be at liberty ; the suspicion of such books as he hath caused to whereof keeps him from hence, for be printed by Brewster for this as yet he appears not in these year and a half or two years past; pans." Carleton's Letters, pp. 380, and then I intend to send one ex- 38G, 389, 390, 437. It appears pressly to visit his books and pa- from page 71, that in May, 1619, pers, and to examine him particu- Brewster was in England. It is larly touching Perth AssenMij, the probable he did not return to Ley- discourse Dc Rcgimine Ecdesice. den, but kept close till the May- ScoticancB, and other Puritan pam- flower sailed.
HIS OFFICIAL CHARACTER. 469
and displease him, than such as would haughtily and chap. proudly carry and lift up themselves, being risen from — — nothing, and having little else in them but a few fine clothes or a little riches more than others.
In teaching, he was very stirring, and moving the affections ; also very plain and distinct in what he taught ; by which means he became the more profita- ble to the hearers. He had a singular good gift in prayer, both public and private, in ripping up the heart and conscience before God, in the humble con- fession of sin, and begging the mercies of God in Christ for the pardon thereof. He always thought it were better for ministers to pray oftener, and divide their prayers, than to be long and tedious in the same ; except upon solemn and special occasions, as on days of Humiliation and the like. His reason was that the heart and spirits of all, especially the weak, could hardly continue and stand bent (as it were,) so long towards God, as they ought to do in that duty, with- out flaoofinff and falling off.
For the government of the church, which was most proper to his ofiice, he was careful to preserve good order in the same, and to preserve purity both in the doctrine and communion of the same, and to suppress any error or contention that might begin to arise amongst them ; and accordingly God gave good suc- cess to his endeavours herein all his days, and he saw the fruit of his labors in that behalf. But I must break off, having thus touched a few heads of things.'
' William Bhewster, the ruling probably the oldest of the Pilgrims,
elder of John Robinson's church, being 60 when he arrived at Ply-
and whose name stands fourtli mouth. On account of his age and
■ araoniT the signers of the Compact, office he probably was not much
was b'orn in 1564 ; but the place of employed in the civil affairs of the
his birth is not Ifnown. He was Colony, and consequently his name
BKEWSTKRS FAMILY.
CHAP, seldom occurs in the preceding His- XXVII. tory. The reason why he was not •■ — • — ' chosen governor after the death of Carver in 1621, is stated in note ' on page 197. It appears from this Memoir that he liad " many child- ren ; " but tlie exact number lias not been ascertained. He brought his wife with him, and four other individuals, who were probably his children. Tlie following are known to have been his childien — Jona- than, Love, Wrestling, Patience, and Fear. The last two came in the Anne in 1603 ; Patience married in 1<)"J1 Thomas Prince, who was after- wards governor, and Fear married Isaac Allerton in 1G"26. It appears from page 173 that the venerable elder had a house lot assigned him in 1021, in Plymouth, on the street now called Leyden-slreet. In the
latter part of his life he built a house in Duxbury, near Captain's Hill, and resided there a short time. His sons Jonathan and Love settled in Duxbury. Love died there, and his son William was deacon of the ciiurch in that place. Jo;iathan, with his family, removed to Con- necticut after 1018. There are many descendants of *,he worthy elder in Plymouth, Duxbury, Kings- ton, Pembroke, and in Connecticut, and elsewhere. A town on Cape Cod was named after him in 1803, and it is believed that the Brews- ters, in Boston harbour, were so called in compliment to him. See note ' on page 27 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 252 — 260 ; Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 160 ; Mitchell's Bridge- water, p. 361 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. x. 73, XX. 57 — 68.
ELDER BREWSTER S CHAIR.
LETTERS.
"That is the best History, which is collected out of Letters."
Bakonil's.
"Letters of affairs, from such as manage them, or are privy to them, are of all others the best instructions fur history, and to a diligent reader the l)cst histories in themselves."
Lord Bacon.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
ROBINSON TO THE CHURCH.
To the Church of God at Plymouth, in New England}
Much Beloved Brethren,
Neither the distance of place, nor distinction of chap.
^ xxviu
body, can at all either dissolve or weaken that bond of — —
true Christian affection in which the Lord by his spirit ^ ^ ^ i-
hath tied us together. My continual prayers are to
the Lord for you ; my most earnest desire is unto you ; ^
from whom I will not longer keep (if God will) than
means can be procured to bring with me the wives
and children of divers of you and the rest of your
brethren, whom I could not leave behind me without
great injury both to you and them, and offence to God
and all men. The death of so many our dear friends
and brethren,^ oh ! how grievous hath it been to you
to bear, and to us to take knowledge of; which, if it
' This and most of the following nately destroyed, having been put
letters are taken from a fragment to the most ignoble uses. See
of Gov. Bradford's Letter Book, Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 246, and
which was rescued about fifty years Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 45.
-since from a grocer's shop in Ilali- * See note on page 453.
fax, Nova Scotia. The earlier and ^ See note * on page 198. more valuable part was unfortu-
60
474 THE DEATHS AMONG THE COLONISTS.
CHAP, could be mended with lamentinoj could not sufficiently xxvni. be bewailed; but we must go unto them, and they
^^"^- shall not return unto us. And how many even of us
God hath taken away here and in England, since your
departure, you may elsewhere take knowledge. But
the same God has tempered judgment with mercy, as
otherwise, so in sparing the rest, especially those by
whose godly and wise government you may be and (I
know) are so much helped.^ In a battle it is not looked
for but that divers should die ; it is thought well for a
side if it get the victory, though with the loss of divers,
if not too many or too great. God, I hope, hath
given you the victory, after many difficulties, for
yourselves and others; though 1 doubt not but many
do and will remain for you and us all to strive with.
Brethren, I hope I need not exhort you to ol)edience
unto those whom God hath set over you in church and
commonwealth, and to the Lord in them. It is a
Christian's honor to give honor according to men's
places ; and his liberty to serve God in faith, and his
brethren in love, orderly and with a willing and free
heart. God forbid I should need to exhort you to
peace, which is the bond of perfection, and by which all
good is tied together, and without which it is scattered.
Have peace with God first, by faith in his promises,
good conscience kept in all things, and oft renewed
by repentance ; and so one with another, for his sake
who is, though three, one ; and for Christ's sake, who
is one, and as you are called by one spirit to one hope.
' It was certainly a remarka- Carver, most of the prominent
ble providence, that out of the 21 men were spared. How different
men who died the first winter, so might have been the fate of the
few were among the leaders of the Colony had Bradford, Winslow,
expedition. With the exception of Standish and Allerton been cut off.
ROBINSON'S DESIRE TO COME TO AMERICA. 475
And the God of peace and grace and all goodness be chap.
XXVIII
with you in all the fruits thereof plenteously upon — ' " your heads, now and forever. 1621.
All your brethren here remember you with great love, a general token whereof they have sent you. Yours ever in the Lord,
John Robinson. Leyden, {Holland,) June 30, anno 1621.
robinson to elder brewster.
Loving and Dear Friend and Brother,^
That which I most desired of God in regard of you, namely, the continuance of your life and health, and the safe coming of those sent unto you, that I most glad- ly hear of, and praise God for the same. And I hope mistress Brewster's weak and decayed state of body will have some repairing by the coming of her daugh- ters,^ and the provisions in this and other ships sent, which I hear is made for you ; which makes us with the more patience bear our languishing state and the deferring of our desired transportation, (which I call desired rather than hoped for,) whatsoever you are borne in hand with by others. For first, there is no hope at all, that I know nor can conceive of, of any new stock to be raised for that end, so that all must depend upon returns from you ; in which are so many uncertainties, as that nothing with any certainty can thence be concluded. Besides, howsoever, for the
' This letter is copied from the the daugrhters of the Elder, arrived
records of Plymouth Church, book in the Anne, in 1623. See note on
i. folio 27. page 352.
^ Patience and Fear Brewster,
476 THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS.
CHAP, present, the adventurers allenje nothing but want of
XXVIII. ^ ...
money, which is an invincible difficuhy ; yet if that
^^^^- be taken away by you, others without doubt will be found. For the better clearing of this, we must dis- pose the adventurers into three parts ; and of them some five or six (as I conceive) are absolutely bent for us above others. Other five or six are our bitter pro- fessed adversaries. The rest, being the body, I con- ceive to be honestly minded, and lovingly also towards us; yet such as have others, namely, the forward preachers,^ nearer unto them than us, and whose course, so far as there is any difference, they would advance rather than ours. Now what a hank^ these men have over the professors you know ; and I per- suade myself that for me they of all others are un- willing I should be transported ; especially such as have an eye that way themselves, as thinking if I come there, their market will be marred in many regards. And for these adversaries, if they have but half their will to their malice, they will stop my course when they see it intended, for which this delaying serveth them very opportunely ; ^ and as one rusty'' jade can
' John Lyford, who came over ' Lyford wrote home to the ad-
in the spring of 1021:, was probably verse part of the adventurers, in
one of those " forward preachers," 1624, counselling them that "the
and John Pemberton, his corres- Leyden Company, Mr. Robinson
pondent, was another. Robert and the rest, must still be kept
Cushman, in a letter dated Jan. 24, back, or else all will be spoiled ;
1624, says " We send a preacher, and lest any of them should be
thoutrh not the most eminent, for taken in privately on the coast of
whose going Mr. Winslow and I England, (as it was feared might
gave way to give content to some be done,) they must change the
at London." Bradford speaks of master of the ship, Mr. William
" the minister, Mr. John Lyford, Peirce, and put another also in Mr.
whom a faction of the adventurers Winslow's room for merchant, or
send, to hinder Mr. Robinson." otherwise it would not be ])revent.-
See Morton's Memorial, pp. Ill, ed." MS. Records of Plymouth
114, and Prince's Annals, pp. 226, Church, b. i. folio 30. 228, '• Rusty, dull, lazy.
* Hank, influence.
HOSTILITY OF SOME OF THEM. 477
hinder by hanging back more than two or three can chap.
XXVHI
or will (at least if they be not very free) draw forward, '
so will it be in this case. A notable experiment of ^^2^- this they gave in your messenger's presence,^ con- straining the company to promise that none of the money now gathered should be expended or employed to the help of any of us towards you.
Now touching the question propounded by you, I judge it not lawful for you, being a ruling elder, as Rom. xii. 7, 8, and 1 Tim. v. 17, opposed to the eld- ers that teach and exhort and labor in the word and doctrine, to which the sacraments are annexed, to administer them, nor convenient if it were lawful.^
Be you heartily saluted, and you wife with you, both from me and mine. Your God and ours, and the God of all his, bring us together, if it be his will, and keep us in the mean while and always to his glory, and make us serviceable to his majesty, and faithful to the end. Amen.
Your very loving brother,
John Robinson.'
Leyden, Decemher 20, 1623.
' This messenger was Edward England, although he so much
Winslow, who sailed from Ply- longed to be with his flock, and his
mouth in the Anne, Sept. 10, 1623, flock with him ; a worthy pattern
and returned in the Charity in unto all churches and their ministers
March, 1624. He was the bearer to be imitated." — Bradford's or
of this letter. See Morton's Me- Morton s Note. morial, p. Ill ; Prince's Annals, Morton, in his Memorial, p. 126,
pp. 225, 226. Prince quotes from says, that " his and their adversa-
another letter of Robinson's to ries had been long and continually
Gov. Bradford, brought by the same plotting how they might hinder his
ship. coming into New England ; " and
* For the difference between a Hutchinson, ii. 454, says, that "he
teaching and a ruling elder, see was prevented by disappointments
note * on page 455. from those in England who under-
^ " By the above written letter it took to provide for the passage of
may appear how much the adver- him and his congregation." It
sary hindered the coming of this appears that " Sir Ferdinando Gor-
blessed servant of Christ into New ges and others were at this time
478 tiil: dkatii of john robinson.
ROGER WHITK TO GOVERNOR BRADFORD.
1G25.
To his /oriiig JricncI, Mr. ll'Uhani Bradford^ Governor of PhjmontJi in New England^ these be, ^c.^
Loving and Kind Fiui:nds, &:c.
I know not whetlier ever this will come to your hands, or miscarry, as other of my letters have done ; yet in regard of the Lord's dealing with us here, I have had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to bear a part with us, both in our joys and sorrows, as we do with you.
These therefore arc to give you to understand, that it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vale of tears your and our loving and faithful pai^tor, and my dear and reverend brother, Mr. .lolin Robinson, who was sick some eight days, beginning first to be sick on a Saturday morning ; yet the next day, being the Lord's day, he taught us twice, and the week after grew every day weaker than other, yet felt no pain but weakness, all the time of his sickness. The physic he took wrought kindly, in man's judgment, yet he grew every day weaker than other, feeling little or no
determined that New England man as Mr. Robinson." Sherley,
should be settled under episcopacy ; one of the merchant adventurers,
and though they would allow and incurred the ill-will of his associ-
encourajie people to settle here, ates, by beingr in favor of his remo-
they were unwilling that any Pa- val. " The sole cause, he observed,
ritan ministers should accompany in a letter to the Plymouth people,
them. The bishops had prevented why the greater part of the adven-
the crown from granting liberty to turers malign me, was that I would
the petitioners from Leyden ; and not side with them against you and
it was accounted a great matter, in the coming over of the Leyden peo-
1621, to obtain a cautious allow- pie." See Holmes's Annals, i. 192,
ance of indulgence under the au- 575.
thority of the President and Council ' From the records of Plymouth
for the Affairs of New England. Church, book i. folio 31, and Gov.
But they took great care to obstruct Bradford's Letter Book, in Mass.
the coming over of so important a Hist. Coll. iii. 39.
ROBINSON'S DEATH. 479
pain, yet sensible, till the very last. He fell sick the chap.
xxvni. 22d of February, and departed this life on the 1st of ^^-^
March. He had a continual inward ague, but, I thank i^^^- the Lord, was free of the plague, so that all his friends could come freely to him ; and if either prayers, tears, or means would have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having faithfully finished his course, and performed his work, which the Lord had appoint- ed him here to perform, he now rests with the Lord, in eternal happiness ; v/e wanting him and all church governors, not having one at present that is a govern- ing officer amongst us. Now for ourselves here left, (I mean the whole church,) we still, by the mercy of God, continue and hold close together in peace and quietness, and so I hope we shall do, though we be very weak ; wishing (if such were the will of God) that you and we were again together in one, either there or here ; but seeing it is the will of the Lord, thus to dispose of things, we must labor with patience to rest contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to dispose of things.'
For news, at present here is not much worth the writing ; only as in England we have lost our old king, James, who departed this life about a month ago,^ so here we have lost Grave Maurice,^ the old prince here,
1 "Until Robinson's death, the den, sonne of whom removed to Am-
congregation at Plymouth had not sterdam, and others to New Eng-
abandoned the hope of his coming land." Holmes, Ann. i. 191, 575.
to America with their brethren Dr. Holmes errs in placing Robin-
who remained in Holland. The son's death in 1626.
only solution of the singular fact, '^ King James died March 27,
that the Plymouth people remained 1625, in his 59th year.
for so many years without a min- ^ Maurice, the prince of Orange,
ister, is — that until his death, their or landgrave of Holland, died at
affectionate and beloved pastor cher- the Hague April 23, 1625, in his
ished the desire, and they the ex- 59lh year. He was succeeded by
pectation, of his coming to Ame- his brother Frederick Henry. See
rica. His death caused the disso- Grattan's Hist, of the Netherlands,
lution of his congregation at Ley- p. 250.
4bO EUROPEAN NEWS.
CHAP, who both departed this Hfe since my brother Robin-
son ; and as in England we have a new king, Charles,
^ ^' of whom there is great Iiope of good, so here hkewise we have made Prince Hendrick general, in his bro- ther's place, who is now with the Grave of Mansfield with a great army, close by the enemy, to free Breda, if it be po.?sible, which the enemy hath besieged now some nine or ten months ; but how it will fall out at last, is yet uncertain ; the Lord give good success, if it be his will. The king is making ready about one hundred sail of ships ; the end is not yet certain, but they will be ready to go to sea very shortly ; the king himself goes to see them once in fourteen days. And thus fearing lest this will not come to your hands, hoping as soon as I hear of a convenient messenger, to write more at large, and to send you a letter which my brother Robin.=;on sent to London, to have gone to some of you, but coming too late was brought back again ; and so for this time I cease further to trouble you, and rest.
Your assured loving friend,
Rogj:r White. Leyden, April 28, anno 1625.
thomas blossom to governor bradford.
Beloved Sir,
Kind salutations, &c. I have thought good to write to you, concerning the cause as it standeth both with you and us. We see, alas ! what frustrations and dis- appointments it pleaseth the Lord to send in this our course, good in itself, and according to godliness taken in hand, and for good and lawful ends, who yet pleaseth
ROBINSON'S DEATH DEPLORED. 481
not to prosper as we are, for reasons best known to him- chap. self; and whicli also nearly concerns us to consider of, .J^-^ ' whether we have sought the Lord in it as we see, on 62 5. not. That the Lord hath singularly preserved life in the business to great admiration, giveth me good hope that he will, (if our sins hinder not,) in his appointed time, give a happy end unto it. On the contrary, when I consider how it pleasetli the Lord to cross those means that should bring us together, being now as far off or farther than ever, in our apprehension ; as also to take that means away, which would have been so comfortable unto us in that course, both for wisdom of counsel as also for our singular help in our course of godliness; whom the Lord (as it were) took away even as fruit falleth before it was ripe ; when neither length of days, nor infirmity of body, did seem to call for his end.-^ The Lord even then took him away, as it were in his anger ; whom if tears would have held, he had remained to this day. The loss of his ministry was very great unto me, for I ever counted myself happy in the enjoyment of it, notwithstanding all the crosses and losses otherwise I sustained. Yet indeed the manner of his taking away hath more troubled me, as fearing the Lord's anger in it, that, as I said, in the ordinary course of things, might still have remained, as also, the singular service he might have yet done in the church of God. Alas! dear friends, our state and cause in religion, by his death being wholly destitute of any that, may defend our cause as it should against our adversaries ; that we may take up that doleful complaint in the Psalm, that there is no prophet left among us, nor
1 « He means Mr. Eobinson." — Bradford's Note. 61
482 ROBINSON'S INTENTION OF COMING TO AMKKICA.
CHAP. !iny that kiiowcth how long. Ahis ! you would fain have "',^.„-^ had him with you, and he would as fain have come to 1G25. you. -Many letters and much speech hath heen about his coining to you, but never any solid course pro- pounded for his going ; if the course propounded the last year had appeared to have been certain, he would have gone, though with two or three families. I know no man amongst us knew his mind better than I did, about those things ; he was loath to leave the church, yet I know also, that he would have accepted the worst conditions which in the lariiest extent of a jrood con- science could be taken, to have come to you. For myself and all such others as have formerly minded coming, it is much what the same, if the Lord afford means. AVe only know h(»w things are with you liy your letters ; but how things stand in England we have received no letters of any thing, and it was No- vember before we received yours. If we come at all unto you, the means to enable us so to do must come from you.^ For the state of our church, and how it is with us, and of our people, it is wrote of by ^Ir. White. Thus praying you to pardon my boldness with you in writing as I do, I commend you to the keeping of the Lord, desiring, if he see it good, and that I might be serviceable unto the business, that I were with you. God hath taken away my son, that w^as with me in the
1 "In anno 1629, a considerable They arrived in Aujrust. Bradford
number of the brethren of the says, " Thoy were shipped at Lon-
church, [35, with their families] don in May with the ships that
which were left in Holland, were came to Salem." Sixty more came
transported over to us that were of in Oct. 1630, in the Handmaid. See
the church in Xew^ England ; Prince's Annals, pp. 264, 322. Gra-
whieh although it was at about hame, i. 103, wrongs the Leyden
£500 charge, yet it was borne congregation, I think, when he says
cheerfully by the poor brethren that after the death of llobinson,
here concerned in it." — Records " ver>- few had the rnwarjc to pro-
Plym. Church, book i. folio S3, ceed to New Plymouth."
ANNUAL CHOICE OF MAGISTRATES. 483
ship, when I went back again ; I have only two child- chap. ren, which were born since I left you. Fare you well. JJI^"' Yours to his power, 1 6 2 5.
Thomas Blossom.^
Ley den, December 15, anno 1G25.
ROGER WHITE TO GOVERNOR BRADFORD.
To Ms very loving friend, Mr. William Bradford, Gov- ernor of Plymouth in Netv England, these he, ^c.
My Loa^xg and Kind Friend, and Brother in the Lord,
My own and my wife's true love and hearty saluta- tions to yourself and yours and all the rest of our lov- ing friends with you; hoping in the Lord of your good healths, which I beseech him long to continue for the glory of his name and good of his people. Concerning your kind letter to the church, it was read publicly ; whereunto (by the church) I send you here enclosed an answer. Concerning my brother Bobin- son's sickness and death and our practice, I wrote you at large, some five or six months since ; but lest it should miscarry, I have now written to Mr. Brewster thereof, to whom I refer you.
Now concerning your course of choosing your gov- ernors yearly, and in special of their choosing yourself year after year, as I conceive they still do, and Mr. Allerton your assistant ; howsoever I think it the best way that can be, so long as it please the Lord to con-
1 Thomas Blossom afterwards describe him as " a holy man and ex- came over to Plymouth, probably perienced saint," and " competently in 1629, and was chosen a deacon accomplished with abilities " for of the church. Bradford speaks of his place. He died in the summer him as one of " our ancient friends of 1633. Plym. Ch. Rec. i. 42, and in Holland." The Church records Prince's Annals, p. 437. ^
484 ROTATION IN OFFICE EXPEDIENT.
ciiAr. tinue 3'our lives, and so good governors oiler you, yet,
^ ^.^ J considering man's mortality, whose breath is in his
1 G 2 5. nostrils, and the evils of the times wherein we live, in which it is ordinarily seen that worse follow them that are good, I think it would be a safer course, for after time, the government was sometime removed from ono to another j so the assistant one year might be governor next, and a new assistant chosen in his place, either of such as have or have not been in office ; sometimes one, sometimes another, as it shall seem most fit to the corporation. My reasons are, 1st, Ijecause other offi- cers that come after you, will look (especially if they be ambitiously minded) fur tlie same privileges and continuance you have had ; and if he have it not, will take great ollence, as though unworthy of the place, and so greatly disgraced, whom to continue, might be very dangerous, and hazard (at least) the overthrow of all ; men not looking so much at the reasons why others were so long continued as at the custom. 2dly, because others that are unexperienced in government might learn by experience ; and so there might be fit and able men continually, when it pleaseth the Lord to take any away. 3dly, by this means, you may establish the things begun, or done before ; for the governor this year, that was assistant last, will in likelihood rather ratify and confirm and go on with that he had a hand in the beginning of, when he was assistant, than other- wise, or persuade the new to it ; whereas new govern- ors, especially when there are factions, will many times overthrow that which is done by the former, and so scarcely any thing goeth forward for the general good ; neither, that I see, can this be any prejudice to the cor- poration ; for the new may always have the counsel
THE PKOSPECTS OF THE COLONY. 485
and advice of the old for their direction, though they chap. be out of office. These things I make bold to put to SZi^^' your godly wisdom and discretion, entreating you to 1 6 2 5. pardon my boldness therein, and so leaving it to your discretion to make use of as you see it fitting, not having written the least inkling hereof to any other. Now I entreat you, at your best leisure to write to me, how you think it will in likelihood go with your civil and church estate ; whether there be hope of the continuance of both, or either; or whether you fear any alteration to be attempted in either. The reason of this m}'' request is, the fear of some amongst us, (the which, if that hinder not, I think will come unto you,) occasioned partly by your letter to your father-in-law, Mr. May 5^ wherein you write of the troubles you have had with some, who it is like (having the times and friends on their sides) will work you what mischiefs they can ; and that they may do much, many here do fear ; and partly by reason of this king's proclamation, dated the 13th of May last, in which he saith that his full resolution is, — to the end that there may be one uniform course of government in and through all his whole monarchy, — that the government of Virginia shall immediately depend on himself, and not be com- mitted to any company or corporation, &c., so that some conceive he will have both the same civil and ecclesiastical government that is in England, which occasioneth their fear. I desire you to write your thoughts of these things, for the satisfying of others ; for my own part and some others, we durst rely upon you for that, who, we persuade ourselves, would not be thus earnest for your pastor and church to come to you,
1 The father of his first wife, Dorothy. See note i on page 162.
48G LETTEll FROM THE LEYDEN TEOPLE.
CHAr. if you feared the clanger of being suppressed. Thus "^^ii!-' desiring you to pardon my Ijoldness, and remember 16 2 5. us in your prayers, I for this time and ever, commit you and all your affairs to the Almighty, and rest Your assured loving friend And brother in the Lord,
Roger White.
Leyden, December 1, anno 1025.
P. S. The church would entreat you to continue yur writing to them, -which is very comfortable.
THE LEYDEN TEOPLE TO BRADFORD AND BREWSTER.
To our most dear and cntirehj beloved hrethren, Mr. William Bradford ^ and Mr. William Brewster^ grace, mercy, and true j'^cace he multiplied from God our Father, through our Lord Jesus Christ. A7nen.
Most Dear Christian Friends and Brethren,
As it is no small grief unto you, so is it no less unto us, that we are constrained to live thus disunited each from other, especially considering our affections each unto other, for the mutual edyfying and comfort of both, in these evil days wherein we live, if it pleased
'William Br ADFOi;D,-wliose name red the displeasure of liis relatives
occurs so frequently in the preceding and the scoffs of his neighbours;
pages, and whose writings occupy but neither opposition nor scorn
so large a portion of this volume, could deter him from attending on
was born at Austerfield, in York- the ministry of Clifton, and joining
shire, in 1588. His parents died Robinson's church. The part which
when he was young, and he was he took in the escape of the Pil-
trained by his grand-parents and grims to Holland, and in their mca-
uncles to " the innocent trade of sures for leaving that country for
husbandry." His paternal inherit- America, has been related in the
ance was considerable ; but he had preceding narrative. On his arri-
no better education than what falls val at Plymouth he was about 32
to the common lot of the children years old. "We have seen, page
of farmers. Being early interested 201, that on the death of Carver he
in religion, and embracing the was inmicdiately chosen governor
views of the Separatists, he incur- of the Colony ; and was annually
THEY WISH TO COME OVEK. 487
the Lord to bring us again together ; than which as no chap. outward thing could be more comfortable unto us, or J^^^* is more desired of us, if the Lord see it good, so see 1 6 2 5. we no hope of means of accomplishing the same, ex- cept it come from you ; and therefore must with pa- tience rest in the work and will of God, performing our duties to him and you asunder; whom we are not any way able to help, but by our continual prayers to him for you, and sympathy of affections with you, for the troubles which befall you ; till it please the Lord to reunite us again. But, our dearty beloved brethren, concerning your kind and respective letter, howsoever written by one of you, yet as we continue with the consent (at least in affection) of you both, although we cannot answer your desire and expectation, by reason it hath pleased the Lord to take to himself out of this miserable world our dearly beloved pastor, yet for our- selves we are minded, as formerly, to come unto you,
re-elected as long as he lived, ex- he married in 1623, he had two cepting three years when Winslow, sons, William and Joseph, and a and two when Prince was chosen daughter, Mercy. John lived in — having filled the office 30 years. Duxbiiry ; but nothing is known of Though he had not received a him after 1662. "William was de- learned education, yet he was fond puty governor of the Colony, and of study and writing, and his at- resided in Kingston. Joseph niar- tainments were respectable. Cot- ried a daughter of the Eev. Peter ton Mather says, " the Dutch tongue Hobart of Hingham. A grand- was almost as vernacular to him daughter of his married a Waters, as the English ; the French tongue of Sharon, and one of her descend- he could also manage; the Latin ants, Asa "Waters, of Stoughton, and the (xreek he had mastered ; possesses the Governor's bible, but the Hebrew he most of all printed in 1592, which contains a studied, because, he said, he would family record. A marble monu- see with his own eyes the ancient ment, erected in 1825, on the Burial oracles of God in their native beau- Hill at Plymouth, marks the spot ty." He died May 9, 1657, in his where Gov. Bradford and his son 69th year, " lamented," as Mather William are interred. There are savs, " by all the colonies of New many descendants of this excellent England, as a common blessing man in the Old Colony and else-
■ ancf father to them all." where. See Mather's IMagnalia, i.
Gov. Bradford had one son, John, 100—105 ; Morton's Memorial, pp.
by his first wife, Dorothy May; 264—270; Hutchinson's Mass. ii.
■ and by his second, Alice South- 456; Belknap's Am. Biog. il. 217 worth, a widow, whose maiden — 251 ; Thacher's Plymouth, p. name was Carpenter, and whom 106, Mitchell's Bridgewater, p. 358.
488 LETTER FROM LEYDEN.
CHAP, when and as the Lord aflbrdeth means ; though we
" ' : see little hope thereof at present, as being unable of
1 G 2 5. ourselves, and that our friends will help us we see little hope. And now, brethren, what shall we say further unto you ? Our desires and prayers to God is, (if such were his good will and pleasure,) m'O might be reunited for the edifying and mutual comfort of both, which, when he sees fit, he will accomplish. In the mean time, we commit you unto him and to the word of his grace ; whom we beseech to guide and direct both you and us, in all his ways, according to that his word, and to bless all our lawful endeavours for the glory of his name and good of his people. Salute, we pray you, all the church and brethren with you, to whom we would have sent this letter. If wo knew it could not be prejudicial unto you, as we hope it cannot, yet fear- ing the worst, we thought fit cither to direct it to you, our two beloved brethren, leaving it to your goodly wisdom and discretion, to manifest our mind to the rest of our loving friends and brethren, as you see most convenient. And thus entreating you to remember us in your prayers, as we also do you, we for this time commend you and all your affairs to the direction and protection of the Almighty, and rest. Your assured loving friends And brethren in the Lord,
Francis Jessop, Thomas Nash, Thomas Blossom, Roger White, Richard Maisterson.^
Lcyden, Nov. 30, A. D. 1G25.
' Richard Masterson, afterwards deacon of the church. See note i came over to Plymouth, and was a on page 73.
INDEX.
Abbot, George, Archbishop, 56, 3S3.
Accomack, Plymouth, 203.
Acorns, eaten by the Indians, 145, 205.
Adams, Mrs. John, on Robinson's church at Leyden, 393.
Agawam. See Ipswich, and Warcham.
Ainsworth, Henry, teacher in the church at Amsterdam, 24, 418. Mentioned, 429, 440, 441,445. Account of, 448.
Air of New England, 129, 233, 369.
Alden, John, a Pilgrim, 121, 150.
Alderton, Point, 195, 229. See AUerton.
Alewives, 172. Used for manure, 231.
Alexander, son of Massasoit, 194.
Allerton, or Alderton, Isaac, 85, 115. Daugh- ter of, last survivor of the Mayflower, 150, 196, 250. Child of, born, 169. Death of his wife, 181. Account of, 195. Point named from, 195, 229. Chosen Assistant, 201. Second wife of, 470.
Allerton, John, a Pilgrim, 116, 122, 150.
Allotment of lands, the first, 346. The sec- ond, 347.
America, Reasons and Considerations touch- ing the Lawfulness of removing out of Eng- land into the Parts of, 239 ; cautions re- specting it, 240. What persons may re- move, 241 ; why, 242. See New England, Pilgrims, and Plymouth.
Ames, William, account of, 423, 439.
Amsterdam, English church at, 24, 447. Contention of the churches there, 34, 380. Number of communicants at, 36, 455. Peo- ple from, take leave of the Pilgrims at Delft-Haven, 88. Bradford's account of ■ the church at, 455. Deaconess at, 455. See Ainsworth, and Johnson.
Anabaptists, law against, 404.
Anne, arrival of the, 35 1 . Passengers in the,
62
352. Tonnage of the, 353. Return and cargo of the, 353.
Apannow, 232.
Apaum, Plymouth, 203, 245.
Apparel, Indian, 187, 365.
Archer, Gabriel, 103. On sassafras, 130.
Argall, Sir Samuel, Governor of Virginia, 69.
Arminian controversy, in the Low Countries, 40, 392, 452.
Arminius, James, 40.
Armour of the Pilgrims, 134, 156.
Arrows, sent as a challenge, 281.
Aspinet, sachem of Nauset, 216, 244, 302. Meets an embassy, 217. Probably Apan- now, 232. Reception of Bradford by, 302. His salutation of Standish, 304. Fate of, 345. See Indians Nauset, and Nauset.
B.
Bacon, Leonard, Rev., on Alderton, 196. His vindication of the Pilgrims, 419.
Bancroft, Archbishop, persecution by, 423, 439.
Baptism, on the administration of, 64, 65. Views of Hobart respecting, 403; of Chaun- cy, 405. See Anabaptists.
Barnstable, or Cummaquid, error respecting the church in, 77. Everett's Address at, cited, 103. Sachem at,215. Under Massa- soit, 244. See Ljanoiigh.
Barnstable bay, 119, 123. Error of Prince respecting, 135. Overshot in the third ex- pedition of the Pilgrims, 159. Entered, in search of a boy, 212. Situation and size of, 214.
Barrington, in the Pokanoket country, 208.
Barrow, Henry, persecuted, 412. Refutation of Gifford by, 424. A martyr, 427. Ex- amination of, 428. Robinson on his al-
490
INDEX.
leged blasphemy, &c., 429. Slanders against, 4 JO. Vindication of, 431 . Green- wood and, 43-2. His cliaracter, 433. His conversion, 433. Last acts of, 434.
Bayiie, Robert, on the I'di,'riuis at Levden, 379, 3S.5. His aspersions, 425. Reply to, by Cotton, 420. On Barrow's dealli, 433. On Robinson, 4.")3.
Baylies, Francis, errors of, corrected, 56, 75, 99, 134.
Reach t;rass, on Cape Cod, 123.
Reach ])oint, in Plynioulh, 1G3.
Reaver, anioii'j the ]Mas>achusetts, 229. FreiglUeii in the Fortune, 236. Loaned to Weston, 342. Freighted in the .4nne, 353.
Reaver Dam Brook, in I'lvmouth, 165.
RelUnap, Jeremy, cited, 193, 255, 343, 464.
Reiilivog-lio, Cardinal, his notice of the Pil- grims, 43.
Rernard, Richard, 422. Robinson's answer to, 40, 429.
Billingsgate Point, in Wellflcet, 151.
BilliugUin, Francis, discovers Billinglon Sea, 149, 172, 214.
Bitlington, John, a Pilgrim, 122. First of- fender, 149, 199. Hung in 1630, 149.
Billingtnn, Jolin, jr., 149. Voyage in search of, 214.
Billinglon Sea, 149, 167. Discovered and de- scribed, 172. Fish and deer there, 1S2.
Birch bark canoes, 135.
Black well, voyage of, to Virginia, 70. Con- duct of 71, 72.
Blossom, Thomas, letter by, to Bradford, 480. Notice of, 4 S3.
Blue Hills, in JNIilton, called Massachusetts IMouiil, 221.
Boat Meadow creek, in Eastham, 155.
Boston, England, treatment of Pilgrims at, 26, 465.
Boston, New England, first landing in, 225. Sachem of, 232. See Obbatinncnt .
Boston harliour, formerly called Massachu- setts Bay, 225. Islands in, 226. Second voyage to, 290. Settlement of Thompson there, 351.
Bradford, Dorothy, 143, 162, 435, 487.
Bradford, William, INInrton borrowed from, 4, 5. Time of his death, 5, 17, 4S7. His His- tory, 7. Goes to Holland, 29 ; his employ- ment there, 35. Age of, in 1620,4 6,437. In an excursion up the Cape, 126. Regis- ter by, 143. On Billinglon, 149. In the third exploring party. 149. Sick, 174, 177. Governor of Plymouth, 201, 436. Charter granted to, in 1629, 235. In an expedition for corn, 300. Reception of, at Chatham, 300. Squanto and, 301. Goes to the Mas- sachusetts, 302. Trades at Nauset and Mattachiest, 302. Returns home by land, 303. At Middlcboroujh and Sandwich, 305. Messenger from W^eston's colony to, 323. His advice to Weston's company, 323. Holds a general court. 330. Mar- riage of, 353, 437. His Dialogue, 409. Prophesies, 419, 420. His Memoir of El- der Brewster, 459. His letter-book, 473. Letters to, from Leyden, 478, 480, 433,486.
Account of, and of his family, 43C. His Rible, 4S7. IMonunienl to, 487.
Bradford, William, jr., 487.
Bradford's and Winslow's Journal, 109. Au- thorship of it, 115, 126, 123, 150, 158, 170, 177.
Brereton. John, on Cn))e Cod, 101. On the Elizabcih Islands, 129; on sassafras there,
130. On drinking tobacco, 163. Brewster, Jonathan, 235.
Brewster, William, 22, 23. Bradford's Me- moir of, 459—470. Under Secretary i>a- vison, 463. Joins the Pilgrims, 405. 'Wor- ship at the house of, 21, 465. Imprison- ment of, at Boston, England, 27, 465. His library, 27. Goes to Holland, 27, 466. Chosen elder, 36. Reconies a jirinler, 35, 467. Books printed by, 40, 466. Sent as agent lo England, 57. Corresjxmdcnce f)f John Robinson and, with Sir Edwin San- dys, 53. Sus|)ectcd and jnirsued, 456. Mentioned, 71. Reasons of his going to America, 77, 333. Why not chosen gov- ernor, 197, 470. Not a rigid Separatist, 400. His ])rivale and olliciid character, 463. Account of his family and descend- nnls, 352, 470. Robinsons letter lo, 475. Letter to, from the Leydtn peoj)'.e, 436. His sword, 134. His chair, 470. His age, 46. 115. His death, 461.
Brigham, William, edition of the Laws of Plymouth liy. 197.
Bristol, in the Pokanoket country, 208.
Brown, Peter, a Pilgrim, 122, 174.
Brown, Robert, the books of, 427. Account of, 441. Separatists before, 442. Back- sliding of, 442, 444.
BrownLsis, some of the principles of the, 66, 416. Dislike of the name, 397, 412, 416, 423, 444. Raleigh on banishing, 436.
Brown's island, in Plymouth harbour, 163.
Burial Hill, in Plymouth, view from, 163. Fortified, 163, 170. Artillery nlanted on,
131. Fort built on, 295, 335. First bury- ing on, 295.
Burke,Edmund,on the Pilgrims in Holland,43.
Butler's Hudibras. cited, 333.
Buzzard's Bay, Narraganset mistaken for,
305. French and Dutch trade to, 3o6. On
a canal from, 306.
Callender, John, on Sowams, 203.
Calvin, John, on the liturgy of the Church of
England, 11. Calvinists, Robinson on the, 397. Cambridge, Platform of, 394. Cambridge, synod at, 394. Occasion of the,
402. invitation of Hobart to the, 400; of
Chauncy, 406. Canal, from Ruzzard's Bay, 306. Canacum. See Cawnacome. Canonicus, messenger from, 231. Notice of,
281. Hostile to the Plymouth colonies, 281.
Roger Williams, and, 281. Challenge
from, 281, 283.
INDEX.
491
Cantaugcanteest, Watson's hill, Plj-mouth, 130.
Capawack. See Martha's Vinei/ard.
Cape Cod, visited by Captain John Smith, 80, Fallen in with, hy the Pilgrims, 101, 117, 384. Historical notice of, 101. Pilgrims put into the harbour of, 102, 117. Edward Everett on, 104. Well wooded, 118, 124. Graham's Survey and Map of, 118. Soil of, 123. Beach grass on, 123. Called Pa- omet, 125. Indians on, escape pestilence, 184. Particulars as to the Indians on, 216. See Province/mm.
Cape Cod Light, 123, 130, 137.
Captain's Hill, in Unxbury, 126.
Careswell, in IMarshfield, 275.
Carleton, Sir Dudley, on Sunday in Holland, 47. On the Perth Assemlily, 305. His letters to Naunion respecting Brewster, cited, 467.
Carpenter, Mary, " a godly old maid," sister of Gov. Bradford's second wife, 353.
Cartwright, Thomas, the Puritan, 436.
Carver, John, twice an agent to England, 55, 58, 59, 60, 78, 90. Deacon, 60, 200. Sahin Starsmore's letter to, 73. Robinson's let- ter to, 89. Confidence reposed in, 90. First governor, 122, 200. His sword, 134. Receives the first exploring party, 137. In the third expedition, 149. Seeks lost men, 174. Fishes at Billington Sea, 182. Re- ception of Massasoit by, 193. Re-elected governor, 197. His and his wife's death, 198, 200. Notice of, and of his family, 200. His chair. 458.
Carver, William, 201.
Cattle, first brought to New England, 233.
Caunhatant, sachem, 232. See Corbifant.
Cawnacome, sachem of Manomet, 232, 307. Reception of Bradford by, 307. Standish's visit to, 310. Fate of, 345.
Cedars, on Cape Cod, 118, 124. On Clark's island, 164
Centaury, juice of the, drunk by the Indians, 360.
Chalmers, George, on the Pilgrims' removal from Holland, 48.
Charity, arrival of the, 296. Returns to Eng- ]and;299.
Charter, second of Plymouth, found in the Land Office in Boston, 234. See Patents.
Chatham. See Munamoick.
Chauncy Charles, Rev., of Scituate, account of 405
Chikkatabak, sachem of Neponset, 232.
Chilton, Mary, a Pilgrim, 275.
Church of England, contention about the cer- emonies and service book of the, 9, 11, 20. Overthrown, 14, 16. Re-established, 17. Conformity to the, required, 21 ; in the col- onization of Virginia, 54. Henry VIIL, suijreme head of the, 64. Robinson's re- gard for the, 339, 415, 442. Feelings of Higginson and Winthrop respecting the, 398. Views of the Separatists respecting the, 414. See Common Prayer, Episcopa- cy, and Liturgy.
Church of Scotland. See Presbyterians and Cnmmuninn.
Churches, the primitive, the only pattern, 387. Robinson's church, modelled accordmg to, 426. See Communion.
Clams, at Cape Cod, 119. At Plymouth, 164, 329. Note on, 306.
(Clapboards, shipped to England, 353.
Clark, pilot and master's mate of the May- flower, 85, 112, 150, 155. Clark's island, in Plymouth, named from, 160.
Clark, Thomas, 160, 352.
Clark's Island, arrival of the Pilgrims at, 160. Notices of, 160, 163. The only island in Plymouth harbour, 163. Trees on, 164. The Pilgrims conclude not to set- tle on, 167.
Clergj', ejectment of the Puritan, 21. Tnflu- ■ ence of the New England, in civil affairs, 37. On the congregational ordination of, 66. See Elders and Minisliy.
Clifton, Richard, Rev., 22. Bradford's ac- count of, 453.
Climate of I\ew England, 369. ^eeAir.
Codfish, at Cape Cod harbour, 119. At Ply- mouth. 164, 294. Want of means to catch, • 171,294.
Cold Harbour, in Truro, 139.
Columbus, ships of 86.
Common house at Plymouth, building of the, 169, 173. Burnt, 177. Cushman's Dis- course at the, 255. Location of the, 255.
Common Prayer, persecutions for books against the, 427.
Communion, Robinson's . doctrine of, 388, 457. Of the Pilgrims with the Dutch and French churches, 392, 457 ; with the Scotch, 394, 395, 457. Bradford on, 457. Rob- inson on the administration of, by elders, 477.
Community of goods, 84. Qualified, 346.
Compact of the Pilgrims, 120.
Coiibatant. See Corb'Mint.
Congregational Church, the first in America, 77.
Congregationalism, 66. An apostolic institu- tion, 401 . The primitive church polity, 406. Growth of, 423.
Cooke, Francis, a Pilgrim, and his wife, 122, 352, 394.
Coppin, Robert, second mate of the Mayflow- er, 112, 148, 150, 155, 159.
Coppinj. John, a Puritan martyr, 412, 427.
Copp's Hill, in Boston, visited, 225.
Corbitant, hostile to Massasoit and the Pil- grims, 219. Captures Tisquantum, 220. Attempt to take, 221. Escapes, 222. Threatened, 222. Likely to succeed Mas- sasoit, 315. Winslow lodges with, 324; their conversation, 325.
Corn .See Indian corn.
Cornhill, in ^'ruro, 133, 140.
Cotton, John, of Boston, 5. Error of Cotton Mather, respecting the family of, 30. On the church at Leyden, 330. On the Ply- mouth church, 336. On Robmson's senti- ments, 339. Assists in drawmg up the
492
INDEX.
Cambridge Plallorm, 394. On Koliinson'.s 1 conduct, .396. (Jonforniily of, wiili Phillips, 397. On Robinson's separatism, lito. On : separation and secession, 417. On public ' offences in churches, 4 IS. On pronhcsv- , ing, 4'2l. On niodcllinq; of different church- es, 426. On Klizabelh and the Puritan martyrs, 433. On the author of Inde- pendency, 442. On the name Brownisls, 444. On Ainsworth, 443. On John Smith, 451.
Cotton, John, jr, minister of Plymouth, 4, 5.
Coubataiit. See CorbUnnt.
Court of High Commission, 19.
Cow Yard, in Plymouth harbor, 171.
Crabs, at Plymouth, 164.
Cudbartson, 393. See Cnthhcrtson.
Cummaquid. Sec fiarusldblc.
Cushman, Isaac, Rev., 250.
Cushman, Mary, last survivor of the May- flower, 150, 196, 250.
Cushman, Robert, sent twice asa:Tcntlo Rut- land, 55, 57, 7S, 2A0. Letter from, 68. An- swers complainants, 84. Correspondence with, 85. Passen£jer in the Fortune, 99, 116, 234. Letter by, to L P., 116. His " Reasons, &c." 239. Ts'oticeof. 249. He- turns in the Fortune, 249. Discourse by, 255. On Weston's company, 296. On the ; preacher for Plymouth, 476." i
Cushman, Thomas, 235, 250. Wife and de- scendants of, 250.
Cuthbertson, Culhbert, 352, 393.
D.
Damariscove islands, 278, 293.
Davenport, John, Rev., account of, 419.
Davis, John, his edition of New England's Memorial, 5. Cited, 57, 195, 234, 255, 301, 339.
Davis, Samuel, on the Gurnet, 2S7.
Davison, William, Secretary, Brewster under, 463,464. Account of, 463.
Deaconess, at Am-tcnlam, 455.
Deer, near the pond in Truro, 130. In Ply- mouth, 175. 231. At Billington Sea, 182.
Deer traps, 136.
De la Noye, or Delano, Philip, 2.35, 236. Ad- mitted to churches of the Pilgrims, 394.
Delft-Haven, 87. Parlins: at, 88, 334.
Dennis, William, a Puritan martyr, 412,427.
Dermer, Captain, cited, 1S4. Attack on, by Indians, 135. Treatment of Squanto by, 190. At Namasket, 190. 204.
De Tocqueville, on the MagnEilia, 30. On Plymouth rock, 161.
Dort," Sunday at, 47. Synod of, 47, 424.
Dotey, Edward, a Pilgrim, 116, 122, 127, 150. Punishment of, 201.
Double Brook, in Plymouth, 165.
Douglass, William, on the removal from Hol- land, 48.
Dover, N. H., settlement at, 251.
Downs, or Dunes, of Holland, 123.
Drake, Sir Francis, vessels of, 86.
Dress, Indian, 185, 365.
Droitwich, birth-place of the Winslow fami- ly, 274.
Drought. Sec Pj/o-ri'nis, and Phjmoulh.
Dudley, Gov. Thoi'nas, 105, 199, 419.
Duelling, punishment (if, at I'lymouth, 201.
Duxbury, the name, 126. Formation of the church in. 3'.t4.
Dwigbt, Timothy, on Plymouth and the Pil- grims, 161.
Dyer's swamp, in Truro, 129.
E.
Eastham, or Nauset, explored, 151, 153. Ex- pedition to, 214. Corn procured at, 302, 304. .'^ee Sunset.
East Harbour, in Truro, 120. Pilgrims at, 128, 137, 138. See Tntro.
F'.ast Harbour creek, 128.
East Harbour village, in Truro, 129. Pond village near, 130.
Eel river, in I'lymouth, 160, 196, 216.
Elders, remarks on and on their duties, 64, 65, 419, 155. J\ot cho.scn to civil offices, 197. Continuance of, 455. At Salem, 455. Hob- inson on the administration of the sacra- ments by, 477.
Eliot, John, on the Indian pronunciation of/, n, and r, 319.
Elizabeth, Queen, favors the Anglican ritual, 12, 21. Suspension of Grindal by, 420. Conduct of, respecting Barrow and Green- wood, 432. Cause of her subsequent tol- eration, 433. Separatists in the time of, 442. Her duplicity and treatment of Mary and of Davison, 463, 464. Aids Holland against Spain, 464. Fortresses consigned to, 464.
Elizabeth Islands, springs on the, 129. Sas- safras exported from, 130.
Embalmed body found, 142.
Embdcn, synod at, 422. Johnson at, 445.
Endicott, John, sends to Plymouth for a physi- cian, 223, 386. Instructed to purchase the Indians' lands, 259. On the worship at Plymouth, 336.
English, Thomas, a Pilgrim, 116, 122, 150.
Episcopacy, Robinson's dislike of, 390. At- tempt to establish, in New England, 478. See Church.
Episcopius, Simon, 41.
Everett, Edward, cited, 103.
Fast, the first at Plymouth, 349.
Faunce, 'i'homas. Elder. 199, 352.
Fire-arms of the Pilgrims, 125, 136, 142, 156, 237.
First Brook, in Plymouth, 165.
Fish, and fishing at Cape Cod, 119, 146. At Plvmouth, 164. Want of means to catch, 17i,294. At Monhcgan, 182,278, 29.3. In Taunton river, 205. At Damariscove islands, 278, 293. At Buzzards bav, 306. Profits of, in New England, 81, 371, 383.
INDEX.
493
Florida, discovered, 243. Foord, Goodwife, 235, 236. Forefathers, first comers so called, 353. Forefather's Day, 161.
Fortune, arrival of the, 198, 234. Tonnage of the, 234. Names of passengers in the,
235. Return cargo of the, 236. Captured,
236. Passengers in the, 352. Frankfort, troubles at, 9.
P'reeman, James, Rev., of Boston, 120. Fresh Lake, 172. See Billington Sea. Frobisher, Martin, fleet of, 86. Froissart, on Wat Tyler and Standysshe,
126. Fuller, Samuel, the phj^sician of the Pilgrims,
85, 121. Notice of,'222. Heals Weston's
sick colonists, 297. Sent for to Salem, 223,
336. Fuller, Thomas, on Robert Brown, 442. Furs, trade for, 302, 371. See Beaver.
G.
Gambling, among the Indians, 210, 307.
Gardiner, Richard, a Pilgrim, 116, 122.
Gardner's Neck, 315. See Mattapoiset.
Geneva Bible, 14.
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 87, 155.
Glass windows, history of, 237.
Godbertson, 393. See Culhbcrtson.
Goodman, John, a Pilgrim, 122. Lost, 174. Encounters wolves, 178.
Gookin, Daniel, cited, 144, 145, 184, 187, 210, 305, 307,317, 360, 367.
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, on the Pilgrims, 55. Connected with the family of Lincoln, 75. Men of, attacked by Indians, 185. On In- dians carried to England, 190. Error re- specting the colony of, 334. Measures by, to establish episcopacy in New England, 478. Thompson sent over by, 351.
Gorton, Samuel, 379.
Gosnold, Bartholomew, error respecting. 75. Discovers Cape Cod, 101, 103, 119. Carries home sassafras, 130.
Graham, J. D., Major, Survey and Map of Cape Cod by, 1 18.
Grnhame, James, in error, 55, 76, 98, 105, 334, 482.
Grapes and grape vines, 130, 132, 165, 234.
Great Bear, the constellation, so called by the Indians, 366.
Great Hollow, in Truro. 131.
Great Meadow creek, in Eastham, 155.
Great Pond, in Eastham, 153.
Green's harbour, in Marshfield, grant to Wins- low at. 275.
Greene, Richard, 299.
Greenwood, John, persecuted, 412. Refuta- tion of Gilford by, 424. A preacher in Lon- don. 427. A martyr, 427. Examination of, 428. Reynold's and Queen Elizabeth's conversation respecting, 432.
Grimsby, in l.,incohishire, 28.
Grindal, Archbishop, suspended by Elizabeth, 420. Successor of, 432.
Ground-nuts, 329.
Guiana, 52.
Guns of the Pilgrims, 125, 136, 142, 156.
Gurnet, 160, 163, 164, 287.
H.
Hall, Bishop, on Holland, 25. OntbeBrown- ists, 451. On Robinson, 453.
Hallam, Henry, cited, 10, 11, 428.
Hampden, John, never in America, 314.
Hampton Court, Conference at, 20, 432.
Hatherly, Timothy, 352, 353.
Higginson, Francis, Hev., cited, 129, 184, 237, 398. Ordained at Salem, 398.
High Head, Truro, soil at, 123.
Highland Light, Cape Cod, 123, 130. 137.
Hilton, William, 235. Letter from New Ply- mouth by, 250. Settles at Dover, N. H., 251. His wife and children, 251, 352.
Hingham, first minister of, 402.
Hither Manomet Point, in Plymouth, 291.
Hobart, Peter, Rev., of Hingham, 402, 487.
Hohbamock, 219. Flight of, to Plymouth, 220. Expresses fears, 285. Asserts Mas- sasoit's faithfulness, 288. A pinse, 288, 341. Sends his wife to Pokanoket, 288. Guide to Buzzard's Bay, 307. Guide in tlie visit to Massasoit in his sickness, 314, 315. Lamentations by, for Massasoit, 316. Massasoit reveals a plot to, 323. Interview of Pecksuot with, at Wessagusset, 337. On the death of Pecksuot, 339. Chases Indians, 341. His services, and character, 350.
Hobhamock, and Hobbamoqui, the Indian devil, 356, 357.
Holland. See Lnw Countries.
Holmes, Abiel, in error, 77. Cited, 199, 478, 479.
Hoornbeek, John, on John Robinson and the Arminians, 42, 453.
Hopkins, Oceanus, born, 100, 122, 127.
Hopkins, Stephen, a Pilgrim, 100, 122. Ac- count of, 126, 127. Goes to meet Indians, 181. Samoset lodges with, 185. In the embassy to Pokanoket, 202, 204.
Hopkins's cliff", in Truro, 133.
Hopkins's creek, in Truro, 133, 135.
House lots, laid out at Plymouth, 170, 173.
Houses, building of commenced at Plymouth, 173. Their prohalile character, 179.
Howland, John, a Pilgrim, 122, 149. Notice of, and of his family, 150.
Hubbard. William, his history, 58, 79. On the laws of the Pilgrims, 197. On Stand- ish, 339.
Hudson, Henry, at Cape Cod, 101, 103. E.x;- plored Hudson's river, 368, 369.
Hudson's river, settlements on, 42. Pilgrims sail for, 101, 117, 385.
Hunt, Captain, the kidnapper, 186, 190, 215.
Hutchinson, Thomas, Gov., cited, 107, 120, 122, 185, 195, 197, 274, 330, 477.
494
INDEX.
Independents and Independency, 422, 442.
Indian Brook, in Wcllileet, 152, 165.
burying grounds and graves, 142, 154,
227,363. InEastham, 153.
challenge, 281, 233.
corn, found, 131, 141. A native of
America, 131. Indian mode of storing, 133. Taken and afterwards paid for, 134, 140, 204, 235,259. Tarched, 187,211. Exchanged for seed, 201, 209. Twenty acres of, 230. Aid in planting, from Squanto, 230. In- dians' season for planting, 230. Excursion after, 209. Procured, 301, 302, 305, 308,
309. Divided with Weston's company, 303. Want of, at Weston's colony, 328. Al- lowance of, to Weston's company, 337. Given to the sachems, 362. Account of, 310.
hemp, 133, 166.
Neck, in Truro. 135.
priests. See Powoics.
Indians, Inirning of underwood hy the, 124. First sight of by the Pilgrims, 127. Their barns, 133. The'ir baskets, 133, 145. Their mats, 133, 141, 145, 363. Their canoes, 135. Hedges of, to take game, 142. Bu- rials by. 143. 362, 363. Household stuff of the, 144. Seen around a grampus, 151, 153. 'J'heir arrows, 153. Fires of seen at Plymouth, 170, 171. Standish goes in search of 171. Seen on Clark's island, 179. On Watson's hill, 180, 190, 191. Language of the, 1S3. Destroyed by pes- tilence, 183, 206, 229, 234, 258, 259. Treat- ment of by Hunt, 186, 190, 215. Apparel of, 187, 365. Use of tobacco by the, 188, 363. Carried away by Weymouth, 190. At Namaschet, 205. Incident of their courage, 206. Submission of, to king James, 210, 226, 232, 244, 259, 307. Their beds, 210. Gamble, 210, 307. General rendezvous of at Massachusetts, 226. Their forts, 227. Peace produced among the, 232. Their religion, 233, 355. On the right to their soil, 242. Conversion of the, 243, 257, 271. Habitsof243. Treat- ment of 244, 259. Friendly, 258, 272. Lands of, always purchased, 259. Massa- cre by, in Virginia, 278, 293, 294. Threat- en the Pilgrims, 295. Reception of Brad- ford by, at Chatham, 300. Mode of salu- tation by, 304. Conspiracy among them,
310. Customs of in sickness, 313, 317, 362. Effect of Standish's expedition to Wes- sagusset on the, 345. Decline of the, 345. Notice the fast and the rain, 350. Man- ners, customs, religious opinions, and cere- monies of the, 354. Their God, 355 ; devil, 356 ; powows, 357 ; sacrifices, 35S ; pniese, 359; sachems and sachems' families, 360 ; funerals and mourning, 362. Names among the, 363. Wedlock among the, 364. Crimes and punishments among them, 364. Their apparel, 365; languase, 366; memorials, 367. See Cape Cod, M'^ssasoit, Plymouth, Samoset. Squanto, and Squaws.
Indians, Mashpee, 216.
Massachusetts, swept off, by pesti-
lence, 184, 229. Voyage to the, 224. Or- igin of their name, 224. Squaw sachem of tiie, 225, 228. Preparations for visiting a^ain, 285. Apprehensions from them, 235. Alarm on the voyage to the, 287. Com- plaints by the, respecting Weston's com- ])any, 298, 302, 327. Bradford's excursion to the, 302. Conspiracy among the, 310, 323, 330, 343. Standish's expedition against the, at VVessagusset, 327, 331. Boldness of at VVessagusset, 332. Seven, killed in a struggle, 339. Skirmish with, 341. Chased by Hobbamock, 341. Plot of the, confessed. 343. Scat of the sachem of the, 227 ; of the squaw sachem, 228. See Ob- biilinnrat, and O'llakicst.
Namascheucks, 205, 212.
Narragansct, suspected of a conspiracy
with the Massachusetts, 235. 'I'heir devo- tions, 358.
Nauset, encounter with, 156, 185.
Steal, 1.30, 186, .304. Escape the pestilence, 131. 'I'heir number, 185. Hostility of the, 135. 'J'reatmeiU of by Hunt, 186. 'i'heir principal seat, 216. Conspiracy by the, 323. See Aspinel, and JSauact.
Penobscot, escape the pestilence, 184.
Pequot, 230.
Tarrateens, 225.
Wampanoags, sachem of the, 287.
Infanticide, Indian, 353. Ipswich, on settling at, 147. Isles of Shoals, 351.
lyanough, sachem, 215, 216, 213, 311. Fate of, 345. See Barnstable.
Jacob, Henry, 74. Account of, 430.
James I., his dislike of the (ieneva Bible, 14. Hostility of to the Puritans, 20, 56. In- fluence and acts of in the Low Countries, 42, 436. Letters patent by, to the Virginia Company, 54. Does not grant an applica- tion for freedom in religion, 55, 56. 332. Oath of Allegiance required by, 64. Hates Sir Edwin Sandys, 69. Did not grant let- ters patent to the Pilgrims, 74. New pa- tent from. 80, 100. On fishing in New Eng- land, 81, 333. Reason by. for granting the patent, 184. Wife of 210. Indian alle- giance to, 210, 226, 232,244,259,307. Rep- resentation to, in favor of Davison, 463. Death of 479.
Jenny, John, has leave to huild a mill, 172, 352. A passenger in the Anne, 352, 392. Communed with the Dutch, 392.
Johnson, the Lady Arbella, 75.
Johnson, Edward, cited, 23, 153, 184, 183.
Johnson, Francis. Rev., church of at Amster- dam, 21, 34, 36. Blackwell and, 71, 72. Preacher at Middlebnrg, 424. Conversion of 425, 447. Bradford's account of 445. Excommunications by, 446. His wife, 446. Persecution and flight of, 447.
INDEX.
495
Johnson, George, 446, 449.
Johnson, Isaac, 75. Death of, 76.
Jones, Captain of the Mayflower, 98, 99. Plot wrongly ascribed to, 102, 138. Mentioned, 137, 138, 139,141,181. River, in Kingston, named from, 166. Captain of the Discov- ery, arrives at Plymouth, 278. Furnishes supplies, 293.
Jones's river, in Kingston, 165. Explored, 166.
Josselyn, John, cited, 118, 132, 139, 176, 306.
Juniper trees, 118, 124.
K.
Kautantowwit, Indian god, 356.
Kennebec, Popham's attempt to settle at Sag- adahoc, near the, 50, 55, 112,427.
Kiehtan, the Indian god, 326. Meaning of, 355.
Kikemuit, seat of Massasoit, 208.
Kingston, incorporated, 166. Residence of Wm. Bradford, jr., 487.
L.
Lands, first allotment of, 346 ; tbe second, 347.
Language, Indian, 366.
Leister, Edward, a Pilgrim, 122. Punishment of, 201.
Leyden, removal of the Pilgrims to, 35, 380. University of, 35. The congregation in peace at, 36, 380. Arminian controversy there, 40, 392. Influence oi James I., at the University of, 42. Pilgrims leave, 87, 384. Baylie and Cotton on the Pilgrims at, 379, 456. Respect there for Robinson, 392, 393. Bradford's account of the church at, 456. Fate of the church there, after Robinson's death, 479, 432. Epistle from the people there to Bradford and Brewster, 486.
Levden-street, at Plymouth, house-lots laid out on, 170, 173, 174.
Lincoln, Elizabeth, Countess of, 75 ; Bridget, 76. _ _
Lincoln family, connexion of the, with the New England settlements, 75.
Lions, in JNew England, 176.
Little James, size of the, 87, 353. Arrival of the, at Plymouth, 37, 150, 351, 352.
Little Namskeket creek, in Orleans, 155.
Liturgy, John Calvin on the, 11. Robin- son's dislike of the, 390. See Church, of England.
Lobsters, at Plymouth, 164, 205, 233. At Boston, 225.
London Company, 55. See Virginia Com- pany.
Long Point, Provincetown, 118,120. Land- ing at, 123. Diminished, 123. Soil there, 123. Shallop aground on, 150.
Long pond, in Eastham, 153.
Low Countries, religious toleration in the, 23. Influence of James I. there, 42, 436. Rea-
sons and causes of the Pilgrims' removal from the, 44, 331. Sunday there, 47, 381. Two churches of Separatists in the, 418, 453, 455. Sufferings of the Separatists there, 439, 441. Elizabeth's league with the, 463. See United Provinces.
Luther, Martin, Robinson's remark on, 423. His zeal, 429. Erasmus on, 435.
Lutherans, Robinson ou the, 397.
Lyford, John, 476.
M.
Maize, 131. Meal of parched, 187. See />i- dian corn.
Malaga, monks of, liberate Indians, 136.
Manamoick, Chatham, 217. Bradford at, 300.
Manomet, Point, 148. Blufi'of, 159.
Manomet, Sandwich, boy at, 217. Sachem of, 232, 307. Corn procured at, 305. No- tice of, 305. See Cairnacome.
Manure, fish used for, 231, 370.
Marriages, 94. First, in Plymouth, 201. In- dian, 364. Preaching at, 402.
Marshall, John, in error, 84, 100.
Marshfield, grant to Winslow at, 275.
Martha's Vineyard, or Capawack, submission of the Indians of, 232. Conspiracy with the Indians on, 323.
Martin, Christopher, a Pilgrim, 78, 121. Sick, 171. Death and notice of, 172.
Martyr, Peter, cited, 75. On the ships of Co- luip.bus, 86.
Martyrs, Puritan, 412, 427. Not Brownists, 428.
Mary, Queen, persecutions and flight of Re- formers in the time of, 9, 413. Act of Su- premacy of repealed under, 64. Separatists in her time, 442.
Massachusetts Bay, occasion of the settle- ment of 122. Pilgrims' first visit to, 154. 225. Meaning of, 225. General rendez- vous of Indians at, 226. Described, 228. Mission from, to Canonicus, 281. Harmo- ny between the settlers of, and of Plymouth, 398. Law in, against Anabaptists, 404.
Massachusetts Mount, 224.
Massasoit, 127. Samoset's return to, 185, 186. Forces of, 185. Description and entertain- ment of subjects of, at Plymouth, 186 ; their return home, 189. Difl'erent modes of spel- ling the word, 191. Visits Plymouth, 191, 259. Winslow's interview with, 192. Re- ception of 192, 231. Treaty with, 193, 244,245. Description of, 194. Treaty with, confirmed in- 1662, 194. Withdraws, 194. Reception of Standish and Ailerton by, 195. Goes home, 196. Embassy to, 202, 232. Presents to, 203, 209. Message to, and his reply, 203, 209. His territory and principal seats, 208, 225, 244, 238. Sent for and sa- luted, 209. Speech of, and conference with, 209. Entertainment by, 211. Cape Cod Indians and, 216. Success of the Narra- gansetts against, 217. Expedition in de- fence of, 219. Reported hostility of, 287.
496
INDEX.
Hobbamock's wife sent to, 238. Enraged with 'I'isquaniuin, 289, 290. Visits Ply- mouth, 200. Demands 'I'isquaiitum. 291. Seems lukewarm, 295. Sick, 313. Wins- low's journey to, 313. Reported death of, 315. Hobbamock's lamentations for, 31C. Receptiou of W'iiislow by, 31d. Tended by VVinslow, 319. Convalescent, 320. Re- veals a plot, 323. Refuses to join in the conspiracv, 323. See Pokanokct.
Mastcrson, Richard, 73, 488.
Matchlocks, used by the Pilgrims, 125, 136, 1 12, 156.
Mather, Cotton, on Governor Bradford, 27, 487. Not to be depended on for facts, 30. On Cape Cod, 101. On Ralph Parlndge, 394.
Mather, Increase, 5, 30. Charter of Massa- chusetts obtained by, 37. On the pesiilence amons; the Inilians, isi. Assists iu mak- ing the Cambridf^e Platform, 394.
Maltakiest, Barnstable, 215.
Matlapoiset, Mattapuyst, or Gardner's Neck, Corbitant at, 232, 315. Visit to, by Wins- low, 316. bee Corbitant.
Maurice, Prince of Orang-e, 479.
May, M r. , father of Dorothy, wife of Governor Bradford, 485.
Mayflower, 85. Renowned, 99. Birth on board the, at sea, 100, 122, 127. The plot- tintf of the Captain of the, considered, 102. Place of her making Cape Cod, Ui2. Place of her anchorage, 120, 123. Peregrine White born on board the, 143. Last sur- viving passenger of the, 150, 196. Tonnage of the, and anchorage, at Plymouth 171. Seen by Samoset, 182. Returns to Eng- land, 199. No Pilgrim returns in her, 199. Passengers in the, called old comers, or forefathers, 352.
Meal, of parched maize, 187. See Indian Corn.
Medicine men. See Poicmcs.
Merchant adventurers, agreement with the, 81. Smith on the, 81. Application bv the, for the Plymouth colonists, 114. Cush- man's allusions to the, 266. Letters re- ceived from the, 348. Robinson on the, 476. Prevent Pilgrims from going to New England, 476, 478.
Merrimack river, settlements on the, 403.
Meyrick, on firelocks and snaphances, 156.
Middleborough. See Namuskct.
Middleburg, Johnson, preacher at, 424.
Mill, on Town Brook, at Plymouth, 172, 352.
Milman, H. H., Rev., on community of goods, 84.
Milton, Pilgrims in, 227. See Blue Ilills.
Milton, John, cited, 107.
Mohegan river, the Hudson, 368, 369.
Monardes, on sassafras, 130.
Monhegan, fishing at, 182, 278, 293. Wins- low goes to, 293. Voyage to, from Weston's colony, for provisions, 330. Part of Wes- ton's company go to, 341, 342.
Mooanam, son of Massasoit, 194.
Morattigon, 183.
Mortality of the Pilgrims, 100, 111, 148, 163,
169, 181. Table of the, 192. Remarks on the, 197,265, 474. Robinson on the, 473. See Indians.
Morion, George, 113. Bradford's relation sent to, 175. Letter probably sent to, 230. Comes out in the Anne, 236, 352, 353.
Morton, Nathaniel, Secretary, Preface by, 3. His New Kngland's Memorial, 4. Notice of, 6. On the plot to avoid Hudson's river, 102. On Miles Standish, 126. On Nam- skeket creek, 155. On a shi])wreck in Ply- moutli harbour, 163. Dwelt at Wellingsly Brook, 105. On William Mullins, 181. On the name of Plymouth, 203. On Sam- uel Fuller, the physician, 223. On Phine- has Prat, 332. Preface by, to Bradford's Dialogue, 411 ; transcribed it, 413. Takes part in public worship, 419. On Brewster, and Bradford's Memorial of him, 461. On the plotting against Robinson, 477.
Morion, Thomas, on burning underwood, 124. On walnut trees, 132. On grapes, 132. On storing Indian corn, 133. On Indian ca- noes, 135. On deer traps, 136. On wild geese, 140. On ducks, 140. On planks in Indian graves, 143. On Indian bowls, 144. On Indian hearse cloths, 154. On halibut or turbot, 164. On hemp, 166. On lions in New England, 176. On the pestilence among the Indians, 184. On Indian ap- parel, 187. On Indian beds, 210. On ale- wives, 231. On an execution at Weymouth, 332. On Weston's company, 334. Not one of them, 334.
Morton, Thomas, jr., 352.
Mount Hope, residence of Massasoit, 208.
Mdurt, G.. who he was, 113.
Mullins, William, a Pilgrim, 121. Death of, 181.
Murdock's Pond, in Plymouth, adventure at, 175.
Muscles, at Cape Cod, 119. At Plymouth, 164,233,329. At Weymouth, 329.
Mystic river, discovered by the Pilgrims, 223.
N.
Nacook brook, grant on, 332.
Namasket, Middleborough, Dermer at, 190, 204. Under Massasoit, 204. VVinslow and Hopkins at, 204, 205, 212. Expedition to, 219. Alarm from, 287. Corn procured at, 305.
Namskeket creek, in Orleans, 155. Seat of the Nauset Indians, 216.
Nanepashemet, grave of, 154, 227. Widow of, 225. House of, 226. Time of his death, 227.
Nash, Thomas, 85, 488.
Naunton, Sir Robert, friendly to the Pilgrims, 55, 56, 382, 383. Carleton's letters to, re- specting Brewster, cited, 467.
Nauset, 153. V^oyage to, in search of a boy, 214. Sachem of, 216, 244,302. Expedi- tion to, for corn, 302. See Easlhani, and Indians.
INDEX.
497
JNeal, Daniel, in error, 99, 100. On John Smith, 451. On Brewster, 461.
Nepeof, a sachem, 220.
Neponset, Milton, subject to the Massachu- setts sachem, 227. Sachem of, 232.
Netherlands, the battle-ground of Europe, 23. See LdOW Countries.
Nets, want of fishing, 171, 294.
Newbury, church at, 402.
New England, patent for, 80, 100, 184. Visit- ed and named, 80, 255. Attempts to settle, 107, 112. Abandoned as umnhabitable, 112. Grant to the Plymouth Colonists by the President and Council of, 114, 116, 234. Water and air of, 129, 233, 369. First Eng- lishman born in, 148. Pestilence among the Indians in, 183, 206, 229, 234, 258, 259. Supposed to be an island, 256, 368. Cush- man on emigration to, 256. Situation, cli- mate, soil, and productions of, 368. Unrea- sonable expectations respecting, 374. Wins- low's Narration of the Grounds of the first Planting of, 377, 379. Measures to establish episcopacy in, 478. See America, Kenne- bcck, and Plymouth.
New England's Memorial, Morton's, 4.
Newfoundland, on the discovery of, 155. Sep- aratists banished to, 441.
New Netherlands, 42.
New York, early settlement in, 42.
Nobscusset, Yarmouth, boundary of a sachem- dom, 216
Nokake, or nokehich, 187. See Indian corn.
Nonconformists, harmony of the Separatists and, 398. See Puritans.
North river, in Scituate, 148.
North Star, known to the Indians, 366.
Nowell, Increase, 419.
Noyes, James, Rev., of Newbury, 402.
O.
Oaks, on Cape Cod, 118, 124.
Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, 64.
Obbatinewat, a sachem in Massachusetts Bay,
225. Submission of, 226, 232. Probably
Obbatinua, 232. Obtakiest, 343, 344. Oiled paper, windows made of, 237. Old comers, first Pilgrims called, 353. Old Indian Wear, on Taunton river, 205. Old Tom's hill, in Truro, 135, 139, 147. Oldmixon, John, errors of, 91, 164. Opechancanough, a Virginia sachem, 279. Ordination, remarks on, 66. Orleans, seat of Nauset Indians, 216. See
Nainskeket.
Painter, Thomas, an Anabaptist, whipped,
404, 405. Palfrey, John Gorham, cited, 77. Pamet little river, 133, 135. Pamet river, in Truro, 118, 125. Notices of,
135. Explored, 139. On settling at, 146.
63
Paomet, Cape Cod so called, 204.
Paragon, fate of the, 348, 349.
Parker, Robert, Rev., 436, 439.
Parker, Thomas, Rev., of Newbury, 402.
Partridge, Ralph, Rev., of Duxbury, 394.
Partridges, 137.
Passaconaway, magical power of, 366.
Patents, 80. See James /., New England, and Pilffrims.
Patuxet, Plymouth, 183, 203. Squanto, the only surviving native of, 190.
Pecksuol, conference of, with Hobbamock, 337. His insolence, 338. Killed, 338.
Pemberton, John, Rev., 476.
^enry, John, persecuted, 412. Executed, 427. Unjust charges against, 428. Tracts by, 428.
Perkins, William, Rev., 14.
Persecutions. See Mary, and Pilgrims.
Perth Assembly, 395, 467.
Pestilence among the Indians, 183, 206, 229, 234, 253, 259. Narragansets escape the, 280.
Philip, the sachem, treaty broken by, 194.
Phillips, George, Rev., of VVatertown, 399.
Pierce, John, letter to, 114. Charter taken in the name of, 116, 234, 296, 348. Patent surreptitiously obtained by, 234, 349. On Weston's company, 296. His attempt to come to Plymouth, 348. Resigns his pa- tent, 349.
Pilgrims, used the Geneva Bible, 14. Origin of the, 19. Form a separate church, 21. Their covenant, 21, 397. Two churches of the, 22. Persecuted, 23. Resolve to fly to the Low Countries, 24. Their first attempt prevented, 26. Imprisoned, 27. Their sec- ond embarkation, 28. Arrive in the Low Countries, 30. Fate of their wives and children left behind, 31 . Result of the per- secution of the, 32. In Amsterdam, 34, 455. In Leyden, 35, 380, 456. Trades and employments of the, 35. The number of, 36, 97, 99, 100, 122, 455. Live in peace,
38, 380, 456. Their credit with the Dutch,
39, 393. Offers to the, to settle in Ame- rica or Zealand, 42, 385. Attract the notice of Cardinal Bentivoglio, 43. Rea- sons and causes for their removal from Hol- land, 44, Ul, 381. Turn their eyes to America, 48, 381 ; to Guiana, 52. I'eel- ings of the, towards the Spaniards, 53. Conclude for Virginia, 54, 383. Send agents to England, 55, 57, 58, 59, 382. Applica- tion by, for freedom in religion, 5.5, 382. Their correspondence with the Virginia Company, ancf with their agents in England, 58, 66. Religious principles of the, 64, 65, 387, 388, 395. Obtain a patent from the Virginia Company, 74, 383. Keep a fast, 77, 383. Arrangements of the, for leaving Holland, 78, 383. Meet with discourage- ments, 81. Their purpose and views in going to America, 81, 261. Their agree- ment with the merchant adventurers, 81. Did not have all things in common, 84. Vessel and pilot provided for the, 85, 86. Keep a fast, 87. Accompanied to Delft-
498
INDEX
Haven, 87, 3^4. The name belongs exclu- sively to the Plymouth colonists, SS. 'I'hcir departure, 8S, 3^^1. At Southampton, 89. Parting letters to Carver and the, 80, 91,
116. Sail, 97. Put hack twice, 9-!. Plotted against, 99. Dismiss the Spccil'vell, 99. Impulalions on the, 99. Sail a-.;.. in, 100, '
117. Voyage, lOf). Descry Cape Coil, 101,117, :H1. Stand for Hudson's River, 102, 117, 335. Put l)ack to Cape Cod har- bour, 102, 103, 117, 39.">. Charlie ajr.iinst their Captain considered, 102, i:N. iSear- est plantations to tiie, 105. Mildness of their first winter, IOj, 173. Grant to, by the I'resident and (-ouncil of New Kntjlantf,, 111, no, 231. Their compact, and the signiu'.^ of it, IIG, 120. Kxaminalions by the, 122. CJIioose John Carver, i^iivernor, 123. First excursion of the, under Miles Stauilish, 125. Their first sight of Indians, 127. At Hast Harbour, in Truro. 12^. At the Ponil, 130, 130. Find Iiuiian corn, 131, 133; a kettle, 133. At Old 'J'oiirs hill, in Truro, 131. At Paniet river, 135. Kind canoes, 135 ; a deer trap, 136. Return, 137. Second expedition of the, 13S. Explore Pamct river, 139. Return to Hopkins's clilF, no. Find more corn, 111 ; Indian graves, 142; an end)almed body, 142; wigwams, 143. Return, 145. Propose seiiling at Pa- mct river, 146. 'I'hird expedition of the, under (."aptain Standish, 149. At Hillings- gate Point. 151. In Wellrteet, 152. In Easlham, 153. Find an Indian bnrying- ground, 153; wigwams, 154. Alarmed by wolves, 155. First encounter of, with In- dians, 156. Sail along the coast, 159. On Clark's island, 160. Go on shore, 161. Return to Provincetown harbour, 162. Sail in the Mayflower, and arrive in Plymouth harbour, 163. (-'onclude to build on the bank at Plymouth, 107. Forlifv Burial Hill, 16S, 169, 181,295, 335. Cut timber, 169. Layout house-lots, 170,173. In want of fish- hooks and nets, 171, 294. Build, 173, 230. Two of the, lost in the woods, 174. Re- ceive Samoset, 132; with other Indians, 187; Squanlo, 191 ; Massasoit, 191, 231. Mortality among the, 197, 205. Burial place of the, 199. Not one of t"e, return in the Mayflower, 199. Embassy of the, to Massasoit, at Pokanoket, 202. Acces- sions to the, by the Fortune, 235, 230 Put on short allowance, 23G. Their treatment of the Indians, 259. True to their princi- ples, 260. Unjustly charged with fanati- cism, 273. Menaced by the Karragansets, 230. Famishing, 294. Supplied by Cap- tain Jones, 293. Advice by the, to Wes- ton's colony, 323. Their wants and means of subsistence, 329. Offer to receive Wes- ton's colony, 337, 342. Aid Weston, 342. Accessions to the, by the Anne and the Little James, 352. Old comers or forefa- thers among the, 352. Contributions by the first, to bring over and support the oth- ers, 335, 482. Not Separatists, 337. Not schismatics, 391. Not exclusionists, 392,
399. Works in vindication of the, 419. See Amrrica, Acw England, Pltjmouth, and Jiobinsnn. Pines, on Cape Cod, 1 18, 124. At Plymouth,
161. Pluses, braves, 239. Sachems' council, 323, 359. Killed at Weymouth, 339. Account of, 359. Procure coin for the sachems, 302. Piscataqua, setlleiiii'nt at, commenced, 351. Plague, Squanto on the, 291. See Pestilence. Plums, at Plymouth, 231. Plvmouth, iSew England, mildness of the first winter at, 105, 173. Eliects of the set- tlement at, 122. First oHeiice in, 149, 199. Day of the landing at, 161. lloek and place of the landing, 161, 199. Trees and jilants of, 161, 105. Soil of, 105. (."oiiclu- siiiu U) settle there, 167; to fortify Burial Hill, 163, 1C9. Common bouse there, 109, 173,177. House lots laid out in, 170, 173. j Mill at, 172, 352. First entry in the records of, 173. Two men lost from, 174. Ponds in, 176. Shed built at, for common tjoods, 173. Two Indians at, ISO. .Vrlillery planted I on the hill at, 131 . Samoset at, 132. Indian , names of, 183, 203,245. Visit to, by Indians i from Masssoit, 166. Garden seeds sown, 139. Savages appear at, 190. Squanto there, 190. Massasoit visits, 191, 259. Treaty I at, with Massasoit, 193, 244, 245. Brig- ham's Digest of the Laws of, 197. Re- election of Carver a.-^ governor of, 197. Mor- tality and buryingplacc at, 197, 199,473. Mayflower sails from 199. Death of the governor of 200. First marriage and duel in, 201. Origin of the name, 203. Embas- sy from, to Massasoit at Pokanoket, 202. Voyage from, in search of a lost boy, 214. Seven men only at, 218. Expedition from, against the Narragansets, 219. The sur- geon and physician at, 222. Voyage from, to the Massachusetts, 224. Arrival of the Fortune at, 235. Things wanted at, 237. Hilton's Letter on, 250. .Ship's company arrive at, from Damariscove islands, 278. Impaled, 235. Measures for protecting, 235. Apprehensions there, from the Narra- gansets, 235, 237. Council held at, 286. Alarmed, 237. Visited by Massasoit, 290. Second voyage from, to Massachusetts, 290. Scarcity of provisions there, 290. Arrival of the Sparrow, 293. Voyage from, to Monhegan, for provisions, 293. Arrival of the Charity and the Swan at, 296. Arrival of the Discovery and Sparrow at. 293. Expe- ditions from, for corn and to discover a pas- sage round Cape Cod. 300. Winslow's sec- ond journey from, to Pokanoket, 313. Ex- pedition from, against the Indians at VVey- monih, 327. General Court held at, 331. Indian spy arrested at, 335. Reception of part of Weston's company at, 342. Head set up at, 343. Allotment of lands, 346. Drought and famine at, 343, 354. The first fast at, 349. Thanksgiving, 231, 351. Ar- rival of the Anne and Little James at, with a list of the passengers, 351, 352. Food for passengers on arriving at, 353. Climate
INDEX.
499
of, 369. Consultation of, by succeeding colonies, 336. White on the tjovernment at, 483. See Burial Hill, and Pilgrims. Plymouth Church, early records of the, 4. The First Independent or Congregational, in America, 77. Givers of the parsonage ground to the, 223. Plymouth Company, not applied to hy the
Pilgrims, 55, 75. .
Plymouth harbour, explored, 161. Pilgrims arrive in, 161, 163. Islands in, 161, 163. Fish and fowl in, 164. Includes Kingston and Duxbury harbours, 164. First death in, 16S Plymouth rock, 161, 199. Pokanoket, expedition to Massasoit at, 197, 202, 232. Arrival at. 208. Extent of the country, 208. A night at, 210,211. See J]'Iassasoit. Pollock Rip, 102. Polyander, John, 43. Pond and Pond village, in Truro, 130, 136.
Great Hollow near, 131. Popham, John, Lord, Colony of, at Sagada- hoc, 50, 55, 1 12, 427. Condemnation ot Pu- ritans by, 427. , • , Ti u Portsmouth, settlement at Little Harbour in,
Powows, priests, one sentenced to death, 308. Practices of, among, the sick, 317. With Massasoit, 317. Account of, 357, 366. Prat, Phinehas, 332, 352. Prayers, habits of the Pilgrims as to, 15b,
167. Brewster on, 469. Presbyterians, tolerated in JNew England, 402.
See Commuvion. Priests. See Poicows.
Prince, Thomas, in error, 57, 58. On attempts to settle New England, 107. Error of, as to Barnstable harbour, 135. On a grant to Peregrine White, 148. Had Bradford s register, 148. On the respect for Robinson at^Leyden, 393. On Robinson's Farewell Discourse, 399. On Isaac Robmson, 4o3. On the difference in elders, 455. Prince, Thomas, Gov., arrives in the Fortune, 235. Marriage of, 470. . • .
Prophesying, the practice of, 419. Ancient, 420. Liberty of 421. . ^ mo n~
Provincetown harbour, Pilgrims at, 102, 11/, 385. Survey and Map of, by Major J. D. Graham, 118. Whales and fish there 119 Notice of, 120. Landmg at, 123. Beach grass planted at, 123. Mayflower sails from, 163. Fortune puts into, 234. bee
PrSsfons". ■ See Indian Corn, Pilgrims, and Plymouth.
Punishments, Indian, 365.
Punkapog, Stoughton, 227.
Puritans," the name, 12, 417 443 Hos- tility of James L to the, 20. See Pil- grims.
Presents to, 192. Hostage with, 192. Re- ception of, 194. Described, 195.
Quails, on C^ape Cod, 137.
Quincy, Pilgrims at, 226. Supposed resi- dence of the Massachusetts sachems, 227. See Sqiiantum.
Q.
Quadequina, Massasoit's
R.
Race Point, Cape Cod, 119.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, on Guiana, 52. On the
law for banishing Separatists, 436. Rattlesnake's skin, sent with arrows, 281.
Retur led with powder and shot, 283. Razor shell 306. Reynolds, Captain of the Speedwell, 85.
Puts back twice, 98. Reynolds, John, Rev., 432. Rhode Island, 281. , r u i
Robertson, William, on the removal from Hol- land, 48. In error, 84, 100. Roliinson, Isaac, 453.
Robinson, John, Rev., 23. Goes over to Hol- land, 34. Removes from Amsterdam to Leyden 34 His ministry and character, 36 452. Time ofhis death, 393,479. Books written by, 40, 400, 454. His Apology, 40, 3'^8 391. Disputes with Episcopius, 41, 392 Age of, in 1620, 46. Correspondence of with^Edwin Sandys, 58; with Sir John Wolstenholme, 63. Preaches a Fast Ser- mon, 77. Tarries at Leyden, 77, 384 Ihe reason of his not accompanying the t'U- grims, 77, 383, 453. Farewell Fast Ser- mon by, 87, 396. His partmg letter to John Carver, 89 ; to the whole company, 91 , 116 Dies without going to New England, 91 443 On Standish, 339. His doctrine of 'communion, 388. His views of and re- gard for the Church of England, 3b9, 415, 442 His dislike of Episcopacy and the Lituvtry 390. Respect and funeral honors for, at Leyden, 392, 393, 453. Not a rigid Separatist, 400. His Treatise on the Church of England cited, 400. On Church Synods, 419. On prophesying, 422. His answer to Bernard, 423. His church a model 426. On Robert Browne, 442. Hrad- ford's 'account of, 451. Facts respecting, 452 Bp Hall's insinuation respecting, 453' His intention and desire to settle at Plymouth, 453, 475, 476 477 479,482 Let- ters from, to the church at Plymouth, 473 ; to Elder Brewster, 475. Ly ford and, 476. Plotting against. 476, 477. On elders, 477. Last days'and death of, 393, 478, 481. Rock harbour creek, in Orleans, 155. Roses, at Plymouth, 234. Rowland. Thomas, persecuted, 443. RuUng elders, difference between, teaching andt 455, 477. Still continued in Salem, 455! See Elders.
S.
brother, 191, 232. 1 Sabbath. See Sunday.
500
INDEX.
Saclicms, account of, anJ of their families, 360. Kxeculioners of tlie laws, 365.
Sacrifices, Indian, 353.
Sagadahoc. See Kennebec.
St. Lawrence river, discovered, 213.
Salcin, error respecting the church in, 77. Mission from, to Flynioulii. for a physician, 22'i, 'MO. Dutch adniiiled to coniniuniim at, 393. Huliiig elders ill, 455. See jLVi</t- cott, and Hii^^-iiison.
Samoset, description, and reception of, at Ply- mouth, lS-2. Lodges with Hopkins, 185. Goes to Massasoit, 1S5, ISO. Helurns with others, 136. Kemains, 1S9. Conies again, with Snuanto, 190. Tarries, 195, 196.
Sanilcrs, John, overseer of Weston's colony, writes to Plymouth, 327. Bradforrl re- plies to, 330. Voyage by, to Alonhcgan, 330, 332.
Sanihvicli. Manoinet, boy lost at, 217. Sa- chem at, 232. See Cuicnwome.
Sandy Neck, at Barnstable, 159,212.
Sandys, Sir Kihviii, .'55, 56,382. Correspond- ence of, with Kobinson and Brewster, 58. Notice of, 59. Treasurer and governor of the Virginia Company, 68. Obno.xious to James 1., 68.
Saquish, in Plvmouth harbour, 100, 164, 287.
Sassafras, on Cajie (.'od, 118. Medicinal vir- tues ascribed to, l.JO. .\t I'lyinoiiih, 164,105.
Savage, James, on Cotlou Mailicr, 30. On Hampden's visit to iSew I'ngland, 315. On ruling elders, 455.
Savins, on Cape Cod, 124.
Scituate, Nortn river in, 143. Chauncy, min- ister of, 405.
Scussett harbour, in Sandwich, 300.
Sea fowls, at Cape Cod, 119. At Plymouth. 104,229. Time of the, 294.
Seals, at Plymouth, 172.
Se-baptist, John Smith the, 451.
Self-love, Cushman's discourse on the sin and danger of, 262.
Separatists, 338. Harmony of the Noncon- formists and, 398. Views of, respecting the Church of England, 414. Principles of the, 416, 417. No synods among the, 418. On prophesying among the, 419. Law ban- ishing the, 436. Persecution of the, 437. Treatment of. in prisons, 437. F.xcom- municated, 438. Deprived of their live- lihood, 439. Banished, 439, 441. Treat- ment of, by the prelates, 440. Before Hob- ert Brown, 442. Hce Pilgrims.
Shawmut, sachem of, 232. See Boston.
Sheath fish, 306.
Shellfish, at Plymouth, 294. At Buzzard's Bay, 306.
Shingle Brook, in Plymouth, 165.
Ships, size and character of, 36.
Sickness, Indian customs in, 317.
Simmons, formerly Symonson, 394.
Simonson, Moses, a Pilgrim, 235, 236, 394.
Skate at Plymouth, 164.
Slade's Ferry, in Swanzey, 315.
Slanv, John," 191.
Smallpox. See Pestilence.
Smith, John, Rev., and his church at Amster-
dam, 22, 34, 429. Persecuted, 443. On Johnson and Ainsworlh, 445. Bradford's* account of, 450. Fads respecting him, 4.") 1.
Smith, John, Captain, surveys and niinics New Kngland, 30, liil, 255. On tlie mer- chant advenlurers, 81. On Cape Cod, 101. On New Kn^land water, 129. Oii Indian flax, 100. Names Plymouih, 2ii3. Men- tions Nauset, 210. On the country of the Massachusetts, 226. Isles named hy, 351.
Smith, Sir 'I'hnmas, account of, 08.
Smith's isles, 251.
Snaphances, 150, 157.
Snow's brook, in Kastham, 152.
Soil, Kn^lish and Indian right to the, 243.
Somer Islands Coin])auy, 112.
Southampton, s5. Arrival of the Pilgrims at, 89. Situation of, 89.
Soiilhworlh, 'J'homas, 419.
Sowams, seat of Massasoit, 208.
S|)aiu. See I'lillid J^roi-inces.
Sparrow, arrival of the, at Plymouth, 291, 203,298.
Speedwell, 85. Size of the, 86. Unseawor- thy, 9^. Dismissed, 99.
Spoo'ner, F.phraim. Dea., of Plymouth, 199.
Squa sachem, of (he Massachusetts Indians, 225,229. Of Mattapuyst, 317.
Sq^uaiito, orTisquantum, history of, 190. Place in Quincy, named from, 191. At Plymouth, 195, 196. In an embassy to Massasoit, 202. At I'okanokct, 21 1. On a voyage in search ofaboy, 212. Sent to Aspinel, 216. Ex- pedition against the Narragansetts to re- venge the supposed murder of, 219. Cap- tured by Corbitant, 220. Helurns to Ply- mouth, 223. In a voyage to the Massachu- setts, 224. Would piutider the Massachu- setts, 223. Aid irom, about planting In- dian corn, 230. .Suspicions as to, 285. Double-dealing of, 289. Valuable services of, 290. Demanded by Massasoit, 291. Pilots an exjicdiiion for corn, and to discov- er a passaq-e round Cape Cod, 299, 300. Sickness anil death of, 301. Instructs In- dians in English salutations, 305.
Squantum, a promontory in Quincy, 191, 226. Taken possession of. by Thompson, 351.
Squaws, modesty of the, 228, 304. Burdens borne bv, 305, 311. Treatment of, at Wey- mouth, 339, 341. Their travail, 353. Ser- vitude of, 303. Particulars respecting, 364.
Standish family, 126.
Standish, Mile's, ('aptain, 115. Leader in an excursion up the Cape, 125. Account of, 125, 338. His coat of mail and sword, 134. In the third expedition, 149. Encoun- ters Nauset Indians, 150, 158. Goes in search of Indians at Plymouth. 171. Death of his wife, 179. (Jhosen Captain, 180. Sent to meet Indians, 181. Aleets Mas- sasoit, 192. Massasoit 's reception of, 194. Marches against the Narragan- sets in defence of Massasoit, 220. In an expedition to the Massachusetts, 225. Secures a messenger from Canonicus, 281. Military preparations of, 284. Sets for- ward for Massachusetts, 287. Driven back
INDEX.
301
from an expedition for corn, 299. Goes to Eastham, 304. Salutation of, by Aspinet, 304. Conduct of, at Yarmouth, 308. At Scussett, 309. Treachery against, 311. Returns, 312. Expedition of, against the Indians at Weymouth, 326, 327, 331. Ar- rives at Weymouth, 330. Trade of, with an Indian spy, 337. Kills Pecksuot in a struggle, 338. Remarks on, by Robinson, Hubbard, and Davis, 339. Skirmishes with Indians, 341. Takes the head of Wituwa- mat, and returns to Plymouth, 342, 343. Effect of his Expedition, 34.5. Procures provisions, 3.50. Second wife of, 352.
Standysshe, John, killed Wat Tyler, 126.
Starsmore, Sabin, 74.
Store house, at Plymouth, 169, 173, 177.
Stout's creek, in Truro, 128.
Strawberry Hill, Watson's hill called, 180.
Sunday, in Holland, 47, 331. On Clark's island, 160. Kept on shore at Plymouth, 177. Refusal of the Pilgrims to traffic on, 189.
Supremacy, oath of, 64.
Swamps, formerly ponds, 130.
Swan, arrival of the, 296. Remains, 298.
Swanzey, 208. See Corbitant, Gardner'^s Neck, Mattapoiset, and Slade^s Perry.
Synods, at Dort, 47, 424. At Cambridge, 394, 402. At Embden, 422. None among the Separatists, 408.
Tabor, and Taborites, 33.
Tarbes, John, 396.
Taunton river, 205. Pestilence on, 206, 234. Notice of 206. Country on, 207.
Thacker, Elias, persecuted, 412. Executed, 427.
Thanksgiving, the first, 231. After a fast, 351.
Theft, Indian punishment of, 364.
Thievish Harbour, 148, 159.
Thompson, David, 350.
Thompson's island, in Boston harbour, 351.
Tilly, Edward, a Pilgrim, 122, 126, 149. No- tice of, 151.
Tilly, John, a Pilgrim, 149, 151.
Tisquantum. See Squanto.
Titicut, 205, 212.
Tobacco, 188, 194, 363.
Tokamahamon, an Indian guide, 211, 214. Corbitant's hostility to, 219. With a mes- senger from Canonicus, 281.
Toleration, want of, under James I., 21. Hol- land reproached for, 23. Application for, by agents from Holland, 55,332. Of the Pilgrims towards the Dutch and French, 388, 392, 393 ; towards the Scotch, 394 ; towards the Presbyterians, 402, 407. Not shown to evil-doers, 407. See Commun- ion, Pilgrims, Robiiison, and Separatists.
Town brook, in Plymouth, Pilgrims settle near, 167. Notice of, 172. Mill on, 172, 352. Crossed to meet Indians, 181. Re- ception of Massasoit at the, 192.
Training Green in Plymouth, 168-
Trees, on Cape Cod, US, 124, 132. At Ply- mouth, 164. In Pokanoket, 207.
Trial, an Indian, 307.
Truro, soil in, 123. Excursions to, 128. Pond in, 130. Second excursion to, 139. See East harbour.
Turbot, 164.
Tyburn, persons executed at, 437.
Tyler, Wat, killed, 126.
U.
Uncle Sam's Hill, in Truro, 133.
United Provinces, war between Spain and the, 25; truce between them, 44. Exjjiratioa of the truce, 51. See Low Countries.
Upham, Charles W., Rev., 77.
V.
Vessels, size and character of, 86.
Virginia, colonization of, 53, 54. Pilgrims con- clude lor, 54, 333. Settled by Kpisco))alians, 54. Territorial extent of, 54. A]iplication for religious toleration in, 55. Oaths for emigrants to, 64. Governors of 69, 70. Blackwell's voyage to, 70. New patent for the northern part of 80, 100. Effect of the Plymouth settlement on, 122. Winslow on the state of, 273. Indian massacre in, 278, 293, 295. Vessels for, at Plymouth, 298. Proclamation as to the government of, 485. See New Engl and ^
Virginia Company, 54. Application of the Pilgrims to the' 55, 57 ; their correspond- ence, 58. Courts held by the, 67. Gov- ernors and Treasurers of the, 63. Conten- tions in the, 69. Patent obtained from the, 74.
W.
Wachusett mountain, 228.
Walloons, 39, 352, 393.
Walnut trees, 132, 164, 165.
Wampom, 143.
Wamsutta, son of Massasoit, 194.
Wareham, conspiracy with the Indians at,
323. Warren, in the Pokanoket country, 203. Warren, Richard, a Pilgrim, 121, 150. His
widow and descendants, 150. Wassapinewat, 330. Water of New England, 129; of Plymouth,
165, 166, 167, 255. Watertown, minister of, 398. Watson, Edward, owner of Clark's island,
160. Watson's hill, two Indians appear on, 180.
Names of, 180. Indians again appear there,
190. Massasoit there, 190. Weavers among the Plymouth settlers, 35. Wellfleet bay, visited, 151, 152, 153. Wellingsly Brook, in Plymouth, 165. Wessagussett, 78. Subject to the Massachu- setts sachem, ^7. See Weymouth.
502
INDEX.
West, Francis, admiral of New England, 273.
Weston, Thomas, agreement with, 78. No- tice of, 78. Inclines to New England, 80. Neglects to provide shipping, 85. On a charter, 234. His people at Weymouth, 276, 296. The Sparrow .sent out by, 293. Writes to Mr. Carver, 293. Expedition of his people for corn, 299 ; their return to Weymouth, 303. His visit and misfortunes, 342. See Wcynioulh.
Weymouth, Captain, carries Indians from Pe- nobscot, 190
Weymouth, or Wessagusset, 73. Character of Weston's colony at, 276, 296, 334. Ac- count of the planting of, 296. Conduct of the colonists of, at Flyinonlh, 297, 300. Indians' complaints rcspcclin?, 293, 302, 327. Indian conspiracy against, 310, 323. Expedition against the Indians of, 327, 331. Want of provisions at, 323. Too feeble and sick for defence, 329. Wretched state of, 332. Execution at, 332. Standi-sh's ar- rival there, 336. Carelessness at, 336. Of- fer to, from tlie Pilgrims, 337. Seven In- dians killed at, 339. Broken up, 341. See Weston-
Whales, whaling and, 119, 146.
Whitbourne, Kichard, Captain, 155.
White, Roger, letters by, to Bradford, 473, 483.
While, Peregrine, the first born, 148.
White, William, a Pilgrim, 121, 148. Death of, 181,201.
Whitgift, Archbishop, 432.
Wigwams, discovered, 143. Described, 144. In Eastham, 154. Near Plymouth, 172. Of Nanepashemet, 226.
Wildfowl, at Cape Cod, 119, 137,139,140. At Plymouth, 164, 179, 229. Time of the, 294.
Williams, Roger, 132, 133, 142, 187, 280. 305, 317,313,319,3)6,365, 366, 367. Prophe- sying by, at Plymouth, 420.
Williams, Thomas, a Pilgrim, 122. Meets Massasoit, 192.
Wincob, John, patent taken in the name of, 75.
Windows, account of, 237.
Winnatuckset brook, source of, 206.
Winslow chair, cut of the, 233.
Winslow Edward, on John Robinson and Ar- minianism, 41. Age of in 1620, 46. Rea- sons by, for removing from Holland, 47. On Thomas Weston, 7S. On the profit from fishing, 81, 383. In the third exploring party, 139. On errors, 175, 277. On the Indian language, 133. On the Indians' use of tobacco, 189. Interview of, with Mas- sasoit, 192. A hostage, 192. Death of his
wife, 197, 201. Married again, 201. Pro- bably wrote the narrative of the journey to Pokanoket, 202. In the embassy to Mas- sasoit, 202, 204, 213. Letter from, 230. Cahle brought to Plymouth by, 233. His Relation, 269. Notice of and of his family and descendants, 274. His return to Eng- land, 277, 477. On the state of Virginia, 278. In the second Massachusetts expedi- tion, 237. Goes to Monhegan, 293. Sec- ond journey of, to Pokanoket, to visit Mas- sasoit in his sickness, 313. Indian plot re- vealed to, 324, 326. Lodges with Corbi- tant, 324. Returns, 326. His brief Narra- tion of the true (Grounds for the first Plant- ing of New England, 377, 379, 403. Sent to England in 1646 to defend the colony of Massachusetts against Gorton, 379. Pre- serves Robinson's Farewell Discourse, 399. Works by, 408. On prophesying by, 419.
Winslow, Gilbert, 275.
Winslow, Isaac, 275.
Winslow, John, 235, 275.
Winslow, Josiah, on the purchase of the In- dians' lands, 259. Notice of, 275.
Winslow, Kenelm, 275.
Winter, the first, at Plymouth, 105, 173.
Winthrop, John, Gov., fleet of, rendezvous at Southampton, 89. On a shipwreck on Brown's island, lt}3. On the Church of England, 393. On the synod at Cambridge, 402. On Rev. Peter Hobart, 402. Takes part in religious services at Plymouth, 419.
Wituwaraat, 310, 338. Killed," 339. Head of, taken, 342 ; stuck up, at Plymouth, 343.
Wives of sachems, 361. See Squa, and Squaws.
Wolstenholme, Sir John, 55, 63, 66.
Wolves, alarms from, 155. Encountered, 178.
Wood, Anthony, cited, 59, 432, 439.
Wood, William, 118, 124, 129, 132, 133, 135, 136, 140, 142, 143, 164, 166, 176, 187, 188, 198, 305, 306, 307, 318, 366.
Wood End, on Cape Cod, 118, 119.
Wood-gaile, 129.
Woosamequin, or Massasoit, 245.
Yarmouth, Mattachiest, 216. Corn procured at, 302, 308. Valor of Standish at, 309.
Yeardley, Sir George, Governor of Virginia, 70, 279.
Ziska, John, 38.
THE END.
PREPARING FOR PUBLICATION,
OF
THE COLONY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY,
FROiM THE ORIGIN OF THE COLONY, IN 1628.
NOW FIRST COLLECTED FROM ORIGINAL RECORDS AND UNPUBLISHED MANUSCRIPTS, AND ILLUSTRATED WITH NOTES.
By ALEXANDER YOUNG.
This work will make a Yolume of about 500 pages, octavo, and will correspond with Mr. Young's Chronicles of the Colony of Plymouth.
LITTLE & BROWN.
LITTLE AND BROWN HAVE FOR SALE,
A Discourse on the Life and CImracter of the Hon. Nathaniel BowDiTCH, LL.D., F. R. S., delivered in the Church on Church Green, Boston, INIarch 25, 1838. By Alexander Young. 8vo.
120 pages.
A Discourse on the Life and Character of the Rev. John Thorn- ton KiRKLAND, D. D., LIj.D., formerly Pastor of the Church on Church Green, and late President of Harvard University, delivered in the Church on Church Green, May 3, 1840. By Alexander Young. 8vo. 104 pages.
The Library of the Old English Prose Writers, in nine volumes, 16mo. Containing Fuller's Holy and Profane State, Sir Philip Sidney's Defence of Poesy, Selden's Table Talk, Owen Fell- tham's Resolves, Sir Thomas Browne's Religion of a Physician and Urn-Burial, Izaak Walton's Lives of Dr. Donne, Sir Henry Wotton, Richard Hooker, George Herbert, and Robert Sanderson ; Selec- tions from Jeremy Taylor, Hugh Latimer's Sermons, Sir Thomas More's Utopia and History of King Richard IH, With some ac- count of the autliors and their writings. By Alexander Young.
'^y:b
filNDINGSECT. NOV 6 197J
PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY
F Young, Alexander 68 Chronicles of the
y68 Pilgrim Fathers of the
184^ colony of Plymouth
?^ ..-^v
■r • ■■■^\
s-;:^^-,^^ .V "
•#-■■' W My'
•iSPlOa^'^