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HARVARD COLLEGE LIBRARY
^■^«:-^-''^'"-
CHRONICLES
or
THE PILGRIM FATHERS
or
THE COLONY OF PLYMOUTH,
FROM 160S TO 1695.
NOW PIK8T COLLECTED FROM ORIGINAL RECORDS AND CONTEMPORANBOCB PRINTED DOCUMENTS, AND ILLUSTRATED WITH NOTES.
By ALEXANDER YOUNG.
< Gentii canalMla nottra.' * The moiber of us aU.*
SECOND EDITION.
• <
BOSTON:
CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN.
MDOOCXLiy.
l^S I3.TI5,/. 3 A
^.V
/
^^^V-c /;5r'^'^c^-V/
Entered aeeonling to Aa of CongreM, in tbo year 1841,
Br ALHAifOBft ITooifo,
In tlM Clerk*! Offlee of tlie Dlitrkt Court of the Dlitrlct of MiiMehoeetfi.
BOSTON :
rUINTCn BY FREESIAN AND DOLLES,
WASUINGTON STUEKT.
TO
THE HONORABLE
WILLIAM PRESCOTT, LL.D.
IN TOKEN OF HIGH ESTEEM
AND SINCERE BEOABD,
THIS VOLUME
IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED
BY HIS OBLIGED FRIEND
AND PASTOR.
PREFACE.
This volume will be found to contain an authentic History of the Pilgrim Fathers who planted the Colony of Plymouth, from their origin in John Robinson's con- gregation in 1602, to his death in 1626, written by themselves. Some account of the nature of these Chronicles, and of the circumstances which led to their compilation in this form, may not be unacceptable to tlie reader.
It is well known to those who are familiar with the early history of New England, that William Bradford, the second governor of Plymouth, wrote a History of that People and Colony from 1602 to 1647, in 270 foUo pages ; which was used by Morton in compiling his Memorial, by Hutchinson in writing his History of Massachusetts, and by Prince in digesting his Annals of New England. The manuscript of this valuable work, being deposited with Prince's Ubrary in the tower of tlie Old South Church in tliis city, disap- peared in the War of the Revolution, when that church
Vi PREFACE.
was occupied by the British troops, and has long since been given up by our historians as lost The most important part of this lost History I have had the good fortune to recover. On a visit at Plymouth, a few years since, I found in tlie records of the First Church a narrative, in the hand-writing of Secretary Morton, which, on comparing it with the large extracts in Hutchinson^ and Prince,^ I recognized as the identical History of Governor Bradford ; a fact put beyond all doubt by a marginal note of Morton at the beginning of it, in which he says, << This was originally penned by Mr. William Bradford, governor of New Plymouth.'* This fact of the real authorship of the document seems to have escaped the observation of all who had pre- ceded me in examining tlie records, such as Judge Davis, Mr. Bancroft, and even of Hazard, who attri- butes it expressly to Nathaniel Morton.' Hazard copied and printed the larger part of it, as a work of Morton's, in his valuable collection of State Papers, though in a very incomplete and inaccurate form, not being able always to decipher the cramped and abbre- viated characters in which it is written, and being frequently obliged to leave blank spaces in his page.
* By comparing the second chapter in this volume vfiih the first article in Hutchinson's Appendix, ii. 44{M51, which he quotes from Bradford's MS., it will he found that the)r agree nearly word for word.
' The extracts in Prince are too numerous to he referred to ; the prin- cipal are on pages 114, 120, 128, 130, 140-145, 147, 155, 160, of the oc-
PREFACE. vii
By the favor of the Plymouth Church I was permitted to make a new transcript of this very important paper, the entire accuracy of which has been secured by its careful collation with another copy made by the Rev. William P. Lunt, of Quincy, who kindly favored me with the loan of it. The value of this document de- pends upon its authorsliip, and cannot be over-esti- mated. It takes precedence of every thing else relat- ing to the Pilgrims, in time, authority, and interest. It will be found to contain a detailed history of their rise in the north of England, their persecutions there, their difficult and perilous escape into Holland, their residence in that hospitable land for twelve years, the causes which led to their emigration, and the means which they adopted to transport themselves to Ame- rica.,
The next document is Bradford's and Winslow's Journal of the first settlement of the Colony, containing a minute diary of events from the arrival of the May- flower at Cape Cod, November 9, 1620, to the return of the Fortune, December 11, 1621. This document joins on to the former, making a continuous narrative. It was printed in London in 1 622, with a Preface signed by G. MouRT, and has since been usually cited as Mourt's Relation. It will be seen from the notes on pages 113 and 115 of this volume, that Mourt was probably George Morton, tlie father of Natlianiel, tlie Secretary, then resident in England, that he had no
yiii PREFACE.
hand in writing the Journal, but that it was actually written by Bradford and Winstow, a circumstance which gives to it new value and interest, and confers on it the highest authority. In 1625, this Relation was abridged by Purchas, and printed in the fourth volume of his Pilgrims. This abridgment, comprising only about half of the original, and abounding with errors, was reprinted in 1802 in the eighth volume of the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Soci- ety. In 1822, after an interval of twenty years, the portions omitted by Purchas were reprinted in the nineteenth volume of the same Collections, from a manuscript copy of the original edition, made at Phil- adelphia. The transcriber, however, omitted some important passages, and committed many errors in copying. The parts of the work being thus disjointed, and printed in separate volumes, rendered the reading of it extremely difficult and repulsive. The present is the only correct and legible reprint that has been made since the appearance of the original in 1622.
The third paper is Robert Cushman's Discourse, deUvered at Plymouth in November, 1621, reprinted from an old copy in the library of the American An- tiquarian Society.
The fourth document is Edward Winslow's Relation, entitled "Good News from New England," which takes up the narrative where it was left off by the for- mer Journal, and brings it down to September 10,1623,
PREFACE. iz
This book was printed in London in 1624, was abridged by Purchas i in the same way as the former Relation, was reprinted in the same fragmentary manner by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1802, and the omissions in a separate volume in 1822. It is now reprinted for the first time entire, and in a legible form, from the original London edition, for which, as well as for the; original of Bradford's and Winslow's Journal, I am indebted to the rich Ubrary of Harvard College.
Next in order is Edward Winslow's " Brief Narra- tion of the true grounds or cause of the first planting of New England," which was printed at London in 1646, at the end of his Answer to Gorton. No copy of this rare book is known to exbt in this country. The manuscript from which I print was kindly copied for me by the Rev. George E. Ellis, of Charlestown, from the printed volume in the British Museum. In this paper we have the original of Robinson's cele- brated farewell address to the Pilgrims at Leyden, and several facts relating to them not recorded elsewhere.
The sixth paper is a Dialogue, written by Governor Bradford, which has never before appeared in print A fragment of it, written with his own hand, I found among the manuscripts in the cabinet of the Massa- chusetts Hbtorical Society ; but the entire work I ob- tained from the records of the First Church in Ply- mouth, into which it was copied by Secretary Morton.
^•
X PREFACE.
The next document is a Memoir of Elder Brewster, written by Governor Bradford as part of his History, and also copied by Morton into the Church records.
The volume closes with some letters of John Robin- son, and of the Pilgrims at Leyden and Plymouth, procured from the records of the Plymouth Church and from Governor Bradford's Letter Book.
The value of these contemporaneous documents cannot be overstated. They are the earliest chronicles of New England. We have here the first book of our history, written by tlie actors themselves. We should esteem it a fortunate circumstance, a peculiar privi- lege, that we thus have the whole story of the origin of this earliest of our nortliem colonies in tlie very words of the first planters.^ In authority and import- ance nothing can exceed them ; and I feel that I have been engaged in a useful as well as interesting labor in collecting together and illustrating these scattered memorials of the Fathers. The notes will be found to be copious and various, touching upon all points, and in all cases referring to authorities from which the statements may be verified, and fuller information be obtained. Considering myself as engaged in erecting another monument to the memory of the Pilgrims, I have spared neither labor nor expense in endeavouring to render the work accurate and complete. If the
' " Quia est aotem, quern non rooveat clarissimis monumootis testata consignataque antiquitasr' Cickbo de Divinatione, lib. i. 40.
PREFACE. xi
reader shall derive from its perusal the same satisfac- tion which I have found in its compilation , I shall feel myself abundantly remunerated for this labor of love.
Regarding these documents as the only authentic chronicles of those times, I have considered all devia- tions from them in subsequent writers as errors, and when they have fallen under my notice, I have not scrupled to point them out In this I have no other object in view than historical accuracy ; and accord- ingly for whatever errors I may have fallen into, I shall hold myself equally obnoxious to criticism.
The portrait of Governor Winslow at the begin- ning of the volume, so beautifuUy engraved by House, is an accurate copy of the original picture painted in London in 1651, in his 57th year. This picture, the only portrait that wo have of any of the Pilgrims, has been handed down in the family ever since it was painted, one hundred and ninety years ago, and was kept till within a few years at;, the seat of the Wins- lows, in Marshfield. It is now the property of Mr. Isaac Winslow, of Boston, the only surviving male descendant of the Governor, bearing his name, by whose kindness I have been permitted to have it en- graved, and who has deposited it, with other portraits of his ancestors, in the Hall of the Massachusetts Historical Society. The coat of arms was probably painted at the same time with the picture, and has always been an heirloom in the family. The fac-
Xii PREPACB.
simile of Winslow's signature was copied from a letter written by him to Governor Winthrop, from his seat at «« Careswell, this 17th of the last month, 1639." The original is in the archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and it was printed by Hutchinson in his Collection of Original Papers, page 110.
The map of Plymouth, on page 160, is copied by permission, on an enlarged scale, from the accurate map of the State, now in preparation under the direc- tion of Simeon Borden, Esq., and the map of Cape Cod, on page 116, is partly reduced from Major Gra- ham's beautiful chart, and partly composed from recent surveys made for the State map. The en- graving of the Mayflower on page 108 is copied from one of Sir Walter Raleigh's ships in De Bry, and is a correct representation of the vessels of that day. The chairs of Winslow, Carver, and Brewster, are faithfully drawn from the originals, the first of which is preserved in the Hall of the Massachusetts Histor- ical Society, and tlie last two in the Pilgrim Hall, at Plymouth. The seal of the Colony is taken from the title-page of the Book of the General Laws of New Plymouth, printed in 1686. Judge Davis says, " it originated probably in Mr. Cushman's advice to Gov- ernor Bradford in a letter from England, Dec. 18, 1624 : * Make your corporation as formal as you can, under the name of the Society in Plymouth in New England.' Of this seal the Colony was deprived in
PREFACE. xiii
the rapacious days of Andros. On a return to the old paths, the Governor was requested to procure its restoration. If this application were successful, the seal has since been lost."
In regard to the minuteness of some of the particu- lars recorded in the ensuing pages, no better apology can be oflered than that of the Roman annalist : << Pleraque eorum quae referam parva forsitan et levia memoratu videri, non nescius sum. Non tamen sine usu fuerit introspicere ilia, primo adspectu levia, ex quis magnanim scepe rerum motus oriuntur."'— '' If any tax me for wasting paper with recording these small matters, such may consider that small common- wealths bring forth matters of small moment; the reading whereof yet is not to be despised by the judicjious, because small things in the beginning of natural or politic bodies are as remarkable as greater in bodies full grown."*
Boston, June 1, 1841.
* Tacitus, Ann. lib. iv. 33.
' Dudley *s Letter to the Countess of Lincoln,
LIST OF THE ENGRAVINGS.
Paob.
1. Portrait of Goybrnor Winslow . . . . i
2. The Mayflower 108
3. Map of Cape Cod 116
4. Map of Plymouth Bay 160
5. Goyernor Winslow's Chair 238
6. Goyernor Caryer's Chair 458
7. Elder Brewster's Chair 470
8. Seal of Plymouth Colony . Back Title.
CONTENTS.
Cm A P. Paob.
^ Got. Bradford's History or Plymouth Coloht • 1
I. The first beginnings of this church and people . . 10
II. Their departure into Holland, and their tronblet there- about, with some of the many difficulties thej found and met withal • . . • . S5
III. Their settling in Holland, and their manner of living and
entertainment there • • . .33
IV. The reasons and causes of their removal from Holland 44 y. The means they used for preparation to this weighty
Toyage • • . .69
VI. The conditions of their agreement with several merchant
adventurers towards the voyage • . ' . 80
VII. Their departure from Ley den, and embarkation from
Delfl-IIaven . . . • . 86
Vin. The troubles that befell them on the coast of England, and in theb voyage in coming over into New England, and their arrival at Cape Cod ... 07
^ Bradford's and Winslow's Journal . . . 100
IX. The first planters' combination by entering into a body politic together ; with their proceedings in discovery of a place for their settlement and habitation . 117
X. Their landing and settling at New Plymouth . . 163
XL A Journey to Pokanoket, the habitation of the great king Massasoit; the message, and the answer and entertain- ment they received from him . . 203
XII. A Voyage to the kingdom of Nauset, to seek a boy that had lost himself in the woods ; and the accidents that befell them in that voyage . . .314
XIII. A Journey to the kingdom of Namaschet, in defence of the great king Massasoit against the Narragansetts, and to revenge the supposed death of Tisquanturo . 310
Xvi CONTENTS.
Chap. Paob*
XIY. A Relation of their voyage to the MassachiiBetts, and
what happened there ..... dS4 XY. A Letter from E2dward Winslow to a friend in England, setting forth a brief and true declaration of the worth of the Plantation at Plymouth ; as also certain useful directions for such as intend a voyage into New Eng- land . . . . • 330
XVI. Robert Cushman's reasons and considerations touching the lawfulness of remoTing out of England into the parts of America ..... 830
^ Cushmam's Discourse ..... S53 XVII. iThe state of the Colony, and the need of public spirit in
the Colouists ..... 955
O W^NSLOw's Relation ... . 260
XVHL The first planters menaced by the Narragansetts, and
their second voyage to the Massachusetts . . 880
XIX. The planting of Weston*8 colony at Wejrmouth, and
sundry excursions after corn . 806
XX. Winslow's second journey to Pokanoket, to visit Massa-
soit in his sickness • • • .313
XXI. Standish*s expedition against the Indians of Weymouth,
and the breaking up of Weston's Colony at that place 387 XXn. The first allotment of lands, and the distressed state of the
Colony • • • . • 346
XXm. The manners, customs, religious opinions and ceremonies
of the Indians ...... 354
XXIV. The situation, climate, soil, and productions of New Eng- land ...... 368
^ Winslow's Brief Narration .... 377 XXY. l^he true grounds or cause of the first planting of New
England ...... 370
® Gov. J^^adford's Dialogue . 400
XXYI. A Dialogue, or the Sum of a Conference between some Young Men bom in New England, and sundry Ancient Men that came out of Holland and Old England . 414
0 Gov. Bradford's Memoir of Elder Brewster . 450
XXVII. Memou of Elder William Brewster . . .461
XXVIII. Letters ...... 471
GOV. BRADFORD'S HISTORY
OF
PLYMOUTH COLONY
MORTON'S PREFACE.
Christian Reader,
I HAVE looked at it as a duty incumbent on me to commit to writing the first beginnings and after pro- gress of the Church of Christ at Plymouth in New England ; forasmuch as I cannot understand that there is any thing particularly extant concerning it, and al- most all the members of the said church, both elders and otiicrs, being deceased, by whom intelligence of matters in tliat behalf might be procured.^ I dare not charge the reverend elders of that church who are gone to their rest, with any neglect on that behalf; for when they were in Holland, they were necessitated to defend the cause of Christ by writing against opposites of several sorts ; so as such Uke employs, together with the constant and faithful discharge of the duties of their offices, probably took up the greatest part of their time ; and since the church parted, and a consid- erable part thereof came unto this going down of the sun, it might be neglected partly on the account that divers writings, some whereof being put forth in print,
' In 1670, the year provious to came over in the Mayflower. See the date of this Preface, twelve only Hutchinaon^a History of Massachu- were liTing of the hundred who setts, ii. 456.
4 MORTON'S PREFACE.
did point at and in a great measure discriminate the af^ fairs of the church ; forasmuch as then the small com- monwealth, in our first beginning at New Plymoutlii consisted mostly of such as were members of the church which was first begun and afterwards carried on in Leyden, in Holland, for about the space of twelve years, and continued and carried on at Ply- mouth, in New England, a small part whereof remain- eth until this day. If any thing was done on this kind by those worthy leaders, I suppose the blame is rather to be laid on those which had the first view of their studies, and had their books and writings in custody after their decease ; for I am persuaded that such was their faithfulness and prudence, as that they did not wholly neglect this matter.^
Some years since it pleased God to put an impulse upon my spirit to do something in a historical way con- cerning New England, more especially with respect to the Colony of New Plymouth ; which was entitled New England* s Memorial;^ in which I occasionally
^ Therecordsof John Robinson's of Plymouth Ch. and Mass. Hist, church at Leyden contained, no Coll. vt, 107. doubt, some account of its origin ' This work was printed at Cam- and its memorable vicissitudes in bridge in 1060, in a small quarto £neland and Holland. These re- volume, of 103 pages, and the ex- cords, however, were probably lost pense was defrayed by a contribu- when the remnants of that church tion in the several towns in the were scattered after his death in Colony. The greatest part of Mor- 1025. The church at Plymouth had ton's mformation was ** borrowed," no settled pastor till 1620, and af- as ho informs us, *^ from his much terwards, for long intervals, was honored uncle, Mr. William Brad- destitute of a regular ministry until ford, and such manuscripts as he 1660, when John Cotton, son of the left in his study." Prince, the New famous John Cotton of Boston, England annalist, whose copy of was ordained. No records were the first edition of tho Memorial is kept by either of his three prede- now before me, enriched with his cessors, Ralph Smith, Roger Wil- marginal notes and emendations, liams, and John Reyner. Tho re- says that '* Morton's History, from cords of the church, previous to his the beginning of the Plymouth peo- settiement, are in the handwriting pie to the end of 1646, is chiofly of Secretary Morton. MS. Records Gov. Bradford's manuscript, abbre-
MORTOITS PREFACE.
took notice of God's great and gracious work in erect- ing so many churches of Christ in this wilderness. But it was judged by some that were judicious that I was too sparing and short in that behalf; the consider- ation whereof put me on thought of recollecting some- thing more particularly relating to the church of Ply- mouth. But it pleased the Lord so to dispose, that having accompUshed my desires, some time after the finishing of this work I was soUcited to lend it to a reverend friend at Boston, where it was burned in the first fire that was so destructive at Boston, in the year 1667.^ Yet, notwithstanding, I have, through the goodness of God, crowded through many difficulties to achieve it the second time ; and, for that end, did once again repair to the study of my much honored uncle, William Bradford, Esquire, deceased,* for whose care and faithfulness in such like respects we stand bound ; as firstly and mostly to tlie Lord, so seconda-
▼ialcd.*' In fact, Morton^s chief lion aflcr the publication of the merit is that of a dili^irciit, hut not Memorial in 1001) ; and the date of always accurate conyist of his un- '* tlie first fire that was so dcstrue- cle*s documents. He would have tive at Boston " was Noy. 97, 1070. done a much ^eater service by The reverend friend to whom the causing Gov. Bradford's History to manuscript had been lent, was In- be printed entire. It is the loss of crease Mather, whose church was that work that now gives so much destroyed by this fire, as well as his value to his extracts and compila- dwelling-house, and a part of his tions. The fifth edition of the Me- library. Increase Mather had mar- morial, greatly enlarged by the ried a daughter of John Cotton, valuable notes of the learned ed- of Boston ; and her brother be- ttor, Judge Davis, was printed at ing at this time the minister of Boston in 1820, in an octavo vol- Plymouth, this circumstance pro- ume of 480 pages. See Plymouth bably led to an acquaintance be- Colony Laws, p. 153, Morton's tween Mather and Secretary Mor- New England's Memorial, p. 10, ton. See Hubbard's Indian Wars, Thacher's Hist, of Plymouth, p. p. 194, Hutchinson's Hist, of Mas- 120, (second edition,) and Prince's 8achusetl8,i. 349, Snow's History of Annals of New England, p. xx. Boston, p. 104, Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. (Svo cd. 1820.) 209, xvi. 048, and Cotton Mather's
' This is unquestionably an er- Memoirs of his Father, p. 79. ror; it should he 1070. For the * Gov. Bradford died May 9,
writer says he began this compila- 1057, in his 09th year.
MORTON*S PREFACE.
rily to him and his, whose labors in such respect might fitly have been pubUshed to the world, had they not been involved in and amongst particulars of other nature.
Gentle reader, I humbly crave thy patience, and ac- ceptance of this small treatise, so as to read it over considerately; wherein so doing thou wilt discern much of the goodness, mercy, and power of God ; who as at the first brought this fabric of the world out of the womb of nothing, hath brought so many famous churches of Christ out of so small beginnings ; with many other useful considerations that thou mayest meet with in the serious perusal thereof. So leav- ing thee and this small work to the blessing of the only wise God,
I remain thine in Christ Jesus,
Nathaniel Morton."
Plymouth^ in New England^ January 13/A, 1680.
* Nathaniel Morton was the son of Georffo Morton, who had mar- ried in England a sister of Goy. Bradford, and came over to Plym- outh with hb family in July, 1023, in the ship Anne. His father died in June, 1624, when Nathaniel was twelve years old. In 1645 he was chosen Secretary of the Colony
Court, and continued in this ofSce till his death, June 28, 1685, in his 73d year. His residence in Plymouth was hy the side of Wel- lingsly Brook, half a mile south of the village. See Judge Davis*s Preface to Morton's Memorial, pp. iv. and 101, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 178.
INTRODUCTION.
AN INTRODUCTION TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF
THE CHURCH OF CHRIST AT PLYMOUTH, IN
NEW ENGLAND, AS FOLLOWETH.i
It is well known to the godly and judiciouSi how ii^^r that ever since the first breaking out of the light of the Gospel in our honorable nation of England, — which was the first of nations whom the Lord adorned there- with, after that gross darkness of Popery, which had covered and overspread the Christian world, — what wars and oppositions ever since Satan hath raised, maintained, and continued against the saints from time to time, in one sort or other ; sometimes by bloody death and cruel torments, otherwhiles imprisonments, banishments, and other hard usages ; as being loth his kingdom should go down, the truth prevail, and the churches of God revert to their ancient purity, and recover their primitive order, Uberty, and beauty. But when he could not prevail by these means against the main trutlis of tlie Gospel, but that they began to take footing in many places, being watered with tlie blood of the martyrs and blessed from heaven with a gracious
' This was originally penned by Mr. William Bradford, Governor of New Plymouth. — Morton's Note,
8 INTRODUCTION.
iNTR. increase ; he then began to take him to his ancient stratagems, used of old against the first Christians ; that when by the bloody and barbarousness ^ of the heathen emperor he could not stop and subvert the course of the Gospel, but that it speedily overspread with a wonderful celerity to the then best known parts of the world, he then began to sow errors, heresies, and wonderful desertions amongst the professors them- selves, working upon their pride and ambition, with other corrupt passions incident to all mortal men, yea to the saints themselves in some measure ; by which woful effects followed, as not only bitter contentions and heart-burnings, schisms, with other horrible confu- sions, but Satan took occasion and advantage thereby to foist in a number of vile ceremonies, witli many unprofitable canons and decrees, which have since been as snares to many peaceable poor souls even to this day ; so, as in the ancient times the persecution by the heathen and their emperors was not greater than of the Christians, one against another, the Arians' and other their accompUces' against the orthodox and true Christians (as witnesseth Socrates in his second book, saith he) ^^was no less than that of old practised towards the Christians when they were compelled and drawn to sacrifice to idols ; for many endured sundry kinds of torments, others racking, and dismembering of their joints, confiscating of their goods, some be- reaved of their native soil, others departed this life under the hands of the tormentor, and some died in banishment, and never saw their country again." ^ The like method Satan hath seemed to hold in these
* So in the MS. • Eccles. PIUl. lib. ii. cap. 27,
INTRODUCTION. C
«
latter times, since the truth began to spring and spread intb after the great defection made by Antichrist, the Man of Sin. For to let pass the many examples in sundry nations, in several places of the world, and instances of our own, whenas the old serpent could not prevail by those fiery flames, and other his cruel tragedies, which he by his instruments put in ure everywhere in the days of Queen Mary and before, he tlien began another 166 3 kind of war, and went more closely to work, not only 1 55^ to oppugn, but even to ruinate and destroy the kingdom of Christ by more secret and subtle means, by kind- ling the flames of contention and sowing the seeds of discord and bitter enmity amongst the professors and seeming reformed themselves. For when he could not prevail by tlie former means against tlie principal doc- trines of faith, he bent his force against the holy disci- pline and outward regiment of the kingdom of Christ, by which those holy doctrines should be confirmed, and true piety maintained amongst the saints and people of God.
Mr. Fox recordeth how that, besides those worthy martyrs and confessors which were burned in Queen Mary's days and otherwise tormented, many, both stu- dents and others, fled out of the land, to the number 1554 of eight hundred, and became several congregations at Wescl, Frankfort, Basle, Emden, Marburg, Strasburg, and Geneva, &c.^ Amongst whom, especially those at Frankfort, began a bitter war of contention and per- 1 6 5 « secution about the ceremonies and service book, and other popish and antichristian stufl", the plague of Eng- land to tliis day, which are like the high places in
' Fox, Acta and Monuments, iii. iii. 146, and Fuller's Ch. Hist, of 40. See also Strype's Memorials, Britain, ii. 405, (ed. 1837.)
o
10 INTRODUCTION.
INTR. Israel which the prophets cried out against, and were their ruin ; which the better part sought, according to the purity of the Gospel, to root out and utterly de- stroy, and the other part, under veiled pretences, for their own ends and advancement, sought as stiffly to continue, maintain, and defend ; as appeareth by the Discourse thereof published in print anno 1675, a book that deserves better to be known and considered than it is.^ The one side labored to have the right worship of God and discipHne of Christ establislied in the church according to the simplicity of the Gospel, with- out the mixture of men's inventions, and to have and to be ruled by the laws of God's word, dispensed in those offices and by those officers of pastors and teach- ers and elders, according to the Scriptures. The other party, though under many colors and pretences, endeavoured to have the episcopal dignity, after the popish manner, with their large power and jurisdiction, still retained, with all those courts, canons and cere- monies, together with all such livings, revenues, and subordinate officers, with other such means as formerly upheld their antichristian greatness, and enabled them with lordly and tyrannous power to persecute the poor servants of God.
' This work is entitled, " A Brief the view and consideration of the
Discourse of the Troubles begun at most Honorable and High Court of
Frankfort, in Germany, anno Domi- Parliament, and the reverend di-
ni 1554, al)out the Dook of Common vines of the intended ensuing As-
Prayer and Ceremonies, and contin- scnibly .*' Hullam says, in his Con-
ued by the Englishmen there to tho stilutional History of England,
end of Queen Mary's reign ; in tho i. 233, that **this tract is fairly
which Discourse the gentle reader and temperately written, though
shall see the very original and be- with an avowed bias towards the
ffinning of all the contention that Puritan party. Whatever we read
hath been, and what was the cause in any historian on the subject, is
of ilin same. ITiT^." Tho plaro derived froui this authority." Boili
where it vfas printed is nut men- ediiiuns of this rare buuk are in the
tioned. It was reprinted at London Library of the Massachusetts His*
in 1642, and *' humbly presented to torical Society.
INTRODUCTION. 1
This contention was so great, as neitlier the honor inti of God, the common persecution, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other worthies of the Lord in those places, could prevail with those thus episcopally mind- ed ; but they proceeded by all means to disturb the peace of this poor persecuted church, so far as to charge very unjustly and ungodUly (yet prelate like) some of their chief opposers with rebelhon and high treason against the Emperor, and other such crimes.^ And this contention died not with Queen Mary, nor was 1551 left beyond the seas. But at her death, these people 7^ returning into England, under gracious Queen Eliza- beth, many of them preserved aspired to bishoprics and othef promotions,' according to their aims and desires ;
^ Calvin, in his letter of Jan. 20, tVm«, in which he called the empe- 1555. addreaeed to John Knox and ror of Germany ** no leas an enemy William Whittingham^ at Frank- to Christ than was Nero ; " in oon- fort, says, '* In the liturgy of Eng- sequence of which he was obliged land I see that there were many to leave the city. See Discourse tolerable foolish things ; by these of the Troubles of Frankfort, pp. words I mean that tliore was not 35 and 44, ed. of 1575, and Fuller's the ffuriiy which was to be desired. Ch. Hist. ii. 411. These vices, though they could not * See in Princess Annals, p. 288, at the first day be amended, yet, a list of those who were thus pro seeing there was no manifest im- moted. It is a just remark of Hal- piety, they were for a season to be lam. Const. History of England , tolerated. Therefore it was lawful i. 238, that the objections to the to begin of such rudiments or abece- church ceremonies and the clerical daries ; but so that it behooved the vestments ** were by no means con- learned, grave, and godly ministers fined, as is perpetually insinuated, of Christ to enterprise farther, and to a few discontented persons. The to set forth something more filed most eminent churchmen, such as from rust, and viirer. If godly reli- Jewel, Grindal, Sandys, Nowell^ gion had flourished till this day in were in favor of leaving ofif the sor- England, there ought to have been plice and what were called the a thing better corrected, and many popish ceremonies. The current things dean taken away. I cannot opinion that these scruples were tell what they moan which S(» greatly imbibed during the banishment of > delight in the leavings of popiMli tlio reformers, must Iks received dregs.'* Knox was soon after ac- with great allowance. The dblike oused of treason before the magis- to some parts of the Anglican ritual trates of Frankfort by some of the had begun at home, it had broken opposite party, on tne ground of out at Frankfort, it is displayed in certain passages in a book of his, all the early documents of Eliza- entitled An Admonition to Christ- beth*s reign by the English divines,
2 INTRODUCTION.
^TR. SO that inveterate hatred against the holy discipUne of . Christ in his church hath continued to this day ; inso- much that, for fear it should prevail, all plots and devices have been used to keep it out, incensing the Queen and State against it as dangerous to her commonwealth ; and that it was most needful for the fundamental points of religion should be preached in those ignorant and «.p.«adoa, dmes, J «> win fl.e wedc id ignore... they might retain divers harmless ceremonies ; and though it were to be wished that divers things were reformed, yet this was not a season for it ; and many the like, to stop the mouths of tlie more godly, to bring them on to yield to one ceremony after another and one corruption after another ; by these ways beguiling some and corrupting others, until at length they began to persecute all the zealous professors in the land, (although they knew little what this discipline meant), both by word and deed, if they would not submit to their ceremonies and become slaves to them and their popish trash, which have no ground in the word of God, but are relics of the Man of Sin. And the more the light of the Gospel grew, tlie more tlioy urged tlieir subscriptions to these corruptions, so as notwithstanding all their former pretences and fair colors, they whose eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see whereto these things tended. And to cast contempt the more upon the sincere servants of God, they oppro- briously and most injuriously gave unto and imposed
564. upon them that name of Puritans,^ which it is said the
far more warmly than by their Swiss concise and accurate account of the
correspondents. The queen alone origin and growth of Puritanism in
was the cause of retaining those England, will be found in Prince's
observances, to which the great Annals, p. 282 — 307.
separation from the Anglican estab- ^ The era of the English Puri-
lidhment is ascribed.'' The most tans properly begins in 1550, when
INTRODUCTION. 13
Novations, out of pride, did assume and take unto intr. themselves.^ And lamentable it is to see tlie effects virhich have followed. Religion hath been disgraced, the godly grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled ; sundry have lost their Uves in prisons and other ways. On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced, igno- rance, profaneness and atheism increased, the Papists encouraged to hope again for a day.
This made that holy man Mr. Perkins cry out in his Exhortation unto Repentance, on Zephaniah ii, ** Re- ligion," saith he, ^^ hatli been amongst us this thirty- Hooper refused, for a time, to be age of tlie Apostles, and reduced consecrated in the ocelosiastical entirely to the Scripture purity.^* habits. But in the year 15G4, <* the See Fujler*s Ch. Hist. ii. 331, 474 ; English bishoi)a,"says Fuller, "con- Stryi)e*8 Annals, i. 450-4G3 ; Cam- ceiving thciiisolvcs enipowcrcil by dcn*s lOlizabeth, p. 107 ; Prince, pp. their canons, began to show their 100, 283 ; Neal^s Puritans, i. 40, 7S, authority in urging the clergy of 01. (4to ed.) theirrespectiYedioceses to subscribe ' '* Novatus, a presbyter of the to the liturgy, cerennonies, and dis- church of Rome, being puffed up cipline of the Church ; and such as with pride against those who in the refused the same were branded with times of persecution had lapsed the odious name of Puritan*, We through infirmity of mind, as if need not speak of the ancient Ca- there were no further hope of salva- thariy or primitive Puritans, sufB- tion for them, although they per- ciently known by their heretical formed all things appertaining to an opinions. ' Puritan ' here was taken unfeigned conversion and a sincere for the opposers of the hierarchy confession, constituted himself the and church-service, as resenting of ringleaderofa peculiar sect, of those superstition. But profane mouths who by reason of their haughty quickly improved this nickname, minds styled themselves OuAon, tnerewith on every occasion to that is, the Pure,'** Eusebius, Ec- abuse pious people ; some of them cles. Hist. lib. vi. cap. 43. His 80 far from opposing the liturgy, excessive rigor towards the lapsed that they endeavoured (according appears to have been the only heresy to the instructions thereof in the of Novatus; and it is quite as likely preparative to the Confession) ' to that the name of Puritan was fas- accompany the minister with a pure tened upon his followers in derision heart,* and labored (as it is in the and reproach as that they assumed Absolution) * for a life pure and it of themselves ; as we know was holy.' *' An old writer of the the case with the modern Quakers Church of England, quoted by and Methodists. For an account Prince, says, " they are called Pu- of Novatus and his opinions, see ritans who would have the Church Lardner*s Credibility, part ii. ch. thoroughly reformed; that is, pureed 47 ; Moshcim, de llebus Christiano- from all those inventions which rum ante Const Magn. Comment have been brought into it since the 513-637 ; Jackson *s Novatian, Pref.
r
14 INTRODUCTION.
iNTR. five years. But the more it is published, the more it is contemned and reproached of many, &c. Thus not profaneness nor wickedness, but religion itself is a by-word, a mocking-stock, and matter of reproach ; so that in England at this day, the man or woman that be- gins to profess religion and to serve God, must resolve with himself to sustain mocks and injuries, even as though he lived amongst the enemies of reUgion ; and this common experience hath been too apparent." ^
But before I pass on, I cannot omit an observation worthy to be noted, which was observed by the author, viz. Mr. William Bradford, as foUoweth.
Saith he : Full Uttle did I think that the downfall of the bishops, with their courts, canons, and ceremo- nies, had been so near when I first began this writing, which was about tlio year 1 GdO, and so pieced at leisure times afterwards, or that I should have lived to have seen or heard of the same.* But it is the Lord's doing. Matt, and ought to be marvellous in our eyes. ** Every plant
ZV« l<St
which mine heavenly father hath not planted," saith our Saviour, " shall be rooted up." ^ "1 have snared
' Wurks, vol. Hi. p. 431, od. 1013. liis oldor ago ho altorod his voice, WiUiam Perkins lived in the reign and remitted much of his former ofElizabeth, was a fellow of Christ's rigidness, oi\en professing that to College, Cambridge, and a Puritan preach mercy was the proper office Nonconfonnist. ne was a strict of the ministers of the gospel." Calvinist, and had a controversy ' Charles I. was beheaded and with Arniinius. llis writings were the church establishment over- held in high esteem by the fathers thrown in 1040. of New England. Fuller says, in ' The version of the Bible here his Life of him in the Holy State, quoted, and subsequently, is the that** he would pronounce the word one which was made by the Eng- damn with such an emphasis as led lish exiles at Geneva, in the reign a doleful echo in his auditors* ears of Queen Mary. It was first printed a good while after. And when in 1500, and was so highly esteemed, catechist of Christ's College, in ex- particularly on account of its notes, pounding the commandments, ap- that it passed through thirty edi- plied them so home, able almost to tions. ICinff James appears to have make his hearers* hearts fall down, had a special dislike of it ; for in and hairs to stand upright. But in the Conference at Hampton Court
INTRODUCTION. 16
thee, and thou art taken, O Babet, (bishops) and thou ^ntr. wast not aware : thou art found and also caught, ^^^ , because tliou hast striven against tlie Lord." But will ^ they needs strive against the truth, against the servants of the Lord, what ! and against the Lord himself? Do they provoke the Lord to anger ? Are they stronger » ^ «• than he ? No, no, they have met with their match. Behold, 1 come against thee, O proud men, saith the '%i}' Lord God of hosts ; for thy day is coming, even the time that I will visit thee. May not the people of God now say, and these poor people among the rest, The Lord had brought forth our righteousness : come, let '•J^J*- us declare in Zion the work of the Lord our God. Let all flesh be still before the Lord, for he is raised ^' "* up out of his holy place.^ This poor people may say among the thousands of
«
Israel, When the Lord brought again the captivity of euf ui. Zion, we were Uke them that dream. The Lord hath ts. 3 done great things for us, whereof we rejoice. They that sow in tears shall reap in joy. They went weep- ▼». «.«. ing and carried precious seed ; but they shall return with joy, and bring their sheaves.
Do ye not now see the fruits of your labors, O all ye servants of the Lord that have suffered for his truth.
" he professed that he could never Annals, i. 220 ; Troubles at Frank- yet see a Bible well translated in fort, p. 192; Barlow^s Sum and
PMlm
fAbp.
would not lower it in tho estimation Ch. Hist. iii. 1B2, 247.
of oar fathers, who used it in Eng- ^ This elevation of spirit was a
land and Holland, and brought it considerable time after tho first pen-
with them to this country. King ning of ibcno writings, but hero on-
Jamcs*s version, which was first tcrcd because of the suitableness of
printed in IGll, had hardly got into tho matter going before it. — Afcir-
common use in England when they ton's Note, came over in 1620. See Strype*s
16 INTRODUCTION.
iNTR. and have been faithful witnesses of the same ? And ye little handful amongst the rest, the least amongst the thousands of Israel ? You have not had a seed- time, but many of you have seen a joyful harvest Should ye not then rejoice, yea, again rejoice, and
xil'u^ say. Hallelujah ! salvation, and glory, and honor, and power, be to the Lord our God ; for true and righteous are his judgments.
But thou wilt ask, What is tlie matter ? What is done ? — Why, art thou a stranger in Israel, that thou shouldst not know what is done? Are not those
^v*T* J^busites overcome, that have vexed the people of Israel so long, even holding Jerusalem even until Da- vid's days, and been as thorns in their sides for many ages, and now began to scorn that not any David should meddle with them ; they began to fortify tlieir tower, as that of the old Babylonians. But these proud Anakims are now thrown down, and their glory laid in the dust. The tyrannous bishops are ejected, their courts dissolved, their canons forceless, their service- books cashiered, their ceremonies useless and despised, their plots for Popery prevented, and all tlieir super- stitions discarded, and returned to Rome, from whence tliey came ; and the monuments of idolatry rooted out of the land, and the proud and profane supporters and cruel defenders of these, as bloody papists, wicked atheists, and their malignant consorts, marvellously overthrown. And are not these great things ? Who can deny it ?
But who hath done it ? Even he that sitteth on the
ReT. white horse, who is called Faithful and True, and
judgeth and fighteth righteously, whose garments are
VI. 13. dipped in blood, and his name was called The Word
INTRODUCTION. 17
of God ; for ho shall rule them witli a rod of iron ; for intr. it is he that treadeth tlie wine-press of the fierceness ^ ^5, and wrath of Almighty God ; and he hath upon his garment and upon his thigh a name written, The King of Kings and Lord of Lords. Hallelujah !
See how this holy man's spirit was elevated and his^ . heart raised up in praising of the Lord in consideration of the downfall of the proud prelacy ; as he and many more of the saints had good reason, who felt the smart of their bitter and cruel tyranny ; who are, indeed, a limb of Antichrist. And if the generality of the saints had been thus sensible of this great and marvellous work of God, possibly that proud hierarchy had not got up so soon again as tliey have done, soon after this good man's departure out of tliis world.' Nevertheless, we doubt not but that God will bring them down in his good time. For undoubtedly all those that will not that the Lord Jesus should reign over them, but instead thereof exercise an usurped lordly power over the poor saints of God, shall be brought and slain before him, and (without repentance) shall, together with the beast and false prophet, be thrown into the ^J'^i,^ lake burning with fire and brimstone. When Babylon Cometh into remembrance before God, then shall the saints with the angel say, Thou art just and holy, JJj\ because thou hast judged these things ; for they, (viz. the whore of Rome and the prelates, their adherents,) have shed the blood of the saints. Give them blood ▼•• 6. to drink ; for they are wortliy.
* Got. Bradford died May 9, 1657. Charles II. was restored and Episcopacy reestablished ia 1660.
3
18 INTRODUCTION.
iNTR. The exordium being concluded, I shall come more
nearer my intended purpose, viz. in reference unto the
Church of Christ at Plymouth in New England, first
begun in Old England, and carried on in Holland and
^ at Plymouth aforesaid.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE FIRST BBGINNINQS OF THIS CHURCH AND PEOPLE.
When, by the travail and diligence of some godly chap and zealous preachers, and God's blessing on their ^i^ labors, as in other places of tlie land, so in the north impn.
Ittiv*
parts, many became enlightened by the word of God, and had their ignorance and sins discovered by the word of God's grace, and began, by his grace, to re- form their lives and make conscience of their ways, the work of God was no sooner manifest in them, but presently they were both scoffed and scorned by the profane multitude, and the ministers urged with tlie yoke of subscription,^ or else must be silenced ; and the poor people were so urged with apparitors and pursuivants and the Commission Courts,' as truly their
' Subscription to the book of com- mon prayer, the rites and ceremo- nies, and all the thirty-nine articles. See Fuller, iiL 68 ; Prince, p. 00.
' This was the celebrateci Court of High Commission, so called be- cause it claimed a larger iurisdic- tion and higher powers tnan the ordinary courts of tho bishops ; its
i'urisdiction extended over the whole kingdom. It was provided for by the Act of Supremacy, passed in 1550, but did not go into full opera- tion till 1584. It was an ecclesias- tical court, consisting of forty-four
persons, twelve of whom were bishops, many more privy counsel- lors, and the rest clergymen or ciri- lians. Its spirit and mode of pro- ceeding seem to have been derived from the Spanish Inquisition. The commissioners were empowered and directed to inquire of all heret- ical opinions, to punish all persons absent from church, to visit and reform all errors, heresies, and scbisms, to depiive all persons of ecclesiastical livings who main- tained any doctrine contrary to tho thirty-nine articles, to examine all
20 ORIGIN OP THB PILGRIMS.
CHAP, affliction was not small. Which, notwithstanding, v^v^ they bare sundry years with much patience, until they were occasioned, by the continuance and increase of these troubles, and other means which the Lord raised up in those days, to see further into these ^ things by the light of the word of God ; how that ^ not only those base beggarly ceremonies were unlawful, but also that the lordly, tyrannous power of the prelates ought not to be submitted to, which those contrary to the freedom of the Gospel would load and burthen men's consciences with, and by their compulsive power make a profane mixture of persons and things in the worship of God ; and that their offices and calUngs, courts and canons, &c. were unlawful and antichrist- ian, being such as have no warrant in the word of God, but the same that were used in Popery, and still retained ; of which a famous author thus writeth in his Dutch commentaries : — 16 03 . a At the coming of King James out of Scotland into ' England,^ the new king," saith he, '^ found there estab-
■uspeoted persons on their oaths, Neal's Puritans, i. 84, 874, 885 ;
and to punish the refractory hy ex- Ilallam, i. 271. | communication, fine, or imprison- * I have insoricd the words these
ment, according to their discretion, and (hat from Prince, who quotes
They had full authority to com- this passage from Bradford's MS.
mand all sheriffs, justices, and other See his Annals, p. 100. officers to apprehend and bring be- ' At the famous Conference at
fore them all persons that they Hampton Court, held Jan. 14, 1604,
should see fit. Pursuivants or mes- James declared, ** I will none of
sengers were sent to the houses of that liberty as to ceremonies ; I will
- suspected persons with a citation have one doctrine and one disci-
for them to appear before the com- pline, one religion in substance and
missioners, when they were re- ceremony. — I shall make them
quired to answer upon oath to a [the Puritans] conform themselves,
series of interrogatories, which as or I will harry them out of the land.
Lord Burleigh said, were *' so curi- or else do woise. — If any would not
ously penned, so full of branches be quiet, and show his obedience,
and circumstances, as he thought he were worthy to be hanged.*' —
the inquisitors of Spain used not so In his speech at the opening of his
many questions to trap their preys.*' first parliament, March lU, 1604,
See Strype*s Annals, iii. 180; be '* professed that the sect of Puri-
TUET FORM A SEPARATE CHURCH. 21
lished the refonncd religion, according to the reformed chap.
religion of King Edward the Sixth, retaining or keep
ing still the spiritual state of the bishops, &c. after the old manner, much varying and differing from the Re- formed Churches of Scotland, France, and the Nether- lands, Emden, Geneva, &c., whose Reformation is cut or shapen much nearer the first churches, as it was used in the Apostles' times." ^
So many therefore of these professors as saw the evil of these things, in these parts, and whose hearts the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for his truth, they shook off this yoke of antichristian bondage, and, as the Lord's free people, joined themselves, (by a 1 6 o 9. covenant of tlie Lord,) into a church estate, in the fel- lowship of the Gospel, to walk in all his ways, made known, or to be made known unto them, according to their best endeavours, whatsoever it should cost them.'
tnns or Novelists was not to be suf- all respects, as in the reign of Qaeen force! in any well governed common- IClizabotli, without hope of tolera- wealth." In a privato letter writ- tion of any other ; and on the 0th of ton aliont tho samo time, ho said, July he issued another proclamation " I had rather livo like a hermit in in which he ordered the Puritan the forest, than be king over such a ministers either to conform before people as the pack of Puritans that the last of November, or dispose of overrules the lower house." He themselves and families some other had previously written to his son in way ; as being men unfit, for their the Basilicon Doron^ " Take heed, obstinacy and contempt, to occupy my son, to such Puritans, very pests such places. The consequence of in the church and commonwealth, this was, that before November of I protest before the great God, that the next year more than three ye shall never find with any High- hundred ministers were ejected, land or Border thieves greater in- silenced, or suspended, some of gratitude and more lies and vile whom were imprisoned, and others perjuries than with these fanatic driven into exile. Prince, pp. 107, spirits." Barlow's Sum and Sub- 108, 110; Neal's Puritans, i. 439. stance, pp. 71, 83, 02 ; Calderwood, * The Reformed Churches shapen Hist. Ch. Scotland, p. 478; Hallam, much nearer the primitive pattern i. 410. than England ; for they cashiered In conformity with these views, the bishops, with their courts, can- on the 5th of March, 1004, he issued ons and ceremonies at the first, and a proclamation, that the same reli- lef\ them amongst the Popish trash, gion, with common prayer, and to which they appertain. — Morton*$ episcopal jurisdiction, shall fully Note. and only be publicly exercised, in * Prince says, '* Governor Brad-
22 JOHN ROBINSON'S CHURCH.
CHAP. And that it cost them much pains, trouble, sorrow,
affliction, and persecution, and expense of their estates,
&c. this ensuing history will declare.^ 16 06. These people became two distinct bodies or churches, in regard of distance of place, and did congregate sever- ally, for they were of several towns and villages, some in Nottinghamshire, some in Lincolnshire,^ and some of Yorkshire, where they bordered nearest together. In the one of these churches, besides others of note, was Mr. John Smith,^ a man of able gifts, and a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor. But these afterwards falling into some errors in the Low Countries, there for the most part buried them- selves and their names.
But in this other church, which must be the subject of our discourse, besides other worthy men, was Mr. Richard Clifton, a grave and reverend preacher, who by his pains and diligence had done much good, and
ford's History takes no notice of the correct reading, as Lincolnshire the year of this federal incorpora- borders both on Nottinghamshire tion ; but Mr. Sccroiary Mort4>n, in and Yorkshire, whilst Lancashire his Memorial, places it in 160S. does not. Besides, Prince was re- And I suppose he had the account niarkable for his accuracy, and is eiiher from some otber writin^rs of less likely to have made a mistake Gov. Bradford, the Journals of Gov. in deciphering and copying a word Winslow, or from oral conference than Morton. He tells us, ** In the with them, or other of the first passages relating to the Plymouth planters ; with some of whom planters, I chiefly use Gov. Brad- he was contemporary, and from ford's manuscript History of that whence, he tells us, he received Church and Colony, in folio ; who his intelligence." Annals, p. 100. was with them from their beginning
* *' These seem to be some of the to the end of his Narrative, which first in England that were brave is now before me, and was never enough to improve the liberty published.*' Annals, p. 90. wherewith the aivine author of our ^ Some account of Smith, Clifton, religion has made us free, and and Robinson, is contained in Gov. observe his institutions as their only Bradford's Dialogue, in a subse- rule in church order, discipline, and quent part of this volume ; where worship.'* Prince, p. 100. will also be found a more extended
* I have substituted Lincolnshire memoir of Elder Brewster, also for Lancashire, on the authority of written by Gov. Bradford. Prince. This is most likely to bo
THE PILGRIMS PERSECUTED. 23
Under God had been a means of the conversion of chap. many ; and also that famous and worthy man, Mr. .^~ John Robinson, who afterwards was their pastor for ^^oa. many years, until the Lord took him away by death ; and also Mr. William Brewster, a reverend man, who afterwards was chosen an elder of the church, and Uved with them until old age and death.
But, after these things, they could not long continue in any peaceable manner, but were hunted and perse^- cuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were but as molehills to mountains in comparison to these which now came upon them. For some were taken and clapped up in prisons, others had their houses beset and watched night and day, and hardly escaped their hands ; and tlie most were fain to fly and leave their houses and habitations, and the means of their liveli- hood. Yet these, and many other sharper things which afterward befell them, were no other than they looked for, and therefore were the better prepared to bear them by tlio assistance of God's grace and spirit. Yet seeing themselves thus molested, and that there was no hope of their continuance there, by a joint consent they resolved to go into the Low Countries, where they heard was freedom of religion for all men,^ as also how
^ AAer the introduction of the Amsterdam as " a common harhonr
Reformed religion into the Low of all opinions, of all heresies.*'
Countries in 1573, the utmost reli- Baylie, in his Dissuasive, p. 8, calls
giouB freedom was allowed, all sects Holland '* a cage for unclean birds.**
were tolerated, and an asylum was Owen Felltham, in his amusing
opened for fugitives from persecu- description of the Low Countries,
tion from every land. See Grotius, says that "all strange religions
Annals, p. 41; Brandt, i. 308; Stra- flock thither.*' Johnson, in his
da, i. 457. This honorable pccu- Wonderworking Providence, ch.^,
liarity has often been made an exclaims, "Ye Dutch, come out
occasion <»f reproach ajrainsl the of your hf>dgc-pod(je : the preat
country. Tlnis Uisliop llnll. in his mingle manulc of rrli};ion ninong
letter to Smith and Uobinson, you hath caused the churches oif
Decade iii. Epist. 1, speaks of Christ to increase so little with you.
24 THBY RESOLVE TO FLY INTO HOLLAND.
CHAP, sundry from London and other parts of the land, that
^ Iw had been exiled and persecuted for the same cause,
were gone thither, and Uved at Amsterdam/ and in other places of the land. 1607. So after they had continued together about a year, and kept their meetings every Sabbatli in one place or another, exercising the worship of God amongst them- selves,^ notwithstanding all the diUgence and malice of their adversaries, they seeing they could no longer continue in that condition, they resolved to get over into Holland, as they could, which was in the year 1607 and 1608 ; of which more in that which fol- loweth.
standing at a stay like corn among flonrished under a succession of weeds.'' Beaumont and Fletcher, pastors for more than a century, in their play, The Fair Maid of the In 1600 the^ puhlishcd a ** Confcs- Inn, introduce one of their charac- sion of Faith of certain English ters as saying, people living in exile in the Low
Uouutries," which was reprinted in " l*"-^' •cboolmaMw, Blr, and wwild fain 1604 , in ** An Apology or Defence Confer with /oa about erectiiii fuur ^r-.^^k «*..a ni.*;.«:.»L •. .i^ ^««»
New Mcia of roliglon at Aiiirtordaoi.** Of •»cl> ^^^ Christians as are com-
monly, but unjustly, called Brown-
And Andrew Marvell, in his*' Char- is^." This work has sometimes acter of Holland," writes. l>®®n confounded with John Robin-
son's ** Just and Necessary Apology ••Bare wbtnroll|lon did hMlfemlwrk, of certain Christians not less con-
And^ from ibo eMt would wostword oieor tumeliously than commonly called
ltatrucki*and ipllitlnion UiiiuoknowD Brownsits or Barrowists,'' which
iroiind. ... , ^ ^ ^ was first published in 1610. Some
Each onj ibonca pilU.|ed Uie flr.t piece ho account of Johnson and Ainsworth
IJeiice Ainaterdam, Turk, Christian, Pi- is contained in Bradford's Dialogue,
R».nC»i''.l!!^f'. ...I ».i..»r».i.i in * subsequent part of this volume.
Btapleol McUi and mint or Khnin, grew; ^j -n jIi tt' a r -.l -n r
That bank of couMlence, where nu oueio See Brandt's History of the Refer-
•tranae , ,. , , mstion in the Low Countries, i. 470;
?n'ltn"C:«Miir.';^r,'„*Vl'^^^ Near. Pu.itan., i. 363, 386; Prince.
The univerttti church iaunly there.'* p. 303. Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 15.
' In Gov. Bradford's Memoir of ' The English church at Am- Elder Brewster, it is stated that sterdam was that of which Francis *» they ordinarily met at his (Brew- Johnson was pastor and Henry ster's) house on the Lord's Day, .^sworth teacher, and which had which was within a manor of the been originally set up at London, bishop's; and with great love he in 1503, and soon afUrwards re- entertained them when they came, moved to Holland. It came very making provision for them to his near being lorn in pieces at first by great charge, and continued to do so intestine divisions, but afterwards while they could stay in England.'*
CHAPTER II.
• h
OP THEIR DEPARTURE INTO HOLLAND, AND THEltl TROUBLES THEREABOUT, WITH SOME OF THE HANY DIFFICULTIES
«
THEY FOUND AND BIET WITHAL. »
Being thus constrained to leave their native country, chap. their lands and livings, and all their friends and famiUar acquaintance, it was much, and thought marvellous by many. But to go into a country they knew not, but by hearsay, where they must learn a new language, and get their livings they knew not how, it being a dear place, and subject to the miseries of war,^ it was by many thought an adventure almost desperate, a case intolerable, and a misery worse than death ; especially seeing they were not acquainted with trades nor traffic, (by which the country doth subsist,) but had only been
* The Netherlands haye, in every ence. The best account of this
age, from the earliest times down war will be found in the contem-
to the last great conflict at Water- porary historians, Bentivoglio, Delia
loo, been the battle-ground of Eu- Guerra di Fiandra, parte iii. lib.
rope. Bishop Hall says in one of viii. Strada, de Bello Belgico, and
his epistles, " It were pity that your Grotius, Annales et Hislorie de
Holland should be still the amphi- Rebus Belgicis. See also Brandt's
theatre of the world, on whose History of the Reformation in the
scaflTolds all other nations should Low Countries, Sir William Tem-
sit, and scevarioty of bloody shows, ple*s Observations upon the United /
not without pity and horror." At rrovinces of the Netherlands, Wat-
this time Spain was waging that son*s History of the Reign of Philip
dreadful war with her revolted H. and HI. and Grattau's History
subjects of the United Provinces, of the Netherlands, in Lardner*8
which terminated in their independ- Cyclopedia.
26 THE FIRST ATTEMPT PREVENTED.
CHAP, used to a plain country life and the innocent trade of — 1^ husbandry. But these things did not dismay them, (although they did sometimes trouble them,) for tlieir desires were set on the ways of God, and to enjoy his ordinances. But they rested on his providence, and knew whom they had believed. Yet this was not all. For although they could not stay, yet were they not suffered to go ; but the ports and havens were shut against them, so as they were fain to seek secret means of conveyance, and to fee the mariners, and give extra- ordinary rates for their passages. And yet were they oftentimes betmyed, many of them, and both they and their goods intercepted and surprised, and thereby put to great trouble and charge ; of which I will give an instance or two, and omit the rest. 16 07. There was a great company of them purposed to get passage at Boston, in Lincolnshire ; and for tliat end had hired a ship wholly to tliemselves, and made agree- ment with the master to be ready at a certain day, and take them and their goods in at a convenient place, where they accordingly would all attend in readiness. So after long waiting and large expenses, though he kept not tlic day witli tlicm, yet he came at length, and took them in, in the night. And when he had them and their goods aboard, he betrayed them, having beforehand complotted with the searchers and other officers so to do ; who took them and put them into open boats, and there rifled and ransacked them, searching them to their shirts for money, yea, even the women, further than became modesty ; and then carried them back into the town, and made them a spectacle and wonderment to the multitude, which came flocking on all sides to behold them. Being thus by the catchpole
THE PILGRIMS IMPRISONED. 27
officers rifled and stripped of their money, books, and chap.
much otiier goods, they were presented to the magis
trates, and messengers sent*" to inform the Lords of the Council of them ; and so they were committed to ward. Indeed, the magistrates used them courteously, and showed tliem what favor they could ; but could not deliver them until order came from the Council table. But tlie issue was, tliat after a month'^ im- prisonment the greatest part were dimissed, and sent to the places from whence they came ; but sevcjii * of the principal men^ were still kept in prison, and bound over to the assizes.'
The next spring after, there was another attempt i^^®- made, by some of these and others, to get over at anotlier place ; and it so fell out that tliey lighted of a Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his own belonging
* The word in the MS. is s<nne; The whole number of Tolumes was bat I hare no doubt that seven woe 375, of which 64 were in the learned ' the original reading. Hutchinson, languages. They wero valued at who quotes this passage at length £\2, Sec Morton*s Memorial, p. from Bradford's History, reads it 221, and Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 117. seven; and it will be seen by the Cotton Mather, in his Life of next note that Morton himself, co- Got. Bradford in the Magnalia, i.
, pying another manuscript of Gov. 102, states that he was one of those
Bradford alluding to this same af- that were taken and imprisoned at
fair, mentions ** the seven." The Boston. He adds that '* Mr. Brad-
^A word men I have also restored from ford being a young man of about
HutcEinson. See his History, ii. eighteen, was dismissed sooner
450. than the rest, so that within a
* Got. Bradford says, in the me- while he had opportunity with some moir already referred toon page 24, others to get over to Zealand, IhaFElder Brewster " was the chief through perils both by land and sea of tliose that were taken at Boston, not inconsiderable ; where be was in Lincolnshire, and suffered the not long ashore ere a viper seized greatest loss, and one of the seven on his hand, that is, an officer, who that were kept longest in prison, carried him unto the magistrates, and afler bound over to the assizes.'* unto whom an envious passenger The books that were in the boats had accused him as having fled out probably belonged to him, as we of England. When the magistrates know that he had a considcrahlo understood tlic true cause of his library, which he brought over with coming thither, they were well him to Plymouth. A catahigue of satisfied with him ; and so he re- them is contained in his inventory, paired joyfully unto his brethren at in the Records of the Old Colony. Amsterdam.**
28 THB SECOND EMBARKATION.
CHAP, to Zealand. They made agreement with him, and — L. acquainted him with their condition, hoping to find 10 OS. more faithfulness in liim than in the formeri of their own nation. He bade them not fear ; for he would do well enough. He was by appointment to take them in between Grimsby ^ and Hull, where was a large com- mon, a good way distant from any town. Now against the prefixed time, the women and children, with the goods, were sent to the place in a small bark, which they had hired for that end, and the men were to meet them by land. But it so fell out that they were there a day before the ship came ; and the sea being rough, and the women very sick, prevailed with the seamen to put into a creek hard by, where they lay on ground at low water. The next morning the ship came ; but they were fast, and could not stir until about noon. In the mean time, the shipmaster, perceiving how tlie matter was, sent his boat to be getting the men aboard, whom he saw walking about the shore. But after the first boat-full was got aboard, and she was ready to go for more, the master espied a great company, both horse and foot, with bills and guns and otlier weapons ; for the country was raised to take them. The Dutchman seeing that, swore his country's oath, (" sacrament ") and having the wind fair, weighed his anchor, hoisted sails, and away.
But the poor men which were got on board were in great distress for their wives and children, which they saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of their helps, and themselves also not having a cloth to shift
' Grimsby is a sea-port town in foreign trade. See Camden's Bri-
Lincolnshiro, near the mouth of the tannia, p. 471, and Britton's Topo-
Humber. It was once rich and pop- graiihical Description of the County
ulouB, and carried on a considerable of Lincoln, p. 680.
A STORM AT SEA; * ^ 29
0
them with, more than they had on their backs, and chap. some scarce a penny about them, all they had being J^\_ on board the bark. It drew tears from their eyes, and 1 6 o a any thing they had they would have' given to have been on shore again. But . all in .yain ; there was no '^ remedy ; they must thus iiadly part ; and afterwards endured a fearful storm at sea, being fourteen days or more before they arrived at their port ; in seven whereof they neither saw sun, moon, nor stars, iind were driven to the coast of Norway ; the mariners themselves often despairing of life, and once with shrieks and cries gave over all, as if the ship had been foundered in the sea, and they sinking without recovery. But when man's hope and help wholly failed, the Lord's power and mercy appeared for their recovery ; for the ship rose again, and gave the mariners courage again to manage her ; and if modesty' would suffer me, I might declare with what fervent prayers they cried unto the Lord in this great distress, especially some of them, even with- out any great distraction. When the water ran into their very ears and mouths, and the mariners cried out, " We sink, we sink," they cried, if not with miracu- lous, yet with a great height of divine f faith, "Yet, Lord, tliou canst save ; yet. Lord, thou canst save : " with such other expressions as I will forbear. Upon which the ship did not only recover, but shortly after the violence of the storm began to abate, and the Lord filled their afflicted minds with such comforts as every one cannot understand, and in the end brought them to their desired haven ; where the people came flockr
* From this expression, as well ford himself was in the vessel, as from the whole passage, there The description is that of an eye- can haidly be a doubt that Brad- witness.
1608.
30 .. ARRIVAL IN HOLLAND.
CHAP, ing, admiring their deliverance, the storm having been ^^' so long and sore, in which much hurt had been done, as the master's friends had related unto him in their congratulations.^
But to return to the others where we left. The rest of the men that were in the greatest danger made shift to escape away before the troop could surprise them, those only staying that best might, to be assistant to the women. But pitiful it was to see the heavy case of these poor women in tliis distress ; what weeping and crying on every side ; some for tlieir husbands tliat
' Cotton Mather, in the Maf na- undertake to write our history, not lia, i. 101, 103, records this and the only as an authority, but as the previous attempt to escape from highest authority. This has been England ; but he perverselY trans- the case from Neal and Robertson poses their chronological order ; the downwards. Do Tocquoville, whose effect of which is to mako it apucar sulectiou of uuthoritios is in all that Bradford was imprisoned in oilier respects sinf?ular]y judicious, Boston aAer ho had escaped to puts the Magnalia at the head, Holland, lie did not derive his in- calling it <*the most valuable and formation from Bradford*s original important document on the history manuscript but from this copy of New England ; " and Grahams, of it in Uie records of Plymouth whose excellent History of the church, which he cursorily exam- United States evinces great dis- ined when on his visits to his uncle, crimination, calls it ** the most con- John Cotton, the rainbter of that siderable of the early historical church. "' works, and the most interesting
Mather did not know how to use oerformance that the literature of
his valuable materials, and took no Now England has ever produced,
pains to ascertain his facts or verify The biographical portions, in par-
his statements. One instance of ticular,'' he adds, '* oossess the
his utter disregard of accuracy, even highest excellence, and are supe-
when it could be easily attained, rior in dignity and interest to the
will suffice. In his Life of his compositions of Plutarch.'' It is
father. Increase Mather, he states, quite time that it was generally
p. 24, that he married the only understood that Cotton Mather is
daughter of John Cotton ; whilst in not to bo relied upon as an authority
the Magnalia, i. 260, he asserts that for any fact, unsupported by other
Cotton had three daughters, two of evidence. Mr. Savage, the learned
whom were married. One would editor of Winthrop*8 Journal, states
have thought that he might have the simple truth when he says, that
taken the trouble to find the exact ** Cotton Mather has published more
truth about such a simple fact as errors of carelessness than any other
this, relating to his own mother, writer on the history of New Eng-
And yet Cotton Mather is univer- land." De Tocqneville, Democracy
sally cited by Europeans, as well in America, p. 124 j Grahame, i.
as by our own countrymen, who 415; Savage's Winthrop, ii. 24.
THB WOMEN LEFT BEHIND.
31
were carried away in the ship, as it was before related ; chap. others not knowing what should become of them and ^ — ^ their little ones ; others melted in tears, seeing their i o o a. poor little ones hanging about them, crying for fear and quaking with cold. Being thus apprehended, they were hurried from one place to another, and from one justice to anotlier, until, in the end, they knew not what to do witli tliem. For to imprison so many wo- men and innocent children for no other cause, many of them, but that they would ^ go with their husbands, seemed to be unreasonable, and all would cry out of them ; and to send tliem home again was as difficult, for they alleged (as the trutli was) they had no homes to go to, for tliey had sold or otlierwise disposed of tlieir houses and livings. To be short, afler they had been thus turmoiled a good while, and conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad to be rid of them in the end upon any terms, for all were wearied and tired with them ; tliough, in tlie mean time, the poor souls endured misery enough ; and thus in the end necessity forced a way for them.
But that I be not tedious in tliese things, I will omit the rest, although I might relate otlicr notable passages and troubles which they endured and undenvent in these their wanderings and travels, both at land and sea." But I haste to other things. Yet 1 may not omit the fruit tliat came hereby. For by these so
' I have here ouhstituted tpould^ which Hutchinson gives as tho read- ing of Bradford *8 MS. for must, which is in Morton's copy. There can be no doubt as to which is the true reading.
' It is much to be regretted that the worthy Governor did not see
fit to preserve the particulars of these perils and sufferings of his bfelhren. Could he have foreseen the deep interest which, two hun- dred years afterwards, would be felt in every thing relating to these poor exiles, he would not have failed to record the minutest occurrences
32 RSSULT OF THE PERSBCUTION.
CHAP, public troubles in so many eminent places ^ their cause '>^ — became famous, and occasioned many to look into the 1608. same ; and their godly carriage and christian behaviour was such as lefjt a deep impression in the minds of many. And though some few shrunk at those first conflicts and sharp beginnings, (as it was no marvel,) yet many more came on with fresh courage, and greatly animated others; and in the end, notwith- standing all these storms of opposition, they all got over at length, some at one time and some at another, and met together again, according to their desires, with no small rejoicing.
in their history. But these humble cutions. They were not aware
and modest men did not suppose that they were to be the germs of a
that posterity would be solicitous to great empire,
know about their trials and perse- * Boston, Hull, and Grimsby.
#•
CHAPTER III.
OP THEIR SETTLING IN HOLLAND, AND THEIR MANNER OF LIVING AND ENTERTAINBIBNT THERE.
Bkino now come into the Low Countries, they saw chap. many goodly and fortified cities, strongly walled, and J^^-j guarded witli troops of armed men. Also they heard leos. a strange and uncouth language, and beheld the differ- ent manners and customs of the people, with their strange fashions and attires ; all so far differing from that of their plain country villages, wherein they were bred and born and had so long Uved, as it seemed they were come into a new world. But those were not the things they much looked on, or long took up their thoughts ; for they had other work in hand, and another kind of war to wage and maintain. For though they saw fair and beautiful cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of wealth and riches, yet it was not long before they saw the grim and/ griseled^^ face of poverty coming on them hke an armed man, with whom they must buckle and encounter, and from whom tliey could not fly. But they were armed with faith and patience against him and all his encounters ;
* Griseled, for grisly — rrighlful, hideous.
(••
34 THE PILGRIMS IN AMSTERDAM.
CHAP, and though they were sometimes foiled , yet by God's ^.^^ assistance they prevailed and got the victory. 1608. Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and otlier principal members were come over, (for they were of the last, and stayed to help the weakest over before them,) such things were thought on as were necessary for their settling and best ordering of the church affairs. And when they had lived at Amsterdam about a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, and some others of best discerning, seeing how Mr. John Smith and his com- pany was already fallen into contention with the church that was there before them, and no means they could use would do any good to cure the same ; and also that the flames of contention were like to break out in that ancient church itself, (as afterwards lamentably came to pass) ; which tilings they prudently foreseeing, thought it was best to remove before they were any way engaged with the same ; ' though they well knew it would be much to the prejudice of their outward
' Neal, Hist, of New England, i. from paf^e 22, only a short time
76, falls into an error when he bofore Hobiuson. The contention
speaks of '* the flames of contention was not among the members of
having broken out in Mr. Smith's Smith's congregation, but between
church." Belknap, Amer. Biog. his church and ** the church that
ii. 157, follows it when he says, was there before them," ** that <m-
*' these people (Smith and his con- cieni church," namely Johnson's,
gregation) fell into controversy, and mentioned in the note on page 24.
were soon scattered ;" and Francis Baylie, in his Dissuasive, p. 16,
Baylies, Memoir of Plymouth, i. 11, Ilornius, Hist. Eccles. p. 232, and
repeats it when ho says, *' somedis- Neal, Hist. Puritans, i. 437, err in
sensions happening amongst them, saying that Smith set up his church
^Smith's people) the church was at Leyden ; whereas it was to avoid
dissolved." This error arises from him and his company that Robinson
their not being aware of, or not removed to that city. Cotton, in
attending to, the fact of the exist- his Way of Cong. Churches, p. 7,
ence of another congregation of says, *' I understand by such as
Separatists at Amsterdam, which lived in those parts at that time,
had been establislied many years Smith lived at Amsterdam, and
before Smith settled there ; who tliere died, and at Leyden in IIol-
went over to Holland, as appears land he never caiue."
REMOVAL TO LETDEN. 35
estate, both at present and, in likelihood, in the fu- chap. ture ; as indeed it proved to be. — L
For these and some other reasons they removed to leoo. Leyden,' a fair and beautiful city, and of a sweet situ- ation, but made more famous by the university where- with it is adorned, in which of late it had been by so many learned men ; ' but wanting that traffic by sea which Amsterdam enjoyed, it was not so beneficial for their outward means of living and estates. But being now here pitched, tliey fell to such trades and employ- ments ^ as they best could, valuing peace and their spiritual comfort above any other riches whatsoever ; and at length they came to raise a competent and com- fortable living, and with hard and continual labor. Being thus settled, adcr many difficulties, tliey con- tinued many years in a comfortable condition, enjoying much sweet and delightful society and spiritual comfort together, in tlio ways of God, under tlie able ministry
' " By scTcral passages in Gov. sius, and Dooerhave. See Grolias,
Bradrord*s manuscript it seems as Annals, p. 20G ; Brandt, i. 313. if they began to remove to Leyden ' Cotton Mather, in his Life of
at tlie end of 1G08. Prince, p. 120. Grov. Bradford, in the Magnalia, i.
The distance from Amsterdam to 102, speaks of " the difficulties to
Leyden is about 22 miles. which Bradford, when in Holland,
' The university of Leyden was stooped in learning and serving of established in 1575, the year after a Ifrenchman at the working of the memorable siege of that place, silks; " and Belknap in his Amer. The Prince of Orange, wishing to Biog. ii. 218, says that Bradford, reward the citizens for their con- " being under age, put himself as stancy and valor, gave them the an apprentice to a French Protest- choice of two privileges — either ant, who taught him the art of silk- an exemption from taxes, or a uni- dying." Neither of them, how- versity ; they chose the latter. It ever, refers to any authority for has been at times one of the most their statements. Brewster be- celebrated in Europe ; and from its came a printer, as will be seen reputation the city itsrlf was called hereafter in Bradford^ memoir of the Athens of the West, and the him. Many of the first colonists North Star of Holland. Among at Plymouth were weavers, from its distinguished professors and Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire, scholars were Arminiiis, Episco- and brought over their looms with pius, Grotius, Lipsius, Junius, Vos- them. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiiL sius, Descartes, Scaliger, Salma- 171.
36
INCREASE OP THE CHURCH.
CHAP, and prudent government of Mr. John Robinson and
. ^ Mr. William Brewster, who was an assistant unto him
1 6 0 0 in the place of an elder, unto which he was now called 1017. and chosen by the church ; so as they grew in know- ledge and other gifts and graces of the spirit of God ; and hved together in peace, and love, and holiness. And many came unto them from divers parts of Eng- land, so as they grew a great congregation.^ And if at any time any differences did arise or offences broke out, (ds it cannot be but that sometimes there will, even amongst the best of men), they were ever so met with and nipped in the head betimes, or otherwise so well composed, as still love, peace, and communion was continued, or else the church purged of those that were incurable and incorrigible, when, after much patience used, no otlier means would serve ; which seldom comes to pass.
Yea, such was the mutual love and reciprocal respect that this worthy man had to his flock, and his flock to him, that it might be said of them, as it was once said^ of tliat famous emperor, Marcus Aurclius, and the peo- ple of Rome, that it was hard to judge whether ho do- lighted more in having such a people, or they in having
' It is impossible to ascertain the exact number of Robinson's congre- gation ; yet we may approximate to It. Gov. Bradfortl tells us, in his Dialogue, that in Johnson's church, *' at Amsterdam, there were about three hundred communicants ; and for the church of Loyden, they were sometimes not much fewer in num- ber." Edward Winslow says, in his Brief Narration, that ** the dif- ference of number was not great " between those who remained at Leyden and those who embarked for America. Now we know that 120 set sail from England in the May- flower and Speedwell. Of these
100 arrived at Pljrmouth in the May- flower in 1620 i 36 came in the For- tune, in 1621 ; 00 in the Anne, in 1023 ; 35, with their families, in the Mayflower, in 1020 ; and 60 in 1030 in the Handmaid ; — making in all more than 300, including the " fami- lies." We have the names of those who came in the first three ships ; and also a list of the persons in the Colony in May, 1627. See Prince, pp. 264 and 343 ; Morton *s Memo- rial, p. 381 ; Winthrop*s Journal, i. 37, 378.
• Gulden Book, &c. — Morton's Note,
JOHN ROBINSON*S CHARACTER. 37
such a poster. Ilis love wos great towards them, and chap. his care was always bent for their best good, both for ^^^~ soul and body. For, besides his singular abiUties in i go o divine things, wherein he excelled, he was able also to i e 1 7. give direction in civil affairs,^ and to foresee dangers and inconveniences; by which means he was very helpful to their outward estates ; and so was every way as a common father unto them. And none did more offend him than those that were close and cleav- ing to themselves, and retired from the common good ; as also such as would be stiff and rigid in matters of outward order, and inveigh against the evils of others, and yet bo remiss in themselves, and not so careful to express a virtuous conversation. They, in like manner, had ever a reverent regard unto him, and had him in precious estimation, as his worth and wisdom did de-
1
serve ; and although they esteemed him highly whilst he hved and labored amongst them, yet much more after his deatli," when tliey came to feel the want of his help, and saw by woful experience what a treasure they had lost, to the grief of their hearts and wounding of their souls ; yea, such a loss as they saw could not
* It has been the practice of of Mayhew, Chauncy, and Cooper, the Independent or Con^^regational before and during the Revolution, clergy, both in Old and New Eng- will never be forgotten. The Con- land, from the earliest times, to gregational clergy were found, at take an interest and part in public that time, almost to a man, on the afl^rs. The prominent and efficient side of their country^s independ- agency which they exercised in the ence ; and they have ever been the infancy of our colonial settlements earnest and consistent advocates of is well known ; Cotton, Hooker, and ** liberty with order." See Hutch- Davenport shared at least an equal inson^s Mass. i. 34, 410; Trum- power with Winthrop, Ilaynes, nnd bulPs Connecticut, i. 01, 00; nacon^s iOaton in moulding the civil polity and Kingslcy^s Hist. Discourses at of Massachusetts and Connecticut. New Haven; Tudor^s Life of Otis, The services of Increase Mather in pp. 140-15.5. obtaining the second charter of ' Mr. Robinson died at Leyden, Massachusetts are recorded in her March Ist, 1625. He was about history ; and the patriotic exertions 50 years old. Prince, p. 237.
38 THE PILGRIMS LIVE IN PEACE.
CHAP, be repaired ; for it was hard for them to find such — L another leader and feeder in all respects, as the Tabo- 1600 rites to find another Ziska.^ And although they did 1 6^1 7. ^^t c^l themselves orphans, as the other did, afler his death, yet they had cause as much to lament, in an- other regard, their present condition and ader usage. But to return. I know not but it may be spoken to the honor of God, and witliout prejudice to any, that such was the humble zeal and fervent love of this people (whilst they thus lived together) towards God and his ways, and the single-heartedness and sincere affection one towards another, that they came as near the primitive pattern of the first churches as any other church of these latter times have done, according to their rank and quality. But seeing it is not my pur- pose to treat of the several passages that befell this people whilst they thus lived in the Low Countries, (which might worthily require a large treatise of itself,) but to manifest something of their beginning and after progress in New England, which I principally scope and aim at ; yet, because some of their adversaries did, upon the rumor of tlieir removal, cast out slanders against them, as if that State had been weary of them, and had rather driven them out, (as the heatlien histo-
' The burning of John Hubs and sion to the Mount of Transfiffura-
Jerome of Prague by order of the tion, on which the Apostle Peter
Council of Constance, in 1415 and wished to build tabernacles. Here
1410, caused great indignation and they founded a city, to which also
excitement in Bohemia, their native they gave the name of Tabor, and
country, which led to an open in- from it were themselves called
surrection. The insurgents took Taborites. After the death of Ziska
up arms, and under the command in 1424, his followers were incon-
of John Ziska, retired to a moun- solabic, and considering themselves
tain ten miles from Prague, to deprived of a parent and protector,
which they gave the name of called themselves Orphans. See
Mount Tabor, from the tent which Gieseler's Eccles. Hist. iii. 359, and
they erected there for the celebra- Encyc. Amcr. articles Ziska and
tion of the communion, and in allu- IIuss,
THEIR CREDIT WITH THE DUTCH. 39
•
lies did feign of Moses and the Israelites when they chap went out of Egypt,)* than it was tlieir own free ^^-^ choice and motion, I will therefore mention a par- ticular or two to show the contrary, and that good acceptation they had in the place.
And first, although it was low with many of them, yet their word would be taken amongst the Dutch when they wanted money, because they had found by experience how careful they were to keep their word," and saw them so painful and diligent in their callings, that they strove to get their custom, and to employ them above otliers in their work, for their honesty and diligence.
Again ; the magistrates of tlio city, about tlie time of their coming away, or a little before, in the public 1 6 1 o. place of justice, gave this commendable testimony of them, in reproof of the Walloons,' who were of the French church in tlie city. << Tliese English," said tliey, " have lived amongst us now tliis twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or accusation come
' It was a Talf^ar slander against deep despair, Moses, one of their
the Jews, that they were expelled number,'' &o. Josephus vindicates
from Egypt on account of their his countrymen from the same
having the leprosy. Tacitus says charge, as alleged by Manetho,
*' A pestilential disease, disfiguring Cheremon, and Lysimachus. See
the race of men, and making the Tacitus, Hist. lib. v. 3, with the
body an object of loathsome de- comments of Brotier and Oberlin,
formity, spread all over Egypt, and Josephus against Apion, lib. 1.
Bocchoris, at that time the reigning 26-35.
monarch, consulted the oracle of 'A great honor to the Gospel. —
Jupiter Hammon, and received for MortotPs Note,
answer that the kingdom must be ' The Walloons are the inhabit-
purified, by exterminating the in- ants of the southern part of Bel-
fected multitude, as a race of men gium, bordering on France. Their
detested by the gods. After dili- language is a dialect diflering from
gent search, the wretched sufferers the French and (icrman, ns well
were collected together, and in a as the Flemish, and is said to ro-
wild and barren desert abandoned semble the old French of the thir-
to their misery. In that distress, tccnth century. See Grattan^s Hist,
while Uie vulgar herd was sunk in of the Netherlands, p. 1.
40 THB ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY.
CHAP, against any of* them. But your strifes and quarrels
— '^ are continual," &c.
1612. In these times, also, were tlie great troubles raised by the Arminians ; ^ who, as they greatly molested the whole State, so this city in particular, in wliich was the chief university ; so as there were daily and hot disputes in the schools thereabouts. And as the students and other learned were divided in their opinions herein, so were the two professors or divinity readers them- selves, the one daily teaching for it, and the other against it ; which grew to that pass, that few of the disciples of the one would hear the other teach. But Mr. Robinson, although he taught thrice a week him- self and wrote sundry books,^ besides, his manifold pains otherwise, yet he went constantly to hear their
' The words any of are inserted Richard Bernard his inYectiYe, in-
from Hutchinson, ii. 454. Morton tituled the Separatists' Scheme,
himself has it so in the Memorial, By John Robinson. 1610. 2. Of
p. 21. Religious Communion, private and
* The fullest and best account public. With the siiencinff of the of Arminianism, which Cotton Ma- clamors raised by Mr. Thomas tbcr, (Magnalia, i. 40,) spitefully Ilulwisse against our retaining the culls *' that grand choke- weed of baptism received in England, and true Christianity," is contained in administering of baptism unto in- Bruadt^s History of the Uuforniation funis. As also a survey of tlio in the Low Countries. James Arini- confession of faith published in nius, (Hermann), born at Gude water certain Conclusions by the remain- in South Holland, in 1500, afYer hav- ders of Mr. Smith's company. By ing been fifteen years a minister at John Robinson. 1014. 3. Apolo- Amsterdam, was chosen professor gia Justa et Necessaria quorundam of divinity at Leyden in 1003, and Christianorum, esque contumelies^ died Oct. 9, 1009, in his 49th year, ac communiter dictorum Brownis- Tiie best Life of him is by Brandt, tarum sive Barrowistarum. Per See also his Life by Nichols; Juhannem Robinsonum, Anglo- Brandt*s Hist. Ref. ii. 25-63 ; and Leidensem, sue et occlesiae nomme, Bayle, Diet. Hist, et Crit. cui praefigitur. 1019. This work
' Tlie following are the titles of was translated into Enfflish, and
the books which Robinson pub- printed in 1044. The place where
lished after his arrival in Holland, these books were printed is not
and before the embarkation of the mentioned on the title-page of either
Pilgrims for America. 1. A Jus- of them. It probably was I^yden,
tificaiion of Separation from the and Elder Brewster may have been
(Jliurch of England ; against Mr. iiie pviulcr.
ROBINSON DISPUTES WITH EPISCOPIUa
41
readings, and hoard as well one as tho other. By chap. wliich means he was so well grounded in tho contro- — L versy, and saw the force of all their arguments, and knew the shifts of the adversary ; and being hunself very able, none was fitter to buckle with them than himself, as appeared by sundry disputes; so as he began to be terrible to the Arminians ; which made Episcopius,^ the Arminian professor, to put forth his best strength, and set out sundry theses, which by i e 1 3. public dispute he would defend against all men. Now Polyander,^ the other professor, and the chief preach- ers of the city, desired Mr. Robinson to dispute against him. But he was lotli, being a stranger. Yet tlie other did importune him, and told him that such was the abiUty and nimbleness of wit of the adversary, that the trutli would suffer if he did not help them ; so as he condescended, and prepared himself against die time. And when the time came, the Lord did so help him to defend the truth and foil his adversary, as he put him to an apparent nonplus in tliis great and public audience. And the Uke he did two or three times upon such Uke occasions ; the which, as it caused many to praise God that the truth had so famous a victory, so it procured him much honor and respect from those learned men and others wliich loved the truth.^
* Simon Episcopius (Bisschop) and John Polyanaer were chosen profesBore of divinity in tlie univer- sity at Leyden in 1G12. Sec Brandt, ii. Ill ; Limborch's Ilistoria A'itac Simonis Episcopii, p. 41 ; Caldcr's Memoirs of Episcopius, p. 128, and Baylc, Diet. Hist, et Crit.
■ Winslow, in his Brief Narra-
tion, says, ** Our pastor, Mr. Robin- son, in the time when Arminianism prevailed so much, at the request of the most orthodox divines, as Poly- ander, Festus Ilommius, &c. dis- puted daily against Episcopius (in the Academy at Leyden) and others, the grand champions of that error, and had as good respect amongst
42 THE DUTCH ESTEEM THE PILGRIMS.
CHAP. Yea, SO far were they from being weary of him and
. L> his people, or desiring their absence, as that it was
10 0 8 said by some, of no mean note, tliat were it not for
to
1G20. giving offence to the State of England,^ they would have preferred liim otlicrwise, if he would, and allow- ed tliem some public favor. Yea, when there was speech of tlieir removal into these parts, sundry of note and eminency of that nation would have had them come under them ; and for that end made them large offers."
Now although I might allege many particulars and examples of the like kind to show the untruth and unlikelihood of this slander, yet these shall suffice.
them as any of thoir own divinos." JiOydon for his liercsics, ami labored
I find, howovcr, no account of this to prociiru liis huhiiihincnt ; and
dlHiMitalion in Brandt or in any of provcnlcd Ames from Using elected
the hiographors of Kpiscopius. Yet to the saniu ofliee. He seems to
John lloornbeek, a professor at have kept an ambassador at the
Leyden, says in his Summa Contro- Hague chiefly to inform him of the
versianim Religionis, p. 741, (pub- progress of the theological disputes
lished in 1058,) ^'ViriUe (Johannes m that country. > See Winwood*8
Uobins<mus) gratus nostris, dum Memorials, iii. 203-0, 304, 310,
vixit, fuit, et theologis Lcidensibus 3.07. Sir ])udleyCarleton*s Jitters,
familiaris ac lionoratiis. Scripsit pp. 35'J, 373, 388, 435 ; Drandt,
pra^tcrea varia contra Arminianos : li. 85, 07.
frequens quippe et acer erat Epis- ' Henry Hudson, in the employ- cupii in Acadomia advorsarius et ment of the Dutch East India Com- opponens." Dclknap judiciously pany, discovered the river called by remarks concerning this diapula- his name, in IGOO. On this ground tion, *' It is usual, on such occa- the Dutch claimed the adjoining sinus, for the partisans on both territory ; a few huts were erected sides to claim the victory for their at New York and Albany in 1013 respeciivc champions. Whether it and 1G15 ; but no colony was set- were 80 at this time cannot be de- tied in the New Netherlands till termined, as we have no account 1G23. The Dutch West India Com- of the controversy from the Ar- pany was incorporated in 1021 for minian party." Amer. Diog. ii. this object ; but individuals had for 160. some years before been meditating ' King James at this time exer- colonization on the Hudson ; and cised an unwarrantable influence in the offers to the Pilgrims probably the Low Countries, both in civil came from tliem. See Ilazard^s and ecclesiastical affairs. He drove State Papers, i. 121. Vorslius from his professorship at
THE PILGRIMS IN HOLLAND. 43
seeing it was believed of few, being only raised by chap. the malice of some who labored their disgrace.^ L
1608
* The English teparatiBts in IIol- Puritani d* Inghiltem, che per . ^^ ^
land attract^ the notice of Cardinal occasion di commereio frequentan ^ ^ ^ v.
BentiToglio, who was the papal TOllanda, e le altre Provincie Unite,
nuncio in that country from 1607 to — I Puritani Inglcsi sono in Am-
1616, though he misunderstood the sterdam quasi tutti per Tistesso
cause of their leaving England, rispotto ; e se ne trattcngono alcuni
supposing it to be commerce, and medesimamente per oocasione di
not religion. Ho says, " I Puritani mercantia nella cittk di Midclburgo
ancom vi son toleniii, clio sono i in Zelanda. Per ogni parte dunquo,
pid puri e pii!^ rigidi Calvinisti, i e da tutti ^li angoli, si pu6 dire,
quail non vogliono riconoscere au- delle Provincie Unite, s'odono i
toril^ alcuna ne' magistrati politici latrati, e gli urli di tanti infetti lore
sopra il governo de loto ministri settarii." Relazione di Fiandra,
heretici ; e sono quasi tutti de' parte ii. cap. ii.
CHAPTER IV.
SHOWINQ THE REASONS AND CAUSES OP THEIR REMOVAL.
CHAP. After they had lived in this city about eleven or
IV • •
-_^-L- twelve years, (which is the more observable, being the 10 0 0 whole time of that famous truce between tliat State 1020. and the Spaniards,)* and sundry of tiicm were taken away by deatli, and many others began to be well stricken in years, the grave mistress experience having taught them many things, these prudent governors, with sundry of the sagest members, began both deeply 1 0 1 7. to apprehend their present dangers and wisely to fore- see the future, and think of timely remedy. In tho agitation of their dioughts and much discourse of par- ticulars hereabout, tliey began to incline to this con- clusion of removal to some other place ; not out of any ncwfangledness, or other such like giddy humor, by which men are many times transported, to their great hurt and danger, but for sundry weighty and solid
* After tho war had been raging See Bentivoglio, Delia Guerra di
for more than thirty years between Fiandra, parte iii. lib. viii., Opere
Spain and the United Provinces, Storiche, iv. 504 ; Grotius, p. 612,
bv tho mediation of Henry IV. of 509; Brandt, ii. 51; Watson's
1 ranee and James I. of England, Philip III. p. 275 ; Grattan's Neth-
a trnco of twelve years was con- crlands, p. 22G. eluded on thu Ulh of April, 1009.
THE PILGRIMS PROPOSE TO LEAVE HOLLAND. 45
reasons, tlio chief of wliich I will here recite and chap.
IV.
briefly touch. .^^
1. And first, tliey found and saw by experience i«i7. the hardness of the place and country to be such, as few in comparison would come to them, and fewer that would bide it out and continue with them. For many tliat came to them, and many more tliat desired to be with them, could not endure the great labor and hard fare, with other inconveniences, which they underwent and were contented with. But though they loved their persons, and approved tlieir cause, and honored tlieir suficrings, yet they left them as it were weeping, as Orpali did her motlicr-in-law Naomi, or ""mI as those Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused and borne witli, tliough they could not all be Catos.* For many, though they desired to enjoy the ordinances of God in their purity, and the Uberty of tlie Gospel wiUi tliem, yet, alas, tliey admitted of bondage, with danger of conscience, ratlier tlian to endure these hardships; yea, some i)rcferred and chose prisons in England rather than this liberty in Holland, with these afflictions. But it was thought, that if a better and easier place of living could be had, it would draw many and take away these discour- agements ; yea, their pastor would often say, that many of those that both writ and preached now against tliem, if they were in a place where they might have liberty, and live comfortably, they would tlien practise as tliey did.
* Plutarch says, in his Life of him to trust them and make use of
Calo the Youn^or, that the tlirco their services ; but as they were no
hundred Uonian eitizciis who wero Catos, and hail not Cato's dignity
with him in Utica, intending to of mind, they hoped he would pity
send messengers to Cssar to in- their weakness, tercede in their behalf, *' implored
46 THB REASONS FOR REMOVAL.
CHAP. 2. They saw, that although the people generally
L bore all their difficulties very cheerfully and with a
1017. resolute courage, being in tlie best of their strongtli, yet old age began to come on some of them ; ^ and their great and continual labors, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before the time ; so as it was not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that within a few years more they were in danger to scat- ter by necessity pressing them, or sink under their burdens, or both; and therefore, according to the iu a divine proverb, that " a wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself," so they, Uke skilful and beaten soldiers, were fearful either to be entrapped or surrounded by their enemies, so as they should neither be able to fight nor fly ; and therefore thought it bettor to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage and less danger, if any could be found. 3. As necessity was a taskmaster over them, so they were forced to be such not only to their servants, but in a sort to tlieir dearest children ; the which, as it did a Uttle wound tlie tender hearts of many a loving father and mother, so it produced also many sad and sorrow- ful effects. For many of their children, that were of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, having learned to bear the yoke in their youth, and willing to bear part of their parents' burden, were oftentimes so oppressed with tlieir heavy labors, tliat although their minds were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, and became decrepit in their early youth ; the vigor of nature be-
^^\. * We know the age of but few of Brewster was 50 years old, Robin- '/•tte Pilgrims. Carver was probably son 15, IJr.ulford 32, lOdward Wins- one of the oldest. In 1020 Elder low 20, and John llowland 28.
THE REASONS FOR REMOVAL. 47
ing consumed in the very bud, as it were. But that chap.
which was more lament'iblo, and of all sorrows most L
lieavy to be borne, was tliat many of their children, by i e 1 7. these occasions, and the great licentiousness of youth in the country, and tlie manifold temptations of the place, were drawn away by evil examples unto extra- vagant and dangerous courses, getting the reins on their necks, and departing from their parents. Some became soldiers, others took them upon far voyages by sea, and otlier some worse courses tending to disso- luteness and the danger of their souls, to the great grief of their parents and dishonor of God ; so that they saw their posterity would be in danger to degen- erate and be corrupted.
4. Lastly, (and which was not the least,) a great hope and inward zeal they had of laying some good foundation, or at least to make some way thereunto, for the propagating and advancing the Gospel of the kingdom of Christ in these remote parts of tlie world ; yea, though they should be but as stepping-stones unto otliers for performing of so great a work.
These, and some otlier like reasons,* moved them
' Edward Winslow, in his Brief days from their sports or their or- Narration, mentions three other dinary work ; an(l the English di- reasons ; first, their desire to live vines took notice of the great scan- under the protection of Enfrland dal which the neglect of the Lord^s and to retain the language and the Day at Dort gave them, exhorting name of Englishmen ; second, the Synod to interfere with the their inability to give their child- magistrates for preventing the open- ron such an education as they had ing of shops and the exercise themselves received ; and third, of trade on Sundays. Sir Dudley their grief at the profanation of Carlcton, too, writing from the the sabbath in Holland. This vi- Hague July 22, 1619, says, " It olation of the sabbath attracted the falls out in these towns of Holland, attention of the Synod of Dojl, that Sunday, which is elsewhere which asaoniblod in ItJlR. 'llio the day of rest, proves the da" ~* Dutch ministers acknowledged the labor, for they never kne^ great dilTiculty they met with in how to observe the sabbath. *J withdrawing the people on Sun- Brandt, iii. 28, 290 ; Hales's '
48 THEY TURN THEIR EYES TO AMERICA.
CHAP, to undertake this resolution of tlieir removal, the which
IV
L> they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties ;
1617. as by the sequel will appear.
The place they had tlioughts on were some of those unpeopled countries of America, which are fruitful and fit for habitation, being devoid of all civil inhabitants, where there are only salvage and brutish people, which range up and down httle otherwise than the wild beasts. This proposition being made pubhc, and com- ing to the scanning of all, it raised many variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears and doubts amongst themselves. Some, from their reasons and hopes conceived, labored to stir up and encourage the rest to undertake and prosecute the same ; others, again, out of their fears, objected against it, and
from tho Synod of Dort, p. 8. their high attaiiimonts in spiritual (Glasgow, 1705) ; Carletou's Let- knowledge would he lost, if they ters, p. 380. J remained longer in a strange land/' These reasons for their removal, And Burke, in his account of the as stated by Bradford and Wins- European Settlements in America, low, are sufficient, and are to be says that *' though in a country of received as the true and sole roo- tho greatest religious freedom iu sons. Yet Douglass, in his Sum- the world, they did not find them- mary, i. 309, says, " Being of un- solves bettor satisfied than they steady temper, tlioy resolved to re- had been ui I'^nglaud. They wore move to some remote country in tolerated indeed, but watched ; some wilderness, — as recluses.'' their zoal began to have dangeroua Chalmers, in his Political Annals, languors for want of opposition ; p. 85, says, ** After twelve years' and being without power or conse- unmolested residence they became quence, they grew tired of the in- unhappy in their situation, because dolent security of their sanctuary." they foresaw the destruction of their Those sneers are as contemptible society in tho toleration they en- as they are unjust. It is to bo re- joyed ; and determined to seek new gretteu that any respectable writer adventures in America. — Contin- iu this country should have incau- uing unhappy in a country wliere tiously given currency to such they were obscure and unpersecut- misrepresentations. Chief Justico ed," &c. Robertson, in his History Marshall perceived and corrected of America, book X. says/ *They re- the error into which he had been sided at Leyden for several years un- led by following such unworthy molested and obscure. But as their authorities. Compare his Life of ch received no increase, cither Washington, i. UO, (first ed.) with
cruits from England or by his History of the Ainericau Colo-
ytes gained in the country, iiius, p. 78.
began to be afraid that all
REASONS AGAINST REMOVAL. 49
sought to divert from it, alleging many tilings, and chap. those neitlier unreasonable nor unprobable ; as that it — '^ was a great design, and subject to many inconceivable 16 17. perils and dangers ; as, besides the casualties of the seas, (which none call be freed from,) the length of the voyage was such as the weak bodies of men and wo- men and such other persons, worn out with age and travail, (as many of them were,) could never be able to endure ; and yet if they should, the miseries of the land which they should be exposed unto would be too hard to be borne, and likely, some or all of them, to consume and utterly to ruinate them.* For there they should be liable to famine, and nakedness, and the want, in a manner, of all tilings. The changing of the air, diet, and drinking of water would infect their bodies with sore sicknesses ; and all those which should escape or overcome these difficulties should yet be in continual danger of the salvage people, who are cruel, barbarous, and treacherous, being most furious in their rage and merciless where tliey overcome, not being content only to kill and take away life, but de- light to torment men in most bloody manner that may be, flaying men alive with the shells of fishes, cutting ofl" the joints and members of others by piecemeals, and broiling them on the coals, and causing men to eat the collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live ; with other cruelties horrible to be related. And surely it could not be thought but the hearing of these things could not but move the bowels of men to grate
* ** Immcnsns ultrJL, \\U\\\e sic Italia rcliciA, Gcrmaniam pctcrct,
flixcriin, ad versus occaims rariR ah iiifdniicm tcrria, asporain ccbIo, Iris-
oHk) imstro navilniR ailiUir? Quis tcin cultti nspcctuquo, nisi si patrir
porro, practer periculum horridi et sit!*' Tacitus, Germania, ii. ignoti maris, Asia, ant Africa aut : 1.
CHAPTER V.
SHOWING WHAT MEANS THEV USED FOR PREPARATION TO
THIS WEIGHTY VOYAGE.
CHAP. And first, after their humble prayers unto God for
his direction and assistance, and a general conference
^^^'^' held tliereabouts, tliey consulted what particular place to pitch upon and prepare for. Some, and none of the meanest, had thoughts and were earnest for Guia- na,^ or some of those fertile places in tliose hot cli-
' Sir Walter Raleigh published water's side, as if they had been
in 1590 his ** DiscuvervofGuinita," used to a keeper's call. — I never
which he calls a mighty, rich and saw a more bcanliful country, nor
beautiful empire, directly east fnuu more lively prospects, hills so laib-
Peru, towards the sea, lying under ed here and there over the val-
the equinoctial line. Its capital was leys, the river winding into di-
'Hhat great and golden city which vers branches, the plains adjoining
the Spaniards call Kl Dorado, and without busli or stubble, all fair
the natives Manoa, and for great- green grass, the deer crossing in
nes3, riches, and excellent seat it far every path, the birds towards the
exceedelh any of the world.'' llav- evening singing on every tree with
insr, in 151)5, sailed up the Orinoco a thousand several tunes, the air
400 miles in quest of it, he bays, fresh, with a gentle easterly wind;
"On both sides of this river wo and every btone that we stopped to
passed the most beautiful country take up promised either gold or
that ever mine eyes beheld ; plnins silver by his complexion. — For
of twenty miles in length, the grass health, good air, pleasure, and
short and green, and in divers parts riches, I am re;5olved it cannot be
proves of trees by themselves, as equalled by any region either in the
if they had been by all the art and east or west." See Raleigh's
labor of the world so made of pur- Works, viii. .IRl, 3J)8, 427, 412,
pose ; and still as we rowed, the 4(32. (Oxford ed.)
deer came down feeding by the Chapman, too, the translator of
THEY TURN THEIR THOUGHTS TO GUUNA. 63
mates. Others were for some parts of Virginia,^ where chap. tlie Enghsh had already made entrance and beginning, wvl^
Those for Guiana alleged that the country was rich, 1 6 1 7. fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual spring and a flourishing greenness ; where vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance and plenty, without any great labor or art of man ; so as it must needs make the inhabitants rich, seeing less provision of clothing and other thins:s would secure them "than in more colder and less fruitful countries must be had. As also that tlie Spaniards, having much more than they could possess, had not yet planted there, nor ^ any where very near tlie same.'
IJut to this it was answered, tliat out of question the country was both fruitful and pleasant, and might •- yield riches and maintenance to the possessors more easily tlian to others ; yet, other things considered, it would not be so fit. And first, that such hot countries are subject to grievous diseases, and many noisome impediments, which other more temperate places are free from, and would not so well agree with our Eng-
Honicr, in a poem on Guiana, writ- History of the United States, i. ten in 1595, thus celebrates the 39.
countiy : ' Although England and Spain
were now at peace, and had been ..f^ . . I t r . i r ij since 1604, and so continued till the
"Gnlana, whow rich feet nre mini?* of pnlrt, • .«r»i i t»m •
wihw rureiiead knccki ngninsi the roof of rupture in 1024, yet the Pilgrims,
"»««"» . . , . „ . ^ . . . fron™ t*ieir long residence in llol-
Ftanilx on her tiptoe nt fnir Knelnnd lm>k ins, i „• i„i :^u;u«-rl «k« «.*:^«.i -^
Khi..iiip her hnnli. iK.w»nc her miaiiiy breiut, *and, had iinbibed the national rc- Anrf every lifn of nil niihmiMioii making, pugnance of the Dutch to their To lie the tiMer and the daughter both Spanish oppressors, a feeling which
Of our inoPt aacred maid.'* * , 1 • i t i ..
was long retained. In a letter writ-
trn hy iho Plymouth colonists to
See Tyllcr's liifo of Ralripli, p. thf3 Dutch on Hudson's river in
104 ; and Oldys's Life in Halcigirs 10'i7, llioy speak of resisting ** the
Works, i. 215. prid«» of iliat coiT>iiion rnciiiy, the
' The sncrcssfnl colnniznlion of Spaniards, from whoso cruelty the
A'^irginia commenced in 1007, at Jjord keep us both, and our native
Jamestown. See Stith's History countries." See Mass. Hist. Coll.
of Virginia, p. 40 ; Grahamc's iii. 51, 52.
64 THEY CONCLUDE FOR YIRQINIA.
CHAP, lish bodies. Again, if they should there Uve and do
— L^ well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them
1617. long, but would displant and overthrow tlicm, as he
16 66. did the French in Florida,* who were settled further
^gf *• from his richest countries ; and the sooner, because
they should have none to protect them, and their own
strength would be too small to resist so potent an
enemy and so near a neighbour.
On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if they Hved amongst the English which were there planted, or so near them as to bo under their government, they should be in as great danger to be troubled and persecuted for their cause of religion * as if they lived in England, and it might be worse ; «, and if they lived too far off, they should neither have succour or defence from them.
And at length the conclusion was, to live in a dis- tinct body by themselves, under the general govern- ment of Virginia ; ^ and by their friends to sue to His
' Seothe account of the massacre land, of 100 miles wide, along the
of the lliiguonols in Fh)rid:i hy the Atlnnlic coast of Norlh Amorica,
Spaniards, in llohucs^s Annals, i. extending from the :MtU to the 45th
8<I. degree of north lulitudo — a tcrri-
' Virginia had hcen colonized by tory which ihen went under the
persons belonging to the Church of common name of Virginia — be-
£ngland, and attached to its ceremo- tween two Companies, who were
nies and institutions. In the orders to colonize it. The First or South-
and instructions for the govern- em Colony was granted to certain
ment of the colony, issued by King knights, gentlemen, merchants, and
James under his sign manual and the adventurers of Londoni. who were
privy seal of England, it was spe- to colonize between the 34th and
ciallv enjoined that '* the word and the 41st degrees. The Second, or
service of God should be preactied Northern Colony, was granted to
and used according to the rites and persons of like description in Bris-
doctrines of the Church of Eng- tol, Exeter, and , Plymouth,; who
land.*' See Stith'a Virginia, p. 3T, were to plant between the 38th and
and Chalmers's Annals, p. 15. the 45lh degrees. Each Company
' The Virginia Company was was to be under the government of
established in 160G. On the 10th a council of thirteen, and neither of
of April of that year, King James, them was to plant a colony within
by letters patent, divided a strip of a hundred miles of a previous settie-
I f \/\ \ •• '^^ ^C -^ '
*
AGENTS ARE SENT TO ENGLAND. 65
Majesty that he would be pleased to grant them free lib- chap. erty, and freedom of religion. And tliat this may be ob- -^^ tained they were put in good hope by some great persons i « 1 7. of good rank and quality that were made their friends.^ Whereupon two' were chosen and sent into England, at the charge of the rest, to solicit this matter ; who found the Virginia Company very desirous to have them go thither,^ and willing to grant them a patent, with as ample privileges as they had or could grant to any, and to give them the best furtherance they could ; and some of the chief of the Company doubted not to ob- tain their suit of the king for Uberty in religion, and to have it confirmed under the king's broad seal, according to tlieir desires. But it proved a harder piece of work than they took it for. For although many means were used to bring it about, yet it could not be effected ; for there were divers of good worth labored with the king
mcnt madn by the other. The Se- Cnrvcr will be found in Delknap, ii.
cond or Plymouth Coinpnuy made 171), 207.
the unsucccssfnl attempt in 1G07 to * Sir Ferdinando Gorges, one of
establish a colony near the mouth the leaders of the Second or Ply-
of the Kennebec. The First or mouth Company, says '* Before the
London Company was the one to unhappy controversy happened be-
which the agents of the Pilgrims tween those of Virginia and myself, ;
applied, and which seems at this they were foice3, through the great
time to have appropriated to itself charge they had been at, to hearken
exclusively the title of the Virginia to any propositions that might give
Company. Douglaas, i. 370, 395, ease and furtherance to so hopeful a
Moulton, History of New York, business. To that purpose, it was
p. 350, and Urahame, i. 188, err in referred to their considerations how
saying that thcv obtained a grant of necessary it was that means might
land or a promise of a patent, from bo used to draw into those enter-
the Plymouth Company. See the prises some of those families that
Charter in Stith, App. p. 1, and in had retired themselves into Holland
Hazard's State Papers, i. 50. for scruple of conscience, giving
* Among others, no doubt, Sir them such freedom and liberty as
Edwin Sandys, Sir Robert Naun- mightstand with their likings. This
ton, and Sir John Wolstcnholme, advice being hearkened unto, there
as will hereafter be seen. were that undertook the putting it
' Robert Cushman and John Car- in practice, and accordingly brought
▼er, as appears by the letter of Sir it to cITect so far forth,'' &c. See
Edwin Sandys on page 58. The Gorges, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi.
little that is known of Cushman and 73.
56 THE AGENTS RETURN UNSUCCESSFUL.
CHAP, to obtain it, amongst whom was one * of his chief — ^ Secretaries ; and some other wrought witli the Arch- 1618. bishop * to give way thereunto. But it proved all in vain. Yet thus far they prevailed in sounding His Majesty's mind, that he would connive at them, and not molest them, provided they carried tlicmselves peacea- bly. But to allow or tolerate them by his public author- ; ity under his seal, they found it would not be granted.' And this was all that the chief of the Virginia Company, or any other of their best friends, could do in the case. Yet they persuaded them to go on, for they presumed they should not be troubled.^ And with this answer the messengers returned, and signified what diligence had been used, and to what issue things were come. But this made a damp in the business, and caused some distraction. For many were afraid that if they should unsettle themselves, put off their estates, and go upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and but
^ Winslow, in his Brief Narration, sworn a member of the Privy Coun-
says that the agents ** got Sir Ed- cil. See an account of him, not a
win Sandys, a religious gentleman very favoralde one, in Clarendon's
then living, to stir in it, who pro- History of the Rebellion, iMMik i.
cured Sir Robert Naunton, then under the year 1G33, in which he
]>riiH;i|>:il Secretary of Stnlc to Kiii^ died. IIo was too mild and tolerant
Juiiics, to move liis Majcbly.'* Sir for Clarendon. Sec also Wood's
Itohert Naunton was sworn the Atlienu: Oxou. i. 501, (cd. Dliss,)
king's secretary, Jan. 8, 1GI8. Ho and Ncal's Puritans, i. 504. was the author of ** JFVfl^//*^i/a Re- * The word granted I have re-
fi^aiia ; Observations on the late stored from Prince, p. 148. Queen Elizabeth, her Times and Douglass, Summary, i. 360, and
Favorites," ** the fruit,** as Fuller the authors of the Modern Universal
says, *' of his younger years.** Del- History err in saying that the Pil-
knu|>, Am. Biog. ii. 170, and Bay- L^riins ''obtauied an iustrumenlfrom
licb, Memoir of Plymouth Colony, James I. for the full exercise of their
i. 10, err in calling him Norlon. religion in any |)art of America.** See Fuller's Worthies of England, * At the very time this negotiation
ii. 330, (4to Qi\.\ ; Birch's Memoirs was pending, King James issued a
of Queen Elizabeth, i. 300. declaration, (May 24, 1018) in which
'The See of Canterbury was at he required the bishop of Lancashire
this time filled by Dr. George Ab- to constrain all the Puritans within
hot. He had been promoted to it his diocess to conform, or to leave
from the bishopric of liOiulon, April the country. Prince, p. 147. 0, 1011, and on the 23d of J uno was
OTHER AGENTS ABB SENT. 67
a sandy foundation. Yea, it was thought they might chap. better have presumed hereupon, without making any — L. suit at ail, than, having made it, to be thus rejected. i6i8. But some of the chiefest thought otherwise, and that they might well proceed hereupon, and that the King^s Majesty was willing enough to suffer them without molestation, though for other reasons he would not confirm it by any public act ; and furthermore, if there was no security in this promise intimated, there would be no greater certainty in a further confirmation of the same. For if afterward there should be a pur- pose or desire to wrong them, though they had a seal as broad as Uie house-floor, it would not serve the turn, for there would be means enough found to re- call or reverse it And seeing, therefore, tlie course is probable, they must rest herein on God's provi- dence, as they had done in other things.
Upon this resolution, other messengers * were de- 1 6 1 o. spatched to end with the Virginia Company, as well as they could, and to procure a patent with as good and ample conditions as they might by any good means attain ; as also to treat and conclude with such mer- chants and other friends as had manifested their for- wardness to provoke to and adventure in this voyage. For which end they had instructions given them upon what conditions they should proceed with them ; or else to conclude nothing without further advice. And here it will be requisite to insert a letter or two, that may give light to these proceedings.
* By Mr. Cnshman^s letter from paiETe 151. Judge Dafis follows
^London, of May 8, 1G19, inserted on Prince in this error, in his valnable
a following page, it appears that edition of Morton*8 Memorial, p.
these messengers were Mr. Ctish- 22. They were not despatched, it
man himself and Mr. Brewster ; will be seen, till more than a year
not Mr. Bradford, as Prince says, after the first agents were sent.
68 CORRBSPONDBNCB OP THE PILGRIMS
CHAP. A Copy of a Letter from Sir Edioin Sandysj^ directed to — ^ Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster.^
1617.
Nov. After my hearty salutations, — Tlie agents of your congregation, Robert Cushman and John Carver,' have been in communication with divers select gentlemen of his Majesty's Council for Virginia ; and by the wri- ting of seven articles, subscribed ^ with your names, have given them that good degree of satisfaction which hath carried them on with a resolution to set forward your desire in the best sort that may be for your own and the public good ; divers particulars whereof we leave to their faithful report, having carried themselves here with that good discretion as is both to their own and their credit from whom^ they came. And whereas, being to treat for a multitude of people, they have re- quested further time to confer with them that are to be interested in this action about the several particulars which in the prosecution thereof will fall out consider- able, it hath been very wiUingly assented unto ; and so they do now return unto you.^ If therefore it may
' This name it! spelt Sands in the length, which a^^ree almost word
MS., which Stith says is *' ccr- for word with liradford^s History,
tainly wrong.'' See the Appendix Comiiare Hubbard, pp. 44 — 50.
to his History, p. 10, Note. ' These were the agents that
'This letter is contained in Hub- were first sent. See pase 65.
bard's Hbtory of New England, in * The word subscribed is inserted,
Mass. Hist. Coll. zv. 40, but very from Prince, p. 143, and Hubbard,
incorrectly transcribod. Prince says, p. 40.
ill his Annals, pp. xxi.23;3, that Hub- *I substitute whom for whence^ bard " had never ftoon Gov. Hrad- on tho authority of Prince, p. 142. ford's History." Hut this I think a * From the expression, '* they do mistake, since Hubbard relates the now return unto you," it is evident whole history of this negotiation that the agents must have returned with the Virginia Company, which to I^yden soon after this letter was is not contained in Morton's Memo- written, of which they were un- rial, and which he could have got doubtedly the bearers, that is be- only from Bradford's original MS., tvveen Nov. 19, the date of the let- or from Morton's copy of it in the ter, and Dec. 15, the date of Rob- records of the Plymouth Church, inson and Brewster's answer to it. He gives passages of considerable Of course Prince, p. 148, and Davis
WITH THE VIRQINU COMPANY. 69
please God so to direct your desires as that on your chap. parts there fall out no just impediments, I trust by the «-^^ same direction it shall Ukewise appear that on our ^^ ^ '^* parts all forwardness to set you forward shall be found is. in the best sort which with reason may be expected. And so I betake you with this design, (which 1 hope verily is the work of God,) to the gracious protection and blessmg of the Highest *"
Your very loving friend,
Edwin Sandts.^
London, November 12, 1617.
Tlieir Answer was as foUaweth.
Right Worsliipful,
Our humble duties remembered, in our own, our Deo. messengers' and our church's name, with all thankful acknowledgment of your singular love, expressing it- self, as otherwise, so more especially in your great care, and earnest endeavour of our good in this weighty business about Virginia, which the less able we are to
on Morton, p. 33, cannot be correct was in 1631 committed by James^ in statinp; that they returned in to the Tower for his free speech. ^ May, 1618. It appears from Rob- Anthony Wood says he was " a inson and Brewster s letter that Car- person of great judgment and of a Ter was sent a second time to the commanding pen, a solid stated- Council of Virginia, in Dec. 1617, man, ingenio et gravitate roorum attended by " a gentleman of the insiffnis.*' He was the author of company." These agents may have " Europte Specultnn; or a View or returned to Levden in May, 1618. Survey of tne state of Religion in Cushman and Brewster were aAer- the western part of the World," wards sent in Feb. 1619, and re- and of a metrical version of the turned late in the same year. Book of Job, the Psalms of David, ( ' Sir Kdwin Stindys was one of and other poetical parts of Holy the principal members of the Vir- Writ. Ho died in 1630. ' See ginia Company. He was the son Wood's Athenae Oxonienses, li. of Archbishop Sandys, and a favo- 473, (cd. Bliss) ; Walton's Lives, rite pupil of the judicious Hooker, pp. 174, 178, 180, (Major's ed.) ; In Parliament, he was '* a member Hume's England, vi. 39, 07, (PicK- of great authority," according to ering's ed.) ; Hallam's Const. Hist Home, and taking the popular side of England, i. 405 — 409.
60 CORRBSPONDeNCE OF THE PILGRIMS
CHAP, requite, we shall think ourselves the more bound to JL commend in our prayera unto God for recompense ; 1617. whom as for tlie present you rightly behold in our 15.' endeavours, so shall we not be wanting on our parts, (the same God assisting us,) to return all answerable fruit and respect unto the labor of your love bestowed upon us. We have, with the best speed and consid- eration withal that we could, set down our requests in writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the hands of ^ the greatest part of our congregation, and have sent the same unto the Council ^ by our agent, a deacon of our church, John Carver, unto whom we have also requested a gentleman of our company to adjoin him- self; to the care and discretion of which two we do refer the prosecuting of the business. Now we per- suade ourselves, right worshipful, that we need not to provoke your godly and loving mind to any further or more tender care of us, since you have pleased so far to interest us in yourself, that, under God, above all persons and things in tlie world we rely upon you, expecting the care of your love, the counsel of your wisdom, and the help and countenance of your author- ity. Notwitlistanding, for your encouragement in the work so far as probabilities may lead, we will not for- bear to mention these instances of inducement.
1 . We verily beUeve and trust the Lord is with us, unto whom and whose service we have given our- selves in many trials, and that he will graciously prosper our endeavours according to the simplicity of our hearts therein.
2. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of
• The words the hands of I restore ■ The Council of the Virginia from Prince, p. 142. Company.
WITH THE VntOINIA COlfPANY. 61
our mother country, and inured to the difficulties of chap.
a strange and hard land, which yet, in great part, we . ~
have by patience overcome. ni^*
3. The people are, for the body of them, industrious i6.' and frugal, we think we may safely say, as any com- pany of people in the world.
4. We are knit together as a body in a more strict and sacred bond and covenant of the Lord, of the violation whereof we make great ' conscience ; and by virtue whereof we do hold ourselves straitly tied to all care of each other's good, and of the whole by every, and so mutual.
6. And lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small things can discourage, or small discon- tentments cause to wish themselves at home again. We know our entertainment in England and Holland. We shall much prejudice both our arts and means by removal ; where, if we should be driven to return, we should not hope to recover our present helps and comforts, neitlier indeed look ever to attain the like in any other place during our lives, which are now drawing towards their periods.
These motives we have been bold to tender unto you, which you in your wisdom may also impart to any other our worshipful friends of the Council with you, of all whose godly dispositions and loving towards our despised persons we are most glad, and shall not fail by all good means to continue and increase the same. We shall not be further troublesome, but do, with the renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your worship, and (so far as in modesty we may be bold) to any otlier of our well-willers of tlie Council with
' The word great is restored from Prince, p. 143. "^t
62 CORRCSPONDBNCB OF THE PILGRIMS
CHAP, you, we take our leaves, committing your persons and — L. counsels to the guidance and protection of the AI- 1617. mighty. 15. Yours, much bounden in all duty,
John Robinson, William Brewster.
Leydeuy the 15/A of December ^ 1617.
I found annexed unto the foregoing letters these following hues, written by Mr. Bradford with special reference unto the fourth particular on the other side written.*
O sacred bond ! Whilst inviolably preserved, how sweet and precious were the fruits that flowed from the same. But when this fidelity decayed, then their ruin approached. Oh that these ancient members had not died or been dissipated, (if it had been the will of God,) or else that this holy care and constant faith- fulness had still lived and remained with those that survived, that were in times afterwards added unto them. But, alas ! that subtile serpent hath slily wound in himself, under fair pretences of necessity and the like, to untwist these sacred bonds and ties, and as it were insensibly, by degrees, to dissolve or in a great measure to weaken the same. I have been happy, in my first times, to see and with much comfort to enjoy the blessed fruits of this sweet communion. But it is now a part of my misery in old age to find and feel the decay and want thereof, in a great measure, and with grief and sorrow of heart to lament and bewail the same ; and for others' warning and admonition, and my own humiliation, do I here note the same.
' On page 61.
WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 63
Thus much by way of digression. For further Kght chap.
in these proceedings forenamed, see some other let
ters and notes, as foUowcth. ^ ® ^ ®*
The Copy of a Letter sent to Sir John fVolstenholme.^
Right Worshipful,
With due acknowledgment of our thankfulness for jan. your singular care and pains in the business of Vir- ^' ginia, for our and (we hope) the common good, we do remember our humble duties unto you, and have sent, as is desired, a further explanation of our judgments in tlie three points specified by some of His Majesty's honorable Privy Council. And altliough it be grievous unto us that such unjust insinuations are made against us, yet we are most glad of tlie occasion of making our just purgation unto the so honorable personages.
The Declarations we have sent enclosed ; the one more brief and general, which we tliink tlie fitter to be presented ; the other sometliing more large, and in which we express some small accidental differences, which, if it seem good unto you and otlier of your worship's friends, you may send instead of the former. Our prayer unto God is, that your worship may see the fruit of your worthy endeavours, which on our part we shall not fail to further by all good means.
* It is Worsinghara in the MS. ; Rawson, Secretary to the New
but this is an error. Prince, p. 144. England Plantations, by Sir John
and Hubbard, p. 47, write it Wors- Wolslenholme, son of the indi-
tenbolme. Sir John Wolstenholme Tidual in question, dated London,
was a wealthy merchant and a Feb. 1, 1G63, in which he says,
farmer of the customs, one of the "I am a great well-wisher and
principal members of the Virginia good friend to your plantation, and
Company, and one of the Council so was my father before me, who
established by the second charter, died 24 years since." See Stith*8
lie died in 1030. In Hutchinson's Virginia, pp. 103, 107, 186, and
Collection of papers, p. 383, there App. p. 10. is a letter written to Mr. Edward
CORRBSPOMDENCB OP THE PILGRDfS
P. And SO prajring that you would, with all conveniency ^ that may be, give us knowledge of the success of the 3. business with His Majesty's Privy Council, and ac- cordingly what your further pleasure is, either for our direction or furtherance in the same, so we rest Your worship's, in all duty,
John Robinson, William Brewster.
Leyden^ January 27, 1617, old style}
The first brief Note was this.
Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, namely, of pastors for teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the church's contribution, as also for the two sacraments, baptism and the Lord's supper, we do wholly and in all points agree with the French Reformed Churches, according to their public Con- fession of Faith ; though some small differences.
The oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if it be required of us, if that convenient satisfaction be not given by our taking tlie oath of Allegiance.^
John Roiiinson, William Brewster.
' That is, Jan. 1618, new style. Allegiance was drawn up and ap-
By the old style the year began pointed to be taken by all the king*s
- March 25. subjects. This was an oath of
' In 1531, in the reign of Henry ** submission and obedience to the VIII. the king was declared ** the king as a temporal sovereign, inde- supreme head of the Church of pendent of any other power upon England," and all his majesty's earth." j By the third charter of the subjects were required on oath to Virginia Company, their Treas- acknowledge his supremacy. In urer, or any two of the Council, 1558, at the accession of Elizabeth, were empowered to administer the the Act of Supremacy, which had oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance been repealed under Queen Mary, to all persons going to their Colony, was restored, and all persons in See Burnet's History of the Re- office, civil or ecclesiastical, were formation, ii. 387 (folio) ; NeaPs required to take the oath. In 1G05, Puritans, i. 8, 11, 81, 117, 410; in the reign of James, the oath of Stith's App. p. 28 ; Hazard, i. 78.
WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 66
The second was this. chap.
V.
Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, [as in the ~ former, &c.] we agree, in all things, with the French Jao. Reformed Churches, according to their pubUc Con- fession of Faith ; diough some small differences be to be found in our practices, not at all in tlie substance of the tilings, but only in some accidental circum- stances : as
1 . Their ministers do pray with their heads cover- ed ; we uncovered.
2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are able to teach ; which ability they do not require.
3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at the most for two or tliree years ; ours perpetual.
4. Our elders do administer their office in admoni- tions and excommunications, for public scandals, publicly and before the congregation; theirs more privately and in tlicir consistories.
5. We do administer baptism only to such infants as whereof tlie one parent, at the least, is of some church, which some of tlieir churches do not observe ; although in it our practice accords with their public Confession and the judgment of the most learned amongst them.
Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know none.
(Subscribed,)
John Robinson, William Brewster.
9
66
or tuc
CHAP. Part cf amaUuT Later from kim Ami ielmnd
fal 14. mi J
Your letter to Sir John Wobetdioliiie I defiroed, almost as soon as I had it, to hb own bandsy and rtayed with him the opening and reading thoeoC There were two papers enclosed. He read diem to himself, as also the letter ; and in the reading he qiake to me and said, ^^ Who diall make them?" riz. the ministenL I answered his wor^p that the power of making was in the Church,' to be ordained bj the im- position of hands by the fittest instruments they hare. It must either be in the Church, or frcxn the P<^ ; and the Pope is Antichrist '< Ho ! " said Sir John, " what tlie Pope liokb good, (as in the Trinity,) tliat we do well to assent to. But," said he, «< we will not enter into dispute now ; " and as for your letters, he would not diow them at any hand, lest he should spoil all. He expected you should have been of the Arch- bishop's mind for the caUing of ministers ; but it seems you differed. I could have wished to have known the contents of your two enclosed, at which he stuck so much, especially the larger. 1 asked his worship what good news he had for me to write to-morrow. He
» That it, 1018, new style.
' I'hat if, the congregation, each separate body of believers. This was Brownism ; and it is Indepen- dency, or Congregationalism. The (Jamliridge Platform says, chaps. 8 and 0, ** Calling unto office is by the church. — Oflicers are to be called by such churches whereunto they are to minister. — The choice of church oflTicors belongelh not to the civil magistrates, as such, or diocesan bishops, or patrons. — In churhcs whore there arc no ciders.
imposition of hands may be per- fonned by some of the brethren, orderly chosen by the church there- unto. For if the people may elect officers, which is the greater, and wherein the substance of the office doth consist, they may much mora (occasion and need so requiring) impose hands in ordination, which is less, and but the accomplishment of the other.'' It was practised upon at the first ordination in Ameri- ca, at Salem, in 1029. See Morton's Memorial, p. 140.
WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 67
told me, " Very * good news ; for both the King's chap. Majesty and the bishops have consented." He said — ^ he would go to Mr. Chancellor, Sir Fulke Greville," * ® \^' as this day, and next week I should know more. I 14. met with Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night. He wished me to be at the Virginia Court • the next ^
Wednesday, where I purpose to be. Thus loth to be troublesome at present, I hope to have something next week of certainty concerning you. I commit you to the Lord.
Yours,
S. B.
These things being long in agitation, and messen- gers passing to and again about tliem, after all their hopes they were long delayed by many obstacles that fell in tlie way. For at the return of these messen- gers into England, they found things far otherwise than they expected. For the Virginia Council was now so disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst
* The urord very is restored from Fnller^s Worthies, ii. 415 ; Birches Prince, p. 145. Queen Elizabeth, i. 178 ; Naon-
* Sir Fulke Greville was ap- ton's Fragmenta Regalia, p. 112, pointed chancellor of the cxcho- (ed. 1824); Walpolo, Royal and qucr, and sworn of the Privy Coun- Noble Authors, ii. 220.
cil Oct 1, 1G14. On the 0th of ' Ry the third charter of Virginia
Jan. 1021, he was raised to the it was provided that '* the Company
peerage by the title of Lord Brooke, shall and may once every week, or
of Beauchamp*s Court. He wrote odcner, at their pleasure, hold and
a Life of Sir Philip Sidney, and keep a court and assembly for des-
'* The First Five Years of King patching all casual matters of less
James," which is contained in the consequence and weight concerning
Harleian Miscellany, vii. 407, (Park's the plantation; and for all affairs
ed.) . On his tomb-stone in War- of government trade, and disposal
wick Church, he had inscribed this of lands, there shall be held every
brief but noble epitaph : ** Fulke year four great and general courts,'*
Greville, servant to Queen Eliza- at which all officers were to be
beth, counsellor to King James, chosen, and all laws and ordinances
and friend to Sir Philip Sidney." enacted. See Stith, App. 26, and
See Wood's Athens Oxon. ii. 430 ; Hazard, i. 76.
68 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS
JHAP. themselves, as no business could well go forward ; the >^Jw which may the better appear in one of the messen- 1619. gers' letters, as foUoweth.
To his Loving Friends.
May I had thought long since to have writ unto you ; but could not effect that which I aimed at, neither can yet set things as I wished. Yet, notwitlistanding, I doubt not but Mr. Brewster hatli written to Mr. Robinson ; but I think myself bound also to do some- thing, lest I be thought to neglect you.
The main hindrance of our proceedings in the Vir- ginia business is the dissensions and factions, as they term it, amongst the Council and Company of Vir- ginia, which are such as that ever since we came up no business could by them be despatched. The occaDsion of this trouble amongst them is, that a while since Sir Thomas Smith,^ repining at his many offices and troubles, wished the Company of Virginia to ease him of his office in being treasurer and governor of the
April Virginia Company. Whereupon the Company took occasion to dismiss him, and chose Sir Edwin Sandys ^
* Sir Thomas Smith was the first the assignees of Sir Walter Ra-
treasurer and governor of the Vir- leigh^s pateut, and thus became in-
ginia Company, and continued in tercsted in the colony of Virginia,
office till superseded by Sir FAlwin Sue Dclknap, ii. 0 — 10; Stith,
Sandys. lie had the chief man- pp. 42, 158.
agement of their aflfairs, and pre- ' Sir Edwin Sandys was elected
sided in all the meetings of the April 28, 1010. Stith says that
Council and Company. He was a ** he was a person of excellent un-
London merchant, of great wealth derstanding and judgment, of great
and influence, governor of the East industry, vigor and resolution, and
India and Muscovy Companies, and indefatigable in his application to
of the company associated fur the the business of the company and
discovery of the north-west passage, colony.*' < His election was brought
In 1604 he was sent ambassador about by- the Eail of Warwick's
from King James to the Emperor (Lord Hich) hostility to Sir Tho-
of Russia. He was also one of mas Smith. Sandys was very ob
WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 69
treasurer and governor of the Company, he having chap. sixty voices, Sir John Wolstenhohne sixteen voices, — L. and Alderman Johnson^ twenty-four. But Sir Thomas ^ S,^ ® •
i. 1 . 1 May
Smith, when he saw some part of his honor lost, was s. very angry, and raised a faction to cavil and contend about the election, and sought to tax Sir Edwin with many tilings tliat might both disgrace him and also put him by his office of governor. In which contentions they yet sticky and are not fit nor ready to intermeddle in any business ; and what issue things will come to, I know not, nor are we yet certain. It is most like Sir Edwin will carry it away ; and if he do, tilings will go well in Virginia ; if otlicrwise, tliey will go ill enough always. We hope in two or three Court days things will settle. Mean space I thhik to go down into Kent, and come up again about fourteen days or three weeks hence ; except either by these aforesaid con- tentions,' or by the ill tidings from Virginia, we be wholly discouraged ; of which tidings as foUoweth. Capt. Argall ^ is come home this week. He, upon
noxious to King James, on scconnt Stith had in his possession copies
of his political principles. The of the records of the Company, from
king sain, " he knew him to bo a April 28, 1010, to June 7, 1024.
man of exorbitant ambition." Ac- Sec also a declaration made by the
cordingly, when the year for which Council of Virginia, in 1023, enti-
he was chosen, had expired, James tied ** The Company's Chief Root of
objected to his re-election, and in a the Differences and Discontents,"
furious passion exclaimed, ** Choose in the Appendix to Burk's History
the devil, if you will, but not Sir of Virginia, i. 310 ; and "A Short
Edwin Sandys." To get out of Collection of the most remarkable
the difficulty, the Company chose passages from the original to the
the Earl of :douthampton treasurer, dissolution of the Virginia Com-
and Sandys deputy. See Stilh, pany. London, 1051.'' (4to. pp.
159, 178, 181 ; Burk, i. 322 ; Short 20.) Collection, pp. 0,8, 19. 'Sir Samuel Argall was a kins-
' Alderman Johnson was at this man of Sir Thomas Smith, and a
time the deputy treasurer of ihe favorite of the Earl of Warwick,
Company. See Stith, p. 150. who procured his election as deputy
• For an account of the conten- governor of the Virpinia Colony in
tions in the Virginia Company, see the beginning of 1017. Ho arrived
Stith*8 Virginia, pp. v. 158, 180. in Virginia in May ; but his admin-
70
CORRESPONDENCE OP THE PILGRIMS
CHAP, notice of the intent of the Council, came away before — L. Sir George Yeardley^ came there, and so there is no 16 19. small dissension. But his tidings is ill, although his 8. person be welcome. He saitli Mr. Blackwell's ship came not there until March ; but going towards winter they had still northwest winds, which carried them to the southward beyond their course ; and the master of the ship and some six of the mariners dying, it seemed they could not find the Bay, till after long seeking and beating about. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr. Maggner, the captain. Yea, tlierc are dead, he saith, a hundred and thirty persons, one and anotlier, in the ship. It is said there was in all a hundred and eighty persons in tlio ship, so as tliey were packed to- gether like herrings. They had amongst them a flux and also want of fresh water ; so as it is here rather wondered that so many are alive, than that so many are dead. The merchants here say it was Mr. Black- well's fault to pack so many in the ship ; yea, and there was great murmuring and repining amongst them, and upbraiding of Mr. Blackwell for his dealing and disposing of tliem, when tlicy saw how ho had dispos- ed of them, and how he insulted over them. Yea, the streets of Gravesend rang of their extreme quarrelling, crying out one of another, "Thou hast brought me to this. I may thank thee for this." Heavy news it is,
idtration was so tyrannical and oppressive, that lie was displaced the next year, and sailed fur Eng- land in April, 1610. See his Life in Belknap, ii. 51 — 63; Stith, pp. 145, 149; Burk,i. 317 — 322; Smith's General History of Vir- ginia, ii. 33. (8vo ed. Uichmond, 1819.)
* Sir George Yeardley was chosen governor of the colony early
in 1619, and was empowered to in- vestigate the charges against Argall on the spot. But the Earl of War- wick having sent over a small hark, to inform him of what was prepar- ing against him, and to bring him away, Yeardley did not arrive in Virginia till ten or twelve days after ArgalPs escape. See Belknap, ii. 61—72; Siiih, p. 157; Burk, p. 322; Smith, ii. 37.
WITH THBIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 71
and I would be glad to hear how far it will discourage, chap. I see none here discouraged much, but rather desire — ^ to learn to beware by other men's harms, and to I6i9. amend tliat wherein they have failed ; as we desire to sJ serve one another in love, so take heed of being en- thralled by other imperious persons, especially if they be discerned to have an eye to themselves. It doth often trouble me to think that in this business we are to learn, and none to teach. But better so than to depend upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. Such a stratagem he made for Mr. Johnson and his people at Emden ; much was their subversion. But though he then cleanHly yet unhonestly plucked his neck out of the collar, yet ut last his foot is caught.
Here are tio letters come. The ship Captain Argall came in is yet in the west parts. All that we hear is but his report. It seemetli ho came away secretly. The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be here shortly. It is as Mr. Robinson once said ; he thought we should hear no good of them.
Mr. Brewster is not well at this time. Whether he will go back to you or go into the north, I yet know not. For myself, I hope to see an end of tliis business ere I come, tliough I am sorry to be thus from you. If things had gone roundly forward, I should have been with you within tliis fourteen days. I pray God direct us, and give us that spirit which is fitting for such a business.
Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr. Brewster, I think, hatli more largely writ of to Mr. Robinson, I leave you to the Lord's protection.
Yours, in all readiness, &c.
Robert Cushman.
London, May the 8/A, 1619.
72 CORRESPONDENCE OP THE PILGRIMS
CHAP. A word or two, by way of digression, touching this — ^ Mr. Blackwell. He was an elder of the church of 1010. Amsterdam, a man well known of most of tliem. He declined from tlie truth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, and went with him when tlioy departed asunder in that woful manner which brought so great disho- nor to God, scandal to the truth, and outward ruin to themselves, in this world. But I hope, notwithstand- ing, through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now at rest with God, in the heavens, and that they are arrived in the haven of happiness, though some of their bodies were thus buried in tlie terrible seas, and others sunk under the burden of bitter afflictions. He, with some others, had prepared for to go to Virginia ; and he with sundry godly citizens being at a private meeting (I take it, at a Fast,) in London, being discovered, many of them were apprehended, whereof Mr. Blackwell was one. But he so glossed with the bishops, and either dissembled or flatly denied the truth which formerly he had maintained; and not only so, but unworthily betrayed and accused another godly man who had escaped, that so he might slip his own neck out of the collar, and to obtain his own freedom brought others into bonds. Whereupon he so won the bishops' favor, (but lost the Lord's,) as he was not only dismissed, but in open court the Arch- bishop gave him great applause and his solemn bless- ing to proceed in his voyage. But if such events follow tlie bishops' blessing, happy arc they that miss the same. It is much better to keep a good con- science and have the Lord's blessing, whether in life or death. But see how that man, apprehended by Mr. Blackwell's means, writes to a friend of his.
WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 73
Right dear friend and christian brother, Mr. Car- chap. ver, I salute you and yours in the Lord. L.
Sir, as for my own present condition, I doubt not 1 6 1 6. but you well understand it by our brother Masterson,' 4. who should have tasted of the same cup, had his place of residence and his person been as well known as myself. Somewhat I have written to Mr. Cushman how the matter still continues. I have petitioned twice to Mr. sheriff, and once to my Lord Cook,' and have used such reasons to move them to pity, that if they were not overruled by some others, I suppose I should have soon gained my liberty ; — as that I was a man living by my credit, in debt to divers in our city, Hving in more tlian ordinary charges in a close and tedious prison; besides great rents abroad, all my business lying still, my own servant lying lame in the country, my wife being also great with child: and yet no answer until the Lords of His Majesty's Council gave consent. Ilowbeit, Mr. Blackwell, a man as dedp in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate with a great deal less ado, yea, with an addition of tlie Arch- bishop's blessing. I am sorry for Mr. Blackwell's weakness. I wish it may prove no worse ; but yet he and some others of them were not sorry, but thought it was for the best that I was nominated ; not because the Lord sanctifies evil to good, but that the action
* Richard Mastereon was one of oflicious with part of his estate for
Robinson *s chtirchi and his name public good, and a man of ability,
is subscribed, with others, to a letter as a second Stephen, to defend the
written from Lcyden to Diadford truth by sound argument, grounded
and Brewster, Nov. 30, 1G25, nine on the Scriptures of truth." See
months aflcr their pastures death. Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 44. On his coming over to Plymouth, * This was the eminent lawyer,
he was chosen a deacon of the whose name is commonly spelt
church. In the church records he Coke. See an account of him in
is described as '* a holy man and Fuller's Worthies, ii. 128, and in
an experienced saint, having been Lardner's Cab. Cyc. vi. 1 — 43.
lA
74
THE PILGRIMS OBTAIN A PATENT
CHAP, was good, yea, for the best. One reason I well — 1*^ remember he used was, because this trouble would 1618. increase the Virginia plantation; that now people 4!^' began more generally to incline to go ; and if he had not nominated some such as I, he had not been free, being it was known that many citizens, besides them- selves, were there. I expect an answer shortly what they intend concerning me. I purpose to write to some other of you, by whom you shall know the certainty. Thus not having further at present to acquaint you withal, commending myself to your prayers I cease, and commit you and us all to the Lord.
Your friend and brother, in bonds,
Sabin Stars more.^
From my Chamber in Wood-street Counter* Sept. 4(A, 1618.
But thus much by the way which may be of good use. I have been the larger in these things, that the rising generation may seriously take notice of the many difficulties their poor leaders underwent in the first enterprises towards coming into New England.
16 10. But at last, after all tlieso things, and tlieir long attendance, they had a patent granted them, and con- firmed under the Company's seal.^ But these divisions
* There was a Mr. Staismore among the associates of Henry Jacob, who, after having conferred with Mr. Robinson, in Leyden, laid the foundation of an Inde- pendent or Congregational Church in England in the year 1610. See Neal's Puritans, i. 470. Some fur- ther account of Jacob will be given hereafter in a Note to Bradford's Dialogue.
• The Compter in Wood Street, erected in 1555, was one of the
prison-houses pertaining to the sher- iffs of London. Stow's Survey of London, p. 394, (folio.)
' Morton says, in his Memorial, p. 22, that they ** obtained letters patent for the northern parts of Virginia, of King James, of famous memory." He confounds the king with the Virginia Company. Dud- ley makes the same mistake in his Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, in Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 37. Old- mixon, i. 29, errs in saying that
FROM THE VIRGINU COMPANY. 76
and distractions had shaken off many of their pre- chap.
tended friends, and disappointed them of many of their ^
hoped for and proffered means. By the advice of some ^ ® ^ ®- friends this patent was not taken in the name of any of their own company ^^ but in the name of Mr. John Wincob,' a reUgious gentleman, then belonging to the ^ Countess of Lincoln,^ who intended to go with them. But God so disposed as he never went, nor they never
" Mr. Brewster made an agreement ter of Sir Henry Knevet, and the
with the Company for a large tract dowager of Thomas, the third earl
of land in the southwest paits of of that noble house, who died Jan.
New England,*' an error into which 15, 1G19. Arthur Collins calls her
he was led by Cotton Mather, i. 47. " a lady of great piety and virtue/'
The Virginia Company could grant and Cotton Mather speaks of the
no patent for lands north of the family as " religious," and '* the
40th degree. The authors of the best family of any nobleman tlien
Modern Universal History, xxxix. in England." She was the mother
973, err in stating that " their in- of eighteen children, and wrote a
tention was to have made a settle- book, printed at Oxford in 1681,
mentunder the sanction of Gosnold's entitled, "The Countess of lan-
patenl." Gosnold had no patent. coln*s Nursery,*' on the duty of
Dunlap, Hist, of New York, i. 43, mothers nursing their own chilclren.
and Hugh Murray, Hist, of Bis- This family had a more intimate
coveries in North America, i. 245, connexion with the New England
err in asserting that the agents of settlements, and must have lelt a
the Pilgrims negotiated with the deeper interest in their success, than
Pfymouih Company. See p. 55, any other noble house in England,
note. Two of the first magistrates, or
' The word company I restore assistants, of the Massachusetts Co-
from Hubbard, p. 47. lony had lived many years in the
' Nothing is known of John Win- family as stewards, a capacity which cob. Baylies, in his Memoir of Wincob also may have sustained. Plymouth, i. 17, errs in calling his Frances, a daughter of the Countess, Christian name Jacob. It was pro- married John, son and heir to Sir bably to avoid notoriety and es- Ferdinando Gorges, who took so cape suspicion, that the patent was active a part in the attempts to taken out in the name of an obscure colonize New England. Two other individual, rather than in the name daughters, Susan and Arbella, mar- of the Ekirl of Lincoln, whose grand- ried two other of the principal colo- father, Henry, had been one of the nists of Massachusetts, John Hum- Council of the Virginia Company, frey and Isaac Johnson, and came established by its second charter m over with their husbands to Amcr- 1000. I suppose that in conse- ica. Tho lady Arbella died at the quence of the Jioydnn people being end of August, 1030, about six out of the realm, the patent would weeks after her arrival. '* She not be granted in any of their names, came from a paradise of plenty and See Stith, A pp. p. 10 ; Collinses pleasure, in tho family of a noble Peerage, ii. 102. earldom, into a wilderness of wants,
' The Countess of Lincoln here and took New England in her way
mentioned was Elizabeth, the daugh- to hea^n.*' Like the Spanish lady
76 THE PATENT IS SENT OVER TO LETDEN.
CHAP, made use of this patent, which had cost them so much — ^ labor and charge ; as by the sequel will appear.^ 16 10. xiiis patent being sent over for them to view and consider,^ as also the passages about the propositions between them and such merchants and friends as should eitlier go or ad venture with them, and espe- cially with them on whom they did chiefly depend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been large, they were requested to fit and prepare themselves with all speed.
A right emblem it may be of the uncertain things of this world, that when men have toiled themselves, they vanish into smoke.
mentioned by Peter Martyr, '< per- Hutchinson's Mass. i. 15, 17 ; Ma-
ceivin^ her husband now furnish- thcr*s Magnalia, i. 71, 126 ; Mass.
ing himself to depart to the un- Hist. Cull. viii. 30, 40 ; Eden's
known coasts of the new world, translation of Peter Martyr's De-
and those large tracts of land and cades, p. 84, (ed. 1577.)
sea, she spake these words unto ^ The whole of this paragraph i»
him : Whithersoever your fatal des- contained, almost word for word, ia
tiny shall diive you, either by the Hubbard's History, p. 47, which is
furious waves of the great ocean, conclusive proof that he had seen
or by the manifold and horrible Bradford's History. See Note' on
dangers of the land, I will surely page 58. .-r^JIubbard suys, p. 50»
bear you company. There can no ** tliat a<'patent,ias is afore said, was
peril chance to me so tcrriblu, nor obtained, is'published iu print, and
any kind of death so cruel, that aflirmed by such as yet survive of
shall not be much easier for me to the first planters ; but where it is,
abide, than to live so far separate or how it came to be lost, is not
from you." Her husband survived known to any that belong to the said
her only a month : colony." Hubbard wrote his His-
•• lie tried ^^^Y before 1682. See Mass. Hist.
To live without her, liked It not, and dled.»» Coll. XV. p. iii. — Grahame, i. 410,
errs in asserting that Hubbard'a
The ** right honorable and ap- History has never been published ;
proved virtuous lady, Bridget, Coun- and also in stating that Uov. Brad-
tess of Lincoln," to whom Dudley ford's History of Plymouth Colony
addressed his letter of March 12, has been published.
1631, was the wife of Theophilus, 'Prince, p. 155, quoting from
the son of the Countess mentioned Gov. Bradford's MS. history, in-
in the text, and the daughter of Vis- serts af\er consider, ** with several
count Saye and Sele. See Collins's proposals for their transmigration^
Peerage, ii. 163 ; Burke's Peerage, made by Mr. Thomas Weston,
Clinton and Newcastle ; Wal- of London, merchant, and other
pole's Royal and Noble Authors, friends and merchants as should
li. 272 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 34 ; either," &c.
THE PILGRIMS KEEP A FAST. 77
Upon a receipt of these things by one of their mes- chap. sengers, they had a solemn meeting and a day of hu- — -L. miliation, to seek the Lord for liis direction. And i6so. their pastor took this text " And David's men said *,^|!J^ unto him, See, we be afraid here in Judah. How ''^ much more, if we come to Keilah, against the host of the PhiUstines. Then David asked counsel of the Lord again.'' From which text he taught many things very aptly, and befitting their present occasion and condition, to strengthen them against their fears and perplexities, and encouraging them in their reso- lutions : [and then conclude how many and who should prepare to go first ; ' for all that were willing could not get ready quickly. The greater number being to stay, require their pastor to tarry with them ; their elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with the other ; those who go first to be an absolute church ' of themselves, as well as tlioso that stay ; with this proviso, that as any go over or return, they sliall be reputed as mem- bers, witliout furtlier dismission or testimonial ; and those who tarry, to follow the rest as soon as they can.
* Winslow, in his Brief Narration had not been ** nn absolute chnrch.
says, '* the youngest and strongest of themselves," yet before the for-
part to go ; and they that went mntion of Hif?(;inson*s church at
should freely ofler themselves.** Salem, a majority of the Leyden
' The Church at Plymouth thus conf^regation had actually arrived became the First Independent or at Plymouth, as appears from the Congregational Church in Ameri- note on page 36. Nor is there any ca. Of course the statement of ground for Palfrey's intimation, in Holmes in his accurate Annals of his Centennial Disciiurse at Barn- America, i. 160, that ** the advcn- stable, p. 9, that ** the first church turers and their brethren remaining in Barnstable is the representative in Holland were to continue to be of the first Congregational Church on« church," is incorrect; and the established in England," since it position of Upham, in his eloquent appears from p. 21-24, of this vol- Century Lecture, at Salem in 1820, ume, that the exception, on the pre- that the first church in Salem is sumed absence of which he builds •* the First American Congroga- this opinion, was an actual fact, tional Church," cannot be main- namely, that ** Hobinson*s church tained. Even if the first colonists now surviving in that of Plymouth,
78 THB PILGRIMS PREPARE TO LEAVE HOLLAND.
CHAP. Mr. Weston ' coming to Leyden, the people agree — L. with him on articles both for shipping and money to 1620. assist in their transportation ; then send Mr. Carver ^ and Cushman to England to receive the money and provide for the voyage ; Mr. Cushman at London, Mr. Carver at Southampton. Those who are to go first prepare with speed, sell their estates, put their money into the common stock to be disposed by their mana- gers for making general provisions. There was also one Mr. Martin * chosen in England to join with Mr. Carver and Cushman. He came from Billerica, in Essex; from which county came several others, as also from London and other places, to go with them.]'
In the foregoing five Chapters the reader may take a view of some of the many difficulties our blessed pre- decessors went through in their first achievement of this weighty enterprise of removal of our Church into these American parts. The immediate following re- lations in Mr Bradford's book, out of which divers of these matters are recollected, do more especially con- was organized on Coiigfrogational ccssful attempt to establish a rival principles befure he left the mother colony at VVessagussett, now Wey- country for Holland." With the mouth, will be related hereaAer. History of Gov. Bradford to support lie visited Plymouth twice in 1623, her claims, the First Church at and again in 1624, and then sailed Plymouth cannot recognise the pre- for Virginia. He died at Bristol, tcnsitms of any other American (Eng.) in the time of the civil war. church to priority of existence. See Prince, pp. 216, 222, 224;
* Thomas Weston was one of Morton's Memorial, p. 105. the most active of the merchant ' This was undoubtedly Mr. adventurers, and Hubbard says, p. Christopher Martin, who, with his 72, that ho had disbursed £500 to wife and two children, came over advance the interest of Plymouth in the Mayflower. His name colony. Edward Winslow says, stands the ninth in the subscrip- in 1622, ** he formerly deserved tion to the Compact signed at Cape well of us,*' and Bradford, in 1623, Cod, Nov. 11, 1620, and he died that ho ** becomes our enemy on all Jan. 8, 1621.
occasions." He employed several ' The passage included in brack- vessels in trade and Ashing on the ets is taken from Prince, p. 156, coast of New England. His unsuc- who copied it from Bradford's MS.
CONDITIONS AND LETTERS. 79
cern the conditions of their agreement with several chap. merchant adventurers towards the voyage, &c. as also — ^ several letters sent to and fro from friend to friend 1 6 2 o. relating to the premises, which are not so pertinent to the nature of this small History. Wherefore I shall here omit to insert them,^ judging them not so suitable to my present purpose ; and here also cease to follow the foregoing method by way of Chapters."
* It 18 much to be regretted that bardie History, and their existence
Morton did not see fit to copy these in it puts it beyond a doubt that he
letters. It will be seen, a few had both seen and used Bradford's
pages further on, that he a^ain MS. notwithstanding Prince's as-
testifies that "their transactmgs sertion to the contrary. See Note'
with the merchant adTcnturers on page 58.
were penned at large in Mr. Brad- ' For the sake of uniformity I
ford's book." Though omitted in have taken the liberty still ** to fol-
this copy, " the Conditions " were low the foreffoing method by way
fortunately presenred from oblivion of chapters,'' and the rather as I
by Hubbara, and we are thus ena- find that Morton has presenred in
bled to present them in the next his Memorial, pp. 30, 37, and 67,
Chapter. They are undoubtedly the original titles of three of GroT.
the roost Taluable portion of Huth- Bradford's chapters.
CHAPTER VI.
THE CONDITIONS OP THEIR AGREEMENT WITH SEVERAL MERCHANT ADVENTURERS TOWARDS THE VOYAGE.
CHAP. [About tliis time they were informed by Mr. Wes- — L. ton and others, that sundry honorable lords and worthy 162 0. gentlemen had obtained a large patent from the King for the more nortlierly part of Americai distinct from the Virginia patent, and wholly excluded from tlieir government, and to be called by another name, viz. New England.' Unto which Mr. Weston and the chiefest of them began to incline, thinking it was best for them to go tliitlicr ; as for otlier reasons, so chiefly
* On the 23d of July, 1620, King James gave a warrant to his soli- citor. Sir Thomas Coventry, to prepare a new patent for the incor- poration of the adventurers to the northern colony of Virginia, be- tween 40 and 48 dagrees north, which patent the king signed on Nov. 3, styling them** The Council established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New England, in America," which' is the great civil basis of all the future patents and plantations, that divide this country. Prince, p. 160. See the patent in Hazard, 1. 101 ; and the warrant in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 64.
The name of New England was first given, in 1614, by the famous Capt. John Smith, to North Vir- ginia, lying between the degrees of 41 and 45. In that year he ranged along the coast, from the Penobscot to Cape Cod, in a small boat, with eight men. **I took the descrip- tion '* he says ** of the coast as well by map as writing, and called it New England. At my humble suit, Charles, Prince of Wales, was pleased to confirm it by that title.'* Smith, in Mass. Hist. Cull, xxiii. 20. This map was published with his **Descriptionof New England,*' in 1616. They are both reprinted in Muss. Ifibt Cull, xxiii. 1, and xxvi. 95—110.
THE PILGRmS MEET WITH DISCOURAGEMENTS.
81
for the hope of present profit, to be made by fishing ^ chap. on tlmt coast. But in all business the active port is — L most difficult, especially when there ore many agents i^so. tliat may be concerned. So it wos found in them ; for some of them who should have gone in England, fell off, and would not go. Other merchants and friends, that prollcred to adventure tlieir money, with- drew and pretended many excuses; some disliking they went not to Guiana ; otliers would do nothing unless they went to Virginia ; and many who were most relied on refused to adventure if they went thither. In the midst of tliese difficulties, they of Ley- den were driven to great straits ; but at the length, the generality was swayed to the better opinion. IIow- beit, the patent for the nortliern part of the country not being fully settled at that time, they resolved to ad- venture with tliat patent they had, intending for some place more southward tlian that they fell upon in tlicir voyage, at Cape Cod, as may appear afterwards. The CONDITIONS, on which those of Leydcn en- gaged with the merchants, the adventurers,' were hard
^ Edward Winslow says, in his Brief Narration, that on Kin^ James oskinc tho agents of the Pilgrims *• what profits might arise in the part thoy intended, it was answered, Fishing."
I know not what authority Hutch- inson had for asserting, ii. 472, that ** their views when they left England were rather to establish a factory than a colony. They had no notion of cultivating any more ground than would aflurd their own necessary provisions, but proposed that their chief secular employment should be commerce with the na- tives.*' This seems inconsistent with the views with which they left Holland ; and the simple fact
11
of their bringing their wives and children with tiicm is conclusive evidence that they came to estab- lish a permanent colony, in which the several occupations of farming, fishing, and trading, would each have Its proper place.
' Little is known of these mer- chant adventurers. Capt. John Smith, a good authority in such matters, writing in 1624, says that *' the adventurers which raised the stock to begin and supply this plan- tation, were about seventy, some gentlemen, some merchants, some handicraftsmen, some adventuring great sums, some small, as their estates and affection served. These dwell most about London. They
82 THB CONDITIONS OF TIIB PARTNERSHIP
CHAP, enough at the first for the poor people, that were to — -L adventure their persons as well as their estates. Yet 1620. were their agents forced to change one or two of theiUi to satisfy the merchants, who were not willing to be concerned with them ; although the altering them with- out their knowledge or consent was very distasteful to them, and became the occasion of some contention amongst them afterwards. They are these that follow.
1. The adventurers and planters do agree, that every person that goeth, being sixteen years old and upward, be rated at ten pounds, and that ten pounds be accounted a single share.
2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth himself out with ten pounds, either in money or other provisions, be accounted as having twenty pounds in stock, and in the division shall receive a double share.
3. The persons transported and the adventurers shall continue their joint stock and partnership the space of seven years, except some unexpected im- pediments do cause the whole Company to agree otherwise ; during which time all profits and benefits that are gotten by trade, traffic, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means, of any other person or persons, shall remain still in the common stock until the division.
4. That at their coming there they shall choose out such a number of fit persons as may furnish their ships
are not a corporation, but knit to- served by Gov. Bradford, were very
gether b^ a voluntary combination friendly to the Colony, and a few
in a society without constraint or came over and settled in it. Others
penalty, aiming to do good and to were unreasonable, clamorous, and
plant religion." Smith's Gen. Hist, hostile. Their names in 1626 are
of Virginia, ii. 251. Some of these preserved. See Mass. Hist. Coll.
merchants, as appears from tho lii. 27 — 34,48. Correspondence with them pro-
WITH TH£ MERCHANT ADVENTURERS. 83
and boats for fishing upon tlie sea ; employing the chap. rest in their several faculties upon the land, as build- — L. ing houses, tilling and planting the ground, and mak- leso. ing such commodities as shall be most useful for the Colony.
6. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and tlie profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods, and chat- tels, be equally divided among tlio adventurers. If any debt or detriment concerning this adventure *
6. Whosoever cometh to the Colony hereafter, or putteth any thing into the stock, shall at the end of the seven years be allowed proportionally to the time of his so doing.
7. He that shall carry his wife, or children, or ser- vants, shall be allowed for every person, now aged sixteen years and upward, a single share in the divi- sion; or if he provide them necessaries, a double share ; or if they be between ten years old and six- teen, then two of them to be reckoned for a person, both in transportation and division.
8. That such children that now go and are under the age of ten years, have no other share in the divi- sion than fifty acres of unmanured land.
9. That such persons as die before the seven years be expired, their executors to have their parts or share at the division, proportionably to the time of tlieir life in the Colony,
10. That all such persons as are of the Colony are to have meat, drink, and apparel, and all provisions, out of the common stock and goods of the said Colony.
^ Here something secins to bo might, possibly, bo filled up from
wanting, of the nature of a new the MS. copy of Hubbard in Eng-
article or condition, which cannot land. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii.
now be supplied. This hiatus 286—290.
84 TH£ PILGRIMS ACCEPT TUB HARD CONDITIONS.
CHAP. The difference between the conditions thus ex-
VI.
— L pressed and the former, before tlieir alteration, stood 1 6 2 0. in these two points ; first, that the houses and lands improved, especially gardens and home-fields, should remain undivided, wholly to tlie planters, at the seven years' end ; secondly, that the planters should have two days in the week for their own private employ- ment, for the comforX of themselves and their families, especially such as had them to take care for.^
The altering of tliose two conditions was very afflic- tive to the minds of such as were concerned in the voyage. But Mr. Cushman, their principal agent, answered the complaints peremptorily, that unless they had so ordered tlie conditions, the whole design would have fallen to the ground ; and necessity, they said,
* Robertson says, in his History ** imitation of the primitive Chris- of America, book x., '* Under the tians/* in forming their ioint stock influence of this ivild notion — that company. They entered into this the Scriptures contain a complete hard and disadvantageous engage- system not only of spiritual inatruc- ment with the merchant adven- tion, but of civil wisdom and polity turers not voluntarily, but of neces- — the colonists of New Plymouth, sity, in order to obtain shipping for in imitation of the primitive Chris- transporting themselves to Amer- tians, threw all their property into ica ; and thoy put their own littlo a common stock.** This miaroprc- properly into a common fund in sentaiiun, which ho professes to order to purchase provisions for the derive from Chalmers, p. 00, and voyage. It was a partnership that Douglass, p. 370, (though there is was instituted, not a community of nothing in either of them to sane- goods, as that phrase is commonly tion the statement,) is repeated sUb- understood. They dissolved this stantially by Grahame, i. 194, and partnership, and set up for them- verhally by Murray, Hist, of North selves, as soon as they were able; Anicrica, 1. 1210. It is to bu regret- as will bo seen hereaficr. ted that credit and countenance The charge is destitute of foun- sliould have been given to such an dation even in regard to the prinii- imputalion on the good seiiao of tive Christians. **' Nothing like a the Pilgrims, by so respectable an community of goods,'* says Mil- American writer as Chief Justice man, '* ever appears to have pre- Marshall, in his Life of Washing- vailed in the Christian community, ton, i. 03, (first ed.) and in his His- Mosheim appears to me to have tory of the American Colonies, p. proved this point conclusively.*' 81. See Milnian*s History of Christian- There is no foundation for this ity, i. 380, and Mosheim^s Disser- charge. The Plymouth pe(»plo were taiion ** Do vcia naluia commu- not ^' misguided by their religious nionis boiioruni in eoclesia Hiero- thcorics,** nor influenced by an solyniitai.il/* Dibs. ii. 1 —53.
A VESSEL AND PILOT ARE PROVIDED.
85
4.
having no law, they were constrained to be silent, chap.
The poor planters met with much difficulty both L.
before and after the expiring of the seven years, and 1 6 8 o. found much trouble in making up accounts with the adventurers about the division ; at which time, though those that adventured their money were no great gainers, yet those tliat adventured tlieir lives in carrying on the business of the Plantation were by much the greatest sufferers.] ^
[Mr. Robinson writes to Mr. Carver, and com- June plains of Mr. Weston's neglect in getting shipping in England ; for want of which tliey are in a piteous case at Leyden. And S. F., E. W., W. B., and J. A.* write from Leyden to Mr. Carver and Cushman, that the coming of Mr. Nash ' and their pilot is a great encouragement to them.
Mr. Cushman, in a letter from London to Mr. Car- ver at Southampton, says that Mr. Crabe, a minister, had promised to go, but is much opposed, and like to fail ; and in a letter to tlie people at Leyden, tliat he had hired another pilot, one Mr. Clark,^ who went last year to Virginia ; that he is getting a ship, hopes he shall make all ready at London in fourteen days, and would have Mr. Reynolds tarry in Holland, and bring tlie ship * there to Southampton.] *
10.
10.
' The passage within brackets is taken from Hubbard's History. It is impossible to say whore he ob- tained it, except from Bradford's MS. It is to be found nowhere else, and is essential to the com- pleteness of the History. I have taken care to collate Hubbard*s MS. which is in the aichivps of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
• These doubtless are the initials of Samuel Fuller, Edward Wins- low, William Bradford, and Isaac AUerton.
' The name of Thomas Nash is subscribed, with others, to a letter written at Leyden Nov. 30, 1625, addressed to Bradford and Brewster. See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 44.
* Clark, as will be seen hereafter, was master's mate on board the Mayflower.
* The small ship, catted the Speedwell, of which Reynolds was captain.
* These last two paragraphs are taken from Prince, p. 158, who copied them from Bradford's MS.
CHAPTER Vll.
OF THEIR DEPARTURE FROM LEYDEN, AND EI^IBARKATION
FROM DELFT-HAVEN.
^vit.^ After such travail and turmoils' and debates which "''"^^' they went through, things were gotten ready for then: ^^' departure from Leyden. A small ship was provided in Holland, of about sixty tons, which was intended, as to serve to transport some of them over the seas, so to stay in the country and to tend upon fishing and such other aflairs aB might be for the good and benefit of tlie whole, when they should come to the place intended.^ Another was hired at London, of burden about nine- score, and all other things got in a readiness.
' " Much of their troubles re- specting this matter is not express- ed in this book." — Morton^s Note, ' This vessel was less than the average size of the fishinff-smacks that go to the Grand Bank. This seems a frail bark in which to cross a stormy ocean of three thousand miles in extent. Yet it should bo remembered, that two of the ships of (yuhimims on his first during and erilous vuyago of dibcovery wero ight vessels, without decks, littlo superior to the small cra(\ that ply on our rivers and along our coasts. Peter Martyr d'Anghicra, the con- temporary of Columbus, and the first writer who mentions the dis- covery of America, says ** Ex regio fiscu destinata sunt tria navigia ; unum onerarium cavatum, alia duo
I
levia mercatoria, sine caveis quas ab Hispanis caravclae vocantur.*' De Orbe Novo, dec i. cap. i. (p. 3, ed. 1587.) ** At the length three ships were appointed him at the king*s charges ; of the which one was a great carrack with decks, and the other two light merchant ships without decks, which tho Spaniards call caravels." (IMen's tiuns. ]>. 8, {if\, ir>77.) Frobishor*s licet consisted of two barks of twenty-five tons each, and a pin- nace of ten tons, when he sailed in 157G, to discover a north-west pas- sage to the Indies. Sir Francis Drake, too, embarked on his voyage for circumnavigating the globe, in 1577, with five vessels, of which the largest was of one hundred, and the smallest of fifteen tons.
THE PILORIKS LEAVE LEYDEN. 87
So being ready to depart, tlicy had a day of solemn chap.
humiliation, their pastor taking his text from Ezra the
viiith, 21. " And there, at the river, by Ahava, I pro- i ««o. claimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves before our God, and seek of him a right way for us, and for our children, and for all our substance." Upon which he spent a good part of the day very profitably, and suitably to tlieir present occasion.^ The rest of the time was spent in pouring out prayers to the Lord with great fervency, mixed with abundance of tears. And the time being come that they must depart, they were accompanied witli tlie most of their brethren out j^iy of tlic city unto a town sundry miles off, called Delft- ^*' Ilaven,^ where tlie ship lay ready to receive them. So they left that goodly and pleasant city, which had been their resting-place near twelve years. But they knew they were Pilgrims,' and looked not much on ^•^^ those things, but lifted up their eyes to heaven, their dearest country, and quieted their spirits.
The bark in which Sir Humphrey Robinson's farewell discourse. It
Gilbert perished was of ten tons will be found in his Brief Narra-
only. The Little James, which the tion, in a subsequent part of this
Company sent over to Plymouth in irolume ; but it ought to be read in
July 1623, was a pinnace of only this connexion, forty-four tons. See Navarrete, ' Delf\-Haven is a commodious
Coleccion de Viages, ii. p. II, Doc. port on the north side of the Mcuse,
Diplom. 7 ; Irving*s Life of Colum- two miles south-west fxom Ilottcr-
bus, L 113, iii. 303 — 306 ; Kippis*s dam, eight miles from Deld, and
Biog. Britann. v. 345 ; Aikin*B Cen. aliout fourteen miles south of Ley-
Biog. iii. 440, iv. 240; Prince, p. den.
220. — Mather, i. 47, is inaccurate ' "I think I may with singular
in stating that the Speedwell was propriety call their lives a pifgrim-
hired^ in which error he is followed age. Most of them left England
by the authors of the Mod. Univ. about the year 1600, afler the truce
Hist, xxxix. 272. — In a vessel of with the Spaniards, young men be-
the same name, of fifty tons. Mar- tween twenty and thirty years of
tin Pring had in 1603 coasted along age. They spent near twelve years,
the shores of New England. See strangers among the Dutch, first at
Prince, p. 102 ; Belknap, ii. 124. Amsterdam, afterwards at Leyden.
* Edward Winslow, who was After havinff arrived to the meridi-
present, has preserved a portion of an of life, the declining part was to
88
TUB SAD PARTING AT DELFT-HAYCN.
22.
CHAP. When they came to the place, they found the ship vi^-~ and all things ready; and such of their friends as 16 2 0. could not come with them, followed after them ; and sundry also came from Amsterdam ^ to see them ship- ped, and to take their leave of them. That night was spent with little sleep by the most, but with friendly entertainment^ and Christian discourse, and other July real expressions of true Christian love. The next day, the wind being fair, they went on board, and their friends with them ; when truly doleful was the sight of that sad and mournful parting ; to see what sighs and sobs and prayers did sound amongst them ; what tears did gush from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced each other's heart ; that sundry of the Dutch strangers, that stood on the quay as spectators, could not refrain from tears. Yet comfortable and sweet it was to see such lively and true expressions of dear and unfeigned love. But the tide, which stays for no man, calling them away, tliatwere tlms loth to depart, their reverend pastor, falling down on his knees, and they all with him, with watery cheeks commended them, with most fervent prayers, to the Lord and his blessing ; and then, with mutual embraces and many tears, they took their leaves of one another, which proved to be their last leave to many of them.^ Thus hoisting sail, witli a prosperous wind,^ they
bo spent in another world , among savages, of whom every European must have received a most unfavor- able, if not formidable idea. * Tan- turn religio potuit suadere.* ** — Hutchinson, Hist. Mass. ii. 452.
The term Pilgrims belongs ex- clusively to the Plvmouth colonists.
* The distance from Amsterdam to Delft-Haven is about 36 miles.
• Prince, p. 159, reads 67i/<T/at7itn^.
' This scene is the subject of one of the great national pictures in the rotunda of the capitol at Washing- ton. It was painted by Robert W. Weir, Ksq.
^ Edward Winslow says, in his Brief Narration, ** We gave them a volley of small shot and three pieces of ordnance.*'
THE PILGRIMS ARRIVE AT, SOUTHAMPTON. 89
came in a short time to Southampton,' where they chap.
found the bigger ship come from London,' lying ready .^ L
with all the rest of their company. After a joyful wel- 1 6 9o. come and mutual congratulatioUi with other friendly entertainments, they fell to parley about their proceed- ings. [Seven hundred pounds sterling are laid out at Southampton, and they carry about seventeen hun- dred pounds venture with them; and Mr. Weston comes thither from London to see them despatched.] *
A brief Letter written by Mr. John Robinson to Mr. John Carver J at their parting aforesaid^ in which the tender love and godly care of a true pastor appears.
My Dear Brother,
I received enclosed your last letter and note of in- formation, which I shall carefully keep and make use of, as there shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of your perplexity of mind and toil of body ; but I hope that you, having always been able so plentifully to administer comfort unto others in their trials, are so well furnished for yourself, as that far greater difficul- ties than you have yet undergone (though I conceive them to be great enough) cannot oppress you, though they press you, as the Apostle speaketh. " The spirit xhiTm. of a man (sustained by the Spirit of God) will sustain
' Southampton is a seaport in ' AfVer London, Prince, p. 160,
Hampshire, situated at the head of inserts from Got. Bradford's MS.,
an estuary, running up from the '* Mr. Jones master, with the rest
isle of Wight, called the Southamp- of the company, who had been
ton Water. It was the rendezvous waiting there with Mr. Cushman
of seTen of Winthrop's fleet in seven days."
March, 1630, when he was prepar- ' The sentence in brackets is
ing to transport his colony to Massa- from Prince, p. 160, who quotes
chusetts Bay. See Savage's Win- Bradford's MS. throp, i. 8, 366.
19.
90 ROBINSON'S LETTER TO CARVER.
CHAP, his infirmity." I doubt not so will yours ; and the — 1^ better much, when you shall enjoy the presence and 1620. help of so many godly and wise brethren, for the bear- ing of part of your burden ; who also will not admit into their hearts the least thought of suspicion of any the least negligence, at least presumption, to have been in you, whatsoever they think in others.* Now what shall I say or write unto you and your good wife, my loving sister ? Even only this ; I desire, and always shall, mercy and blessing unto you from tlie Lord, as unto my own soul ; and assure yourself that my heart is with you, and that I will not foreslow ^ my bodily coming at the first opportunity. I have written a large letter to the whole, and am sorry I shall not rather speak than write to them ; and the more, consid- ering the want of a preacher,^ which I shall also make some spur to my hastening towards you. I do ever commend my best affection unto you ; which if I thought you made any doubt of, I would express in more, and the same more ample and full words. And the Lord, in whom you trust, and whom you serve ever in this business and journey, guide you with his hand, protect you with his wing, and show you and us his salvation in the end, and bring us, in the mean
' This sentence indicates tlie great the burden of government was ex- confidence reposed in Carver by the pectod to rest on him, as it after- Church. His being sent as their wards turned out. See Hutchinson, first and principal agent to England, ii. 456. shows that he was a leading and ' Foreslow, — delay, trusted man among the Pilgrims, a 'It appears from page 85, that fact which is confirmed by the cir- ** Mr. Crabe, a minister, had prom- cumstance of his bein^ selected by ised to go.'' They suffered much Robinson as the individual to whom afterward for want of a regular to address this parting letter. Some pastor, passages in it seem to betoken that
ROBINSON'S LETTER TO HIS FLOCK. 91
while, together in the place desired (if such be his chap.
good will) for his Christ's sake. Amen. . L
Yours, 168 0.
John Robinson.
July 27th, 1620.
This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see from him.'
At their parting, Mr. Robinson^ writ a letter to the whole company, which, although it hath already been printed, yet I thought good here Ukewise to insert it.'
Loving Christian Friends,
1 do heartily and in the Lord salute you, as being those witli whom I am present in my best affections, and most earnest longings after you, though I be con- strained for a while to be bodily absent from you. I say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and much rather than otlierwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first brunt, were I not by strong necessity held back for the present. Make account of me, in the mean while, as of a man divided in myself witli great pain, and as (natural bonds set aside) hav- ing my better part with you. And though I doubt not but in your godly wisdom you both foresee and resolve upon that which concerneth your present state and con- dition, both severally and jointly, yet have I thought it but my duty to add some furtlier spur of provoca-
' Carvor died in April, IG21. the Plymoulh colonists in Dec.
' Oldmixon, i. 20, errs in sayin^^ 1021, and in lOGO, in Morton's New
that ** Mr. Robinson did not hve to Kiiglancrs Memorial. There are
fro in person '' with the first colo- eouic variations in the text of these
nists. lie lived till 1G25. several copies. It is not in NeaPs
' It was printed in 1G22, in the New England, as stated by Prince,
Relation, or Journal, sent over by p. 160.
92 ROBINSON'S LBTTBR OP ADTICB
CHAP, tion to thenii that run well already ; if not because ^^vJ. you need it, yet because I owe it in love and duty.
j^f ^' ^^^ ^^^ ^ ^^ ^^ ^^^'y ^^ renew our repentance with our God, especially for our sins known, and gen- erally for our unknown sins and trespasses, so doth the Lord call us in a singular manner, upon occasions of such difficulty and danger as lieth upon you, to a both more narrow search and careful reformation of our ways in his sight ; lest he calling to remembrance our sins forgotten by us or unrepented of, take advan- tage against us, and in judgment leave us for the same to be swallowed up in one danger or other. Whereas, on the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest repentance, and the pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up unto a man's conscience by his Spirit, great shall be his security and peace in all dangers, sweet his comforts in all distresses, with happy deliverance from all evil, whether in Ufe or in death. Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our own consciences, we are carefully to provide for peace with all men, what in us lictli, especially witli our associates; and for that end, watchfulness must be had, that we neither at all in ourselves do give, no, nor easily take offence, being given by others. Wo be unto the world for offences ; for although it be neces- sary (considering tlie malice of Satan and man's cor-
x^m\ ruption) that offences come, yet wo unto that man, or woman either, by whom the offence cometh, saith
/,c«[- Christ. And if offences in the unseasonable use of things in themselves indifferent be more to be feared than death itself, as the Apostle teacheth, how much more in things simply evil, in which neither honor of God nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded.
TO THS WHOLE COMPANY. 93
Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep ourselves, by chap. the grace of God, from giving offence, except withal — L. we be armed against the taking of them, when they ^^f^* be given by others. For how unperfect and lame is the work of grace in that person who wants charity to cover a multitude of offences,^ as the Scripture speaks. " Neitlier are you to be exiiorted to tiiis grace only upon the common grounds of Christianity, which are, that persons ready to take offence, either want charity to cover offences,^ or wisdom duly to weigh human frail- -- ties, or, lastly, are gross though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teacheth ; as indeed, in my own ex- ^^^ perience, few or none have been found which sooner give offence, tlian such as easily take it ; neither have tliey ever proved sound and profitable members in societies, which have nourished this touchy humor. But, besides these, there are divers motives provoking you, above others, to great care and conscience this way. As first, you are many of you strangers, as to the persons, so to the infirmities one of another, and so stand in need of more watchfulness this way ; lest, when such things fall out in men and women as you suspected not, you be inordinately affected with them ; which doth require at your hands much wisdom and charity, for the covering and preventing of incident offences that way. And lastly, your intended course of civil community will minister continual occasion of
* The passaf^e between ' and ' — the recurrence of the word of- is omitted in Morton's copy, in the fences — the eye of the transcriber Church Records, but is restored plancing over the intervening words, from his Memorial, p. 2G. It is This is what the critics call an also contained in the Relation or dfwioillnvjop. See Le Clcrc^s Ars Journal mentioned in the Note on Critica, ii. 40. Michaelis, Introd. page 01. The cause of this acci- N. T. i. 271, (Marsh's ed.) ; Wet- dental omission is evident enough stein, N. T. ii. 863.
94
ROBINSOJN*S LETTER OP ADVICE
CHAP. ofTence, and will be as fuel for that fire, except you
, ^ diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And
1620. if taking of ofience causelessly or easily at men's doings be so carefully to be avoided, how much more heed is to be taken that we take not ofience at God himself ; which yet we certainly do, so ofl; as we do murmur at his providence in our crosses, or bear impatiently such afilictions as wherewith he pleaseth to visit us. Store we up therefore patience against the evil day ; without which we take ofience at the Lord himself in his holy and just works.
A fourth thing there is carefully to be provided for, to wit, that with your common employments you join common afiections, truly bent upon the general good ; avoiding, as a deadly plague of your both common and special comfort, all retiredncss of mind for proper advantage, and all singularly affected any manner of way. Let every man repress in himself, and the whole body in each person, as so many rebels against the common good, all private respects of men's selves, not sorting with the general convcnicncy. And as men arc careful not to have a new house shaken with any violence before it be well settled, and the parts firmly knit, so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much more careful that the house of God, which you are, and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessary novel- ties, or other oppositions, at the first settling thereof.*
' ** Plutarch,** says Jeremy Tay- lor, *' compares a new marriage to a vessel before the hoops are on.** *• Therefore '* Plutarch adds, " it be- hooves those people who are newly married to avoid the first occasions of discord and dissension ; consid- ering that vessels newly formed are subject to be bruised and put out
of shape by many slight acci- dents ; but when the materials come once to be settled and hardened by time, nor fire nor sword will hardly prejudice the solid substance.** See Plutarch's Morals, iii. 17, (cd. 1694) ; Taylor's Works, v. 260, (IIeber*8 ed.)
TO THE WHOLE COMPANY. 96
Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, chap. using amongst yourselves civil government, and are — L not furnished with any persons of special eminency 1 6 9 o. above the rest to be chosen by you into office of gov- ernment, let your wisdom and godliness appear not only in choosing such persons as do entirely love and will diUgently promote the common good, but also in yielding unto them all due honor and obedience in their lawful administrations, not beholding in them the ordinariness of their persons, but God^s ordinance for your good ; nor being Uke the foolish multitude, who more honor the gay coat than either the virtuous mind of tlic man, or glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better things, and that the image of tlie Lord^s power and autliority, which tlic magistrate beareth, is honorable, in how mean persons soever. And this duty you both may the more wilUngly and ought the more conscionably to perform, because you are, at least for the present, to have only them for your ordinary governors which yourselves shall make choice of for that work.
Sundry other things of importance I could put you in mind of, and of those before mentioned in more words. But I will not so far wrong your godly minds as to think you heedless of these tilings ; there being also divers among you so well able to admonish both themselves and others of what concerneth them. These few things, therefore, and the same in few words, I do earnestly commend unto your care and conscience, joining therewith my daily, incessant prayers unto the Lord, that He who hath made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, and whose providence is over all his works,
96 ROBINSON'S LETTER OF ADVICE.
CHAP, especially over all his dear children, for good,
w-v^ would so guide and guard you in your ways, as
16 20. inwardly by his Spirit, so outwardly by the hand of
his power, as that botli you, and we also, for and
with you, may have after matter of praising his
name all the days of your and our Uves. Fare you
well in Him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest
An unfeigned well-wisher of your
Happy success is this hopeful voyage,
John Robinson.
This letter, though large, being so fruitful in itself and suitable to their occasions, I thought meet to in- sert in this place.^
' There is no date to this letter; In that letter Robinson sa]rs, "I but it was writen about the same have written a large letter to the time as the one to Carver, since whole.'*
CHAPTER VIII.
OP THE TROUBLES THAT BEFELL THE FIRST PLANTERS UPON THE COAST OF ENGLAND, AND IN THEIR VOYAGE IN COMING OVER INTO NEW ENGLAND, AND THEIR ARRI- VAL AT CAPE COD, ALIAS CAPE JAMES.
All things being got ready, and every business chap
despatched, the company was called together, and . 1
tliis letter read amongst them; which had good 1 69 o. acccption with nil, and allcr fruit with many. Then tlicy ordered and distributed their company for either ship, as tliey conceived for the best, and chose a governor and two or three assistants for each ship, to order the people by the way, and to see to the disposing of their provisions, and such like affairs ; all which was not only with the Uking of the masters of the ships, but according to their desires.
Which being done, they set sail ^ from thence about . the fifth of August.^ [But, alas, the best enterprises 5.
' Smith, in his New England *8 appear in the book entitled New
Trials, printed in 1622, and Fur- England's Memorial, page 31 ; and
chas, in his Pilgrims, iv. 1840, likewise of the voyage, and how
printed in 1625, say they sailed they passed the sea, and of their
'* with about 120 persons.** safe arrival at Cape Cod, see New
* '* But what befell them further England's Memorial, page 33.*'
upon the coast of. England, will Morton* $ Note.
l!l
98 THET ARB COMPELLED TO PUT BACK TWICE.
CHAP, meet bflentimes with many discouragements. For
. ^ they had not sailed far, before Mr. Reynolds, the
16 20. master of the lesser ship, complained that he found his ship so leaky, as he durst not put further to sea. Aug. On which they were forced to put in at Dartmouth, Mr. Jones, the master of the biggest ship, likewise putting in there with him ; and the said lesser ship was searched, and mended, and judged sufficient for the voyage by the workmen that mended her. On Aug. which both the said ships put to sea the second time. But they had not sailed above a hundred leagues, ere the said Reynolds again complained of his ship being so leaky as that he feared he should founder in the sea if he held on ; and then both ships bore up again, and went in at Plymouth.^ But being there searched again, no great matter appeared, but it was judged to be the general weakness of tlie ship.
But tlie true reason of the retarding and delaying of matters was not as yet discerned. The one of them respecting tlie ship, (as aflerwards was found,) was that she was overmasted ; which when she came to her trim in that respect, she did well, and made divers profitable and successful voyages. But second- ly, and more especially by the deceit of the master and his company, who were hired to stay a whole
As this account of the voyage it from what is contained in the
is substantially Bradford's, as ap- Church records, pears from comparing it with the ' Grahame, i. 190, errs in saying
extracts from his MS. in Prince, that *' the emigrants were at first
and as Morton refers to his Memo- driven back by a storm^ which de-
rial merely to save the labor of slroyed one of their vessels ; " and
copying, and would undoubtedly Gorges is wrong in staling that
have inserted it had he caused his they sailed in three ships, *' whereof
uncle's History to he printed, I txoo proved unserviceable, and so
have deemed it proper to make it a were left behind." See Mass.
part of the narrative ; enclosing it. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 73. liowuvor, in brackets to distinguish
THET DISBOSS ONE OF THEIR VESSELS. 99
year in the country ; but now fancying dislike, and chap.
fearing want of victuals, they plotted this stratagem ^
to free themselves, as afterwards was known, and by ^?^^* some of them confessed. For they apprehended that the greater ship being of force, and in whom most of the provisions were bestowed, that she should retain enough for herself, whatsoever became of them and the passengers. But so strong was self-love and de- ceit in this man, as he forgot all duty and former kindness, and dealt thus falsely with them.
These things thus falling out, it was resolved by the whole to dismiss tlie lesser ship and part of the company with her, and tliat the other part of the company should proceed in the bigger ship.' Which when they had ordered matters in reference there- unto, tliey made another sad parting, tlie one ship, viz. the lesser, going back for London, and the other, viz. the Mayflower,' Mr. Jones being master, pro- ceeding on in tlie intended voyage.
' Neal, in his History of New them." In the text, too, which is
England, i. 86, says, *' Mr. Cush- Tirtually Bradford*s, we are told,
man and his family, with some '* it was resolTsd by the whole to
others, that were more fearful^ dismiss the lesser snip and part of
went ashore, and did not proceed the company with her.*' It was
on the foyage.'* Baylies, too, in the captain and crew of the Speed-
his Memoir of Plymouth, i. 25. well that weie unwilling to go, not
says, ** about twenty of the pnsscn- his passenf^oTs ; and the error seems
gers wore discouraged^ and would to havo arisen from considering the
not reimhark. There is no ground word company, in the passage *' by
for such an imputation on the cour- the deceit of the master and his
age or perseverance of any of the company," as meaning the emi-
emigrants. The dismissal of a part grants instead of the sailors ; in
was a matter of necessity, as the which latter sense it is constantly
Mayflower could not carry the used at the present day by mer-
whole. Bradford, as quoted by chants and seamen. — Smith and
Prince, p. 161, says, ** they agree Purchas say they discharge twenty
to dismiss her, (the Speedwell,) and of their passengers, those who are willinfr, to return ' The Mayflower is a ship of re-
to London, though this was very nown in the history of the coloni-
?Tievou8 and discouraging ; Mr. zation of New England. She was
/oshman and family returnmg with one of the five vessels which in
100 THEIR LONQ AND BOISTEROUS yOYAaB.
CHAP. These troubles being blown over, and now all be-
\ ing compact together in one ship, they put to sea
16 30. again with a prosperous wind.^ But after they had 6^ ' enjoyed fair winds for a season, they met with many contrary winds and fierce storms, with which their ship was shrewdly shaken, and her upper works made very leaky ; and one of the main beams of the mid- ships was bowed and cracked,' which put them to some fear that she would not be able to perform the voyage ; on which the principal of the seamen and passengers had serious consultation what to do, whether to return or hold on. But the ship proving strong under water, by a screw ^ the said beam was brought into his place again ; which being done, and well secured by the carpenter, they resolved to hold their voyage/ And so, after many boisterous storms, in which tliey could bear no sail, but were forced to lie at hull many days together,^ after long beating at
1639 conveyed Higginson's com- 'Prince, p. 161, reads this woid company to Salem, and also one of wracked in Bradfurd^s MS. the ileet which in 1630 brought ' Prince, p. 101, quotes Brad- ^^ over Winthrop and his Colony to ford*s MS. as saying, ** a passen- Massachusetts Bay. See Savage's ger having brought a great iron Winthrop, i. 2; Hutchinson's Col- screw from Holland." lection of Papers, p. 33 ; Hazard, * '* Nov. 6, dies at sea William i. 27B. Butten, a vouth, and servant to ' With 100 persons, besides the Samuel Fuller, being the only pas- crew of the vessel, according to senger who dies on the voyage." Smith and Purchas — which cor- Bradford, in Prince, p. 161. One responds exactly to the number child was born, and called Oceanus, that arrived at Cape Cod, according the son of Stepliun Hopkins. Brad- to Gov. Bradford's list, preserved ford, in Prince, p. 172. by Prince, p. 172. — Neal, Hist * On Nov. 3, about a week be- N. E. i. 87, Douglass, i. 370, fore their arrival at Cape Cod, King Robertson, IJistory of America, James had signed the patent for the book X., and Marshall, Life of incorpoiaiion of the adventurers to Washington, i. 91, and again Hist, the Northern Colony of Virginia, Amer. Col. p. 30, err in crowding or New England. The Pilgrims, the whole 120 into the ship. Old- however, did not hear of this till the mixon, i. 30, who generally out- arrival of the next ship, the For- does all others in his blunders, tune, in Nov. 1021. See Note on magnifies the number to 150. page 80, and Prince, p. 180.
THEV PALL IN WITH CAPE COD. 101
sea, they fell in with the land called Cape Cod :^ the chap.
. . VIII.
which being made, and certainly known to be it, they '^
were not a little joyful. ^k*^'
After some httle deUberation had amongst them- 9. ' selves with the master of the ship, they tacked about to stand to the southward to find some place about
Hudson's river (according to their first intentions) for their habitations.' But they had not sailed that course
' Cape Cod, the most romarka- Cape is called Nieaw HoUant, and ble feature in the connguration of the northern extremity is odled the New England coast, and the Staaten Hoeck, State Point, or first spot in it ever pressed by the Witte Hoeck, White Point, proba- footstens of Englishmen, was dis- bly from the white sand hills. The covorcu May 15, i0()3, by Dartholo- French called it, for the same rea- mew Gosnold, who gave it the name son. Cap Blanc. Capt. John Smith, on account of the abundance of cod who surveyed the coast in 1614, which he caught in its neighbour- says, "Cape Cod is a headland hood. John Brereton, who was one of high hills of sand, overgrown of the companions of Gosnold, and with shrubby pines, hursts, and such wrote a Journal of the voyage, says, trash, but an excellent harbour for they first made land May 14, in lat. all weathers. This Cape is made 43^, and '* about three of the clock by the main sea, on the one side, the same day in the afternoon we and a great bay on the other, in weighed, and standing southerly off form of a sickle. On it doth inhabit into the sea the rest of that day and the people of Pawmet.*' Charles, the night following, with a fresh Prince of Wales, altered its name gale of wind, in the morning we to Cape James, in honor of his found ourselves embayed with a father. But the original name could mighty headland. — At length we not be so easily supplanted; '* a perceived this headland to be parcel name," says Cotton Mather, *' which of the main. — In five or six hours I suppose it will never lose till we pestered our ship so with cod- shoals of codfish be seen swimming fi8h,that we threw numbers of them on its highest hills." See Pur- overboard again. — We sailed round chases Pilgrims, iv. 1647; iiL 587; about this headland almost all the De Laet, Indie Occidentalis De- points of the compass, the shore scriptio, p. 70; Moulton^s N. Y. very bold, the land somewhat low, p. 206 ; N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 121 ; full of ffoodly woods, but in some Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 110; Ma- places plain." Henry Hudson, Aug. therms Magnalia, i. 43. Brereton^s 3, 1009, saw land in 41^ 43', and Journal is printed entire in the sailing north, anchored at the north Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 83. end of this headland. Five of his ' There can be nfi doubt that the men went on shore and ** found Pilgrims intended to settle in the goodly grapes and rose trees, and neighbourhood of Hudson*s river, brought them aboard with them." This is evident from the early nar- Supposing it to be an island, and ratives written by Bradford and that he was its first discoverer, he Winslow. As their patent fmm the called it New Holland. In a Dutch Virginia Company did not authorize map, printed at Amsterdam in 1650, them to plant themselves north of -^ by Nicholas John Vischer, the whole the 40ih degree, they probably de-
102 THET STAND SOUTH FOR HUDSON'S RIVER.
CHAP, above half a day before they fell amongst perilous
. 1 shoals and breakers,^ and they were so far entangled
1^20. therewith as they conceived themselves in great dan- 9. ger ; and the wind shrinking upon them withal, they
signed to settle south of the Hud- is true, that he ** had laie and cer-
son, somewhere in New Jersey. Iain intelligence of this plot." If
But head winds, the shoals and it had been earfy intelligeoce, it
breakers of Cape Cod, and the late- would have been more certain. But
ness of the season, conspired to Morton was only eleyen years old
prevent their original purpose. As when he came over with his father
Belknap says, ii. 188, ''having to Plymouth in 1023 ; and in 1660,
been so long ai sea, the sight of wheu he published his book, most
any land was welcome to women of the first comers were dead, who
and children ; the new danger was could have furnished credibk infur-
formidable ; and the eagerness of mation on this point. They had
the passengers to be set on shore died, and "given no sign" — not
was irresistible." even lisped a syllable of complaint
Morton, in his Memorial, gives against the master of the Mayflower,
another account of the matter. He It was too late then to get certain
says, p. 34, "Their putting into intelligence of a fact that had si um-
ihis place, (Cape Cod harbour,) was bered for fifly years, and which, if
partly by reason of a storm, by well founded, would from the first
which they were forced in, but more landing have been notoiious, and
especially by the fraudulency and had a place in every account that
contrivance of Mr. Jones, the mas- was written of the Colony. The
ter of the ship ; for their inten- silence of Bradford and Winslow
tion, as is before noted, and his en- seems conclusive on the point. —
gigement, was to Hudson's river. Yet this story has been repeated ut some of the Dutch having no- from Morton in an endless series bv tice of their intentions, and having Hubbard, Mather, Prince, Neaf, thoughts about the same time of Hutchinson, Belknap, Holmes, Bay- erecting a tdantation there like- lies, and Grabs me, down to the wise, they traudulently hired the present time. Muulton, in his un- said Jones, by delays while they finishod but valuable History of were in England, and now under New York, p. 355, was the first to pretence of the danger of the shoals, question it. — I know not wh^ Old- &c. to disappoint them in their go- mixon, i. 20, and Grahame, i. 190, ing thither." He adds, in a note, call Jones a DuUhman, <* Of this plot betwixt the Dutch ' The Mayflower probably made and Mr. Jones I have had late and the Cape towards its northern ex- cec lain intelligence." But the con- tremity. The perilous shouls and temporary narratives, written by breukors, among which alio bccuuio Bradford and Winslow, say not a entangled after sailing above half a word about this treachery of the day south, (or south-south-west, as captain ; nor does Bradford's His- the contemporary account states, in tory, as quoted by Prince, p. 162, Bradford's Journal,) were undoubt- who is therefore obliged to derive edly those which lie oflT the south- this statement from Morton. Mor- eastern extremity of the Cape, near ton is the first to mention it, and he Monamoy Point. The Pollock Rip, does it in a book printed in 1C60, the most considerable of these, cor- half a century after the event is responds to the " roaring " shoals said to have occurred. He says, it mentioned by Bradford, in Prince,
THEY PUT BACK TO CAPE COD HARBOUR. 103
resolved to bear up again for the Cape aforesaid, chap. The next day, by God's providence, they got into ^^-^ the Cape harbour.] * i®^^-
Being now passed the vast ocean and a sea of trou- Noy. bles, before their preparation unto further proceed- ings, as to seek out a place for habitation, &c. they fell down upon their knees and blessed the Lordi the
p. 103. She may also have en- I encircled it, I found thirty fathom
countered the Great and Little water aboard the shore, which
Round Shoals. It is not likely that makes me think there is a channel
she sailed far enough south to fall about this shoal.*' This also must
in with thn Hnss Rip or the Gicat have been the Pollock Rip. See
Rip. Before she could reach these, Purohas, iii. 587 ; N. Y. Hist. Coll.
the current and the flood tide pro- i. 121 ; Mass. Hist Coll. xxvi. 110,
bably drove her in between Mona- xxviii. 74.
moy Point and Nantucket. Had * ** Jjct us bo up in imagination the wind permitted her to pursue a to yonder hill, and look out upon southern course, she might, in a few the November scene. That single hours, have found an opening, and dark speck, just discernible through passed safely to the westward. the perspective glass, on the waste Gabriel Archer, in his Relation of waters, is the fated vessel. The of Gosnold's voyage, in Purchas, storm moans through her tattered iv. 1G48, says, '* We trended the canvass, as she creeps, almost sink- coast southerly ; twelve leagues ing, to her anchorage in Province- from Cape Cod (Provincetown) we town harbour ; and there she lies descried a point, with some breach with all her treasures, not of silver f breaker) a good distance olT, and and gold, (for of these she has keeping our luff* to double it, we none,) but of courage, of patience, came on the sudden into shoal of steal, of hieh spiritual daring, water ; yet well quitted ourselves So o(\cn as I dwell in imagination thereof. This breach we called on this scene ; when I consider the Tucker*sTerror, upon his expressed condition of the Mayflower, utterly fear. The point we named Point incapable as she was of living Care." Tucker*s Terror is no through another gale ; when I sur- doubt the Pollock Rip, and Point vey tlie terrible front presented by Care is Monamoy Point. Robert our coast to the navigator, who, Juet, Hudson^s mate, in his account unacquainted with its channels and of their voyage, after staling that roadsteads, should approach it in they first made the land at the the stormy season, I dare not call south-eastern point of the Cape, it a mere piece of good fortune, says, *' We found a flood come from that the general north and South the south-east, and an ebb from wall of the shore of New England the north-west, with a ver^ strong should be broken by this extraorc stream, and a great hurling and nary projection of the Cape, ru
noises.^* This too was the Pollock ning out into the ocean a hundn
Rip. Smith says, '* Towards the miles, as if on purpose to receive
south and south-west of this Cape and encircle the precious vessel,
is found a long and dangerous shoal As I now see her, freighted with
of sands and rocks ; but so far as the destinies of a continent, barely
104 THE PILGRIMS AT CAI'B COD.
CHAP. God of heaven, who had brought them over the vast
VIII. .
.^-^ and furious ocean, and delivered them from all perils 16 20. and miseries thereof, again to set their feet on the firm and stable eartli, their proper element. And no marvel if they were thus joyful, seeing wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles on the coast of his own Italy, as he affirms he had rather remain twenty years in his way by land, than pass by sea to any place in a short time ; so tedious and dreadful was the same to him.^
But here I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amazed at these poor people's condition ; and so I think will the reader too, when he well con- siders the same. For having passed through many troubles, both before and upon the voyage, as afore- said, they had now no friends to welcome them, nor inns to entertain and refresh them, no houses, much less towns, to repair unto to seek for succour.' It is
escaped from the perils of the deep, Celehration at Barnstable, Sept. 3,
approaching the shore precisely 1839, p. 45.
where the broad sweep of this most * Seneca says, in his 53d Epistle,
remarkable headland presents al- that he set out to sail onlv from
most the only |Miint at which for Parthcnope (Naples) to ruteoli,
hundreds of miles she could with (Puzzuoli,) and to get thither the
any ease have made a harbour, and sooner, launched out into the decn
this perhaps the very best on the in a direct course to Nesis, (Nisida,)
seaboard, I feel my spirit raised without coasting along the shore,
above the sphere of mere natural This beautiful letter, which is well
agencies. I see the mountains of worth reading, may be ftmnd in
New England rising from their Thomas Morreirs translation of the
rocky thrones. They rush forward Epistles, i. 184, (London, 1786, 3
into the ocean, settling down as vols. 4lo.)
they^vance; and iherc they range ' *^ The nearest plantation to
themselves a mighty bulwark around them is a French one ut Port Roy-
the heaven-directed vessel. Yes, al, who have another at Canada ;
the everlasting God himself stretches and the only English ones are at
'0\ii the arm of his mercy and his Virginia, Bermudas, and New-
'power in substantial manifestation, fuundland ; the nearest of these
and gathers the meek company of about five hundred miles off, and
his worshippers as in the hollow every one incapable of helping
of his hand." Edward Everett's them.** Prince, p. 180. Address at the Cape Cod Centennial
THE riLGRIMS AT CAPE COD. 106
recorded in Scripture as a mercy to the Apostle and chap.
his shipwrecked company, that ^< the barbarians show- ^
ed them no small kindness " in refreshing them. But ^J^^^* these salvage barbarians, when they met with them, ^^ (as after will appear,) were readier to fill their sides "^'"••• fuU of arrows, than otherwise. And for the season, it was winter ; ^ and they that know the winters of that country, know them to be sharp and violent, and subject to violent storms, dangerous to travel to known places, much more to search out unknown coasts. Besides, what could they see but a hideous and desolate wilderness, full of wild beasts and wild men ? and what multitudes there might be of them they knew not. Neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah, to view from this wilderness a more goodly country* to feed tlieir hopes. For which way soever they turned their eyes (save up- ward to the heavens) tliey could have little solace or content in respect of any outward objects. For sum- mer being done, all things stand for them to look
<c
' Grahame aaya, i. 191, that winter was more severe than they
the intense severity of their first had been accustomed to, but it was
winter in America painfully con- unusually mild for this country and
vinced the settlers that a more unfa- climate. Dudley says, in his Let-
vorable season of the year could not ter to the Countess of Lincoln,
have been selected fur the planta- written in 1G31, that the Plymouth
tion of ihcir colony.*' But it was colonists *' were favored with a
not the season which they selected, calm winter, such as was never
They sailed from England at a very seen here since." See Mass. Hist,
proper and favorable time, in the Coll. viii. 37. Wood, too, who
oegmning of August, and might was here in 1633, and published
reasonably expect to arrive on the his New England's Prospect in
American coast by the middle of 1G34, says, p. 5, (ed. 17G4.) that
September, in ample season to ** the year of New Plymouth men's
build their houses and provide for arrival was no winter in com-
the winter. But being obliged to parison." '
put back twice, and then meeting ' In the MS. the word is com-
with head winds, and having a pany^ manifestly an error of the
boisterous passage of sixty-four pen. Morton, copying the same
days, they lost twu months, and ar- passage into his Memorial, p. 35,
rived just as the winter set in. The reads it country^ as in the text.
106 THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD.
CHAP, upon with a weather-beaten face : and the whole
VIII. .
.^^~ country being full of woods and thickets, represented 1620. a wild and salvage hue. If they looked behind them, there was tlie mighty ocean which tliey had passed, and was now as a main bar and gulf to separate them from all the civil parts of the world. If it be said they had a ship to succour them, it is true ; but what heard they daily from the master and company but that with speed they should look out a place with their shallop, where they would be at some near dis- tance ; for the season was such as he would not stir from thence until a safe harbour was discovered by them, where they would be and he might go without danger; and tliat victuals consumed apace, but he must and would keep sufficient for himself and com- pany for their return. Yea, it was muttered by some, that if they got not a place in time, they would turn them and their goods on shore, and leave them. Let it be also considered what weak hopes of supply and succour they left behind them, that might bear up their minds in this sad condition and trials they were under, and they could not but be very small. It is true, in- deed, the affections and love of their brethren at Ley- den were cordial and entire ; but they had little power to help them, or themselves ; and how the case stood between them and tlie merchants at tlicir coming away, hath already been declared. What could now sustain them but the spirit of God and his grace ? '
* ** Divers attempta had been panied the designs of both these
made to settle this rough and north- nations, that they seem to give it
ern country; first by the French, over as not worth the planting:
who would fain account it a part of till a pious people of England, not
Canada ; and then by the English ; allowed to woiship their Maker
and both from mere secular views, according to his inblilutions only,
But such a train of crosses accom- without the mixture of human ccrc>
THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD. 107
May not and ought not the children of these fathers chap. rightly say, <^Our fathers were Englishmen, which . — ^ came over this great ocean, and were ready to perish 1 6 2 0. in this wilderness. But they cried unto the • Lord, ])«„/ and be heard their voice, and looked on their adver- 5, 7. sity.^' And let them therefore praise the Lord pnim
evil. I 2
because he is good, and his mercies endure forever. ^^X Yea, let tlicm which have been tlius redeemed of the Lord show how he hath delivered them from* the hand of the oppressor. When they wandered in the desert wilderness, out of the way, and found no city to dwell in, botli hungry and thirsty, tlieir soul was overwhelmed in tlicin. Let them confess before the Lord his loviutj; kindness and his wonderful works before the children of men.'
Of tlie troubles that befell them after their arrival,
monies, are spirited to attempt the but the wide ocean, and the savage
settlement, that thoy might enjoy deserts of America, could hide and
a worship purely scriptural, and shelter from the fury of the bishops,
leave the same to their posterity.'* O if we could but see the shape of
Prince, p. 08. our dear mother England, as poets
" Whether Britain would have are wont to give a personal form to
had any colonies in America, if what they please, how would she
religion had not been the grand in- appear, think ye, but in a mourning
ducement, is doubtful. One bun- weed, with ashes upon her head,
dred and twenty years had passed, and tears abundantly flowing from
from the discovery of the northern her eyes, to behold so many of her
continent by the Cabots, without children exposed at once, and thrust
any successful attempt. After from things of dearest necessity,
repeated attempts had failed, it because their conscience could not
seems less probable that any should ' assent to* things which the bish(»ps
undertake in such an afTair, than thought indifferent ? Let the astrol-
it would have been if no attempt oger be dismayed at the portentous
had been made." Hutchinson's blaze of comets, and impressions
Mass. i. 3. in the air, as foretelling troubles
' Milton, in his treatise on llefor- and changes to states; 1 shall bc-
nuition in England, wrillcn in 1011, licve there cannot bo a more ill-
tlius alludrs to the persecution and boding sign to a nation, (God turn
exile of our New England fathers, the omen from us!) then when the
" What numbers of faithful and inhabiUints, to avoid insufferable
frceborn Englishmen and gocnl grievances at homo, arc enfurced
Christians, have been constrained by heaps to forsake their native
to forsake their dearest home, their country." Prose Works, i. 37,
friends and kindred, whom nothing (Symmons's ed.)
108 THE MAYFLOWEE AT CAPK COD.
CHAP, with sundry other particulars coucerning their trans-
.^ L actings with the merchants adventurers, and many
1^90. other passages not so pertinent to this present dis- course, I shaU refer the reader to New England's Memorial, and unto Mr. Bradford's book, where they are at large penned to his plentiful satisfaction.'
' Here wo Uke lekre of Moiton'a wiitlen at tbo tima, uid chiefly, ■■
copy of Gov. Biadford't History. I conceive, by Got. firadfoid, tnd
\ Aa the reat of Ji iaflnBt^iescept ino much mote copious snd minuta
few autteted paMsgea piuerred than tho account in Horloa'a Me-
by Prince and Huichinaon, and aa moiial, ibe namiiie will proceed
we baTB B JoQiual of " the Uoublea in the worda of tliat Journal, that befell thero after theii aitival,"
BRADFORD'S AND WINSLOW'S
*> #
JOURNAL.
" Relation or lournall of the beginning and proceedings of the English Plantation setled at Plimotk in New-England, by certaine English Adventurers both Merchants and others.
With their difficult passage, their safe arriuall, their ioyfuU build- ing of, and comfortable planting themselves in the now well defended Towne of New Plimotii.
As also a Relation of foure seuerall discoueries since made by some of the same English Planters there resident.
I. In a iourney to Packanokick, the habitation of the Indians greatest King Massasoyt ; as also their message, the answer und entertainment they had of him.
II. In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdome of Nmoset, to seeke a Uiy that hud lost hinisclfe in the woods : with such accidents as befell them in that voyage.
III. In their iourney to the Kingdome of Namaschet, in defence of their greatest King Massasoyt^ against the Ncurohiggonsets, and to reuenge the supposed death of their Interpreter Tisquantum,
nil. Their voyage to the Massachusets, and their entertainment there.
With an answer to all such objections as are any way made against the lawfulnesse of English plantations in those parts.
London. Printed for lohn Bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop at the two Greyhounds in Cornhill neere the Royall Ex- change. 1622." sm. 4to.
TO THE READER.
Courteous Reader,
Be entreated to make a favorable construction of my forwardness in publishing tliese ensuing discourses. The desire of carrying the Gospel of Christ into those foreign parts, amongst those people that as yet have had no knowledge nor taste of God, as also to procure unto themselves and others a quiet and comfortable habitation, were, amongst other things, the induce- ments unto these undertakers of the then hopeful, and now experimentally known good enterprise for planta- tion in New England, to set afoot and prosecute the same. And though it fared with them, as it is common to the most actions of this nature, that tlie first attempts prove difHcult, as tlie sequel more at large expressoth, yet it hath pleased God, even beyond our expectation in so short a time, to give hope of letting some of them see (though some he hath taken out of this vale of tears) ' some grounds of hope of the accomplish- ment of both those ends by tliem at first propounded.
* The writer studiously supprcs- than ha(fo{ the first Colonists had ses the dbcouraging fact that more already perished.
112
GEORGE MORTON'S PREFACE.
And as myself then much desired, and shortly hope to effect, if the Lord will, the putting to of my shoul- der in this hopeful business, and in the mean time these Relations coming to my hand from my both -known and faithful friends, on whose writings I do much rely, I tliought it not amiss to make them more general, hoping of a cheerful proceeding both of adventurers and planters; entreating that the ex- ample of tlie honorable Virginia and Bermudas^ Companies, encountering witli so many disasters, and that for divers years together with an unwearied resolution, the good effects whereof are now eminent, may prevail as a spur of preparation also touching this no less hopeful ' country, though yet an infant, the extent and commodities whereof are as yet not fully known: after time will unfold more. Such as desire to take knowledge of things, may inform themselves by this ensuing treatise, and, if they please also by such as have been there a first and second time.^ My hearty prayer to God is that the event of his and all other honorable and honest under- takings, may bo for the furtherance of the kingdom of Christ, the enlarging of the bounds of our sovereign lord King James, and the good and profit of those
' By the third patent of the Vir- ginia Coninany, granted in 1612, the Herinudaa, and ull ibiands with- in three hundred leagues of the coast, were included within the limits of their jurisdiction. These islands they sold to 120 of their own members, who became a dis- tinct corporation, under the name of the Somer Islands Company. See Stith's Virginia, p. 127, App. 21.
• After the failure of Popham's colony at Sagadahoc in 1008, North
Virginia or New England had been branded as ** a cold, barren, moun- tainous, rocky desert,'* and had been abandoned as '* uninhabitable by Englishmen." See Gorges in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 56 ; and Capt. John Smith in his Gen. Hist, ii. 174.
' Cushman had just returned from Plymouth, and Clark and Coppin, the mates or pilots of the Mayflower, had been on the coast twice.
GEORQE MORTON'S PREFACE. 113
who, citlicr by purse or person or both, are agents in the same. So I take leave, and rest *
Thy friend,
G. MODRT.*
' Who wasG. Mourt? From his unfeigned well-wilier and promoter Preface it is evident that he was a of the common good and growth of person in England interested in the the plantation of New Ply month." success of the Plvmonth Colony,. Mourt may have been written de- identifying himself with it, as ap- si^nedly for Morton, from a disin- pears from the expression, " even clmation on his part to have his beyond our expectation," having name appear pubhcly in print, or it '* much desired " to embark with may have been a mistake of the the first colonists, and intending piinter, the final letters, from some soon to go over and join them. It flourish of the pen o( otherwise, is also evident that he had familiar not being distinctly legible. Sev- and friendly relations with some of eral other typographical errors, more them, ('* these llolations coming to important and palpable than this, m^ hand from my both known and occur in the Journal. It will be faithful friends,") and that he was soon heroaf^r that Carver^s name one in whom tlioy rep<isod such was printed Leaver, and Williams, entire confidence as to send to him by a flourish of the pen, was oon- their first despatches of letters and verted into Williamson, journals. Prince, p. 133, ens in saying
The only individual answering that this Journal was published by to this description that I can ascer- Mourt ; and his editor, p. 430, (etf. tain, is George Morton, who had 1826,) errs in stating that Prince married a sister of Gov. Bradford, had only Purchases abridgment of and came over to Plymouth in July, it. He had the entire work, on the 1G23, in the first ship that sailed for title-page of which it is stated that the Colony after this Journal was it was ** printed for John Bellamy," printed. He is represented in the who continued for at least twenty- Memorial, p. 101, as ** very faithful five years from that time (1623,) to in whatsoever public employment be the principal publisher of books he was betrusted withal, and an relating to New England.
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TO HIS MUCH RESPECTED FRIEND, MR. I. P.*
Good Friend,
As we. cannot but account it an extraordinary bless- ing of God in directing our course for tliese parts, after we came out of our native country, — for that we had the happiness to be possessed of the comforts we receive by the benefit of one of the most pleasant, most healthful, and most fruitful parts of the world, — so must we acknowledge the same blessing to be mul- tiplied upon our whole company, for that we obtained the honor to receive allowance and approbation of our free possession and enjoying thereof, under the author- ity of those thrice honored persons, The President and Council for tlio Affairs of Now England ; " by whose bounty and grace, in that behalf, all of us are tied to dedicate our best service unto them, as those, under his Majesty, that we owe it unto ; whose noble endea-
* These are probably the initials their behalf, to the President and of John Pierce, in whose name Council of New England, for a their second patent was taken. See ffrant of the territory on which they Prince, p. 204. had unintentionally settled. This,
* The Pilgrims, by coming so it seems, wus leadily accorded. — far north, had got beyond the The President and Council put limits of the Virginia Company, forth in 1622, ** A Brief Relation and accordingly their patent was of the Discovery and Plantation of no value. On the return of of New England,*' which is re- the Mayflower in May, 1621, the printed in the Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. merchant adventurers applied, in 1 — 25.
ROBERT CnSHMAN*S LETTER. 115
vours in these their actions the God of heaven and earth multiply to his glory and their own eternal comforts.
As for this poor Relation, I pray you to accept it as being writ by the several actors themselves/ after their plain and rude manner. Therefore doubt no- thing of the truth thereof. If it be defective in any thing, it is their ignorance, that are better acquainted with planting than writing. If it satisfy those that are well affected to the business, it is all I care for. Sure I am the place we are in, and the hopes that are apparent, cannot but suffice any that will not de- sire more than enough. Neither is there want of
' This constitutes its great value, aware that any of the other colo- and confers on it the highest au- nists were accustomed to writing ; thority. George Morton, in his at least none of their writings have Preface, alludes to the same fact, come down to us. Standish, though Edward Winslow, in a postscript to " the best linguist among them," his " Good News from New Eng- in the Indian dialects, was more land," printed in 1624, states that expeit with the sword than the this Relation was " gathered by the pen ; and Elder Brewster, then fifty- inhabitants of this present plants- six years old, was prevented by his tion at Plymouth, m New Eng- office, if not by his age, from going land," and in the body of his work on any of the excursions, ana was alludes to *' former letters written therefore not competent to write by myself and others, which came the journal of them. Carver had to the press against my will and the weight of government on his knowledge." Tho Journal, too, shoulders, which would leave little directly and by implication, repeat- time for writing ; he died too in cdly testifies to the same point. April, five months after their arri- Under Dec. 6, in mentioning their val at the Cape. Allerton, Fuller, third excursion, it says, " the nar- and Hopkins, are the only other rative of which discovery follows, persons likely to have had any penned by one of the company." hand in writmg the Journal ; and
I do not hesitate to ascribe this the part they contributed to it, if Journal to Bradford and Winslow, any, would probably be confined to chiefly to the former. They were furnishing the rough sketches of among the most active and efli- such expeditions as those to Nau- cient leaders of the Pilgrims ; and sot, Namaschct, and Massachusetts, one or the other of them went on in which Bradford and Winslow almost every expedition here re- may not have been personally en- corded, and were therefore cogni- gaged. The style, too, seems to zant of the facts as eye- witnesses, correspond, in its plainness and They were also the only practised directness, with that of Bradford, in writers among them. We are not his History.
116 ROBERT CUSUMAN'S LETTER.
aught among us but company to enjoy the blessings so plentifully bestowed upon the inhabitants that are here. While I was a writing this, I had almost forgot that I had but the recommendation of the Relation itself to your further consideration, and therefore I will end without saying more, save that I shall always rest
Yours, in the way of friendship,
R. G.'
Prom Plymouth^ in New England.
' Who was R. G. ^ At the time Richard Greene, as is suggested in this Journal was sent over from Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvii. 308, 300 ; Plymouth, in Dec. 1031, the only since Greene did not arrive at Ply- person there whose initials were mouth till July, 1633, and this Re- K. G. was Richard Gardiner. He lation was sent to England iu Dec. was one of the signers of the Coifi- 1631. See note ' on page 336, pact on board the Mayflower, as and pa$;os 396 and 399. will be seen hereafter. In that list « R. G. (or R. C. as I think it it is apparent that the 41 names should bo,) was Robert Cnshman, are, for the most part, subscribed in their active and efficient agent, who the order of the reputed rank of being prevented from coming over the signers. The two last, Dotey in the Mayflower, came in Nov. and Leister, were servants; the 1631, in tho Fortune, and returned two next preceding, Allerton and in her the next month. Cushman English, were seamen ; then comes brought the intelligence that a Richard Gardiner. Now it is very charter had been procured for them unlikely that such an obscure per- by the merchant ailventurors from sou as this, No. 37, of whom no- the President and Council of Now tiling is known, whoso name docs England, '* better tlian their for- not appear in the assignment of the nior, and witli less limitation.*' It lands in 1633, nor in the division was very natural, under those cir- of the cattle in 1637, and occurs no cumstances, that tho leading colo- where subsequently in the records nists should request him to write a of the Colony, should be selected letter in their behalf, enclosing a and deputed by the leading men copy of their Journal, to Pierce, in in it to endorse ** the rccommen- whose name the charter had been dation " of their Journal. Such taken ; and it was no less natural, a person, even had he been chosen that in writing it, he should render a for this purpose, would not have deserved tribute of acknowledgment presumed to speak of his superiors to the Company, for their '' bounty as having written their narrative and grace ^* in allowing them the ** after their plain and rude man- free possession and enjoyment of ner, '* and apologize for ** their ig- the land on which they had invo- norance," by saying they were luntariiy settled. See Prince, p. *' better acquainted with planting 108.
than writing." Such language This letter of Cushman is follow-
would be used only by one of their ed in the original by Tlohinson*s
compeers. paiting Letter of Advice, which has
Nur could R. G. have been already been printed on page 91.
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CHAPTER IX.
OP THE FIRST PLANTERS^ COMBINATION BT ENTERINO INTO A BODY POLITIC TOGETHER; WITH THEIR PRO- CEEDINGS IN DISCOVERY OF A PLACE FOR THEIR SET- TLEMENT AND HABITATION.
Wednesday, the 6th of September, the wind com- chap.
ing east-north-east, a fine small gale, we loosed from L
Pljrmouth, having been kindly entertained and cour- leso. teously used by divers friends there dwelling ; and ®®p*- after many difficulties in boisterous storms, at length, by God's providence, upon the 9tli of November fol- Not. lowing, by break of the day, we espied land, which ®' we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so afterward it proved. And the appearance of it much comforted us, especially seeing so goodly a land, and wooded to the brink of the sea. It caused us to rejoice together, and praise God that had given us once again to see land. And thus we made our course south-south- west, purposing to go to a river ten leagues to the south of the Cape.* But at night the wind being contrary, we put round again for tlie bay of Cape Cod ; and upon the lltli of November we came to an anchor ii. '
* This river was tlic Iludson. coast. Ten may possibly bo an Litllo was known at that timo error of tho press, about distances on this unsurveyed
118 CAPE COD WELL WOODEa
CHAP, in the bay,^ which is a good harbour and pleasant bay,
, L circled round, except in tlie entrance, which is about
1G20. four miles over from land to land,^ compassed about to i\]' the very sea with oaks, pines, juniper, sassafras, and other sweet wood.^ It is a harbour wherein a thousand sail of ships may safely ride/ There we relieved our-
' That is, in Cape Cod or Pro- ^ Cape Cod harbour is foirned by
vincetown harbour. the spiral bending of the land, from
' This is just the distance from Pamet river to £onff Point, nearly
Long Point to the nearest land in round every point of the compass ;
Truro. it is completely land-locked. " It is
' Few trees are now left roand one of the finest harbours for ships Cape Cod harbour. That they of war on the whole of our Atlantic were once common, appears from coast. The widih, and freedom the name Wood End, given to a from obstructions of every kind, at part of the coast, and from the its entrance, and the extent of sea- stumps that are still found along room upon the bay side, make it the shore, particularly at the west accessible to vessels of the largest end of the harbour, below the pres- class in almost all winds. This eat high water mark, just uhuvo advantage, its capacity, depth of what is called *' i/ie rinn^.** There water, excellent anchorage, and the is quite a grove of pines, culled complete sticUor it allurds from all Mayors Wood, near Snow's hill, at winds, render it one of the most the eastern end of the village, valuable ship harbours upon our There are dwarf oaks, too, grow- coast, whether considered in a com- ing on High Hill. The young morcial or military point of view." trees would thrive if they were en- See Major J. D. Graham's Report, closed and protected from the cows, pp. 3 and 13, No. 121 of Executive who now get part of their living by Documents of the :i5th Congress, browsing on them. There are a 3d Sess. 1837-8, vol. 5. — Major fuw sassafras bushes, but no juni- Graham was employed by the go- per. The juniper was probabl v the vernment of ilie United States, dur- red cedar. Josselyn, in his New ing portions of the years 1833, En(rland*s Rarities, published in 1834, and 1835, assisted by seven 1G73, says, page 40, '* Cardan says engineers, to survey the extremity juniper is cedar in hot countries, of Cape Cod, including the town- and juniper in cold countries ; it is ships of Provincetown and Truro, here very dwarfish and shrubby, with their sea-coast, and the harbour growing for the most part by the of Cape Cod. This survey was sea-side.'' And Wood, in his New executed with the greatest accuracy England's Prospect, printed in 1034, and precision, and a large and beau- says, p. 19, ** the cedar tree is a tiful map, on a scale of six inches tree of no great growth, not bearing to a mile, was projected from it and above a foot and a half at the most, published by order of Congress in neither is it very high. This wood 1838. It was republished in 1841, is uf color red and white, like yew, on a reduced scale of three inches smelling as sweet as juniper." In to a mile, by I. W. P. Lewis, civil 1740 there was a number of oaks engineer. It is very desirable that in the woods northwest of East the whole Cape should be surveyed Harbour. in the same manner.
ABUNDANCE OP WHALES. 119
selves with wood and water, and refreshed our peo- chap. pie, while our shallop was fitted to coast tlie bay, to ..^J^ search for a habitation. There was the greatest i«20.
/• i» 1 1 1 Not.
Store of fowP that ever we saw. ii.
And every day we saw whales' playing hard by us ; of which in that place, if we had instruments and means to take them, we might have made a very rich return ; which, to our great grief, we wanted. Our master and his mate, and others experienced in fish- ing, professed we might have made tliree or four thou- sand pounds' worth of oil. They preferred it before Greenland whale-fishing, and purpose the next winter to fish for whale here. For cod we assayed, but found none ; there is good store, no doubt, in tlieir season.^ Neither got we any fish all the time we lay there, but some few little ones on the shore. We found great muscles,^ and very fat and full of sea-pearl ; but we could not eat tliem, for tliey made us all sick that did
' Sea fowls come in lato in the Cod, where it was carried on en- autumn and remain during the tirely in boats, which put oflf when- winter. They were formerly plen- ever a signal was given by persons tiful on the shores; but they have on the look out from an elevated been so frequently molested, that station, that a whale was seen to their numbers are much reduced. blow. In 1690 ** one Ichabod Pad- . • Whales are frequently seen in dock" went from the Cape to Nan- Barnstable Bay and on the outside tucket to teach the inhabitants of of the Cape, and are killed by boats that isle the art and mystery of from Provincetown. Occasionally, catching whales. See Mass. Hist, though more rarely of late, they Cull. iii. 157. come into the harbour ; at the begin- ' This is a little remarkable ; for ning of the present century, two or cod are caught at the Cape as three whales, producing about a early as November. They probably hundred barrels of oil, were annu- fished only in the harbour. The ally caught ; the last that was best season is in February and killed in the harbour was in Dec. March, when they are caught in 1840, a hump-back, that made fiOy great plenty between Rnce Point barrels of oil. The appearance of and Woi>d Knd. It was May wlirn a whale in the harbour is the sig- Gosiiold found them in such abun- nal for a general stir among the dance.
hundred graceful five-hand boats * Though muscles are found in
that line the circling shore of this Cape Cod harbour, yet the sea clam
beautiful bay. The American seems to bo meant, as it frequently
whale fishery commenced at Cape produces on the stomach the effects
11.
120 CAP£ COO HARBOUR.
CHAP, eat, as well sailors as passengers. They caused to
-L cast and scour ; but they were soon well again.
1630. The bay is so round and circUng, that before we could come to anchor/ we went round all the points of the compass. We could not come near the shore by three quarters of an English mile, because of shallow water ; ' which was a great prejudice to us ; for our people, going on shore, were forced to wade a bowshot or two in going a land, which caused many to get colds and coughs ; for it was many times freez- ing cold weather.
Nov. This day, before we came to harbour, observing some not well affected to unity and concord, but gave some appearance of faction, it was thought good there should be an association and agreement, that we should combine together in one body,^ and to submit to such government and governors as we should by
here described. F. — The notes to They also lie all along the shore in which this letter is annexed were front of the town, but do not extend written by the Rev. James Free- so far from the land. At low wa- man, D.I)., of Boston. His father ter it is very shallow, and it is still being a native of Truro, Dr. Frco- necessary to wado a considerable man frequently visited the Capo, distance, to got into a lioat, as the and became strongly attached to it. writer knows by experience. lie wrote a very minute and accu- ' Hero, fur the nrst time in the rate topographical account of it, world's history, the philosophical which may be found in the Mass. fiction of a social compact was Hist Coll. vol. viii. His papers realized in practice. And yet it are signed r. 5. denoting his office seems to me that a great deal more of Recording Secretary of the Mass. has been discerned in this docu- Hist Society ; a Society which, in ment than the signers contemplated, its 28 volumes, has accomplished It is evident, from page U5, that more than any other literary or when they left Holland, they ex- scientific association in America. pected '* to become a body politic,
* The Mayflower anchored *' with- using amongst themselves civil
in less than a furlong " of the end government, and to choose their
of Long Point, two miles from the own rulers from among them-
present village of Provincetown. selves.*' Their purpose in drawing
The shore is here very bold, and up and signing this compact was
the water deep. See p. 150. simply, as they state, to restrain
' At the head of the harbour, certain of their number, who had
towards Wood End, and at East manifested an unruly and factious
Harbour, the flats extend three disposition. This was the whole
quarters of a mile from the shore, philosophy of the instrument,
THB COMPACT. 121
common consent agree to make and choose, and set chap. our hands to tliis tliat follows, word for word. — L
In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are i '^so. underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign ii. ' lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Bri- tain, France, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, &c., having undertaken, for the glory of God, and advancement of the Clu'istian faitli, and honor of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do, by these presents^ solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and one of another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of tlie ends aforesaid ; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for tlie general good of the col- ony ; unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names, at Cape Cod, the 1 1th of Novem- ber, in the year of the reign of our sovereign lord. King n James, of England, France and Ireland the eighteenth, . \ and of Scotland the fifty-fourtli, anno Domini 1620. ^
JMr. John Carver t 8 John Alden 1
YMv^iLLiAM Bradford t 2 Mr. Samuel Fuller 2
Mr. Edward Winslow t 5 ♦ Mr. Christopher Martin t 4
Mr. William Brewster t 6 • Mr. William Mullins t 5
Mr. Isaac Allerton f 6 ♦ Mr. William White t 5
Capt. Miles Standish t 2 Mr Richard Warren 1
whatever may since have been dis- ** seems lo have been of a mere
covered and deduced from it by moral nature, that ihejr might rc-
astute civilians, philosophical his- move all scruples of inflicting neccs-
torians, and imaginative orators, sary punishments, even capital ones.
'* One great reason of this cove- seeing all had voluntarily subjected
nant,*' as Hutchinson says, ii. 458, themselves to them.*'
c^
ta
122 THE LANDING AT CAPE COD.
CHAP. John Howland • John Goodman
IX. Mr. Stephen Hopkins f 8 ♦ Degory Priest
• Edward Tilly t 4 • Thomas Williams
16 20. * John Tilly t 3 Gilbert Winslow
Nov. Francis Cook 2 * Edmund Margeson
^^' • Thomas Rogers 2 Peter Brown
* Thomas Tinker t 3 * Richard Britterig£
* John RiDGDALEf 2 George Soule
* Edward Fuller t 3 * Richard Clarke
* John Turner 3 Richard Gardiner Francis Eaton f 3 * John Allerton
* James Chilton f 3 * Thomas English
* John Cracxston 2 Edward Dotey John Billington t 4 Edward Leister
• Moses Fletcher 1 101]*
The same day, so soon as we could, we set ashore
fifteen or sixteen men, well armed, with some to fetch wood, for we had none left ; as also to see what the land was, and what inhabitants diey could meet with.
' I have inserted this list from " So there were just 101, (no,
Prince, who found it at the end of 100,) who sailed from Plymouth in
Gov. nradford*s MS. From mod- England, and just as many arrived
esty, Bradford omits the title of Mr. in Uape Cod harbour. And this is
to his own name. The figures the solitary number, who, for an
denote the number in each family, undefiled conscience and the love
Those with an asterisk!*) prefixed to of pure Christianity, first left their
their names, 21 in number, died be- native and pleasant land, and en-
foro tho end of March. Those with countered all the toils and hazards
an obelisk (f) aflixed, 18, brought of the tumultuous ocean, in search
their wives with them. Throe, of some uncultivated region in North
Samuel Fuller, Richaid Warren, Virginia, where they might quietly
and Francis Cook, left their wives enjoy their religious liberties and
for the present either in Holland or transmit them to posterity." Prince,
England. They came in the Anne. p. 173.
Some left behind them part, and ** These were the founders of tho
others all their children, who after- Colony of New Plymouth. Tho
wards came over. John Howland settlement of this colony occasioned
was of Carver's family, George the settlement of Massachusetts
Soule of Edward Winslow's, and Bay, whicli was the source of all
Dotcy and Leister of Hopkins's the other colonics of New England,
fiimily. Martin, Warren, Hopkins, Virginia was in a dying state, and
Billington, Dotey, Leister, and pro- seemed to revive and flourish from
bably some others, joined them in the example of New England. I
England. John Allerton and Eng- am not preserving from oblivion the
lish were seamen. The list includes names of heroes whose chief merit
the child that was born at sea, and is the overthrow of cities, provinces,
the servant who died ; the latter and empires, but tho names of the
ought not to have been counted, founders of a flourishing town and
The number living at the signing colony, if not of the whole British
of tho compact was therefore only empiro in America." Hutchinson,
100. Sec Prince, p. 172. ii. 402.
THE SOIL OF CAPE COD. 123
They found it to be a smaU neck of land ; ^ on this chap. side where we lay, is the bay,' and the further side — ^ the sea;^ the ground or eartli sand hills, much like ^Jj*®* the downs * in Holland, but much better ; the crust of ii. ' the earth, a spit's depth,^ excellent black earth ; all
The same day '' they choose Mr. a hnlf. If snirounded by naked
Jolm Carver, a pious and well ap- beach, the storms of autumn and
provcfl gcMitlomnn, their povcirnor winter heap up the sand on all
for the first year.'* Bradford, in sides, and cause it to rise nearly to
Prince, p. 103. the top of the plant. In the ensu-
' The men appear to have been ing spring the grass sprouts anew ;
landed on Long Point, which tra- is again covered with sand in the
dition says has been diminished in winter ; and thus a hill or ridge
its length, breadth, and height. F. continues to ascend as long as there
' By the bay is intended the bar- is a sufficient base to support it, or
hour. Plymouth harbour is after- till the surrounding sand, being
wanis called a bay ; and the same also covered with beach grass, will
name is ^xven to the harbour of no longer yield to the force of the
Cummaquid, or Barnstable. F. wind. See Purchas, iv. 1648 ;
' That is, Barnstable bay. F. Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 110, viii.
^ Gosnold, on landing at Cape 110; Biffelow*s Plants of Boston Cod, in 1002, found **the sand by and its Vicinity, p. 40 ; Pulteney^s the shore somewhat deep.** Smith, General View of the Writings of too, calls it ** a headland of high Linnieus, p. 35. hills of sand.*' The downs, or * The depth of a spade. F. "A dunes^ along the coast of Holland, spade's depth thrown out in dig- are formed by the wind blowing ging is still called a spii,** Rich- up the sands of the sea-shore. To ardson^s Diet art. Spade, check the dispersion of the sand, Some persons may smile at read- the dunes are sowed regularly every ing of ** a spade's depth of excellent year with a species of reed grass black earth** at the extremity of (arundo arenaria.) In a short time Cape Cod. And yet, even now, the roots spread and combine so as after the woods are cut down, and to hold the sand fast together. Lin- free scope is given to the winds to nieus, in his journey to the islands scatter the sands over the vegetable of Ocland and Gothland, in the mould of centuries, there is, at Baltic, pointed out to tho natives High head, in Truro, within four the advantage of planting the sea- miles of Long Point, where the reed grass to arrest the sand and Mayflower was anchored, an ''ex- form soil on the shores, to which it cellent black earth *' more than a is extremely well adapted by the foot in depth, which for years, length of its roots. A similar without manure, has produced 50 practice has within a few years to 60 bushels of corn to the acre, been adopted at Cape Cod, under It is based on an old Indian clam- the direction and at the expense of bed, in which I observed the shells the general government. Large of the oyster, the scallop, the tracts of white sand at Province- quahaug, tho sea clam, and the town have been planted with tho connnon clam. This rich soil is beach grass {psnmma armaria.) on the property of Jnmes Small, The grass, during the spring and whose hospitable dwelling is near summer, grows about two feet and the Highland Light.
124 TUB TRBBS OP CAPE COD.
CHAP, wooded ^ with oaks, pines, sassafras, juniper, birch,
.^J^ holly, vines, some ash, walnut ; * the wood for the most
102 0. part open and without underwood,^ fit either to go or
i^y* ride in. At night our people returned, but found not
any person, nor habitation ; and laded their boat with
juniper,^ which smelled very sweet and strong, and of
which we burnt the most part of the time we lay
there.
' See note* on page 118. acres being clear, so that one may ' There are three kinds of oak ride a hunting in roost places of on the Cape, the red oak, {t/uercus the land. There is no underwood, rubrGt) the black oak, (querctts /tnc- saving in swamps and low grounds ; toria^) and the white oak, (quercus for it being the custom of the In- alba.) The frames of the oldest dians to burn the woods in No- buildings there are made of white vember, when the grass is wither- oak, which is one of the most du- ed, and leaves dried, it consumes rable kinds of timber. The pine all the underwood and rubbish, is the nitch pine, (pinus riffida) ; which otherwise would overgrow the birch is tlio white birch, [bciula tlio country, making it impassable, ^pulifolia) ; the holly is the Amor- and spoil their much affected hunt-' lean holly, an evorgreen, (ilex opo" hig. So that by this moans, in ca) ; the ash is the white ash, those places where the Indians in- (jraxinu* Americana ^) and the wal- habit, there is scarce a bush or nut is the white walnut, (juglans bramble, or any cumbersome un- tomeniosa.) derwood to be seen in the more '** The salvages are accustomed champaign ground.*' Wood*sNew to sot fire to the country in all Kngland^s Piospect, cli. 5. (Wood places where they come, and to was here in 1033.) The woods in burn it twice a year, viz. at the some parts of Well fleet and E^t- spring, and the fall of the leaf, ham are now entirely free from The reason that moves them to do underwood, as in the time of the 80 is because it would otherwise bo Pilgrims.
so overgrown with underweeds, * The juniper was no doubt the
that it would be all a coppice wood, red cedar, or savin, (junipervs KtV-
and the people would not be able ^tm'dna,) an evergreen which is still
in any wise to pass through the common on the Cape. It resembles
country out of a beaten path. This very much the juniperus salnna^ or
custom of firing the country is the common savin of Europe, which
means to make it passable, and by bears the juniper berries. The
that means the trees grow hero and taste of the leaves in the two spe-
tlicre, as in our parks, and makes cies is nearly the same. The wood
the country very beautiful and com- of the red cedar is odorous, and the
modious." Morton's New English leaves, when bruised, emit a resi-
Canaan, ch. 18, (printed in 1632. nous, aromatic odur. It burns
Morton was here in 1622 and 1625.) freely on account of its resinous
** Whereas it is generally conceived qualities. Morton says, ** Of cedar
that the woods grow so thick that there is abundance; and this wood
there is no more clear ground than was such as Solomon used for the
is howcd out by labor of mun, it is huildiug of that glorious temple of
nothing so; in many places, divers lliorusalcm. This wood cuts red."
THE FIRST EXCURSION UP THE CAPE.
126
Monday,^ the 13th of November, we unshipped our chap. shallop, and drew her on land, to mend and repair — L her, having been forced to cut her down in bestow- ^!L^^* ing her betwixt the decks, and she was much opened 13/ with the people's lying in her ; which kept us long there, for it was sixteen or seventeen days before the carpenter had finished her. Our people went on shore to refresh tliemselves, and our women to wash, as they had great need. But whilst we lay tlms still, hoping our shallop would be ready in five or six days, at the furthest, (but our carpenter made slow work of it, so that) some of our people, impatient of delay, desired for our better furtlierance to travel by land into the country, (which was not without appearance of danger, not having the shallop with tliem, nor means to carry provision but on their backs,) to see whether it might be fit for us to seat in or no ; and the rather, because, as we sailed into the harbour, there seemed to be a river ^ opening itself into the main land. The willingness of the persons was liked, but the thing itself, in regard to the danger, was rather permitted than approved ; and so with cautions, directions, and instructions, sixteen men were set out, with every man his musket,^ sword, and corslet, under the con- duct of Captain Miles Standish ; * unto whom was
Seo Michaux*8 Sylva Americana, iii. 221, and Bigelow*s Medical Botany, iii. 49.
' It would seem that the day be- fore, being Sunday, tbey remained quietly on board.
• Pamet river. Winslow spells it Paomet, and Capt. Smitb Paw- met. It is pronounced as if spelt Parmil.
' Their guns were matchlocks, as appears from their having ** five
or six inches of match burning," Nov. 10, and from their ** lighting all their matches," Nov. 30. Even as late as 1087, match-locks were used instead of flint-locks in the regiments of the Duke of Bruns- wick. See Beckmann^s History of Inventions, iii. 440.
* Miles Standish appears now in these Chronicles for the first time, as the military lender of the Pilgrims. His name has not been
126 CAPTAIN MILES STANDISH.
CHAP* adjoined, for counsel and advice, William Bradford,^ -—1- Stephen Hopkins,* and Edward Tilley,
1630.
^oy* mentioned in Gov. Bradford's His- warlike stock, which he did not
tory. He took no part in the nego- dishonor. Whilst writing this note,
tiations with the Virginia Com- I observe in the journab of the
pany or with the merchant adven- day, the death (Dec. 7, 1840, at
turers. He was not one of Robin- Csuliz,) of *' Frank Hall Standish,
son *s church before it left England ; Esq. of Duxbury Hall, Lancas-
but senring in the Low Countries, hire.*' — The Plymouth soldier was
in the forces sent over by Queen a man of small stature, but of such
Elizabeth to aid the Dutch a^inst an active and daring spirit that he
the Spaniards, he fell in, as Wins- spread terror through all the Indian
low did, with Robinson and his tribes from Massachusetts Bsiy to
congregation, liked them and their Martha*s Vineyard, and from Cape
Erincipics, and though not a mem- Cod harbour to Narragaiiset. In
Br of their church, either volunta- the autumn of 1025 he went to
rily, or at their request, embarked England, as an agent of the colony,
with them for America. Morton, and returned in the spring of 1620.
p. 262, says that he was " a gentle- In 1630 he removed to Duxbury,
man, born in Lancashire, and was which was unduubtcdly so called
heir apparent unto a great estate of after the family seat of his ances-
lands and livings, surreptitiously tors. He had six children, and four
detained from him, his great grand- s<ins, Alexander, Miles, Josiah, and
fuilier being a second or younger Charles, survived him, whose nu-
broihcr from the house of Standish." mcrous descendants are to be found
This is not improbable. There are in several towns in Plymouih county,
at this time in England two an- in Connecticut, and in the State of
cient families of the name, one New York. He lived and died at
of Standish Hall, and the other of the foot of Captain's Hill, in Dux-
Duxbury Park, both in Lancashire, bury, so called after him, a monu-
who trace their descent from a mental landmark that will hand
common ancestor, Ralph de Stand- his name down to the latest times,
isli, living in 1221. There seems lie was an assistant in 1633, and
always to have boon a military was rcpeatetlly reelected to this
spirit in the family. Froissart, oITicg. He died in 1650, but his
relating in his Chronicles the me- age is unknown. — Smith, in his
morable meeting between Richard I list, of N. Jersey, p. 18, commits a
II. and Wat Tyler, says that after singular error in saying that "about
the rebel was struck from his horse the year 1620 the Plymouth Com-
by William Walworth, ** then a pany sent a fresh recruit from Eng-
sfpiyer of the kynges alyted, called land under the command pf Capt.
John Standysshe, and he drewe Standish.'* See Hoik nap,^m.Blog.
out his sworde, and put into Wat ii. 310 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xviii.
Tyler's bolye, and so ho dyed." 121, xx. 58 — 01; Hutchinson *s
Fur this act Siamlish was knijihtcd. Mass. ii. 461 ; Mitchcirs Hist, of
In 1115, another Sir John Stand- Bri<lgowatcr, p. 307 ; Burke's IlibU
ish fought at the batile of Agin- of the Commoners of Great Britain,
court. From his giving the name ii. 04, and iv. 642.
of Duxbury to the town where he ' Winslow not being one of the
settled, near Plymouth, and call- party, I consider Bradford the sole
ing his eldest son Alexander, (a author of this part of the Journal,
common name in the Slanilibh fam- * Stkpiikn Hopkins, whoso name
ily,) 1 have no doubt that Miles standb the 1 1th in order among the
was a scion from this ancient and signers of the Compact, with the
FIRST SIGHT OF THE INDIANS. 127
Wednesday, the 16th of November, they were set chap.
ashore ; ^ and when they had ordered themselves in ^ L
the order of a single file, and marched about the ^J^^^* space of a mile by tlie sea, they espied five or six 15. ' people, with a dog, coming towards them, who were savages; who, when they saw them, ran into the wood,^ and whistled the dog after them, &c. First they supposed tliem to be Master Jones, the master, and some of his men, for tliey were ashore and know of their coming ; but after they knew them to be In- dians, they marched after them into the woods, lest other of tlie Indians should lie in ambush. But when the Indians saw our men following tliem, they ran away witli might and main ; and our men turned out of the wood after tliem, for it was tlie way they in- tended to go, but they could not come near them. They followed them tliat night about ten miles ^ by
honorable prefix of Mr., seems to he was adjoined to Standish Feb.
have been a person of some consid- 17, 1631, to meet the two Indians
eration among the Pilgrims. From who showed themselves on Wat-
the same list it appears that he son's hill ; and March 16, Samoset
brought two servants or laborers was lodged for safe keeping at bis
with him, Dotey and Leister. It house. He was also Winslow's
has already been mentioned, p. 100, companion on his visit to Massas-
that he had a son born on the voy- soit at Pokanoket in July. He
age, named Oceanus. His wife*s was an assistant to the governor of
name was Elizabeth, and his three Plymouth from 1633 to 1636, and
other children were Giles, Caleb, seems to have been much employed
and Deborah. We are told further in public aflairs. Nothing more is
on in this Journal, under Dec. 6, known about him, except that he
that ho joined the emigrants in Eng- was alive in 1043. See Mass. Hist
land, not having been one of Robin- Coll. xiii. 184. son's congregation at Leyden. He ' The men were probably set
went on two at least of the three ashore at Long Point, excursions from Cape Cod harbour, ' Probably at Wood End. and on the present occasion in the ' After keeping along the shore
capacity of a counsellor. He was for a mile, they turned in to the
generally deputed to accompany left after the Indians, and probably
Standish, and from this it may be pursued them circnitously among
inferred that he was somewhat of a the hills back of the village. As
military man, at least more so than they were travelling on foot in
the others ; or it may be, his cool- the sands, the distance is probably
ness was deemed important to tem- overrated, per the ardor of the captain. Thus
128 TUB PILGRIMS AT EAST HAUBOUR.
CHAP, the trace of their footings, and saw how they had come ^ — ^ the same way they went, and at a turning perceived 16 20. how they ran up a hilV to see whether they followed them. At length night came upon them, and they were constrained to take up their lodging.* So they set forth three sentinels ; and the rest, some kindled a fire, and others fetched wood, and there held our ' rendezvous that night. Nov. In tlie morning, so soon as we could see the trace, we proceeded on our journey, and had the track until we had compassed the head of a long creek ; ^ and there they took into another wood, and we after them, supposing to find some of tlieir dwellings. But we marched through boughs and bushes, and under hills and valleys,* which tore our very armor in pieces, and yet could meet with none of them, nor tlieir houses, nor find any fresh water, which we greatly desired and stood in need of; for we brought neither beer nor water with us, and our victuals was only biscuit and Holland cheese, and a little bottle of aqua- vita), so as we were sore athirst. About ten o'clock
> Perhaps Snow's hill ; or, it may ' Tho wiitor of course was one
be, Mt. Gilboaor Mt. Ararat. of tho party — undoubtedly Urad-
* Probably near Stout's Creek, ford, opposite lieach Point. Stout's ^ East Harbour Creek, a distance
Creek is a small branch of East of about three miles and a half. F.
Harbour Creek. Many years ago The entrance into East Harbour is
there was a body of salt marsh on at the extremity of Beach Point,
it, and it then cfeserved the name It is very shoal, both at its entrance
of a creek. But the marsh was and within it, having only one to
long since destroyed ; and tho creek three feet at ordinary low water,
scarcely exists, appearing onlv like No other use is made of it as a
a small depression in the sand, and harbour than to moor or lay up the
being entirely dry at half tide, small craft belonging to this place,
One of the life- bouts provided by in the winter season, to protect
the Humane Society of Massachu- them from the ice. See Major
setls, at the expense of the State, Graham's Report, p. 13. is stationed on the outer shore of ^ Excepting the trees and bush-
the Cape, opposite Stout's Creek, es, which have disappeared, this
Graham puts the creek down on his is an exact description of that
chart, but omits the name. See part of Truro, called East Har-
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 108; viii. HI. hour. F.
NEW ENGLAND WATER. 129
we came into a deep valley,' full of brush, wood- chap. gaile,' and long grass, through which we found little — L paths or tracks ; and there we saw a deer, and found ^^^^* springs of fresh water,' of which we were heartily le.' glad, and sat us down and drunk our first New Eng- land water, with as much deUght as ever we drunk drink in all our lives/
When we had refreshed ourselves, we directed our course full south,^ that we might come to the shore, which within a short while after we did, and there
' In this Talloy is the small vil- ginson, in his New England's
lage of ESast Harbour. It is going Plantation, remarks that " the
to decay, and probably will not long country is full of dainty springs,'*
exist. F. — There are now four and that *' a sup of New England's
or five houses remaining. An old air is l>cttor than a whole draught
gentleman, resident in the Talley, of Old England's ale." Morton,
told me on the spot in Aug. 1840, in his New English Canaan, ch. 8,
that he recollected when there were says *' and for the water, therein it
seventeen houses there. excelleth Canaan by much ; for the
^ ' The wood-gaile was probably land is so apt for fountains, a man
/ what is called the sweet gale, or cannot dig amiss. Therefore if the
Dutch myrtle, {myrica gak.) See Abrahams and Lots of our times
Bi^elow*s Plants of Boston and its come thither, there needs be no
vicinity, p. 393, f3d ed.) contention for wells. In the deli-
' In the midst of the valley cacy of waters, and the conveniency
above mentioned is a swamp called of them, Canaan came not near this
Dyer's Swamp. Around it was country." Wood, in his New Eng-
' formerly a number of springs of land's Prospect, ch. 6, says " The
fresh water ; and a few still remain, country is as well watered as any
though probably before another land under the sun ; every family
century is closed, they will be or every two families having a
choked with sand, as many of them spring of sweet water betwixt
already have been. F. — There is them. It is tliought there can be
now in the valley a hollow over- no better water in the world. These
grown with bushes ; but in Aug. springs be not only within land, but
1840, I could find no springs round likewise bordering on the sea-coast,
it, and the oldest inhabitant recol- so that sometimes the tides overflow
lected none. some of them." It is well known
* The water and air of New that the first settlement of Boston
England have always been justly was determined by its abundance
famous. Brereton, who accom- of ** sweet and pleasant springs."
panied Gosnold in 1602, speaks of See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 120,
the "many springs of excellent i. 120, 121, xii. 88, xx. 173,176;
sweet water" which he found on Snow's History of Boston, p. 31. —
the Elizabeth islands. Capt. John The water of Truro is still excel-
Smith, in his Description of New lent, whilst that of Provincetown
England says, ** The waters are is poor.
most pure, proceeding from the ^ The course from Dyer's Swamp
entrails of rocky mountains." Hig- XJb the Pond is south. \ ,
1^
130 THE POND, m TRURO.
CHAP, made a fire, that they in the ship might see where we ^ — -L were, as we had direction ; and so marched on towards 102 0, this supposed river. And as wo went, in anodier val- 10. ley we found a fine clear pond of fresh water, being about a musket shot broad, and twice as long.^ There grew also many small vines, and fowl and deer^ haunt- ed there. There grew much sassafras.^ From thence we went on, and found much plain ground,^ about fifly acres, fit for the plough, and some signs where the
' Pond VilUge, which was for- tales que sirvon en medicina," after
merly the principal village in Truro, mentioning its great efficacy in
hut of late years exceeded hy Pamet, dropsies, agues, liver-comnlaints,
takes its name from this pond. It Mc. ends with exclaiming, rol. 03,
is situated about a mile south of the ** Bendito nucstro Seiior, que nos
village of East Harbour. The high dio este tan excelentissimo arbul,
and steep banks on the bay are here llamado sassafras, que tan grandes
intersected by a valley which runs virtudes y tan maravillosos efectos,
directly from the shore, and soon como avomos dicho, tiene, y mas
divides itself into two branches, los que el tiempo nos enseiiara, que
In this valley the houses stand, and es descubridor de todas las cusas."
are defended from the winds, whilst The roots were sold in England at
the entrance of it affords a conve- three shillings a pound in Gosnuld*s
nient landing place. The pond time, (1002,) who partly loaded
begins near the western shore, and his vessel with it from one of the
extends east. About a mile east of Elizabeth islands. Brcreton, the
it, on the Clay Pounds, stands the journalist of that voyage, speaks
Highland or Ca|)0 Cod light-house, of ** sassafras trees, great ])lcnty,
The pond is not now more than all the island over, a tree of high
half-a-mnskct shot broad, though it price and ]irofit ; " and Archer,
is quite as long us it is here rcpro- another of the voyagers, says that
sented. In Aug. 1840, 1 found the '* the powder of sassafras in twelve
upper or eastern part of it over- hours cured one of uur company
grown with flags and bushes. It that hud taken a great surfeit by
was no doubt formerly much larger, eating the bellies of dog-fish, a
and has been gradually filling up. very delicious meat.*' See Purchas,
Many of our swamps were origin- iv. 1040, 1040, 1053 ; Mass. Hist,
ally ponds of water. Coll. xxiii. 2.57 ; Michaux*s Sylva
' Deer were seen near this pond Americana, ii. 141; Bigelow^s
by persons living at the beginning Medical Botany, ii. 142, and Plants
of the present century. F. of Boston and its Vicinity, p. 170.
^ This is the third time the sas- For the use of Monardes, and of
safras has been mentioned. On the ** Frampton's loyfull Newes out
first discovery of America, great of the New-found Worlde,** which
medicinal virtues were ascribed to is nothing but a translation of it,
the bark and roots of this tree, and printed at London in 1500, I am
ship-loads of it were exported to indebted to the rich library of Ilar-
Europc. Monardes, a Spanish phy- vard College. — Sassafras is still
sician of Seville, who published in found on Cape Cod, but in a dwarf-
1574, his second part of his '* His- ish form.
tori^ medicinal de las cosas que se * The land on the south side of
traen de nuestras Indias Occiden- the Pond is an elevated plain. F.
INDIAN CORN FOUND. 131
Indians had forincrly planted tlicir corn.^ After this, chap. some tliought it best, for nearness of the river, to go — L. down and travel on the sea sands, by which means 10 90. some of our men were tired, and lagged behind. So ^le? we stayed and gathered them up, and struck into the land again ; ' where we found a Utde path to certain heaps of sand, one whereof was covered with old
' " The Indian corn {zca mays) our wheat, in strength nor sub- called by the Mexicans tlaolli by stance. To conclude, God hath the Haytians maize, and by the imparted to every region what is Massarhusetts Indians eachimmi- needfut. To this continent he hath fiea$h, is found everywhere on the given wheat, which is the chief continent from Patagonia to Cana- nourishment of man ; and to the da, and next to rice and wheat, is Indians he hath given mays, which the most valuable of grains. There hath the second place to wheat, for can hardly 1)c a doubt that it is a the nourishment of men and beasts.'* native of America, unknown before The maize is correctly figured in the discovery of Columbus. The Oviedo's General and Natural His- adventurers who first penetrated tory of the Indies, in Ramusto, into Mexico and Peru found it Delle Navigatioui et Viaggi, iii. everywhere cultivated, and in com- fol. 131. See Hernandez, Historia mon use as an article of food among Plantaruro Novte Hispanic, lib. the aborigines. Its culture did not vi. cap. 44 ; Lamarck*s Botany, attract notice in Europe till a(^r in the Encyclop^die Mdihodique, the voyage of Columbus, nor is it xxxvi. 080, Planches, 740 ; and descril>ed in any work prior to the Winthrop*s Description of Maize end of the Ifyth century. It was in the London Phil. Trans, xi. 1065. unknown to the ancient Greek and — The principal argument against Roman writers, the passages in the American origin of maize is their works which have been sup- that it has never been found grow- posed to refer to it being moie ap- ing wild in any part of this con- plicable to other grains, such as the tinent. This statement, however, holcus sorghum. It is not men- is disputed. Cobbett, in his Essay tioned by the earlier travellers who on Corn, ch. 2, maintains that visited China, India, and othei parts '* the cultivation of Indian com of Asia and Africa, and who were is as old as the world itself,*' and very minute in describing the pro- draws his chief arguments from the ductions of the countries which following passages of Scripture — they visited. Acosta, in his Natural Matt. xii. 1 ; 3 Kings, iv. 2 ; Job and Moral History of the Indies, xxiv. 24 ; Lev. ii. 14 ; xxiii. 14 ; (published in 1500,) says, lib. iv. Deut. xxiii. 24, 25 ; Gen. ili. 5, ch. 16. *' In our discourse on plants which he thinks are applicablo to we will begin with those which are maize, but not to wheat, proper and peculiar to the Indies. • Probably at the Great Hollow. As wheat is the most common F. A mile south of the Pond vil- grain for the use of man in the re- lagc, the bank on the bay is intcr- gions of the old world, so in the scctcd by another valley called the new found world the most common Great Hollow. This valley and grain is mai/s^ the which is fo\md another near it, towards the north- almost in all the kingdoms of the east, called the Great Swamp, con- West Indies. I do not think that tain several houses. The Great this mays is any thing inferior to Hollow is separated from the Pond
132 WALNUTS^ STRAWBERRIES, AND VINE&
CHAP. matSy and had a wooden thing, like a mortar, whelm-
— L ed on the top of it, and an earthen pot laid in a Uttle
162 0. hole at the end thereof. We, musing what it might
16.' be, digged and found a bow, and, as we thought,
arrows, but they were rotten. We supposed there
were many other things; but because we deemed
them graves, we put in the bow again, and made it
up as it was, and lefl the rest untouched, because we
thought it would be odious unto them to ransack
their sepulchres.
We went on further and found new stubble, of which they had gotten corn this year, and many walnut trees ^ full of nuts, and great store of strawberries,^ and some vines.' Passing thus a field or two, which were not
Tillage by a high hill, which com- places where the natives hare
mands an extensive prospect of the planted, I have many times seen as
ocean, Cape Cod harbour, and the many as would fill a good ship
opposite shore, as fur as the broad within a few miles* compass.'* See
bluff of Manomet, in Plymouth, Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 221. *«The
and the high lands of Marshfield. common wild strawberry, (fragaria
* T. Morton says, ch. 2, **0f Ktripniana,)'' says Bigelow, Plants
walnut trees there is infinite store, of Boston, p. 215, ** is a very deli-
and there are four sorts ; it is an cious fruit, and when cultivated is
excellent wood, for many uses ap- inferior to few ini|Nirlud species,
proved." Wood suys,cli. 5. **Tlie The berries ripen early, are of a
walnut tree is scMiiulliiug different Yi^Ui t»curlot cohir, exquisitely fla-
frum the English walnut, and bears vored, but more st»ft and perishable
a very good nut, something smaller, than the other kinds." but nothing inferior in sweetness ' *' Vines there are that bear
and goodness to the English nut, grapes of three colors, white, black,
having no bitter peel." And Jos- and red. The country is so apt
sclyn says, p. 50, ** The nuts of the for vines that, but fur the fire at
walnut differ much from ours in the spring of the year, the vines
Europe, they being smooth, much would so overspread the land, that
like a nutmeg in shape, and not one should not be able to pass for
much bigger ; some three-cornered, them. The fruit is as big, of some,
all of them but thinly replenished as a musket ball, and is excel-
wiih kernels." lent in taste.** T. Morton, ch.
*** There is strawberries," says 2. ** The vines afford great store
Wood, *Mn abundance, very large of grapes, which are very big, both
ones, some being two inches about ; for the grape and cluster, sweet
one may gather half a bushel in a and good. These be of two sorts,
forenoon." Roger Williams, in his red and white. There is likewise
Key into the Lan^uap'e of America, a smaller kind of grape, which
ch. 16, says *' This berry is the growcih in the islands, which is
wonder of all the fruits, growing sooner ripe, and mtire delectable.**
naturally in those parts. In some Wood, cii. 5.
INDIAN BARNS. 133
great, wo came to another,' which had also been new chap.
gotten, and tliere we found where a house had been, , L
and four or five old planks laid together.* Also we 1 6 9 o. found a great kettle, which had been some ship's ket- le. ' tie, and brought out of Europe. There was also a heap of sand,' made like the former, — but it was newly done, we might see how they had paddled it with their hands, — which we digged up, and in it we found a little old basket, full of fair Indian corn ; and digged further, and found a fine great new basket, full of very fair corn of this year, with some six and thirty goodly ears of corn, some yellow, and some red, and others mixed with blue,^ which was a very goodly sight. The basket was round, and narrow at tlie top. It held about three or four bushels, which was as much as two of us could Ufl up from the ground, and was very handsomely and cunningly made.^ But whilst
* From the Great Hollow the in this manner it is preferred from
sixteen adventurers travelled south destruction or putrefaction, to be
to the hill which terminates in used in case of necessity, and not
]Iopkins*s Cliff (or Uncle Sam's else." T. Morton, ch. 13. " Their
hill, as it is now vulgarly called.) corn bring ripe, they gather it, and
This they called Cornhill. The dry it hard in the sun, conTcy it to
Indians formerly dwelt in great their barns, which be great holes
numbers on this hill ; and the digged in the ground, in form of a
shells, deposited by them on it, are brass pot, ceiled with rinds of trees,
still ploughed up in abundance, wherein they put their corn.**
Hopkms's Cliff is between the Great Wood, ch. 20. Hollow and Hopkins's Creek, or ^ This corn of mixed colors on
Pamet little river, as it is now the same cob, yellow, red, and blue,
called. is still common at Truro.
' This was probably the remains * ** In summer they gather flags,
of a hut built by some shipwrecked of which they make mats for
sailors. houses, and hemp and rushes, with
' "Their barns are holes made in dying stuff, of which ihey make
the earth, that will hold a hogs- curious baskets, with intermixed
head of corn apiece. In these, colors, and portraitures of antique
when their corn is out of the husk, imagery. These baskets be of all
and well dried, they lay their store sizes, from a quart to a quarter, in
in great baskets, with mats under, which they carry their luggage.'*
about the sides, and on the top; Wood, ch. 30. ** Instead of shelves,
and putting it into the place made they have several baskets, wherein
for it, they cover it with earth, and they put all their household stuff.
134 OLD TOM'S HILL, IN TRURO.
CHAP, we were busy about these things, we set our men sen-
L. tinel in a round ring, all but two or three, which dig-
16 20. ged up the corn. Wo wore in suspense what to do 16. ' with it and the kettle ; and at length, after much con- sultation, we concluded to take the kettle, and as much of the corn as we could carry away with us ; and when our shallop came, if we could find any of the people, and come to parley with them, we would give them the kettle again, and satisfy them for their corn.^ So we took all the ears, and put a good deal of the loose corn in the kettle, for two men to bring away on a staff. Besides, they that could put any into their pockets, filled the same. The rest we buried again ; for we were so laden with armor ^ that we could carry no more.
Not far from this place we found the remainder of an old fort or palisado, which, as we conceived, had been made by some Christians.^ This was also hard by that place which we thought had been a river ; unto which we went, and found it so to be, dividing itself into two arms by a high bank,^ standing right
They have some great bags or ish*B grandsons is said to have Ix^en
sacks, made of hemp, which will in possession of his cuat of mail,
hold five or six bushels." Roarer His sword and that of Carver and
Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. Hrewster, are in the cabinet of the
212. Massachusetts Historical Society.
' It will be seen that within eifrht Some doubt however is thrown on months they scrupulously fulfilled this point from the circumstance this their honest intention, and that the Pilgrim Society of Ply- gave the owners of the corn ** full mouth have also in their posses- content.'' The censure of Baylies, sion ** the identical sword-blade i. 51, on their conduct as '*inexcu- used by Miles Slandish.'' See sable,'' and as ** compromising their Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 216, 336 ; consciences," might as well have Thachei's History of Plymouth, p. been spared. See p. 204. 258, second edition.
' It is worthy of notice that the ' Perhaps by the same persons
Pilgrims were cased in armor. See who owned the kellle and built the
pages 125 and 128. One of their hut. See p. 133. corslets would be a far more pre- ^ Bradford, in his History, as
cious relic than a cuirass from the quoted by Piince, p. 1C3, says ** a
field of Waterloo. One of Stand- high cliff of sand at the entrance."
PAMBT RIVER. 136
by the cut or mouth, which came from the sea. That chap. which WBS next unto us was the less.^ The other — L arm* was more than twice as big, and not unUke to ^®*®-
be a harbour for ships ; but whether it be a fresh 16.* river, or only an indraught of the sea, we had no time to discover ; for we had commandment to be out but two days. Here also we saw two canoes ; " the one
This 18 an accarate description of creek rans through a body of salt
the entrance of Pamet liyer. The marsh. The mouth of it lies nearly
high bank of sand, is called Old south-east from Cape Cod harbour,
Tom*s hill, after an Indian chief, nine miles distant. It is about a
who in former times had its seat mile south of the Great Hollow,
on its summit, and who received and is a little to the north of what
this name from the first Englbh is called the shoal ground, without
settlers. It is the termination of Billingsgate Point. The part of
a neck of land situated between Truro, south of Pamet river, on tho
the two creeks, called Indian Neck, bay, is called II(>g*s Hack. See
it having been reserved to tho In- Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 100.
dians on the first settlement of "' Of the birch bark the salvages
Truro, about the year 1700. Prince, of the northern parts make them
p.. 163, has fallen into a ffreat mis- delicate canoes, so light that two
take in supposing that Barnstable men will transport one of them over
harbour was the place here de- land whither they list, and one of
scribed. The description dues not them will transport ten or twelve
suit the harbour of Barnstable, or salvages by water at a time." T.
any other creek or inlet in the bay, Morton, ch. 2. " Their canoes are
except Pamet harbour ; and, as made either of pine trees, which.
Belknap ri((htly observes, (Am. before they were acquainted witlf
Biog. ii. 106,) neither the time nor English tools, they burned hollow,
distance can agree with Princess scraping them smooth with ciam
conjecture. liarnstable is iidy shells and oyster shells, cutting
miles from Cape Cod harbour by their outsides with stone hatchets ;
land ; a distance which could not these boats be not above a foot and
have been travelled, and back a half or two foot wide, and twenty
again, in three short days of No- foot long. Their other canoes be
Tember. F. made of thin birch ^rinds, cloae
' The smallest creek, which was ribbed on the inside with broad
next to the travellers, is called thin hoops, like the hoops of a tub ;
Hopkins's Creek, or Pamet little these are made very light ; a man
river. There is on it a body of salt may carry one of them a mile;
marsh, which runs half way across being made purposely to carry from
the township of Truro. The depth river to river, and bay to bay, to
of water in this creek, when the shorten land passages. In these
tide is in, is five feet. F. cockling fly-boats, wherein an Eng-
' Pamet river, which is a creek lishman can scarce sit without a forced into tho land from the bay, fearful tottering, they will Tcnture and extends almost across the town- to sea, when an English shallop ship, being separated. from the ocean dare not bare a knot of sail, scud- by nothing but a narrow beach and ding over the overgrown waves as embankment, which the water has fast as a wind-driven ship, being been known to break over. The driven by their paddles ; being much
136 CANOB AND DEER-TRAP.
CHAP, on the one side, the other on the other side.' We
IX.
v.-^ could not believe it was a canoe, till we came near it 16 3 0. So we returned, leaving the furtlier discovery hereof 10.' to our shallop, and came tliat night back again to the fresh water pond ; and there we made our rendezvous that night, making a great fire, and a barricado to windward of us, and kept good watch with three sen- tinels all night, every one standing when his turn came, while five or six inches of match ^ was burning. It proved a very rainy night ^^^' In the morning, we took our kettle and sunk it in the pond, and trimmed our muskets, for few of them would go off because of the wet; and so coasted the wood ' again to come home, in which we were shrewdly puzzled, and lost our way. As we wandered we came to a tree, where a young sprit ^ was bowed . down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins said, it had been to catch some deer. So as we were looking at it, William Bradford being In the rear, when he came looked also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was immediately caught by the leg.* It was a very pretty
like battledoore ; if a cross wave trees and smooth wrought cords ;
(which is seldom) turn her keel so strong as it will toss a horse if
upside down, they by swimming he be caught in it. An English
free her, and scramble into her mare, being strayed from her owner,
again." Wood, ch. 17. and grown wild by her long so-
' That is, of the bank, in the two journing in the woods, ranging
arms of the creek. up and down with the wild crow,
' This proves that their guns were stumbled into one of these traps,
matchlocks. See p. 125. which stopped her speed, hangmg
' The wood was terminated by her, like Mahomet's coffin, betwixt
the Pond, by the side of which they earth and heaven. In these traps
travelled, and then through a valley, deer, moose, bears, wolves, cats and
which is continued from it, east, foxes are often caught." ** The
toward the ocean. F. salvages ** says T. Morton, ch. 5,
* A sapling, a young tree. ** take the deer in traps made of
* Wood says, ch. 15, "their deer- their natural hemp, which they traps are springs made of young place in the earth, where they fell
THE EXPLORING PARTY RETURN. 137
device, made with a rope of their own making, and chap. having a noose as artificially made as any roper ^ in — L England can make, and asUke ours as can be : which ^J^o-
.1 . . * « 1 n Not.
we brought away with us. In tiie end we got out of i7. the wood, and were fallen about a mile too high above the creek ; • where we saw three bucks,' but we had rather have had one of them. We also did spring three couple of partridges ; ^ and as we came along by the creek, we saw great flocks of wild geese and ducks,* but they were very fearful of us. So we marched some while in the woods, some while on the sands, and otlicr while in the water up to the knees ; till at length we came near the ship ; ® and then we shot ofi'our pieces, and the long boat came to fetch us. Master Jones and Master Carver being on tlie shore, with many of our people, came to meet us. And tlius we came both weary and welcome home ; ^ and delivered in our corn into the store to be kept for seed, for we knew not how to come by any, and therefore were very glad, purposing, so soon as we could meet with any of the inhabitants of that place, to make them large satisfaction. This was our first discovery, whilst oui;^6hallop was in repairing.
Our people didrmake things as fitting as they could,
a tree for browse ; and when he ' Probably the Canada goose,
rounds the tree for the browse, if {anser Canaamsis^) and the dusky
he tread on the trap, he is horsed duck« {anas ohscura).
up by the leg, by means of a pole * A Her going about a mile enst,
that starts up and catcheth him/* they compassed the head of East
* Ropemaker. Harbour (Jrcek, and went dc»wn on
• This brought them out about a the north side of it. They then mile cast of High Head, and about wndcd through Stout's Creek, and two miles north-west of the High- also through Mill Creek, near Gull land Light. Jlill, and ]>as8cd on to the end of
• Sec pago 1.10. liong Point, near which the ship
* The partridge, {nerdrix Virfiini- lay. See n<»te * on page 120. ana,) or quail, as it is called in New ^ They had been absent three England, is still found in Tiuro. days.
138 THE SECOND EXPEDITION.
CHAP, and time would, in seeking out wood, and helving of
. ^ tools, and sawing of timber, to build a new shallop.
16 20. But the discommodiousness of the harbour did much hinder us ; for we could neither go to nor come from the shore but at high water, which was much to our hindrance and hurt; for oftentimes they waded to the middle of the thigh, and oil to the knees, to go and come from land.' Some did it necessarily, and some for their own pleasure ; but it brought to the most, if not to all, couglis and colds, (the weather proving suddenly cold and stormy,) which afterwards turned to the scurvy, whereof many died.
When our shallop was fit, (indeed before she was fully fitted, for there was two days' work after bestowed on her,) there was appointed some four and twenty men of our own, and armed, then to go and make a more full discovery of the rivers before mentioned. Master Jones was desirous to go with us, and we took such of his sailors as he thought useful for us ; so as we were in all about four and thirty mcn.^ We made Master Jones our leader ; for we thought it best herein to gratify his kindness and forwardness.^ When we
Nov. were set forth,^ it proved rtJimb weather and cross ^^' winds ; so as we were constrained^Wne in the shallop, and others in the long boat, to row to the nearest shore the wind would suffer them to go unto, and then to wade out above the knees. The wind was so strong as the shallop could not keep the water, but was forced to harbour there * that night. But we marched
* See note' on page 120. wronged them. Sec note * on page
' Of course they liad ten of 102.
Jones's crew. * This was ten days after their
' This shows that tliey could return from their first excursion,
have harhourcd no suspicion ^ In East Ilarhour. The men
that Jones had betrayed and who marched sevaai miles, and
THE PILGRIMS EXPLORE PAMBT RIVER. 139
six or seven miles further, and appointed the shallop chap. to come to us as soon as they could. It blowed and — L did snow all that day and night, and froze withal. i09o. Some of our people that are dead took the original of their death here.^
The next day, about eleven o'clock, our shallop Not. came to us, and wo shipped ourselves ; and the wind being good, we sailc^to tlie river we formerly dis- covered, which0i0/f/fRed Cold Harbour ; to which when we came, we found it not navigable for ships ; yet we thought it might be a good harbour for boats, for it flows there twelve foot at high water.* We landed our men between the two creeks,^ and marched some four or five miles ^ by the greater of them, and the shallop followed us. At lengtli night grew on, and our men were tired with marching up and down the steep hills and deep vaUeys,' which lay half a foot thick with snow. Master Jones, wearied with march- ing, was desirous wo should take up our lodging, tliough some of us would have marched furtlier. So we made there our rendezvous for tliat night under a few pine trees ; and as it fell out, we got three fat geese,^
what they supposed to bo six or straight line. The tradition is, that
seven miles farther, were landed on Pamet river was formerly deeper
Beach Point, which forms this har- than it is at present, and therefore
hour. F. the shallop might easily follow
> See pages 120 and 13R. them. F.
' The mouth of Pamet river is * This is an exact description of
twelve feet deep at high water, the land on Pamet river. F. Truro
Thence the water graduallv de- is composed of hills and narrow
creases to five feet, which is the circular valleys. There are also
depth at the lower bridge. This is some long valleys, running at right
to be understood of the lowest tides, angles with the shore. The tops
during the summer. F. of some of the hills spread out into
• The men were landed at the a plain.
foot of Old Tom's hill. F. • ** There are three kinds of
* From Old Tom's hill to the goose, the gray goose, the white head of Pamet river the distance is goose, and the brant.'* Jossclyn, about three miles and a half, as p. 0. ** There are geese of tlireo the hills run, or three miles in a sorts, viz. brant geese, which are
140 THEY UBTUllN TO H0PK1NS*S CLIFF.
CHAP, and six ducks ^ to our supper, which we eat with sol- « — L. diers' stomachs, for we had eaten little all that day. 1620. Our resolution was, next morning to go up to the head of this river, for we supposed it would prove fresh water. Not. But in the morning our resolution held not, because many liked not the hilliness of the soil and badness of the harbour. So we turned towards the other creek, that we might go over and loolMmr the rest of the com that we left behind when we were here before. When we came to the creek, we saw the canoe lie on the dry ground, and a flock of geese in the river, at which one made a shot and killed a couple of them ; and we launched the canoe and fetched them, and when we had done, she carried us over by seven or eight at once. This done, we marched to tlie place where we had the corn formerly, which place we called Camhill ; and digged and found the rest, of which
Sied, and white geeae which are a black and white head, atrong of igger, and gray gocso which are iliglit, and these be a great deal aa big and bigger than tlie tame bigger than tlie ordinary geeae of geese of England, with black lees, England ; roost of these geese re- black bills, heads and necks black ; main with us from Michaelmas to the flesh far more excellent than April. They feed on the sea, upon the geese of England, wild or tame, tlie grass in bays at low water, and There is of them great abundance ; gravel, and in the woods of acorns, I have had often a thousand before having, as other fowl have, their the mouth of my gun." T. Mor- pass and repass to the northward ton, ch. 4. '* The geese of the and southward." Wood, ch. 8. country be of three sorts ; first a * ** Ducks there are of three kinds, brant goose, which is a goose al- pied ducks, gray ducks, and black most like the wild goose of England, ducks, in great abundance ; they are The second kind is a white goose, bigger bodied than the tame ducks almost as big as an English tame of England. T. Morton, ch. 4. goose ; these come in great flocks *^ The ducks of the country be very about Michaelmas ; sometimes there large ones, and in ^reat abundance, will be two or three thousand in a So there is of teal likewise. If I flock ; those continue six weeks and should tell you how some have so fly to the southward, returning killed a hundred geese in a week, in March, and staying six weeks fifty ducks at a shot, forty leal at more, returning to the northward, another, it may bo counted almost The third kind of goose is a great impossible, though nothing more gray goose, with a black neck and certain." Wood, ch. 8.
MORE INDUN CORN FOUND. 141
we were very glad. We also digged in a place a chap. little further offy and found a bottle of oil. We went — ^ to another place, which we had seen before, and dig- lo^o. ged and found more corn, viz. two or three baskets full of Indian wheat, and a bag of beans, with a good many of fair wheat ' ears. Whilst some of us were dig- ging up this, some others found another heap of corn, which tliey digged up also ; so aB we had in all about ten bushels, which will serve us sufficiently for seed. And sure it was God^s good providence that we found tliis corn, for else we know not how we should have done ; for we knew not how we should find or meet with any of the Indians, except it be to do us a mis- chief. Also, we had never in all likeliliood seen a grain of it, if we had not made our first journey ; for the ground was now covered with snow, and so hard frozen that we were fain with our curtlaxes* and short swords to hew and carve the ground a foot deep, and then wrest it up with levers, for we had forgot to bring otlier tools. Whilst we were in this employment, foul weather being towards. Master Jones was earnest to go aboard ; but sundry of us desired to make fur- tlier discovery, and to find out the Indians' habitations. So we sent home with him our weakest people, and some that were sick, and all the corn ; and eighteen of us stayed still and lodged there that night, and desired that the shallop might return to us next day, and bring us some mattocks and spades with them.
The next morning, we followed certain beaten paths Not. and tracks of the Indians into the woods, supposing tliey would have led us into some town or houses. After we had gone a while, we light upon a very
' Indian com is still meant F. ' Cutlasses.
142
INDIAN GRAVES.
CHAP, broad beaten path, well nigh two foot broad. Then v.-^^ we lighted all our matches/ and prepared ourselves, 1 6 20. concluding that we were near tlieir dwellings. But, 30. in the end, we found it to be only a path ^ made to drive deer in, when tlie Indians hunt, as we supposed. When we had marched five or six miles into the woods, and could find no signs of any people, we re- turned again another way ; and as we came into the plain ground, we found a place Uke a grave, but it was much bigger and longer than any we had yet seen. It was also covered with boards, so as we mused what it should be, and resolved to dig it up ; where we found first a mat, and under that a fair bow, and then ^ an- other mat, and under that a board about three quar- ters^ long, finely carved and painted ; with three tines or broaches ^ on the top, like a crown. Also between the mats we found bowls, trays, dishes, and such like trinkets. At length we came to a fair new mat, and under that two bundles, the one bigger, the other less. Wo opened the greater, and found in it a great quan- tity of fine and perfect red powder, and in it the bones and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow hair still on it, and some of the flesh unconsumed. There was bound up with it a knife, a packneedle, and two or three old iron things. It was bound up in a sailor's
' See note ' on page 125.
• **The Indians,** says Wood, ch. 15, '* have other devices to kill their game, as sometimes hedges a mile or two miles long, heing a mile wide at one end, and made narrower and narrower by degrees, leaving only a gap of six foot long, over against which, in the day time, they lie lurking to shoot the deer which come through that narrow gut ; in the uight, at the
gut of this hedge, they set deer traps.** See the description of tliem on page 136.
' In the original there — undoubt ediy a typographical error.
* Of a yard.
^ Tines, prongs ; broaches, spits. Tines is a word still in common use in the interior of New Eng- land ; e. g. the tines of a pitchfork. See Ray's North Country Words, p. 20.
AN EMBALMED BODY.
143
canvass cnssock nml a pair of clotli breeches.^ The chap. red powder was a kind of embalment, and yielded a — L strong, but no oflensive smell; it was as fine as any leso. flour. We opened the less bundle likewise, and found 30^* of the same powder in it, and the bones and head of a little child. About the legs and other parts of it was bound strings and bracelets of fine white beads.* There was also by it a little bow, about three quarters long, and some other odd knacks.' We brought sun- dry of the prettiest things away with us, and covered the corpse up again. After this we digged in sundry hke places, but found no more corn, nor any thing else but graves.
There was variety of opinions amongst us about the embalmed person. Some thought it was an In- dian lord and king. Otliers said, tlie Indians have all black hair, and never any was seen with brown or yellow hair. Some thought it was a Christian of some special note, which had died amongst them, and they thus buried him to honor him. Others tliought tliey had killed him, and did it in triumph over him.
Whilst we were thus ranging and searching, two of the sailors which were newly come on the shore,* by chance espied two houses, which had been lately dwelt in, but tlie people were gone. They having their
' See pages 133 and 134.
• Wampom, made of ihe peri- winkle. F.
' ** It is their custom," says Wood, ch. 19, ** to bury with their deceased friends their bows and arrows, and good store of their wampompeag.*' Morton says, ch. 17, lh.it ** in the grave of the more noble they put a plank in the bot- tom for the corpse to be laid upon, and on each side a plank, and a
plank upon the top, in the form of a chest, before they cover the place with earl h . ' * And Roger W illiams says, ch. 32, ** After the dead is laid in the grave, sometimes, in some parts, some goods are cast in with them ; and upon the grave is spread the mat that the party died on, and the dish he ate in.*'
* Having come from the ship in the shallop when she returned after carrying Jones on board.
144 INDIAN HOUSES.
CHAP, pieces, and hearing nobody, entered the houses, and ^^J^ took out some things, and durst not stay, but came 163 0. again and told us. So some seven or eight of us went 30^' with them, and found how we liad gone within a flight shot of them before. The houses ^ were made with long young sapling trees bended, and both ends stuck into the ground. They were made round, like unto an arbour, and covered down to the ground with thick and well wrought mats ; and the door was not over a yard high, made of a mat to open. The chimney was a wide open hole in the top ; for which they had a mat to cover it <jose when they pleased. One might stand and go upright in them. In the midst of them were four little trunches^ knocked into the ground, and small sticks laid over, on which they hung their pots, and what they had to sccdio. llouud about the (ire they lay on mats, which are their beds. The houses were double mattted ; for as they were matted with- out, so were they within, with newer and fairer mats. In the houses we found wooden bowls, trays, and dishes, earthen pots,^ hand -baskets made of crab- shells wrought together ; also an English pail or buck- et; ^ it wanted a bail, but it had two iron ears. There was also baskets of sundry sorts, bigger and some lesser, finer and some coarser. Some were curiously
* For tho description of tho Indian Hlllo and moan. Tlio pots they wigwams, see Roger Williams's secllie tlieir food in are made of clay Key, ch. 0 ; Wood's New Kng- or cartli, almost in the form of an land's Prospect, ch. 20; Morton's egg, the top taken olT. Their New English Canaan, ch. 4 , and dishes and spoons and ladles aro Cookings Historical Collections of made of wood, very smooth and the Indians in New England, ch. 3, artificial, and of a sort of wood not sec. 4, in Mass. Ilist. Coll. i. 149. subject to split." Gookin, ch. 3,
* Truncheons, sticks. sec. 0.
* *'Tliey have dninty^ wooden * This probably belonged to the bowls of maple, of high price persons who built the hut and amongst them." T. Morton, ch. owned the kettle, mentioned on 12. ** Their household stufT is but pago 133.
THE SECOND EXPLORING PARTY RETURN. 146
wrought witli black and white in pretty works, and chap.
sundry other of their household stuff. ^ We found also
two or three deer's heads, one whereof had been i^^<>* newly killed, for it was still fresh. There was also a 30.' company of deer's feet stuck up in the houses, harts' horns, and eagles' claws, and sundry such like things there was ; also two or three baskets full of parched acorns,* pieces of fish, and a piece of a broiled herring. We found also a little silk grass, and a little tobacco seed, with some other seeds which we knew not Without was sundry bundles of flags, and sedge, bul- rushes, and otlier stuff to make mats.' There was thrust into a hollow tree two or three pieces of veni- son ; but we thought it fitter for the dogs than for us. Some of tlie best tilings we took away with us, and left the houses standing still as they were.
So it growing towards night, and the tide almost spent, we hasted with our things down to the shallop, and got aboard tliat night, intending to have brought some beads and other tilings to have left in tlie houses, in sign of peace, and that we meant to truck with them ; but it was not done by means of our hasty coming away from Cape Cod. But so soon as we
' " Some of their baskets are for a noTelty." Williams's Key,
made of rushes, some of bents, ch. 16. " They mix with their
others of maize husks, others of a pottage, several sorts of nuts or
kind of silk grass^ others of a kind masts, as oak acorns, chestnuts,
of wild hemp, and some of barks walnuts ; these husked, and dried,
of trees ; many of them very neat and powdered, they thicken their
and artificial, with the portraitures pottage therewith." Gookin, ch. 3,
of birds, beasts, fishes and flowers sec. 5.
upon them in colors.'' Gookin, ch. ' '* They make mats of several
3, sec. G. sorts, for covering their houses and
'• ** They also dry acorns ; and doors, and to sleep and sit upon,
in case of want of corn, by much The meaner sort of wigwams are
boiling they make a good dish of covered with mats made of a kind
them; yea, sometimes in plenty of bulrush." Gookin, ch. 3, sec. 4
of corn, do they eat these acorns and 6.
in
146 REASONS FOR SETTUNG AT PAMET RIVER.
CHAP, can meet conveniently with them, we will give them
v^v^ full satisfaction.^ Thus much of our second discovery.
1620. Having thus discovered this place, it was contro-
versal ' amongst us what to do touching our abode
and settling there.'
Some thought it best, for many reasons, to abide there. As first, that there was a convenient harbour for boats, though not for ships. Secondly, good corn- ground ready to our hands, as we saw by experience in the goodly corn it yielded, which would again agree with the ground and be natural seed for the same. Thirdly, Cape Cod was like to be a place of good fishing ; for we saw daily great whales, of the best kind for oil and bone, come close aboard our ship, and, in fair weather, swim and play about us.^ There was once one, when the sun shone warm, came and lay above water, as if she had been dead, for a good while together, within half a musket shot of the ship ; at which two were prepared to shoot, to see whether she would stir or no. He that gave fire first, his musket flew in pieces, both stock and barrel ; yet, thanks be to God, ncitlier he nor any man else was hurt with it, though many were there about. But when the whale saw her time, she gave a snuff, and away. Fourthly, the place was likely to be healthful, secure, and defensible.
But the last and especial reason was, that now the heart of winter and unseasonable weather was come upon us, so that we could not go upon coasting and discovery without danger of losing men and boat, upon
* See page 137 and note ' on page ' That is, at Pamet river. 134. * See note ' on page 119.
' Controveited, says Morton, in his Memorial, page 42.
REASONS AGAINST IT.
147
which would follow the overthrow of all, especially chap, considering what variable winds and sudden storms do — L. there arise. Also, cold and wet lodging had so tainted ^^^o. our people, (for scarce any of us were free from vehe- ment coughs,) as if they should continue long in that estate, it would endanger the lives of many, and breed diseases and infection amongst us. Again, we had yet some beer, butter, flesh, and other such victuals left, which would quickly be all gone ; and tlien we should have nothing to comfort us in the great labor and toil we were likely to undergo at the first. It was also conceived, whilst we had competent victuals, that the ship would stay with us ; but when that grew low, tliey would be gone, and let us shift as we could.
Others, again, urged greatly the going to Anguum, or Angoum,' a place twenty leagues off to the north- wards, which they had heard to be an excellent harbour for ships, better ground, and better fishing. Secondly, for any thing we knew, tliere might be hard by us a far better seat ; and it should be a great hindrance to seat where * we should remove again. Thirdly, the water was but in ponds; and it was thought there would be none in summer, or very little. Fourthly, the water tliere must be fetched up a steep hill.^
But to omit many reasons and replies used here- abouts, it was in the end concluded to make some
' Agawaro, Ipswich ; Smith calls it Augoam. Little was known at this time of Massachusetts Bay, or the distances from one place to another ; that little was derived from Smithes map and Description of New England. Soe Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 1, and xxvi. 118. • Perhaps an error for whence, ' I suppose they contemplated
building their town, for protection against the Indians, on the high bank, called Old Tom's hill, near the entrance of Pamet river. This hill is still very steep. There is a well now in front of it on the shore, where vessels water. The Pilgrims seemed to have relied on running streams, and never thought of sink- ing wells.
148 THE FIRST CHILD nORN.
CHAP, discovery within the bay ; but in no case so far as
L Angoum. Besides, Robert Coppin, our pilot,^ made
1620. relation of a great navigable river and good harbour in the other head-land of the bay,* almost right over against Cape Cod, being, in ^ a right line, not much above eight leagues distant, in which he had been once ; and because that one of the wild men with whom they had some trucking stole a harping iron ^ from them, they called it Thievish Harbour. And be- yond that place they were enjoined not to go. Where- upon a company was chosen to go out upon a third discovery. Whilst some were employed in this dis- covery, it pleased God that Mistress White was brought a bed of a son, which was called Peregrine.^ i^oc- The 5th day we, through God's mercy, escaped a great danger by the foolishness of a boy, one of Fran-
' Coppin was second mate of the sioners in behalf of Lieut. Pere-
Mayflower. grine White, desiring that the
' The other headland of the bay Court would accommodate him
was Manomet Point, and the river with a portion of land, in respect
was probably the North river, in that he was the first of the English
Scitiiate. that was born in these parts; and
' The word in I insert from Mor- in answer unto his own petition
ton, p. 43. preferred to this Court respecting
^ A harpoon. the premises, the Court have
* In the Boston News Letter, of cranted unio him 200 acres of land, July 31, 1704, the 15lh No. of the lying and being at the path that first newspaper printed in New gites from Dridgewater to the Bay, England, is the following article of adjuiriinff to the Bay line." A intelligence. *' Marshfield, July list of his descendants, some of 22, Captain Peregrine White, of whom are still living, may be seen this town, aged 83 years and eight in Thachcr's Plymouth, p. 23. months, died here the 20th inst. *' Dec. 4, dies Edward Thom- lie was vigorous and of a comely son, servant of Mr. While, the first aspect to the last ; was the son of that dies since their arrival. Doc. William White and Susanna his G, dies Jasper, a hoy of Mr. Cur- wife, horn on board the Mayflower, ver*s. Dec. 7, Dorothy, wife to Capt Jones commander, in Cape Mr. William Bradford, (drowned.) Cod harbour, Nov. 1620, the first Dec. 8, James Chilton." Gov. Brad- Englishman born in New Eng- ford, in Prince, p. 1G5. Prince had land.'' In the records of Plymouth Bradford's pocket-book, which con- Colony is the following entry under taincd a register of deaths, births, Oct. 1005, when Thomas Prince and marriugos, from Nov. 0, 1020, was governor. ** In reference unto tu the end of March, 1021. the request of the King's commis-
THE THIRD EXPEDITION. 149
cis Billington's sons,^ who, in his father's absence, had chap. got gunpowder, and had shot off a piece or two, and — L made squibs ; and there being a fowling-piece charged 1 6 a o. in his father's cabin, shot her off in the cabin ; there being a Uttle barrel of powder half full, scattered in and about the cabin, the fire being within four foot of the bed between the decks, and many flints and iron things about the cabin, and many people about the fire ; and yet, by God's mercy, no harm done.
Wednesday, the 6th of December, it was resolved Deo. our discoverers should set forth, for the day before was too foul weatlier, — and so thoy did, though it was well o'er the day ere all tilings could be ready. So ten of our men were appointed who were of them-"" selves willing to undertake it, to wit. Captain Stand- ish. Master Carver, William Bradford, Edward Wins- loe, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, John Houland,* and
' BilUngton was not one of the He came from London, and I know
Leyden church, but alipped in ?not by what friends shuffled into
among the Pilgrims in England, our company." John, his eldest
His accession was of no benefit to son, who probably fired the powder,
the colony. He was a mischievous was a young scape-grace, who the
and troublesome fellow. The fire t next summer wandered nffdown the
offence in the settlement was com- Cape as far as Eastham, causing
mitted by him. In March, 1621, gteat anxiety to the infant colony,
he was ** convented before the and putting them to the trouble of
whole company for contempt of the sending an expedition af\er him.
Captain *s (Standish) lawful com- Francis, the other son, was the dis-
mands, with opprobrious speeches, coveret of Billington sea, which
for which he was adjudged to have will immortalize the name. The
his neck and heels tied together." mothcr*s name was Helen. See
Gov. Bradford, in a letter to Cush- Prince, pp. 189, 103, and 319.
man, written June 9, 1625, says, Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 37; Hutchin-
" Billington still rails against you, son*s Mass. ii. 464 ; Hubbard*8
and threatens to arrest you, I know New England, p. 101.
not wherefore. He is a knave, and ' John Howland, the 13th signer
so will live and die." The pro- of the Compact, is counted as be-
phecy was fulfilled, for he was hung longing to Carver*8 family, whose
m Oct 1630, for waylaying and daughter Elizabeth he married,
shooting a young man, named John The Plymouth Colony records say
Newcomen. Gov. Bradford says, that ** he was an ancient professor
in his History, "The said Billington of the ways of Christ; one of the
was one of the profanest among us. first comers, and proved a useful
160 NAMES OF THE PAUTY.
CHAP, three of London,' Richard Warren,* Steeven Hopkins, v.-^ and Edward Dotte, and two of our^ seamen, John 1620. Alderton and Thomas English. Of the ship's com- pany there went two of the master's mates. Master Clarke and Master Coppin, the master gunner, and three sailors.^ The narration of which discovery follows, penned by one' of the company. Dec Wednesday, the 6th of December, we set out, being very cold and hard weather. We were a long while, after we launched from tlie ship, before we could get clear of a sandy point,^ which lay within less than a fur- long of the same. In which time two were very sick,
instrument of good, and was the culties and troubles of the planta- last of the male survivors of those tion. He died in 16S8. His who came over in the Mayflower widow, Elizabeth, survived him in 1620, and whose place or abode about 45 years, dying in 1673, at was Plymouth." John Alden, of the age of 90. They had two sods Duxbury, outlived him 15 years, and five daughters. His descend- The last survivor of the Mayflower ants perpetuate the name in Ply- was Mary Cushman, daughter of mouth, New Bedford, Lowell, Isaac Allerton, who was alive in Boston, New York, and elsewhere. 1608. Howland died in 1672 at At the partition of the lands in Rocky Nook, in Kingston, aged 1623, Richard Warren's lot was 80. He had four sons and six assigned him near Eel river. The daughters, some of whose descend- farm has continued in the pos- ants are still living in the Old session of his posterity till within Culony and in Rhode Island. A a few years. See Hutchinson's genealogy of the family, written by Mass. ii. 462 ; Morton's Memorial, one of them, the venerable John p. 135 ; Thacher's Plymouth, p. Howland, President of the R. I. 71.
Historical Society, is inserted in ' They were not a part of the
Thacher's Plymouth, p. 129. See Mayflower's crew, but were in-
Farmer's Genealogical Register of tended to remain in the country
the First Settlers of New England, and to manage the Speedwell, had
A pp. art Howland; Mitchell's she come over. Their occupation
Bridgowatcr, p. 379 ; Hutchinson's at present, 1 supnose, was to lake
Mass. ii. 456, 462. charge of the shallop, until another
* Thev were therefore not mem- small vessel should be sent over ;
hers of Robinson's congregation at which took place in Aug. 1623,
Leyden. See p. 78, and note * on when a pinnace of 41 tons, called
p. 122 of this volume. the Little James, arrived.
' Richard Warren, the 12th * There were 18 in all ; among signer of the Compact, with the whom >¥ere 12 out of the 41 sign- honorable prefix of Mr. is mentioned era of the Compact, by Bradford as a most useful man, * I take it to be Bradford. See during the short time he lived, note ' on page 115. bearing a deep share in the diffi- * The end of Long Point. F.
BILLINGSGATE POINT. 161
and Edward Tilley had like to have sounded^ with chAp- cold. The gunner also was sick unto death (but ^^^J^ hope of trucking made him to go,) and so remained ^^^^' all that day and the next night. At length we got 6. clear of the sandy point, and got up our sails, and within an hour or two we got under the weather shore,* and then had smoother water and better sailing. But it was very cold; for the water froze on our clothes, and made them many times like coats of iron. We sailed six or seven leagues by the shore, but saw neither river nor creek. At length we met with a tongue of land, being flat off* from the shore, with a sandy point.^ We bore up to gain the point, and found there a fair income or road of a bay, being a league over at tlie narrowest, and some two or three in length ; but we made right over to the land before us, and left the discovery of this income till the next day. As we drew near to the shore,^ we espied some ten or twelve Indians very busy about a black thing, — what it was we could not tell, — till afterwards they saw us, and ran to and fro, as if they had been carry- ing something away. We landed a league or two from them,^ and had much ado to put ashore any where, it
' Swooned. Nothing further is ' Billingsgate Point This point
known of Edward Tilley than that then joined the land north of it ;
he brought his wife with him, and but it is now an island, having
had two other individuals in his been out off by a ditch many years
family, probably his children, and since ; and being constantly washed
died before the end of March. John by the tide, there is now a passage
Tilley, who was also one of this for small light vessels to pass at
exploring party, was probably a full sea. Wellfleet bay is, as here
brother of Edward. He also brought described, a league over at the nar-
his wifo and ono other person, rowest and two or three in length,
roost likely a child, and dica before The distance from Long Point to
the end of March. The name does Billingsgate Point is seven leagues,
not appear in the division of the See Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 41.
lands in 1633, nor of the cattle ^ In Eastham, north of Great
in 1637. pond.
' The shore of Truro. * South.
152 THE PILGRIMS IN WELLFLCET.
CHAP, lay SO full of flat sands.^ When we came to shore, — 1^ we made us a barricado, and got firewood, and set 1 6 s 0. out sentinels, and betook us to our lodging, such as it was. We saw the smoke of the fire which the sav- ages made that night about four or five miles from us. Dec. In the morning we divided our company, some eight in the shallop, and the rest on the shore went to dis- cover this place. But we found it only to be a bay,* without either river or creek coming into it. Yet we deemed it to be as good a harbour as Cape Cod ; for they that sounded it found a ship might ride in five fatliom water. We on the land found it to be a level ' soil, though none of the fruitfullest. We saw two becks ^ of fresh water, which were the first running streams that we saw in the country ; but one might stride over them. We found also a great fish, called a grampus,' dead on the sands. They in the shallop
' A sandy flat, a mile wide, ex- was probably Cook's brook, in
tends along the western shore of Eastham, three quarters of a mile
Elastham, from Dennis to the bounds south of Indian brook, or possibly
of Wellfleet. It is left dry about Snow's brook a mile further south,
three hours, and may easily be See Mass llbt. Coll. iv. 41, and
crossed by horses and carriages, viii. 155. See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 155. * The grampus, {ffrand-voisson,
' Wellfleet harbour, which is Fr., grapois^ Norm., delphinut large, indented within with creeks, orcot) is the largest and most re- whero vessels of 70 or 80 tons may markable species of the genus lie. Large ships may lie safe in Pliocsna, of the cetaceous order of what is called the Deep Hole, near Mammalia. It is a large animal, the town. There are five and a half the size of the Greenland full- half fathom of water in the bar- grown whale, being often seen from buur. SeeMass. Hist. Coll. iii. 117. 25 to 30 feet in length and 10 or
' The land in Eastham is a level 12 in circumference. The color is
plain. black above, suddenly giving place
* Becks — rivulets, small brooks, to white on the sides, which is con- See Ray's North Country Words, tinued over the abdomen. Indi- pp. 17 and 09. One of these no viduals of this species are some- duubt was Indian brook, which times thrown ashore on the Cape, forms the boundary between East- 20 feet long, and having four inches ham and Wellfloet, and runs into of blubber. See Jardine's Natu- tlie harbour of Silver Springs, ralist's Library, Mammalia, vi. 228 The spring from which it issues — 232 ; Shaw's Zoology, Mam- has a white sand at the bottom, re- maliu, vol. ii. part ii. p. 513 ; Jos- sembling that metal. The other selyn, p. 20.
THE PILGRIMS IN EASTHAM. 163
found two of them also in the bottom of the bay, dead chap.
IX.
in like sort. They were cast up at high water, and could not get off for the frost and ice. They were ^^^^ some five or six paces long, and about two inches 7. * thick of fat, and fleshed like a swine. They would have yielded a great deal of oil, if there had been time and means to have taken it So we finding nothing for our turn, both we and our shallop returned. We then directed our course along the sea sands to the place where we first saw the Indians.^ When we were there, we saw it was also a grampus which they were cutting up. They cut it into long rands ' or pieces, about an ell long and two handfull broad. We found here and there a piece scattered by the way, as it seemed for haste. This place the most were minded we should call the Grampus Bay^^ because we found so many of them there. We followed the track of the Indians' bare feet a good way on the sands. At length we saw where they struck into the woods by the side of a pond.^ As we went to view the place, one said he thought he saw an Indian house among the trees ; so went up to see. And here we and the shallop lost sight one of another till night, it being now about nine or ten o'clock. So we light on a path, but saw no house, and followed a great way into the woods. At length we found where corn had been set, but not that year. Anon, we found a great burying place, one part whereof was encompassed with a large palisado, like a
They went back, norih, to- forty feet wide, separates it from _.ds Wellfleet harbour. Long pond ; the distance of which
' Rands — strips. from Mill pond, connected with the
' Wellfleet harbour. northern arm of Nauset harbour, is
^ Great pond, in Eastham, north not more than a furlong. A canal
of which they landed. F. This might thus be easily cut, connect-
pond is a quarter of a mile from ing the bay with the ocean. See
the shore. A narrow neck, about Mass. Hist. Coll. viiL 166.
on
154 AN INDUN BURYINQGROUND.
CHAP, church-yardy with young spires,^ four or five yards long, — L set as close one by another as they could, two or three 16 2 0. foot in the ground. Within it was full of graves, some 7. bigger and some less. Some were also paled about ; and others had like an Indian house * made over them, but not matted. Those graves were more sumptuous than those at Cornhill ; yet we digged none of them up, but only viewed them and went our way. With- out the paUsado were graves also, but not so costly. From this place we went and found more corn-ground, but not of this year. As we ranged, we light on four or five Indian houses, which had been lately dwelt in ; but they were uncovered, and had no mats about them ; else they were like those we found at Comhill^ but had not been so lately dwelt in. There was nothing left but two or three pieces of old mats, and a little sedge. Also, a Uttle further, we found two baskets full of parched acorns ^ hid in the ground, which we supposed had been corn when we began to dig the same ; we cast eartli thereon again, and went our way. All this while we saw no people.
We went ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low, and then we hasted out of the woods, that we might come to our shallop ; which, when we were out of the woods, we espied a great way off*, and called them to come unto us ; the which tliey did as soon as they could, for it was not yet high water. They were exceeding glad to see us, for they feared
' Spires — twisted or wreathed 1621, saw the grave of Nanepashe-
houghs. met, the deceased king, surrounded
' *'Over the grave of the more hy a palisado, and over it **the
noble they erect something in form frame of a house, wherein, being
of a hearse-cloth.'' T. Morton, ch. dead, he lay buried." Seepage 142.
17. The Pilgrims, on their first ' See page 144.
visit to Massachusetts Bay, in Sept. ^ See note* on page 145.
A MIDNIGHT ALARM. 165
because tliey bad not seen us in so long a time, think- chap. ing we would bave kept by tbe sbore side. So being w^ botb weary and faint, — for we had eaten nothing all i «» ^• that day, — we fell to make our rendezvous and get 7. * firewood, which always costs us a great deal of labor. By that time we had done, and our shallop come to us,' it was within night ; and we fed upon such vict- uals as we had, and betook us to our rest, after we had set out our watch. About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry ; and our sentinels called, <^ Arm ! Arm ! " So we bestirred ourselves, and shot oflT a couple of muskets, and the noise ceased. We concluded that it was a company of wolves or foxes ; for one ' told us he had heard such a noise in New- foundland.'
' It appears from Got. Bradford's ' Probably either Clark or Cop- MS. Historj, quoted by Prince, p. pin, the mates of the Mayflower, 165, that the shallop coasted along who had been on the coast before, the shore, sonth, and that towards See pp. 85 and 148. night, the people on land met it at ' JNewfoundland was not disco- a creek. This Morton, in his Me- Tered in 1407 by Sebastian Cabot, moriai, p. 44, conjectares to be See Biddle^s Life of Cabot, book i. Namskeket, which is the dividing ch. 6. Captain Richard Whit- line between Orleans and Brewster, boame, who wrote a book, printed But it may with more probability in London in 1623, entitled " A be concluded that it was Great Mea- Discourse and Discovery of New- dow creek, in Eastham. If the found land," says that he was first travellers had gone as far as Nam- there iii 1582, and again in 1586, skeket, they must have crossed ** at which time Sir Humfrey Gil- Great Meadow creek, then, half a bert, a Devonshire knicht, came mile south. Boat Meadow creek, thither with two good sliips and a then, half a mile further south, pinnace, and brought with him a Rock Harbour creek, and then, a large patent from the late most mile southwest. Little Namskeket renowned Queen Elizabeth, and in creek ; or they must have passed her name took possession of that round their heads, which, at a time country, in the harbour of St. John's, when the country was covered with whereof I was an eye-witness." a forest very difficult to bo pone- Whitbourne was at Newfoundland trated, would have been no cosy again in 1588, 1011, IGH, 1015, task. Namskeket creek was best and 1018. Clark or Coppin may known to the first settlers of Ply- have gone in one of his ships, mouth ; and this appears to have Whiibonrne says, p. 8, '* In divers been the cause of Morton^s supposi- parts of the country there are many tion. F. See Mass. Hist. Coll. foxes, wolves, and bears. In 1615, Tiii. 155, 188. three several times the wolves and
166
AN ATTACK FROM THE INDIANS.
CHAP. About five o'clock in the morning we began to be
., L stirring ; and two or three, which doubted whether
16 20. their pieces would go off or no, made trial of them 8. * and shot them off, but thought nothing at all. After prayer ' we prepared ourselves for breakfast, and for a journey ; and it being now the twiUght in the morning, it was thought meet to carry the things down to the shallop. Some said it was not best to carry the armor ' down. Others said, they would be readier. Two or three said, they would not carry theirs till they went themselves, but mistrusting nothing at all. As it fell out, the water not being high enough, they laid the things down upon the shore, and came up to breakfast Anon, all upon a sudden, we heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be the same voices, though they varied their notes. One of our company, being abroad, came running in, and cried, << They are men ! Indians ! Indians ! " and withal their arrows came fly- ing amongst us. Our men ran out with all speed to recover their arms ; as by the good providence of God they did. In the mean time. Captain Miles Standish, having a snaphance ^ ready, made a shot ; and after
beasU of the country came down to the sea-side, near to 48 persons of my company, who were laboring about their fisn, howling and mak- ing a noise." Whitboume's book was published by royal authority, and aistributed throughout the se- veral parishes of the kingdom. A contribution too was ordered by the Privy Council to be taken in the parish churches to defray the ex- pense of the printing, and as '* some reward to him for his great charge, travails, and divers losses at sea.*'
' This incidental remark shows the religious character of the Pil- grims. No dangers or hardships
were permitted to interfere with their stated devotions.
' See note ' on page 134.
' A snaphance is a musket with a flint-lock. In 1643 the house- holders at Plymouth were ** ordered to be furnished with approved arms, viz. muskets with snaphance, or matchlocks with match calivers, and carbines, which are allowed, and also fowling-pieces.*' At the time of Philip's war, in 1674, snap- hances were rare, yet a few of them were used. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 183, and Haven's Centennial Address at Dedham, p. 61.
Meyrick, in his Critical Inquiry into Ancient Armour, iii. 88, points
FIRST ENCOUNTER WITH THE INDIANS. 157
»
him another. After they two had shot, other two of chap. us were ready ; but he wished us not to shoot till we .^J^ could take aim, for we knew not what need we should i^^o.
Doc
have ; and there were four only of us which had their s. arms there ready, and stood before the open side of our barricade, which was first assaulted. They thought it best to defend it, lest the enemy should take it and our stuff; and so have the more vantage against us. Our care was no less for the shallop ; but we hoped all the rest would defend it We called unto them to know how it was with them ; and they answered "Well! Well!" every one, and "Be of good courage ! " We heard three of their pieces go off, and the rest called for a firebrand to Ught their matches.' One took a log out of the fire on his shoulder and went and carried it unto them ; which was thought did not a little discourage our enemies. The cry of our enemies' was dreadful, especially when our men ran out to recover their arms. Their note was afler this manner, " Woach^ woachj ha ha hach woach.^^ Our men were no sooner come to their arms, but the enemy was ready to assault them. There was a lusty man, and no whit less valiant, who was thought to be their captain, stood behind a tree within half a musket shot of us, and there let his arrows fly at us. He was seen to shoot three arrows, which were all avoided; for he at whom the first arrow was aimed, saw it, and stooped down, and it
out a diflference between the fire- rate from its cover; whilst in the
lock and the snaphance, and quotes firelock the hammer is affixed to
a document which " prefers the the pan, supplying the place of its
firelock/' but *' if they cannot ho cover, and opening at the percus-
procured, snaphanccs will do." The sion of tho cock,
diflcrenco seems to be that in the * See note ' on page 125.
snaphance a movable hammer was ' These were the Nauset Indians,
placed beyond the pan, and sepa- as will appear hereaAer.
168
THB INDIANS REPULSED.
CHAP, flew over him. The rest were avoided also. He
IX.
— L stood three shots of a musket. At length, one took, 1630. as he said, full aim at him ; after which he gave an
Dec. ,. , \ 1. , «r /• 1
8. extraordinary cry, and away they went all.* We fol- lowed tliem about a quarter of a mile ; but we left six to keep our shallop, for we were very careful of our business. Then we shouted all together two several times, and shot ofi* a couple of muskets, and so returned. This we did that they might see we were not afraid of them, nor discouraged.
Thus it pleased God to vanquish our enemies and give us deliverance. By their noise we could not guess that they were less than thirty or forty, though some thought that they were many more. Yet, in the dark of the morning, we could not so well discern them among the trees, as tliey could see us by our fire-side. We took up eighteen of their arrows, which we have sent to England by Master Jones ; * some whereof were headed with brass, others with harts' horn, and others with eagles' claws. Many more no doubt were shot, for these we found were almost covered with leaves; yet, by tlie especial providence of God, none of them either hit or hurt us, though many came close by us and on every side of us, and some coats which hung up in our barricado were shot through and through.
' Johnson, in his Wonder-work- ing Providence, ch. 8, says that *' one Captain Miles Standish, hav- ing his fowling-piece in readiness, presented full at them. His shot, being directed by the provident hand of the most high God, struck the stoutest sachem among them on the right arm, it being bent over his shoulder to reach an arrow forth his quiver." We know not what authority Johnson had for this
statement. In the same chapter he says, ** Of Plymouth plantation the author purposes not to speak particularly, being prevented by the honored Mr. Winslow, who was an eye-witness of the work." Edward Johnson lived at Wobum, in Mas- sachusetts, and his book was print- ed in London in 1654. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 49, G7.
' On the return of the Mayflower in April, 1G21.
THB SHALLOP DISABLED. 169
So after we had given God thanks for our deliver- chap. ance, we took our shallop and went on our journey, ^^-^ and called this place The First Encounter. From i^^®-
* Dee.
hence we intended to have sailed to the aforesaid a. Thiemsk Harbour^ if we found no convenient harbour by the way.* Havmg the wind good, we sailed all that day along the coast about fifteen leagues ;' but saw neitlier river nor creek^ to put into. After we had sailed an hour or two, it began to snow and rain, and to be bad weather. About the midst of the aftiernoon the wind increased, and the seas began to be very rough ; and the hinges of the rudder broke, so that we could steer no longer with it, but two men, with much ado, were fain to serve with a couple of oars. The seas were grown so great that we were much troubled and in great danger ; and night grew on. Anon, Master Coppin bade us be of good cheer ; he saw the harbour. As we drew near, the gale be- ing stiff, and we bearing great sail to get in, split our mast in three pieces, and were like to have cast away our shallop.^ Yet, by God's mercy, recovering our-
' Gov. Bradford, in his History, ble that they would have entered
as quoted by Prince, p. 166, sa^s, and made their settlement there. " They hasten on to a port nvhich ^ Bradford says, in his History,
Mr. Coppin, their pilot, assures "The pilot, being deceived, cries
them is a goiod one, which he had out, * Lord be merciful ! my eyes
been in, and they might reach be- never saw this place before! ' And
fore night.'* Coppin might have he and the mate would have run
been on the coast before, either her ashore in a cove full of break-
with Smith or Hunt, in 1614. ers, before the wind ; but a steers-
' The distance alon^ the coast man calling to the rowers, ' About
from Eastham to the high bluff of with her, or we are cast away,'
Manomet, in Plymouth, is about they ffet her about immediately,
46 miles or 15 leagues. and Providence showing a fair
' The snow-storm, which began sound before them, they get under
" afVer they had sailed an hour or the lee of a small rise of land ; but
two," prevented their seeing San- are divided about going ashore,
dy Neck, and led them to over- lest they fall into the midst of
shoot Barnstable harbour. Had it savages. Some, therefore, keep the
not been for this, it is highly proba- boat, but others being so wet.
160 THB PILGmUS LAND ON CLARK'S ISLAND.
CHAP, selves, ,we had the flood with us, and strack into the
IX.
— L harbour.
1680. Now he that thought that had been the place, was 8. deceived, it being a place where not any of us had been before ; and coining into the harbour, he that was our pilot did bear up northward, which if we had con- tinued, we had been cast away.' Yet still the Lord kept us, and we bare up for an island' before us ; and recovering of that island, being compassed about with many rocks, and dark night growing upon us, it pleas- ed the Divine Providence that we fell upon a place of sandy ground, where our shallop did ride safe and se- cure all that night ; and coming upon a strange island, kept our watch all night in the rain upon that island.'
•
cold, and feeble, cannot boar it, but unto tbe town of Plymouth, with venture ashore, and with great dif- the woods, thereupon." In lOUO, ficultj Icindle a fire ; and after mid- Clark's island was sold to Sam- night, the wind shilUnff to the uel Lucas, Elkanah Watson, and northwest, and freezing nard, the Greorge Morton. The Watson rest are glad to get to them, and family have been in possession of here stay the night'* See Prince, this island for half a century, and p. 160. one of them, Eklward Watson, now
' The cove where they were in resides on it. See Mass. Hist,
danger lies between the Gurnet Coll. xiii. 162, 181; Thacher's
Head and Saquish Point, at the en- Plymouth, pp. 82, 153, 158, 330.
trance of Plymouth harbour. One of the oldest grave-stones
' Clark's island just within the on the burial hill in Plymouth, is
entrance of Plymouth harbour, and that of a Thomas Clark, who died
80 called after the mate of the March 24, 1097, aged 08. He
Mayflower, who is said to have came in the Anne, in 1623. Some
been the first to step ashore on it. have thought that this was the
It is sheltered from the ocean by mate of the Mayflower. But it is
Salt-house beach, contains about not known that his name was
eighty acres of fertile land, and is Thomas, nor is there any evidence
called by Gov. Hutchinson, i. 360, that he ever returned to this ooun-
** one of the best islands in New try. See Thacher's Plymouth, 168.
England." It was neither sold ' Bradford adds, in his History,
nor allotted in any of the early di- " In the morning they find the
visions of the lands, but was re- place to be a small island, secure
served for the benefit of the poor of from Indians. And this being the
the town, to furnish them with last day of the week, they here
wood, and with pasture for their dry their stuflf, fix their pieces, rest
cattle. Previous to 1638 the ** Court themselves, return God thanks for
granted that Clark's island, the their many deliverances ; and here
Eel river beach, Saquish, and the the next day keep their Christian
(lurnet's Nose, shall be and remain Sabbath." Prince, p. 167.
LANDING OF THE FATHERS AT PLYMOUTH. 161
And in the morning we marched about it, and found chap.
no inhabitants at all ; and here we made our rendez- -L
vous all that day, being Saturday, lOth^ of December. 1 680. On the Sabbath day we rested ; and on Monday we o— ii sounded the harbour, and found it a very good harbour for our shipping. We marched also into the land,* ~^
' This is an error. Satardaj was names are recorded in history dar-
the 0th ; for on page 163 the next ing the last 1700 ;jrears. A kind of
Satardaj is called the 16th, and by Tcnerableness, arising from these
Allestree*s Almanac for 1620, I facts, attaches to this town, which
find that the 0th of December fell may be termed a prejudice. Still,
on a Saturday. it has its foundation in the nature
' This is the ever-memorable day of man, and will noTcr be eradi-
of the Landing of the Fathers at cated either by philosophy or ridi-
Plymouth. '* The place of the cule. No New fenfflander. who is
landing is satisfactorily ascertain- willing to indulffe his natiTe feel-
od. Unquestionable tradition had ings, can stana upon the rock
declared that it was on a large where our ancestors set the first
rock at the foot of a cliflf near the foot alter their arrital on the Amer-
termination of the north street ican shore, without experiencing
leading to the water. In the year emotions very dififerent from those
1774 an attempt was made to re- which are excited by any common
moTc this rock (oTer which a wharf object of the same nature. No
had been built) to a more central New Englander could be willing
situation. The rock was split in to hare that rock buried and for-
the operation. The upper part, gotten. Let him reason as much,
weighmg scTeral tons, was re- as coldly, and as ingeniously as he
moved, and now stands in front of pleases, he will still regard that
the Pilgrim Hall, enclosed by a spot with emotions wholly difierent
very appropriate iron railing, of an from those which are . excited by
elliptical form. It is regarded by other places of equal or even supe-
the inhabitants and by Tisiters as rior iniportance." Travels through
a precious memorial of that inter- New England, ii. 110. eating event, the arrival of the first De Tocqueville, in the second
planters of New England at their chapter of his work on America,
place of settlement. The22dofDe- says, " Ce rocher est devenu un
cember, corresponding to the llth, ohjet de v^n^ration aux Etats Unis.
old style, has long been observed J 'en ai vu des fragmons conserve
at Plymouth in commemoration of avec soin dans plusieurs villes de
the landing of the Fathers. It has I'Union. Ceci ne montre-t-il pas
there universally the familiar and bien clairement que la puissance
endearing appellation of Forefath- et la grandeur de I'homme est tout
ers^ Day.** See Morton's Memo- entidre dans son amet Voici une
rial, p. 48, and Thacher's Ply- pierre que les pieds de quelques
mouth, pp. 20, 100. mis^rables touchent un instant, et
President Dwight, of Yale Col- cette pierre devient c^ldbre ; elle
lege, says, " Plymouth was the attire les regards d'un grand peu-
first town built m New England pie ; on en v^n^re les debris, on
by civilized men ; and those by s'en partage au loin la poussidre.
whom it was built were inferior in Qu'est devenu le seuil de tant de
worth to no body of men whose palais ! Qui s*en inquiite ? " —
oi
162 THfi SHALLOP RETURNS TO CAPE COD.
CHAP, and found divers cornfields^ and little running brooks, — ~ a place very good for situation. So we returned to 16 2 0. our ship * again with good news to the rest of our 13. ' people, which did much comfort their hearts.
*' This rock has become an object * Thej left the Mayflower io
of TODeration in the United States. Cape Coid harbour, December 6,
I have seen bits of it carefully pre- and were three days in getting to
served in several towns of the Plymouth. They probaMy stuted
Union. Does not this sufficiently on their return to the ship on the
show that all human power and 12th, and striking across the bay, a
greatness b in the soul of man! distance of d5 miles, reached her
Here w a stone which the feet of a on the IStli. They found that
few outcasts pressed for an instant ; the day after their leaving the
and this stone becomes famous; it vessel, December 7, Dorothy, the
is treasured by a great nation ; its wife of William Bradford, who was
very dust is shared as a relic And one of the party in the shallop,
what has become of the ffateways fell overboard, and was drowned,
of a thousand palaces 1 Vr ho cares See Prince, p. 105. for themt " — ileeves's Trans.
CHAPTER X.
OF THEIR LANDING AND SETTLING AT NEW PLYMOUTH.
On the 15th day we weighed anchor to go to the chap. place we had discovered; and coming within two w^ leagues of the land, wo could not fetch the harbour, but 1020. were fain to put round ^ again towards Cape Cod, our 15/ course lying west, and the wind was at northwest But it pleased God that the next day, being Saturday the 16th day, the wind came fair, and we put to sea 16. again, and came safely into a safe harbour ; and within half an hour the wind changed, so as if we had been letted but a Uttle, we had gone back to Cape Cod.
This harbour is a bay greater than Cape Cod, com- passed with a goodly land ; and in the bay two fine islands,* uninhabited, wherein are nothing but woods.
' In the original, roome; mani- 1G35, two shallops going, laden
festly an error of the press. with goods, to Connecticut, were
' Clark's island is now the only taken with an easterly storm, and island in Plymouth harbour. It cast away upon Brown's island, has sometimes been supposed that near the Gurnet's Nose, and the a shoal, called Brown's island, men all drowned." Dr. Freeman, which lies neai the entrance of the in his note on this place, considers harbour, about half a mile east by this passage as confirming the sup- north of Beach point, was above position. But Morton, in record- water at the time the Pilgrims ar- mg the same event in his Memo- rived. Gov. Winthrop, in his His- rial, p. 182, says, the night being tory of New Englana, i. 169, has dark and stormy, they ran upon the following record : October 6, a skirt of a flat that lieth near
164 PLYMOUTH HARBOUR.
CHAP, oaksy pinesi walnutSi beechy sassafraSi vinesi and other ^^-v^ trees ^ which we know not. This bay is a most hope- 10 20. ful place ; innumerable store of fowly' and excellent
good ; and cannot but be of fish in their seasons ;
skate, cod, turbot,^ and herring, we have tasted of;
abundance of muscles, the greatest and best that ever
we saw ; crabs and lobsters,^ in their time, infinite.
It is in fashion like a sickle, or fish-hook.^ il^' Monday, the 1 8th day, we went a land,® manned
the moath of the harbour." This ' Skate and cod are still caught
seems conclusive of the point that here. The European turbot, it ia
Brown's island was then under well known, is not found in our
water. The other island I suppose waters. The first settlers probably
was Saquish, which, although a gave this name to the flounder or
peninsula, very much resembles an small halibut. See Storer's Re-
island, and may very naturally have port on the Fishes of Massachusetts,
been mistaken for one ; or at that pp. 140, 145, 140. Higgioson, in his
time tlie water may have flowed New England's Plantation, enu-
across the narrow neck which now merates the turbot among other
unites it with the Gurnet, and com- fish. T. Morton, in his Now Eng-
pletcly isolated it. Oldmixon, i. lisli Canaan, ch. vii. says, *' there
30, commits an egregious blunder is a large-sized fish, called halibut,
when he states, that *' the har- or turUit ; some are taken so big
hour (Plymouth) was a bay larger that two men have much ado to
than Cape Cod, and two fine is- haul them into the boat." Wood,
lands, Rhode Island and Elizabeth ch. ix. says, ** the halibut is not
i^ Island, in it ! " much unlike a plaice or turbot, some
' The only forest trees now on being two yards long, and one wide,
Clark's island are three red cedars, and a foot thick." And Josselyn,
which appear to be very old, and p. 20, says, '* some will have the
are decaying. This wood was the halibut and turbot all one; others dia-
original growth of the island, a tinguish them ; there b no question
tree which loves the vicinity of to be made of it but that they are
rocks, which abound here. A few distinct kinds of fish." The turbot
years since, the present proprietor and plaice are very much alike in
of the island, whilst digging out appearance. See the figures of
some large roots on its margin, them in Yarroll's British Fishes,
found a number of acorns four foot i. 209, 333.
beneath the surface. Blackberry ^ There are muscles in Plymouth, vines are still found there. On but generally small, and clams ; the Saquish there is one solitary tree, Journal probably refers to the latter, which hsM weathered the storms of Crabs and lobsters are very abund- ages. In 1615 there were two. ant in the summer season. In earlier times the town forbade * The form of Plymouth Bay, felling trees at Saquish within 40 which includes Kingston and Dux- feet of the bank. See Mass. Hist, bury harbours, is accurately de- Coll, xiii. 182. scribed.
• Wild fowl are yet abundant in • The words "in the long-boat"
Plymouth harbour. seem to be omitted.
y
THE TREES AND PLANTS OF PLYM0Xrr6. 166
witli the master of tlie ship and three or four of the chap. sailors. We marched along the coast in the woods «^ — some seven or eight miles/ but saw not an Indian nor ^^^^' an Indian house ; only we found where formerly had is.* been some inhabitants, and where they had planted their corn. We found not any navigable river, but four or five small running brooks ^ of very sweet fresh water, that all run into the sea. The land for the crust of the earth is, a spit's depth,' exceUent black mould, and fat in some places ;^ two or three great oaks, but not very thick, pines, walnuts, beech, ash, birch, hazel, holly, asp, sassafras in abundance, and vines' every where, cherry trees, plum trees, and many otliers which we know not.' Many kinds of herbs we found here in winter, as strawberry leaves innumera- ble, sorrel, yarrow, carvel, brooklime, liverwort, water-
* Whichever way the travellers ^ This is an exact description of went, they could not have walked a strip of land, between the hills seven miles ; because northwest, and the sea-shore, where the gar- at the distance of four miles, they dens now are. The soil too is would have come to Jones's river in good on Clark's Island, Saquish, Kingston, and southeast, at the and the Gurnet, distance of three miles, to Eel * The wild grape, both white and river. These rivers, though not red, the blackberry and the rasp- large, cannot be denominated berry, are found here now. brooks. F. *A11 the trees here enumerated
' North of the village, towards are now found in Plymouth. The Kingston, there are five brooks, asp, or aspen, was probably our which were named by the original native poplar. The beach, about planters First Brook, Second Brook, three miles long, which lies in iic, in order, beginning from the front of the village, extending from town. Half a mile south of the Eel river, N. N. West, and pro- village is Wellingsly Brook, by the tecting the harbour, was originally side of which dwelt Secretary well wooded. Towards the north- Morton. Double Brook, or Shingle em part, till 1770, it was Quite Brook of the first settlers, runs thickly covered with trees. The northerly by the post road to Sand- inner side of the beach was covcr- wich, and unites with Eel river, cd with plum and wikl-clicrry trees, Boaver Dam Brook is in the village and the swamp with large pitch of Manomet Ponds. Indian Brook pine and beech wood. Beech plums, is still further south on the shore, wild gooseberries, and white grapes See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 178, and were found here in great quantities Thacher's Plymouth, p. 322. in their proper season. See a list
' See note * on page 123. of the trees, in Mass. Hist. Coll.
166 ir JONES'S RIYER, IN KINGSTON.
CHAP, cresses, great store of leeks and onionsy^ and an ex- — ^ cellent strong kind of flax and hemp.^ Here is sand, 169 0. gravel, and excellent clay, no better in the world, ex- cellent for pots, and will wash like soap, and great store of stone,^ though somewhat soft, and the best water^ that ever we drunk ; and the brooks now begin to be full of fish.^ That night, many being weary with marching, we went aboard again. ^«5* The next morning, being Tuesday, the 19th of De- cember, we went again to discover furtlior ; some wont on land, and some in the shallop. The land we found as the former day we did ; and we found a creek, and went up three English miles, a very pleasant river^ at full sea. A bark of thirty tons may go up ; but at low water scarce our shallop could pass. This place we had a great liking to^ plant in, but that it was so far from our fishing, our principal profit, and so encom- passed with woods, that we should be in much danger of the salvages ; and our number being so little, and so much ground to clear ; so as we thought good to
xiii. 105, 172, 200 ; Thoclicr's ^ Plvmouth is abundantly siippli-
Plymouth, p. 328. oil with uprings Rud brooks of ox-
' These were probably the allium celluiit water. F. See p. 120.
Canadense, ^ Some years siuco, before tho
' The Indian hemp {apoa/nttm Town Brook was obstructed, tom-
cannabinum.) Wood says, ch. 5, cods were abundant in December ;
" This land likewise affords hemp eels and smelts enter the brooks in
and flax naturally ;*' and Captain autumn.
John Smith mentions ** a kind or ^ This was Jones's river, in
two of flax, wherewith they make Kinsston, so called, it is supposed,
nets, lines and ropes, both small by the Pilgrims, in compliment to
and great, very strong for their the Captam of the Mayflower;
quantities." T. Morton too, says, which they would not have done
ch. 2, ** there is hemp, that naturally had they entertained any doubt of
groweth, finer than our hemp of his fidelity. Jones's river parish
England.'* See Mass. Hist. Coll. was set off from Plymouth in 1717,
XXV i. 120. and incorporated in 1726, as the
'The sand, gravel and clay aie town of Kingston. See note ' on
aptly described. There is not p. 138, and Mass. Plist. Coll. xiii.
much stone at Plymouth, except a 208 and 217. few bowlders of sienite.
THEY CONCLUDE TO BUILD ON THB BANK. 167
quit and ^ clear that place till we were of more Btrength. chap.
Some of US9 having a good mind, for safety, to plant L.
in the greater isle, we crossed the bay, which is there i^^o. five or six miles over, and found the isle about a mile and a half or two miles about,* all wooded, and no fresh water but two or three pits, that we doubted of fresh water in summer, and so full of wood as we could hardly clear so much as to serve us for corn. Besides, we judged it cold for our corn, and some part very rocky ; yet divers thought of it as a place defensible, and of great security. That night we returned again a shipboard, with resolution tlie next morning to settle on some of those places.
So in tlie morning, ader we had called on God for ^- direction, we came to this resolution, to go presently ashore again, and to take a better view of two places which we thought most fitting for us ; for we could not now take time for further search or consideration, our victuals being much spent, especially our beer, and it being now the 19th of December. After our land- ing and viewing of the places, so well as we could, we came to a conclusion, by most voices, to set on the main land, on the first place, on a high ground,' where there is a great deal of land cleared, and hath been planted with corn three or four years ago ; and there is a very sweet brook ^ runs under the hill side, and many delicate springs of as good water as can be drunk, and where we may harbour our shallops and boats exceeding well ; and in this brook much good
* I think the word not is here * Now called Town brook. It accidentally omitted. issaea from a pond called Billing-
' See note * on page 160. ton Sea. F.
' On the bank, facing the har- bour.
168
RAINY AND TBIIPESTUOUS WEATHER.
CHAP, iish in their seasons : on the further side of the river .^^ also much corn-ground cleared.^ In one field is a 162 0. great hilly^ on which we point to make a platform, and plant our ordnancey which will command all round about From thence we may see into the bay, and far into the sea; and we may see thence Cape Cod.' Our greatest labor will be fetching of our wood, which is half a quarter of an English mile ; but there is enough so far off. What people inhabit here we yet know not, for as yet we have seen none. So there we made our rendezvous, and a place for some of our people, about twenty, resolving in the morning to come all ashore and to build houses.
But the next morning, being Thursday, the 21st of December, it was stormy and wet, that we could not go ashore ; and those tliat remained tliere all night could do notliing, but were wet, not having daylight enough to make them a sufficient court of guard, to keep them dry. All that night it blew and rained extremely. It was so tempestuous that the shallop could not go on land so soon as was meet, for they had no victuals on land. About eleven o'clock tlie shallop went off with much ado with provision, but could not return, it blew so strong; and was such foul weather that we were forced to let fall our an- chor, and ride with three anchors aliead.^ 22. Friday, the 22d, tlio storm still continued, that we
Dec. 21.
^ On the spot now called the Training Green.
* The Burial Hill, rising 165 feet above the level of the sea, and co- vering about eight acres. The view from this eminence, embrac- ing the harbour, the beach, the Gurnet, Manomet Point, Clark's island, Saquish, Captain's Hill in
Duxbury, and the shores of the bay for miles around, is unrivalled by any sea-view in the country.
3 In a clear day the white sand hills of Provincetown may be dis- tinctly seen from this hill.
* •• Dec. 21, dies Richard Britte- rige, the first who dies in this har- bour." Bradford, in Prince, p. 168.
THB7 CUT timber: FOR BUILDING. 169
could not get a land, nor they come to us al>oard. chap. This morning goodwife Aldertoa^^ was delivered of a — ^ son, but dead born. leao.
Saturday, the 23d, so many of us as could went Dee. on shore, felled and carried timber, to provide them- ^^' selves stuff for building.
Sunday, the 24th, our people on shore heard a cry 94. of some savages, as they thought, which caused an alarm and to stand on their guard, expecting an assault ; but all was quiet^
Monday, the 25th day, we went on shore, some to s^* fell timber, some to saw, some to rive, and some to carry ;^ so no man rested all that day. But, towards night, some, as they were at work, heard a noise of some Indians, which caused us all to go to our mus- kets ; but we heard no further. So we came aboard again, and left some twenty to keep the court of guard. That night we had a sore storm of wind and rain.
Monday, the 25th, being Christmas day, we began to drink water aboard. But at night the master caused us to have some beer; and so on board we had divers times now and then some beer, but on shore none at all.
Tuesday, the 26th, it was foul weather, that we 26. could not go ashore.
Wednesday, the 27th, we went to work again. 37.
Thursday, the 28th of December, so many as could 28. went to work on the hill, where we purposed to build
* This was tlio scconil child born, been a son of Christopher Martin. Its father was Isaac Allcrton. The ' Bradford adds in his History,
mother, named Mary, died Feb. 25. ** They bc^in to erect the first
' *n3ec. Si, this day dies Sohi- house about twenty foot square,
mon Martin, the sixth and last who for their common use, to receive
dies this month.'' Bradford, in themand their goods." See Prince,
Prince, p. 168. He roust have p. 168.
oo
170
HOUSB LOTS LAID OUT.
CHAP, our platform for our ordnance,^ and which doth com- .^Jw mand all the plain and the bay, and from whence we 16 20. may see far into the sea,^ and might be easier impaled, having two rows of houses and a fair street. So in the afternoon we went to measure out the grounds, and first we took notice how many families tliere were, willing all single men that had no wives to join with some family, as they thought fit, that so we might build fewer houses ; which was done, and we reduced them to nineteen families. To greater fami- lies we allotted larger plots ; ^ to every person half a pole in breadth, and three in length ; and so lots were cast where every man should he ; which was done, and staked out. We thought this proportion was large enough at the first, for houses and gardens to impale tliem round, considering die weakness of our people, many of them growing ill with colds ; for our former discoveries in frost and storms, and the wading at Cape Cod had brought much weakness amongst us, which increased so every day more and more, and aflcr was tlio cause of many of their deaths.
Friday and Saturday we fitted ourselves for our la- bor ; but our people on shore were much troubled and discouraged with rain and wet that day, oeing very stormy and cold. We saw great smokes of fire made by the Indians, about six or seven miles from us, as we conjectured.^
Dec.
^ 30.
* Vestiges of this fortification are still visible on the Burial hill. See Holmes's Annals, i. 163.
' I think there is something omitted here. The house-lots were not laid out on the hill, but in front of it, on Leydcn-street, which runs from the Town Square to Water- street.
' The single lots were 8 1-4 feet front by 49 1-2 in depth.
* **Jlcre,** says Prince, p. 1G9, ** Governor Bradford ends his First Book, containing ten Chapters, in fifty-three pages folio.** I conceive that much of this Relation is in substance, and often in language. Gov. Bradford's History.
8TANDI8H GOBS IN SEARCH OF THB INDIANS. 171
Monday, tlio 1st of Januaryi wo went betimes to chap. work. We were much hindered in lying so far off — L^ from the land, and fain to go as the tide served, tliat 109 1. we lost much time ; for our ship drew so much water i. * that she lay a mile and almost a half off,^ though a ship of seventy or eighty tons at high water may come to the shore.
Wednesday, the 3d of January, some of our people 3. being abroad to get and gatlier thatch, tliey saw great fires of the Indians ; and were at their corn-fields, yet saw none of the savages, nor had seen any of them since we came to this bay.
Thursday, the 4th of January, Captain Miles Stand- 4. ish, with four or five more, went to see if they could meet with any of the savages in that place where the fires were made. They went to some of their houses, but not lately inhabited ; yet could they not meet with any. As tlicy came home, they shot at an eagle and killed her, which was excellent meat ; it was hardly to be discerned from mutton.
Friday, the 6th of January, one of the sailors found 5. alive upon the shore a herring, which the master had to his supper ; which put us in hope of fish, but as yet we had got but one cod ; we wanted small hooks.'
Saturday, the 6th of January, Master Marten was ®- very sick, and, to our judgment, no hope of life. So Master Carver was sent for to come aboard to speak
* Being a vessel of 180 tons, of Degory Priest." Bradford, in
she probably anchored in tbc Cow Prince, p. 182. Yard, an anchorage near Clark's " This was a singnlar oversight,
island, which takes its name from If they had had fiBh-hooks, they
a cow whale which once came into conld hardly have suffered so much
it, and waB there killed. See for want of food. Winslow, in his
Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 182, and Good News from New Kngland,
Thacher's Plymouth, p. 331. says they wanted **fit and strong
** The year begins with the death semes and other netting.'*
172 DISCO VEAT OF BILLINGTON SBA.
CHAP, with him about his accounts : who came the next
X.
— ^ morning.
1691, Monday, the 8th of January, was a very fair day, 8.* and we went betimes to work. Master Jones sent the shallop, as he had formerly done, to see where fish could be got. They had a great storm at sea, and were in some danger. At night they returned with three great seals,^ and an excellent good cod, which did assure us that we should have plenty of fish shortly. This day Francis Billington, having the week before seen from the top of a tree on a high hill a great sea,' as he thought, went with one of the master's mates to see it. They went three miles and then came to a great water, divided into two great lakes ; the bigger of them five or six miles in circuit, and in it an isle of a cable length square ; the other three miles in com- pass, in dicir estimation. They are fine fresh water, full of fish and fowl. A brook ^ issues from it ; it will be an excellent place for us in time. They found seven or eight Indian houses, but not lately inhabited.
* Soala still haunt tho harbour of margin. Soo page HO, and Maos. Plymouth and the Day of Cai)o Cod. Hist. Cull. xiii. 181, and Thaclior's
* The beautiful pond, so accu- Plymouth, p. 320.
ratcly described in the text, boars ' Town lirook. It passes through the appropriate name of Billington the town, and empties into the Sea. In the first century it was harbour a little south of Forefathers' called Fresh Lake. It is about rock. It has proved an *' excellent two miles southwest from the place*' indeed, its stream supplying town, ])roving that the distances in an unfailing water power for nu* this Uclation are overstated ; and in nicrous iiiunufactorics. In 1030, it it arc two small islands. It is now, was *' concluded upon by the Court, as at first, embosomed in a wilder- that Mr. John Jenncy shall have nesd of woods. The eagle still liberty to erect a mill for grinding sails over it, and builds in the and beating of corn upon the brook branches of the surrounding forest, of Plymouth." Before the brook Here the loon cries, and leaves her was so much impeded by dams, eggs on the shore of the smaller vast (quantities of ale wives passed island. Here too the beautiful up through it annunlly to Billington wood-duck finds a sequestered re- Sea. In a single Be:u>(»n 800 bur- treat ; and tho fallow deer, mindful rcis have been taken. See Thach- of their ancient haunts, still resort er's Plymouth, p. 321, 332; Ply- to it to drink and to browse on its mouth Colony Laws, p. 50.
THEY BEGIN TO BUILD HOUSES.
173
When they saw tlio houses, they wore in some fear ; chap. for tliey were but two persons, and one piece.^ — L.
Tuesday, tlie 9tli of January, was a reasonable fair lo^i. day ; and we went to labor that day in the building ». of our town, in two rows of houses, for more safety.' We divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build our town, after the proportion formerly allotted. We agreed that every man should build his own house, tliinking by that course men would make more haste than working in common.' The common house,^ in which for the first we made our rendezvous, being near finished, wanted only covering, it being about twenty foot square. Some should make mortar, and some gatlier tliatch ; so that in four days half of it was tliatched. Frost and foul weather hindered us much.'
* ** Jon. 8, this day dies Mr. Christopher Martin." Bradford, in Prince, p. 182. He was the ninth signer of the Compact, and one of the few distinguished with the title of Mr. He was not ono of tho Leaden church, hut came from Dil- lenca, in Essex, and was associated with Cushman and Carver to pro- Tide means for the voyage. lie brought his wife and two children, with him, one of whom, Solomon, died Dec. 24. See pages 78 and 169.
' The houses were built on each side of Leydcn street, which ex- tends from the First Church to the , harbour. The first entry in the . records of Plymouth Colony is an incomplete list of *' The Mcersteads and Garden-plotcs of those which came first, layed out, 1020." Ed- ward Winslow, in his Letter at the end of this Uclation, snys, ** Wo have built seven dwclliiig-housfs, and four for the use of the planta- tion." 'J'lic highway led to the Town Urook.
Th$ J^tk SiiM.
ti
TktSoulk
Teter Drown. John Goodman. II r. Drewtter.
Uighw&f,
lobn nilllnfton. .Mr. Iiaae Allertim. Prancti Oioke. Edward Wloflofr.
See JIazard*s State Papers, i. 100. ' See note * on page 84.
* On the spot where it is sup- posed the common house stood, in (digging a cellar, in 1801, there were discovered sundry tools and a plate of iron, seven feet below the surface of the ground. F.
• Providentially it was a very mild winter. See page 105. The ice oAcn remains in the harbour from Christmas to March ; but at this time it appears not to have been fiozcn. In Dec. of 1831 anil 1831 the harbour and shores were nil expanse of ice and snow, and tho thermometer several degrees
174
FOUR MEN SENT TO CUT THATCH.
CHAP. This time of the year seldom could we work half the
— ^ week.
16^31. Thursday, the 11th, William Bradford being at u.' work, (for it was a fair day,) was vehemently taken witli a grief and pain, and so shot to his huckle-bone,^ it was doubted that he would have instantly died. He got cold in the former discoveries, especially the last ; and felt some pain in his ankles by times ; but he grew a little better towards night, and in time, through God's mercy in the use of means, recovered. 12. Friday the 12th we went to work ; but about noon it began to rain, that it forced us to give over work. This day two of our people put us in great sorrow and care. There was four sent to gather and cut thatch in the morning ; and two of them, John Good- man and Peter Browne,^ having cut thatch all the forenoon, went to a further place, and willed the other two to bind up that which was cut, and to follow them. So they did, being about a mile and a half from our plantation. But when the two came after, they could not find them, nor hear any thing of them at all, though they hallooed and shouted as loud as they could ^ So they returned to the company, and told them of it. Whereupon Master Carver,^ and three or four more
below zero. Had it been so when the Pilgrims landed, they must have ]>cri8hed from cold. Sco Mass. Hist. Cull. ziii. IOC, and Thacher's Plymouth, p. 27.
* Jlip-bone.
' Goodman and Brown both had lots assigned them in Leyden-street, in 1620. Nothing more is known of Goodman, except that he died before the end of March. Brown had also an acre assigned him in the division of the lands in 1623, and a share in the division of the
cattle in 1627, with Martha and Mary Brown, the former of whom was probably his wifu, and the lat- ter his daughter. •— ^
' In the original, Leaver; un- questionably a typographical error. There is no such name as Leaver among the signers of the Compact, and it is not at all probable that one of the ship's crew would be distinguished by the title of Mr. or be sent on such an errand. This error escaped the acute obser- vation of Prince, who copies the
TWO OF THEM LOST IN TH£ WOODS. I75
went to seek them ; but could hear nothing of them. chap.
So they returning, sent more ; but that night they '^
could hear notliing at all of them. The next day losi. they armed ten or twelve men out, verily thinking 13"' the Indians had surprised them. They went seeking seven or eight miles ; but could neither see nor hear any tiling at all. So they returned, with much dis- comfort to us all.
These two tliat were missed at dinner time, took their meat in their hands, and would go walk and re- fresh themselves. So going a Uttle off, they find a lake of water,^ and having a great mastiff bitch with tliem and a spaniel, by the water side they found a great deer.^ The dogs chased liim ; and tliey followed so far as tliey lost themselves, and they could not find the way back. They wandered all tliat afternoon, being wet ; and at night it did freeze and snow. They were slenderly apparelled, and had no weapons but each one his sickle, nor any victuals. They ranged up and down and could find none of the salvages' hab- itations. When it drew to night, they were much per-
f>a88age, p. 183. Edward Wins- > Probably Murdock*8 Pond, about
ow, at the end of his Preface to the half a mile from the village, in the
Header in his Good News from rear of Burial hill. It is a deep,
New England, says, '*some faults round pond. A brook, called Little
have escaped because I could not Drook, issues from it, and crossing
attend on the press." This pro- the west road, unites with Town
bably was also the case with this brook. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiiL
Relation. It was sent over to 181, and Thacher^s Plymouth,
George Morton, who not being in p. 320.
London, where it was printed, did ' The fallow deer still run in the
not correct the proof sheets. Ho extensive woods of Plymouth, a
probably put it into the hands of district of country nearly twenty
one of the merchant adventurers, miles snuarO' In Jan. 1831, IGO
who got it printed. It is not sur- were killed and 40 taken alive. In
prisinflr that some mistakes should Feb. 1830, a deer chased by the
iiave oeen made by the printer in dogs, camo into tho streets of the
deciphering tho MS. See note on village, and was caught in tho front
page 113. This will account for yard of tho lion. N. M. Davis's
Morton's name, as well as Carver^s, house. See Thacher's Plymouth,
and Williams's being misspelt. p. 314.
176 ROARING OF LIONS.
CHAP, plexed ; for they could find neither harbour nor meat ;
— ^ but, in frost and snow, were forced to make the earth
16 21. their bed and the element their covering. And anotlior tiling did very much terrify them ; they hoard, as tlioy thought, two lions ^ roaring exceedingly for a long time together, and a third that diey thought was very near them. So not knowing what to do, they resolved to cUmb up into a tree, as their safest refuge, though that would prove an intolerable cold lodging. So they stood at the tree's root, that when the Uons came , they might take their opportunity of climbing up. The bitch they were fain to hold by the neck, for she would have been gone to the lion. But it pleased God so to dispose, that the wild beasts came not. So they walked up and down under the tree all night. It was
jj^^ an extreme cold night. So soon as it was light, they 13. travelled again, passing by many lakes " and brooks
' Several of the first settlers of 37 years since, an Indian shot a
New England supposed that the young lion, sleeping upon the hody
lion existed here. Iligginson, in of an oak blown up by the roots,
his New-England's Plantation says, with an arrow, not far from Capo
'* For beasts, thuro aro somo boars, Ann, and sold the skin to tho Eng-
and they say somo lions also; for libh." Jjcchford, too, in his Plain
they have been seen at Cape Ann." Dealing, p. 47, and Johnson, in his
Wood, in his New-England's Pros- Wonderworking Providence, b. ii.
feet, ch. G,says, ** Concerning lions ch. 21, mention the lion among the will not say that I evor saw any beasts of New England. Yandcr- mysclf ; but somo afRrm that they donck also enumerates lions among have seen a lion at Cape Ann. the wild animals of New Nether- Some likewise being lost in the lands. But Morton, in his New woods, have heard such terrible English Canaan, ch. 5, remarks, roarings, as have made them much '* Lions there are none in New Eng- agliast ; which must be either do- land; it is contrary to the nature of vils or lions ; there being no other the beast to frequent places accus- creatures which use to roar, saving tomed to snow." Dr. Freeman ob- bears, which have not such a terri- serves, that Goodman and Brown, hie kind of roaring." Josselyn, in coming from England, where both his New-England's Rarities, p. 21, the lion and the wolf are unknown, says, ** The Jackal is a creature that might easily, under the impression hunts the lion's prey, a shrewd sign of fear, mistake the howling of the that there are lions upon the conti- one for the roaring of the other, ncnt. There are those that are 'Plymouth abounds with ponds, yet living in tho country that do that would be called lakes in Eng- constantly aHTirm, that about 30 or laud. It is supposed that withm
THE COHMON HOUSE BURNT.
177
Jan. 14.
and woods, and in one place where the salvages had chap. burnt the space of five miles in lengthy which is a fine ^v^ cliampaign country, and even.^ In the aflernooni it i69i. pleased God from a high hill they discovered the two* isles in the bay, and so that night got to the plantation, being ready to faint with travail and want of victuals, and almost famished with cold. John Goodman was fain to have his shoes cut off his feet, they were so swelled with cold ; and it was a long while after ere he was able to go. Those on the shore were much comforted at their return ; but they on shipboard were grieved at deeming them lost
But the next day, being the 14th of January, in the morning about six of the clock, the wind being very great, they on shipboard spied their great new rendez- vous on fire ; which was to them a new discomfort, fearing, because of the supposed loss of the men, that tlie salvages had fired tlicm. Neither could they pre- sently go to them for want of water. But after three quarters of an hour they went, as tliey had purposed the day before to keep the Sabbath on shore,' because now there was the greater number of people. At their landing they heard good tidings of the return of the two men, and that the house was fired occasionally by a spark that flew into the thatch, which instandy burnt it all up ; but the roof stood, and Utde hurt. The most loss was Master Carver's and William Bradford's,^ who
the bounds of the town there are more than two liundred. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 180, and Thacher's Plymouth, p. 320.
* A plain commences two miles from the town, and extends six miles southwest F.
' See note ' on page 103.
' This seems to be the first sab-
OQ
bath which they kept on shore. Prince, p. 169, adduces no authority for his assertion, that '*the Slst of Dec. seems to bo the first day that any keep the sabbath in the place of their buiidinp."
* The omission of Mr. before Bradford's name in this place, and on pages 126, 136, 140, and else
178 A SHED BUILT FOR THB PROVISIONS.
CHAP, then lay sick in bed, and if they had not risen with
.^-J^ good speed, had been blown up with powder ; but,
1621. through God's mercy, they had no harm. The
house was as full of beds as they could lie one by
anotlier, and their muskets charged ; but, blessed be
God, there was no harm done.
Jan. Monday, the 15th day, it rained much all day, that
they on shipboard could not go on shore, nor they on
shore do any labor, but were all wet.
Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, were very fair, sunshiny days, as if it had been in April ; and our people, so many as were in health, wrought cheerfully. 10. The 19th day we resolved to make a shed to put our common provision in, of which some were already set on shore ; but at noon it rained, that we could not work. This day, in the evening, John Goodman went abroad to use his lame feet, tliat were pitifully ill with the cold he had got, having a little spaniel with him. A little way from the plantation two great wolves ran after the dog ; tlie dog ran to him and betwixt his legs for succour. lie had nothing in his hand, but took up a stick and tlirew at one of them and hit him, and they presently ran both away, but came again. He got a pale-board in his hand ; and they sat both on their tails grinning at him a good while ; and went their way and left him.
20. Saturday, 20tli, we made up our shed for our common goods.
21. Sunday, the 21st, we kept our meeting on land.
22. Monday, the 22d, was a fair day. We wrought on
where, whilst it is prefixed to the this Relation was ^nritten by Brad- names of persons unquestionably his ford. If any other person had been inferiors, as Mr. Christopher Martin, the author, he would have prefixed p. 171, is a strong presumption that Mr. to Bradford's name.
COLD, FROSTY WEATHER. 179
our houses ; and in tlie afternoon carried up our hogs- chap. heads of meal to our common storehouse. The rest — L. of the week we followed our business likewise. le^u
Monday, the 29th9 in the morning, cold, frost, and Jan. sleet ; but after reasonable fair. Both the long-boat and the shallop brought our common goods on shore.^
Tuesday and Wednesday, 30th and 31st of January, 30, 31. cold, frosty weather and sleet, that we could not work. In the morning, the master and others saw two sava- ges, that had been on the island near our ship. What they came for we could not tell. They were going ■ so far back again before they were descried, that we could not speak with them.
Sunday, the 4th of February, was very wet and Feb. rainy, witli the greatest gusts of wind Uiat ever we had since we came forth ; that though we rid in a very good harbour, yet we were in danger, because our ship was Hght, the goods taken out, and she un- ballasted ; and it caused much daubing ^ of our houses to fall down.
Friday, the 9th, still the cold weather continued, 9. { that we could do little work. That afternoon, our htUe house for our sick people was set on fire by a spark that kindled in the roof; but no great harm was done. That evening, the master going ashore, killed five geese, which he friendly distributed among the sick people. He found also a good deer killed. The savages had cut off the horns, and a wolf was eating of him. How he came there we could not conceive.
' "Jan. 29, dies Rose, the wife 'Their houses were probably of Captain Stand ish. N. B. This log-huts, thatched, and the inter- month eight of our number die.*' stices filled with clay. Bradford, in Prince, p. 184.
'Probably a typographical error for gone.
180 TWO INDIANS MAKE THEIR APPEARANCE.
CHAP. Friday, the 16th, was a fair day; but the northerly
L. wind continued, which continued the frost. This day,
1021. ailer noon, one of our people being a fowling, and 10.' having taken a stand by a creek side in the reeds, about a mile and a half from our plantation, there came by him twelve Indians, marching towards our plantation, and in the woods he heard the noise of many more. He lay close till they were passed, and then with what speed he could he went home and gave the alarm. So the people abroad in the woods returned and arm- ed themselves, but saw none of them ; only, toward the evening, they made a great fire about the place where they were first discovered. Captain Miles Standish and Francis Cooke being at work in the woods, coming home led their tools behind them ; but before they returned, tlieir tools were taken away by tlie savages. This coming of the savages gave us occasion to keep more strict watch, and to make our pieces and furniture ready, which by the moisture and rain were out of temper. 17. Saturday, the 17th day, in the morning, we called a meeting for the establishing of military orders among ourselves ; and we chose Miles Standish our captain, and gave him authority of command in affairs. And as we were in consultation hereabouts, two savages presented themselves upon the top of a hilV over against our plantation, about a quarter of a mile and less, and made signs unto us to come unto them ; we hkewise made signs unto them to come to us. Where- upon we armed ourselves and stood ready, and sent
* Watson*8 Hill, called by the levelled in 1814, Indian relics of
first settlers Strawberry Hill. The various kinds were found. See
Indian name was Cantaugcantecst. Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 177. When the sutnmil of the hill was
THE ARTILLERY PLANTED OM THE HILL. 181
two over the brook ^ towards them, to wit, Captain chap.
Standish and Steven Hopkins,* who went towards Iw
them. Only one of them had a musket, which they 1 6 s i. laid down on the ground in their sight, in sign of peace, and to parley with them. But the savages would not tarry their coming. A noise of a great many more was heard behind the hill ; but no more came in sight Tliis caused us to plant our great ordnances in places most convenient
Wednesday, the 2l8t of February,' the master came Feb. on shore, with many of his sailors, and brought with ^^ him one of the great pieces, called a minion,^ and helped us to draw it up the hill, with another piece that lay on shore, and mounted them, and a sailer, and two bases. He brought with him a very fat goose to eat with us, and we had a fat crane and a mallard, and a dried neat's tongue ; and so we were kindly and friendly together.
Saturday, the 3d of March, the wind was south, the Mar. morning misty, but towards noon warm and fair ^' weather. The birds sang in the woods most plea- santly. At one of the clock it thundered, which was
' The Town Brook. See note' Morton, in his Memorial, p. 50, as
on page 179. " a man pious and well desenrinff,
' See note * on page 120. endowed also with a considerable
• ** February 21. Die Mr. Wil- outward estate; and had it been
]iam White, Mr. William Miillins, the will of God that he had sur-
wilh two more ; and the 25th dies Tived, might have proved a useful
Mary, the wife of Mr. Isaac Allerton. instrument in his place."
N. U. This month seventeen of our * The minion was a piece of
number die." Bradford, in Prince, ordnance, the bore of which was
p. 184. Mullins and White were 3 1-4 inches diameter. The saker
the 10th and Uth signers of the (for which sailer is probably a
Compact ; each of them brought misprint,) was a larger gun, the
his wife over, and each had three diameter of which at the bore was
others, probably children, in his from 3 1-2 to 4 inches; and the
family. White was the father of base was the smallest sort of artil-
the first child born in New Eiig- lery, the diameter of whose bore
land, as mentioned on page 148. was only 1 1-4 inch. See Crabb's
William Mullins is described by Univ. Tech. Diet.
182 WELCOME, SAMOSBTI
CHAP, the first we heard in that country. It was strong and — L. great claps, but short ; but ailer an hour it rained 1621. very sadly till midnight.
Mar. Wednesday, the 7 th of March, the wind was full * east, cold, but fair. That day Master Carver, with five others, went to the great ponds,^ which seem to be excellent fishing places. All the way they went they found it exceedingly beaten, and haunted with deer ; but they saw none. Amongst other fowl they saw one, a milk-white fowl, with a very black head. This day some garden seeds were sown. 16. Friday, the 16th, a fair warm day towards." This morning we determined to conclude of the military orders, which we had begun to consider of before, but were interrupted .by the savages, as we mentioned formerly. And whilst we were busied hereabout, we were interrupted again ; for there presented himself a savage, which caused an alarm. He very boldly came all alone, and along the houses, straight to die rendez- vous; where we intercepted him, not suffering him to go in,' as undoubtedly he would out of his boldness. He saluted us in English, and bade us " Welcome !^^ for he had learned some broken English among the Eng- lishmen tliat came to fish at Monhiggon,^ and knew by name the most of the captains, commanders, and masters, that usually come.® He was a man free in
* nillington Sea. ^ Monhegan, an island on ihe
* Perhaps the word noon was coast of Maine, between the Ken- here accidentally omitted. nebec and the Penobscot, and about
' They were unwilling he should 12 miles distant from the shore. It
see how few and weak they were, was an early and favorite place of
They had already lost nearly half resort fur the English fishermen,
of their number, and had the In- See Williamson's Maine, i. 01.
dians attacked them in their sickly * Seeing the Mayflower in the
and enfeebled state, they would harbour, he no doubt took her for a
have fallen an easy prey. fishing-vessel. This explains his
DESCRIPTION OF 8AMOSBT. 183
speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of a chap.
seemly carriage. We questioned him of many things ; L.
he was the first savage we could meet withal. He 1 6 s i.
Mar
said he was not of these parts, but of Morattiggon,^ le/ and one of the sagamores or lords thereof; and had been eight months in these parts, it lying hence a day's sail witli a great wind, and five days by land. He discoursed * of the whole country, and of every prov- ince, and of tlieir sagamores, and their number of men and strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a horseman's coat about him ; for he was stark naked, only a leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long or little more. He had a bow and two arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded. He was a tall, straight man, the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before, none on his face at all. He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of mallard ; all which he liked well, and had been acquainted with such amongst the English. He told us the place where we now live is called Patuxet, and that about four years ago all the inhabit- ants died of an extraordinary plague,^ and there is
boldness in coming directly to more intercourse with the natives,
them. says, " As for the language, it is
' Morattiggon. I know not what very copious, large, and difllicult. part of the country this was meant As yet we cannot attain to any to designate. Perhaps it is an error great measure thereof, but can un* for Monhiggon. Samoset evidently derstand them, and explain our- was desirous of magnifying his own selves to their understanding by importance, in giving the Pilgrims the help of those that daily con- to understand that he was a saga- verse with us.*' more. ' All the early writers on New
' It is difficult to conceive how England agree, that for three or
they could converse together so as four years ]irevious to the arrival
to be mutually understood. Ed- of the Pilgrims, a deadly pestilence
ward Winslow, in his Good News had raged all along the seaboard,
from New England, written two from the Penobscot to Narraganset
years afterwards, when they had had Bay. The two tribes dwellmg at
184 THE INDIAN PLAGUE.
CHAP, neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed
,L we have found none ; so as there is none to hinder our
1631. possession, or to lay claim unto it. All the aflernoon
ill' we spent in communication with him. We would
gladly have been rid of him at night, but he was not
willing to go tliis night. Then we tliought to carry
these extremes, as well as the Nau- that these Indians died of was the set Indians, on Cape Cod, escaped, plague, as by conference with them whilst the intermediate inhabitants since my arrival and habitation in were almost entirely swept off. these parts I hare learned." John- Some tribes were nearly extinct ; son, in his Wonderworking Provi- the Massachusetts, in particular, dence, b. i. ch. 8, says, " About the are said to have been reduced from year 1618, a little before tlie reroo- 30,000 to 300 fightinff men. Capt. val of that church of Christ from Dermer, who was here in 1619, Holland to Plymouth in New Eng- says, '* I passed along the coast land, as the ancient Indians report, whore I found some ancient plan- there befell a great mortality among tations, not lonff since populous, them, chiefly desolating those places now utterly void. In other places where the English afterwards plant- a remnant remains, but not tree of ed ; their disease being a sore con- sickness ; their disease the plague, sumption, sweeping away whole for wo might perceive the sores of families, but chiefly young men some that had escaped, who de- and children, the very seeds of scribed the spots of such as usually increase." "What this disease die." Uigginson, in his New Eng- was," says Gookin, who wrote in land's Plantation, printed in 1030, 1674, *' that so generally and mor- says, *' Their subjects above twelve tally swept away the Indians, I years since, were swept away by a cannot well learn. Doubtless it great and grievous plague that was was some pestilential disease. I amongst ttiem, so that there are have discoursed with some old In- very few left to inhabit the coun- dians, that were then youths, who try." Morton, in his New English say that the bodies all over were Canaan, b. i. ch. 3, says, '' Some exceeding yellow, describing it by few years before the English came a yellow garment they showed me, to inhabit at New Plymouth, the both before they died, and after- hand of God fell heavily upon the wards." '* There are some old natives, with such a mortal stroke, planters," says Increase Mather, that they died on heaps. In a place writing in 1677, *' surviving to this where many inhabited, there hath day, who helped to bury the dead been but one left alive to tell what Indians, even whole families of became of the rest ; and the bones them all dead at once." See Pur- and skulls upon the several places chas, iv. 1778 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. i. of their habitations made such a 122, 148, xii. 60 ; Hutchinson, i. 34. spectacle after my coming into In the Great Patent of New Eng- these parts, that as I travelled in land, granted Nov. 3, 1620, thedes- that forest, near the Massachusetts, olating effects of this pestilence it seemed to me a new-found Gol- are assigned by King James as a gotha. This mortality was not reason fur granting it. ** We have ended when the Brownists of New been further given certainly to Plymouth were settled at Patuxet, know, that within these late years and by all likelihood the sickness there hath, by God^s visitation.
TUB NAUSITEa 185
him on shipboard, wherewith he was well content, chap. and went into the shallop ; but the wind was high — L. and Uie water scant, that it could not return back. losi. We lodged him that night at Steven Hopkins's house,^ and watched him.
The next day he went away back to the Masasoits,* Mar. from whence ho said he came, who are our next bor- dering neighbours. They are sixty strong, as he saith. The Nausites are as near, southeast of them, and are a hundred strong ; and those were they of whom our people were encountered, as we before re- lated. They are much incensed and provoked against the English ; and about eight months ago slew three Englishmen, and two more hardly escaped by flight to Monhiggon. They were Sir Ferdinando Gorge's '
reigned a wonderful plague amongst I am not inclined to credulity, bat
the safages there heretofore inha- should not we go into the contrary
biting, in a manner to the utter extreme if we were to take no
destruction, dofastation, and de- notice of the extinction of this peo-
population of that whole territory, pie in all parts of the continent!
so as there is not leA, for many In some the English have made
leagues to|^ether, in a manner, any use of means the most likely to
that do claim or challenge any kind have prerented it ; but all to no
of interest therein ; whereby we, in purpose. Notwithstanding their
our judgment, are persuaded and frequent ruptures with the English,
satisfied that the appointed time is very few comparatively hare pe-
cume in which Almighty God, in rished by wars. They waste, they
his oreat goodness and liounty to- moulder away, and, as Charlevoix
wards us and our people, hath says of the Indians of Canada, they
thought fit and determined, that disappear." these large and goodly territories, * See note * on page 126. deserted as it were by their natural ' The English, not understanding
inhabitants, should be possessed Samoset perfectly, supposed that
and enjoyed by such of our subjects by Massasoit he meant an Indian
and people as shall by his mercy tribe ; but this was the name of the
and favor, and by his powerful great sagamore, as appears aAer-
arm, be directed and conducted wards. F.
thither." Plymouth Colony Laws, * See the Life of Sir Ferdinando
p. 3. Gorges in Belknap's Am. Btog. i.
Hutchinson, in his Hist, of Mass. 346 — .103, and his Brief Narration,
i. 35, remarks, •* Our ancestors sup- in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 45 — 93.
posed an immediate interposition of In this work, p. 63, he mentions an
Providence in the great mortality attack that was made in July, 1620,
among the Indians, to make room by the Indians of Martha's Vine,
for the settlement of the English, yard on Capt. Dermer and his com.
r% M
186 HUNT, THE KIDNAPPER.
CHAP, men, as this savage told us ; as he did Ukewise of the — ~ huggery^ that is, fight, that our discoverers had with 1021. the Nausites, and of our tools that were taken out of the woods, which we willed him should be brought again ; otherwise we would right ourselves. These people are ill affected towards the English by reason of one Hunt," a master of a ship, who deceived the people and got them, under color of trucking with them, twenty out of this very place where we inhabit, and seven men from the Nausites, and carried them away, and sold tliem for slaves, like a wretched man (for twenty pound a man,) that cares not what mis- chief he doth for his profit. Mar. Saturday, in the morning, we dismissed the sal- vage, and gave him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring. Ho promised within a night or two to come again and to bring with him some of the Massasoyts, our neighbours, with such beavers' skins as tliey had to truck with us. 18. Saturday and Sunday reasonable fair days. On this day came again the savage, and brought with him five other tall, proper men. They had every man a deer's
pany, whom he had sent over to enco in the accounts of the number
New England. Dermer lost all of the natives which he thus seized
his men but one, and received four- and carried off. The President
teen wounds in this encounter ; and Council of Now ]*^ngland, in
which took place just eight months their liricf Uulatiuu of its Disco-
before ; and there can hardly bo a very and Plantation, state the iinm-
doubt that these were the *' Sir bcr as 21 ; Gorges mentions 30 ;
Fcrdinando Gorgo's men," mm- whilst Cupt. John Smith says 27,
tioned in the text. Dermer had agreeing with the number men-
previously been at Nautican, or tioned in the text. Hunt carried
Nauset. See Prince's Annals, pp. these Indians to Spain, where they
157, 160. were humanely rescued and set at
' The name of this Captain Hunt liberty by the monks of Malaga,
has come down to us loaded with Several of them got over to Eng-
deserved infamy, as the first kid- land, and proved of essential ser-
napper and slave-dealer on the coast vice to Gorges. See Mass. Hist,
of North America. There is a differ- Coll. xix. C, xxvi. 58, 61, 132.
DESCRIPTION OF THE INDIANS. 187
skin on him, and the principal of them had a wild cat's chap. skin, or such like, on the one arm. They had most of — '^ them long hosen^ up to their groins, close made, and i^si. above their groins to their waist another leather ; they is/ were altogether like the Irish trousers.* They are of complexion like our English gipseys ; no hair or very little on their faces ; on their heads long hair to tlieir shoulders, only cut before ; some trussed up before with a foatlier, broad-wise, like a fan ; anotlier a fox tail, hanging out. These left (according to our charge given him before) their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from our town. We gave tliem entertainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eat liberally of our English victuals. They made semblance unto us of friendship and amity. They sang and danced after their manner, like antics. They brought with them in a thing like a bow-case, (which the principal of them had about his waist,) a little of tlieir corn pounded to powder, which, put to a little water, they eat.' He
' Jieggins. dayn with no other food but this ' Morton, in liis Now English meal, which he eateth as he needs, Canaan, b. i. ch. 6, says, " Of such and afler it drinketh water. And deer*s skins as they dress bare, they for this end, when they travel a make stockings, that come within journey, or go a hunting, they carry their shoes, like a stirrup stocking, this nokake in a basket or bag, for and is fastened above at their holt, their use.'* Gookin, in Mass. Hist, which is about their middle. When Coll. i. 150. — ** Nokchichy parched they have their apparel on, they meal, which is a ready, very whole- look like Irish, in their trousers, some food, which they cat with a the stockings join so to their little water, hot or cold. I have breeches." Wood, in his New travelled with near two hundred England *s Prospect, part ii. ch. 5, of them at once, near a hundred says, ** In the winter time the more miles through the woods, every aged of them wear leather drawers, man carrying a little basket of this in form like Irish trousers, fast- at his back, and sometimes in a ened under their girdles with but- hollow leather girdle about his tons." middle, suflicient for a man three ' ** The Indians make a certain or four days. With this ready pro- sort of meal of parched maize, vision, and their bows and arrows. This meal they call nokake. It is are they ready for war and travel so sweet, toothsome, and hearty, at an hour's warning. With a that an Indian will travel many spoonful of this meal, and a spoon-
188 THB INDIANS' USIS OF TOBACCO.
CHAP, had a little tobacco in a bag ; but none of them
* — ^ drank ^ but when he liked. Some of them had their
1 ® 2 ^- faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four
18. or five fingers broad ; others after other fashions, as
they liked. They brought three or four skins ; but we
ful of water from the brook, have I Johnson, in his Wonderworking made many a good dinner and sup- Providence, h. i. ch. 41, mentions a per." Roger WiDiams^s Key, m lusty man, (doubtless Underhil),) Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 208.— '* If who held forth to his pastor before their imperious occasions cause the whole congregation, that the them to travel, the best of their spirit of revelation came to him as victuals for their journey is nocakc, ho was drinking a pipe of tobacco." (as they call it,) which is nothing in the Records of Plymouth Colo- but Indian corn parched in the hot ny, under the year 1646, is the fol- ashes. The ashes being sifted from lowing entry. ** Anthony Thacher it, it is afterwards beat to powder, and Ueorge Pole were chosen a and put into a long leathern bag, committee to draw up an order trussed at their backs like a knap- concerning disorderly drinking to« sack, out of which they take thrice bacco.*' — This use of language was three spoonfuls a day, dividing it probably descriptive of tne manner into throe meals. If it be in win- in which the weed was formerly ter, and snow be on the ground, inhaled, and which still prevails in they can eat when they please, the East. Lane, in his account of stopping snow after their dusty the Manners and Customs of the victuals. In summer they must Modern Egyptians, i. 187, says, stay till they meet with a spring or ** In smoking, the people of Egypt, brook, when they may have water and of other countries of the East, to prevent the imminent danger of draw in their breath freely, so that choking. With this strange via- much of the smoke descends into /icum, they will travel four or five the lungs ; and the terms which days together, with loads fitter for they use to express ' smoking to- elephants than men." Wood's hacco ' signify ' (/rinAtn^ smoke,' or New England's Prospect, part ii. * drinking tobacco.' " ch. 6. Winslow, in his Good News * That is, smoked. This was from New England, says, ** The formerly a common expression, men take much tobacco." Roger Thus Brereton, in his Journal of Williams, in his Key, chs. ii. and GosnohPs Voyage, says, ** they gave xx. says, ** They generally all take us also of thoir tobacco, which they tobacco, and it is the only plant drink frrcctXy but dried into powder, which men labor in, the women very strong and pleasant." Hosier, managing all tho rest. They say in his account of Weymoutirs they take tobacco for two causes ; Voyage to New England, in 1U05, first, against the rheum, which reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. causeth the toothache, which they 142, says, ** We drank of their are impatient of; secondly, to re- excellent tobacco, as much as wo vive and refiesh them, they drink- would, with them; but we saw not iiig nolliing but water. Their to- any great quantity tu truck for, and bacco bag hun^s at their neck, or it seemed they had not much left of blicks at their girdle, and is to them old, for they spend a great quantity iustcud of an Kuglish pocket." yearly by their continual drinking.'*
INTERCOURSE WITH THE NATIVES. 189
would not truck with them at all that day,^ but chap. wished them to bring more, and we would truck for — L. all ; which tliey promised within a night or two, and lesi. would leave these behind them, though we were not iq[' willing they should ; and they brought us all our tools again, which were taken in the woods, in our men's absence. So, because of the day, we dismissed them so soon as we could. But Samoset, our first acquaint- ance, either was sick or feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and stayed with us till Wednesday morning. Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they came not according to their words ; and we gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of clotli to tie about his waist
The Sabbath day, when we sent tliem from us, we gave every one of them some trifles, especially the principal of them. We carried them, along with our arms, to the place where they led their bows and ar- rows ; whereat they were amazed, and two of Uiem began to slink away, but that the otlier called them. When they took their arrows we bade them farewell, and tliey were glad ; and so, with many thanks given us, they departed, with promise they would come again.
Monday and Tuesday proved fair days. We dig- lo, 20. ged our grounds and sowed our garden seeds.
Wednesday a fine warm day. We sent away Sa- 21. moset.
That day we had again a meeting to conclude of laws and orders for ourselves, and to confirm tliose military orders that were formerly propounded, and twice broken olf by the savjiges' coming. But so we were again the third time ; for after we had been an
' It was Sunday.
23.
190 sauANTo.
CHAP, hour together, on the top of the hilP over against us — L. two or three savages presented themselves, that made 102 1. semblance of daring us, as we thought. So Captain Standish with another, with their muskets, went over to them, with two of the master's mates that follows them without arms,^ having two muskets with tliem. They whetted and rubbed their arrows and strings, and made show of defiance ; but when our men drew near them, they ran away. Thus were wo again interrupted by them. This day, with much ado, we got our carpenter, that had been long sick of the scurvy, to fit our shallop to fetch all from aboard. Mar. Thursday, the 22d of March, was a very fair, warm day. About noon we met again about our public bu- siness. But we had scarce been an hour together, but Samoset came again, and Sciuanto,' the only native
* The same hill on which the those savages that formerly had two Indians appeared, Feb. 17. See been betrayed by this unworthy note on page 180. Hunt before named. But this sav-
* By arms must be here meant age being at that time in New- side aims, swords, &c., as it is foundland, Master Dermer, who si:itcd they liad mujkcts. was there also, found the means to
' Also called Squantum, or Tis- give us intelligence of him, and his
quantum. There is souio discru- opinion of the good use that might
jiHucy in the early accounts of bo ina<lo of his cinploymcnL" ])ur-
SifUHuio's captivity. Gorges, in mer took Tisciuautum with him to
his Brief Narration, cli. 2, says that England, and on his return to New
** there happened to come into the England in the spring of IGIU,
harbour of rly mouth, where I then brought him back to his native
commanded, one Captain Wey- country. In a letter dated Dec. 27,
mouth, who happened into a river of that year, he says, ** When I ar-
un tlio coast of America, called rived at my savage's native coun-
Pcnmiuquid, (the Penobscot, | from try, finding all dead, I travelled
whence he brought five of the na- almost a day*s juurney westward
lives, three of whose names were to a place called Nummastaquyt,
Manida, Skelwarroes, and Tas- (Namaskel,) where fmding inhabit-
qiianium, whom I seized upon, ants, I despatched a messenger a
riiey were all of one nation, but of day's journey further west to Po-
scvcral parts and sevqral families." conaokit, which bordereth on the
This was in 1605. But the Gov- sea ; whence came to see me two
ernor and Council for New Eng- kings, aitcndcd with a guard of
land, in their Relation, printed in fifiy armed men, who being well
Ki'J'J, suy, '' It pleased God to send satisfied with that iny i>avage and
into uur hands i'asqnantum, one of I discoursed unto thciii, being de-
UASSASOIT. 191
of Patuxct, where we now inhabit, who was one of chap. the twenty captives that by Hunt were carried away, — -~ and had been in England, and dwelt in Cornhill witli ^^^^' Master John Slanie,^ a merchant, and could speak a S3. little English, with three others ; and they brought with them some few skins to truck, and some red her- rings, newly taken and dried, but not salted ; and sig- nified unto us, Uiat their great sagamore, Masasoyt,^ was hard by, with Quadequina, his brother, and all their men. They could not express well in English what they would f but afler an hour the king came to the top of a hill ^ over against us, and had in his train sixty men, that we could well behold them, and they us. Wc were not willing to send our governor to them, and they were * unwilling to come to us. So
sirous of novelty, gave mc content London, merchant," was one of in whatsoever I demanded." These the undertakers of the Newfound- two kings were undoubtedly Mas- land plantation, and treasurer of sasoit and Quadequina. On going the Comp&ny. He probably sent to Virginia, in June, Dermer left Squanto to Newfoundland. See Tisquantum at Sawahquatooke, W hitebourne^s Newfoundland, p. now Saco, whence ho probably re- v. and Purchas, iv. 1876, 1888. turned to Patuxet and Namasket. * Prince says, in his Annals, p. In another letter, dated Juno 30, 187, '* The printed accounts gene- 1620, Dormer says, '* Squanto can- rally spell him Massasoit ; Gov. not deny but that the Pocanokets Bradford writes him Massasoyt and would have killed me when I was Massasoyet ; but I find the ancient at Namassaket, had he not entreat- people, from their fathers in Ply- ed hard for me.*' See Mass. Hist, mouth Colony, pronounce his name Coll. xxvi. 50, 02, xix. 7, 10, 13 ; Ma-sas-so-it." It will be seen Purchas, iv. 1778 ; Morton's Mo- hereafter that Winslow writes it roorial, pp. 55 — 59. Massassowat. The sachem, in con* Tho beautiful promontory in Quin- formity with a prevailing cus- cy, near Thompson's island, will tom among the Indians, afterwards perpetuate the name of this early changed his name, and took that friendof the Pilgrims. They prob- of Owsamcquin or Woosamequen. ably called it af\cr him in their first See his Lifo in B. B. Thatcher's expedition to the Massachusetts in Indian Biography, i. 117 — 140, and 1021, when ho accompanied thom in S. G. Drake's Book of the Indi- as interpreter. This is probably ans, b. ii. 17 — 20. the same place which is called ' See note ' on page 183. Squanto's Chapel, by Morton, in ^ Watson's hill, mentioned twice his New English Canaan, b. ii. before on pages 180 and 190. chs. 6 and 8, * The word were was accidcnt- « ' The worshipful John Slany, of ally omitted in the original.
192 WINSLOWS PARLEY WITH BfASSASOIT.
CHAP. Squanto went again unto him, who brought word
^^ — L that we should send one to parley with him, which we
1621. did^ which was Edward Winsloe, to know his mind,
^^^' and signify the mind and will of our governor, which
was to have trading and peace with him. We sent
to Uie king a pair of knives, and a copper chain with
a jewel at it To Quadequina we sent Kkewise a
knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, and withal a pot
of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some
butter ; which were all willingly accepted.
Our messenger made a speech unto him, that King James saluted him with words of love and peace, and did accept of him as his friend and ally ; and that our governor desired to see him and to truck with him, and to confirm a peace with him, as his next neigh- bour, lie liked well of the speech, and heard it atten- tively, though the interpreters did not well express it. After he had eaten and drunk himself, and given the rest to his company, he looked upon our messenger's sword and armor, which he had on, with intimation of his desire to buy it; but, on the otiier side, our mes- senger sliowed his unwillingness to part with it. In the end, he lefl him in the custody of Quadequina, his brother, and came over the brook, and some twenty men following him, leaving all tlieir bows and arrows behind them. We kept six or seven as hostages for our messenger. Captain Standish and Master Wil- liamson^ met the king at the brook, with half a dozen musketeers. They saluted him, and he them ; so one
' There was a Thomas Wil- Standish in this duty. Perhaps it
liams, but no person of the name of should read Muster AUerton, as wo
Williamson, aniong^ the signers of find that he went with Standish the
the Compact. It is probably au next day. See p. 195. See also
error of the press. It is very un- note on page 113, and note' on
likely that any one of the ship^s page 174. Williams was dead be-
company would be associated with fore the end of March.
TREATY OF PEACE WITH MASSASOIT. 193
going over, the one on the one side, and the other on chap. the other, conducted him to a house then in building, — L. where we placed a green rug and Uiree or four cush- i «3 1- ions. Then instantly came our governor, with drum 83. and trumpet after him, and some few musketeers. After salutations, our governor kissing his hand, the king kissed him ; and so they sat down. The governor called for some strong water, and drunk to him ; and he drunk a great draught, that made him sweat all the while after. He called for a little fresh meat, which the king did eat willingly, and did give his followers. Then Uiey treated of peace, which was :
1 . That neitlier he nor any of his should injure or do hurt to any of our people.
2. And if any of his did hurt to any of ours, he should send the offender, that we might punish him.
3. That if any of our tools were taken away, when our people were at work, he should cause tliem to be restbred ; and if ours did any harm to any of his, we would do the like to them.
4. If any did unjustly war against him, we would aid him ; if any did war against us, he should aid us.
5. He should send to his neighbour confederates to certify them of this, that they might not wrong us, but might be likewise comprised in the conditions of peace.
6. That when their men came to us, they should leave their bows and arrows behind them, as we should do our pieces when we came to them.
Lastly, that doing thus, King James would esteem of him as his friend and ally.*
' ** This treaty," says Belknap, estly intended on both sides, was " the work of one day, being hon- kept with fidelity as long as Mas-
o;:
194
aUADEQUINA.
CHAP. All which the king seemed to like well, and it was — ^ applauded of his followers. All the while he sat by 1621. the governor, he trembled for fear. In his person he 22. is a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech ; in his attire little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers, only in a great chain of white bone beads about his neck ; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a little bag of tobacco, which he drank,^ and gave us to drink. His face was painted with a sad red, like mur- rey, and oiled both head and face, that he looked greasily. All his followers likewise were in their faces, in part or in whole, painted, some black, some red, some yellow, and some white, some with crosses, and other antic works ; ^ some had skins on them, and some naked ; all strong, tall men in appearance. So after all was done, the governor conducted him to the brook, and there they embraced each other, and he departed ; we diligently keeping our hostages. We expected our messenger's coming ; but anon word was brought us that Quadequina was coming, and our mes- senger was stayed till his return ; who presently came, and a troop with him. So likewise we entertained him, and conveyed him to the place prepared. He was very fearful of our pieces, and made signs of dis- like, that they should be carried away ; whereupon
sasoit lived, but was afterwards, in 1675, broken by Philip, his suc- cessor.*' Am Bio^. ii. 214. In Sept. 1639, Massasoit and his eldest son, Mooanam, afterwards called \Vamsutta, and in 1662 by the English named Alexander, came into the Court at Plymouth and desired that this ancient league and confederacy might stand and
remain inviolable. It was accord- ingly ratified and confirmed by the government. See Morton's Memorial, p. 210.
' See note * on page 188.
' This description corresponds to the appearance of Black Hawk and Keokuk, and the braves of the Sacs and Foxes, on their visit tu Boston in 1837.
ISAAC ALLERTON.
196
commandment was given they should be laid away. chap. He was a very proper, tall young man, of a very mod- ^--^ est and seemly countenance, and he did kindly like of i®^^* our entertainment So we conveyed him likewise, as we did the king ; but divers of their people stayed still. When he was returned, then they dismissed our messenger. Two of his people would have stayed all night ; but we would not suffer it One thing I for- got ; the king had in his bosom, hanging in a string, a great long knife. He marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as well as they could. Samoset and Squanto, they stayed all night with us ; and the king and all his men lay all night in tlie woods, not above half an English mile from us, and all tlieir wives and women with them. They said that within eight or nine days they would come and set corn on the other side of the brook, and dwell there all summer ; which is hard by us. That night we kept good watch ; but there was no appearance of danger. The next morning, divers of their people came over Mar.
• • 23
to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. Some of them told us the king would have some of us come see him. Captain Standish and Isaac Alderton ^
' Generally spelt A LLERTON. Ho was the fifth signer of the Cumpact on board the Mayflower. AAer the death of his wife Mary, Feb. 25, 1631, he married, in 1626, Fear, a daughter of Elder Brewster. She diedin 1633, and he then married a thiid wife, named Johanna. His son Isaac graduated at Harvard College in 1650. Hutchinson, in his History of M.i^siichusctts, ii. 461, says "Isaac Allerlon or Al- derton, the first assistant, was em- ployed several limes to negotiate matters in England relative to their
trade, and at lenpth left them and settled there. His male posterity settled in Maryland. If they be extinct, Point Alderton, at the en- trance of Boston harbour, which took his name, will probably pre- serve it many ages.** Judge Davis adds, in his edition of Morton's New England's Memorial, p. 304, ** Like the promontory of Palinurus, it is respectfully regarded as the memorial of an ancient worthy ; and the appellation, perpetuating the memory of a man of the great- est commercial enterprise in those
196
THE FIRST LAWS ENACTED.
CHAP, went venturously, who were welcomed of him after -^-v^ their manner. He gave them three or four ground-
^^ 2 1. nuts and some tobacco. We cannot yet conceive but
^1 'II*
23. that he is wiUing to have peace witli us ; for tliey have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in tlie woods at work and fowling, whenas tliey offered them no harm, as they might easily have done ; and espe- cially because he hath a potent adversary, the Narow- higansets, that are at war with him, against whom he thinks we may be some strength to him ; for our pieces are terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till ten or eleven of the clock ; and our governor bid them send the king's kettle, and filled it full of pease, which pleased them well ; and so they went their way.
Friday was a very fair day. Samoset and Squanto still remained with us. Squanto went at noon to fish for eels. At night he came home with as many as he could well Uft in one hand ; which our people were glad of; they were fat and sweet. He trod them out ^ with his feet, and so caught them with his hands, without any other instrument.
This day we proceeded on witli our common busi-
y ness, from which we had been so often hindered by
the salvages' coming ; and concluded both of military
early times, is most fitly applied. * Gaudet cognomine terra,* ** — The accurate Hutchinson is for once in an error. Allerton removed to New Haven in Connecticut, pre- vious to the last of March, 1G17, and died there in 1650. We are indebted to the Rev. Leonard Ba- con, of New Haven, fur the disco- very of tiiis fact. His conjecture, however, is unfounded that Alletton left no daughter. It appears from Hutchinson, ii. 456, compared with Morton's Memorial, p. 381, that his
daughter Mary, who married Tho- mas Cushman, son of Robert, was alive in 1608, the last survivor of the passengers in the Mayflower. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvii. 243 and 301, Professor Kingsley's His- torical Discourse, p. 02, and Mitch- ell's Bridgewater, p. 350.
' Of the mud ; probably at Eel river, so called from the abundance of eels which are taken there. About 150 barrels are annually caught. See Thacher's Plymouth, p. 322.
CARVER RE-ELECTED GOVERNOR. 197
orders and of some laws ' and orders as we thought chap. behooveful for our present estate and condition ; and w*Jw did likewise choose • our governor for this year, loai. which was Master John Carver, a man well approved amongst us.'
[March 24. Dies Elizabeth, the wife of Mr. Ed- Mar. ward Winslow. N. B. This month thirteen of our number die. And in three months past, dies half our company ; the greatest part in the depth of winter,
* In 1636 a code of laws was mind for the general, adding only
made, with a preamble containing some particular municipal laws of
an account of the settlement of the their own, suitable to their consti-
Colnny. This Code was revised in tutinn, in such cases where the
1658, and again in 1671, and print- common laws and statutes of Eng*
ed with this title, '* The Book of land could not well reach, or aflbrd
the General Laws of the Inhabit- them help in emergent diflficulties
ants of the Jurisdiction of New of the place ; possibly on the same
Plymouth.'* In 1685, a new digest ground that Pacuvius sometimes
of them was published. In 1836 advised his neighbours of Capua
these several codes were collected not to cashier their old magistrates
and digested into one volume by till they could agree upon better to
William Drigham, Esq. Counsellor place in their room, oo did these
at Ijnw, agreeably to a Kesolvo of choose to abide by the laws of Eng-
the Ijcgisiatuto of Massachusetts, land, till they could bo provided of
It serves to illustrate the cotiditifm better.*' Belknap *s Am. Biog. ii.
of the Colony at different periods, 242 ; Mass Hist. (!k)ll. xv. 62. the manners, wants, and senti- *'* Or rather confirm.'* Bradford
ments of our forefathers, the diffi- in Prince, p. 188. It will be recol-
culties with which they struggled, lected that Carver had been chosen
and the remedies provided for their governor on the lllh of November,
relief See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxii. the same day on which the Com*
265, 270. pact was signed. It was now the
Gov. Hutchinson, with unac- 23d of March, and the new year
countable carelessness, has assert- beginning on the 25th, according
ed, ii. 463, that ** they never estab- to the calendar then in use, Carver
lished any distinct code or body of was reelected for the ensuing year,
laws ; " grounding his assertion on The question has sometimes been
a passage in Hubbard's Hist, of N. asked. Why was not Brewster cho-
England, which implies no such sen ? The answer is given by
thing. The quotation, imperfectly Hutchinson, ii. 460. ** He was
given by Hutchinson, is correctly their ruling elder, which seems to
as follows : '* The laws they in- have been ihe bar to his being their
tended to bo governed by were the gdvornor, civil and ecclesiastical
laws of England, the which they oflico in the same pcrsim being
were willing to be subject unto, thou <lccmed incompatible.** though in a foreign land ; and have ' Here the daily journal breaks
since that time continued in that off, and an interval of three months
198 MORTALITY AMONG THE COLONISTS.
CHAP, wanting houses and otlier comforts, being infected .^^~ with the scurvy and other diseases, which their long 1021. voyage and unaccommodate condition brought upon them ; so as there die sometimes two or three a day. Of a hundred persons scarce fifty remain ; the living scarce able to bury the dead ; tlie well not sufficient to tend the sick, there being, in their time of greatest dis- tress, but six or seven, who spare no pains to help them. Two of tlie seven were Mr. Brewster, their reverend elder, and Mr. Standish, their captain. The like dis- ease fell also among the sailors, so as almost half their company also die before they sail.^ But the
occurs before the account of the Before the arrWal of the Fortune
expedition to Pokanoket, during in Nov. six more died, including
which nothing ie recorded. To fill Carver and his wife, making the
up this chasm in some measure, I whole niimher of deaths 50, and
insert tho folhiwing ]Nirticulars, leaving ihu t( tal number of the sur-
whicli Prince extracts from Gov. vivors 50. Of those not named
Bradford's History, and from his among the survivors, being voung
Register, in which he records some men, women, children, and ser-
of the first deaths, marriages, and vants, there were 31 ; amongst
punishments at Plymouth. whom, as appears from the list of
* Tho exact bill of mortality, as names in the division of the lands
collected by Prince, w as follows. in 1033, were Joseph Rogers,
probably a son of Thomas, Mary (Jhillon. probably a daughter of
|
In December |
0 |
|
In January |
8 |
|
In February |
17 |
|
In March |
13 |
James, ileury Samson, and Humil- ity Cooi)cr. bee Baylies' PI
ity Cooi)cr. bee Baylies' Plymouth, i. 70 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 207 ; — Morton's Memorial, p. 370.
Total 44 Wood, in his New Eneland's
Prospect, ch. 2, says, ** Whereas
Of these were subscribers to many died at the beginning of the
tho Compact, 21 plantations, it was not because the
The wives of Bradford, Stand- country was unheahhful, hut be-
ish, Allerton, and Winslow, 4 cause their bodies were corrupted
Also, Edward Thomson, a ser- with sea-diet, which was naught,
vant of Mr. While, Jasper the beef and pork being tainted.
Carver, a son of the go- their butter ana cheese corrupted,
vernor, and Solomon Mar- their fish rotten, and the voyage
tin, son of Christopher, 3 long by reason of cross winds, so
Other women, children and that winter approaching before they
servants, whose names are could get warm houses, and the
not known, 10 searching sharpness of that purer
— climate creeping in at the crannies 44 of their crazed bodies, caused death
THE MAYFLOWER SAILS FOR ENGLAND. 199
Spring advancing, it pleases God the mortality begins chap. to cease, and the sick and lame recover ; which puts — 1^ new life into the people, though they had borne their 1 6 9 1. sad affliction with as much patience as any could do.
The first ofience since our arrival is of John Bil- lington, who came on board at London, and is this month convented before the whole company for his contempt of the Captain's lawful command with opprobrious speeches, for which he is adjudged to have his neck and heels tied together ; but upon humbling himself and craving pardon, and it being the first ofience, he is forgiven.^
April 5. We despatch the ship with Captain Jones, April who this day sails from New Plymouth, and May 6 arrives in England.'
and sickness." Dudley, too, in his elled, and sown for the purpose of letter to the Countess of Lincoln, concealment. This information I in Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 43, re- received at Plymouth from the late marks, " Touching the sickness and Ephraim Snooner, a lespectable mortality which every first year inhabitant of that town, and deacon hath seized upon us and those of of the church, who accompanied me Plymouth, (or which mortality it to the spot where those nrst inter- may be said of us almost as of the ments were made. Humsn bones Egyptians, that there is not a house have been washed out of (he bank, where there is not one dead, and in within the memory of the present some houses many,) the natural generation. Deacon Spooner, then causes seem to be, the want of upwards of 70 years of sge, had warm lodging and good diet, to his information from Mr. Thomas which Englishmen are habituated Faunce, who was a ruling elder in at home. Thoseof Plymouth, who the first church in Plymouth, and landed in winter, died of scurvy, as was well acquainted with several of did our poorer sort, whose housing the first settlers. Elder Faunce and beading kept them not suffi- knew the rock on which they first ciently warm." landed ; and hearing that it was Holmes, in his Annals, i. 168, covered in the erection of a wharf, says, " Tradition gives an afiecting was so affected, that he wept. His picture of the infant colony during tears perhaps saved it from oblivion, this critical and distressin? period. He died Feb. 27, 1746, aged 99." The dead were buried on the bank. See note ' on page 161. at a little distance from the rock ' See note ' on page 149. where the fathers landed ; and, lest * It is a circumstance worthy of the Indians should take advantage notice, that notwithdtanding the of the weak and wretched state of hardships, privations, and mortality the English, the graves were lev- among the Pilgrims, not one of
200 DEATH OP GOVERNOR CARVER.
CHAP. While we are busy about our seed, our governor, — L. Mr. Carver, comes out of the field very sick, com- 1621. plains greatly of his head. Within a few hours his senses fail, so as he speaks no more, and in a few days after dies, to our great lamentation and heavi- ness. His care and pains were so great for the com- mon good, as therewith, it is thought, he oppressed himself and shortened his days ; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complain ; and his wife deceases about five or six weeks afler.^
them was induced to abandon the be a pious, faithful, and very bene-
enterprise and return home in the ficial instrument. He deceased in
Mayflower. The ship had been themonthof April in the vear lOSl,
detained so lonpr " by reason of the and is now reaping tlie iruit of his
necessity and danger that lay on labor with the Lord." MS. Re-
them, because so many died both of cords of Plym. Ch. vol. i. p. 37.
themselves and the sliip*s company See also Morton's Memorial, p. 08.
likewise ; by which they became so It is sup|)oscd that Carver's duath
few, as the master durst not put to was occasioned by a stroke of the
sea until those that lived recovered sun ; and yet, as Ihylios observes,
of their sickness, and the winter '* it is not a little remarkable that
over." Morton's Memorial, p. 07. such an effect should have been
' '* Before I pass on, I may not produced in this climate in the
omit to take notice of the sad loss month of April." Morton says,
the church and this infant common- " he was buried in the best man*
wealth sustained by the death of ner they could, with as much so-
Mr. John Carver, who was one of lemnity as they were in a capacity
the deacons of the church in Ley- to perform, with the discharge of
den, but now had been and was some volleys of shot of all that bare
their first governor. This worthy arms."
gentleman was one of singular Nothing is known of Carver pre-
piety, and rare for humility, which vious to nis appointment in 1017
appeared, as otherwise, so by his as one of the agents of the Church
great condescendency, whenas this at Ley den. Nor is any thing
miserable people wore in great known of his immediate desccnd-
sickncss. lie shunned not to do ants. It will bo soon by the Com-
vcry mean services for them, yea, pact, p. 121, that there were 8 pcr-
the meanest of them. He bare a suns iu his family. lie lost a son
share likewise of their labor in his Dec. 0, and his daughter Elizabeth
own person, according as their great married John llowland. See note '
necessity required. Who being one on page 149. The name of Car-
also of a considerable estate, spent ver does not appear in the assign-
the main part of it in this enterprise, ment of the lands in 1623, nor in
and from first to last approved him- the division of the cattle in 1027 ;
self not only as their agent in the nor does it occur at any subsequent
first transacting of things, but also time in the annals of the Colony,
ail along to the period of his life, to '* His children attained no civil
THE FIRST MARRIAGE AND DUEL.
201
Soon after we choose Mr. William Bradford our chap.
X.
governor and Mr. Isaac AUerton his assistant, who >^J^ are by renewed elections continued together sundry losi. years.
May 12. The first marriage in this place is of Mr. May Edward Winslow to Mrs. Susanna White, widow of ^^' Mr. WiUiani White.^
June 18. The second olTence is tlie first duel June
18
fought in New England, upon a challenge at single combat with sword and dagger, between Edward Doty and Edward Leister, servants of Mr. Hopkins. Both being wounded, tlie one in the hand, the other in the tliigh, they are adjudged by the whole com- pany to have their head and feet tied together, and so to lie for twenty-four hours, without meat or drink ; which is begun to be inflicted, but within an hour, because of their great pains, at their own and their master's humble request, upon promise of better car- riage, tliey are released by the governor.]
honors ; they rose to no distinction ; but less fortunate than the children of the other governors, they re- mained in obscurity, and were un- noticed by the people.'* William, the grandson (or nephew) of the governor, died at Mnrshfield, Oct. 3, 1700, at tho age of 103. Not long before his death, this grand- son, with his son, his grandson, and great grandson, were all at work together without doors, and the great great grandson was in the
house at the same time. Man^ of the name are still living in various parts of the Old Colony. The town of Carver, in Plymouth Coun- ty, will help to perpetuate it. Com- pare Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 456, with MitchclFs Hist of Dridge- water, pp. 139 and 303 ; and see Baylies' Plymouth, i. 71, and Bel- knap's Am. Biog. ii. 170 — 310.
> Wm. White died Feb. 31, and Edward Winslow's first wife, March 34.
CHAPTER XI.
A JOURNEY TO PACKANOKICK, TUG HABITATION OP THE GREAT KING MASSASOYT; AS ALSO OUR MESSAGE, THE ANSWER AND ENTERTAINMENT WE HAD OP HIM.>
CHAP. It seemed good to the company, for many consider-
~ ations, to send some amongst them to Massasoyt, the
1621. greatest commander amongst the savages bordering upon us ; partly to know where to find them, if occasion served, as also to see their strength, discover the coun- try, prevent abuses in their disorderly coming unto us, make satisfaction for some conceived injuries to be done on our parts, and to continue the league of peace and friendship between them and us. For these and the Hke ends it pleased the governor to make choice of Steven Hopkins and Edward Winsloe to go unto him ; and having a fit opportunity, by reason of a savage called Tisquantum, that could speak English, coming
' There can hardly be a doubt Tlie peculiar mode in which cer-
that the narrative of this expedition tain words are spelt corresponds
was written by Winslow. He and with the manner in which they are
Hopkins were the only persons en- spelt in Winslow's Good News
gaged in it, and of course one of from New England. Thus the
them must have written it. That name of their Indian interpreter is
the author was Winslow, and not in both papers invariably called
Hopkins, is rendered highly proba- Tisquantum, whilst Bradford writes
ble by the circumstance that Hop- it Squanto. In both narratives too
kins^s name is mentioned first, we read Paomet instead of Pamet.
EMBASSY TO MA88AS0IT.
203
unto us, with all expedition provided a horseman's chap.
coat of red cotton, and laced with a slight lace, for a « L
present, tliat both they and their message might be ^^^i* the more acceptable amongst them.
The message was as follows : That forasmuch as his subjects came often and without fear upon all occa- sions amongst us, so we were now come unto him ; and in witness of the love and good-will the English bear unto him, the governor hath sent him a coat, desiring that the peace and amity that was between them and us might be continued ; not that we feared them, but because we intended not to injure any, desiring to live peaceably, and as with all men, so especially witli tliem, our nearest neighbours. But whereas liis people came very often, and very many together unto us, bringing for the most part their wives and children with them, they were welcome ; yet we being but strangers as yet at Patuxet, alias New Plymouth,^ and not knowing how our corn might prosper, we could no longer give them such entertainment as we had done, and as we desired still to do. Yet if he would be pleased to come himself, or any special friend of his desired to see us, coming from him they should be welcome. And to the end we might know them from others, our governor had sent him a copper chain ; de- siring if any messenger should come from him to us, we might know him by bringing it with him, and hearken
* Capt. John Smith, in his map of New Eufrland, published in in 10, had pivcn iho name of Ply- month to this placo- Mortem says in his Memorial, p. 60, ** The name of Plymouth was so called, not only for the reason here named, but also because Plymouth, in Old England, was the last town they
left in their native country ; and for that they received many kind- nesses from some Christians there.*' Smith says its Indian name was Accomack, and calls it ** an ex- cellent good harbour." The na- tives also called it Apaum. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 1, and xxTi. 97, 119.
204
THE DESIGN OF THE EMBASSY.
CHAP, and give credit to his message accordingly ; also re- .^J^ questing him that such as have skins should bring them 1621. to us, and tliat ho would hinder the multitude from oppressing us with them. And whereas, at our first arrival at Paomet,' called by us Cape Cod, we found tliere corn buried in the ground, and finding no inha- bitants, but some graves of dead new buried, took the corn, resolving, if ever we could hear of any that had right thereunto, to make satisfaction to the full for it ; yet since we understand the owners thereof were fled for fear of us, our desire was either to pay them with the like quantity of corn, English meal, or any other commodities we had, to pleasure them withal ; requesting him that some one of his men might signify so much unto them, and we would content him for his pains^^* And last of all, our governor requested one favor of him, which was that he would exchange some of their corn for seed with us, that we might make trial which best agreed with the soil where we live. With these presents and message we set forward the June 10th Juno,' about nine o'clock in tlie morning, our J uiy guide resolving that night to rest at Nnniaschet,^ a town under Massasoyt, and conceived by us to be very near, because the inhabitants flocked so thick upon every slight occasion amongst us ; but we found it to be some
> See note ' on page 125, and nolo * on page 202.
* See note * on page 134.
' *^ June 10th being Lord's Bay, it is very unlikely that they set out then, and is also inconsistent with the rest of the Journal ; whereas July 2d is Monday, when Governor Bradford says, * We sent Mr. Ed- ward Winslow and Mr. Sieven Hopkins to see our new friend Massasoit ; ' though, to comport
with thu rest of the Journal, I con- clude that on Monday, July 2d, they aprced to send, but set nut out till the next morning.*' Prince, Ann. 101. Morton, in his Memo- rial, p. GO, says it was July 2.
^ Namaschet, or Namaskct; that part of Middleborough, which the English first began to settle. Sco Mass. Hist. C(dl. iii. 118. Capt. Dermer was at this place in 1010. See note * on page 100.
THE MESSENQERS REACH MIDDLEBOROUQH. 206
fifteen English miles. On the way we found some chap.
ten or twelve men, women, and children, which had L
pestered us till we were weary of them, perceiving loai. that (as the manner of them all is) where victual is 3/ easilest to be got, there they live, especially in the summer ; by reason whereof, our bay affording many lobsters, tliey resort every spring-tide tliither; and now returned with us to Namaschet. Thither we came about three o'clock after noon, tlie inhabitants entertaining us with joy, in the best manner they could, giving us a kind of bread called by them mai- ziuniy^ and the spawn of shads, which then they got in abundance, insomuch as they gave us spoons to eat tliem. With these tlioy boiled musty acorns ; but of the shads we eat heartily. After this they desired one of our men to shoot at a crow, complaining what damage they sustained in their corn by them ; who shooting some fourscore ^ off and killing, they much admired at it, as other shots on otlier occasions.
After tliis, Tisquantum told us we should hardly in one day reach Packanokick, moving us to go some eight miles further, where we should find more store and better victuals than there. Being willing to has- ten our journey, we went and came thither at sunset- ting, where we found many of the Namascheucks (they so calling the men of Namaschet) fishing upon a wear ^ which they had made on a river which be- longed to them, where they caught abundance of bass. These welcomed us also, gave us of their fish, and we
* Made of maizc^ or Indian corn, adjoininpf Uridpualcr, is a notctl Son nolo* on papo 131. place, wliirli was formrrly called
■ l*acc8 or yards, understood. the Old Indian Wear. Tlnm^li
* At or near a villn^rp now callcil oilier wears h.ave l>ern erecli'il on Titicut, on Taunton river, in tlio Taunton river, yet this is piubably northwest part of Middleborough, the place intended. F.
206 THEY FORD TAUNTON RIVER.
CHAP, them of our victuals, not doubting but we should have
enough where'er we caine. There we lodged in the
16 31. Qp^,^ fields, for houses they had none, though they spent the most of the summer there. The head of tliis river is reported to be not far from the place of our abode.^ Upon it are and have been many towns, it being a good length. The ground is very good on both sides, it being for the most part cleared. Thousands of men have lived there, which died in a great plague ^ not long since ; and pity it was and is to see so many goodly fields, and so well seated, without men to dress and manure the same. Upon this river dwelleth Mas- sasoyt. It cometh into the sea at the Narrohigganset bay, where the Frenchmen so much use. A ship may go many miles up it, as the salvages report, and a shallop to the head of it ; but so far as we saw, we are sure a shallop may.^ But to return to our journey. ^^h The next morning we brake our fast, took our leave, and departed ; being then accompanied with some six salvages. Having gone about six miles by the river side, at a known shoal place,^ it being low water, they spake to us to ])ut off our breeches, for wo must wade through. Here let me not forget the valor and courage of some of the salvages on the opposite side of the river ; for there were remaining ahve only two men, both aged, especially the one, being above threescore. These two, espying a company of men entering the river, ran very swiftly, and low in the grass, to meet
* The Winnatuckset, one of the * About six miles below Old Tn- tribularies of Taunton river, has its dian Wear is a noted wading place, source in Carver, seven miles from The opposite shore of Taunton river Plvmouth. is in Ruynham. F. — Baylies, says,
* See note ' on page 183. i. 75, it is ** near the new forge on
* The river is navigable for sloops Taunton river, about three miles as far as Taunton. from the Green.
DESCRIPTION OP THE COUNTRY. 207
US at die bank ; where, with shrill voices and great chap. courage, standing charged upon us with their bows, ^--v^ tliey demanded what we were, supposing us to be 1^9 1. enemies, and thinking to take advantage on us in the 4. water. But seeing we were friends, they welcomed us with such food as they had, and we bestowed a small bracelet of beads on them. Thus far we are sure the tide ebbs and flows.
Having here again refreshed ourselves, we pro- ceeded in our journey, the weather being very hot for travel ; yet the country so well watered, that a man could scarce be dry, but he should have a spring at hand to cool his diirst, beside small rivers in abun- dance. But the salvages will not willingly drink but at a spring-head. When we came to any small brook, where no bridge was, two of them desired to carry us through of their own accords; also, fearing we were or would be weary, oflered to carry our pieces ; also, if we would lay off any of our clothes, we should have diem carried ; and as the one of them had found more special kindness from one of die messengers, and the other salvage from the other, so they showed their thankfulness accordingly in affording us all help and furtherance in the journey.
As we passed along, we observed that there were few places by the river but had been inhabited ; by reason whereof much ground was clear, save of weeds, which grew higher than our heads. There is much good timber, bodi oak, walnut tree, fir, beech, and exceeding great chestnut trees. The country, in re- spect of the lying of it, is both champaign and hilly, Uke many places in England. In some places it is very rocky, both above ground and in it ; and though
208 THCT ABSIYE AT BAKRDIGTOlf , K. L
CHAP- the country be wild and overgrown with woods, yet ^--v^ the trees stand not thick, bat a man may well ride a ^^ ^ 1- horse amongst tliem.' 4. PaaBing on at length, one of the ccHnpany, an In- dian, c^ied aman, and tokl the rest of it. We asked tliem if tliey feared any. lliey told us that if they were Narrohigganset men, they would not trust th^a. Whereat we called for our pieces, and bid them not to fear ; for though they were twenty, we two alone would not care for them. But they hailing him, he proved a friend, and had only two women with him. Their baskets were empty ; but they fetched water in their bottles, so that we drank with them and departed. After we met another man, with other two women, which had been at rendezvous by the salt water ; and their baskets were full of roasted crab fishes and other dried shell fisli, of which they gave us ; and we eat and drank with them, and gave each of the women a string of beads, and departed.
After wo came to a town of Massasoyt's, where wo cat oysters and other fish. From tlience wo wont to Packanokick ; ^ but Massasoyt was not at home.
' See note ' on page 12^1. course on Rhode Island, says, that
' ** This was a general name for " Sowams is the neck since called
the northern shore of Narraganset Phebe*s Neck, in Barrington ; " but
Bay, between Providence and Taun- intimates in a note that ** perhaps
ton rivers, and comprehending the Sowams is properly the name of the
present townships of Bristol, War- river, where the two Swanzey rivers
ren, and Barrington, in the State of meet and run together for near a
Rhode Island, and Swanzey, in mile, when they empty themselves
Massachusetts. Its northern ex- in the Narraganset Bay, or of a
tent b unknown. The principal small island, where these two rivers
seats of Massasoit were at Sowams meet, at the bottom of New Mea-
and Kikemuit. The former is a do w Neck, so called." See Rhode
neck of land formed by the conflu- Island Hist. Coll. iv. 84.
ence of Barrington and Palmer's Morton says, p. 60, that *' they
rivers ; the latter is Mount Hope." found his (Massasoit's) place to be
Belknap^s Am. Biog. ii. 221. about forty miles from New Ply-
Callendor, in his Historical Dis- mouth."
CONFERBNC^J WITH KASSASOIT. 209
There we stayed, he being sent for. When news was chap. brought of his coming, our guide Tisquantum re- w-J^ quested that at our meeting we would discharge our ^f^^* pieces. But one of us going about to charge his 4. piece, the women and children, through fear to see him take up his piece, ran away, and could not be pacified till he laid it down again ; who afterward were better informed by our interpreter. Massasoyt being come, we discharged our pieces and saluted him ; who, after their manner, kindly welcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us down by him ; where, having deUvered our foresaid message and presents, and having put the coat on his back and the chain about his neck, he was not a little proud to behold himself, and his men also to see their king so bravely attired.
For answer to our message, he told us we were wel- come, and he would gladly continue that peace and friendship which was between him and us ; and, for his men, they should no more pester us as they had done ; also, that he would send to Paomet, and would help us with corn for seed, according to our request.
This being done, his men gathered near to him, to whom he turned himself and made a great speech ; they sometimes interposing, and, as it were, confirm- ing and applauding him in that he said. The meaning whereof was, as far as we could learn, thus : Was not he, Massasoyt, commander of the country about them ? Was not such a town his, and the people of it ? And should they not bring their skins unto us ? To which they answered, they were his, and would be at peace with us, and bring their skins to us. After this man- ner he named at least thirty places, and their answer
210 A NIGHT AT POKANOKBT.
CHAP- was as aforesaid to every one : so that as it was
XI
L delightful, it was tedious unto us.
16 21. This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of England and of tlie King's Majesty, marvelling that he would Uve witliout a wife.' Also ho talked of the Frenchmen, bidding us not to suffer tliem to come to Narrohigganset, for it was King James's country, and he also was King James's man. Late it grew, but victuals he offered none ; for indeed he had not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired to go to rest. He laid us on the bed with himself and his wife, they at the one end and we at the other, it being only planks laid a foot from the ground and a thin mat upon them.^ Two more of his chief men, for want of room, pressed by and upon us ; so that we were worse weary of our lodging tlian of our journey. July The next day, being Thursday, many of their sachims^ or petty governors, came to see us, and many of their men also. There they went to their manner of games for skins and knives. There we challenged them to shoot with them for skins, but they durst not ; only they desired to see one of us shoot at a mark, who
' Anne of Denmark, the wife of says, '' Their lodging is made in
James I. of England, died on the three places of the house about the
3d of March, 1619, aged 45. See fire. They lie upon planks, com-
Home's Hist, of England, ch. xlix. monly about a foot or eighteen
' ** In their wigwams," says inches above the ground, raised
Gookin, " they make a kind of upon rails that are borne up upon
couch or mattress, firm and strong, forks. They lay mats under them,
raised about a foot high from the and coats of deer*s skins, otters*,
earth ; first covered with boards beavers', racoons', and of bears'
that they split out of trees, and up- hides, all which they have dressed
on the boards they spread mats gen- and converted into good leather,
erally, and sometimes bear skins with the hair on, for their coverings;
and deer skins. These are large and in this manner they lie as
enough for three or four persons to warm as they desire." See Mass.
lodge upon; for their mattresses Hist. Coll. i. 150, and New Eng-
are 6 or 8 feet broad." Morton lish Canaan, b. i. ch. 4.
WANT OF FOOD. 211
shooting with hail-shot, they wondered to see the chap. mark so full of holes. — L
About one o'clock Massasoyt brought two fishes i^^i* that he had shot ; they were like bream, but three times so big, and better meat.^ These being boiled, there were at least forty looked for share in them ; the most eat of them. This meal only we had in two nights and a day ; and had not one of us bought a partridge, we had taken our journey fasting. Very importunate he was to have us stay with them longer. But we desired to keep the Sabbath at home ; and feared we should either be light-headed for want of sleep, for what with bad lodging, the savages' barba- rous singing, (for they use to sing tlieinselvcs asleep,) lice and fleas within doors, and mosquitoes without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our being there ; we much fearing that if we should stay any longer, we should not be able to recover home for want of strengtli. So that on the Friday morning, before July sunrising, we took our leave and departed, Massasoyt being both grieved and ashamed that he could no better entertain us ; and retaining Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure truck for us, and appointing another, called Tokamahamon, in his place, whom we had found faithful before and after upon all occasions.
At this town of Massasoyt's, where we before eat, we were again refreshed with a little fish, and bought about a handful of meal of their parched corn,^ which was very precious at that time of tlie year, and a small string of dried shell-fish, as big as oysters.^ The
' Probably the fish called tataug. • See note * on page 187. Belknap^s Am. Biog. ii. 288. ' These were probably clams.
212 A NIQHT AT TITICUT.
CHAP, latter we gave to the six savages that accompanied ^.^^ us, keeping the meal for ourselves. When we drank, 1 6 3 1. ^e eat each a spoonful of it with a pipe of tobacco, instead of otlier victuals ; and of this also we could not but give them so long as it lasted. Five miles they led us to a house out of the way in hope of vict- uals ; but we found nobody there, and so were but worse able to return home. That night we reached to the wear ^ where we lay before ; but the Namas- cheucks were returned, so that we had no hope of any thing there. One of die savages had shot a shad in the water, and a small squirrel, as big as a rat, called a neuxis ; the one half of either he gave us, and after went to the wear to fish. From hence we wrote to Plymouth, and sent Tokamahamon before to Namasket, willing him from thence to send another, that he might meet us with Namasket. Two men now only remained with us ; and it pleased God to give them good store of fish, so that we were well refreshed. After supper we went to rest, and they to fishing again. More they gat, and fell to eating afresh, and retained sufficient ready roast for all our breakfasts. July About two o'clock in the morning, arose a great storm of wind, rain, lightning, and thunder, in such violent manner that we could not keep in our fire ; and had the savages not roasted fish when we were asleep, we had set forward fasting ; for the rain still continued with great violence, even the whole day through, till we came within two miles of home. Being wet and weary, at length we came to Namaschet. There we
' See note ' on page 205.
THE MES8ENOER8 REACH HOMB. 213
refreshed ourselves, giving gifts to all such as had chap.
showed us any kindness. Amongst others, one of the « ^
six that came with us from Packanokick, having before ^^ ^ i* this on the way unkindly forsaken us, marvelled we 7. gave him nothing, and told us what he had done for us. We also told him of some discourtesies he offered us, whereby he deserved nothing. Yet we gave him a small trifle ; whereupon he offered us tobacco. But the house being full of people, we told them he stole some by the way, and if it were of that, we would not take it; for we would not receive that which was stolen, upon any terms ; if we did, our God would be angry witli us, and destroy us. Tliis abashed him, and gave tlie rest great content. But, at our depart- ure, he would needs carry liim ^ on his back through a river whom he had formerly in some sort abused. Fain they would have had us to lodge there all night, and wondered we would set forth again in such weather. But, God be praised, we came safe home tliat night, tliough wet, weary, and surbated.^
' Undoubtedly the writer himself, and reached Pokanoket on Wed-
Winslow. nesday, spent Thursday there, left
' Surbated, with ealled feet. Friday morning before sunrise, and
They had been absent five days, arrived at Plymouth Saturday eve-
They started Tuesday morning, ning.
CHAPTER XII.
A VOYAGB MADE BY TEN OF OUR MEN TO THE KINGDOM OF NAUSET, TO SEEK A BOYi THAT HAD LOST HIMSELF IN THE WOODS; WITH SUCH ACCIDENTS AS BEFELL US IN THAT VOYAGE.
CHAP. XII.
1021.
l8t
day.
The 11th of June" we set forth, the weather being very fair. But ere we had been long at sea, there arose a storm of wind and rain, with much Ughtning and thun- der, insomuch that a spout arose not far from us. But, God be praised, it dured not long, and we put in that night for harbour at a place called Cummaquid,' where we had some hope to find tlie boy. Two savages were in die boat with us. The one was Tisquantum, our interpreter ; the other Tokamahamon, a special
' The name of this boy was John Billington, according to Bradford, in Prince, p. 192. He was the brother of Francis, who discovered Billington Soa, and tlie son of John, the first culprit. See note * on page 1 19, and note ' on page 172. Mas- sasoit had sent word he was at Nauset. See Prince, p. 192.
' ** This date being inconsistent with several hints in the foregoing and following stories, I keep to Governor Bradford's original man- uscript, and place it between the end of Jul^ and the 13th of Au- gust" Prince, p. 192.
' Barnstable harbour ; which is formed bjr a neck of land, about half a mile wide, called Sandy Neck, which projects from Sand- wich on the north shore, and runs east almost the length of the town. The harbour is about a mile wide, and four miles long. IMio tide rises in it from ten to fourteen feet. It has a bar running off northeast from the neck several miles, which prevents the entrance of large ships. Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 12. See note ' on page 159.
BARNSTABLE HARBOUR. 216
friend. It being night before we came in, we anchored chap. in the midst of the bay, where we were dry at a low ^.^^ water. In the morning we espied savages seeking lesi. lobsters, and sent our two interpreters to speak with aay. them, the channel being between them ; where they told them what we were, and for what we were come, willing them not at all to fear us, for we would not hurt them. Their answer was, that the boy was well, but he was at Nauset ; yet since we were there, they desired us to come ashore, and eat with them ; which, as soon as our boat floated, we did, and went six ashore, having four pledges for them in the boat They brought us to their sachim, or governor, whom they call lyanough,^ a man not exceeding twenty-six years of age, but very personable, gentle, courteous, and fair conditioned, indeed not hke a savage, save for his attire. His entertainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheer plentiful and various.
One thing was very grievous unto us at this place. There was an old woman, whom we judged to be no less than a hundred years old, which came to see us, because she never saw English ; yet could not behold us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and crying excessively. We demanding the reason of it, tliey told us she had three sons, who, when Master Hunt' was in these parts, went aboard his ship to trade with him, and he carried them captives into Spain, (for Tisquantum at that time was carried away also,) by which means she was deprived of the comfort of her children in her old age. We told them we
* Sometimes called lyanou^h of ble and Yarmouth harbours. Seo
Cummaquid, and sometimes lya- Prince, p. 103 ; Mass. Hist. Coll.
nou({h of Mattakiest, which seems i. 1U7, and iii. 15. F.
to be the country between Barnsta- ' See pages 186 and 100.
216 THE EXPEDITION REACH EASTHAM.
CHAP, were sorry that any Englishman should give them that — L. offence, that Hunt was a bad man, and that all the 1631. English that heard of it condemned him for the same; but for us, we would not offer them any such injury, though it would gain us all tlie skins in the country. So we gave her some small trifles, which somewhat appeased her. 2d After dinner we took boat for Nauset, lyanough ^^^' and two of his men accompanying us. Ere we came to Nauset,^ the day and tide were almost spent, inso- much as we could not go in with our shallop ; ^ but the sachim or governor of Cummaquid went ashore, and his men with him. We also sent Tisquantum to tell As- pinet,^ the sachim of Nauset, wherefore we came. The savages here came very thick amongst us, and were earnest with us to bring in our boat. But we neitlier well could, nor yet desired to do it, because we had less cause to trust them, being they only had formerly made an assault upon us in the same place,^ in time of
* The territory to which the Eng- subjection to Massasoit. There lish ill 1051 gave the name of East- seem to have been two cantons or hum, and the northern part of which suchomdoms of the Ca|)e Indians, still retains the Indian name. The One extended from Eel river in three light-houses, recently erected Plymouth, to the south shoro of the in that town are called the Nauset Cape, and comprehended what are Lights. The principal scats of the now called the Mashpee Indians, Nauset Indians were at Namskekct, and then extended upon the Cape within the limits of Orleans, and to the eastern part of Barnstable, about the cove, which divides this and as far westward as Wood's township from Orleans. Captain Hole ; and divers petty sachems or John Smith mentions twice ** the sagamores were comprehended in isle Nawsct,'' or**Nausit." See this division, of which Mashpee Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. IHO, xxvi. was one. The eastern part of the 108, 110, and Plym. Col. Laws, Cape, from Nobscusset, or Yar- p. 04. mouth, made another sachemdom,
* The water is very shoal at the capital of which was Nauset, Nauset, or Eastham. See note ^ or Eastham. Of these petty tribes on page 153. the Nauset Indians appear to have
* '* The Indians upon Cape Cod, been the most imporiant" Hutch- ahhouffh not considered a part of inson's Mass. i. 450. and Mass. Hist, the Wamponoags, yet were sup- Coll. viii. 150.
posed to be under some kind of * See page 150.
THE BOT RBCOVEKED.
217
\^
our winter discovery for habitation. And indeed it chap.
XII.
was no marvel they did so ; for howsoever, through ^-^ snow or otherwise, we saw no houses, yet we were in ^^'i- the midst of them.
When our boat was aground, they came very thick ; but we stood therein upon our guard, not suffering any to enter except two, the one being of Manamoick,^ and one of those whose corn we had formerly found. We promised him restitution, and desired him either to come to Patuxet for satisfaction, or else we would bring them so much corn again. He promised to come. We used him very kindly for the present Some few skins we gat there, but not many.
After sunset, Aspinet came with a great train, and brought die boy witli him, one bearing him through the water.^ He had not less than a hundred with him ; the half whereof came to the shallop side unarmed with him ; the other stood aloof with their bows and arrows. There he deUvered us the boy, behung with beads, and made peace with us ; ' we bestowing a knife on him, and likewise on another that first enter- tained the boy and brought him thither. So they departed from us.
Here we understood that the Narrohiggansets had spoiled some of Massasoyt's men, and taken him. This struck some fear in us, because the colony was so weakly guarded, the strength thereof being abroad.^
y
' Chatham, the soothern extre- mity of Cape Cod.
* " He had wandered five days, lived on berriea, then light uf an In- dian plantation, twenty miles south of us, called Manomct, (Sandwich,) and they conveyed him to the peo- ple who first assaulted us." Drad- ford, in Prince, p. 103.
' Bradford adds, *' We give them full satisfaction for the corn we had formerly found in their coun- try.*' Prince, p. 193. See note * on paf;e 134.
^ There were ten men in this expedition. At the same time, ac- cording to the dates of this and the previous paper, Winslow and Ilop-
oo
218 RETURN TO BARNSTABLE AND HOME.
CHAP. But we set forth with resolution to make the best
XII.
^^^ haste home we could ; yet the wind being contrary, 1631. having scarce any fresh water left, and at least six- teen leagues ^ home, we put in again for tlie sliore. There we met again with lyanough, the sachim of Cummaquid, and the most of his town, both men, women and children with him. He, being still will- ing to gratify us, took a runlet,* and led our men in the dark a great way for water, but could find none good ; yet brought such as there was on his neck with them. In the mean time the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing before the shallop, the men also showing all the kindness tliey could, lyanough himself taking a bracelet from about his neck and hanging it upon one of us.
Again we set out, but to small purpose ; for we gat but little homeward. Our water also was very ^ brackish, and not to be drunk. The next morning lyanough espied us again, and ran after us. We, being resolved to go to Cummaquid again to water, took him into the shallop, whose entertainment was not inferior unto the former.
The soil at Nauset and here is alike, even and sandy, not so good for corn as where we are. Ships may safely ride in either harbour. In the summer they abound with fish. Being now watered, we put forth again, and by God's providence came safely home that night.
kbs were absent on their expedition ' The distance from Eastham to
to Pokanoket, leaving only seven Plymouth is not more than twelve
men at the Plantation, the whole leagues. F.
number surviving at this time being ' A small barrel, nineteen.
CHAPTER XIII.
.v^
/
A JOURNEY TO THE KINGDOM OP NAMASCHET, IN DEFENCE OF THE GREAT KING MASSASOYT AGAINST THE NARRO- HIGGANSETS, AND TO REVENGE THE SUPPOSED DEATH OF OUR INTERPRETER, TISaUANTUM.
At our return from Nauset we found it true that chap.
XIII
Massasoyt was put from his country by the Narrohig- L
gansets.^ Word also was brought unto us that Cou- 1 6 s i. batant,^ a potty sachim or governor under Massasoyt, "^' whom tliey ever feared to be too conversant with die Narrohiggansets, was at Namaschet ; who sought to draw tlie hearts of Massasoyt's subjects from him ; speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at the peace between Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and at Tisquan- tum, the worker of it ; also at Tokamahamon and one Hobbamock, two Indians, our allies,^ one of which he would treacherously have murdered a little before, be- ing a special and trusty man of Massasoyt's. Toka- mahamon went to him, but the otlier two would not ;
' Gov. Bradford says nolhinp of * In the oripinnl ** or Lcmcs," to
this, noi of Mnssnsoii^s boing uiiluT wliich no meaning can ho attached,
seized or invaded hy the Narragan- It is manifestly an error of the press,
BCtts. Prince, p. 103. and 1 havo given what I consider
■ Gov. Bradford plainly writes the Inio reading. See note ' on
him Corbitant. Prince, p. 194. page 174.
220 THE EXPEDITION REACH NAMASKBT.
CHAP, yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see ^^^ if they could hear of their king, and lodging at Nam- 1621. aschetwere discovered to Coubatant, who set a guard to beset die house, and took Tisquantum ; for he had said if ho were dead, tlic English had lost their tongue. Ilobbamock, seeing tliat Tisquantum was taken, and Coubatant held a knife at his breast, being a strong and stout man, brake from them and came to New Plymouth, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, whom he thought to be slain. Aug. Upon this news the company assembled together, and resolved on the morrow to send ten men armed to Namaschet, and Hobbamock for their guide, to revenge the supposed death of Tisquantum on Couba- tant, our bitter enemy, and to retain Nepeof,^ another sachim or governor, who was of this confederacy, till we heard what was become of our friend Massasoyt. 14. On the morrow we set out ten ^ men, armed, who took their journey as aforesaid ; but the day proved very wet. When we supposed we were within three or four miles of Namaschet, we went out of the way, and stayed there till night ; because we would not be discovered. There we consulted what to do; and thinking best to beset the house at midnight, each was appointed his task by the Captain,^ all men en- couraging one another to the utmost of their power. By night our guide lost his way, which much dis- couraged our men, being we were wet, and weary of our arms. But one^ of our men, having been before at Namaschet, brought us into the way again.
' This is the only time the name ish with 14 men.*' Prince, p. 104.
of this chief occurs in the annals ' Standish.
of ihe Colony. * Either Winslow or Hopkins,
' Bradford says, ** Captain Stand- who stopped at Namasket in going
THEY BESET THE HOUSE AT MIDNIGHT.
221
Before we came to the town, we sat down and ate chap.
XIII.
such as our knapsacks afforded. That being done, we ^
threw them aside, and all such things as might hinder i^'i* us, and so went on and beset the house, according to i4. our last resolution. Those that entered demanded if Coubatant were not there ; but fear had berefl the savages of speech. We charged them not to stir ; for if Coubatant were not tliere, we would not meddle with them. If he were, we came principally for him, to be avenged on him for the supposed death of Tis- quantum, and other matters ; but, howsoever, we would not at all hurt their women or children. Not- withstanding, some of them pressed out at a private door and escaped, but with some wounds. At length, perceiving our principal ends, they told us Coubatant was returned with all his train, and that Tisquantum was yet living and in the town ; offering some tobacco, other such as they had to eat. In this hurly-burly we discharged two pieces at random, which much terrified all the inhabitants, except Tisquantum and Tokama- hamon ; who, though they knew not our end in com- ing, yet assured them of our honesty, that we would not hurt them. Those boys that were in the house, seeing our care of women, often cried Neen squaes ! * that is to say, I am a woman ; ^ the women also hang- ing upon Hobbamock, calling him iowam^ that is.
and returning from Pokanoket, in July. If it was Winslow, he may reasonably be considered the writer of this narrative.
' This is correct Indian in the Massachusetts and Narragansett dialects. See Eiiot*s Indian Gram- mar, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 253 ; Cotton ^8 Vocabulary of the Massa- chusetts language, in Mass. Hist. CoU. xxii. 150, 178; Roger VVil-
liaros^s Key to the native language of New England, ch. 6 ; Wood's Noraenclator, at the end of his New England's Prospect; and Gallatin's Indian Vocabularies, in Coll. Am. Anliq. Soc. ii. 308, 352.
' Rather, I am a girl ; squaes be- ing a diminutive, formed by adding es to squa. See the Apostle Eliot's Indian Grammar, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 258.
222 COUBATANT AND HIS PARTY ESCAPE.
CHAP, friend.' But, to be short, we kept them we had, and «--v^ made them make a fire, that we might see to search 1621. the house. In the mean time, Hobbamock gat on the top of tlie house, and called Tisquantum and Tokama- hamon, which came unto us accompanied witli others, some armed, and others naked. Those that had bows and arrows, we took them away, promising them again when it was day. The house we took, for our better safeguard, but released those we had taken, manifest- ing whom we came for and wherefore. Aug. On the next morning, we inarched into tlie midst of the town, and went to the house of Tisquantum to breakfast. Thither came all whose hearts were up- right towards us ; but all Coubatant's faction were fled away. There, in the midst of them, we manifested again our intendment, assuring them, that although Coubatant had now escaped us, yet there was no place should secure him and his from us, if he continued his threatening us, and provoking others against us, who had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so justly deserved it. More- over, if Massasoyt did not return in safety from Nar- rohigganset, or if hereafter he should make any insur- rection against him, or ofler violence to Tisquantum, Hobbamock, or any of Massasoyt's subjects, we would revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those [who] were wounded, we were sorry for it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the house, at our command ; yet if they would return home with us, our surgeon * should heal them.
* Tho most common word for lor; Roger Williams's Key, cli. 1,
friend, in the MuBsachusettB and and Gallatin, in Coll. Am. Antiq.
Narragansett dialects M'as netop or Soc. ii.321.
netamp. See Cotton, in Mass. Hist. ' Their surgeon and physician was
Coll. xxii. 105 ; Wood's Nomencla- Mr. Samuel Fuller, the eighth
THE EXPEDITION RETURN TO PLYMOUTH. 223
At this offer, one man and a woman that were chap. wounded went home with us ; Tisquantum and many i^ otlier known friends accompanying us, and offering ^^ ^ ^* all help that might be by carriage of any thing we is. * had, to ease us. So that by God's good providence we safely returned home the morrow night after we set forth.
siffner of Uie Compact. In 1098, moath Charch, toI. i. p. 49, it ia
when the scurry and a malignant stated that ** when the cnurch came
distemper broke out among the first away out of Holland, they brought
settlers at Salem, '* Mr. E^dicot, with them one deacon, Mr. Samuel
understanding that there was one Fuller, who officiated amongst them
at Plymouth that had skill in such until his death. He was a good
diseases, sent thither for him; at man, and full of the holy spirit."
whose request he was sent unto Morton sa^, that ** he did much
them." He was there again for the good in his place, being not only
same purpose in May, 1690, aAer useful in his faculty, but otherwise,
the arrim of Higginson's company, as he was a godly roan, and served
We find him also at Dorchester, Christ in the office of a deacon in
in June 1630, at the request of Mr. the church for many years, and
Warham, "to let twenty of these forward to do good m his place,
people blood ; " asain at Salem, and was much missed after Grod
m July, and at Uharlestown, in removed him out of this world."
August of the same year, ailer His widow, Bridget, who came in
the arrival of Winthrop^s colony, the Anne, in 1693, and his son
whence he writes, *' The sad news Samuel gave to the Plymouth
here is that many are sick, and church the lot of ground on which
many are dead. I here but lose the parsonage now stands. See
time, and long to be at home. lean Morton's Memorial, pp. 143 and
do them no good, for I want drugs, 173 ; Mass. Hist Coll. lii. 66, 74 —
and things fitting to work with." 76, xiii. 186 ; and Prince's Annals,
He died m 1633, of an infectious pp. 963 and 960. fever. In the MS. Records of Ply-
^
>
Vj
CHAPTER XIV.
A RELATION OP OUR YOYAGB TO THE MASSACHUSETTS,! \ ^ AND WHAT HAPPENED THERE.
X N
v..
CHAP. It seemed good to the company in general, that
I though the Massachusets had often tlireatened us, (as
1 0 3 1. we were informed,) yet wo should go amongst tliem, partly to see the country, partly to make peace with them, and partly to procure their truck. For these ends the governors chose ten men, fit for the purpose, and sent Tisquantum and two other salvages to bring us to speech with the people and interpret for us.
We set out about midnight, the tide then serving for us. We supposing it to be nearer than it is, thought to be there the next morning betimes ; but it proved well near twenty leagues ^ from New Plymouth. We
Sept. 18.
' The territory and tribe probably took their name from the Ulue Hills in Milton, which were origin- ally called Massachusetts Mount. Smith speaks of them as ** the high mountain of Massachusit." Cot- ton, in his Vocabulary of the Mas- sachusetts language, gives the fol- lowing definition : ** Massa-chusett — a hill in the form of an arrow's head." Roger Williams says, *' I had learnt that the Massachusetts
was called so from the Blue Hills, a little island thereabout (in Nar- ragansett Bay) ; and Connonicus*s father and ancestors living in those southern parts, transferred and brought their authority and name into those northern parts." See Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. 75, xix. 1 ; xxvi. 120 ; R. 1. Hist. Coll. iv. 208 ; and Hutchinson's Mass. i. 400.
' The distance from Plymouth to Boston by water is about 40 miles.
THE FIRST LANDING IN BOSTON. 226
came into the bottom of the bay ; ^ but being late, we chap.
anchored and lay in the shallop, not having seen any L
of the people. The next morning we put in for the losi. shore. There we found many lobsters, that had been 20.^* gathered togetlier by the salvages, which we made ready under a clifT.' The Captain ' set two sentinels behind the cliff, to the landward, to secure the shal- lop, and taking a guide with him and four of our com- pany, went to seek tlie inhabitants ; where tliey met a woman coming for her lobsters. They told her of them, and contented her for them. She told them where the people were. Tisijuantum went to them ; the rest returned, having direction which way to bring tlie shallop to them.
The sachim or governor of this place is called Obba- tinewat ; and though he lives in the bottom of the Massachuset Bay,* yet he is under Massasoyt. He used us very kindly. He told us he durst not tlien remain in any settled place for fear of the Tarentincs.* Also tlie squa sachim,* or Massacliusets queen, was an enemy to him.
' Dy the bay is meant Boston ton. Thus Gov. Winthrop speaks
harbour. It extends from Nanias- of going from Salem lo Massachu-
ket to Boston, and spreads from setls. See Sava^o'sWinihrop, i.27.
Chelsea to Ilinfrham, containinr? * The Tarraleens or Tarrciiteens
about 75 square miles. See Snow's resided on the Kennebec and the
History of Boston, p. 113. other rivers in Mnine, and the
' Supposed to be Copp*s hill, at country east of it. l*here was great the north end of Boston. At the enmity between ihem and the In- first settlement of the town, in dians of Massachusetts Bay, who, 1630, this hill, rising to the height although they had formerly l>een of about fifty feet above the sea, a great people, yet were now so presented on its northwest brow an reduced that, upon alarms, they abrupt declivity, long after known would fly to the Knelish houses as as Copp's hill steeps. See Snow's to asylums, where the Tarrenteens History of Boston, p. 105. durst not pursue them. Hutchin-
' Standifih. son's Mass. i. 28, 450.
* By Massachusetts Bay was • I sujtpose the widow of Nane-
formerly understood only the inner pashcnict, mentioned on the next
bay, from Nahant to Point Alder- page.
226 TUB PILGRIHS IN QUINCY.
CHAP. We told him of divers sachims that had acknowledged
XIV.
!* themselves to be King James's men,^ and if he also
1021. would submit himself, we would be his safeguard from his enemies ; which he did, and went along with us to bring us to tlie squa sachim. Again we crossed the bay, which is very large, and hatli at least fifty islands in it ; ^ but the certain number is not known to the inhabitants. Night it was before we came to tliat side of the bay where this people were. On shore the salvages went, but found nobody. That night also we rid at anchor aboard the shallop. Sept. On tlie morrow we went ashore,^ all but two men, ^^' and marched in arms up in the country. Having gone three miles we came to a place where corn had been newly gathered, a house pulled down, and tlie people gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemet, tlieir king, in his life-time had lived. His house was not Uke others, but a scaffold was largely built, with poles and planks, some six foot from [the] ground, and the house upon that, being situated on the top of a hill.^
' or course ho couM not ho, as many isles, all planted with corn,
Priiico supposes, the Ohhaliiiniiu groves, niiilherries, and salvaffo
who, with eight other sacliems, on ganh'os.** See Mass. Hist. Coll.
the 13ih of the same month, seven iii. 2U5, and xxvi. 118.
days before, had signed a paper, ' They probably landed at Squan-
Jrufessing their submission to King tum, in^Quincy, which may have
ames ; unless his name was affix- been so culled by them at this time
ed subsequently to that dale. See after their interpreter Tisquantum,
Morton*s Memorial, p. 07, and who was one of the party. See
Princess Annals, p. 190. note on ])age lUl, and Mass. Ilist.
' The number of islands in Dos- Coll. ix. lOi. ton harbour is not overstated, al- ^ Perhaps Milton Ilill, or some though several of them, such as one of the Blue Hills. ** At Mas- Bird Island and Nick's Mate, have sachusettu, near the mouth of been washed away since this Jour- Charles river, there used to be a nal was written. A list of them is general rendezvous of Indians, contained in Snow's Boston, p. 114. That circle, which now makes the Smith, in his Description of New harbours of Boston and Charles- England, says, ** The country of town, round by Maiden, Chelsea, the Massachusets is the paradise Nantaskct, Hiiighani, Weymouth, of all those parts ; for here are BraintrcO) and Dorchester, was the
THE PILGRIMS IN MILTON. 227
Not far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort chap. built by their deceased king ; the manner thus. There ^^^ were poles, some thirty or forty feet long, stuck in the \^^ i- ground, as thick as they could be set one by another ; 9i. and with these they enclosed a ring some forty or fifty foot over ; ^ a trench, breast high, was digged on each side ; one way there was to go into it with a bridge. In the midst of this palisado stood the frame of a house, wherein, being dead, he lay buried.*
About a mile from hence, we came to such another, but seated on the top of a hill. Here Nanepashemet was killed,' none dwelling in it since the time of his death. At tliis place we stayed, and sent two salvages to look [for] the inhabitants, and to inform them of our ends in coming, that they might not be fearful of us. Within a mile of this place they found the women of the place together, with their corn on heaps, whither we supposed them to be fled for fear of us ; and the more, because in divers places they had newly pulled down their houses, and for haste in one place had left some of their corn covered with a mat, and nobody with it.
With much fear they entertained us at first ; but see- ing our gentle carriage towards them, they took heart and entertained us in the best manner they could,
capital of a great sachem, much Seo also Gookin, in Mass. Hist.
reverenced by all the plantations of Coll. i. 148.
Indians round about, and to him * This corresponds exactly with
belonged Naponset, (Milton,) Pun- the engraving of the Pequot Fort
kapog, (Stoughton,) Wessagusset, in UnderhilKs Newes from Ameri-
(Weymouth,) and several places on ca, printed in London in 1638, and
Charles river, where the natives reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi.
were seated. The tradition is, 23.
that this sachem had his principal ' See page 154.
seat upon a small hill or rising ' Nanepashemet is supposed to
upland, in the midst of a body of have been killed in 1619, and his
salt marsh in the township of Dor- widow, the squa sachim, continued
cheater, near to a place called Squan- in the government. See Lewis's
tum." Hutchinson's Mass. i. 460. Hist, of Lynn, p. 16.
228 TH£Y DISOOYER MYSTIC RIYER.
CHAP, boiling cod and such other tliines as they had for us.
XIV. o y
L At length, with much sending for, came one of their
1621. men, shaking and trembling for fear. But when he
31. saw we intended them no hurt, but came to truck, he
promised us his skins also. Of him we inquired for
their queen ; but it seemed she was far from thence ; *
at least we could not see her.
Hero Tisquantum would have had us rifle the sal- vage women, and taken their skins and all such things as might be serviceable for us ; for, said he, they are a bad people, and have oft tlireatened you. But our answer was. Were they never so bad, we would not wrong them, or give them any just occasion against us. For their words, we little weighed diem ; but if they once attempted any thing against us, then we would deal far worse than he desired.
Having well spent the day, we returned to the shal- lop, aknost all the women accompanying us to truck, who sold their coats from their backs, and tied boughs about them, but with great shamefacedness, for in- deed they are more modest than some of our English women are. We promised them to come again to them, and they us to keep their skins.
Within this bay the salvages say there are two riv- ers ; * the one whereof we saw, having a fair entrance, but we had no time to discover it. Better harbours for shipping cannot be than hero are. At die entrance of the bay are many rocks ; ^ and in all likelihood good
' The residence of the aqua sa- Shaltuck's Hist, of Concord, p. 2,
chim of Massachusetts is variously and Drake's Book of the Indians, b.
conjectured to have been at Con- ii. p. 40.
cord, and in the neighbourhood of ' The Mystic and the Charles,
the Wachusett mountain. There the former of which they saw.
seems, however, no sufficient rea- ' The Graves and the Drewsters
son fur placing it so remote. See are the principal rocks at the en-
THEY RETURN TO PLYMOUTH. 229
fiBhing-ground.^ Many, yea most of the islands have chap. been inhabited, some being cleared from end to end. . — 1 But the people are all dead,^ or removed. 0^9 u
Our victual growing scarce, the wind coming fair, and having a Ught moon, we set out at evening, and through the goodness of God came safely home before Sept. noon the day following.'
trance of Boston l>ay. It is sap- They were absent on thb ezpe-
poaed that in this or some snbse- dition foar days. Winslow was
qaent Toyaffe the three Bre waters probably one of the party, and
were named in honor of their ^en- wrote this account,
arable elder, and Point Alderton, *' All the samroer no want,
the head-land of Nantasket, after While some were trading, others
Isaac Allerton. See note on page were fishing cod, bass, £c. We
195. now gather in our hanrest ; and as
* The neighbourhood of these cold weather adrances, come in
rocks is excellent fishing-ground. store of water fowl, wherewith this
' Thoy had been swept off by the place abounds, though afterwards
pestilence mentioned on page 184. thoy by degrees decrease ; as also
' Governor Bradford adds, " with abundance of wild turkeys, with
a considerable quantity of beaver, venison, &c Fit our houses against
and a good report of the place, winter, are in health, and have all
wishing we had been seated there.*' things in plenty.** Bradford, in
Prince, p. 198. Prince, p. 198.
CHAPTER XV.
A LETTER SENT FROM NEW ENGLAND TO A FRIEND IN THESE PARTS, SETTINQ FORTH A BRIEF AND TRUE DECLARATION OP THE WORTH OF THAT PLANTATION; AS ALSO CERTAIN USEFUL DIRECTIONS FOR SUCH AS INTEND A VOYAGE INTO THOSE PARTS.
CHAP. Loving and Old Friend,*
XV.
. L Although I received no letter from you by this
1621. ship,^ yet forasmuch as 1 know you expect the per- il/ formance of my promise, which was, to write unto you truly and faithfully of all things, I have therefore at this time sent unto you accordingly, referring you for further satisfaction to our more largo Relations.' You shall understand that in this little time that a few of us have been here, we have built seven dwell- ing-houses ^ and four for the use of die plantation, and have made preparation for divers others. We set the last spring some twenty acres of Indian corn,* and
' This letter I think was addressed to George Morton. See note on page 113.
• The Fortune, in which this let- ter and the preceding Journal were sent to England.
' The preceding narrative. ^ See note ' on page 173.
* << Wherein Squanto is a great
help, showing us how to set, fish, dress, and tend it." Bradford, in Prince, p. 190. The Indians* sea- son for planting the maize was *' when the leaves of the white oak are as big as the ear of a mouse.*' See Belknap^s Hist, of New Hamp- shire, iii. 70.
THE FIRST THANKSQIYINO. 231
sowed some six acres of barley and pease ; and ac- chap.
cording to the manner of the Indians, we manured . L
our ground with herrings, or rather shads,^ which we i62i. have in great abundance, and take with great ease n. at our doors. Our com did prove well ; and, God be praised, we had a good increase of Indian com, and our barley indifferent good, but our pease not worth the gathering, for we feared tliey were too late sown. They came up very well, and blossomed ; but the sun parched them in the blossom.
Our harvest being gotten in, our governor' sent four men on fowling, that so we might, after a special manner, rejoice togctlicr after wo had gathered tlio fruit of our labors.^ lliey four in one day killed as much fowl as, witli a little help beside, served the company almost a week. At which time, amongst other recreations, we exercised our arms, many of the Indians coming amongst us, and among the rest their greatest king, Massasoyt, with some ninety men, whom for three days we entertained and feasted ; and they went out and killed five deer,* which they brought to the plantation, and bestowed on our gov- ernor, and upon the captain and others. And although it be not always so plentiful as it was at this time witli us, yet by the goodness of God we are so
/ * Or rather aletoives, Morton, in and an acre thus dressed will pro-
his New English Canaan, b. ii. ch. ducc and yield so much corn as
7, says, ** There is a fish, by some thre<i acres without fish.*' The
called shads, by some allizes, that Indians used to put two or three
at the spring of the year pass up fishes into every corn-hill,
the rivers to spawn in the ponds ; ' Bradford,
and are taken in such multitudes in ' This was the first Thanksciv-
every river that hath a pond at the ing, the harvest festival of New
end, that the inhabitants dung their England. On this occasion they
ground with them. You may see no doubt feasted on the wild turkey
m one township a hundred acres as well as venison. See note ' on
together set with these fish, every page 329.
acre taking a thousand of them ; ^ See note ' on page 175.
232 THE INDIANS WELL-DISPOSED.
CHAP, far from want, that we often wish you partakers oi
— ^ our plenty."
1621. We have found the Indians very faithful in their 11." covenant of peace with us, very loving, and ready to pleasure us. We often go to them, and they come to us. Some of us have been fifty miles ' by land in the country with them, the occasions and relations whereof you shall understand by our general and more full dec- laration of such things as are worth the noting. Yea, it hath pleased God so to possess the Indians with a fear of us and love unto us, that not only the greatest king amongst them, called Massasoyt, but also all the princes and peoples round about us, have either made suit unto us, or been glad of any occasion to make peace with us ; so that seven of them at once have sent their messengers to us to that end.^ Yea, an isle at sea,^ which we never saw, hath also, together with the former, yielded willingly to be under the protection and subject to our sovereign lord King James. So that there is now great peace amongst the Indians
' This representation was rather Ohfjuamehud, Chikhatahak^
too encouraging, as will be soon Cawnacotne^ Quadatjuina^
liorenft^r. Oftbatinmia, IhtUmoidcn^
' VVinslow liimself had been to Natiawahvnt^ Apannow."
Pokanuket, a distance of forty Caunbaianlf miles. See page 208.
^ Morton has preserved in his Cawnacome was the sachem of
Memorial, p. 67, the following do- Manomet, or Sandwich, Caunba-
cument. tant of Mattapuyst, or Swanzey,
and Chikkatabak, of Neponset.
"Septtmbtr 13, anno Dim, 1691. Quadcquiua was the brother of
*' Know all men by these pre^nts, Massasoit, and Apannow was pro-
that we, whode names are under- bably Aspinet, the sachem of Nau-
written, do acknowledge ourselves set. Obbatinua is supposed to have
to be the loyal subjccis of King been the same as Obbatiiiewat, iho
James, king uf Great Britain, sachem of Shawmut. or Boston.
France, and Ireland, Defender of But see note on pape 225.
the Faith, &c. In witness where- ^ Capawack, or Nope, Martha's
of, and as a testimonial of the Vineyard. See Bradlord, in Prince,
same, we have subdcribed our p. 11)5, and Mass. Hist. Coil. xiii.
names or marks, as followeth : 89.
THE CLIMATE OF NEW ENGLAND. 233
themselves, which was not formerly, neither would chap. have been but for us ; and we, for our parts, walk as ^ — '^ peaceably and safely in the wood as in the highways i^^i* in England. We entertain them familiarly in our ii. houses, and they as friendly bestowing their venison on us. They are a people without any religion or knowledge of any God,' yet very trusty, quick of ap- prehension, ripc-wittcd, just. The men and women go naked, only a skin about their middles.
For the temper of the air here, it agreeth well with that in England ; and if there be any difference at all, this is somewhat hotter in summer. Some think it to be colder in winter; but I cannot out of experience so say. The air is very clear, and not foggy, as hath been reported. I never in my life remember a more season- able year than we have here enjoyed ; and if we have once but kine,^ horses, and sheep, I make no question but men might live as contented here as in any part of the world. For fish and fowl, we have great abundance. Fresh cod in the summer is but coarse meat with us. Our bay is full of lobsters'^ all the summer, and offordcth variety of other fish. In September we can take a hogs- head of eels in a night, with small labor, and can dig them out of their bods all the winter.^ Wc have mus- cles and othus * at our doors. Oysters we have none
' The writer of this letter, Ed- • The writer himself was the ward Winslow, afterwards correct- first to brinjf over cattle to the plan- ed this statement in his Gond News tation, in 1624 — a bull and three from New England. ** Whereas,** heifers. See Prince, p. 225. he says, ** myself and others in for- ' See note ^ on page 164, and mer letters, (which came to the press also pafi^e 205. a|?ainst my will and knowledge,) * See note * on page 196. wrote that the Indians about us are * This I think a typographical a people without any religion, or error* f<»r other — the word shell- knowledge of any God, therein I fixh being accidentally omitted ; or erred, though we could then gather perhaps the word in the MS. was no belter." clams.
234 THE PRODUCTIONS OP THE COUNTRY.
CHAP, near, but we can have them brought by the Indians when
L we will. All tlie spring-time the earth sendeth forth na-
1621. turally very good sallet herbs. Here are grapes,' white 11.' and red, and very sweet and strong also ; strawberries, I gooseberries, raspas,^ &c.; plums ^ of three sorts, white,^ black, and red, being almost as good as a damson ; abundance of roses, white, red and damask ; single, but very sweet indeed. The country wauteth only indus- trious men to employ ; for it would grieve your hearts if, as I, you had seen so many miles together by goodly rivers uninhabited ; ^ and withal, to consider those parts of the world wherein you Uve to be even greatly bur- thened with abundance of people. These things I thought good to let you understand, being the truth of things as near as I could experimentally take know- ledge of, and that you might on our behalf give God thanks, who hath dealt so favorably with us.
Our supply of men from you came the 9th of No- vember, 1621, putting in at Cape Cod, some eight or ten leagues from us.® The Indians that dwell thcre-
' See note * on pa^o 105. month ere she sails fur England.*'
' Raspas, raspberries. Bradford and Smith, inPrince,p. 108.
' See note 'on page 165. The Fortune brought a letter for
* In the original with — an error Mr. Carver from Mr. Weston, dated of the press. London, July 6, wherein he writes,
* Wmslow had observed this de- ** We (the adventurers^ have pro- solation on the banks of Taunton cured you a charter, the best we river. See page 206. could, better than your furmcr, and
' The Fortune, a small vessel of wiih less hmitation.*' Judge Da-
55 tons, brought over Robert Cusli- vis, in a note on Morton's Monio-
man and 35 persons, a part of rial, p. 73, says, ** This intimation
whom no doubt were the 20 that refers to a^ patent from the Prcsi- \ \
put back in the Speedwell. See dent and Co'uncil of New England
note * on page 99. The Fortune to John Pierce and his associates,
sailed from liondon the beginning which was in trust for the compa-
. ' '. of July, but could not clear the ny. It was probably brought in
channel till the end of August, this ship, and was a few years
She found all the colonists whom since found among the old papers
the Mayflower had left in April, in the Land Office at Boston, by
'* lusty and in good health, except William Smith, Esq. one of the Land
six who had died ; and she stays a Committee. It bears the seals and
I .
ARRIVAL OF THE SECOND SHIP. 236
about were they who were owners of the com which chap.
XV
we found in caves, for which we have given them full w-^ content,^ and are in great league with them. They ^S^- sent us word there was a ship near unto them, but ii.* thought it to be a Frenchman ; and indeed for our- selves we expected not a friend so soon. But when we perceived that she made for our bay, the governor commanded a great piece to be shot off, to call home such as were abroad at work. Whereupon every man, yea boy, that could handle a gun, were ready, with full resolution that, if she were an enemy, we would stand in our just defence, not fearing them. But God provided better for us than we supposed. These came all in health, not any being sick by the way, otherwise than by sea-sickness, and so continue at this time, by the blessing of God.^ The good-wife
signatures of the Duke of Lenox, Plymouth Colony, p. 21 — 20. See the Mait^nis of Hamilton, the Earl Memorial, p. 96 — 07, and Prince, of Warwick, and of Sir Fordinando pp. 204, 217. Gorges. There is another signa« ' See page 217. ture so obscurely written, as to be ' The fcdlowing is an alphabeti- illegible. It does not appear what cal list of the persons who came use was made of this patent by the over in the Fortune. Plymouth planters ; it was, not
long afterwards, superseded by the f John Adams, Robert Hickes,
(^ second patent,^ surreptitiously ob- ^William Bassite, William Hilton, tained by Pierce, for his own bene- J^/**'"™ Bcale, J^""*^ Biorgan, fit. and w»^ic^ after his misfortunes , ^„:jiS!n^™Sr/^^^^^ I!;j{rNilrr'> was assigned to the adventurers." cicmcni Briggea, WilUam Palmer, Judge Davis gives an abstract of John Cannon, William Pitt,
this patent in his Appendix, p. 302, William Conor, Thomas Prence, I have sought for the original in Sfbcrt Cushman,^^ Moses Simooson, >
rain in the'archiTes of the State. I^^^n' get."""' SlSlilr^
It was never printed ; and it is to phrtjp d^ La Noye, William Tench,
be feared is now lost. The original Thomas Flavell John Winslow. of thc< third patentJ granted in 1629 and son, William Wright
to WilliaTn" Brg^rd and his asso- Widow Foord, ciates, is preserved in the ofHce of
the Register of Deeds at Plymouth. Jonathan Brewster was a son of
It is on narchmont, signed by the Elder Brewster ; Thomas Cushman
Earl of Warwick, and the seal of was a son of Robert ; John Wins-
the Plymouth Company, four inches low was a brother of Edward,
in diameter, is appended to it. It Thomas Prence (or Prince) was
is prefixed to the printed Laws of afterwards governor of the colony.
X ' . ■ -- . ,„,
236 THE FORTUNE'S RETURN CARGO.
CHAP. Ford was delivered of a son the first night she landed,
— L and both of them are very well.
1621. When it pleaseth God we are settled and fitted for 11.' the fishing business and other trading, I doubt not but by the blessing of God the gain will give content to all. In the mean time, that we have gotten wo have sent by this ship ; ' and though it be not much, yet it will witness for us that we have not been idle, considering the smallness of our number all this sum- mer. We hope the merchants will accept of it, and be encouraged to furnish us with things needful for further employment, which will also encourage us to put forth ourselves to the uttermost.
Now because I expect your coming unto us," with other of our friends, whose company we much desire, I thought good to advertise you of a few things need- ful. Be careful to have a very good bread-room to put your biscuits in. Let your cask for beer and water be iron-bound, for the first tire, if not more. Let not your
De La Noye (or Delano) was, ac- French, carried into France, kept curding tu Winaluw, in his Brief there fificen days, and rohhed of all Narration, '* horn of French pa- she had worth taking ; then the rents,*' and Simonson (or Sim- people and ship are released, and nions) was a '* child of one that get to London 1^ eh. 17." Bradford, was in communion with the Dutch in Prince, p. 199. Smith, in his church at Leyden.*' The widow New England^s Trials, printed in Foord brought three children, Wil- 1622, says she was laden with three liam, Martha, and John. For a hogsheads of beaver skins, clap- further account of some of these, board, wainscot, walnut, and some and the other early settlers, see sassafras.
Farmer*s Genealogical Register, ** Upon her departure, the gov-
MitchelPs Family Register, ap- ernor and his assistant dispose the
pended to his Hist, of Bridge water, late comers into several families,
and Deane's Family Sketches, in find their provisions will now scarce
his Hist, of Scituate. hold out six months at half allow-
' ** The Fortune sails Dec. 13, ance, and therefore put them to it,
laden with two hogsheads of beaver which they bear patiently." Brad-
and other skins, and good clap- ford, in Prince, p. 199.
boards as full as she can hold ; the ' George Morton, to whom I
freight estimated near JC500. But suppose this letter was written,
in her voyage, as she draws near came out in the next ship, the
the English coast, is seized by the Anne.
THINGS NEEDFUL FOR THE COLONY. 237
meat be dry-salted ; none can better do it than the chap.
XV
sailors. Let your meal be so hard trod in your cask . 1.
that you shall need an adz or hatchet to work it out i62i. with. Trust not too much on us for com at this time, i^* for by reason of this last company that came, depend- ing wholly upon us, we shall have little enough till harvest Be careful to come by some of your meal to spend by tlie way ; it will much refresh you. Build your cabins as open as you can, and bring good store of clothes and bedding with you. Bring every man a musket or fowling-piece. Let your piece be long in the barrel, and fear not the weight of it, for most of our shooting is from stands. Bring juice of lemons, and take it fasting ; it is of good use. For hot waters, aniseed water is the best ; but use it sparingly. If you bring any thing for comfort in the country, butter or sallet oil, or both, is very good. Our Indian corn, even the coarsest, maketh as pleasant meat as rice ; therefore spare that, unless to spend by the way. Bring paper and linseed oil for your windows,^ with
* Oiled paper to keep oat the E?en in the time of Henry VHI. snow-storros of a New England they were considered a luxury, and winter ! This senres to give us yeomen and farmers were perfectly some idea of the exposures and contented with windows of lattice, hardships of the first colonists. It In the days of Queen Elizabeth is an indication of progress in do- they were unknown except in a mestic comfort when we find Hig- few lordly mansions, and m them ginson in 1620 writing from Salem they were regarded as movable to his friends in England, '* Be furniture. When the dukes of sure to furnish yourselves with Northumberland \e(i Alnwick cas- glass for windows.^* SeeHutchin- tie to come to London fur the win- son's Collection of Papers, p. 60. tei, the few glass windows, which
Glass windows were first intro- formed one of the luxuries of the
duced into England in 1180. They castle, were carefully taken out
were so rare in the reign of Edward and laid away, perhaps carried to
III. that Chaucer, in desciibing London to adorn the city residence,
his chamber, mentions particularly See Anderson's Hist, of Commerce,
that i. 00, ed. 1764 ; Ellis's Specimens
of the early English Poets, i. 221,
" Witt, Kia» 323 ; Hallam's Middle Ages, iii.
'* Wera all the window! well y-giazed." 426, (ed. 1837); Northumberland
238 POWDER AND SHOT.
CHAP, cotton yam for your lamps. Let your shot be most —^ for big fowls, and bring store of powder and shot I ics 1. forbear further to write for the present, hoping to see j^i^' you by the next return. So I take my leave, com- mending you to the Lord for a safe conduct unto us, resting in him,
Your loving friend,
E. W.» Pllfmouth, in New England^ thit llth of December^ 1621.
Honsehold Book, Prefsce, p. 10 i ' Edward Winilow, of whom E. Eierett'a Addraw beroie the aome aGcount will be giren here- Mere. Lib. Amoc. p. 19. kfter.
CHAPTER XVI.
REASONS AND CONSIDERATIONS TOUCHING THE LAWFUL- NESS OF REMOVING OUT OF ENGLAND INTO THE PARTS OF AMERICA.
Forasmuch as many exceptions are daily made chap
against the going into and inhabiting of foreign desert , L
places, to the hindrances of plantations abroad, and lesi. the increase of distractions at home ; it is not amiss '^^ ^'•* that some which have been ear-witnesses of the ex- ceptions made, and are either agents or abettors of such removals and plantations, do seek to give content to the world, in all things that possibly they can.
And although the most of the opposites are such as either dream of raising their fortunes here to that than which there is nothing more unlike, or such as affect- ing their home-born country so vehemently, as that they had rather with all tlicir friends, bog, yea, starve in it, than undergo a little difficulty in seeking abroad ; yet are there some who, out of doubt in tenderness of conscience, and fear to offend God by running before tliey are called, are straitened and do straiten others from going to foreign plantations.
For whose cause especially I have been drawn, out of my good affection to tliem, to publish some reasons
24*0 THB LAWFULNESS OF REMOVING
CHAP- that might mve them content and satisfaction, and
XVI. o o »
1> also stay and stop the wilful and witty caviller ; and
1 0 2 L herein I trust I shall not be blamed of any godly wise, though through my slender judgment I should miss the mark, and not strike the nail on the head, con- sidering it is the first attempt that hath been made (that I know of) to defend those enterprises. Reason would, therefore, that if any man of deeper reach and better judgment see further or otlierwise, that he rather instruct me than deride me. ca«. And being studious for brevity, we must first con-
Gen. III. sider, that whereas God of old did call and summon
szzv. 1. our fathers by predictions, dreams, visions, and certain
li.'ia illuminations, to go from their countries, places and
habitations, to reside and dwell here or ttiere, and to
Fmim wander up and down from city to city, and land to land, according to his will and pleasure ; now there is no such calling to be expected for any matter whatso- ever, neither must any so much as imagine that tliere
i"i'a. will now be any such thing. God did once so train up his people, but now he doth not, but speaks in another manner, and so we must apply ourselves to God's present dealing, and not to his wonted dealing ; Josh, and as the miracle of giving manna ceased, when the fruits of the land became plenty, so God having such a plentiful storehouse of directions in his holy word, there must not now any extraordinary revelations be expected. But now the ordinary examples and pre- cepts of the Scriptures, reasonably and rightly under- stood and applied, must be the voice and word, that must call us, press us, and direct us in every action.
x^u"k Neither is there any land or possession now, like unto the possession which tlie Jews had in Canaan,
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 241
being legally holy and appropriated unto a holy people, chap.
the seed of Abraham, in which they dwelt securely, ^
and had their days prolonged, it being by an imme- ^^^^* diate voice said, that he (the Lord) gave it them as a land of rest after their weary travels, and a type of eternal rest in heaven. But now there is no land of that sanctimony, no land so appropriated, none typical ; much less any tliat can be said to be given of God to any nation, as was Canaan, which tliey and their seed must dwell in, till God sendeth upon them sword or captivity. But now we are all, in all places, strangers and pilgrims, travellers and sojourners, most properly, having no dwelling but in tliis earthern tabernacle ; 'i^a!' our dwelling is but a wandering, and our abiding but as a fleeting, and in a word our home is nowhere but in the heavens,^ in that house not made witli hands, whose maker and builder is God, and to which all ascend that love the coming of our Lord Jesus.
Though tlien there may be reasons to persuade a man to live in tliis or that land, yet there cannot be the same reasons which the Jews had ; but now, as natural, civil and religious bands tie men, so they must be bound, and as good reasons for tilings terrene and heavenly appear, so they must be led.
And so hero falleth in our question, how a man ^•*'- that is here born and bred, and hath lived some years, may remove himself into another country.
I answer, a man must not respect only to live, and am. i. do good to himself, but he should see where he can ^^''»"» live to do most good to others ; for, as one saith, " He ITeZe whose living is but for himself, it is time he were dead."
' So were the Jews, but yet their were more large ihan ours. — Au- temporal blessings and inheritances thorns Note.
01
remove
242 R£ASONS I'X)!! EMIGRATINQ
CHAP. Some men there are who of necessity must here Uve,
^ as being tied to duties either to church, common-
162 1. wealthy household, kindred, &c. ; but others, and that many, who do no good in none of those, nor can do none, as being not able, or not in favor, or as want- ing opportunity, and live as outcasts — nobodies, eye- sores, eating but for themselves, teaching but them- selves, and doing good to none, either in soul or body, and so pass over days, years and months, yea, so live and so die. Now such should lift up tlieir eyes and see whether there be not some other place and coun- SL Why try to which they may go to do good, and have use SmLva. towards others of that knowledge, wisdom, humanity, reason, strength, skill, faculty, &c. which God hath given them for the service of others and his own glory. But not to pass the bounds of modesty so far as to name any, though I confess I know many, who sit Luke here still with their talent in a napkin, having notable endowments both of body and mind, and might do great good if they were in some places, which here do none, nor can do none, and yet through fleshly fear, niccness, straiti^^ss of heart, &c. sit still and look on, and will not hazard a drachm of health, nor a day of pleasure, nor an hour of rest to further the knowledge Hew. 1. and salvation of the sons of Adam in that new world, where a drop of the knowledge of Christ is most pre- cious, which is here not set by. Now what shall we say to such a profession of Christ, to which is joined no more denial of a man's self? Object, But some will say. What right have I to go live in
the heathens' country ? Answ. Letting pass the ancient discoveries, contracts and agreements which our Englishmen have long since
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 243
made in those parts, together with the acknowledg- chap
ment of the histories and chronicles of other nations, 1^
who profess tlie land of America from the Cape de losi. Florida unto the Bay of Canada ^ (which is south and north three hundred leagues and upwards, and east and west further than yet hath been discovered) is proper to the king of England, yet letting that pass, lest I be thought to meddle further than it concerns me, or further than 1 have discerning, I will mention such things as are within my reach, knowledge, sight and practice, since I have travailed in these afiairs. 0 And first, seeing we daily pray for the conversion b«m. % of the heathens, we must consider whetlier there be not some ordinary means and course for us to take to convert them, or whether prayer for them be only referred to God's extraordinary work from heaven. Now it seemeth unto me that we ought also to en- deavour and use the means to convert them ; and tlie means cannot be used unless wo go to them, or they come to us. To us they cannot come, our land is full ; to them we may go, their land is empty.
This then is sufficient reason to prove our going Reo. 3. thither to live, lawful. Their land is spacious and void, and there are few, and do but run over the grass, as do also the foxes and wild beasts. They are not industrious, neither have art, science, skill or faculty to use either the land or the commodities of it ; but all spoils, rots, and is marred for want of manuring, gathering, ordering, &c. As the ancient patriarchs, therefore, removed from straiter places into more
' Jacques Carlicr, of St Malo, Montreal. Florida wa« discovered
in France, discovered tlio (Treat by Juan Ponce de Leon, a Span*
river of Canada in August, 1534, iard, in 1512. See IIoline8*8 An*
and in 1535 sailed up as far as nals of America, i. 31 and 65.
244 REASONS FOR EMIGRATING
CHAP, roomy, where tlie land lay idle cftjfd' waste, and none
^ used it, though there* dwelt fnh&bitaitft yby them, as
162 1. Gen. xiii. 6, 11, 12, and xxxiv. 21, and xh. 20, so is it lawful now to take a land which none uscth, and make use of it. Reu. 4. ^jjj as it is a common land, or unused and undress- ed country, so we have it by common cbnsent, compo- sition and agreement ; ^ ^ which agreement is double. First, the imperial governor, Massasoit, whose circuits, in likelihood, are larger than England and Scotland, hath acknowledged the King's Majesty of England to be his master and commander, and that once in my hearing, yea, and in writing, under his hand, to Cap- tain Standish, both he and many other kings which are under him, as Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, Nar- rowhiggonset, Namaschet, &c., with divers others that dwell about the bays of Patuxet and Massachu- set.^ Neither hath this been accompUshed by threats and blows, or shaking of sword and sound of trumpet ; for as our faculty that way is small, and our strength less, so our warring with them is after another man- ner, namely, by friendly usage, love, peace, honest and just carriages, good counsel, &c., that so we and they may not only live in peace in that land, and ^rl'nd^ they yield subjection to an earthly prince, but that as »>viii. 3. voluntaries they may be persuaded at length to em- brace tlie Prince of Peace, Christ Jesus, and rest in peace with him forever.
Secondly, this composition is also more particular and applicatory, as touching ourselves there inhabiting.
^ This is to be considered as ' See pages 193 and 232. respecting New England, and the territories about the plantation. — Author^ s Note.
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 246
The emperor, by a joint consent, hath promifled and chap.
appointed us to Uve at peace where we will in all his 1.
dominions, taking what place we will, and as much i69i. land as we will,' and bringing as many people as we will ; and that for these two causes. First, because we are the servants of James, king of England, whose the land (as he confesseth) is. Secondly, because he hath found us just, honest, kind and peaceable, and so loves our company. Yea, and that in these things there is no dissimulation on his part, nor fear of breach (except our security engender in them some unthought of treachery, or our uncivility provoke them to anger) is most plain in other llelations,' which show that the tilings they did were more out of love than out of fear. It being tlien, first, a vast and empty chaos ; secondly, acknowledged the right^fbur sovereign king ; thirdly, by a peaceable composition in part possessed of divers of his loving subjects, I see not who can doubt or call in question the lawfulnesss of inhabiting or dwelling there ; but tliat it may be as lawful for such as are not tied upon some special occasion here, to Uve there as well as here. Yea, and as the enterprise is weighty and difficult, so tlie honor is more worthy, to plant a rude wilderness, to enlarge the honor and fame of our
* In the "Warrantable Groanda English New Plymouth. All which
and Proceedings of the first Asso- lands being void of inhabitants,
ciates of New Plymouth, in their we, the said John Carver, William
laying the first foundation of this Braidford, Edward Winslow, Wil-
Government, in their making of Ham Brewster, Isaac Allerton, and
laws, and disposing of the lands the rest of our nssociates, enteiing
within the same/' prefixed to the into a league of peace with Massa-
Code of Laws printed in 1G85, it is soit, since called Woosameqnin,
stated that " by the favor of the prince or sachem of those parts,
Almighty they began the colony in lie, the said Massasoit, freely gave
New England (there being then them all the lands adjacent, to them
no other within the said continent) and their heirs for ever."
at a place called by the natives ' He refers to the preceding
Apaum, alias Patuxet, but by the Journal.
XXII
Pml. xlix. 5.
246 REASONS FOR BMIGRATINQ
CHAP, dread sovereign, but chiefly to display the efficacy
. ^ and power of the Gospel, both in zealous preaching,
1021. professing, and wise walking under it, before the faces of these poor blind infidels.
As for such as object the tediousness of the voyage thither, the danger of pirates^ robbery, of the savages' Hit u. treachery, &c., these are but lions in the way ; and it were well for such men if they were in heaven. For who can show them a place in this world where in- iquity shall not compass them at the heels, and where *'"»-^/*- they shall have a day without grief, or a lease of life for a moment ? And who can tell, but God, what dangers may lie at our doors, even in our native coun- try, or what plots may be abroad, or when God will vm'o. cause our sun to go down at noon-day, and, in the midst of our peace and security, lay upon us some lasting scourge for our so long neglect and contempt of his most glorious Gospel ? Object. But we have here great peace, plenty of the Gos- pel, and many sweet delights and variety of comforts. Aiiiw. True, indeed ; and far be it from us to deny and 9 chro. diminish the least of these mercies. But have we ren-
IXXli.
''^' dered unto God thankful obedience for this long peace, whilst other peoples have been at wars ? Have we not rather murmured, repined, and fallen at jars amongst ourselves, whilst our peace hath lasted with foreign power ? Was there ever more suits in law, more envy, x^"9 contempt and reproach than nowadays.^ Abraham *'*• and Lot departed asunder when there fell a breach betwixt them, which was occasioned by the straitness of the land ; and surely I am persuaded, that howso- ever the frailties of men are principal in all conten- tions, yet the straitness of the place is such, as each
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 247
man is fain to pluck his means, as it were, out of his chap. neighbour's throat, tliere is such pressing and oppress- w.^ ing in town and country, about farms, trades, traffick, i o 9 1. &c. ; so as a man can hardly any where set up a trade, but he shall pull down two of his neighbours.
The towns abound with young tradesmen, and the hospitals arc full of the ancient ; the country is replen- / ishcd with new farmers, and the almshouses are filled witl) old laborers. Many there are who get their ' living with bearing burdens ; but more are fain to burden the land with their whole bodies. Multitudes get their means of life by prating, and so do numbers ) more by begging. Neither come these straits upoa fnen always through intemperance, ill husbandry, in- discretion, &c., as some think ; but even the most wise, sober, and discreet men go often to the wallf- when they have done their best ; wherein, as God's providence swayetli all, so it is easy to see that the Rtraitness of the place, having in it so many strait hearts, cannot but produce such cflects more ^and more ; so as every indiflerent minded man should be readyto say with father Abraham, " Take thou the right hand, and I will take the left : " let us not thus oppress, straiten, and afflict one another ; but seeing tliere is a spacious land, the way to which is through the sea, we will end this diiference in a day.
That I speak nothing about the bitter contention that hath been about religion, by writing, disputing,'^ and inveighing earnestly one against another, the heat of which zeal, if it were turned against the rude bar- barism of the heathens, it might do more good in a day, than it hath done here in many years. Neither of the little love to the Gospel, and profit which is
248 REASONS FOR EMIQRATINQ
CHAP, made by the preachers in most places, which might
. L easily drive the zealous to the heathens ; who, no
1621. doubt, if they had but a drop of that knowledge which here flieth about the streets, would be filled with ex- ceeding great joy and gladness, as that they would even pluck the kingdom of heaven by violence, and take it, as it were, by force. ^*iti**" The greatest let that is yet behind is the sweet fel- lowship of friends, and the satiety of bodily delights. But can there be two nearer friends almost than Abraham and Lot, or than Paul and Barnabas ? And yet, upon as little occasions as we have here, they departed asunder, two of them being patriarchs of the church of old, the other the apostles of the church which is new ; and their covenants were such as it seemoth might bind as much as any covenant between men at this day ; and yet to avoid greater inconve- niences, they departed asunder.
Neither must men take so much thought for the flesh, as not to be pleased except they can pamper their bodies with variety of dainties. Nature is con- tent with little, and health is much endangered by mixtures upon the stomach. The delights of the palate \TS^ do often inflame the vital parts ; as the tongue setteth a-fire the whole body. Secondly, varieties here are not common to all, but many good men are glad to . finap at a crust. The rent-taker lives on sweet mor- . sels, but the rent-payer eats a dry crust often with ' ! watery eyes ; and it is nothing to say what some one of a hundred hath, but what the bulk, body and com- monalty hath ; which I warrant you is short enough. And they also which now live so sweetly, hardly will their children attain to that privilege ; but sonic
FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 249
circumventor or other will outstrip them, and make chap.
XVI
them sit in the dust, to which men are brought in one 1
age, but cannot get out of it again in seven genera- 1 6 9 1. lions.
To conclude, without all partiality, the present con- sumption which groweth upon us here, whilst the land groaneth under so many close-fisted and unmerciful men, being compared with the easiness, plainness and plcntifulness in living in those remote places, may quickly persuade any man to a liking of this course, and to practise a removal ; which being done by hon- est, godly and industrious men, they shall there b^ right heartily welcome ; but for otlicr of dissolute and profane life, their rooms are better than their compa- nies. For if here, where the Gospel hath been so long and plentifully taught, they are yet frequent in such vices as the heathen would shame to speak of, what will they be when there is less restraint in word and deed ? My only suit to all men is, that whether they live there or here, they would learn to use this, world as they used it not, keeping faith and a good conscience, both with God and men, that when the day of account shall come, they may come forth as good and fruitful servants, and freely be received, and enter into tlie joy of their Master. R. C*
* Robert Cushman. It will be Mayflower.*' In a letter to Go^r- recollected that he was twice sent nor Bradford, dated December 22, from Leyden to England as the 1G24, he writes, ** I hope the next agent of the Pilffrims, and embark- ships to come to you ; " but he ed in the Speedwell, in 1020, but was prevented by death. Governor was obliged to put back, lie came Bradford speaks of him as ** our over in the Fortune, and returned ancient friend, Mr. Cushman, who in her, as the adventurers had ap- was our right hand with the ad- pointed, to give them information of venturers, and for divers years the state of the colony. In 1023, a managed all our business with lot of land was assigned him with them.** He brought his son Thomas those " which came first over in the with him in the Fortune, whom he
250
CONDITION AND PRODUCTS OF THE COLON V.
CHAP. XVI.
[A Letter from Neto Plymouth.
1631. Loving Cousin,
Nov,
At our arrival at New Plymouth, in New England, we found all our friends and planters in good health, though they were left sick and weak, with very small means; the Indians round about us peaceable and friendly; the country very pleasant and temperate, yielding naturally, of itself, great store of fruits, as vines of divers sorts, in great abundance. There is likewise walnuts, chestnuts, small nuts and plums, with much variety of flowers, roots and herbs, no less pleasant than wholesome and profitable. No place hath more gooseberries and strawberries, nor bettor. Timber of all sorts you have in England doth cover the land, that afibrds beasts of divers sorts, and great flocks of turkeys, quails, pigeons and partridges; many great lakes abounding with fish, fowls, beavers, and ot- ters. The sea afibrds us great plenty of all excellent sorts of sea-fish, as the rivers and isles doth variety of wild fowl of most useful sorts. Mines we find, to our thinking; but neither the goodness nor quality we know. Better grain cannot be than the Indian corn, if we will plant it upon as good ground as a man need desire. We arc all freeholders; the rent-day dotli not
entrusted to the care of Governor Bcadfurd, and wlioi after the death of Brewster^ was chosen, in 1640, ruling elder of the Plymouth church, in which office he continued till he died in 1601, aged 84. He married Mary, daughter of Isaac Allerton, and his son Isaac, born in 1649, was the first minister of Plympton, and
lived to the age of 83. Descend- ants of this honorable name are numerous in the Old Colony. See Morton's Memorial, pp. 128, 376 ; Prince, p. 238 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 35 ; Belknap^s Am. Biog. ii. 267 ; Mitcbeirs History of Biidge- water, p. 372.
CHARACTER OF THE COLONISTa 261
trouble us ; and all those good blessings we have, of chap.
which and what wc list in tlieir seasons for taking. '^
Our company are, for most part, very rehgious, hon- ici- est people ; the word of God sincerely taught us every Sabbath ; so that 1 know not any thing a contented mind can here want. I desire your friendly care to send my wife and children ^ to me, where I wish all the friends 1 have in England ; and so I rest
Your loving kinsman,
William Hilton.*]
' His wife and two children came of 1693, at Dover, the settlement of
in the next ship, the Anne, which New Hampshire. Farmer says,
arrived at Plymouth in the summer " He was at Newbunr aboat 164S,
of 1C23. See Prince, p. 220, and and at Charlestown, Mass. in 1665 ;
Morton, p. 370. and here I suppose he died in 1675,
' I insert this letter, because it as there is the inventory of William
was written bv one of the passen- Hilton taken that year in the Pro-
gers in the Fortune. It was first bate Records." See Belknap's
printed in 1622, in Smith's New New Hampshire, p. 4, (Farmer's
England's Trials. The writer and ed.) ; Prince, p. 215 ; Savage's
his brother Edward, fishmongers of Winthrop, i. 07 ; Holmes's An-
London, commenced, in the spring naJs, i. 18i3.
CUSHMAN'S DISCOURSE*
«.
CHAPTER XVII.
OP THE STATE OF THE COLONY, AND THE NEED OF PUBLIC
SPIRIT IN THE C0L0NISTS.1
New England, so called not only ("to avoid novel- biiAp.
ties) because Captain Smith hatli so entitled it in his J ',
Description, but because of the resemblance that is in i 6 s l it of England, the native soil of Englishmen ; it being muchwhat the same for heat and cold in summer and winter, it being champaign ground, but not high moun- tains ; somewhat like the soil in Kent and Essex, full of dales and meadow ground, full of rivers and sweet springs, as England is. But principally, so far as we
1 In the course of Robert Cush- Dr. Belknap remarks, that " this man *s short residence of a month at discoarse may be considered as a Plymoath he delivered a discourse specimen of the prophesyings of the to the colonists on the Sin and brethren. The occasion was sin- Danger of Self-Love, from 1 Cor. gular ; the exhortations and re- X. 24, '* Let no man seek his own, proofs are not less so, but were but every man another's wealth ; " adapted to the existing state of the which was printed at London in colony." Judge Davis says that 1623, but without his name. In " the late Isaac Lothrop, of Ply- a tract printed at London in 1644, mouth, oRen mentioned an intima- entitled " A Brief Narration of tion, received from an aged relative, some Church Courses in New Eng- as to the spot where this sermon land,*' I find the following allusion was delivered. It was at the com- to this discourse; ''There is a mon house of the Plantation, which book printed, called A Sermon is understood to have been erected preached at Plymouth, in New on the southerly side of the bank, England, which, as I am certified, where the town brook meets the was made there by a comber of harbour. Mr. I^thropdied in 1808, wool.'* aged seventy-three. Not many
266
DESCRIPTION OP NEW ENGLAND.
CHAP.-, can yet find, it is an island/ and near about the quantity
^ of England, being cut out from the main land in Ameri-
1 62 1. ca, as England is from the main of Europe, by a great ^' arm of the sea,' which entg^th in forty degrees, and runneth up north^^t an^A west, and goeth out either into the ^HRi Sea^r else into tlie Bay of Canada. The ^tainty whereof, and secrets of which, we have not yet so found as that, as eye-witnesses, we can mdSb narration thereof; but if God give time and means, we shall ere long discover both the extent of that river, together with the secrets tliereof ; and also try what territories, habitations, or commodities may be found, either in it, or about it
It pertaineth not to my purpose to speak any thing either in praise or dispraise of the country. So it is, by God's providence, that a few of us are there planted to our content and have with great charge and difficulty attained quiet and competent dwellings there. And thus much I will say for the satisfaction of such as have any thought of going thither to inhabit ; that for men which have a large heart, and look after great riches, ease, pleasures, dainties, and jollity in this world, (except they will live by other men's sweat, or have great riches,) I would not advise them to come there, for as yet the country will afford no such mat-
years before his death he had the satisfaction of being called to view sundry tools and implements which were dug up at thai spot, and which he carefully preserved." See note* on page 173 ; Delknap^s Am. Biog. ii. 274 ; and Morton's Memorial, p. 74.
Prefixed to the discourse is an '* Epistle Dedicatory, to his loving friends, the adventurers for New
England, together with all well- willers and well-wishers thereunto, grace and peace, &c." The Epistle is here printed entire, and all that is of any general or historical inter- est in the discourse.
' It will be seen hereafter that Winslow too, on the authority of the natives, calls it an island.
• Hudson's river.
ElUGRATION SPREilDS CHRISTIAN1T7. 257
ters. But if there be any who are content to lay out chap.
. . XVII.
their estates, spend their time, labors and endeavours, \
for the benefit of them that shall come after, and in ^^ i*
Dae.
desire to further the Gospel among those poor hea- thens, quietly contentiriKUiemselves with such hard- ship and difficulties, as^^^God's'^pirovidence shall fall upon them, being yet young, and in their strength, such men I would advise and encourage to go, for their ends cannot fail them.
And if it should please God to punish his people in the Christian countries of Europe, for their coldness, carnality, wanton abuse of the Gospel, contention, &c., either by Turkish slavery, or by popish tyranny, (which God forbid,) yet if the time be come, or shall come (as who knoweth ?) when Satan shall be let loose to cast out his floods against them, here is a way ^^^-^ opened for such as have wings to fly into this wilder- ness ; and as by the dispersion of the Jewish church tlirough persecution, tlie Lord brought in the fulness ^£'; of the Gentiles, so who knoweth, whether now by tyranny and affliction, which he sufTereth to come upon them, he will not by little and little chase them even amongst the heathens, that so a light may rise up in Lake
II* 3B>
the dark, and the kingdom of heaven be taken from them which now have it, and given to a people that ^J"^; shall bring forth the fruit of it ? This I leave to the judgment of the godly wise, being neither prophet nor Amj. son of a prophet. But considering God's dealing of sRinit old, and seeing the name of Christian to be very great, but the true nature thereof almost quite lost in all degrees and sects, I cannot think but that there is some judgment not far off, and that God will shortly, YuVS* even of stones, raise up children unto Abraham.
258 THE INDIANS FRIENDLY.
CHAP. And whoso rightly considereth what manner of en-
XVH.
^ trance, abiding, and proceedings we have had among
i®2i. these poor heathens since we came hither, will easily think that God hath some groat work to do towards tliem. ^r
They were wont to be tMlmost cruel and treach- erous people in all these parts, even Uke lions ; but to us they have been Uke lambs, so kind, so submissive, and trusty, as a man may truly say, many Christians are not so kind nor sincere.
They were very much wasted of late, by reason of a great mortality ' that fell amongst them three years since ; which, together with their own civil dissensions and bloody wars, hath so wasted them, as I think the twentieth person is scarce left alive ; and those that are left, have their courage much abated, and tlieir countenance is dejected, and they seem as a people affrighted. And though when we first came into the country, we were few, and many of us were sick, and many died by reason of the cold and wet, it being the depth of winter, and we having no houses nor shelter, yet when there was not six able persons among us, and that they came daily to us by hundreds, with their sachems or kings, and might in one hour have made a dispatch of us, yet such a fear was upon them, as that they never offered us the least injury in word or deed. And by reason of one Tisquanto,' that lives amongst us, that can speak English, we have daily commerce with their kings, and can know what is done or intended towards us among the savages ; also we can acquaint them with our courses and purposes, both human and religious. And the greatest commander of
' See note ' on page 183. ' See note ' on page 190.
THB INDIANS WELL TRKATED. 259
the country, caUed Massasoit,' cometh often to Tisit chap. uSf though he lives fifty miles from us, often sends us .^.-J. presents, he having witli many otiier of tlieir governors iMi* promised, yea, subscribed obedience to our Sovereign Lord King James, and for his cause to spend both strengtli and life.* And we, for our parts, through God's grace, have with that equity, justice, and com- passion carried ourselves towards them, as that they have received much favor, help, and aid from us, but never the least injury or wrong by us,' We found the place where we live empty, tlie people being all dead and gone away,^ and none living near by eight or ten miles ; and tliough in the time of some hard- ship, we found, travelling abroad, some eight bushels of corn hid up in a cave, and knew no owners of it, yet afterwards hearing of the owners of it, we gave them (in their estimation) double the value of it.* Our care also hatli been to maintain peace amongst- ^ them, and have always set ourselves against such of tliem as used any rebellion or treachery against their governors ; and not only threatened such, but in tome sort paid them their due deserts. And when any of
* See page 191. avoid the least scruple of intrusion.
' See pnges 103 and 233. Particularly publish that no wronjr
' They ofler us to dwell where oi injury be offered to the nstives."
we will. — Cushman's Note. And in 1076, it wss as truly as
The first planters of Plymouth proudly said by Governor Josiah and Massachusetts inTariahly pur- Winslow, of Plymouth, *' I think I chased of the natives the lands on can clearly say, thst before thes# which they settled, for considera- present troubles broke out, the tions which were deemed at the Enalish did not pofwiess one foot of time fully equivalent. They fol- land in this Colony but what was lowed literally the instructuins cjv- fairly obtained by honest purchMse en by the governor of the New KnfT* of the Indian ptoprietors.*' Hee land Company to Gov. Kndicott, in IIutchinson*s Mtiiis. ii. 2fl0 ; Ifs?/- 1020: •* If any of the salvages ore- nrd*s Stale Paprrn, I, 203; Hub- tend right of inhcritinrc to all or bard's Indian Wars, p. 13, (cd. any part of the lands granted in our 1077.) patent, we pray you endeavour to * See pages IBI and 800. purchase their title, that we may * See page 217.
THE PILGRlfiiS TRUE TO THEIR PRINCIPLES.
». them are in want, as often they are in the winter, 1 when their corn is done, wo supply them to our I- power, and have them in our houses eating anddrink- Liftg, and warming themselves; which tiling, tnou^|firit be something a trouble to us, yet because they should see and take knowledge of our labors, orders and diligence, both for this life and a better, we are content to bear it; and we find in many of them, especially of the younger sort, such a tractable dispo- sition, both to religion and humanity, as that if we had means to apparel them, and wholly to retain them with us, (as their desire is,) they would doubtless in time prove serviceable to God and man ; and if ever God send us means, we will bring up hundreds of their children both to labor and learning.
But leaving to speak of them till a further occasion be offered, if any shall marvel at the publishing of this treatise in England, seeing there is no want of good books, but rather want of men to use good books, let them know, that the especial end is, that we may keep those motives in memory for ourselves and those that shall come after, to be a lemedy against self-love, the bane of all societies ; and that we also might testify to our Christian countrymen, who judge diversely of us, that though we be in a heathen country, yet the grace of Christ is not quenched in us, but we still hold and teach the same points of faith, mortification, and sanc- tification, which we have heard and learned, in a most ample and large manner, in our own country. If any shall think it too rude and unlearned for this curious age, let them know, that to paint out the Gospel jn^ plain and flat English, amongst a company of plain Englishmen, (as we are,) is the best and most profita-
THE DESIGN OP THE PLANTATION. 261
ble teaching ; and we will study plainness, not cu- chap.
riosity, neither in tCiB^ humffl nofTTeavei^ IFaiay 1
error or unsoundness be in it, (as who knoweth ?) ^^^' impute it to that frail man which indited it, which professeth to know nothing as he ought to know it I have not set down my name, partly because I seek no name, and principally because I would have nothing esteemed by names ; for I see a number of evils to arise through names, when the persons arc citlior fa- mous or infamous, and God and man is often injured. If any good or profit arise to tliee in the receiving of it, give God the praise and esteem me as a son of Adam, subject to all such frailties as other men are.
And you, my loving friends, tlie adventurers to this Plantation, as your care has been, first to settle rehgion^ here, before either profit or popularity, so I pray you, go on to do it much more, and be careful to send godly men, though they want some of that worldly policy which tliis world hath in her own generation ; and so, tliough you lose, the Lord shall gain. I rejoice greatly in your free and ready minds to your powers, yea, and beyond your powers to further this work, that you thus honor God with your riches ; and I trust you shall be repayed again double and treble in this world, yea, and tlie memory of tliis action shall never die. But
* " The great and known end of his Majesty's dominions, might, the first comers, in the year of our with the liberty of a good con- Lord 1690, leavinp their dear na- science, enjoy the pure sciiptural tive country and all that was dear worship of God, without the mix- to them there, transporting them- ture of human inventions and im- sclvcs over the vast ocean Into this positions ; and that their children remote waste wilderness, and there- after them might walk in the ho]y in willingly conflicting with dan- ways of the Ixird.'* See General gers, losses, hardships and distress- Fundamentals, prefixed to the Laws cs, sore and not a few, was, that of New Plymouth, published in without olTencc, they, under the 1072, and reprinted in Brigham^s protection of their native prince, edition, p. 342. together with the enlargement of
262 ENCOURAQEMENT TO THE ADYENTURERS.
CHAP, above all, adding unto this, as I trust you do, like free-
^ ness in all other God's services, both at home and
1631. abroad, you shall find reward with God, ten thousand- ^' fold surpassing all that you do or think. Be not, there- fore, discouraged, for no labor is lost nor money spent, which is bestowed for God. Your ends were good, your success is good, and your profit is coming, even in this Hfe, and in the life to come much more. And what shall I say now ? A word to men of understand- ing sufiiceth. Pardon, I pray you, my boldness, read over the ensuing treatise, and judge wisely of the poor weakling ; and the Lord, the God of sea and land, stretch out his arm of protection to you and us, and over all our lawful and good enterprises, either this, or any other way.
riyvumth^ in New England^ Decetnher 12, 1621.
\
c 5.
\
There is a generation, which think to have more in ^ > ^ this world, than Adam's felicity in innocency, being
born, as they think, to take their pleasures and their ^ ^^ \ ease. Let the roof of the house drop through, they
stir not ; let the field be overgrown with weeds, they care not ; they must not foul their hand, nor wet their foot. It's enough for them to say, Go you, not, Let us go, though never so much need. Such idle drones are intolerable in a settled commonwealth, much more in a commonwealth which is but as it were in the bud. Of what earth, I pray thee, art thou made ? Of any better than the other of the sons of Adam.? And canst thou see other of thy brethren toil their hearts out, and thou sit idle at home, or takest thy pleasure abroad ?
THB SIN AND DANGER OP SBLP-LOVB. 263
It is reported that there are many men gone to that .chap. otlier plantation in Virginia, which, whilst they hved' ^--^^ in England, seemed very religious, zealous, and con-j ^^^* scionable ; and have now lost even the sap of gracej \ and edge to all goodness ; and are become mer^ worldingSf This testimony I believe to be partly true^ and amongst many causes of it, this self-love is not the least ) It is indeed a matter of some commenda- tions for a man to remove liimself out of a thronged place into a wide wilderness ; to take in hand so long and dangerous a journey, to be an instrument to carry die Gospel and humanity among the brutish heathen ; but there may bo many goodly shows and glosses, and yet a pad in the straw. Men may make a great appearance of respect unto God, and yet but dissem- ble with him, having their own lusts carrying them ; and, out of doubt, men that have taken in hand hither to come, out of discontentment, in regard to their estates in England, and aiming at great matters here, affecting it to be gentlemen, landed men, or hoping for office, place, dignity, or fleshly Uberty. Let the show be what it will, the substance is naught ; and that bird of self-love which was hatched at home, if it be not looked to, will eat out the Ufe of all grace and goodness ; and though men have escaped the danger of the sea, and that cruel mortality, which swept away so many of our loving friends and brethren, yet except they purge out this self-love, a worse mischief is pre- pared for them. And who knoweth whether God in mercy have delivered those just men which here de- parted, from the evils to come, and from unreasonable men, in whom there neither was, nor is, any comfort, but grief, sorrow, affliction, and misery, till they cast out this spawn of self-love ?
264 TUB DUTY OP SCLKSACRIPICE.
CHAP. Now, brethren, I pray you, remember yourselves,
^ and know that you are not in a retired, monastical
1^21. course, but have given your names and promises one to another, and covenanted here to cleave together in the service of God and the King. What then must you do ? May you live as retired hermits, and look after nobody ? Nay, you must seek still the wealth of one another, and inquire, as David, How Kveth such a man ? How is he clad ? How is he fed ? He is my brother, my associate ; we ventured our lives together here, and had a hard brunt of it ; and wo are in league together. Is his labor harder than mine ? Surely I will ease him. Hath he no bed to lie on ? Why, I have two ; PU lend him one. Hath he no apparel ? Why, I have two suits ; Pll give him one of them. Eats he coarse fare, bread and water, and I have bet- ter ? Why, surely we will part stakes. He is as good a man as I, and we are bound each to other ; so that his wants must be my wants, his sorrows my sorrows, his sickness my sickness, and his welfare my welfare ; for I am as he is. And such a sweet sympathy were excellent, comfortable, yea, heavenly, and is the only maker and conserver of churches and commonwealths ; and where this is wanting, ruin comes on quickly.
It wonderfully encourageth men in their duties, when they see the burthen equally borne ; but when some withdraw themselves, and retire to their own particular ease, pleasure, or prolit, what heart can men have to go on in their business ? When men are come together to lift some weighty piece of timber, or vessel, if one stand still and do not lift, shall not the rest be weakened and disheartened ? Will not a few idle drones spoil the whole stock of laborious bees ? So
\
THE IMPORTANCE OP PUBLIC SPIRIT. 266
one idle belly, ono murmurer, one complainer, one chap.
. XVJI
self-lover, will weaken and dishearten a whole colony. 1.
Great matters have been brought to pass, where men i « « i. have cheerfully, as with one heart, hand and shoulder, gone about it, both in wars, buildings and plantations; but where every man seeks himself, all cometh to nothing.
The country is yet raw ; the land untilled ; tlie cities not buildcd ; the cattle not settled. We are compassed about with a helpless and idle people, the natives of the country, which cannot, in any comely or comfort- able niaiinor, help tlicinselves, nmch less us. Wo also have been very chargeable to many of our loving friends, which helped us hither, and now again supplied us ; so that before we think of gathering riches, we must even in conscience think of requiting their charge, love, and labor ; and cursed be that profit and gain which aimeth not at this. Besides, how many of \ our dear friends did here die at our first entrance ; '^ many of them, no doubt, for want of good lodging, \ shelter, and comfortable things ; and many more may go after them quickly, if care be not taken. Is this then a time for men to begin to seek themselves ? Paul saith, that men in the last days shall be lovers of them- « Tim. selves ; but it is here yet but the first days, and, as it were, the dawning of this new world. It is now therefore no time for men to look to get riches, brave clothes, dainty fare ; but to look to present necessities. It is now no time to pamper the flesh, Hve at ease, snatch, catch, scrape, and pill, and hoard up; but rather to open the doors, the chests, and vessels, and say, Brother, neighbour, friend, what want ye ? any thing that I have.'' Make bold with it; it is yours to
THE QENEIUL GOOD TO BE IlEQAUDED.
>. command, to do you good, to comfort and cherish
I you ; and glad I am that 1 have it for you.
. Let there be no prodigal person to come forth and say, Give me the portion of lands and goods that appertain-
' eth to me, and let me shift for myself.' It is yet too soon to put men to their shifts. Israel was seven years in Canaan before the land was divided unto tribes, much longer before it was divided unto famiUes ; and why wouldest thou have tliy particular portion, but be-- cause thou thinkest to live better tlian tliy neighbour, and scorncst to Uve so meanly as ho ? But who, 1 pray thee, brought this particularizing first into the world ? Did not Satan, who was not content to keep that equal state with his fellows, but would set his throne above the stars ? Did not he also entice man to despise his general felicity and happiness, and go try particular knowledge of good and evil ? And nothing in this world doth more resemble heavenly happiness, than for men to Uve as one, being of one heart and one soul ; neither any thing more resembles hellish horror, than for every man to shift for himself ; for if it be a good mind and practice, thus to affect particulars, mine and fAine, then it should be best also for God to provide one heaven for thee, and another for thy neighbour.
Objection. But some will say. If all men will do their endeavours, as I do, I could be content witli tliis
* Throughout this paragraph there is a manifest reference to the copartnership into which ihey had been obliged to enter with the merchant adventurers, by which all the property and profits of the Plantation for seven years were to be held as a joint stock, not to be divided till the expiration of that time. The colonists had already become impatient of this arrange-
ment, and were clamorous for a partition of the lands, and the in- stitution of separate property. It was the design of Mr. Cushman to exhort them to be faithful to their engagement, to cherish a public spi- rit, and to seek the general and ultimate good of the Colony, rather than their personal and immediate interest. Seo the conditions on page 81, and note ' on page 84.
THE NEED OF IfUTUAL HELP. 267
generality ; but many are icile and slothful, and eat chap.
up others' labors, and therefore it is best to part, and \
then every man may do his pleasure. i ® ^ i-
If others be idle and thou diligent, thy fellowship, provocation, and example may well help to cure that malady in them, being together ; but being asunder, shall they not be more idle, and shall not gentry and beggary be quickly the glorious ensigns of your com- mouwcaltli ?
Be not too hasty to say men are idle and slothful. All men have not strength, skill, faculty, spirit, and courage to work alike. It is tliy glory and credit, that canst do so well, and his shame and reproach, that can do no bettor ; and are not tliese sufficient rewards to you both ?
If any be idle apparently, you have a law and gov- ernors to execute the same, and to follow that rule of the Apostle, to keep back tlieir bread, and let them not eat Go not therefore whispering to charge men with idleness ; but go to the governor and prove them idle, and thou shalt see them have their deserts.
And as you are a body together, so hang not toge- ther by skins and gymocks, but labor to be jointed together and knit by flesh and sinews. Away with envy at the good of others, and rejoice in his good, and sorrow for his evil. Let his joy be tliy joy^ and his sorrow thy sorrow. Let his sickness be thy sick- ness, his hunger thy hunger, his poverty thy poverty ; and if you profess friendship, be friends in adversity, for then a friend is known and tried, and not before.
Lay away all thought of former things and forget them, and think upon the things that are. Look not gapingly one upon other, pleading your goodness, your birth, your hfe you lived, your means you had and
268 EXHORTATION TO I*BACI£ AND UNION.
CHAP, might have had. Here you are by God's providence ^^ — 1^ under difficulties ; be thankful to God it is no worse, 1631. and take it in good part that which is, and lift not up yourselves because of former privileges. Consider therefore what you are now, and where you are. Say not, I could have lived thus and thus ; but say, Thus and thus I must live ; for God and natural necessity requireth, if your difficulties be great, you had need to cleave the faster together, and comfort and cheer up one anotlier, laboring to make each other's burden lighter. There is no grief so tedious as a churlish compan- ion ; and nothing makes sorrows easy more than cheerful associates. Bear ye therefore one another's burthen, and be not a burthen one to another. Avoid all factions, frowardness, singularity, and withdrawings, and cleave fast to the Lord and one to another contin- ually ; so shall you be a notable precedent to these poor heathens, whose eyes are upon you, and who very brutishly and cruelly do daily eat and consume one an- other, through their emulations, wars and contentions. Be you, therefore, ashamed of it, and win them to peace, both with yourselves and one another, by your peaceable examples, which will preach louder to them than if you could cry in their barbarous language. So also shall you be an encouragement to many of your Christian friends in your native country, to come to you, when they hear of your peace, love and kind- ness that is amongst you. But, above all, it shall go well with your souls, when that God of peace and unity shall come to visit you with death, as he hatli done many of your associates ; you being found of him, not in murmurings, discontent, and jars, but in brotherly love and peace, may be translated from this wander- ing wilderness unto that joyful and heavenly Canaan.
WINSLOW'S RELATION.
" Good Newes from New England : or a true Relation of things very remarkable at the Plantation of Plimoth in New- England.
Shewing the wondrous providence and goodness of God, in their preservation and continuance, being delivered from many appa- rent deaths and dangers.
Together with a Relation of such religious and civill Lawes and CustomeSy as are in practise amongst the Indians^ adjoyning to them at this day. As also what Commodities are there to be raysed for the maintenance of that and other Plantations in the said Country.
Written by E. W. who hath borne a part in the fore-named trou- bleSy and there lived since their first Arrivall.
Whereunto is added by him a briefe Relation of a credible intel- ligence of the present Estate of Virginia.
London. Printed by J. D. for William Bladen and lohn Bella" mie, and are to be sold at their Shops, at the Bible in PauVs Church-yard, and at the three Golden Lyons in Corn-hill, neere the Royall Exchange. 1634." pp. 66, sm. 4to.
/
To all weU-wUlers and Jurtherers of Plantations in New Englandj especially to stick as ever have or desire to assist the people of Plymouth in their just proceedings^ grace and peace be multiplied.
Right Honorable and Worshipful Gentlemen, or whatsoever,
Since it hath pleased God to stir you up to be instruments of his glory in so honorable an enterprise as the enlarging of his Majesty's dominions by planting his loyal subjects in so healthful and hopeful a country as New-England is, where the church of God being seated in sincerity, there is no less hope of convincing the heathen of their evil ways, and converting them to the true knowledge and worship of the Uving God, and so consequently the salvation of their souls by the me- rits of Jesucj Christ, than elsewhere, though it be much talked on and lightly or lamely prosecuted, — I there- fore think it but my duty to offer the view of our pro- ceedings to your worthy considerations, having to that end composed them together thus briefly, as you sec ; wherein, to your great encouragement, you may behold the good providence of God working witli you in our preservation from so many dangerous plots and treach- eries as have been intended against us, as also in giving
272 TlIE £PISTLB DEDICATORV.
his blessing so powerfully upon the weak means we had, enabHng us with health and ability beyond expec- tation in our greatest scarcities, and possessing the hearts of the salvages with astonishment and fear of us ; whereas if God had let them loose, they might easily have swallowed us up, scarce being a handful in comparison of those forces they might have gathered together against us ; which now, by God's blessing, will be more hard and difficult, in regard our number of men is increased, our town better fortified, and our store better victualled. Blessed therefore be his name, that hath done so great things for us and hath wrought so great a change amongst us.
Accept, I pray you, my weak endeavours, pardon my unskilfulness, and bear with my plainness in the things I have handled. Be not discouraged by our former necessities, but rather encouraged with us, hop- ing that as God hath wrought with us in our beginning of this worthy work, undertaken in his name and fear, so he will by us accomplish the same to his glory and our comfort, if we neglect not the means. I confess it hath not been much less chargeable to some of you ' than hard and difficult to us, that have endured tlie brunt of the battle, and yet small profits returned. Only, by God's mercy, we are safely seated, housed, and fortified, by which means a great step is made unto gain, and a more direct course taken for the same, than if at first we had rashly and covetously fallen upon it.
Indeed three things are the overthrow and bane, as f may term it, of plantations.
* The merchant adventurers. See pages 67 and 78.
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY. 273
1. The vain expectation of present profit, which too commonly takedi a principal seat in the heart and aflfection, though God's glory, &c. is preferred before it in the mouth with protestation.
2. Ambition in their governors and commanders, seeking only to make themselves great, and slaves of all that are under them, to maintain a transitory base honor in themselves, which God oft punisheth with contempt.
3. The carelessness of those that send over suppUes of men unto them, not caring how they be qualified ; so that ofttimcs they are rather the image of men en- dued with bestial, yea, diabolical aflcctions, than tiie image of God, endued with reason, understanding, and holiness. I praise God 1 speak not these tilings expe- rimentally, by way of complaint of our own condition, but having great cause on the contrary part to be thank- ful to God for his mercies towards us ; but rather, if there be any too desirous of gain, to entreat them to moderate their aflections, and consider that no man expecteth fruit before the tree be grown ; advising all men, that as they tender their own welfare, so to make choice of such to manage and govern their aflairs, as are approved not to be seekers of themselves, but 'the common good of all for whom they are employed ; and beseeching such as have the care of transporting men for the supply and furnishing of plantations, to be truly careful in sending such as may further and not hinder so good an action. There is no godly, honest man but will be helpful in his kind, and adorn his pro- fession with an upright life and conversation ; which doctrine of manners ' ought first to be preached by
' This sentiment shows how little ticism, which has often been alleged obnoxious the first settlers of New against them by persons alike igno- England were to the charge* of fana- rant of their spirit and their history i
OK.
274 THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
giving good example to the poor savage heathens amongst whom they hve. On the contrary part, what great offence hath been given by many profane men, who being but seeming Christians, have made Christ and Christianity stink in the nostrils of the poor iniidcis, and so laid a stumbHng-block before them. But woe be to them by whom such offences come.
These things I offer to your Christian considera- tions, beseeching you to make a good construction of my simple meaning, and take in good part this ensu- ing Relation, dedicating myself and it evermore unto your service ; beseeching God to crown our Christian and faithful endeavours with his blessings temporal and eternal.
Yours in this service,
Ever to be commanded,
E. W.*
^ Edward Winslow waa, ac- as we learn from his Brief Narra-
cordin^ to Hutchinson, *' of a very tion, where he speaks of ** living
reputable family and of a very ac- three years under Mr. Rohinson^s
tive gcMiius " — ** a gentleman of ministry hi^furu wu hc^an the work
the best family of any of the Ply- <if plantation in ^Ncw Kiiyland."
month planters, his father, Edward His name stands the third among
Winslow, Esq., being a pers<m of the signers of the Compact on l>oard
some figure at Droitwich, in Wor- the Maydowcr ; and his family
ccstershirc,*' a town seven miles consisted at that time of his wife,
from Worcester, celebrated for its Elizabeth, George Soule, and two
salt springs. Edward was the others, perhaps his children, Eki-
eldest of eight children, and was ward and John, who died young,
born at Droitwich Oct. 10, 1595, as As has already been seen, and will
appears from the following extract hereafler appear, he was one of the
from the records of St. Pctor^s most energetic and trusted men in
church in that place : ** 1505, Oct. the Colony. Ho went to England
20, baptized Edward, son of Ed- in 1623, 1024. 1035 and 1040, as
ward Winslow, born the previous agent of the Plymouth or Massa-
Friday,*' which was the 19th. His chusetls colonies ; and in 1033 he
mother's name was Magdalen ; her was chosen governor, to which
surname is unknown ; she was ofHce he was reelecied in 1030 and
married Nov. 3, 1594. He was 1044. He did not return to New
not one of the original band of Pil- England after 1640. In 1055 he
grims who escaped to Holland in was sent by Cromwell as one of
1008, but being on his travels, fell three commissioners to superintend
in with them at Leyden, in 1017, the expedition against the Spanish
EDWARD WINSLOW. 276
poBsossions in tho West Indies, and New England. Their names were, died at sea, near Ilispaniola, on tlie John, born in April, 1597: Kenelm, 8th of May of that year, in his AOth born, April S9, 1500 ; Gilbert, born year. An interesting letter, writ- in Oct. lAOO ; and Josiah, born in ten by him at Barbadoes, March Feb. 1605. — John came in the 10, and addressed to Secretary Fortune in 1631, married Mary Thurloe, is preserved in Thurloe*s Chilton, who came in the May- State Papers, iii. 250. Three letters flower, and removed to Boston, ofhis to Gov. Winthrop, one to the in 1655, where he died in 1674, Commissioners of the United Colo- aged 77. He le(\ a numerous pos- nies, and another to Thurloe from terity, one of whom is Isaac Wins- Barbadoes, March 30, are contained low, Esq., of Roxbury, fiirmerly a in Hutchinson's Collection of Pa- merchant in Boston. — Gilbert came ]>ers, pp. 60, 1 10, 153, 238, 208. in the Mayflower, and soon left the In 1637 he obtained a grant of a Colony, and it is thought went to Tnluable tract of land at Greenes Portsmouth, N. H. and died before harbour, now MarshflclH, to which 1660. — Kenelm and Jnsiah arrived he pave the name of Careswell. at Plymouth before 1632. and both This estate continued in the family settled at Marshfleld. The former till a few years sinre, when it came died whilst on a visit at Salem in into posm^HAion of Dnnit'l Webster, l(i72, aged 73, and the Intlrr in tlin lain SrrriMnry of Siulf*. 1«7'1, aged 60. — Kdward Wins- I'litward VVin^low's son, (2) Josiah, ]ow*8 sisters worn KIcanor, Inmi Ixirn at Plymoiitli in 1628, wns gov- in April, 1508, Klirjibctli, born in crnor of ilio Colony, from 1673 to March, 1601, and Mngdalen, horn his death in 1680, and commanded Dec. 26, 1604. Elizabeth died in the New-England forces in Philip's Jan. 1604, and neither of the other war. (3) Isaac, his only surviving two ever came to New England, son, sustained the rhief civil and For the copy of the record of St. military officos in the county of Ply- Peter's Church, Dniitwich, contain- moutli after its incorporation with ing the births and baptisms of Eil- Ma^sachusrtts, and was President ward Winslow and his sisters and of the Provincial Council. He died brothers, excepting Jnsiah. I am in 1738, aged 68. (4) John, his indebted to Isaac Winslow, Eso., of son, was a captain in the expedition Roxbury, whose son, Isaac, of New against Cuba in 1740, a colonel at York, visited that place for this Lfuiishurgh in 1744, and afterwards purpose in Aug. 1830. I am also a major-ceneral in the British ser- indebted to Mr. Isaac Winslow, of vice. Ho died in 1774, aged 71. Boston, for the loan of the family His son, (5) Isaac, was a phy&ician bible of the Winslows, containing in MarshHcId, and died in 1819, on one of its covers an ancient re* aged 80. His only son, (6) John, gister, corresponding nearly with was an attorney, and died in 1822, the Droitwich records, with the ad- ai^ed 48. His only surviving son, dition of the birth and baptism of (7) Isaac, and the last surviving Josiah, the ytmngest child. See male descendant of Gov. Edward, Hutchinson's Mass. i. 187, ii. 457 — of the name of Winslow, born in 460 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 281 1813, resides in Boston, and p<i8- — 309; Mitchell's Bridge water, p. sessfis or i^inal portraits of tlicso his 387 — ,300; Deanc's Scituatc, p. illustrious aiicosiors. Sco Mass. .1H8 — .1!M); 'riiaclicr's Plvoionth, p. Hist. Coll. xxvii. 2H0. t)0 — 103, 139— H4 ; Morton's Mo- Edward Winslow had four hro- morial, pp. 178,235,259— 201,382. thers, all of whom came over to 415; llazard's Hist. Coll. i. 320.
TO THEf READER.
Good Reader,
When I first penned this Discourse, I intended it chiefly for the satisfaction of my private friends ; but since that time have been persuaded to publish the same. And the rather, because of a disorderly colony ^ that are dispersed, and most of them returned, to the great prejudice and damage of him ^ that set them forth ; who, as they were a stain to Old England that bred them, in respect of their lives and manners amongst the Indians, so, it is to be feared, will be no less to New England, in their vile and clamorous reports, because she would not foster them in their desired idle courses. I would not bo understood to think there were no well deserving persons amongst them ; for of mine knowledge it was a grief to some that they were so yoked ; whose deserts, as they were then suitable to their honest protestations, so I desire still may be in respect of their just and true Relations.
Peradventure thou wilt ratlier marvel that I deal so
* At Wessagusset, or Weymouth, ■ Thomas Weston, See note* of which an ample account will bo on page 78. found in the ensuing Narrative.
THE PREFACE. 277
plainly, than any way doubt of the truth of this my Relation ; yea, it may be, tax me therewith, as seem- ing rather to discourage men than any way to further so noble an action. If any honest mind be discour- aged, I am sorry. Sure I am I have given no just cause ; and am so far from being discouraged myself, as I purpose to return forthwith.^ And for other Ught and vain persons, if they stumble hereat, I have my desire, accounting it better for them and us that they keep where they are, as being unfit and unable to perform so great a task.
Some faults have escaped because 1 could not attend on the press,' wliich I pray thee correct, as thou findcst, and I shall account it as a favor unto me.
Thine,
E.W.
' Winslow returned in the ship ' This serres to confirm the
Charity, in March, 1G24. He had statement of numerous typographi-
bcen absent six months, having cal errors in the previous Narrative,
sailed from Plymouth in the Anne, See note on page 1 13, and note '
on the 10th of Sept. previous. See on page 174. Bradford, in Prince, p. 231, 225.
A BRIEF RELATION OP A CREDIBLE INTELLIGENCE OP THE
PRESENT ESTATE OP VIRGINIA.
At the earnest entreaty of some of my much re- spected friends, I have added to the former Discourse a Relation of such things as were credibly reported at Plymouth, in New England, in September last past, concerning the present estate of Virginia. And because men may doubt how we should have intelligence of their affairs, being we are so far distant, I will there- fore satisfy the doubtful therein. Captain Francis West ^ being in New England about the latter end of May past, sailed from thence to Virginia, and returned in August. In September the same ship and company being discharged by him at Damurin's Covo,^ came to New Plymouth, where, upon our earnest iixjuiry after the state of Virginia since that bloody slaughter com- mitted by the Indians upon our friends and country- men,^ the whole ship's company agreed in this, viz.
* West had a commission as ad- miral of New England, to restrain such ships as came to fish and trade without license from the New England Council ; but finding the fishermen stubborn fellows, and too strong for him, he sails for Virginia ; and their owners complaining to Parliament, procured an order that fishing should be free. Bradford,
in Prince, p. 218, and in Morton, p. 07.
• The Damariscove islands, five or six in number, lying west by north from Monhegan, were early resorted to and occupied as fishing- stages. See Williamson's Maine, i. 5fl.
' On the 22d of March, 1622, at mid-day, the Indians, by a precon-
THE CONDITION OF VIRGINIA. 279
that upon all occasions they chased the Indians to and fro, insomuch as they sued daily unto the English for peace, who for the present would not admit of any ; thatjSir George Early,' &c. was at that present em- ployed |Upon service against them ; that amongst many others, Opachancano,' the chief emperor, was supposed to be slain ; his son also was killed at the same time. And though, by reason of diese fore- named broils in the fore part of the year, the English had undergone great want of food, yet, through God's mercy, there never was more show of plenty, having as much and as good corn on the ground as ever they had. Neither was die hopes of their tobacco crop inferior to that of their corn ; so that the planters were never more full of encouragement ; which I pray God long to continue, and so to direct both them and us, as his glory may be the principal aim and end of all our actions, and that for his mercy's sake. Amen.
cortcd plan, fell upon tho EngliBli * Yeordloy. Sco note * on p.
Bettlements in Virginia, and mas- 70.
sacred 347 persons. A war of ex- ' Opechancanough, as the name
termination immediately ensued, is commonly spelt.
See Smith's Virginia, li. 64—79,
and Stith, p. 208—213.
ill]
CHAPTER XVIII.
OP THEIR BEING MENACED BY THE NARRAQANSETTS, AND THEIR SECOND VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETTS.
CHAP. The good ship called the Fortune, which, in the
XVIII
\ month of November, 1621, (blessed be God,) brought
i 6 2 3. us a new supply of thirty-five persons, was not long departed our coast, ere the great people of Nanohig- ganset,^ which are reported to be many thousands strong, began to breatlio forth many tlireats against us, notwithstanding their desired and obtained peace with us in the foregoing summer ; insomuch as the common talk of our neighbour Indians on all sides was of the preparation they made to come against us. In reason a man would think they should have now more cause to fear us than before our supply came. But
* The Narragansetts were a nu- traveller would meet with a dozen
merous and powerful tribe that oc- Indian towns in twenty inilea.
cupied nearly the whole of the They were a martial and formida-
present territory of the State of ble race, and were frequently at
Khode Island, including the islands war with tlie Pokanokets on the
in Narragansett Bay. They had east, the Pequots on the west, and
escaped the pestilence which had the Massachusetts on the north,
depopulated other parts of New See Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll. i.
England, and their population at 147 ; Callender in R. I. Hist. Coll.
this time was estimated at thirty iv. 123 ; Potter^s Early History of
thousand, of whom five thousand Narragansett, ibid. iii. 1, and
were warriors. Roger Williams Hutchinson's Mass. i. 457. says they were so populous that a
A IfESSENGER FROM CANONICUS. 281
though none of them were present, yet understanding chap.
by others that they neither brought arms, nor other .'
provisions with them, but wholly relied on us, it occa- i699. sioned them to slight and bravo^us with so many threats ^' as they did.' At length came one of them to us, who was sent by Conanacus,' their chief sachim or king, accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly In- dian.* This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our interpreter, who not being at home, seemed rather to be glad than sorry, and leaving for him a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake^s skin, desired to depart with all expedition. But our governors not knowing what to make of this strange carriage, and comparing it with that we had formerly heard, com- mitted him to the custody of Captain Standish, hoping now to know some certainty of that we so often heard, either by his own relation to us, or to Tisquantum, at
' " Since the death of so man^ or obtained ; for I never gat any
Indiana, they thought to lord it thing of Connonicua but by gift''
over the rest, conceive v/e are a In 1G3G the Maaaachuaetta Colony
bar in their way, and aee Maaaa- acnt to him '* a aolemn embaa-
aoit already take ahelter under our aage," who *' observed in the aa-
winga." Bradford *a Hiat. quoted chem much atate, great command
by Frince, p. 300. * See pagea 217 over hia men, and marvelloua wia-
and219, previoua. dom in hia anawers." Edward
' Cannnicua, the great sachem Johnson, who probably accompa- of the Narraganaetts, though hos- nicd the ambassadors, has given in tile to the Plymouth colonists, his ** Wonderworking Providence," probably on account of their league b. ii. ch. vi. a very minute account of with his enemy, Massasoit, show- their reception and entertainment, ed himself friendly to the first set- He says that ** Canonicua waa very tiers of Rhode Island, who planted discreet in his answers.*' He died themselves within his territory. June 4th, 1647, according to Win- Roger Williams says that ** when throp, ** a very old man.*' See hia the hearts of my countrymen and Lifo in Thatcher's Indian Biogra- friends failed me, the Most High phy, i. 177 — 209, and in Drake's stirred up the barbarous heart of Book of the Indians, b. ii. 54—57. Connonicua to love me as his son See also Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 215. to the last gasp. Were it not for 229, xiv.42 — 44,xvii. 75, 76; Sav- the favor that God gave me with age's Winthrop, i. 192, ii. 308. him, none of these parts, no, not ' See pagea 211, 214, 219. Rhode Island had been purchased
282 THE BiBSSENGBR INTERROQATED.
CHAP his return, desiring myself, having special familiarity
i with tlie other forenamed Indian, to see if I could
10 93. learn any thing from him; whose answer was spar- ingly to this eflfect, that he could not certainly tell us, but thought they were enemies to us.
That night Captain Standish gave me and another ^ charge of him, and gave us order to use him kindly, and that he should not want any thing he desired, and to take all occasions to talk and inquire of the reasons of those reports we heard, and withal to signify that upon his true relation he should be sure of his own freedom. At first, fear so possessed him that he could scarce say any thing ; but in the end became more familiar, and told us that the messenger which his master sent in summer to treat of peace, at his return persuaded him rather to war ; and to the end he might provoke him thereunto, (as appeared to him by our reports,) detained many of the things [which] were sent him by our Governor, scorning the meanness of them both in respect of what himself had formerly sent, and also of the greatness of his own person ; so that he much blamed the former messenger, saying, that upon the knowledge of this his false carriage, it would cost him his life, but assured us that upon his relation of our speech then with him to his master, he would be friends with us. Of this we informed the Governor and his Assistant^ and Captain Standish, who, after consultation, considered him howsoever but in the state of a messenger ; and it being as well against the law of arms amongst them as us in Europe to lay violent
' Probably Stephen Hopkins. ' Isaac Allerton. See note on See note ' on page 126, and pages page 105, and page 201. 181, 185, and 202.
HE BRINGS A DEFIANCE FROM CANONICUS. 283
hands on any such, set him at liberty ; the Governor chap.
giving him order to certify his master that he had \
heard of his large and many threatenings, at which he i^^^- was much offended ; daring him in those respects to the utmost, if he would not be reconciled to Uve peaceably, as other his neighbours ; manifesting withal (as ever) his desire of peace, but his fearless resolu- tion, if he could not so live amongst them. After which he caused meat to be offered him ; but he refused to eat, making all speed to return, and giving many thanks for his liberty, but requesting the other Indian again to return. The weather being violent, he used many words to persuade him to stay longer, but could not. Whereupon he left him, and said he was with his friends, and would not take a journey in such extremity.
After this, when Tisquantum returned, and the arrows were delivered, and the manner of the mes- senger's carriage related, he signified to the Governor that to send the rattlesnake's skin in that manner imported enmity, and that it was no better than a challenge.^ Hereupon, after some deliberation, the Governor stuffed the skin with powder and shot, and sent it back, returning no less defiance to Conanacus, assuring him if he had shipping now present, thereby to send his men to Nanohigganset, (the place of his abode,) they should not need to come so far by land to us ; yet withal showing that they should never come
' "There is a remarkable coin- ofdeclarinj^ war by the Aracauntan
cidence in the form of this chal- Indians of Souih America, was hy
lenge with that of the challenge sending from town to town an ar-
friven by the Scythian prince to row clenched in a dead man's
Darius. Five arrows made a part hand.'* Holmes, Annals, i. 177.
of the present sent by his herald See Rollin, Anc. Hist h. vi. s. 4;
to the Persian king. The manner and Mass. Hist. Coll. zv. 69.
THE TOWN IBIPALBD.
P. unwelcome or unlooked for. This message was sent J by an Indian, and delivered in such sort, as it was no 3- small terror to this savage king ; insomuch as he would not once touch the powder and shot, or suffer it to stay in his house or country. Whereupon the messenger refusing it, another took it up ; and having been posted from place to place a long time, at length came whole back again.
In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, not- withstanding our high words and lofty looks towards them, and still lying open to all casualty, having as yet (under God) no other defence than our arms, we thought it most needful to impale our town ; which with all expedition we accomplished in the month of February, and some few days, taking in the top of the hill under which our town is seated ; making four bul- warks or jetties without the ordinary circuit of the pale, from whence we could defend the whole town ; in three whereof are gates,^ and the fourth in time to be. This being done, Captain Standish divided our strength into four squadrons or companies, appointing whom he thought most fit to have command of each ; and, at a general muster or training,^ appointed each his place, gave each his company, giving them charge, upon every alarm, to resort to their leaders to their appointed place, and, in his absence, to be command- ed and directed by them. That done according to his order, each drew his company to his appointed place for defence, and there together discharged their muskets. After which they brought their new com-
* Bradford adds, '* Which are ' This was the first general
lucked every night; a watch and muster in New England, and the
ward kept in the day/* Prince, embryu uf our present militia sys-
p. 200. tem.
AN ATTACK OP THE INDIANS APPREHENDED. 286
manders to their houses, where again they graced chap. them with their shot, and so departed.
Fearing, also, lest the enemy at any time should ^•**' take any advantage by firing our houses. Captain Standish appointed a certain company, that whenso- ever they saw or heard fire to be cried in . the town, should only betake themselves to their arms, and should enclose tlie house or place so endangered, and stand aloof on their guard, with their backs towards the fire, to prevent treachery, if any were in that kind intended. If the fire were in any of the houses of this guard, they were then freed from it; but not otiiorwise, without special command.
Long before tliis time we promised the people of Mar. Massachusets, in the beginning of March to come unto them, and trade for their furs ; which being then come, we began to make preparation for that voyage. In the mean time, an Indian, called Hobbamock, who still Uved in the town, told us that he feared the Massachusets or Massachuseucks (for so they called the people of that place,) were joined in confederacy with the Nanohigganeucks, or people of Nanohig- ganset, and that they therefore would take this oppor- tunity to cut off Captain Standish and his company abroad ; but, howsoever, in the mean time, it was to be feared that the Nanohigganeucks would assault the town at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy, as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who, we should find, would use many persuasions to draw us from our shallops to the Indians' houses, for their better advantage. To confirm this his jealousy, he told us of many secret passages tliat passed between him and others, having tlieir meetings ordinarily
286 A COUNCIL HELD.
CHAP, abroadi in the woods ; but if at home, howsoever, he
\ was excluded from their secrecy ; saying it was the
i^22. manner of the Indians, when they meant plainly, to deal openly ; but in this his practice there was no show of honesty.
Hereupon the Governor, together with his Assist- ant and Captain Standish, called together such as by them were thought most meet for advice in so weighty a business ; who, after consideration hereof, came to this resolution ; that as hitherto, upon all occasions between them and us, we had ever manifested un- daunted courage and resolution, so it would not now stand with our safety to mew up ourselves in our new- enclosed town ; partly because our store was almost empty, and therefore must seek out for our daily food, without which we could not long subsist ; but espe- cially for that thereby they would see us dismayed, and be encouraged to prosecute their malicious pur- poses with more eagerness than ever they intended. Whereas, on the contrary, by the blessing of God, our fearless carriage might be a means to discourage and weaken their proceedings. And therefore thought best to proceed in our trading voyage, making this use of that we heard, to go the better provided, and use the more carefulness both at home and abroad, leaving the event to the disposing of the Almighty ; whose providence, as it had hitherto been over us for good, so we had now no cause (save our sin^) to despair of his mercy in our preservation and continu- ance, where we desired rather to be instruments of good to the heathens about us than to give thcni the least measure of just ofl'ence.
All things being now in readiness, the forenamed
A DISCHARGE OF CANNON. 287
Captaioi with ten men, accompanied witli Tisquantum chap.
and Hobbamocki set forwards for the Massachusets. -'
But we * had no sooner turned the point of the harbour, ^^^,^' called the Gurnet's Nose," (where, being becalmed, we let fall our grapnel to set th'mgs to right and prepare to row,) but there came an Indian of Tisquantum^s family running to certain of our people that were from home with all eagerness, having his face wounded, and the blood still frcsli on tlio same, calling to tlicm to repair home, oft looking behind him, as if some others had him in chase ; saying that at Namaschet ' (a town some fifteen miles from us,) tliere were many of the Njanohiggansets, M assassowat ^ our supposed friend, and Conbatant,^ our feared enemy, with many others, with a resolution to take advantage on tlie present opportunity to assault the town in the Captain's ab- sence ; affirming that he received the wound in his face for speaking in our behalf, and by sleight escaped ; looking oft backward, as if he suspected them to be at hand. This he affirmed again to the Governor; where-
' This indicates that the writer several places on the coast of Eng-
himself, Winslow, was one of the land ; in the Channel we beliere
party. there are at least two.*' Connected
' So early was the name of Gnr- with the Gurnet by a narrow neck, net given to thij remarkable fea- and contiguons to Clark *s island, is ture of Plymouth harbour. It is a another headland, called Saquish, peninsula or promontory, connect- containinf? ten or fourteen acres, ed with Marshfield by a beach See note' on page 164, Mass. Hist, about six miles long, called Salt- Coll. xiii. 182, 204, and Thacher's house beach. It contains about PIvmouth, p. 330. twenty-seven acres of excellent ' See note * on page 5204. soil. On its southern extremity, ^ The sachem of the Wampa- or nose, are two light-houses, it noags. See nolo ' on pape 101. probably received its name from It will be observed that Winslow some headland known to the Pil- spells many of the Indian words grims in the mother country. The differently from Bradford in the pre- late Samuel Davis, of Plymouth, ceding Journal, the accurate topographer, and faith- * The same as Coubatant or Cor- ful chronicler of the Old Colony, bitant. See note ' on page 219. says, " Garnet is the name of
288 THB TOWN ALARMED.
CHAP, upon he gave command that three pieces of ordnance
! should be made ready and discharged, to the end that
1023. if we were not out of hearing, we might return there- ' at ; which we no sooner heard, but we repaired home- ward with alt convenient speed, arming ourselves, and making all in readiness to fight When we entered the harbour, we saw tlie town likewise on their guard, whither we hasted with all convenient speed. The news being made known unto us, Hobbamock said flatly that it was false, assuring us of Massassowat's faitlifulness. Howsoever, he presumed he would never have undertaken any such act without his privity, him- self being a pinscj^ that is, one of his chiefest cham- pions or men of valor ; it being the manner amongst them not to undertake such enterprises without the advice and furtherance of men of that rank. To this the Governor answered, he should be sorry that any just and necessary occasions of war should arise be- tween him and any [of] the savages, but especially Massassowat ; not that he feared him more than the rest, but because his love more exceeded towards him than any. Whereunto Hobbamock replied, there was no cause wherefore he should distrust him, and therefore should do well to continue his aflbctions.
But to the end things might be made more manifest, the Governor caused Hobbamock to send his wife with all privacy to Puckanokick, the chief place of Massas- sowat's residence, (pretending other occasions,) there to inform herself, and so us, of the right state of things. When she came thither, and saw all things quiet, and that no such matter was or had been intended, [she] told Massassowat what had happened at Plymouth, (by
' What is now called a brave.
TISaUANTUlI*8 DOUBLB-DSALINO. 289
them called Patuxct ; *) which, when he understood, chap.
he was much oficndcd at the carriage of Tisquantum, '
returning many tlianks to the Governor for his good J^"- tlioughts of him, and assuring him that, according to their first Articles of Peace,* he would send word and give warning when any such business was towards.
Thus by degrees we began to discover Tisquantum, whose ends were only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen, by means of his nearness and favor with us ; not caring who fell, so he stood. In the general, his course was to persuade them he could lead us to peace or war at his pleasure, and would ofl threaten the Indians, sending tliem word in a private manner we were intended shortly to kill them, tliat thereby he might get gifts to himself, to work their peace ; insomuch as they had him in greater esteem than many of their sachims ; yea, they themselves sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of us, yea, and protection also, so as they would resort to him ; so tliat whereas divers were wont to rely on M assassowat for protection, and resort to liis abode, now they began to leave him and seek after Tisquan- tum. Now, though he could not make good these his large promises, especially because of the continued peace between Massassowat and us, he therefore raised this false alarm ; hoping, whilst things were hot in the heat of blood, to provoke us to march into his country against him, whereby he hoped to kindle such a flame as would not easily be quenched ; and hoping if that block were once removed, there were no other be- tween him and honor, which he loved as his life, and
* See page 183, and note on page ' See the Articles on page 193. 245.
290 SECOND VISIT TO BOSTON HARBOUR.
«
CHAP, preferred before his peace. For these and the like
abuses the Governor sharply reproved him ; yet was
^A ^f he so necessary and profitable an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him. But when wo understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and innocency therein ; assuring them, till tliey begun witli us, they should have no cause to fear ; and if any hereafter should raise any such re- ports, they should punish them as liars and seekers of their and our disturbance ; which gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides.
After this we proceeded in our voyage to the Mas- sachusets ; where we had good store of trade,^ and (blessed be God) returned in safety, though driven from before our town in great danger and extremity of weather.
At our return we found Massassowat at the Planta- tion ; who made his seeming just apology for all former matters of accusation, being much oflcnded and en- raged against Tisquantum ; whom the Governor paci- fied as much as he could for the present. But not long after his departure, he sent a messenger to the Gov- ernor, entreating him to give way to the death of Tis- quantum, who had so much abused him. But the Governor answered, although he had deserved to die, both in respect of him and us, yet for our sakes he desired he would spare him ; and tlie rather, because without him he knew not well how to understand him- self or any other the Indians.* With this answer the messenger returned, but came again not long after, accompanied with divers others, demanding him from ^
* We should like to have known ' See note ' on page 183. more about this second voyage to ' On the part of. Boston harbour. See page 224.
BUSSASOIT DEBIANDS TISdUANTUM. 291
Massassowaty their master, as being one of his subjects, chap.
whom, by our first Articles of Peace, we could not '
retain. Yet because he would not willingly do it with- lo^s- out the Governor's approbation, offered him many bea- vers' skins for his consent thereto, s^jring that, according to their manner, their sachim had sent his own knife, and them tlierewith, to cut off his head and hands, and bring tliem to liim. To which tlie Governor answered. It was not the manner of the English to seU men's lives at a price, but when they had deserved justly to die, to give them their reward ; and therefore refused their beavers as a gift ; but sent for Tisc]uantum, who, though he knew their intent, yet offered not to fly, but came aud accused Hobbamock as tlie autlior and work- er of his overtlu-ow, yielding himself to tlie Governor to be sent or not according as he tliought meet. But at the instant when our Governor was ready to deUver him into the hands of his executioners, a boat was seen at sea to cross before our town, and fall behind a headland ' not far off. Whereupon, having heard many rumors of the French, and not knowing whether there were any combination between the savages and them, the Governor told the Indians he would first know what boat that was ere he would deliver them into their custody. But being mad with rage, and impatient at delay, they departed in great heat.
Here let me not omit one notable, though wicked practice of this Tisquantum ; who, to the end he might possess his countrymen with the greater fear of us, and so consequently of himself, told tliem we had
' This headland is Hilhcr Man- mark in Barnstable bay, bcinp visi-
omet Puint, forming the southern bic fiom all points of its circling
boundary of Plymouth bay. Man- shore, from Sandwich to Province-
omet is the most prominent land- town. See note ' on page 118.
292 SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS.
CHAP, the plague buried in our store-house ; which, at our
' pleasure, we could send forth to what place or people
1082. we would, and destroy them therewith, though we stirred not from home. Being, upon tlie forenamed brabbles,^ sent for by the Governor to tliis place, where liobbainock was and some otiier of us, tlie ground being broke in tlie midst of the house, where- under certain barrels of powder were buried, though unknown to him, Hobbamock asked him what it meant. To whom he readily answered. That was the place wherein the plague was buried, whereof he formerly told him and others. After this Hobba- mock asked one of our people, whether such a thing were, and whether we had such command of it ; who answered. No ; but the God of tlie English had it in store, and could send it at his pleasure to tlie destruc- tion of his and our enemies.
This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1G22 ; at which time our store of victuals was wholly spent, having lived long before with a bare and short allow- ance. The reason was, that supply of men, before mentioned,^ which came so unprovided, not landing so much as a barrel of bread or meal for tlieir whole company, but contrariwise received from us for their ship's store homeward. Neither were the setters forth tliereof altogether to be blamed therein, but rather certain amongst ourselves, who were too prodigal in their writing and reporting of that plenty we enjoyed.^ But that 1 may return.
This boat proved to be a shallop, that belonged to a
' Brabhics, clamors. ' Winblow hiins<;ir had rciiI
' The puBsciigcra ia the Furtuno. home too (iallurin^ aii account of See page 'J31. their condilioii. See page :?32.
WINSLOW GOBS TO MONHBOAN. 293
fishing ship, called the Sparrow, set forth by Master chap.
Thomas Weston, late merchant and citizen of London, \
which brought six or seven passengers at his charge, less, that should before have been landed at our Plantation ;^ ^' who also brought no more provision for the present than served tlie boat's gang for their return to the ship ; which made her voyage at a place called Damarin's Cove," near Munhiggen, some forty leagues from us northeastward ; about which place there fished about thirty sail of ships, and whither myself was employed by our Governor, with orders to take up such victuals as the ships could spare ; where I found kind enter- tainment and good respect, with a wiUingness to sup- ply our wants. But being not able to spare that quantity I required, by reason of the necessity of some amongst themselves, whom they supplied before my coming, would not take any bills for the same, but did what they could freely, wishing their store had been such as tliey might in greater measure have expressed their own love, and supplied our necessities, for which they sorrowed, provoking one another to the utmost of
' " She brings a letter to Mr. he can, but writes to others to do
Carver from Mr. Weston, of Jan. the like ; by which means he gets
17. By his letter we find he has as much bread as amounts to a
quite deserted us, and is goin? to anarter of a pound a person per
settle a plantation of his own. The day till harvest; the Governor
boat brings us a kind letter from causing their portion to be daily
Mr. John Huddleston, a captain of eiven them, or some bad starved,
a ship fishing at the eastward. And by this voyage we not only
whose name we never heard be- got a present supply, but also learn
fore, to inform us of a massacre of the way to those parts for our fu-
400 English by the Indians in Vir- ture benefit." Bradford, in Piince,
ginia, whence he came. By this p. 20*2. Iluddleston's letter, (or
boat the Governor returns a grate- Iludslon's, as Morton calls him,)
ful answer, and with them sends may be found in New England *s
Mr. Wiiislow ill a boat of ours to Memorial, p. 80. See note ' on
get provisions of the fishing ships; page 278.
whom CapUiin* Huilfileston receives * See note * on page 278. kindly, and not only spares what
THE COLONY IN A FAMISHINa CONDITION.
'. their abilitios ; which, altliough it were not much
' amongst so many people as were at the Plantation,
). yet through the provident and discreet care of the
governors, recovered and preserved strength till our
own crop on the ground was ready.
Having dispatched there, I returned home with all speed convenient, where I found the state of the Col- ony much weaker than when I left it ; for till now we were never without some bread, the want whereof much abated the strength and flesh of some, and swelled others. But here it may be said, if tlie coun- try abound with fish and fowl in such measure as is reported, how could men undergo such measure of hardness, except through their own negligence? I answer, every thing must be expected in its proper season. No man, as one saith, will go into an orchard in tlie winter to gather cherries ; so he that looks for fowl there in the summer, will be deceived in his ex- pectation. The time tliey continue in plenty with us, is from the beginning of October to the end of March ; but these extremities befell us in May and June. I con- fess, that as the fowl decrease, so fish increase. And indeed their exceeding abundance was a great cause of increasing our wants. For though our bay and creeks were full of bass and other fish, yet for want of fit and strong seines and other netting, they for the most part brake through, and carried all away before them.' And though the sea were full of cod, yet we had neither tackling nor hawsers for our shallops. And indeed had we not been in a place, where divers sort of shell-fish are, that may be taken with the hand, we must have
* Sec note ' on page 171.
A FORT BUILT ON BURIAL HILL.
296
perished, unless God had raised some unknown or chap.
extraordinary means for our preservation. '
In tlie time of these straits, indeed before my going \^^^* to M unhiggen, the Indians began again to cast forth many insulting speeches, glorjring in our weakness, and giving out how easy it would be ere long to cut us off. Now also M assassowat seemed to frown on us, and neither came or sent to us as formerly. Tliesc things occasioned furtlier tlioughts of fortification. And whereas we have a hill called the Mount,^ enclosed within our pale, under which our town is seated, we resolved to erect a fort thereon ; from whence a few might easily secure the town from any assault the Indians can make, whilst the rest might be employed as occasion served. This work was begun with great eagerness, and with the approbation of all men, hoping that this being once finished, and a con- tinual guard tliere kept, it would utterly discourage tlic savages from having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us. And though it took the greatest part of our strength from dressing our corn, yet, Ufe being continued, we hoped God would raise some means in stead thereof for our further preservation.
' The burying-hill. See page 168. The inteihgence of the mas- sacre in Virginia reached Plymouth in May, and was the immediate incitement to the erection of this fort. See page 279.
" Some traces of the fort are still risible on the eminence called the burying-hill, directly above the meeting-house of the first church
in Plymouth. AAer the fort was used as a place of worship, it is probable they began to bury their dead around it. Before that time the burial-place was on the bank, above the rock on which the land- ing was made." Judge Davis^s note in Morton^s Memoiial, p. 82. See note ' on page lOS, and page 1G9 previous.
t
CHAPTER XIX.
OF THE PLANTING OP MASTER WESTON'S COLONY AT WES- SAQUSSET, AND OF SUNDRY EXCURSIONS AFTER CORN.
CHAP. In the end of June, or beginning of July, came into — our harbour two ships of Master Weston's aforesaid ;
Y ? ^* the one called the Charity,* the other the Swan ; hav- ing in tliem some fifty or sixty men, sent over at his own charge to plant for him.^ These we received into our town, afibrding them whatsoever courtesy our mean condition could afibrd. There the Charity, being the bigger ship, left them, having many passen- gers which she was to land in Virginia. In the mean time the body of them refreshed ttiemselves at Ply- mouth, whilst some most fit sought out a place for
^ By Mr. Weston's ship comes will hardly deal so well with the
a letter from Mr. John Pierce, in savages as they should. I praj
whose name the Plymouth patent you therefore signify to Sqoanto
is taken, signifying that whom the that they are a distinct body from
governor admits mto the associa- us, and wo have nothing to do with
tion, he will approve." Bradford, them, nor must be blamed for their
in Prince, p. 204. faults, much less can warrant their
' They came upon no religious fidelity." And Mr. John Pierce in
design, as did the planters of Ply- another writes, " As for Mr. Wes-
mouth ; so they were far from be- tun*s company they are so base in
ing Puritans. Mr. Weston in a condition fur the most part, as in
letter owns that many of them are all appearance not fit for an honest
rude and profane fellows. Mr. man*s company. I wish they prove
Cushman in another writes, **They otherwise." Bradford, in Prince,
are no men for us, and I fear they p. 203.
WESTON'S COLONY SETTLE AT WEYMOUTH. 297
them. That little store of corn we had was exceeding- chap.
XIX.
ly wasted by the unjust and dishonest walking of these '^
strangers; who, though they would sometimes seem ^^\^* to help us in our labor about our com, yet spared not day and night to steal the same, it being then eatable and pleasant to taste, though green and unprofitable ; and though they received much kindness, set light both by it and us, not sparing to requite tlie love we showed thorn, witli secret backbitings, revilings, &c., tlie chief of them being forestalled and made against us before tliey came, as after appeared. Nevertheless, for tlieir master^s sake, who formerly had deserved well from us,^ we continued to do them whatsoever good or furtherance we could, attributing tliese things to the want of conscience and discretion, expecting each day when God in his providence would disbur- den us of them, sorrowing ttiat their overseers were not of more ability and fitness for their places, and much fearing what would be the issue of such raw and unconscionable beginnings.
At length their coasters returned, having found in tlieir judgment a place fit for plantation, within the bay of the Massachusets^ at a place called by the Indi- ans Wichaguscusset.' To which place the body of them went witli all convenient speed, leaving still with us such as wore sick and lame, by the Governor's permission, though on their parts undeserved ; whom our surgeon,^ by the help of God, recovered gratis for them, and they fetched home, as occasion served.
They had not been long from us, ere the Indians
* See note * on page 78. 'Or Wessagusset, now called
• Boston harbour. See notes ' Weymouth.
and ^ on page 225. ^ Dr. Fuller. See note 'on p. 222
•JO
298 THB PILGRIMS FEEDLB AND DBSTITUTB.
CHAP, filled our ears witli clamors against tliem, for stealing
1. their corn, and other abuses conceived by them. At
1622. which we grieved the more, because the same men,^ in mine own hearing, had been earnest in persuading Captain Standish, before their coming, to soUcit our Governor to send some of his men to plant by them, alleging many reasons how it might be commodious for us. But we knew no means to redress those abuses, save reproof, and advising them to better walking, as occasion served. Aug. In the end of August, came other two ships into our harbour. The one, as I take it, was called the Disco- very, Captain Jones ^ having the command thereof ; the other was that ship of Mr. Weston's, called the Sparrow, which had now made her voyage of fish, and was consorted with the other, being both bound for Virginia.' Of Captain Jones we furnished ourselves of such provisions as we most needed, and he could best spare ; who, as he used us kindly, so made us pay largely for the things we had. And had not the Al- mighty, in his all-ordering providence, directed him to us, it would have gone worse with us than ever it had been, or after was ; for as we had now but small store of corn for the year following, so, for want of supply, we were worn out of all manner of trucking-stuff, not having any means left to help ourselves by trade ; but, througli God's good mercy towards us, he had whcre-
* That is, the same Indians. bound for Virginia ; " and Drad-
' This is supposed to be the same ford states that ** she was on her
Jones who was captain of the May- way from Virginia homeward, be-
flower. See note * on page 102, ing sent out by some merchants to
and note ' on page 166. discover the shoals about Cape Cod,
' Prince says, p. 205, that '* Mr. and harl)ours between . this and
Winslow seems to mistake in Virginia/' thinking Captain Jones was now
PROPOSED EXCURSION AFTER CORN. 299
withy and did supply our wants on that kind compe- chap. tently.'
In the end of September, or beginning of Octo- *•**• ber, Mr. Weston's biggest ship, called the Charity, re- turned for England, and left their colony sufficiently victualled, as some of most credit amongst them re- ported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with his colony, for their further help. At which time they desired to join in partnership with us, to trade for corn ; to which our Governor and his Assistant' agreed, upon such equal conditions, as were drawn and confirmed between them and us. The chief places aimed at were to the soutliward of Cape Cod ; and the more, because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time was wrought witli Massassowat, un- dertook to discover unto us that supposed, and still hoped, passage within the shoals.
Both colonies being thus agreed, and their compa- nies fitted and joined together, we resolved to set forward, but were oft crossed in our purposes. As first Master Richard Greene, brother-in-law to Master Weston, who from him had a charge in the oversight and government of his colony, died suddenly at our Plantation, to whom we gave burial befitting his place, in the best manner we could. Afterward, having fur- ther order to proceed by letter from their other Gover- nor at the Massachusets, twice Captain Standish set forth with them, but were driven in again by cross and violent winds ; himself the second time being sick
' ** Of lior we buy knives and wo are filled lo trade both for corn
beads, which is now pood Irade, and beaver.'* Bradford, in Prince,
though at cent, per cent, or more, p. 205, and in Morton's Memorial,
and yet pay away coat beaver at p. 83.
35. a pound, (which a few years ' Isaac Allerton. a(\er yields 205.) ; by which means
300 BRADFORD ENTERS CHATHAM HARBOUR.
CHAP, of a violent fever. By reason whereof (our own wants
L being like to be now greater than formerly, partly be-
1692. cause we were enforced to neglect our corn and spend much time in fortification, but especially because such havock was made of that little we had, through the un- just and dishonest carriage of those people, before men- tioned, at our first entertainment of them,) our Gover- nor in his own person supplied the Captain's place ; Nov. and, in the montli of November, again set forth, having Tisquantum for his interpreter and pilot ; who affirmed he had twice passed within the shoals of Cape Cod, both with English and French. Nevertlieless they went so far with him, as the master of the ship saw no hope of passage ; but being, as he thought, in danger, bare up, and according to Tisquantum's direc- tions, made for a harbour not far from them, at a place called Manamoyckc ; ^ which they found, and sound- ing it with their shallop, found the channel, though but narrow and crooked ; where at length they har- boured the ship. Here they perceived that the tide set in and out witli more violence at some other place more southerly,^ which they had not seen nor could discover, by reason of the violence of tlio season all the time of their abode there. Some judged the en- trance thereof might be beyond the shoals ; but there is no certainty thereof as yet known.
That night the Governor, accompanied with others, having Tisquantum for his interpreter, went ashore. At first, the inhabitants played least in sight, because none of our people had ever been there before ; but understanding the ends of their coming, at length came to them, welcoming our Governor according to their
* Chatham. ' See note ' on page 103.
DEATH OF TISQUANTUM.
301
savage manner ; refreshing them very well with store 9^^-
of venison and other victuals, which tliey brought them
in great abundance ; promising to trade with them, ^^^^' with a seeming gladness of the occasion. Yet their joy was mixed with much jealousy, as appeared by their after practices ; for at first they were loth their dwellings should be known ; but when they saw our Governor's resolution to stay on the shore all night, they brought him to their houses, having first conveyed all their stuflf to a remote place, not far from the same ; which one of our men, walking forth occasionally, espied. Whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor tliey could be found ; and so many times after, upon conceived occasions, they would be all gone, bag and baggage. But being afterwards, by Tisquantum's means better persuaded, tliey left their jealousy, and traded with them ; where they got eight hogsheads of corn and beans, though the people were but few. This gave our Governor and the company good en- couragement ; Tisquantum being still confident in the passage, and the inhabitants afiirming they had seen ships of good burthen pass within the shoals aforesaid. But here, though they had determined to make a second essay, yet God had otherways disposed ; who struck Tisquantum with sickness, insomuch as he there died ; ' which crossed their southward trading, and the
^ His disorder was a fever, ac- companied with ^* a bleeding at the nose, which the Indians reckon a fatal symptom." Before his death ** ho dicsired the Governor (Brad- ford) to pray that he might go to tlio Knf^lishman^s God in heaven, hcqueatfiing divers of his things to sundry of his English friends, as remembrances of his love ; of whom we had great loss." Bradford, in
Prince, p. 206, and in Morton, p. 85. Judge Davis adds in his note, that " Governor Bradford's pen was worthily employed in the tender notice taken of the death of this child of nature. Wiih some aberrations, his conduct was gen- erally irreproachable, and his uKoful services to the infant settlement entitle him to grateful remem- brance."
302 CORN PROCURED AT EASTHAM AND YARMOUTH.
CHAP, more, because tlie master's sufficiency was much
'^ doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit
1^^^* to go upon discovery, having no guide to direct them. From thence they departed ; and the wind being fair for the Massachusets, went thither, and the rather, because tlie savages, upon our motion, had planted much corn for us, which they promised not long be- fore that time. When they came thitlier, they found a great sickness to be amongst the Indians, not unUke the plague, if not the same. They renewed their complaints to our Governor, against tliat other planta- tion seated by tliem, for tlieir injurious walking. But indeed the trade both for furs and corn was over- thrown in that place, they giving as much for a quart of corn as we used to do for a beaver's skin ; so that little good could be there done.
From thence they returned into the bottom of the bay of Cape Cod, to a place called Nauset ; where the sachim ' used the Governor very kindly, and where they bought eight or ten hogsheads of corn and beans ; also at a place called Mattachiest,^ where they had hke kind entertainment and corn also. During the time of their trade in tiiese places, tlicre were so groat and violent storms, as the ship was much endangered, and our shallop cast away ; so tliat they had now no moans to carry the corn aboard that they had bought, the ship riding by their report well near two leagues from the same, her own boat being small, and so leaky, (having no carpenter with them,) as they durst scarce fetch wood or water in her. Hereupon the Governor caused the corn to be made in a round stack, and bought mats,
* Aspinet. See page 216. ble and Yarmouth harbours. See
' The country between Bamsta- note * on page 215.
BRADFORD RETURNS HOME BY LAND. 303
and cut sedge, to cover it ; and gave charge to the In- chap.
dians not to meddle witli it, promising him that dwelt L
next to it a reward, if he would keep vermin also from i^^s. it ; which he undertook, and the sachim promised to make good. In the mean time, according to the Governor's request, the sachim sent men to seek the shallop ; which tliey found buried almost in sand at a high water mark, having many things remaining in her, but unserviceable for the present ; whereof the Governor gave the sachim special charge, that it should not be further broken, promising ere long to fetch both it and tlic corn ; assuring them, if neither were diuiinished, he would take it as a sign of their honest and true friendsliip, which they so much made show of ; but if they were, they should certainly smart for their unjust and dishonest dealing, and further make good whatsoever they had so taken. So he did likewise at Mattachiest, and took leave of them, being resolved to leave tlie ship and take his journey home by land witli our own company, sending word to the ship that they should take their first opportunity to go for Plymouth, where he determined, by tlie permission of God, to meet them. And having procured a guide, it being no less than fifty miles to our Plantation,^ set forward, receiving all respect that could be from the Indians in his journey ; and came safely home, though weary and surbated ; ' whither some three days after the ship ' also came.
The corn being divided, which they had got, Master Weston's company went to their own plantation ; it
* Tlio iliHlanro from Easlham ' Willi (railed foot. It) J*l}mniilh by land is about fifly ' Tho Swan. Seo page 2UU. miles.
304 8TANDISU GOBS TO EASTHAM.
CHAP, being further agreed, that they should return with all
L convenient speed, and bring their carpenter, that they
1623. might fetch the rest of the corn, and save the shallop. At their return. Captain Standish, being recovered and in healtli, took another shallop, and went witli them to the corn, which they found in safety as they left it. Also they mended tlio odier shallop, and got all their com aboard the ship. This was in January, as I take it, it being very cold and stormy ; insomuch as, (the harbour being none of the best,) they were constrained to cut both the shallops from tlie sliip's stern ; and so lost them botli a second time. But die storm being over, and seeking out, they found tliem both, not having received any great hurt.
Whilst they were at Nauset, having occasion to lie on die shore, laying their shallop in a creek ^ not far from them, an Indian came into the same, and stole certain beads, scissors, and other trifles, out of the same ; which, when the Captain missed, he took cer- tain of his company with him, and went to the sachim, telling him what had happened, and requiring the same again, or the party that stole them, (who was known to certain of the Indians,) or else he would revenge it on them before his departure ; and so took leave for that night, being late, refusing whatsoever kindness they offered. On the morrow the sachim came to their rendezvous, accompanied with many men, in a stately manner, who saluted ^ the Captain in this wise. He thrust out his tongue, that one might see the root thereof, and therewith licked his hand
' Nauset, or Eastham, abounds • In the origuiVLX saluting ; prob- with creeks. See no|e * on page ably a typographical error. 156, and Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 155, IBB.
BRADFORD AT MIDDLBBOROUGH AND SANDWICH. 306
from the wrist to the fiDirer's end, withal bowiDg the chap.
knee, striving to imitate the English gesture, being L
instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum. His men ios3. did the Uke, but in so rude and savage a manner, as our men could scarce forbear to break out in open laughter. After salutation, he deUvered the beads and other tilings to the Captain, saying he had much beaten tlie party for doing it ; causing die women to make bread, and bring them, according to their desire ; seeming to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be reconciled. So they departed and came home in safety ; where the corn was equally divided, as before.
After this the Governor went to two other inland towns, with another company, and bought corn like- wise of tliem. The one is called Namasket,^ the other Manomet.' That from Namasket was brought home partly by Indian women f but a great sickness arising amongst them, our own men were enforced to fetch home tlie rest. That at Manomct the Governor left in tlie sachim's custody.
This town lieth from us south, well near twenty miles, and stands upon a fresh river, which runneth into the bay of Nanohigganset,^ and cannot be less than sixty miles from thence. It wiU bear a boat of
* See note * on page 204. miles "with a hundred weight of ' The part of Sandwich, which lobsters at their backs ; in winter lies on Manomet river. F. they are their husbands* porters to '" It is almost incredible," says lug home their venison." See Roger Williams, ** what burthens Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149, iii. 212, the poor women carry of corn, of and Wood's New England's Pros- fish, of beans, of mats, and a child pect, partii. ch.20. besides." Gookin says, ** In their * This is called Manomet or removals from place to place, for BuzzanPs bay, though Winslow their fishing and limiting, the wo- seems lo mistake it for Narragan- mcn carry the greatest burthen." sett bay, which is near twenty And Wood says, '* In the summer leagues to the westward. Prince, they trudge home two or three p. 908.
306 BUZZARD'S BAY.
CHAP, eight or ten tons to this place. Hither the Dutch or
^ French, or both, use to come. It is from hence to the
1693. bay of Cape Cod, about eight miles ; ^ out of which ^' bay it floweth into a crook some six miles, almost direct towards the town. The heads of tlie river and tliis creek are not far distant. This river yieldeth, thus high, oysters,^ muscles, clams,^ and other shell- fish ; one in shape like a bean,^ another like a clam ; botli good meat, and great abundance at all times ; besides it aboundeth with divers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons.'
' ** This creek runs out easterly Rarities, p. 06, speaks of " clam,
into Cape Cod bay at Scassett har- or clamp, a kind of shell-fish, a
hour ; and this river runs out west- white muscle." Wood says, ch.
erly into Manomet bay. The dis- ix. *' clams or clamps is a shell-
tance overland from bay to bay is fish not much unlike a cockle ; it
but six miles. The creek and river lieth under the sand. These fishes
nearly meet in a low ground ; and be in great plenty. In some places
this is the place, through which of the country there be clams as big
there has been a talk of making as a pennv white-loaf." See Mass.
a canal, this forty years ; which Hist. Col. iii. 224, viii. 103, xiii.
would be a vast advantage to all 125, xxvi. 121, and Dr. Gould *sRe-
these countries, by saving the long port on the Molluscs of Mass. pp.
and dangerous navigation round 40 — 42, and 85, 86.
the Cape, and through the shoals * The razor-shell, (so/«n,) which
adjoining." Prince, p. 208, ^ A. D. very much resembles a bean pod,
1730.) Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122. or tho haft of a raxnr, both in sizo
' Oysters are still found in groat and shape. See Mass. IJist. Coll.
excellence and plenty in Sandwich, viii. 102. Jossolyn culls them
on the shores of Duzzard's bay. ** sfieath fish, which arc very plcn-
See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122. tiful, a delicate fish, as good as a
' The common clam, {mya are- prawn, covered with a thin shell
naria,) or perhaps the quahaug, like tlie sheath of a knife, and of
{venus mcrcenaria.) The English the color of a muscle." And Mor-
call the former the sand-gaper, the ton says, *' razor fishes there are."
word clam not being in use among ** The animal is cylindrical, and
thcni, and not to bo found in their is often used as an article of food
dictionaries. And yet it is men- under the name of long-clam, razor-
tioned by Captain Smith, in his fish, knife-handle, &c." See Dr.
Description of New England, print- Gould's Report on the Mollusca of
ed in 1016. Johnson, whose Won- Massachusetts, p. 29.
derworking Providence was pub- * In Manomet river, as well as
lished in 1654, speaks of ^^ dam- in Buzzard's and Buttermilk bays,
banks, a fish as big as horse-mus- are found fish of various kinds,
cles." Morton too, in his New such as bass, sheep's head, tautaug,
P^nglisli Canaan, (1037) mentions scuppaug, &c. See Mass. Hist,
them, and Jusselyn, (1G72) in his Cull. viii. 122.
CANAGUM.
307
The governor, or sachim, of this place was called chap.
Canacum ; ^ who had formerlyy as well as many others, 1
yea all with whom as yet we had to do, acknowledged ios3. themselves the subjects of our sovereign lord, the King. This sachim used the Governor very kindly ; and it seemed was of good respect and authority amongst the Indians. For whilst the Governor was there, within night, in bitter weather, came two men from Manamoick, before spoken of; and having set aside their bows and quivers, according to their manner, sat down by the fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when they would speak. At length they looked toward Canacum ; and one of tiiem made a short speech, and delivered a present to him from his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco and many beads, which the other received thankfully. After which he made a long speech to him ; the con- tents hereof was related to us by Hobbamock (who then accompanied the Governor for his guide,) to be as followeth. It happened that two of their men fell out, as they were in game, (for they use gaming as much as any where, and will play away all, even their skin from their backs,' yea their wives' skins also, though it may be they are many miles distant from tliem, as myself have seen,) and growing to great heat, the one killed
' He was the same as Cawna- coine, mentioned in note * on page 232.
• ** In their gamings,'* says Roger Williams, ** they will sometimes stake and lose their money, clothes, house, corn, and themselves, if sin- gle persons.'* Gookin says, ** They are addicted to gaming, and will, in that vein, play away all they
have.'* And Wood adds, «« They are so bewitched with these two games, that they will lose some- times all they have, beaver, moose skins, kettles, wampompeage, mow- hackios, hatchets, knives, all is con- fiscate by these two games." See Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 153, iii. 234, and Wood's New England's Pros- pect, part ii. ch. 14.
308 STANDISU AT YARMOUTH.
CHAP, the Other. The actor of this fact was a powah^ one > — 1 of special note amongst them, and such an one as they 16 2 3. could not well miss ; yet another people greater than tliemselves tlneatened tliem with war, if they would not put him to death. The party offending was in hold ; ncitlier would tlieir sachim do one way or odior till tlieir return, resting upon him for advice and fur- therance in so weighty a matter. After this there was silence a short time. At length, men gave their judg- ment what ttiey ttiouglit best. Amongst others, he asked Hobbamock what he thought ; who answered, lie was but a stranger to them ; but thought it was better that one should die than many, since he had deserved it, and the rest were innocent. Whereupon he passed the sentence of death upon him. Feb. Not long afler, having no great quantity of corn left, Captain Standish went again with a shallop to Mattachiest, meeting also witli the like extremity of weather, both of wind, snow, and frost ; insomuch as they were frozen in tlie harbour, the first night they entered the same. Here tliey pretended tlieir wonted love, and spared tliem a good quantity of com to con- firm the same. Strangers also came to tliis place, pre- tending only to see liim and his company, whom they never saw before diat time, but intending to join with die rest to kill them, as afler appeared. But being forced tlirough extremity to lodge in their houses, which tlicy much pressed, God possessed the heart of tlio Captain witli just jealousy, giving strait command, that as one part of his company slept, the rest should wake, declaring some things to them which he under- stood, whereof lie could make no good construction.
^ Poyoow^ a priest and medicine man.
STANDISH AT SCUSSBTT. 309
Some of the Indians, spying a fit opportunity, stole chap.
some beads also from him ; which he no sooner per- 1
ceived, having not above six men with him, drew them ^^^^^ all from the boat, and set them on their guard about the sachim's house, where the most of the people were ; 'threatening to fall upon them witliout further delay, if they would not forthwith restore them ; sig- nifying to the sacliim especially, and so to them all, that as he would not offer the least injury, so he would not receive any at their hands, which should escape without punishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon the sachim bestirred him to find out the party ; which, when he had done, caused him to return them again to the shallop, and came to the Captain, desiring him to search whether they were not about the boat; who, suspecting their knavery, sent one, who found them lying openly upon the boat's cuddy. Yet to appease his anger, they brought corn afresh to trade ; insomuch as he laded his shallop, and so departed. This acci- dent so daunted tlieir courage, as they durst not attempt any thing against him. So that, through the good mercy and providence of God, they returned in safety. At this place the Indians get abundance of bass both summer and winter ; for it being now Feb- ruary, they abounded with them.
In the beginning of March, having refreshed him- Mar. self, he took a shallop, and went to Manomet, to fetch home that which the Governor had formerly bought,* hoping also to get more from them ; but was deceived in his expectation, not finding that entertainment he found elsewhere, and tlio Governor had tlicrc received.
* It seems as if the Captain went up westward towards Manomet. into Scussett harbour, which goes Prince, p. 310.
0 WITUWAMAT.
tAP. The reason whereof, and of the treachery intended in ^ the place before spoken of, was not tlien known unto [ 2 3. us, but afterwards ; wherein may be observed the abundant mercies of God, working with his provi- dence for our good. Captain Standish being now far from the boat, and not above two or throe of our men witli him, and as many with the shallop, was not long at Canacum, the sachim's house, but in came two of the Massachuset men. The chief of them was called Wituwamat, a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly imbrued his hands in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his own valour, and derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, they died crying, making sour faces, more like children than men.
This villain took a dagger from about his neck, which he had gotten of Master Weston's people, and presented it to the sacliim ; and after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort, as the Captain, though he be the best hnguist amongst us,' could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was afterwards discovered to be as followeth. The Mas- sachcuseuks had formerly concluded to ruinate Mas- ter Weston's colony ; and thought themselves, being about thirty or forty men, strong enough to execute the same. Yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered more strength to themselves, to make their party good against us at Plymoutli ; con- cluding, that if we remained, though they had no other arguments to use against us, yet we would never leave the death of our countrymen unrevenged ; and there-
* In the Indian dialecls.
A CONSPIRACY AMONG THB INDIANS. 311
fore their safety could not be without the overthrow of chap.
XIX.
both plantations. To this end they had formerly soti- 1^
cited this sachim, as also the other, called lanough,^ ^u^^' at M attachiest, and many others, to assist them, and now again came to prosecute the same ; and since there was so fair an opportunity offered by the Cap- tain's presence, tliey thought best to make sure [of] him and his company.
After this his message was delivered, his entertain- ment much exceeded the Captain's ; insomuch as he scorned at their behaviour, and told them of it. After which they would have persuaded him, because the weather was cold, to have sent to the boat for the rest of his company ; but he would not, desiring, according to promise, that the corn might be carried down, and he would content the women * for their labor ; which they did. At the same time there was a lusty Indian of Paomet,' or Cape Cod, tlien present, who had ever demeaned himself well toward us, being in his general carriage very affable, courteous, and loving, especially towards the Captain. This savage was now entered into confederacy with the rest; yet, to avoid suspicion, made many signs of his continued affections, and would needs bestow a kettle of some six or seven gallons on him, and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof, saying he was rich and could afford to bestow such favors on his friends whom he loved. Also he would freely help to carry some of the corn, affirming he had never done the like in his life be- fore ; and the wind being bad, would needs lodge with
* Or lyanough. See note 'on 'Or Pamot, now called Truro, papre 215. See pages 135 and 139.
• See note * on page 305.
312 8TANDISH RRTURNS TO PLTMOUTH.
CHAP, him at their rendezvous, having indeed undertaken to
XIX.
!. kill him before they parted; which done, they in-
The night proved exceeding cold ; insomuch as the Captain could not take any rest, but eitlier walked, or turned himself to and fro at the fire. This the other observed, and asked wherefore he did not sleep as at other times ; who answered. He knew not well, but had no desire at all to rest. So that he then missed his opportunity.
The wind serving on tlie next day, they returned home, accompanied with the other Indian ; who used many arguments to persuade them to go to Paomet, where himself had much corn, and many other, the most whereof he would procure for us, seeming to sorrow for our wants. Once the Captain put forth with him, and was forced back by contrary wind; which wind serving for the Massachuset, was fitted to go thither. But on a sudden it altered again.
CHAPTER XX.
WINSLOW*S SECOND JOURNEY TO PACKANOKICK, TO VISIT
BIASSASOIT IN HIS SICKNESS.
During the timo that the Captain was at Manomct, chap. news came to Plymouth that Massassowat was Uke to — '^ die, and that at the same time there was a Dutch ship ij^a. driven so high on the shore by stress of weather, right before his dwelling, that till the tides increased, she could not be got off. Now it being a commendable manner of the Indians, when any, especially of note, are dangerously sick, for all that profess friendship to them to visit them in their extremity,^ either in their persons, or else to send some acceptable persons to them ; therefore it was thought meet, being a good and warrantable action, that as we had ever professed friendship, so we should now maintain the same, by observing this their laudable custom ; and the rather, because we desired to have some conference with the Dutch, not knowing when we should have so fit an opportunity. To that end, myself having formerly
* " All their refreshing in their very solemn, unless it he in infec-
sickness is the visit of friends and tioas diseases, and then all forsake
neighbours, a poor empty visit and them and fly." Roger Williams,
presence ; and yet indeed this is in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 236.
314 JOHN HAMPDEN NEVER IN AMERICA.
CHAP, been there, and understanding in some measure the .^^ Dutch tongue, the Governor again laid this service 162 3. upon myself, and fitted me with some cordials to ad- minister to him ; having one Master John Hamden,^ a gentleman of London, who then wintered witli us, and desired much to see the country, for my consort, and Hobbamock for our guide. So we set forward, i3t and lodged the first night at Namasket, where we had
friendly entertainment sd The next day, about one of the clock, we came to
day.
' It was conjectured by Belknap, visited the Grand Bank, and took Am. Biog. ii. 220, and has since his chance of frettinff to Plymouth been repeatedly asserted as a fact as he could. Now the Charity left by other writers, that this person London the last of April, 1622, and was the celebrated Enfflish patriot arrived at Plymouth tlie last of of the same name. But this is June. The visit to Massasoit took highly improbable. Hampden, who place in March, 1623, and after this was born in 1594, and married in no vessel sailed for England till 1610, was a member of the parlia- the Anne, September 10, in which ment which assembled in January, Winslow went home. Of course 1621, and was dissolved by James this " gentleman of London," must in 1622, under circumstances and have been absent at least eighteen in a juncture of affiurs which ren- months, which it is altogether im- dered it certain that a new parlia- probable that Hampden would have ment must soon be called. It is done, running the risk of not being not at all likely that a person in at home to stand for the next par- Hampden's circumstances, a man liament, to which he undoubtedly of family, wealth and considers- expected to be returned, as we know tion, would, meiely for the sake of he actually was. gratifying his curiosity, have left Besides, had this companion of England at this critical period, on Winslow been the great English a long voyage to another hemi- patriot, the silence of the early sphere, and run the risk of not Plymouth writers on the point is being at home at the issuing of the unaccountable. On publishing bis writs for a new parliament. For ** Good News from New England" the passage to America was at that immediately on his arrival in Lon- time precarious ; tho vessels were don, in 1G24, one object of which few, and tlio voya^u a luiif? ono ; was to recommend the now colony, so that a person who undertook it how gludly would Winslow havo couhl not rcasuiiahly calculate upon appealed for the correctness of his getting hack in nuich less tlian a statements to this member of par- year. Winslow's companion, who- liament who had passed more than ever he was, must have come in a year in their Plantation. How the Charity, which brought Wes- natural too would it have been for ton*s colony, unless we adopt the him to have mentioned the fact in improbable supposition that this his ** Brief Narration," published in '* gentleman of London " embarked 1646, only three years after the death in one of the fishing vessels that of the illustrious patriot. Bradford,
REPORTED DEATH OF MASSASOIT. 316
a ferry ^ in Conbatant's country, where, upon discharge chap.
of my piece, divers Indians came to us from a house 1
not far off. There they told us that Massassowat i/t^^-
Bfar.
was dead, and that day buried ; and that the Dutch would be gone before we could get thither, having hove off tlieir ship already. This news struck us blank, but especially Hobbamock, who desired we might return with all speed. I told him I would first think of it Considering now, that he being dead, Conbatant' was the most like to succeed him, and that we were not above three miles from Mattapuyst,* his dwelling-place, although he were but a hollow-
also, whose sympathies wore all Equally unfounded is the stata- with the popular party in England, ment that has gained so wide a in writing an elaborate history of currency and become incorporated the Colony, would not hare failed with the history of those times, to record the long residence among and is repeated in Lord Nuffent*8 them of one who, at the time he life of Hampden, that John Hamp- wrote, had become so distinguished den, in company with Cromwell, as the leader of that party in the Pym, and Hazelrig, had actually em- House of Commons. That his lost barked for America on board a fleet history contained no such passage in the Thames, in 1638, but were we may be certain ; for had it been detained by an order from the Priry there, it must have been quoted Council. Miss Aikin, in her Me- either by Prince or Morton, who moirs of Charles I., ch. xiii., was make so free use of it, both of the first to detect and expose this whom too mention tliis visit to Mas- error of the historians. — For some sasoit, and who would not have of the views in this note I am in- omitted a circumstance so honora- debted to the MS. suggestions of ble to the Colony. the learned editor of Governor Win- Again. Wins1ow*s companion throp*s History of New England, was "a gentleman of LondonV ' Probably the same which is now Now although John Hampden hap- called Slade*8 Ferry, in Swanzey. pened to be born in London, when Belknap*s Am. Biog. ii. 203. his father was in parliament in ' Conbatant or Corbitant, was the 1594, he was properly of Bucking- sachem of Pocasset, and was sub- hamshire. Winslow, who was him- ject to Massasoit. See Baylies* self of Worcestershire, if he knew rJymouth, ii. 232. who Hampden was, would not have ' A neck of land in the town- called him ** a gentleman of Lon- ship of Swnnzey, commonly pro- r/on;" and wo cannot 8U]>posc tliat nounccd Mattapoisct, now Gard- this English gentleman would have ner*s neck, situated between the spent 80 many months in the Colony Shawomct and Toweset necks. See without making himself known to Belknap's Am. Bio^. ii. 292, and its two leading men, Winslow and Baylies* Plymouth, li. 232, 234. Bradford.
316 lI00BAIfOCK*S CHARACTER OF MASSA80IT.
CHAP, hearted friend toward us, I thought no time so fit as — L this to enter into more friendly terms with him, and M^^' the rest of the sachims thereabout ; hoping, throu^ the blessing of God, it would be a means, in that unsettled state, to settle their aflections towards us ; and though it were somewhat dangerous, in respect of our personal safety, because myself and Hobbamock had been employed upon a service against him,^ which he might now fitly revenge ; yet esteeming it the best means, leaving tlie event to God in his mercy, I re- solved to put it in practice, if Master Ilamden and Hobbamock durst attempt it witli me ; whom I found willing to that or any other course might tend to the general good. So we went towards Mattapuyst.
In the way, Hobbamock, manifesting a troubled spirit, brake forth into these speeches : Neen womasu sagimusy neen womasu sagimus^ &c. ^< My loving sachim, my loving sachim ! Many have I known, but never any Uke thee." And turning him to me, said, whilst I lived, I should never see his Uke amongst the Indians ; saying, he was no liar, he was not bloody and cruel, like other Indians ; in anger and passion ho was soon reclaimed ; easy to bo reconciled towards such as had offended him ; ruled by reason in such measure as he would not scorn tlie advice of mean men ; and that he governed his men better with few strokes, than others did with many ; truly loving where he loved ; yea, he feared we had not a faithful friend left among the Indians; showing, how he ofttimes restrained their malice, &c., continuing a long speech, with such signs of lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, as it would have made the hardest heart relent.
* See page 220.
WINSLOW AT GARDNBRnS NECK, IN SWANZBT.
817
At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the chap.
sachimo comacoy^ for so they call the sachim's place, . ^
though they call an ordinary house mteo;^ but Con- i«83. batant, the sachim, was not at home, but at Puckano- kick, which was some five or six miles off. The sqiut- sachimy for so they call the sachim's wife, gave us friend- ly entertainment. Here we inquired again concerning Massassowat ; they thought him dead, but knew no certainty. Whereupon I hired one to go with all ex- pedition to Puckanokick, that we might know the certainty thereof, and withal to acquaint Conbatant with our there being. About half an hour before sun- setting the messenger returned, and told us that he was not yet dead, thougli there was no hope we should find him living. Upon this we were much revived, and set forward with all speed, though it was late within night ere we got thither. About two of the clock that afternoon, the Dutchmen departed ; so that in that respect our journey was frustrate.
When we came thitlier, we found the house so full of men, as we could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, making such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and therefore unlike to ease him that was sick.^ About
' ** Sachimmaacommock, a prince's house, which, according to their condition, is far different from the other house, both in capacity or receipt, and also the fineness and quality of their mats." Roger Wil- liams's Key, ch. xxii.
• WetUf or wigwam. See Galla- tin*8 Indian Vocabularies, in Am. Anliq. Soc. Coll. ii. 322.
* *• There are among them cer- tain men and women, whom they call powows. These are partly wiz-
ards and witches, holding familiari- ty with Satan, that evil one ; and partly are physicians, and make use, at least in show, of herbs and roots for curing the sick and dis- eased. These are sent for by the sick and wounded ; and by their diabolical spells, mutterings, ex- orcisms, they seem to do wonders. Thoy use extraordinary strange mo- tions of their bodies, insomuch that they will sweat until they foam ; and thus continue for some hours
318
WIMSLOW*S RECEPTION BY MASSASOIT.
CHAP, him were six or eight women, who chafed his arms, — '^ legs, and thighs, to keep heat in him. When they 162 3. had made an end of their charming, one told him that his friends, the English, were come to see him. Hav- ing understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, Who was come ? They told him Winsnow, for they cannot pronounce the letter /, but ordinarily n in the place thereof.^ . He desired to speak with me. When I came to him, and they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said twice, though very inwardly. Keen Winsnow ? which is to say, " Art thou Winslow ? " I answered, Ahhe^ that is. Yes. Then he doubled these words ; McMa neen wonckanet namen^ Winsnow ! that is to say, ^^ O Winslow, I shall never see thee again."
Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell Massassowat, that the Governor, hearing of his sick-
together, stroking and hovering over the sick." Gookin, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 154.
" PuwawSy priests. These do be- gin and order their service and in- vocation of their gods, and all the people follow, and join interchange- ably in a laborious bodily sorvico, unto sweating, especially of the priest, who spends himself in strange antic gestures and actions, even unto fainting. In sickness the priest comes close to the sick person, and performs many strange actions about him, and threatens and conjures out the sickness. 'J'ho poor people commonly die under their hanus ; for, alas, they admin- ister nothing, but howl and roar and hollow over them, and begin the song to the rest of the people, who all join like a choir in prayer to their gods for them.*' Roger Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 227, 237.
*' The manner of their action in
their conjuration is thus. The par- ties that are sick are brought before them ; the powow sitting down, the rest of the Indians give atten* tive audience to his imprecations and invocations, and a(\er the violent expression of many a hideous bel- lowing and groaning, ho makes a stop, and then all the auditors with one voice utter a short canto. Which done, the powow still pro- ceeds in his invocations, some- times roaring like a bear, other times groaning Uke a dying horse, foaming at the mouth like a chafed hour, smiling on his naked breast and thighs with such violence as if he were mad. Thus will he con- tinue soMtetimes half a day." Wood's New England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 12. See also Hutchin- son's Mass. i. 474.
* Wood says, ch. 18, ** They pro- nounce / and r in our English tongue, with much difliculiy, call- ing a lobster a nubslun." Yet
WINSLOW TENDS MA8SAS0IT. 319
ness, was sorry for tlie same ; and though, by reason chap. of many businesses, he could not come himself, yet he ..^^ sent me with such things for him as he thought most i^^^* likely to do him good in this his extremity;^ and whereof if he pleased to take, I would presently give him ; which he desired ; and having a confection of many comfortable conserves, &c., on the point of my knife I gave him some, which I could scarce get through his teeth. When it was dissolved in his mouth, he swallowed the juice of it ; whereat those that were about him much rejoiced, saying he had not swallowed any thing in two days before. Then 1 desired to see his mouth, which was exceedingly furred, and his tongue swelled in such a manner, as it was not possible for him to eat such meat as they had, his passage being stopped up. Then 1 washed his mouth, and scraped his tongue, and got abundance of corruption out of tlie same. After which I gave him more of the confection, which he swallowed with more readiness. Then he desiring to drink, I dissolved some of it in water, and gave him thereof. Within half an hour this wrought a great alteration in him, in
Roger Williams states, that ** al- ■ " When they are sick, their though some pronounce not / nor r, misery appears, that they hare yet It is the most proper dialect of not, but what sometimes they get other places, contrary to many re- from the English, a raisin or cur- ports ; " and Eliot, in his Indian rant, or any physic, fruit, or spice. Grammar, says, ** These conso- or any comfort more than their nants, i^ n, r^ have such a natural com and water, &c. In which coincidence, that it is an eminent bleeding case, wanting all means variation of their dialects. We of recovery or present refreshing, Massachusetts Dronounce the n ; I have been constrained, to and be- the Nipmuk Indians pronounce / ; yond my power, to refresh them, and and the Northern Indians pronounce to save many of them from death, r. As instance : who I am confident perish many We say Anum | millions of them, in that mighty Nipmuck, Afum > A Dog." continent, for want of means.*' Ro- Northern, Arum ) gcr Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. Sec Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 223, xiz. lii. 330. 248.
320 WINSLOW SENDS TO PL7M0UTH FOR IIEDICINE.
CHAP, the eyes of all that beheld him. Presently ader his
1* sight began to come to him, which gave him and us
16 33. good encouragement. In the mean time I inquired how he slept, and when he went to stool. They said he slept not in two days before, and had not had a stool in five. Then I gave him more, and told him of a mishap we had by the way, in breaking a bottle of drink, which the Governor also sent him, saying if he would send any of his men to Patuxet, I would send for more of the same ; also for chickens to make him broth, and for other things, which I knew were good for him ; and would stay the return of his messenger, if he desired. This he took marvellous kindly, and appointed some, who were ready to go by two of the clock in the morning ; against which time I made ready a letter, declaring therein our good success, the state of his body, &c., desiring to send me such things as I sent for, and such physic as the surgeon durst administer to him.
He requested me, that the day following, I would take my piece, and kill him some fowl, and make him some English pottage, such as he had eaten at Ply- mouth ; which I promised. After, his stomach coming to him, I must needs make him some without fowl, before 1 went abroad, which somewhat troubled me, being unaccustomed and unacquainted in such busi- nesses, especially having nothing to make it comforta- ble, my consort being as ignorant as myself; but being we must do somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some corn, and take the flour from it, and set over the grit, or broken corn, in a pipkin, for they have earthen pots 3d of all sizes.^ When the day broke, we went out, it
day. •'
' See note ' on page 144.
WINSLOW MAKES BROTH FOR THE SICK SACHEM. 321
being now March, to seek herbs, but could not find chap
any but strawberry leaves, of which I gathered a hand- ^
ful, and put into the same ; and because I had nothing 1693. to reUsh it, I went forth again, and puUed up a sassa- fras root, and sUced a piece thereof, and boiled it, till it had a good relish, and then took it out again. The broth being boiled, I strained it through my handker- chief, and gave him at least a pint, which he drank, and liked it very well. After this his sight mended more and more ; also he had three moderate stools, and took some rest ; insomuch as we with admiration blessed God for giving his blessing to such raw and ignorant means, making no doubt of his recovery, himself and all of them acknowledging us the instru- ments of his preservation.
That morning he caused me to spend in going from one to another amongst those that were sick in the town, requesting me to wash their mouths also, and give to each of them some of the same I gave him, saying they were good folk. This pains I took with willingness, though it were much offensive to me, not being accustomed with such poisonous savours. After dinner he desired me to get him a goose or duck, and make him some pottage therewith, with as much speed as I could. So I took a man with me, and made a shot at a couple of ducks, some six score paces off, and killed one, at which he wondered. So we returned forthwith and dressed it, making more broth there- with, which he much desired. Never did I see a man so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hob- bamock I^nust take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if he did eat it. This he
322 MASSASorr QiiADUAixr recovers.
CHAP, acquainted M assassowat thcrowitli, who would not be — '^ persuaded to it, though I pressed it very much, show- 1623. ing the strength thereof, and the weakness of his sto- mach, which could not possibly bear it. Notwitii- standing, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as much as would well have satisfied a man in health. About an hour after he began to be very sick, and straining very much, cast up the broth again ; and in overstrain- ing himself, began to bleed at the nose, and so con- tinued the space of four hours. Then they all wished he had been ruled, concluding now he would die, which we much feared also. They asked me what 1 thought of him. I answered, his case was desperate, yet it might be it would save his life ; for if it ceased in time, he would forthwith sleep and take rest, which was the principal thing he wanted. Not long after his blood stayed, and he slept at least six or eight hours. When he awaked, I washed his face, and bathed and suppled his beard and nose with a Hnen cloth. But on a sud- den he chopped his nose in the water, and drew up some therein, and sent it forth again with such vio- lence, as he began to bleed afresh. Then they thought there was no hope ; but wo perceived it was but the tenderness of his nostril, and therefore told them I thought it would stay presently, as indeed it did.
The messengers were now returned ; but finding his stomach come to him, he would not have the chickens killed, but kept them for breed. Neither durst we give him any physic, which was then sent, because his body was so much altered since our instructions; neither saw we any need, not doubting now of his re- covery, if he were careful. Many, whilst wc were there, came to see him ; some, by their report, from a
MASSASOIT REVEALS AN INDUN PLOT. 323
place not less than an hundred miles. To all that chap. came one of his chief men related the manner of his J — 1- sickness, how near he was spent, how amongst others ^^^^' his friends the English came to see him, and how sud- denly they recovered him to this strength they saw, he being now able to sit upright of himself.
The day before our coming, another sachim being there, told him that now he might see how hollow- hearted the English were, saying if we had been such friends in deed, as we were in show, we would have visited him in this his sickness, using many arguments to witlidraw his affections, and to persuade him to give way to some tilings against us, which were motioned to him not long before. But upon this his recovery, he brake fordi into these speeches : Now I see the English are my friends and love me ; and whilst I Uve, I will never forget this kindness they have showed me. Whilst we were there, our entertainment exceeded all other strangers'. Divers other things were worthy the noting ; but 1 fear I have been too tedious.
At our coming away, he called Hobbamock to him, ^th and privately (none hearing, save two or three other of his pnieses,^ who are of his council) revealed the plot of the Massacheuseucks, before spoken of, against Master Weston's colony, and so against us ; saying that the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succonet,^ Mattachiest, Manomet, Agowaywam,^ and the isle of Capawack,* were joined with them ; himself also in his sickness was earnestly solicited, but he would neither join therein, nor give way to any of his. Therefore, as we
' The same as pinsc. See page * Or Agawam, part of Ware-
288. ham.
* Sokones, or Succoniissct, now * Martha's Vineyard, called Falmouth.
324 WINSLOW LODGES WITH CORBITANT.
CHAP, respected the lives of our countrymen, and our own — 1^ after safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massa- 1 63 3. chuset, who were the authors of this intended mischief. And whereas we were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began ; if, said he, upon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when their countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they being not able to defend themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their Uves ; nay, through the multitude of adversaries, they shall with great diffi- culty preserve their own ; and therefore he counselled without delay to take away the principals, and tlien the plot would cease. With this he charged him thoroughly to acquaint me by the way, that I might inform the Governor thereof, at my first coming home. Being fitted for our return, we took our leave of him ; who returned many dianks to our Governor, and also to ourselves for our labor and love ; the like did all that were about him. So we departed.
That night, through the earnest request of Conba- tant, who till now remained at Sawaams,' or Puckano- kick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way I had much conference with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when the Uke are returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in case he were thus danger- ously sick, as M assassowat had been, and should send word thereof to Patuxet for maskiet^ that is, physic, whether then Mr. Governor would send it ; and if he would, whether I would come therewith to him. To
* See note ' oq page 208. sic." Roger Williams's Key, in
' ** Maskitt give me some phy- U. I. Hist. Coll. i. 159.
HIS CONVERSATION WITH THE SACHEM. 326
both which I answered, Yea ; whereat he gave me chap.
many joyful thanks. After that, being at his house, L
he demanded further, how we durst, being but two, ^ « « 3,
JnLKT*
come so far into the country. I answered, where was true love, there was no fear ; and my heart was so upright towards them, that for mine own part I was fearless to come amongst them. But, said he, if your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how Cometh it to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, with the mouths of your pieces presented towards us ? Whereupon I answered, it was tlie most honorable and respective entertain- ment we could give tliem ; it being an order amongst us so to receive our best respected friends ; and as it was used on the land, so the ships observed it also at sea, which Hobbamock knew and had seen observed. But shaking the head, he answered, that he liked not such salutations.
Further, observing us to crave a blessing on our meat before we did eat, and after to give thanks for the same, he asked us, what was the meaning of that ordinary custom. Hereupon I took occasion to tell them of God's works of creation and preservation, of his laws and ordinances, especiaUy of the ten com- mandments ; all which they hearkened unto with great attention, and liked well of; only the seventh com- mandment they excepted against, thinking there were many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied to one woman ; about which we reasoned a good time. Also I told them, that whatsoever good things we had, we received from God, as the author and giver thereof; and therefore craved his blessing upon that we had, and were about to eat, that it might nourish and
326 WINSLOW RETURNS TO PLYMOUTH.
CHAP. Strengthen our bodies ; and having eaten sufficient, — L being satisfied therewith, we again returned thanks to 1^23. the same our God, for that our refreshing, &c. This all of them concluded to be very well ; and said, they believed almost all the same things, and that the same power that we called God, they called Kiehtan.^ Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which would be too tedious to relate, yet was no less delightful to them, than comfortable to us. Here we remained only that night, but never had better enter- tainment amongst any of tliem. 5th The day following, in our journey, Hobbamock told me of the private conference he had with Massasso- wat, and how he charged him perfectly to acquaint me therewith, as I showed before ; which having done, he used many arguments himself to move us there- unto. That night we lodged at Namasket ; and the 6th day following, about the mid-way between it and ^^' home, we met two Indians, who told us, that Captain Standish was that day gone to the Massachusets. But contrary winds again drove him back ; so that we found him at home ; where the Indian of Paomet still was, being very importunate that the Captain should take the first opportunity of a fair wind to go with him. But their secret and villanous purposes being, through God's mercy, now made known, the Governor caused Captain Standish to send him away, without any distaste or manifestation of anger, that we might th(3 better effect and bring to pass that which should be thought most necessary.
* ** Ketan is their good God, to cate for fair weather, for rain in
whom they sacrifice after their time of drought, and for the reco-
garners be full with a good crop, very of their sick.** Wood's New
Upon this God likewise they invo- England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 12.
CHAPTER XXI.
OP STANDISH'S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE INDIANS OP WESSA- GUSSET, AND THE BREAKING UP OP WESTOM*S COLONY
AT THAT PLACE.
Before this journey we heard many complaints, chap.
botli by tlie Indians, and some others of best desert 1>
amongst Master Weston's colony, how exceedingly i^9d. their company abased themselves by undirect means, to get victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not far from them, fetching them wood and water, &c. and all for a meal's meat ; whereas, in the mean time, they might with diligence have gotten enough to have served them three or four times. Other by night brake the earth, and robbed the Indians' store ; for which they had been publicly stocked and whipped, and yet was there small amendment. This was about the end of February ; at which time they had spent all Feb. their bread and corn, not leaving any for seed, neither would the Indians lend or sell them any more upon any terms. Hereupon they had thoughts to take it by violence ; and to that spiked up every entrance into their town, being well impaled, save one, with a full resolution to proceed. But some more honestly minded advised John Sanders, their overseer, first to
328 A MBSSBNGBR FROM WGSTON'S COLONY.
CHAP, write to Plymouth ; and if the Governor advised him
1- thereunto, he might the better do it. This course was
1^2 3. ^ell Uked, and an Indian was sent with all speed with a letter to our Governor, the contents whereof were to diis effect; that being in great want, and their people daily falling down, he intended to go to Mun- higgen, where was a plantation of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, to buy bread from the ships that came thither a fishing, with the first opportunity of wind ; but knew not how the colony would be preserved till his return. He had used all means both to buy and borrow of Indians, whom he knew to be stored, and he thought maliciously withheld it, and therefore was resolved to take it by violence, and only waited the return of the messenger, which he desired should be hastened, craving his advice therein, promising also to make restitution afterward. The Governor, upon the re- ceipt hereof, asked the messenger what store of corn they had, as. if he had intended to buy of them ; who answered, very little more than that they reserved for seed, having already spared all they could.
Fortliwitli tlie Governor and his Assistant sent for many of us to advise with them heroin ; who, after seri- ous consideration, no way approving of this intended course, the Governor answered his letter, and caused many of us to set our hands thereto ; the contents whereof were to this purpose. We altogether disliked their intendment, as being against the law of God and nature, showing how it would cross the worthy ends and proceedings of the King's Majesty, and his honor- able Council for this place, both in respect of the peace- able enlarging of his Majesty's dominions, and also of the propagation of the knowledge and law of God, and
THE PILGRIMS* ADVICE TO WESTON'S COLONY. 329
tlio glad tidings of salvation, which we and tliey were chap. bound to seek, and were not to use such means as ^ — i would breed a distaste in the salvages against our per- ^^^' sons and professions, assuring them their master would "* incur much blame hereby, neither could they answer the same. For our own parts, our case was almost the same witli tlieirs, having but a small quantity of corn leil, and were enforced to live on ground-nuts, clams, muscles, and such other things as naturally the country afforded, and which did and would maintain strength, and were easy to be gotten ; all which things they had in great abundance, yea, oysters^ also, which we wanted ; and therefore necessity could not be said to constrain thciti tiicrcunto. Moreover, tliat they should consider, if they proceeded tlicrein, all they could so get would maintain them but a small time, and then they must perforce seek their food abroad; which, having made the Indians their enemies, would be very difficult for them, and therefore much better to begin a little the sooner, and so continue tlieir peace ; upon which course tliey might with good conscience desire and expect the blessing of God ; whereas on the con- trary they could not.
Also that tliey should consider their own weakness, being most swelled, and diseased in their bodies, and therefore the more unlikely to make their party good against them, and that they should not expect help from us in that or any the like unlawful actions. Lastly, tliat howsoever some of them miglit escape, yet the
' Morton Mys, in Lis N<!W Knp- ^opw an oyslcr ]»nnk a in'lo in
li^li Cannan, cli. vii. ** There arc Irnplli. MurcIch there arc infinite
prrat Ptoro of oysters in the en- store. I have often pone to VVes-
tranee of all rivrrs. Thry arr not pnmisens, wliere were excellent
round, as those of Kuplnnd, hut ex- ninselcs lo eat, (for variety,) the
collcnt fat and all good. I have fish is so fat and large.'*
330 WESTON'S AGENT COMES TO PLYMOUTH.
CHAP, principal agents should expect no better tlian the gal-
'^ lows, whensoever any special officer should be sent
1623. over by his Majesty, or his Council for New England, which we expected, and who would undoubtedly call tliem to account for die same. These were the con- tents of our answer, which was directed to their whole colony. Another particular letter our Governor sent to John Sanders, showing how dangerous it would be for him above all others, being he was their leader and commander; and therefore in friendly manner advised him to desist.
With these letters we dispatched the messenger; upon the receipt whereof they altered their determina- tion, resolving to shift as they could, till the return of John Sanders from Munhiggen ; who first coming to Plymouth, notwithstanding our own necessities, tlie Governor spared him some corn, to carry them to Munhiggen. But not having sufficient for the ship's store, he took a shallop, and leaving others with in- structions to oversee things till his return, set forward Feb. about the end of February ; so that he knew not of this conspiracy of the Indians before his going. Neither was it known to any of us till our return from Sawaams, or Puckanokick ; at which time also another sachim, called Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest, the sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for par- taking with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to purge himself, revealed the same thing. Mar. The three and twentieth of March being now come, ^^' which is a yearly court day, the Governor, having a double testimony, and many circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof, not being* to undertake war
' Tlio word inclined or disposed seems to have been accidenlally omitted.
A GENERAL COURT HELD. S31
without the consent of the body of the company, made chap.
known the same in pubUc court, offering it to the con- 1>
sideration of the company, it being high time to come ^^^^ to resolution, how sudden soever it seemed to them, sd. ' fearing it would be put in execution before we could give any intelligence thereof. This business was no less troublesome than grievous, and the more, because it is so ordinary in these times for men to measure tilings by the events tliereof ; but especially for that we knew no means to deliver our countrymen and pre- serve ourselves, than by returning their maUcious and cruel purposes upon their own heads, and causing them to fall into the same pit they had digged for others ; though it much grieved us to shed the blood of those whose good we ever intended and aimed at, as a prin- cipal in all our proceedings. But in the end we came to this public conclusion, that because it was a matter of such weight as every man was not of sufficiency to judge, nor fitness to know, because of many other In- dians, which daily, as occasion serveth, converse with us ; therefore the Governor, his Assistant, and the Cap- tain, should take such to themselves as they thought most meet, and conclude thereof. Which done, we came to this conclusion, that Captain Standish should take so many men, as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the Indians in the Massachu- set bay ; and because, (as all men know that have to do with them in that kind,) it is impossible to deal with them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay for others, therefore he should pre- tend trade, as at other times ; but first go to the Eng- lish, and acquaint them with the plot, and the end of his own coming ; that comparing it with their carriages
332
STANDISH'S ARMV.
CHAP, towards them, ho might the better judge of the certain-
'^ ty of it, and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the
1^33. same ; but should forbear, if it were possible, till such time as he could make sure [of] Wituwamat, that bloody and bold villain before spoken of ; whose head he had order to bring with him, that he might be a warning and terror to all of that disposition.
Upon this Captain Standish made choice of eight men, and would not take more, because he would pre- vent jealousy, knowing their guilty consciences would Mar. soon be provoked thereunto. Hut on the next day, before he could go, came one * of Mr. Weston's com- pany by land unto us, with his pack at his back, who made a pitiful narration of their lamentable and weak estate, and of the Indians' carriages, whose boldness increased abundantly ; insomuch as the victuals they got, they would take it out of their pots, and cat before their faces ; yea, if in any thing tliey gainsaid them, they were ready to hold a knife at their breasts ; that to give them content, since John Sanders went to Munhiggen, they had hanged ^ one of them that stole
I Morton says, *' this man's name was Phinehas Prat, who has penned the particulars of his perilous journey, and some other things relating to this tragedy." Huhbard states that he was living in 1677, at the time he was writ- ing his History of New England. In 1062 the General Court of Mas* sacliusctls, in answer to a petition of Pliinehas Prat, then of Charles- town, which was accompanied ** with a narrative of the straits and hardships that the first plant- ers of this Colony underwent in their endeavours to plant them- selves at Plymouth, and since, whereof he was one, the Court judgeih it meet to grant him 300 acres of land, wheio it is to be had.
not hindering a plantation." At the Court held May 3, 1665, it was ordered that land bo laid out for Prat, *' in the wilderness on the east of the Merrimack river, near the upper end of Nacook [Penna- cookl] brook, on the southeast of it." Prat married in 1630, at Ply- mouth, a daughter of Cuthbert Culhbcrtson. His heirs had grants of land in Abington subsequent to 1672. Prake says that a(Ycr long search he has not been able to dis- cover Prat's narrative. It was probably never printed. See Mor- ton's Memorial, p. 00 ; Drake's Book of the Indians, b. ii. 35 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. XV. 78, xvii. 122.
* The notorious Thomas Morton, of Merry Mount, in liis Now Eng-
WRETCHED STATE OF WESTON'S COLONY. 333
their corn, and yet they regarded it not ; that another chap.
of their company was turned salvage ; that tlieir people . ^
had most forsaken the town, and made their rendezvous i o 8 3. where they got their victuals, because they would not take pains to bring it home ; that they had sold their clothes* for com, and were ready to starve both with cold and hunger also, because they could nbt endure to get victuals by reason of their nakedness ; and that they were dispersed into three companies, scarce hav- ing any powder and shot left. What would be the
lish Canaan, b. iii. ch. 4, which was made was liked of every one, and
published in 1G37, is the first writer he entreated to proceed to show the
who mentions a ludicrous fable moans how this may be performed,
connected with this execution, Says ho, ' You all agree that one
which has been made the occasion must die ; and one shall die. This
of some reproach on the first plant- young man*s clothes we will take
era of New England. After relat- off, and put upon one that is old
ing the settlement of Weston *8 col- and impotent, a sickly person that
ony at Weymouth, he mentions cannot escape death ; such is the
that one of them stole the corn of disease on him confirmed, that die
an Indian, and upon his complaint he must. Put the young man*s
was brought before '' a parliament clothes on this man, and let the
of all the people " to consult what sick person be hanged in the other's
punishment should be inflicted on stead.' 'Amen,' says one, and so
him. It was decided that this say many more. And this had
ofience, which might have been liked to have proved their final
settled by the gift of a knife or a sentence ; but that one, with a ra-
string of beads, " was felony, and Tcnous Toice, begun to croak and
by the laws of England, punished bellow for revenge, and put by that
with death ; and this must be put conclusive motion, alleging such
in execution, fur an example, and deceits might be a means hereafter
likewise to appease the salvager to exasperate the minds of the com-
When sttaightways one arose, plaining salvages, and that by his
moved as it were with some com- death the salvages should see their
passion, and said he could not well zeal to justice ; and therefore he
ffainsay the former sentence, yet should die. This was concluded ; "
he had conceived within the com- and they " hanged him up hard
pass of his brain an embryon, that by.*'
was of special consequence to bo This story of the unscrupulous
delivered and cherished. He said Morton furnished Butler with the
that it would most aptly serve to materials out of which he const ruct-
pacify the salvage's complaint, and ed the following fable in his Hudi-
save the life of one that might, if bras, part. ii. canto ii. line 400.
need should be, stand them in good ..^ ^ .^ , ^, « . ^
.•>.j u^:~^ - ^ J * Ha "Our brethren of New En gin nd Ui«
Stead, bemg young and strong, lit choica m«i«.nicioni lo eicu'e,
for resistance against an enemy, And imnx the rniiuets in their ctend,
which might come unexpected, for ^[ .^'Jirilin^'l'lH *"'!«'«? iT "**** '
. . ^ , , „',, ' . An lately happened. In n t<>\vn,
any thing they knew. 1 he oration There lived a cobbler and but one,
334
STANDISH PROCEEDS TO WEYMOUTH.
CHAP, event of these things he said he much feared : and
XXI. *
L therefore not daring to stay any Ibnger among them,
16 33. tliough he knew not the way, yet adventured to come to us ; partly to make known their weak and danger- ous estate, as he conceived, and partly to desire he might there remain till things were better settled at the other* plantation. As tliis relation was grievous to us, so it gave us good encouragement to proceed in our intcndihents, for which Captain Standish was now fitted ; and the wind coming fair, the next day set forth for the Massachusets. The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man ;
Mar. 25.
That oat of doctrine could cut on, And mend men** lives m well m thoei. Tbii preciou* brother hnvlng eliiin, In timet of peace, an Indian,
I Not out of malice, but mere seal, lecaiiae he wan an Infidel,) I'he mighty Tutlpntymoy Bent to our elder* an envoy, Cttaiplahiing enrely of the breach or league, held fortli, by bruther Patch, Against the artlrles in force Between both churches, his and ours : For which be craved the saints to tender Into his hands, or hang the offender. Hut they, nuiturely liaviiig wnlaiied, Tliey had no more but him of the trade, A man tiiat served them In a double C^apacily, to teach and cf»bhle, Restilved to simre him ; yet to do Tiie Indian lliiffhgnn Moghgnn, too, Ini|mrliai iiif4ice, in his etead did I lung an old weaver, titat was bed -rid."
It will bo observed ibat Morton mentions tbis substitution merely as tbe suggestion of an individual, which was rejected by the compa- ny. Even had it been adopted by them, and canied into execution, it would not have implicated the Plymouth people at all, nor cast the leabt slur on their characters or principles. For Weston's colony was entirely distinct from theirs, and composed of a very different set of men. Their character, as portrayed by Weston himself, and by Cushman and Pierce, before they came over, may be seen in note ' on page 200, to which the reader is particularly requested to
refer. Mortoo himself calls " many of them lazy persons, that would use no endeavour to take the benefit of the country." As Belknap says, ** they were a set of needy adven- turers, intent only on gaining a subsistence." They did not come over from any religious scruples, or with any religious purpose. There is no evidence that they had any church at all ; they certainly were not Puritans. Neal says, in his Hist, of New England, i. 103, that Weston obtained a patent under pretence of propagating the disci- pline of the Church of England in America.
Grahame, i. 198, falls into an er- ror in attributing this execution to Gorges*s colony, which settled at the same place in the autumn of the same year ; and Drake, b. ii. 34, errs in saying that Morton was one of Woston*s company. Morton did not come over till March, 1035, in company with Wollaston, and set- tled with him not at Weymouth, but in Quincy. See Prince, pp. 221, 231. The accurate Hutchin- son, i. 0, should not have made a fact out of the careless Hubbard's supposition, which the latter men- tions as barely ** possible.'' See Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 77.
AN INDIAN SPY ARRESTED. 335
and suspecting his coming to us, as we conceive, sent chap. one after him, and gave out there that he would never ^. — 1 come to Patuxct, but that some wolves or b6ars would ^^^^' eat him. But we know, both by our own experience, and the reports of otliers, that though they find a man sleeping, yet so soon as there is life discerned, they fear and shun him. This Indian missed him but very little ; and missing him, passed by the town and went to Manomet ; whom we hoped to take at his return, as afterward we did. Now was our fort made fit for ser- vice, and some ordnance mounted ; and though it may seem long work, it being ten months since it begun, yet we must note, that where so great a work is begun witli such small means, a little time cannot bring [it] to perfection. Beside, tliose works which tend to tlie preservation of man, the enemy of mankind will hinder, what in him lieth, sometimes blinding the judgment, and causing reasonable men to reason against their own safety ; as amongst us divers seeing the work prove tedious, would have dissuaded from proceeding, flat- tering themselves with peace and security, and account- ing it rather a work of superfluity and vainglory, than simple necessity. But God, whose providence hath waked, and, as I may say, watched for us whilst we slept, having determined to preserve us from these intended treacheries, undoubtedly ordained this as a special means to advantage us and discourage our adversaries, and therefore so stirred up the hearts of the governors and other forward instruments, as the work was just made serviceable against this needful and dangerous time, though we ignorant of the same. Jiut that I may proceed, the Inchan last mentioned, in his return from Manomet, came through tlic town,
336 STANDISH ARRIVES AT WEYMOUTH.
CHAP, pretending still friendship and in love to see us ; but
^ .^ as formerly others, so his end was to see whether we
1623. continued still in health and strength, or fell into weakness, like their neighbours ; which they hoped and looked for, (though God in mercy provided better for us,) and he knew would be glad tidings to his countrymen. But here the Governor stayed him ; and sending for him to the fort, there gave the guard charge of him as their prisoner ; where he told him he must be contented to remain till the return of Captain Standish from the Massachusets. So he was locked in a chain to a staple in the court of guard, and there kept. Thus was our fort hanselled,^ this being the first day, as I take it, that ever any watch was tliere kept The Captain, being now come to the Massachusets, went first to the ship ; but found neither man, or so much as a dog therein. Upon the discharge of a musket, the master and some others of the plantation showed themselves, who were on the shore gathering ground-nuts, and getting other food. Afler salutation, Captain Standish disked them how they durst so leave the ship, and live in such security ; who answered, like men senseless of their own misery, they feared not the Indians, but lived and suflered them to lodge with them, not having sword or gun, or needing the same. To which the Captain answered, if there were no cause, he was the gladder. But, upon further in- quiry, understanding that those in whom John Sanders had reposed most special confidence, and left in his stead to govern the rest, were at the plantation, thither he went; and, to be brief, made known the Indians'pur- * pose, and the end of his own coming, as also, (which
^ Hansel, to use for the first time.
PECKSUOT. 337
formerly I omitted,) that if afterward they durst not ^^^.p*
there stay, it was the intendment of the governors and ^
people of Plymouth there to receive them, till they ^S^^ could be better provided ; but if they conceived of any other course, that might be more likely for their good, that himself should further them therein to the utter- most of his power. These men, comparing other cir- cumstances with that they now heard, answered, they could expect no better ; and it was God's mercy that they were not killed before his coming ; desiring there- fore that he would neglect no opportunity to proceed. Hereupon he advised them to secrecy, yet withal to send special command to one third of their company, that were fartliest off, to come home, and there enjoin them on pain of death to keep the town, himself allow- ing them a pint of Indian corn to a man for a day, though that store he had was spared out of our seed. The weather proving very wet and stormy, it was the longer before he could do any thing.
In the mean time an Indian came to him, and brought some furs, but rather to gather what he could from the Captain, than coming then for trade ; and though the Captain carried things as smoothly as pos- sibly he could, yet at his return he reported he saw by his eyes that he was angry in his heart ; and therefore began to suspect themselves discovered. This caused one Pecksuot, who was a pniese,^ being a man of a notable spirit, to come to Hobbamock, who was then with them, and told him, he understood that the Cap- tain was come to kill himself and the rest of the sal- vages there. " Tell him," said he, " we know it, but fear him not, neither will we shun him ; but let him
' The same as pinse, on page 288.
An
338 INSOLENCE OP PECKSUOT AND WITUWAMAT.
CHAP, bemn when he dare, he shall not take us at unawares.''
XXI
L Many times after, divers of them severally, or few
169 3. together, came to the plantation to him ; where tliey would whet and sharpen the points of their knives be- fore his face, and use many other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst the rest Wituwaniat bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the handle there was pictured a woman's face ; " but," said he, ^^ I have another at home, wherewith I have killed both French and English, and that hath a man's face on it ; and by and by these two must marry." Further he said of that knife he there had, Hinnaim nameriy hinnaim michen^ matta cuts ; that is to say. By and by it should see, and by and by it should eat, but not speak. Also Pecksuot, being a man of greater stature than the Captain,^ told him, though he were a great captain, yet he was but a little man ; and, said he, though I be no sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These things the Captain observed, yet bare with patience for the present.
On the next day, seeing he could not get many of them together at once, and this Pecksuot and Witu- wamat both together, with another man, and a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to Wituwamat, and, villain-like, trod in his steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and having about as many of his own company in a room with them, gave the word to his men, and the door being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and snatching his own knife from his neck, though with much struggling, killed him therewith, the point where-
' Standish is said to have been a page 126, and Mass. Ilist. Coll. xv. man of sliort stature. Sec note on 111, and xviii. 121.
SEVEN INDIANS SLAIN.
339
of be had made as sharp as a needle, and ground the chap.
back also to an edge. Wituwamat and the other man L
the rest killed, and took the youth, whom the Captain 1093. caused to be hanged. But it is incredible how many wounds these two pineses received before they died, not making any fearful noise, but catching at their weapons and striving to the last. Hobbamock stood by all this time as a spectator, and meddled not, ob- serving how our men demeaned themselves in tliis action. All being here ended, smiling, he brake forth into these speeches to the Captain : "Yesterday Peck- suot, bragging of his own strength and stature, said, though you were a great captain, yet you were but a little man ; but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground." But to proceed ; tliere being some women at }he same time. Captain Standish left them in the custody of Mr. Weston's people at the town, and sent word to another company, that had intelligence of things, to kill those Indian men that were amongst them. These killed two more. Him- self also with some of his own men went to another place, where they killed another ; and through the negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who dis- covered and crossed their proceedings.*
' Wlicn llic news t»f the first In- flians hv'mfT killnl by StntHlisli at Wcymouili reached Mr. Robinson , their pastor, at Ley den, he wrote to the chtirch at Plymouth, Decem- ber 19, 1023, ** to consider the dis- position of their Captain, who was of a wnrm temper. He hoped the liord had sent him among them f«)r pood, if they used hiiu right; hilt ho doubled where there was ii<»t wanting that tenderness of tho life of man, made after God's image, which was meet ; " and he con-
chides with saying, ** O how happy a thing had it been that you had converted some before you killed any ! " Prince adds, " It is to be hoped that Squanto was converted.** It seems Standish was not of their church at first, and Hubbard says he had more of his education in the school of Mars than in the school of Christ. Judge Davis remarks, " These sentiments aro honorable to Mr. Robinson ; they indicate a generous philanthropy, which must always gain our aficction, and
340 TWO OP W£S1H)N'S MEN KILLED.
CHAP. Not lonff before this execution, three of Mr. Wes-
XXI
J> ton's men, which more regarded their bellies than any
1693. command or commander, having formerly fared well with the Indians for making them canoes, went again to the sachim to offer their service, and had entertain- ment. The first night they came thither, within night, late came a messenger with all speed, and de- livered a sad and short message. Whereupon all the men gathered together, put on their boots and breeches, trussed up themselves, and took their bows and arrows and went forth, telling tliem they went a hunting, and that at their return they should have venison enough. Being now gone, one being more ancient and wise than the rest, calling former things to mind, especially the Captain's presence, and tlie strait charge that on pain of dcath^ none should go a musket shot from tlie plantation, and comparing this sudden departure of theirs therewith, began to dislike and wish himself at home again, which was further off than divers other dwelt. Hereupon he moved his fellows to return, but could not persuade them. So there being none but women left, and the other that was turned salvage, about midnight came away, for- saking the paths, lest he should be pursued ; and by this means saved his life. /
should ever be cherished. Still little doubt. It is certain that they tlio truiisnctions to which the stric- were fully persuaded of its exist- turos rclule, are dcfcnsililu. As cncu, and with tho terrihlu uxaiu- to Staiidish, Hclkiiap places his plo of tho Virginia massacre iu defence un the rules of duty inn- fresh remembrance, they had sol- posed by his character, as the mili- emn duties to discharge. The ex- tary servant of the Colony. The islence of the whole settlement government, it is presumed, will be was at hazard.'' See Prince, p. considered as acuiig under severe 22G ; Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 461 ; necessity, and will require no apol- Belknap's Am. liiog. ii. 330; Mur- o(Ty if the reality of ihe conspiracy ton's Memorial, p. 91. be admitted, of which there can be
SKIRMISH WITH THE INDIANa 341
Captain Standish took the one half of his men, and chap. one or two of Mr. Weston's, and Hobbamock, still — ^ seeking to make spoil of them and theirs. At length ^^^ 3- they espied a file of Indians, which made towards them amain ; and there being a small advantage in the ground, by reason of a hiU near them, both companies strove for it. Captain Standish got it; whereupon they retreate^, and took each man his tree, letting fly their arrows amain, especially at himself and Ilobba- mock. Whereupon Hobbamock cast ofi* his coat, and being a known pinese, (theirs being now killed,) chased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him ; iusonmch as our men could have but one certain mark, and tlien but tlie arm and half face of a notable villain, as he drew^ at Captain Standish ; who together with another both discharged at once at him, and brake his arm ; whereupon they fled into a swamp. When they were in the thicket, they parleyed, but to small purpose, getting nothing but foul language. So our Captain dared the sachim to come out and fight Uke a man, showing how base and woman-like he was in tonguing it as he did; but he refused, and fled. So the Captain returned to the plantation ; where he released tlie women, and would not take their beaver coats from them, nor sufler the least discourtesy to be oflfcred them.
Now were Mr. Weston's people resolved to leave their plantation, and go for Munhiggen, hoping to get passage and return* with the fishing ships. The Cap- tain told them, that for his own part he durst there live with fewer men than they were ; yet since they were otiicrways minded, according to his order from
' His bow. • To England.
b2 WESTON'S PLANTATION BROKEN UP.
lAP. tlie governors and pcoplo of Plymouth, ho would help '- — I them with corn competent for their provision by the )23. \^uy; which he did, scarce leaving himself more than brought them home. Some of them disliked the choice of the body to go to Munhiggen, and tlierefore desiring to go with him to Plymouth, he took them into the shallop ; and seeing them set sail, and clear of the Massachuset bay,^ he took leave^nd returned to Plymouth ; whither he came in safety, blessed be God ! and brought the head of Wituwamat with him. Among the rest, there was an Indian youth, that was ever of a courteous and loving disposition towards us. He, notwithstanding the death of his country- men, came to the Captain without fear, saying, his good conscience and love towards us imboldened him so to do. This youth confessed, that the Indians in- tended to kill Mr. Weston^s people, and not to delay any longer than till they had two more canoes or boats,
* " Thus this plantation is broken in the bottom of the bay between
up in a year ; and this is the end of Pascataquak and Merrimak river,
those who being all able men, had and hardly escapes with his life,
boasted of their strength and what Afterwards he falls into the hands
they would bring to pass, in com- of the Ii^ians, who pillage him of
parison of the people at Plymouth, all ho saved from the sea, and strip
who had many women, children, him of all his clothes to his shirt,
and weak ones with them ; and At length he gets to Pascataquak,
said at their first arrival, when borrows a suit of clothes, finds
they saw the wants at Plymouth, means to come to Plymouth, and
that they would take another course, desires to borrow some beaver of
and not fall into such a condition us. Notwithstanding our straits,
as this simple people were come to." yet in consideration of his ueces-
Drudfurd, in Prince, p. 2ii, and in sity, wo let him havo one hundred
Mortfin, p. 02. and seventy odd pounds of beaver,
** Shortly after Mr. Weston *speo- with which he goes to tlio east- pie went to the eastward, he comes ward, sta^s his small ship and there himself with some of the fish- some of his men, buys provisions ermen, under another name and and fits himself, which is ilie foun- disguise of a blacksmith ; where dation of his future courses ; and he hears the ruin of his plantation ; yet never lepaid us any thing savo and getting a shallop with a man repioaches, and hecomes our ene- or two comes on to see how things my on all occasions/' Bradford, in are; but in a storm is cast away Prince, p. 210. Sec note * on p. 78.
THE INDIAN PLOT CONFESSED. 343
which Mr. Weston's men would have finislied by this chap. time, having made them three akeady, had not the ^-v^ Captain prevented them ; and the end of stay for ^^^ ^ those boats was to take their ship therewith.
Now was the Captain returned and received with joy, the head being brought to the fort, and there set up.^ The governors and captains with divers others went up the same further, to examine the prisoner, who looked piteously on the head. Being asked whether he knew it, he answered. Yea. Then he confessed the plot, and that all the people provoked Obtakiest, their sachim, thereunto, being drawn to it by their importunity. Five tliere were, he said, tliat prosecuted it with more eagerness tlian the rest. The two principal were killed, being Pecksuot and Witu- wamat, whose head was there ; the other three were powahs, being yet living, and known unto us, though one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himself, he would not acknowledge that he had any hand therein, begging earnestly for his life, saying he was not a Massachuset man, but as a stranger Uved witli them. Hobbamock also gave a good report of him, and besought for him ; but was bribed so to do. Nev- ertheless, that we might show mercy as well as ex- tremity, the Governor released him, and tlie rather, because we desired he might carry a message to Ob- takiest, his master. No sooner were the irons from his legs, but he would have been gone ; but the Gover-
' " This may oxcito in some year 1747, the heads of the lords
minds an objection to the humanity who were concerned in the Scots
of our forefathers. The reason as- rebellion were set up over Temple
signed for it was that it might Har, the most frequented passage
prove a terror to others. In mat- between London and Westmin-
ters of war and public justice, they ster.*' Delknap^s Am. Biog. ii.
observed the customs and laws of 326. the English nation. As late as the
344 A BIESSAOE TO OBTAKIEST.
CHAP, nor bid him stay, and fear not, for he should receive -1 — I no hurt ; and by Hobbamock commanded him to de- 1623. liver this message to his master : That for our parts it
Mar. , ° , . . ^
never entered mto our hearts to take such a course with them, till their own treachery enforced us there- unto, and therefore tliey might thank tliemselves for their own overthrow ; yet since he had begun, if again by any the like courses he did provoke him, his coun- try should not hold him ; for he would never suffer him or his to rest in peace, till he had utterly con- sumed them ; and therefore should take this as a warning ; further, that he should send to Patuxet the three Englishmen he had, and not kill them ; also that he should not spoil the pale and houses at Wicha- guscusset ; and that this messenger should either bring the English, or an answer, or both ; promising his safe return.
This message was dehvered, and the party would have returned with [an] answer, but was at first dis- suaded by them, whom afterwards they would, but could not persuade to come to us. At length, though long, a woman came and told us, that Obtakiest was sorry that the English were killed, before he heard from the Governor ; otherwise he would have sent them. Also she said, he would fain make his peace again with us, but none of his men durst come to treat about it, having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to place, expecting when we would take further vengeance on him.
Concerning those other people, that intended to join with the Massacheuseuks against us, though we never went against any of them ; yet this sudden and unexpected execution, together with the just judgment
THE EFFECTS OF 8TAIfDISH*S EXPEDITION. 346
of God upon their guilty consciences, hath so terri- chap. fied and amazed them, as in like manner they forsook ^^^ their houses, running to and fro Uke men distracted, i^^^- Uving in swamps and other desert places, and so brought manifold diseases amongst themselves, where- of very many are dead; as Canacum, the sachim of Manomet, Aspinet, the sachim of Nauset, and la- nough, sachim of Mattachiest This sachim in his life, in the midst of these distractions, said the God of the English was offended with them, and would de- stroy them in his anger ; and certainly it is strange to hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst them. Neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease ; because through fear they set little or no corn, which is the staff of life, and without which they can- not long preserve health and strength. From one of these places a boat was sent with presents to tlie Governor, hoping thereby to work their peace ; but the boat was cast away, and three of the persons drowned, not far from our Plantation. Only one escaped, who durst not come to us, but returned; so as none of them dare come amongst us.
I fear I have been too tedious both in this and other things. Yet when I considered how necessary a thing it is that the truth and grounds of this action especially should be made known, and the several dispositions of that dissolved colony, whose reports undoubtedly will be as various, I could not but enlarge myself where I thought to be most brief. Neither durst I be too brief, lest I should eclipse and rob God of that honor, glory, and praise, which belongeth to him for preserving us from falling when we were at the pit's brim, and yet feared nor knew not that we were in danger.
CHAPTER XXII.
OF THE FIRST ALLOTliENT OF LANDS, AND THE DISTRESSED
STATE OF THE COLONY.
CHAP. The month of April being now come, on all hands
'^ we began to prepare for corn. And because there was
16 2 3. no corn left before this time, save that was preserved for seed, being also hopeless of relief by supply, we thought best to leave off all other works, and pro- secute that as most necessary. And because there was no ^ small hope of doing good, in that common course of labor that formerly we were in ; ^ for that the governors, that followed men to their labors, had no- thing to give men for their necessities, and therefore could not so well exercise that command over them therein, as formerly they had done ; especially con- sidering that self-love wherewith every man, in a measure more or less, loveth and preferreth his own good before his neighbour's, and also the base disposi- tion of some drones, that, as at other times, so now especially would be most burdenous to the rest ; it was therefore thought best that every man should use the
^ The word no appears to be an ' See note ' on page 84. error of the press. F.
THE FIRST ALLOTHENT OF LAND. 347
best diligence he could for his own preservation, both chap.
in respect of the time present, and to prepare his own '
corn for tlie year following ; and bring in a competent J. ® *^- portion for the maintenance of public officers, fisher- men, &c., which could not be freed from their calling without greater inconveniences. Tliis course was to continue till harvest, and then the governors to gather in tlie appointed portion, for the maintenance of them- selves and such otliers as necessity constrained to exempt from this condition. Only if occasion served, upon any special service they might employ such as they thought most fit to execute the same, during this appointed time, and at tlie end tliereof all men to be employed by them in such service as they thought most necessary for the general good. And because there is great diflerence in the ground, that therefore a set quantity should be set down for a person, and each man to have his fall by lot,' as being most just and equal, and against which no man could except.
At a general meeting of the company, many courses were propounded, but this approved and followed, as being the most likely for the present and future good of tiie company ; and therefore before this month began to prepare our ground against seed-time.
In the midst of April we began to set, the weather being then seasonable, which much encouraged us, giving us good hopes of after plenty. The setting season is good till the latter end of May. But it pleased God, for our further chastisement, to send a great drought; insomuch as in six weeks after the
' This allotment was only for as before, he gives every person an
one year. In llic sprinp of the next acre of land." Bradforfl, in Prince,
year, 1G24, *' the people requesting pp. 215 and 226. See this latter
the Governor to have some land for allotment in Hazard, i. 100, and in
continuance, and not by yearly lot, Morton, p. 376.
V
348 DROUGHT AND FAMINE.
CHAP. latter Betting there scarce fell any rain ; so that the ...^^ stalk of that was first set began to send forth the ear, 1633. before it came to half growth, and that which was later not like to yield any at all, botli blade and stalk hanging the head, and changing tlie color in such manner, as we judged it utterly dead. Our beans also ran not up according to their wonted manner, but stood at a stay, many being parched away, as though they had been scorched before the fire. Now were our hopes overthrown, and we discouraged, our joy being turned into mourning.^
To add also to this sorrowful estate in which we , .. ) were, we heard of a supply that was sent unto us many months since, which having two repulses before, was a third time in company of another ship three '} '^ hundred leagues at sea, and now in three montlis time heard no further of her ; only the signs of a wreck were seen on the coast, which could not be judged to be any other than the same.^ So that at once God
1 « But by the time our corn is divide among the company ; and in
planted, our victuals are spent, the winter are helped with fowl and
not knowing at night where to ground-nuts." Bradford, in Prince,
have a bit in the morning, and p. 316.
have neither bread nor corn fur ' '* At length we receive letters
three or four months together, yet from the adventurers in England
bear our wants with cheerfulness of December 22 and, April O.last, ,
and rest on Providence. Having wherein they say, * It rejoiceth us
but one boat lefl, we divide the much to hear those good reports
men into several companies, six that divers have brought home of
or seven in each ; who take their you ;' and give an account, that last
turns to go out with a net and fall, a ship, the Paragon, sailed , f
fish, and return not till they get from London with passengers, for
some, though they be five or six New Plymouth ; being fitted out
days out; knowing there is nothing by Mr. John Piurco, in whose name
at homo, and to return empty our first patent vos taken, his name f^ |
would be a great discouragement, being only used in trust; but when
When they stay long or get but he saw we were here hopefully
little, the rest go a digging shell- seated, and by the success God
fish ; and thus we live the sum- gave us, had obtained favor with
mer ; only sending one or two the Council for New England, he
to range the woods fur deer, they gets- another patent pf a larger ex- \ -^
now and then get one, which we tent, meaning to keep it to him-
I '^
THE FIRST FAST.
349
seemed to deprive us of all future hopes. The most chap.
xxii. courageous were now discouraged, because God, which \
hitherto had been our only shield and supporter, now ^^ ^ ^' seemed in his anger to arm himself against us. And who can withstand the fierceness of his wrath ?
These and the Uke considerations moved not only every good man privately to enter into examination witli his own estate between God and his conscience, and so to humiliation before him, but also more solemnly to humble ourselves together before the Lord by fasting and prayer. To that end a day was ap- pointed by public authority, and set apart from all other employments ; hoping that the same God, which had stirred us up hereunto, would be moved hereby in < mercy to look down upon us, and grant the request of our dejected souls, if our continuance there might any way stand with his glory and our good. But Oh the mercy of our God ! who was as ready to hear, as we to ask ; for though in the morning, when we assem- bled together, the heavens were as clear, and the drought as like to continue as ever it was, yet, (our exercise continuing some eight or nine hours,) before
self, allow U0 only what he pleas- ed, huld U8 as his tenants and sue to his courts as chief h)rd. But meeting with tempestuous storms in the Downs, the ship is so bruised and leaky that in fourteen days she ^returned to London, was forced to be put into the dock, JClOO laid out to mend her, and lay six or seven weeks to December 22, before she sailed a second time ; but being half way over, met with extreme tempestuous weather about the mid- dle of February which held Aiurtecn days, beat off the round house with all her upper works, obliged them to cut her mast and return
to Portsmouth, having 100 souls aboard, with Mr. Pierce himself. Upon which great and repeated loss and disappointment, he is pre- vailed upon for JC500 to resign his patent to the Company, which cost him but £bO ; and the goods with charge of passengers in this ship cost the Company JC640, for which they were forced to hire another ship, namely, the Anne, of 140 tons, to transport them, namely, 60 passengers with 60 tons of goods, hoping to sail by the end of April." Bradford, in Prince, pp. 217, 218. See note ' on pages 234 and 235.
350 SEASONABLE SHOWERS.
CHAP, our departure, the weather was overcast, the clouds
\ gathered together on all sides, and on tlie next morn-
163 3. in cr distilled such soft, sweet, and moderate showers of
July.
rain, continuing some fourteen days, and mixed with such seasonable weather, as it was hard to say whether our withered corn or drooping affections were most quickened or revived ; such was the bounty and good- ness of our God. Of this the Indians, by means of Hobbamock,^ took notice ; who being then in the town, and this exercise in the midst of tlie week, said, It was but three days since Sunday ; and therefore demanded of a boy, what was the reason thereof. Which when he knew, and saw what effects followed thereupon, he and all of them admired the goodness of our God towards us, that wrought so great a change in so short a time ; showing the difference between their conjuration, and our invocation on the name of God for rain ; theirs being mixed with such storms and tempests, as sometimes, instead of doing them good, it layeth the corn flat on the ground, to their prejudice ; but ours in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they never observed the like.
At the same time Captain Standish, being formerly employed by the Governor to buy provisions for the refreshing of the Colony, returned with the same, ac- companied with one Mr. David Tomson,' a Scotch-
> This is the last time that Hob- lion, and also in his practice, re-
bamock*8 iiumo occurs in llio his- foriiiiii); and coufonning himself ac-
tury of the Cohmy. His services cordingly ; and though he was much
to the infant settlement had been templed by enticements, scoffs, and
very important, and in the allot- scorns from the Indians, yet could
ment of the land in 1624, mention he never be gotten from the Eng-
is made of ** Hobhamock*s ground." lish, nor from seeking after iheir
1 In New England's First Fruits, God, but died amongst them, leav-
pubhshed in London in 1643, he is ing some good hopes in their hearts
described as follows : ** As he in- * that his soul went to rest.*'
creased in knowledge, so in affec- ' David Thomson was sent over
PUBLIC THANKSGIVING. 361
man, who also that spring began a plantation twenty- chap.
five leagues nortlieast from us, near Smith's isles/ at a ^
place called Pascatoquack, where ho liketh well. Now ^^f^' also heard we of the third repulse that our supply had,* of their safe, though dangerous, return into England, and of their preparation to come to us. So that hav- ing these many signs of God's favor and acceptation, we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly we should smother up the same, or content ourselves with private thanksgiving for that, which by private prayer could not be obtained. And therefore another solemn day was set apart and appointed for that end ; wherein we returned gtory, honor, and praise, with all thankfulness, to our good God, which dealt so gra- ciously with us ; whose name for these and all other his mercies towards his church, and chosen ones, by them be blessed and praised, now and evermore. Amen.
In the latter end of July, and the beginning of Au- Aug. gust, came two ships with supply unto us ; who
by Gorges and Mason in the spring throp, i. 44, with Hubbard, in )
of 1623, and commenced a settle- Mass. Hist. Coll. xt. 105 ; and see
ment at a place called Little Har- Adams*s Annals of Portsmouth, p.
hour, on the west side of Piscata- 10, and Levett*s voyage into New-
qua river, near its mouth. Chris- England, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xzviii.
topher Levett says he staged a 164.
month at Thomson's plantation in ' So called afler himself, by 1623. Allerwards, in 1626, or Captain John Smith, who discov- later, out of dislike of the place or ered them in 1614. He thus de- his employers, Thomson removed scribes them : ** Smyth's Isles are to Boston harbour, and took pos- a heap together, none near them, session of "a fruitful island and against Accominticus." They are very desirable neck of land," which eight in number, and are now call- were afterwards confirmed to him ed the Isles of Shoals. See a do- or his heirs by the government of scription and historical account of Massachusetts. This neck of land them in Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. 242 — wns Squantum, in Quincy, and the 2G2 ; xxvi. 120. islnnd which is very near it, has • ** Governor Bradford gives no ever since been called by his name, hint of this third repulse." Prince, It is now the seat of the Farm p. 210. School. Compare Savage's Win-
352 A NEW SUPPLY OF COLONISTS.
CHAP, brought all their passengers,' except one, in health,
^ who recovered in short time ; who, also, notwithstand-
1623. iQg q]i QUf wants and hardship, blessed be God! found not any one sick person amongst us at the Flan-
' The following is an alphabetical Thomas Clark's gravestone is one
list of those who came over in the of the oldest on the Burial hill in
Anne and Little James. Plymouth. See note* on page 100.
, , , Francis Cooke's wife, Hester, was
Antbonv Annable, Edward Holman, a Walloon, and Cuthbert Cuthbert- >
t^n^HZi, K^A .on was a Dutchman as we learn Ptear Brewiier. Experience Mitchell, from Wmslow's Brief Narration. Paiience Brewster, George Morton, Anthony Dix is mentioned in Win- Mary Bucket, Thomas Monon, jr. 4i,rop, i. 287. Goodwife Flavell
&i K'' fibn OMh.r; -« P-'^Wjr the wife of Thoma.
Christopher Conanl,Praiices Palmer, wh® <5^"1? .*« the l! ortune, and
i Cuthbert Cuthbert- Christian Peon, Bridget Fuller was the wife of
son, Mr. Perce's two Samuel, the physician. Timothy Anthony Dix, serranis, Hatherly went to England the next (John Paiince, Joshua Pratt, ...;„i^r «nj aia «.!» *»«.i..n «:ii Manasseh Faunce, James Rand, "^aol^^V *" . , . • "o ^ return till Goodwife Flavell, Robert RaiUiffe, 1632 ; he settled m Scituate. Mai^ Edmund Flood, Nicholas Snow, garet Hicks, was the wife of Rob- Bridget Fuller, Alice Southworth, ert, who came in the Fortune. Timoihy Hatherly, Francis Spragiic, William Hilton (see page 251) had William Heard, Barbara Staudish, .^„. |.,, .. „,:r« „Jj ^k:Ku^« Margaret Hickis, ^bomas Tildcn, ^^^ for his wife and children.
and her children, Stephen Tracy, George Morton brought his son,
William Hilton's Ralph Wallen. Nathaniel, the secretary, and four
wife and two Other children. Thomas Morton, jr.
cbildren^^ ^„ probably the son of Thomas,
This list, as well as tbat of the who came in the Fortune. John Old- passengers in the Fortune, is ob< ham aAerwards became notorious tained from the record of the allot- in the history of the Colony. Fran- meiit of lands, in 1024, which may ccs Palmer was the wifu of Wil- be found in Hazard's Slate Papers, liam, who came in the Fortune, i. 101 — 103, and in the Appendix Phinelius Pratt had a lot of land to Morton's Memorial, pp. 377 — assigned him among those who 360. In that list, however, Fran- came in the Anne ; but he was un- cis Cooke *s and Richard Warren's douhledly one of Weston's colony, names are repeated, although they as appears from page 332. Bar- came in the Mayflower ; probably bara Standish was the Captain's because their wives and children second wife, whom he married came in the Anne, and therefore an af\er the arrival of the Anne. Her additional grant of land was made maiden name is unknown, to them. Many others brought Annable afterwards settled in | their families in this ship ; and Scituate, Mitchell in Duxbury and ! Bradford says that '* some were the Bridge water. Bangs and Snow in ! wives and children of such who Eastliam, and Sprague in Duxbury. came before." John Jenny was a brewer, and in Fear and Patience Brewster were 1636 had *' liberty to erect a mill daughters of Elder Brewster. John for grinding and beating of com Faunce married Patience, daughter upon the brook of Plymouth." of George Morton, and was father Those who came in the first of the venerable Elder Faunce. three ships, the Mayflower, the
ARRIVAL OF THE THIRD SHIP. 363
tation. The bigger ship, called the Anne,^ was hired, chap.
and there again freighted back ; ' from whence we set '
sail the 10th of September. The lesser, called the ^®*3- Little James,' was built for the company at their lo. charge/ She was now also fitted for trade and dis- covery to the southward of Cape Cod, and almost ready to set sail ; whom I pray God to bless in her good and lawful proceedings.
Fortune, and the Anne, are distinct- be grieTOua to yon, that yon ha?e
ively called the old comers, or the been instruments to break the ice
for if others. See pages 121 and 235. for others who come after with less
For further particulars conceminff difficulty; the honor shall be yours
them, see Farmer's Genealogicu to the world's end. We boar you
Keffister, Mitchell's Bridgewater, alwajrs in our breasts, and our hearty
and Deane's Scituate. affection is towards tou all, as are
* ** Of 140 tons, Mr. William the hearts of hundreds more which
Pierce, master." Bradford, in never saw your faces, who doubtless
Prince, pp. 219 and 220. pray your safety as their own.'
' *' Being laden with clapboards, *' When these passengers see our
and all the beaver and otner furs poor and low condition ashore^ thej
we have ; with whom we send Mr. are much dismayed and full of sad-
Winslow, to inform how things are ness ; only our old friends rejoice
and procure what we want." Srad- to see us, and that it is no worse«
ford, in Prince, p. 221. and now hope we shall enjoy better
' " A fine new vessel of 44 tons days together. The best (lish we Mr. Bridges, master." Bradford, in could present them with, is a lob- Prince, p. 220. ster, or piece offish, without breads
^ ** They bring about 60 persons, or any thing else but a cup of fair some being very useful and become spring water ; and the long contin* good members of the body ; of uance of this diet, with our labors whom the principal are Mr. Timothy abroad, has somewhat abated the Hatherly and Mr. George Morton, freshness of our complexion ; but who came in the Anne, and Mr. God fives us health, occ. John Jenny, who came in the James. ** August 14. The fourth mar- Some were the wives and children of riage is of Governor Bradford to such who came before ; and some Mrs. Alice Southworth, widow." others are so bad we are forced to Bradford, in Prince, pp. 220, 221. be at the charge to send them home Her maiden name was Carpenter, next year. as appears from the following en-
" By this ship R. C. [i. e. doubt- ' trv in the records of the Plymouth
less Mr. Cushman, their agent,] Church: ** 1667. Mary Carpenter,
writes, Some few of your old friends (sister of Mrs. Alice Bradford, the
are come; they come dropping to wifeof Governor Bradford,) a mem-
you, and by degrees I hope ere long her of the church at Duxbury, died
you shall enjoy them all, &c. in Plymouth, March 10>20, being
'* From the general, [that is, the newly entered into the Olst year of
joint concern, the company] sub* her age. She was a godly old
scribed by thirteen, we have also a maid, never married." letter wherein they say, ' Let it not
'T'
AC
CHAPTER XXIII.
OF THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS, RELIGIOUS OPINIONS AND CERE-
MONIES OP THE INDIANS.
CHAP. Thus have I made a trae and full narration of the
XXIII
\ State of our Plantation, and such things as were most
162 3. remarkable therein since December, 1621. If I have omitted any thing, it is either through weakness of memory, or because I judged it not material. I con- fess my style rude, and unskil fulness in tlie task I undertook ; being urged thereunto by opportunity, which I knew to be wanting in others, and but for which I would not have undertaken the same. Yet as it is rude, so it is plain, and therefore the easier to be understood ; wherein others may see that which we are bound to acknowledge, viz. that if ever any peo- ple in these later ages were upheld by the providence of God after a more special manner than others, then we ; and therefore are the more bound to celebrate the memory of his goodness with everlasting thankfulness. For in these forenamed straits, such was our state, as in the morning we had often our food to seek for the day, and yet performed the duties of our calUngs, I mean other daily labors, to provide for after time ; and though at some times in some seasons at noon I
RELIGION OF THE INDUNS. 365
have seen men staffffer by reason of faintness for want chap.
XXllI.
of food, yet ere night, by the good providence and bless- '-
ing of God, we have enjoyed such plenty as though the i®*^* windows of heaven had been opened unto us. How few, weak, and raw were we at our first beginning, and there settling, and in the midst of barbarous ene- mies! Yet God wrought our peace for us. How often have we been at the pit's brim, and in danger to be swallowed up, yea, not knowing till afterward that we were in peril ! And yet God preserved us ; yea, and from how many that we yet know not of. He that knowetli all things can best tell. So that when I se- riously consider of things, I cannot but think that God hath a purpose to give that land as an inheritaiico to our nation, and great pity it were that it should long lie in so desolate a state, considering it agreeth so well with the constitution of our bodies, being both fertile, and so temperate for heat and cold, as in that respect one can scarce distinguish New England from Old.
A few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which I have observed amongst the Indians, both touching their religion and sundry other customs amongst them. And first, whereas myself and others, in former letters, (which came to tlie press against my will and know- ledge,) wrote that the Indians about us are a people without any religion, or knowledge of any God,* therein I erred, though we could then gather no bet- ter ; for as they conceive of many divine powers, so of one, whom they call Kichtan,^ to be tlie principal and maker of all the rest, and to be made by none. He, they say, created tlic heavens, earth, sea and all creatures
' Seo page 233. anliquity; for ChiseiB an old man,
' The meaning of the wotd and Kiehchise a man that exceedeth Kiehtan, I think, hath reference to in ago. — Winslow^s Note.
356 lOEHTAN, THE INDUN GOD.
CHAP, contained therein : also that he made one man and
XXIII.
' one woman^ of whom they and we and all mankind
162 3. came ;* but how they became bo far dispersed, that know they not. At first, they say, there was no sa- chim or king, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth above in the heavens, whither all good men go when they die, to see tlieir friends, and have their fill of all things. This his habitation lieth far westward in the heavens, they say ; thither the bad men go also, and knock at his door, but he bids them qtialchet^ that is to say, walk abroad, for there is no place for such ; so that they wander in restless want and penury.^ Never man saw this Kiehtan; only old men tell them of him, and bid them tell their children, yea to charge them to teach their posterities the same, and lay the like charge upon them. This power they acknowledge to be good; and when they would obtain any great matter, meet to- gether and cry unto him ; and so likewise for plenty, victory, &c. sing, dance, feast, give thanks, and hang up garlands and other things in memory of the same. Another power they worship, whom they call Ilob- bamocky and to the nortliward of us, JJobbamoqui ; ' this, as far as we can conceive, is the devil. Him they call upon to cure their wounds and diseases. When they are curable, he persuades them he sends the same
' ** Tlioy relate liow thoy havo it bolieve that the souU of men and
from their falhcra, that Kautaiitow- women go to the soulhwcst ; their
wit made one man and woman of prcat and goo<l men and women to
a stone, which disliking ho hroko Kautantowwii^s houso, where they
them in pieces, and made another have hopes, us the Turks have, of
man and woman of a tree, which carnal joys; murthorers, thieves
were tiie fountains of all mankind.*' and liars, iheir souls, say they,
Roger Williams's Key, ch. xxi. wander restless abroad." Wil-
* " Kautantounvit y the great south- liams's Key, ch. xxi.
west God, to whose house all souls * Wood, in his New England*s
go, and from whom came their Piospect, ch. xix. spells this word
corn and beans, as they say. They Abainacho.
THE POWOW, OR MEDICINE MAN. 367
for some conceived anger against them ; but upon their chap.
calling upon him, can and doth lielp tliem ; but when '
they are mortal and not curable in nature, tlicn he i^^^* persuades them Kiehtan is angry, and sends them, whom none can cure ; insomuch as in that respect only they somewhat doubt whether he be simply good, and tlierefore in sickness never call upon him. This Hobbamock appears in sundry forms unto them, as in the shape of a man, a deer, a fawn, an eagle, &c. but most ordinarily a snake. He appears not to all, but the chiefest and most judicious amongst them ; though all of tliein strive to attain to that hellish height of honor. lie appeareth most ordinary and is most con- versant with three sorts of people. One, I confess I neither know by name nor office directly ; of these they have few, but esteem highly of them, and think that no weapon can kill them ; another they call by the name of powah ; and tlie third piiese.
The office and duty of the powah is to be exercised principally in calling upon the devil, and curing diseases of the sick or wounded. The common people join with him in the exercise of invocation, but do but only assent, or as we term it, say Amen to that he saith ; yet sometime break out into a short musical note with him. The powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in coun- tenance, and joineth many antic and laborious gestures ^ with the same, over the party diseased.^ If the party be wounded, he will also seem to suck the wound ; but if they be curable, (as they say,) he toucheth it not, but askookcy that is, the sniike, or wohsacuck, that is, the englc, sittetli on his shoulder, and licks the same. This none see but the powah, who tells them he doth it
* See page 317.
358 THE POWOW'S PRACTICES.
CHAP, himself. If the party be otherwise diseased, it is ac-
XXill.
\ counted sufficient if in any shape he but come into the
16 2 3. house, taking it for an undoubted sign of recovery.
And as in former ages Apollo had his temple at Delphos, and Diana at Ephesus, so have 1 heard tliem call upon some as if they had their residence in some certain places, or because tliey appeared in those forms in the same. In the powah's speech, he promiseth to sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads, knives, and other the best things they have to the fiend, if he will come to help the party diseased ; but whether they perform it, I know not. The other prac- tices I have seen, being necessarily called sometimes to be with their sick, and have used the best argu- ments I could to make them understand against the same. They have told me I should see the devil at those times come to the party ; but I assured myself and them of the contrary, which so proved ; yea, them- selves have confessed they never saw him when any of us were present. In desperate and extraordinary hard travail in child-birth, when the party cannot be delivered by the ordinary means, they send for this powah ; though ordinarily their travail is not so ex- treme as in our parts of the world, they being of a more hardy nature ; for on the third day after child-birth, I have seen the mother with the infant, upon a small occasion, in cold weather, in a boat upon the sea.
Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases kill children. It seemeth they arc various in their re- ligious worship in a little distance, and grow more and more cold in their worship to Kiehtan ; saying, in their memory he was much more called upon. The Nano- higgansets exceed in their blind devotion, and have a
THE PNIESB, OR INDIAN WARRIOR. 369
great spacious house, wherein only some few (that chap.
are, as we may term them, priests) come. Thither, at '
certain known times, resort all their people, and offer 1093. almost all the riches they have to their gods, as kettles, skins, hatchets, beads, knives, &c., all which are cast by the priests into a great fire that they make in the midst of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To this offering every man bringeth freely ; and the more he is known to bring, hath the better esteem of all men. This the other Indians about us approve of as good, and wish their sachims would appoint the like ; and because the plague ^ hath not reigned at Nanohig- ganset as at other places about them, they attribute to this custom there used.
The pnieses are men of great courage and wisdom, and to those also the devil appeareth more familiarly than to others, and as we conceive, maketh covenant witli them to preserve tliem from death by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, &c. or at least both tlicmselves and especially the people tliink themselves to be freed from the same. And though, against their battles, all of them by painting disfigure themselves, yet they are known by their courage and boldness, by reason whereof one of them will chase almost an hun- dred men ; for they account it death for whomsoever stand in their way. These are highly esteemed of all sorts of people, and arc of the sachim's council, with- out whom they will not war, or undertake any weighty business.' In war their sachims, for their more safety, go in the midst of them. They are commonly men of the greatest stciturc and strength, and such as will en- dure most hardness, and yet arc more discreet, cour-
* See pages 183 and 206. ' See pages 288 and 333.
360 THE SACHOI, OR INDIAN CHIEF.
CHAP, teous and humane in their carriages than any amongst
them, scorning theft, lying, and the hke base dealings,
16 2 3. and stand as much upon their reputation as any men. And to the end they may have store of these, they train up the most forward and likeliest boys, from their childhood, in great hardness, and make them abstain from dainty meat, observing divers orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of age, the devil may appear to them ; causing to drink the juice of sentry ^ and other bitter herbs, till they cast, which they must disgorge into the platter, and drink again and again, till at length through extraordinary oppressing of nature, it will seem to be all blood ; and this the boys will do with eagerness at the first, and so continue till by reason of faintness, they can scarce stand on their legs, and then must go forth into the cold. Also they beat their shins with sticks, and cause tliem to run through bushes, stumps and brambles, to make them hardy and acceptable to the devil, that in time he may appear unto them.
Their sachims cannot be all called kings, but only some few of them, to whom the rest resort for protec- tion, and pay homage unto tlicm ; * neither may they
* Or centaury — probably the cured at what time as having en-
iobbatia chloroides^ a plant conapi- tertained Hercules in his cabin, he
CU0U8 for its beauty, which is found would needs be handling and tam-
in great aliundance on the margin pering with the weapons of his
of the ponds in Plymouth. It be- said guest so long until one of the
longs to the natural order of Gen- arrows light upon his foot and
tians, one characteristic of which wounded him dangerously." IIol-
is an intense bitterness, residing land's Pliny, b. xxv. ch. 6.
both in the stems and roots. The ' *' Their government is gene-
genliana crinitay or fringed gentian, rally monarchical, their chief saga-
also grows in this region. See more or sachem's will being their
Bigelow's Plants of Boston, pp. law ; but yet the sachem hath some
79 and 111. chief men that he consults with as
*' The greater centaury is that his special counsellors. Among
famous herb wherewith Chiron the some of the Indians their govern-
ceiUaur (as the report goeth) was ment is mixed, partly monarchical
THE SACHIBTS FAMILY AND QOTERNHBNT. S61
war without their knowledge and approbation ; yet to chap.
be commanded by the greater, as occasion serveth. '
or this sort is Massassowat, our friend, and Conanacus, i^^^- of Nanohigganset, our supposed enemy. Every sachim taketh care for the widow and fatherless, also for such as are aged and any way maimed, if their friends be dead, or not able to provide for them. A sachim will not take any to wife, but such an one as is equal to him in birth ; otherwise, they say, their seed would in time become ignoble; and though they have many other wives, yet are they no other than concubines or servants, and yield a kind of obedience to the princi- pal, who ordereth the family and them in it. The like their men observe also, and will adhere to the first during their lives; but put away the other at their pleasure. This government is successive, and not by choice. If the father die before the son or daughter be of age, then the child is committed to tlie protection and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in his stead till he be of age ; but when that is, I know not.
Every sachim knoweth how far the bounds and lim- its of his own country extendeth ; and that is his own proper inheritance. Out of tliat, if any of his men de- sire land to set their corn, ho givetli them as much as they can use, and sets them their bounds. In this cir- cuit whosoever hunteth, if they kill any venison, bring
and partly aristocrat ical ; their sachems that can protect them ; so sagamore doing not any weighty that their princes endeavour to car- matter without the consent of his ry it ohiigingly and lovingly unto great men or petty sagamores, their people, lest they should desert Their sachems have not llicir men them, and therehy their strength, in such suhjcction hut that very power and trihute would he dimin- froqucntly their men will le.ivo ished." Gookin in Mass. Jlist. Ihom upon distaste or hnrsh deal- Coll. i. 154. ing, and go and live under other
362
SICKNESS AND DEATH.
CHAP, him his fee : which is the fore parts of the same, if it
' be killed on the land, but if in the water, then the skin
1623. thereof. The great sachims or kings know their own bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest. All travellers or strangers for the most part lodge at the sachim's. When they come, they tell them how long they will stay, and to what place they go ; during which time they receive entertainment, according to their persons, but want not. Once a year the pnieses use to provoke the people to bestow much corn on the sachim. To that end, they appoint a certain time and place, near the sachim's dwelling, where the people bring many baskets of corn, and make a great stack thereof. There the pnieses stand ready to give thanks to the people, on the sachim's behalf; and after ac- quaint the sachim therewith, who fctcheth the same, and is no less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them. When any are visited with sickness, their friends resort unto them for their comfort, and continue with them ofttimes till their death or recovery.* If they die, they stay a certain time to mourn for them. Night and morning they perform this duty, many days after the burial, in a most doleful manner, insomuch as though it be ordinary and the note musical, which they take one from another and all together, yet it will draw tears from their eyes, and almost from ours also.' But
' Seo pa^o 313.
' ** (I pun tlio death of the sick, the father, or hu&hand, and all his neighbours wear black faces, and lay on soot very thick, which I have often seen clotied wiih their tears, 'i'his blacking and Inmnnt- ing they observe in most doleful manner divers weeks and months, yea a year, if tlie person be great
and public. — When they come to the grave, ihoy lay the dead by tho grave's mouih, and then all sit down, and lament, that 1 have seen tears run down the checks of stout- est captains in abundance ; and after the dead is laid in the grave, they have then a second lamenta- ti(»n.*' Roger Williams's Key, ch. xxxii.
EMPLOYMENTS OF THE MEN. S63
if they recover, then because their sickness was charge- chap.
able, they send corn and other gifts unto ttiem, at a '
certain appointed time, whereat they feast and dance, 10^3. which they call commoco. When they bury the dead, they sow up the corpse in a mat, and so put it in the earth. If the party be a sachim, they cover him with many curious mats, and bury all his riches with him, and enclose the grave with a paleJ If it be a child, the fatlier will also put his own most special jewels and ornaments in the earth with it ; also will cut his hair, and disfigure himself very much, in token of sor- row. If it bo the man or woman of ttio house, they will pull down the mats, and leave the frame standing, and bury them in or near tlie same,* and eitlier re- move tlicir dwelling or give over house-keeping.
The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and other exercises of the bow, except at some times they take some pains in fishing. The women live a most slavish life; they carry all their burdens,^ set and dress their corn, gatlier it in, seek out for much of tlieir food, beat and make ready tlie corn to eat, and have all household care lying upon them.
The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all mean ofiices, whilst they are together, although they be strangers. Boys and girls may not wear their hair Uke men and women, but are distinguished tliercby.
A man is not accounted a man till he do some notable act, or show forth such courage and resolu- tion as becometh his place. The men take much tobacco ; ^ but for boys so to do, they account it odious.
All their names are significant and variable ; for
' See pages 142, 143 and 154. ' See nole • on page 305. ■ See pages 164 and 227. * See nole * on page 188.
364 INDIAN WOMEN.
CHAP, when they come to the state of men and women, they
XXlII.
'' alter ^ them according to their deeds or dispositions*
1633. When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth her hair, and after weareth a covering on her head, till her hair be grown out Their women are di- versely disposed ; some as modest, as they will scarce talk one with another in the company of men, being very chaste also ; yet other some Ught, lascivious and wanton. If a woman have a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there be war or opposition between that and any other people, slie will run away from him to the contrary party, and there live ; where tliey never come unwelcome, for where are most women, there is greatest plenty.
When a woman hath her monthly terms, she sepa- rateth herself from all other company, and livcth cer- tain days in a house alone ; after which, she washeth herself, and all that she hath touched or used, and is again received to her husband's bed or family. For adultery, the husband will beat his wife and put her away, if he please. Some common strumpets there are, as well as in other places ; but they are such as either never married, or widows, or put away for adul- tery ; for no man will keep such an one to wife.
In matters of unjust and dishonest dealing, the sa- chim examineth and punisheth the same. In case of thefts, for the first oifence, he is disgracefully rebuked ; for the second, beaten by the sachim witli a cudgel on the naked back ; for the third, he is beaten witli many strokes, and hath his nose slit upwards, that thereby all men may both know and shun him. If any man kill another, he must likewise die for the same. The
' See note * on page 101.
INDUN APPAREL. 365
sachim not only passes the sentence upon malefactors,* chap.
but executeth the same with his own hands, if the ^
party be then present; if not, sendeth his own knife, i^^^- in case of death, in the hands of others to perform the same." But if the offender be to receive other punish- ment, he will not receive the same but from the sachim himself; before whom, being naked, he kneeleth, and will not offer to run away, though he beat him never so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during the time of his correction, than is his offence and punishment
As for their apparel, they wear breeches and stock- ings in one, like some Irish,' which is made of deer skins, and have shoes of tlie same leather. They wear also a deer's skin loose about them, like a cloak, which they will turn to the weather side. In this habit they travel ; but when they are at home, or come to their journey's end, presently tliey pull off their breeches, stockings and shoes, wring out the water, if they be wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe the same. Though these be off, yet have they another small garment that covereth their secrets. The men wear also, when they go abroad in cold weather, an otter or fox skin on their right ann,^ but only their bracer on the left. Women, and all of that sex, wear strings about their legs, which the men never do.
The people are very ingenious and observative ; they
' See page 308. chiefcst warriors, to fclch off a head
■ ** The most usual custom by some sudden, unexpected blow
amonf^st them in executing nun- of a liatcliet, when thuy have fear-
ishments, is for the sachim either ed mutiny by public execution."
to beat or whip or put to death Hoger Williams's Key, ch. xxii.
with his own liand, to which the See also page 201 proviotis.
common sort most rpiietly submit ; ' See nolo* on page 187.
though sometimes the sachim sends * See page 187.
a secret executioner, one of his
LANGUAGE OF THE INDIANS.
: keep account of time by the moon, and winters or ^ summers ; they know divers of the stars by name ; in ^' particular they know the north star, and call it maske^^ which is to say, tlie hear ; ' also they have many names for tlio winds. They will guess very well at the wind and weather beforehand, by observations in the hea- vens. They report also, tliat some of tliem can cause the wind to blow in what part they list — can raise storms and tempests," which they usually do when tlicy intend the death or destruction of other people, that by reason of the unseasonable weather, they may take advantage of their enemies in their houses. At such times they perform their greatest exploits, and in such seasons, when they are at enmity with any, they keep more careful watch than at other times.
As for the language, it is very copious, large, and difficult. As yet we cannot attain to any great mea- sure thereof; but can understand them, and explain ourselves to their understanding, by the help of tliose that daily converse with us. And though there be di (Terence in a hundred miles' distance of place, both in language and manners, yet not so much but ttiat
' " Mo$k or paukunawaw^ the Great Bear, or Charles's Wain ; which words mosk or paukunawaw signifies a bear ; which is so much tiic more observable, because in must languages that sign or constel- lation is called the Bear." Roger Williams*s Key, ch. xii.
' ** Their powows, by their exor- cisms, and necromantic charms, bring to pass strange things, if we may believe the Indians ; who re- port of one Passaconaway, a great sagamore upon Merrimack river, and the most celebrated powow in the country, that he can make the
water burn, the rocks move, the trees dance, and metamorphize himself into a flaming man. In winter, when there are no green leaves to be got, he will burn an old one to ashes, and putting these into the water, produce a new green leaf, which you shall not only see, but substantially handle and carry away ; and make a dead snake's skin a living snake, both to be seen, felt, and heard.'* Wood's New England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 12; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 474 ; Mor- ton's New English Canaan, book i. ch. 9.
INDIAN MEMORULS.
367
they very well understand each other.^ And thus chap.
. . XXIU.
much of their lives and manners. '
Instead of records and chronicles, they take this ^^^3. course. Where any remarkable act is done, in mem- ory of it, either in the place, or by some pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground, about a foot deep, and as much over ; which when others passing by behold, tliey inquire the cause and occasion of the same, which being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men, as occasion serveth, therewith ; and lest such holes should be filled or grown up by any accident, as men pass by, they will oil renew the same ; by which means many things of great antiquity are fresh in memory. So that as a man travclleth, if he can understand his guide, his journey will be the less tedious, by reason of the many histori- cal discourses [which] will be related unto him.
' " There is a mixture of this language north and south, from the place of my ahmlo, al>out 000 milrs ; yet within the 200 miles aforemen- tioned, their dialects do exceedingly differ; yet not so but, within that compass, a man may converse with thousands of natives all over the country.'* Roger Williams's Key, Pref.
" The Indians of the parts of New England, especially upon the sea-coasts, use the same sort of s|>ecch and language, only with some diflerence in the expressions, as they differ in several counties in England, yet so as they can well understand one another." Gookin, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149.
CHAPTER XXIV.
OP THE SITUATION, CLIMATE, SOIL, AND PRODUCTIONS OP
NEW ENGLAND.
?. In all this, it may be smd, I have neither praised nor 'S dispraised the country; and since IKved solongthere- 3. in, my judgment thereof will give no less satisfaction to them tliat know me, than die relation of our pro- ceedings. To which I answer, that as in one, b6 of the other, I will speak as sparingly as I can, yet will make known what I conceive thereof.
And first for that continent, on which we are, called New England, although it hath ever been conceived by the English to be a part of the main land adjoining to Virginia, yet by relation of the Indians it should ap- pear to be otherwise ; for they affirm confidently that it is an island,^ and that either the Dutch or French pass through from sea to sea between us and Virginia, and drive a great trade in the same. The name of that inlet of the sea they call Mohegon, which I take to be the same which we call Hudson's river, up which Master Hudson went many leagues, and for want of
* See page 250.
THE TEMPBRATURE OF NEW ENGLAND. 369
means fas I hear) left it undiscovered.^ For confirm- chap.
. XXIY
ation of this their opinion, is thus much ; though Vir- '
ginia be not above a hundred and fifty leagues from i^^^' us, yet they never heard of Powhatan, or knew that any English were planted in his country, save only by us and Tisquantum, who went in an English ship thither ; and therefore it is the more probable, be- cause the water is not passable for them, who are very adventurous in their boats.
Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three years' experience I can scarce distinguish New Eng- land from Old England, in respect of heat and cold, frost, snow, rain, winds, &c. Some object, because our Plantation licth in the latitude of 42^, it must needs be much hotter. I confess I cannot give the reason of the contrary ; only experience teacheth us, that if it do exceed England, it is so little as must require better judgments to discern it. And for the winter, I rather think (if tliere be difibrence) it is both sharper and longer in New England than Old ; and yet the want of those comforts in tlie one, which I have enjoyed in the other, may deceive my judgment also. But in my best observation, comparing our own condition witli the Relations of other parts of America, I cannot conceive of any to agree better with the constitution of the English, not being oppressed with extremity of heat, nor nipped by biting cold ; by which
'In September, 1G09, Hudson lan«l.*' See Robert Juel's Journal ascended the ** great river of the of Hudson's third voyage, in Pur- mountains," now called by his name, chas, iii. 503, and in N. Y. Hist, in a small vessel called the Half- ('oil. i. 139, 140, and 2d series, i. M(»nn, above the cily of Hudson, 317 — 3:J2 : Moulton's Hist of New and srnt up a boat beyond Albany. York, 213, iM'l — 249 ; Mass. Hist. Jossclyn says, that Hudson *' dist(»- (Ndl. xxiii. 3T2 ; Belknap^s Am. vered Mohegan river, in New Enj^- Biog. i. 400.
A^
370 INDIAN CORN.
CHAP, means, blessed be God, we enjoy our health, notwith-
\ standing those difficulties we have undergone, in such
1633. a measure as would have been admired if we had lived in England with the like means. The day is two hours longer than here, when it is at the shortest, and as much shorter there, when it is at the longest.
The soil is variable, in some places mould, in some clay, others, a mixed sand, &:c. The chiefest grain is the Indian mays, or Guinea wheat.^ The seed time bcginneth in [the] midst of April,^ and continueth good till the midst of May. Our harvest beginneth with September. This corn increaseth in great measure, but is inferior in quantity to the same in Virginia ; the reason I conceive is because Virginia is far hotter than it is with us, it requiring great heat to ripen. But whereas it is objected against New England, that corn will not grow there except the ground be manured with fish,^ I answer, that where men set with fish, (as with us,) it \& more easy so to do than to clear ground, and set without some five or six years, and so begin anew, as in Virginia and elsewhere. Not but that in some places, whore they cannot be taken with ease in such abundance, the Indians set four years together without, and have as good corn or better than we have that set with them ; though indeed I think if we had cattle to till the ground, it would be more pro- fitable and better agreeable to the soil to sow wheat, rye, barley, pease and oats, than t6 set mays, which our Indians call ewachim ; for we have had expe- rience that they like and thrive well ; and the other will not be procured without good labor and diligence,
See noto ' on page 131. ' See note * on page 331.
See nuto * on page 230.
THB FISHERIES. 371
especially at seed-time, when it must also be watch- chap.
XXIV.
ed by night, to keep tlie wolves from the fish, till
it be rotten, which will be in fourteen days. Yet men 1093. agreeing together, and taking their turns, it is not much.
Much might be spoken of the benefit that may come to such as shall here plant, by trade with the Indians for furs, if men take a right course for ob- taining the same ; for I dare presume, upon that small experience I have had, to afllirm that the English, Dutch and French return yearly many thousand pounds profit by trade only from that island on which we are seated.
Tobacco may bo there planted, but not with that profit as in some other places ; neither were it profita- ble there to follow it, though the increase were equal, because fish is a better and richer commodity, and more necessary, which may be and are there had in as great abundance as in any other part of the world ; witness the west-country merchants of England, which return incredible gains yearly from thence. And if they can so do, which here buy their salt at a great charge, and transport more company to make their voyage tlian will sail their ships, what may the plant- ers expect when once they arc seated, and make the most of their salt there, and employ themselves at least eight months in fishing ; whereas the other fish but four, and have their ship lie dead in the harbour all the time, whereas such shipping as belong to planta- tions may take freight of passengers or cattle thither, and have their lading provided against they come ? I confess we have come so far short of the means to raise such returns, as with great difficulty we have pre-
J72 THE PROFITS OF THE COLONY.
:hap. served our lives : insomuch as when I look back upon
XXIV. . ,
— ^-w' our condition, and weak means to preserve the samoi 1683. I rather admire at God's mercy and providence in our preservation, than that no greater things tmve been eflfected by us. But though our beginning have been thus raw, small and difficult, as tliou hast seen, yet the same God that hatli hitherto led us tlirough the former, I hope will raise means to accomplish tlie latter. Not that we altogether, or principally, propound profit to be the main end of that we have undertaken, but the glory of God, and the honor of our country, in the enlarging of his Majesty's dominions. Yet want- ing outward means to set things in that forward- ness we desire, and to further the latter by the former, I thought meet to ofler both to consideration, hoping that where religion and profit jump together (which is rare) in so honorable an action, it will encourage every honest man, either in person or purse, to set forward the same, or at leastwise to commend the welfare thereof in his daily prayers to the blessing of the blessed God.
I will not again speak of the abundance of fowl, store of venison, and variety of fish, in their seasons, which might encourage many to go in their persons. Only I advise all such beforehand to consider, that as they hear of countries that abound with the good crea- tures of God, so means must be used for the taking of every onp in his kind, and therefore not only to con- tent themselves that there is suflicient, but to foresee how they shall be able to obtain the same. Otherwise, as he that walketh London streets, though he be in the midst of plenty, yet if he want means, is not the better, but hath rather his sorrow increased by the sight of
CAUTIONS TO EMIGRANTS. —1573
that he wanteth, and cannot enjoy it, so also there, if chap.
thou want art and otiier necessaries thereunto belong- ^ .'
ing, thou mayest see that thou wantest and thy heart 1093. desireth, and yet be never the better for the same. Therefore, if thou see thine own insufficiency of thy- self, then join to some others, where thou mayest in some measure enjoy the same ; otherwise, assure thy- self thou art better where thou art. Some there be tliat thinking altogetlier of their present wants they enjoy here, and not dreaming of any there, through indiscretion plunge themselves into a deeper sea of misery. As for example, it may be here, rent and firing are so chargeable, as witliout great difficulty a man cannot accomplish the same ; never consider- ing, ttiat as he shall have no rent to pay, so he must build his house before he have it, and peradventure may with more case pay for his fuel here, than cut and fetch it home, if he have not cattle to draw it there; though there is no scarcity, but rather too great plenty.
I write not these things to dissuade any that shall seriously, upon due examination, set themselves to fur- ther the glory of God, and the honor of our country, in so worthy an enterprise, but rather to discourage such as with too great lightness undertake such cour- ses; who peradventure strain tliemselves and their friends for their passage thither, and are no sooner there, than seeing their foolish imagination made void, are at their wits' end, and would give ten times so much for their return, if they could procure it ; and out of such discontented passions and humors, spare not to lay that imputation upon the country, and others, which themselves deserve.
374 UNREASONABLE EXPECTATIONa
CHAP. As. for example, I have heard some complain of
XXIV. f KT 9 ET
! Others for their large reports of New England, and yet
162 3. because they must drink water and want many deli- cates they here enjoyed, could presently return with their mouths full of clamors. And can any be so sim- ple as to conceive tliat the fountains should stream forth wine or beer, or the woods and rivers be like butchers' shops, or fishmongers' stalls, where they might have things taken to their hands ? If thou canst not live without such tilings, and hast no means to procure the one, and wilt not take pains for the other, nor hast ability to employ others for thee, rest where thou art ; for as a proud heart, a dainty tooth, a beg- gar's purse, and an idle hand, be here intolerable, so that person that hath these qualities there, is much more abominable. If tlierefore God hath given thee a heart to undertake such courses, upon such grounds as bear thee out in all difficulties, viz. his glory as a prin- cipal, and all other outward good things but as acces- saries, which peradventure thou shalt enjoy, and it may be not, then thou wilt with true comfort and thankfulness receive the least of his mercies ; whereas on the contrary, men deprive tliemselves of much happiness, being senseless of greater blessings, and through prejudice smother up the love and bounty of God ; whose name be ever glorified in us, and by us, now and evermore. Amen.
A POSTSCRIPT.
If any man dosire a more ample relation of the state of tliis country, before sucli time aa tliis present Rela- tion takotli place, I refer tliem to the two former printed books; tlio one published by the President and Council for New England, and the other gath- ered by the inhabitants of this present Plantation at Plymouth in New England : both which books are to be* sold by John Bellamy, at his shop at the Three Golden Lions in Cornhill, near tlie Royal Exchange.^
' The former of the works here is included in the present volunne, referred to is reprinted in the Mass. pp. 109 — 250. See note * on page Hist. Coll. xix. 1—25 ; the latter 115.
WINSLOW'S BRIEF NARRATION.
'' Hypocrisie Unmasked : By a true Relation of the Proceedings of the Governour and Company of the Massachusets against Samuel Gorton, (and his Accomplices,) a notorious disturber of the Peace and quiet of tlie severall Governments wherein he lived : With the grounds and reasons thereof, examined and allowed by their Qenerall Court liolden at Boston in New Eng- land, in November last, 1646.
Together with a particular Answer to the manifold slanders, and abominable falsehoods which are contained in a Book written by the said Gorton, and entituled Simplicities Defence against Seven-headed Policy, d&c. Discovering to the view of all whose eyes are open, his manifold Blasphemies ; as also the dangerous agreement which he and his Accomplices made with ambitious and treacherous Indians, who at the same time were deeply engaged in a desperate Conspiracy to cut off all the rest of the English in the other Plantations.
Whereunto is added a Briefe Narration (occasioned by certain aspersions) of the true grounds or cause of the first Planting of New England ; the Precedent of their Churches in the way and worship of God; their Communion with the Reformed Churches ; and their practise towards those that dissent from them in matters of Religion and Church Government. By Edward Winslow. PsiUm cxx. 3, 4. * What shall be given unto thee, or what shall be done unto thee, thou false tongue ? Sharp arrows of the mighty, with couls of juniper.' Published by Authority.
London. Printed by Rich, Cotes for John liellamy, at the Three Golden Lions in Cornhill, neare the Royall Exchange. 1646.*' sm. 4to, pp. 103.
CHAPTER XXV.
OF THE TRUE GROUNDS OR CAUSE OP THE FIRST PLANTING
OF NEW ENGLAND.
f
And now that I have finished what I conceive chap.
XXV.
necessary concerning Mr. Gorton's scandalous and slanderous books,* let me briefly answer some objec- tions that I often meet withal against the country of New England.
The first that I meet with is concerning the rise and foundation of our New England Plantations ; it being alleged (though upon a great mistake by a late writer) *
* Winslow was sent to England swer, has been recently embodied in 1646 as the agent of Massachu- in the Collections of the R. I. His- BCtts, to defend that colony against torical Society, and the merits of the complaints of Gorton ; and for the case cannot be well understood that purpose published the work, without reading both sides. Full the title of which is given on the information about Gorton will be last page, and of which this Brief found in Savage^s Winthrop, ii. Narration constituted an Appendix. 57, 295 — 299 ; Hutchinson's Mass. No copy of it is known to exist in i. 117 — 124, 549; Morton^s Me- this country, although it was in morial, pp. 202 — 206; Mass. Hist, the possession both of Morton and Coll. xvii. 48 — 51 ; Callender's Prince ; and I have endeavoured in Historical Discourse, in R. I. Hist. Tain to procure it from England. Coll. iv. 89— 92, and ii. 9 — 20. The portion of the volume which I ' This was Robert Baylie, minis- print was copied for me from one ter at Glasgow, who in 1645 pub- in the British Museum. It is lished ** A Dissuasive from the Er- very desirable that tho whole book rors of the Time, wherein the tenets should be reprinted here, as Gor- of the principal sects, especially of ton's work, to which it is an an- the Independents, are examined."
380 T1I£ PILGRIMS AT LETDEN.
CHAP, that division or disagreement in the church of Leyden
XXV. , . .
was the occasion, nay cause, of the first plantation in New England ; for, saith the author, or to this effect, when they could no longer agree together, the one part went to New England, and began the Plantation at Plymouth, which he makes the mother, as it were, of the rest of the churches ; as if the foundation of our New England plantations had been laid upon division or separation, than which nothing is more untrue.^ For I persuade myself, never people upon earth lived more lovingly together and parted more sweetly than we, the church at Leyden, did ; not rashly, in a distracted humor, but upon joint and serious deliberation, often seeking the mind of God by fasting and prayer ; whose gracious presence we not only found with us, but his blessing upon us, from that time to this instant, to the indignation of our adversaries, the admiration of stran- gers, and the exceeding consolation of ourselves, to see such effects of our prayers and tears before our pil-
In this work, page 54, he speaks of or twelve years* residence in Hol- ** a small company at Leyden, un- land, they had contention among der Muster uubmson*s ministry, themselves, and divided, and be- which, partly by divisions among came two congregations.'* This is themselves, was well near brought a misstatement ; they had no con- to nought.*' John Cotton of Boston, tentinn among themselves. Govern who in 1648 wrote his work enti- nor Bradford says in his Dialogue, tied ** The Way of Congregational ** They lived together in love and Churches cleared from the historical peace all their days, without any aspersions of Mr. Robert Baylie,*' considerable differences, or any dis- says, p. 14, ** The church at Leyden turhance that grew thereby, but was in peace, and free from any di- such as was easily healed in love ; vision, when they took up thoughts and so they continued until with of transporting themselves into mutual consent thuy removed into America with common consent. New England.*' They le(\ Am- Themselves do declare it, that the sterdam fur Levden, as appears proposition of removal was set on from page 34, m order to avoid foot and prosecuted by the elders being drawn into the controversy upon just and weighty grounds." that was then springing up between ^ Hutchinson, too, in his Hist, of Smithes company and Johnson's Mass. ii. 451, says, ** During eleven church.
THEIR REASONS FOR EMIGRATING. 381
grimage here be ended. And therefore briefly take chap.
notice of the true cause of it. ^
'Tis true tliat that poor persecuted j9ock of Christ, by the malice and power of the late hierarchy, were driven to Leyden in Holland, there to bear witness in their practice to the kingly office of Christ Jesus in his church; and there lived together ten years under leos. the United States, with much peace and liberty. But leso. our reverend pastor, Mr. John Robinson, of late mem- ory, and our grave elder, Mr. William Brewster, (now at rest with the Lord,) considering, amongst many otlier inconveniences, how hard the country was where we lived, how many spent their estate in it and were forced to return for England, how grievous to live from under the protection of the State of England, how like we were to lose our language and our name of English, how little good we did or were like to do to the Dutch in reforming the sabbath,' how unable there to give such education to our children as we our- selves had received, &c., they, I say, out of their Christian care of the j9ock of Christ committed to them, conceived, if God would be pleased to discover i6i7. some place unto us, (though in America,) and give us so much favor with the King and State of England as to have their protection there, where we might enjoy the like liberty, and where, the Lord favoring our en- deavours by his blessing, we might exemplarily show our tender countrymen by our example, no less bur- dened than ourselves, where they might live and com- fortably subsist, and enjoy the like liberties with us, being freed from antichristian bondage, keep their
* See note ' on page 47.
THEIR APPLICATION TO KING JAKES.
\ names and nation, and not only be a means to enlarge i the dominions of our State, but the Church of Christ ^ also, if the Lord have a people amongst the natives whither he should bring us, &c. — hereby, in their great wisdoms, they thought we might more glorify God, do more good to our country, better provide for our posterity, and live to be more refreshed by our labors, than ever we could do in Holland, where we were.*
Now these their private thoughts, upon mature de- liberation, they imparted to the brethren of the congre- gation, which after much private discussion came to public agitation, till at the length the Lord was solemnly sought in the congregation by fasting and prayer to direct us ; who moving our hearts more and B. more to the work, we sent some of good abilities over into England to see what favor or acceptance such a thing might find with the King. These also found God going along with them, and got Sir Edwin Sands, a religious gentleman then Uving, to stir in it, who procured Sir Robert Naunton,then principal Secretary of State to King James, of famous memory, to move his Majesty by a private motion to give way to such a people (who could not so comfortably live under the government of another State) to enjoy their liberty of conscience under his gracious protection in America, where they would endeavour the advancement of his Majesty's dominions and the enlargement of the Gospel by all due means. This his Majesty said was a good and honest motion, and asking what profits might arise
* Compare this with Bradford's ses of their removal, in Chapter statement of the reasons and cau- IV. pp. 44 — 48.
THET CONCLUDE TO PART THE CHURCH. 383
in the part we intended, (for our eye was upon the chap.
most northern parts of Virginia,)^ 'twas answered, ^
Fishing. To which he replied with his ordinary i^^^*
asseveration, ^^ So God have my soul, 't is an honest
trade ; t' was the Apostles' own calling," &c. But
afterwards he told Sir Robert Naunton (who took all
occasions to further it) that we should confer with the
bishops of Canterbury and London,' &c. Whereupon
we were advised to persist upon his first approbation,
and not to entangle ourselves with them; which
caused our agents to repair to the Virginia Company, 1 6 1 o. S v
who in their court' demanded our ends of going ;
which being related, they said the thing was of God,
and granted a large( patent, mnd one of tliem lent us * '^
£300 gratis for three years, which was repaid. '
Our agents returning, we further sought the Lord leso. by a public and solemn Fast, for his gracious guidance. And hereupon we came to this resolution, that it was best for one part of the church to go at first, and the other to stay, viz. the youngest and strongest part to go. Secondly, they that went should freely offer themselves. Thirdly, if the major part went, the pastor to go with them ; if not, the elder only. Fourthly, if the Lord should frown upon our proceed- ings, then those that went to return, and the brethren that remained still there, to assist and be helpful to them ; but if God should be pleased to favor them that went, then they also should endeavour to help over such as were poor and ancient and willing to come.
' iScc noti^ ' on papo 51. nofn • on pajjo r>0, and Fullor*s (*h.
• Al»bc)t wjis r\t lliis lime arch- Jlist. iii. 2iKl, and Wood's Alhcn.
1»isliop of Canterbury, and John Oxon. ii. 294, (ed. ISliss.)
King was bishop of London. See ' See note * on page 67.
384 THE EMBARKATION AT DELFT-HAVEN.
CHAP. These tilings being agreed, the major part stayed,
L and the pastor with them, for the present ; but all
1620. intended (except a very few, who had rather we would have stayed) to follow after. The minor part, with Mr. Brewster, their elder, resolved to enter upon this great work, (but take nolice the difference of number was not great.) And when tlie ship was ready to carry us away, the brethren that stayed having again solemn- ly sought the Lord with us and for us, and we further engaging ourselves mutually as before, they, I say, that stayed at Leyden feasted us that were to go, at our pastor's house, being large ; where we refreshed ourselves, after tears, with singing of psalms, making joyful melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, there being many of our congregation very expert in music ; and indeed it was the sweetest melody that July ever mine ears heard. After this they accompanied ^*- us to Delph's Haven, where we were to embark, and there feasted us again ; and after prayer performed by our pastor, where a flood of tears was poured out, they accompanied us to the ship, but were not able to speak one to another for the abundance of sorrow to part. But we only going aboard, (the ship lying to the quay and ready to set sail, the wind being fair,) we gave them a volley of small shot and three pieces of ordnance, and so lifting up our hands to each other, and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God, July we departed, and found his presence with us in the ^^' midst of our manifold straits he carried us through. And if any doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I hear, at Delph's Haven preserve the memory of it to this day, and will inform them.
Nov.
9. ' But falling in with Cape Cod, which is in New
THE SETTLEMENT AT PLYMOUTH. 386
England, and standing to the southward for the place chap.
we intended,^ we met with many dangers, and the 1
mariners put back into tlie harbour of the Cape, which ^^^^' was the 11th of November, 1620 ; where considering ii.' winter was come, the seas dangerous, the season cold, tlie winds high, and being well furnished for a planta- tion, we entered upon discovery and settled at Ply- mouth; where God being pleased to preserve and enable us, we that went were at a thousand pounds charge in sending for our brethren that were behind, and in providing there for them till they could reap a crop of tlicir own labors.
And so, good reader, I have given thee a true and faithful account, though very brief, of our proceedings, wherein thou secst how a late writer,^ and those that informed him, have wronged our enterprise. And truly what I have written is far short of what it was, omitting for brevity scdce many circumstances ; as the large offers the Dutch offered to us, either to have removed into Zealand and tliere lived with them, or, if we would go on such adventures, to go under them to Hudson's river, (where they have since a great planta- tion, &c.) and how they would freely have transported us, and furnished every family with cattle, &c.' Also the English merchants that joined with us in this expedition, whom we since bought out ; ^ which is fitter for a history than an answer to such an objection, and I trust will be accomplished in good time. By all which the reader may see there was no breach between us that went and tlie bretliren that stayed, but such love as indeed is seldom found on earth.
f- ?
* See note * on page 102. ' See page 42.
' Baylie. See note ' on page 379. * See Mass. Hist Coll. iii. 47.
49
SUCCEEDING COLONIES CONSULT PLYMOUTH.
P. And for the many plantations that came over to us 1 upon notice of God's blessing upon us, whereas 't is falsely said they took Plymouth for their precedent, as fast as they came ; ^ 't is true, I confess, that some of 0. the chief of them advised with us, (coming over to be freed from the burthensome ceremonies then imposed in England,) how they should do to fall upon a right platform of worship, and desired to that end, since God had honored us to lay the foundation of a Com- monwealth, and to settle a Church in it, to show them whereupon our practice was grounded ; and if they found, upon due search, it was built upon the Word, they should be willing to take up what was of God. We accordingly showed them the primitive practice for our warrant, taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, and the Epistles written to the several churches by tlie said Apostles, togetiier with the commandments of Christ the Lord in die Gospel, and other our warrants
' '* The Dissuader," Bays Cotton, love and care in sending Mr. Fuller
'' is much mistaken when he saith, (the physician) amongst us, and
' The congregation of Plymouth did rojoico much that I am by him
incontinently leaven all the vicin- sutisfiod touching your judgment of
ity ; * seeing for many years there the outward form of Clod's wor-
was no vicinity to be leavened. And ship. It is, as far as I can yet
Salem itself, that was gathered gather, no other than is warranted
into church order seven or eight by the evidence of truth, and the
years after them, was above forty same which I have professed and
miles distant from them. And maintained ever since the I^rd in
though it be very likely that some mercy revealed himself unto roe,
of the first comers might help their being far differing from the com-
theory by hearing and disceinhig mon report that hath been spread
their practice at Plymouth, yet of you touching that particular.'*
therein the Scripture is fulfilled, Fuller himself, in a letter dated
The kingdom of heaven is like Massacliusctts, June 28, 1630,
unto leaven, which a woman took writes, ** Here is a gentleman, one
and hid in three measures of meal, Mr. Coddington, a Doston man,
till all was leavened.'' Way, &c. who told me that Mr. Cotton's
p. 10. charge to them at Hampton was,
Endicott, writing to Governor that they should take advice of
Bradford from Salem, May 11, them at Plymouth, and should do
1G29, says, ** I acknowledge myself nothing to offend them." Mass.
much bound to you for your kind Hist. Coll. iii. 00, 75.
t. ... .•
; • . . , ■ . .'\\ '
1 1 1 . / ' ■ . ' • / . I •
THE PRIMITIVE CHURCHES THE ONLY PATTERN. 387
for every particular we did from the book of God. chap.
Which being by them well weighed and considered, L
they also entered into covenant with God and one 16 90- another to walk in all his ways, revealed or as they should be made known unto them, and to worship him according to his will revealed in his written word only, &c. So tliat here also thou mayest see they set not the church at Plymouth before them for example, but the primitive churches were and are their and our mutual patterns and examples, which are only worthy to be followed, having the blessed Apostles amongst them, who were sent immediately by Christ himself, and enabled and guided by the unerring spirit of God. And truly this is a pattern fit to be followed of all that fear God, and no man or men to be followed further than they follow Christ and them.
Having thus briefly showed that the foundation of our New England plantations was not laid upon schism, division or separation, but upon love, peace and holi- ness ; yea, such love and mutual care of the church of Leyden for the spreading of the Gospel, the wel- fare of each other and their posterities to succeeding generations, as is seldom found on earth ; and having showed also that the primitive churches are the only pattern which the churches of Christ in New England have in their eye, not following Luther, Calvin, Knox, Ainsworth, Robinson, Ames, or any otlier, further than they follow Christ and his Apostles, 1 am earnestly requested to clear up another gross mistake which caused many, and still doth, to judge the harder of New England and the churches there, " because (say they) the Church of Plymouth, which went first from
388 ROBINSON'S DOCTRINE OF COMMUNION.
CHAP. Leyden, were schismaticS) Brownists, rigid Separa-
\ lists, &c., having Mr. Robinson for their pastor, who
made and to the last professed separation from other the churches of Ciirist, &c. And the rest of the churches in New England, holding communion with that church, are to be reputed such as they are."
For answer to this aspersion, first, he that knew Mr. Robinson either by his doctrine daily taught, or hath read his Apology, published not long before his death,' or knew the practice of that church of Christ under his government, or was acquainted with the wholesome counsel he gave that part of the church which went for New England at their departure and afterward, might easily resolve the doubt and take off the aspersion. 1617. For his doctrine, I living tliree years^ under his min- 162 0. ^^^^X' '^cfo^'o wo began the work of plantation in New England, it was always against separation from any the churches of Christ ; professing and holding com- munion both with the French and Dutch churches,' yea, tendering it to the Scotch also, as I shall make appear more particularly anon ; ever holding forth how wary persons ought to be in separating from a Church,
* In 1010. Rubinson died in Again, on page 8, he says/* Touch- 1625. ing the Reformed Churches, what
• From 1017 lo 1020. Winslow more shall I sayl We account was 22 years old when he united them the true churches of Jesus himself to Robinson's church at Christ, and both profess and prac- Leyden. See note on page 274. tise communion with them in the
' Robinson says in his Apoh)r;y, holy things of Cod, what in us lirtli. page 0, *' VVc do profess before (jod Their sermons such of ours frc- and men, that sueh is our accord, quent, as understand the Dutch in the case of religion, with the tongue; the sacraments we do ad- Dutch Reformed Churches, as that minister to their known members, we are ready to subscribe to all and if by occasion any of them be pre- every article of faiih in the same sent with us ; their distractions Church, as they arc laid down in and other evils wo do seriously be- the Ihu'inony of Con/rssions of wail; and do desire frcun tlio Lord Faiihf published in their name." their holy and finii peace.**
HIS REGARD FOR THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 389
and that till Christ the Lord departed wholly from it, chap. man ought not to leave it, only to bear witness against the corruption tliat was in it.
But if any object, he separated from the Church of England and wrote largely against it, but yet let me tell you he allowed hearing the godly ministers preach and pray ^ in the public assemblies ; yea, he allowed private communion ^ not only with them, but all tliat were faithful in Christ Jesus in the kingdom and else- where upon all occasions ; yea, honored them for the power of godliness, above all other the professors of religion in the world. Nay, I may truly say, his spirit cleaved unto tliem, being so well acquainted with the integrity of tlicir hearts and care to walk blameless in tlieir lives ; which was no small motive to him to per- suade us to remove from Holland,^ where we might probably not only continue English, but have and maintain such sweet communion with the godly of that nation as through God's great mercy we enjoy this day.
'T is true, I confess, he was more rigid in his course and way at first than towards his latter end ; ^ for his study was peace and union, so far as might agree with faith and a good conscience ; and for schism and divi-
' Cotton says, ** This must not any cliurcb, but from the world.' "
be understood of tho Common Princo, Annnis, p. 174.
Prayer Uook, but of tbe prayers ' Tlie words ** to some other
conceived by the preacher before place," seem to be here accidentally
and after sermon." Way, p. 8. omitted.
■ ** Hy private communion I sup- * Baylic himself acknowledges pose he means in opposition to the that ** Master Robinson was tho mixed communion m the public most learned, polished, and modest churches ; that is, he allowed all of spirit that ever that sect enjoyed ; " the Church of England who were and adds, ** it had been truly a mar- known to be pious to have commu- vol if such a man had gone on to nion in his private church. For as the end a rigid Separatist." Dis- Mr. (Cotton, writing of Mr. Robin- suasive, p. 17. son, says, * Ho separated not from
HIS DISLIKE OF EPISCOPACY AND THE LITUROr.
*. sioiii tliero was nothing in the world more hateful to L him. But for the government of the Church of Eng- land, as it was in the Episcopal way, the Liturgy, and stinted prayers of the Church then, yea, the constitu- tion of it as National, and so consequently the corrupt communion of the unworthy with the worthy receivers of the Lord's Supper, these things were never approved of him, but witnessed against to his death, and are by the church over which he was, to this day.* And if the Lord would be plenscd to stir up the hearts of those in whom (under him) the power of reformation lies to reform that abuse, that a distinction might once be put between the precious and the vile, particular churches might be gathered by the powerful preaching of the Word, those only admitted into communion whoso hearts the Lord persuades to submit unto the iron rod of the Gospel, O how sweet then would the communion of the churches be ! How thorough the reformation ! How easy would the ditferences be re- conciled between the Presbyterian and Independent way ! How would the God of peace, who command-
* ** Our faith is not negative, strangers from all show of true piety nor consists in the condemning of and goodness, and fraught never so others, and wiping their names out full with many must heinous impie- of the head-roll of churches, hut in ties .ind vices, are without diflTerence the edifying of ourselves ; neither compelled and enforced by most se- require we of any of ours, in the vere laws, civil and ecclesiastical, confession of their faith, that they into the body of that church. And either renounce or in one word of this confused heap (a few, corn- contest with the Church of Eng- parcii with the rest, godly i)ors(uis land — whatsoever the world cla- mingled among,) is that national mors of us in this way. Our faith church, connnonly called tho Church is founded u|)on the writings of the of Kngland, collected and framed. Prophets and Apostles, in which no Kvery subject of the kingdom, mention of the Church of England dwelling in this or that parish, is is made.*' bound, will he, nill he, fit or unfit,
** No man to whom England is as with iron bonds, to participate
known can be ignorant that all in all holy things, and some unholy
the natives there, and subjects of also, in that same parish church.*'
the kingdom, although never such Robinson's Apology, pp. 52, 5G.
THE PILGRIMS NOT SCHISMATICS. 391
Gth love and good agreementi smile upon this nation ! chap. How would the subtle underminers of it be disap- pointed, and the faithful provoked to sing songs of praise and thanksgiving ! Nay, how would the God of order be glorified in such orderly walking of the saints ! And as they have fought together for the liberties of the kingdom, ecclesiastical and civiV so may they join togcdier in tiie preservation of tiiem (which otherwise, 't is to be feared, will not long continue) and in the praises of our God, who hath been so good to his poor distressed ones, whom he hath delivered and whom he will deliver out of all their troubles. But I have made too great a digression, and must return.
In the next place I should speak of Mr. Robinson's Apology, wherein he makcth a brief defence against many adversaries, &c. But because it is both in Latin and English,^ of small price, and easy to be had, I shall forbear to write of it, and only refer the reader to it for the difference between his congrega- tion and other the Reformed Churches.
The next thing I would have the reader take notice of is, that however the church of Leyden differed in some particulars, yet made no schism or separation from the Reformed Churches, but held communion witii them occasionally. For we ever placed a large difFcrence between those that grounded their practice upon tiie word of God, (tiiough differing from us in the exposition or understanding of it) and those that hated such Reformers and Reformation, and went on in anti- christian opposition to it and persecution of it, as the
' This was written and published ■ See the title of this work, note ' in England in the time of the ciyil on page 40. wars in the reign of Charles I.
392 COIOIUNION WITH THE DUTCH CHURCHES.
CHAP. late Lord Bishops did, who would not in deed and truth
XXV.
L (whatever their pretences were) that Christ should
rule over them. But as they often stretched out their hands against the saints, so God hath withered the arm of tlieir power, thrown them down from their high and lofty seats, and slain tlie chief of their persons, as well as the hierarchy, that he might become an exam- ple to all those that rise against God in his sabbath, in the preaching of his word, in his saints, in the purity of his ordinances. And I heartily desire that others may hear and fear witlial.
As for the Dutch, it was usual for our members that understood the language and lived in or occasionally came over to Leyden, to communicate with them, as one John Jenny,^ a brewer, long did, his wife and family, &c. and witliout any oflbnce to the church. So also for any that had occasion to travel into any other part of the Netherlands, they daily did the like. And our pastor, Mr. Robinson, in the time when Ar- minianism prevailed so much, at the request of the most orthodox divines, as Polyander, Festus Hommius,
1613. &c. disputed daily against Episcopius (in the Academy at Leyden) and others, the grand champions of tliat error, and had as good respect amongst them as any of their own divines.' Insomuch as when God took him away from them and us by death, tlie University and ministers of the city accompanied him to his grave with all their accustomed solemnities, bewailing tlie great loss that not only tliat particular church had, whereof he was pastor, but some of the chief of them
' He was one of the passengers ' See pages 40 — 42. in the Anno. See note on page 352.
COMMUNION WITH THE FR1&NCH CHURCHES. 393
sadly affirmed that all the churches of Christ sustained chap.
, XXV.
a loss by tlic deatli of tliat worthy instrument of tlie Gospel.^ I could instance also divers of their mem- bers that understood the English tongue, and betook themselves to the communion of our church, went with us to New England, as Godbert Godbertson,* &c. Yea, at tliis very instant, another, called Moses Symonson,' because a child of one that was in com- munion with tlie Dutch church at Leyden, is admitted into church fellowship at Plymoutli in New England, and his children also to baptism, as well as our own, and other Dutch also in communion at Salem, &c.
And for tlie French churches, that we held and do hold communion with them, take note of our practice at Leyden, viz. that one Samuel Terry was received
' ** Contrary to Mr. Bay1ie*8 sag- fled from hierarchical tyranny and
firestion, Got. Bradford nnd Got. persecution. I felt a respect and
Winslow tell as that Mr. Robin- veneration upon entering the doors,
son and his people always lived in like what the ancients paid to their
great love and harmony among Druids."
themselves, as also with the Dutch, Robinson was admitted to the
with whom they sojourned. And privileges of the University of Ley-
when I was at Leyden in 1714, the den, Sept. 5, 1615, at the age of 39.
most ancient people from their pa- The house in which he dwelt was
rents told me, that the ciiy had near the Belfry, (*• by let Klock-
such a value for them, as to let buys, '*) and he was buried March
them have one of their churches, 4. 1625, three days af\er his Heath,
in the chancel whereof he lies bu- under the pavement in the aisle of
ricd, which the English still enjoy; St. Peter*s, the oldest church in the
and that as he was had in hi^li cs- city ; but no stone marks the spot,
teem both by the ciiy and univer- These facts were ascertained by Mr.
sity, for his learning, piety, mode- George Sumner, of Boston, who
ration, and excellent accomplish- visited Leyden in 184 1, and searched
ments, the magistrates, ministers, the records of the church, the city,
scholars, and most of the gentry and the university.
mourned his death as a public loss, ■ This name is also spelt Cudbart -^r «,
and followed him to the grave.** Cudbartson and Cuthbctt Cuthbert-
Prince, p. 238. son. He came in the Anne, nnd
Mrs. Adams, the wife of Prcsi- ninrrird Sarnh, a sister of Isaac
dent John Adams, in a letter writ- Allorton. See note on pape 352. ten Sept. 12, 17R0, snys, *' 1 would ' Syuionson came in the Fortune. -?. 3 T
not omit to mention that 1 visited The name has become changed
the church at Leyden, in which our into Simmons. See note* on pape
forefathers worshipped, when they 235, and Thacher's Plymouth, p. 72.
THE FRENCH AND DUTCH CHURCHSa
'. from the French church there into communion with us.
L Also the wife ofFrancis Cooke,' being a Walloon, holds communion with the church at Plymouth, as she came from the French, to this day, by virtue of communion of churches. There is also one Philip Delanoy,' bom of French parents, came to us from Leyden to New Plymouth, who coming to age of discerning, demanded also communion with us ; and proving himself to be come of such parents as were in full communion with the French churches, was hereupon admitted by the church of Plymouth ; and after, upon his removal of habitation to Duxburrow,^ where Mr. Ralph Partridge * is pastor of the church, and upon letters of recommen-
* Francis Cooke canie in the man of great abilities,** arriYed at Mayflower, and his wife Hester and Boston in 1636. He had been a chihiren in the Anne. See note ' on clergyman of the cliurch of Eng- page 39. land, but *' being hunted, by the
* De la Noye came in the For- ecclesiastical setters, like a par- tune. This name has become cor- tridge on the mountains, he had no rupted into Delano. deleiico, neither of beak nor claw,
' The church in Duxhury was but a flight over the ocean.** He formed in 1632. *' Those that lived was a member of the Cambridge on their lots on the other sido (»f the Synod, in 1047, and was associated bay, (called Duxburrow,) could no with John Cotton and Increase longer bring their wives and child- Mather, in drawing up the Plat- ren to the public worship and form of church government and church meetings here (ut Ply- discipline, lie continued in the mouth,) but with such burllion, us ministry at Duxhury till his death growing to some competent num- in 1658. Cotton Mather, aHer ber, they sued to bo dismissed and playing upon his name through a become a body of themselves ; and whole page, concludes his Life of so they were dismissed about this him thus; ** Mr. Partridge was, time, (though very unwillingly,) notwithstanding the paucity and and some timo after being uniied poverty of his congregation, so into ono entire body, tlicy procured afraid of biung any thing that look- Reverend Mr. Ralph Parinch to be ud like a bird wandering from his their pastor.** Mo. Records Plym. nest, ihat he remained with his Ch. p. 30. ** So that Duxhury poor people, till he took wing to seems to be the second town and become a bird of paradise, along church in Plymouth Colony, and with the winged seraphim of hea- the next town settled after New- vcn. Epitaphium — Avolavit ! *' ton, that is, Cambridge, in New See Morton's Memorial, p. 276; England.** Prince, p. 411. See Mather's Magnalia, i. 305; Mil- note on page 120. chelPs liridgewater, p. 383.
* Ralph Partridge, ** a gracious
COMMUNION WITH THE SCOTCH. 396
dation from the church at Plymouth, he was also ad- chap. mitted into fellowship with the church at Duxburrow, ^.-^ being six miles distant from Plymouth ; and so, I dare say, if his occasions lead him, may from church to church throughout New England. For the truth is, the Dutch and French churches, either of them being a people distinct from the world, and gathered into a holy communion, and not national churches, — nay so far from it as I verily believe the sixth person is not of the church, — the difference is so small (if moderately pondered between them and us) as we dare not for the world deny communion with them.
And for the Church of Scotland, however we have had least occasion oflered to hold communion with them, yet thus much I can and do affirm, that a godly divine coming over to Leyden in Holland, where a book was printed anno 1619, as I take it, showing the nullity of Perth Assembly,* whom we judged to be the author of it, and hidden in Holland for a season to avoid the rage of those evil times, (whose name I have forgotten,) this man being very conversant with our pastor, Mr. Robinson, and using to come to hear him on the sabbath, after sermon ended, the church being 1619; to partake in the liOrd's Supper, this minister stood up and desired he might, without offence, stay and see the manner of his administration and our participation in that ordinance. To whom our pastor answered in these very words, or to this eflect, " Reverend Sir, you
* Sir Dudley Cnrlclon, in a letter of the chuTch. It is without name to Sncrclnry Nauiitoii, dated at the cither of author or printer ; but I
Jf ague, July 17, 1019, writes,**! am inj()rtned it_ is printed by a cer-
~ ~ of Leyden,
a certain Scottish book, called Perth as are most of the Puritan books
have seen, within these two dnys, tain English Brownist of Leyden,
a certain Scottish book, called Prrth as are most of the Puritan books
Assembly ^ written with much scorn sent over of lato days into Eng-
and reproach of the proceeding in land/' Letters, p. 379. See note*
that kingdom concerning the afiairs on page 43.
) ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICE.
yp- may not only stay to behold us, but partake with us, if ~ you please ; for we acknowledge the churches of Scot- ^ ®- land to be the churches of Christ," &c. The minister also replied to tliis purpose, if not also in the same words, ^^ tliat for his part he could comfortably partake with the church, and willingly would, but that it is possible some of his brethren of Scotland might take offence at his act ; which he desired to avoid in re- gard of the opinion the English churches, which they held communion withal, had of us." However, he rendered thanks to Mr. Robinson, and desired in that respect to be only a spectator of us.^ These things I was earnestly requested to publish to the world by some of the godly Presbyterian party, who apprehend the world to be ignorant of our proceedings, conceiv- ing in charity that if they had been known, some late writers and preachers would never have written and spoke of us as they did, and still do as they have occa- sion. But what they ignorantly judge, write, or speak of us, I trust the Lord in mercy will pass by.
In the next place, for the wholesome counsel Mr. Robinson gave that part of tlie church whereof he was 2 0. pastor at their departure from him to begin the great work of plantation in New England, — amongst other wholesome instructions and exhortations he used these expressions, or to the same purpose :
" We are now ere long to part asunder, and the Lord knoweth whether ever he should Hve to see our faces again. But whether the Lord had appointed it
* Cotton, in his Way of Congre- John Tarbes,) he offered him com-
gational Churches Cleared, page 8, munion at the Lord's table ; though
says, ** I have been given to under- the other, for fear of offence to the
stand, that when a reverend and Scottish churches at home, excused
godly Scottish minister came that himself way, (it seemeth to have been Mr.
ROBINSON'S FARBWELL ADTICB. 397
or not he charged us before God and his blessed an- chap.
XXV.
gels, to follow him no further than he followed Christ ; ^.^ and if God should reveal any thing to us by any other 16S0« instrument of his, to be as ready to receive it as ever we were to receive any truth by his ministry ; for he was very confident the Lord had more truth and light yet to break forth out of his holy word. He took oc- casion also miserably to bewail the state and condition of the Reformed Churches, who were come to a period in religion, and would go no further than tlie instni- ments of their Reformation. As, for example, the Lutherans, they could not be drawn to go beyond what Luther saw ; for whatever part of God's will he had further imparted and revealed to Calvin, they will rather die tlian embrace it. And so also, saith he, you see the Calvinists, they stick where he left them ; a misery much to be lamented ; for though they were precious shining lights in their times, yet Grod had not revealed his whole will to them ; and were they now living, saith he, they would be as ready and willing to embrace further light, as that they had received. Here also he put us in mind of our church covenant,^ at least that part of it whereby we promise and cove- nant with God and one with another, to receive what- soever light or truth shall be made known to us from his written word ; but withal exhorted us to take heed what we received for trutli, and well to examine and compare it and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth before we received it. For, saith he, it is not possible the Christian world should come so lately out of such
' Sco on page 21, the terms of Ibe of the I^rd, made known or to be covenant here alluded to, by which made known unto them." they agree *'to walk in all the ways
398 ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICE.
CHAP, thick antichristian darkness, and that full perfection of
XXV
;, knowledge should break forth at once.
1620. cc Another thing he commended to us, was that we should use all means to avoid and shako oif the name of Brownisti^ being a mere nickname and brand to make religion odious and the professors of it to the Christian world. And to that end, said he, I should be glad if some godly minister would go over with you before my coming; * for, said he, there will be no dif- ference between the unconformable^ ministers and you, when they come to the practice of the ordinances out of the kingdom.^ And so advised us by aU means
* In his book on Religious Com- of England,** say, <* We desire yoa munion, printed in 1614, Robinson would be pleased to take notice of says, p. 45, ** He miscalls us Brown- the principals and body of our com- ists ; ** and on the title page of his pany, as those who esteem it our Apology he speaks of ** certain honor to call the Church of Eng- Christians, cuntumuliously called land, from whence wo rise, our Urownists.'* Sue this matter set dear mother, and cannot part from right by Dr. Holmes, in his Annals, our native country, where she i. 573. Some account of Brown specially resideth, without much will be gi?en hereafter. sadness of heart, and many tears
' They had engaged a minister in our eyes, e?er acknowledging
to go with them. See page 85. that such hope and part as we have
' That is, the nonconforming obtained in the common salvation,
clergy, who had not separated from we havo received in her bosom and
the church. sucked it from her breasts. We
* This prediction was remarka- leave it not therefore as loathing bly fulfilled in the case of the Mas- that milk, wherewith we were nou- sachusetts colonists. Higginson, rished there, but blessing God for in 1029, in taking his last look of the parentage and education, as his native land from the stern of members of the same body, shall his ship, exclaimed, '* We will not always rejoice in her good, and say as the Separatists were wont unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow to say at their leaving of Eng- that shall ever betide her, and while land, Farewell, Babylon ! Farowell, we have breath, sincerely desire Rome ! But we will say. Fare- and endeavour the continuance and well, dear England ! Farewell, the abundance of her welfare, with the Church of God in England, and all enlargement of her bounds in the the Christian friends there ! VVe kingdom of Christ Jesus ; wishing do not go to New England as sep- our heads and hearts were fountains aralisls from the Cliurch of Eng- of tears fur your everlasting wel- land." Gov. Winthrop, too, and fare, when we shall be in our poor his compui)^, on their departure in cottages in the wilderness, over- 1630, in their address " to the rest of shadowed with the spirit of suppli- thcir brethren in and of the Church cation.**
ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICB. 399
to endeavour to close with the godly party of the chap.
kingdom of England, and rather to study union than '
division, viz. how near wc might possibly without sin i ^ ^ o. close with tliem, than in the least measure to affect division or separation from them. And be not loath to take another pastor or teacher, saith he ; for that flock that hatli two shepherds is not endangered but secured by it." *
Many otlicr things there were of great and weighty consequence which he conmiended to us. But these things I thought good to relate, at the request of some well-willers to the peace and good agreement of the godly, (so distracted at present about the settling of church government in the kingdom of England,) that
These professions were undoubt- therms Magnalia, L 328 ; Hutchin- edly heartfelt and sincere. And son's Mass. i. 487 ; Morton's Me- yet no sooner were these Noncon- morial, p. 146 ; Mass. Hist. ColL formists in a place where they could iii. 74, xv. 186. act for thennseWes, than they pur- * We have here this celebrated sued precisely the course taken by farewell discourse of Robinson in the Separatists, adopted their form its original form. Winslow was of ecclesiastical discipline and gov- present and heard it, and either emment, and set up Independent took it down from memory or from churches, lligginson, though a the notes of his pastor. It ap- presbyter of the Church of £2ng- peared in print for the first time m land, was ordained over again by 1646, in this work, and all succeed- the members of his own congrcga- ing writers, such as Mather, Prince tion at Salem. Phillips, afier- and Neal, have copied it from Wind- wards the minister of Watertown, low.
who signed the above address with ** Words," says Prince, speak-
Winthrop, declared soon af\er his ing of this exhortation, " almost
arrival, that if his companions astonishing in that age of low and
would ** have him stand minister universal bigotry which then pre-
by that calling which he teccived vailed in the English nation; wherein
from the prelates in England, he this truly great and learned man
would leave them." And when seems to he the only divine who was
Mr. Cotton came over in 1633, ** by capable of rising into a noble free-
his preaching and practice he did dom of thinking and practising in
by Qccrecs mould all their church religious matters, and even of urging
administrations into the very same such an equal liberty on his own
form which Mr. Phillips labored to people. lie labors to take them ofi*
introduce into the churches before ;" from their attachment to him, that
so that after a while there was no they might be more entirely free to
perceptiblo dinfcrence l>etwcon the search and follow the Scriptures."
Puritans of Massachusetts and the Annals, p. 176. Separatists of Plymouth. See Ma-
400 ROBINSON NOT A RIGID SEPARATIST.
CHAP. 80 both sides may truly see what tliis poor despised '^ church of Christ, now at New Plymouth in New Eng- land, but formerly at Leyden in Holland, was and is ; how far they were and still are from separation from the churches of Christ, especially tliose that are Reformed. 'T is true we profess and desire to practise a sepa- ration from the world, and the works of the world, which are works of the flesh, such as the Apostle speaketh of. And as the churches of Christ are all Ei^M- saints by calUng, so we desire to see the grace of God ^^1 co^r!' shining forth (at least seemingly, leaving secret things o-'ii. to God) in all we admit into church fellowship with ii.il, IS. ^g^ i^n^ ^ i^^^p off such as openly wallow in the mire
of their sins, that neither the holy things of God nor the communion of the saints may be leavened or pol- luted thereby. And if any joining to us formerly, eitlier when we lived at Leyden in Holland, or since we came to New England, have with the manifesta- tion of their faith and profession of holiness held forth therewith separation from the Church of England, I have divers times, both in the one place and the other, heard either Mr. Robinson, our pastor, or Mr. Brew- ster, our elder, stop them fortliwith, showing them that we required no such things at their hands,^ but only to hold forth faith in Christ Jesus, holiness in the fear of God, and submission to every ordinance and appointment of God, leaving the Church of England to themselves and to the Lord, before whom they should stand or fall, and to whom we ought to pray to
' Cotton too says, '* When some inson would bear witness against
Englishmen that ofieied themselves such profession, avouching they re-
to become members of his church, quired no such professions of sepa-
would sometimes in their confes- ration from this or that or any
sions profess their separation from church, but only from the world.*'
the church of England, Mr. Hob- Way, p. 9.
CONGREaATIONALISM AN APOSTOLIC INSTITUTION. 401
reform what was amiss amongst them J Now this re- chap formation we have Uved to see performed and brought about by the mighty power of God this day in a good measure, and I hope the Lord Jesus will perfect his work of reformation, till aU be according to the good pleasure of his will. By all which I desire the reader to take notice of our former and present practice, not- withstanding all the injurious and scandalous taunting reports [that] are passed on us. And if these things will not satisfy, but we must still suffer reproach, and others for our sakes, because they and we thus walk, our practice being, for aught we know, wholly ground- ed on tlie written word, without any addition or human invention known to us, taking our pattern from tlie primitive churches, as they were regulated by the blessed Apostles in their own days, who were taught
* In 1B34, nine years afler his ha?e alwaj^s, in spirit and affection, death, there was published ** A all Christian fellowship and corn- Treatise of the lawfulness of hear- munion with them, and am most ing of the ministers in the Church ready in all outward actions and of England ; penned by that learned exercises of religion, lawful and and reverend divine, Mr. John Ro- lawfully done, to express the same ; binson, late pastor to the English and withal, that I am persuaded church of God in Leyden ; printed the hearing of the word of God according to the copy that was found there preached, in the manner and in his study after his decease.'* upon the grounds formerly men- From this rare work I extract the tinned, both lawful, and upon occa- concluding paragraph. sion necessary for me and all true
** To conclude. For myself, thus Christians, withdrawing from that I believe with my heart before hierarchical order of church gov- God, and profess with my tongue, emment and ministry, and the ap- and have oefore the world, that I purtenances thereof, and uniting in have one and the same faith, hope, the order and ordinances instituted spirit, baptism, and Lord, which I by Christ, the only King and Lord had in the Church of England, and of his church, and by all his disci- none other ; that I esteem so many pies to be observed ; and lastly, that in that Church, of what state or i cannot communicate with or sub- order soever, as are truly partakers mit unto the said church order and of that faith, (as I account many ordinances there established, either thousands to bo,) for my Christian in state or act, without being con- brethren, and myself a fellow mem- demned of mine own heart, and her with them uf that one mystical therein provoking God, who is great- body of Christ scattered far and er than my heart, to condemn me wide throughout the world ; that I much more."
402 PRESBTTBRIANS TOLERATED IN NEW ENGLAND.
CHAP, and instructed by the Lord Jesus Christ, and had the
XXV.
unerring and all-knowing spirit of God to bring to their remembrance the things they had heard, — I say if we must still suffer such reproach, notwithstanding our charity towards tliem who will not be in charity with us, God's will be done.
The next aspersion cast upon us is, that we will not suffer any that differ from us never so little to reside or cohabit with us ; no, not the Presbyterian government, which differeth so little from us. To which I answer, our practice witnesseth the contrary. For t' is well known that Mr. Parker and Mr. Noyce,^ who are ministers of Jesus Christ at Newberry, are in that way, and so known, so far as a single congregation can be exercised in it ; yet never had tlie least molestation or disturbance, and have and find as good respect from magistrates and people as other elders in the Congre- gational or primitive way. 'T is known also, that Mr. Hubbard,^ the minister at Hengam, hath declared him-
* Thomas Parker and James things according to the presbytery,
Noyes came to New England in asof Newbury, &c. The assembly
1634, and were settled in 1635 as concluded against some parts of the
nastor and teacher of the church in preshytorial way, and tho Newbury
Newbury, which was tho tenth ministers took time to consider the
church gathered in Massachusetts, arguments,*' &o. For further par-
Thcy wcro cousins, had been pu- ticulars concerning them, see Ma-
pils and teachers in the same school, ther*s Magnalia, i. 433 — 44 1 ; Sa?-
came over in the same ship, and age's Winthrop, ii. 137 ; Allen's f
lived together in the same house for Am. Bioff. Diet. ; and Eliot's New '
twenty years, when death separated England Biog. Diet. i
them. Parker had been a pupil of ' Peter Hobart, tho first minister
Archliishop Usher, and Noyes had of Ilingham, was from tho town of
been a student in the university of thesamo name in Norfolk, England.
Oxford. Tho celebrated Baxter said Ho was educated at Magdalen Col-
** he was a lover of the New Eng- logo, Cambridge, where he received
land churches according to the New the degree of A. B. in 1625, and
England model, as Mr. Noyes had A. M. in 1629. He came to New
explained it." We are told by England in June, 1635. Hubbard
Winthrop that the principal occa- says ** he was not so fully persuaded
sion of the synod held at Cambridge of the congregational discipline as
in 1643, was because *' some of the some others were ; he was reported
elders went about to set up some to be of a presbyterial spirit, and
HOBART, OF HINGHAM. 403
self for tliat way; nay, which is more than- ever I ^hap. heard of the other two, he refuseth to baptize no children that are tendered to him, (although this liberty stands not upon a Presbyterian bottom,) and yet the civil state never molested him for it Only coming to a Synod held in the country the last year, which the magistrates called, requesting the churches to send their elders and such others as might be able to hold forth the light of God from his written word in case of some doubts which did arise in the country, I say he coming the last sitting of the Assembly, which was adjourned to the 8th of June next, was in all meekness and love requested to be present and hold fortli his light he went by in baptizing all that were brought to him, hereby waiving the practice of the churches ; which he promising to take into con- sideration, they rested in his answer.
So also 't is well known that before these unhappy troubles arose in England and Scotland, there were divers gentlemen of Scotland that groaned under the heavy pressures of those times, wrote to New England to know whether they might be freely suffered to ex- ercise their Prcsbyterial government amongst us ; and it was answered affirmatively they might. And they sending over a gentleman to take a view of some fit place, a river called Mcromeck, near Ipswich and
managed all affairs without advice for that hia spirit had been dis-
of the brethren.'* Some idea of his covered to be averse to our eccle-
character may be gathered from the siastical and civil government, and
following passage in Winthrop^s he was a bold man and would speak
History ; ** There was a great mar- his mind.^* See more concerning
riage to be solemnized at Boston, him in Mather's Magnalia, i. 448 —
The bridegroom being of llinpham, 452; Lincoln's History of Hing-
Mr. Hubbard's church, he was pro- ham, pp. 21, 59, 15G ; Savage's
cured to preach, and came to JJos- Winthrop, ii. 222, 313 ; Hubbard,
ton to that end. But the magis- in Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 102, xvi.
tratcs, hearing of it, sent to him to 418, xxviii. 248. forbear. The reasons were, first.
04 LAW AGAINST ANABAPTISTS.
HAP. Newberry aforesaidi was showed their agent, which he well liked, and where we have since four towns settled, and more may be for aught I know ; so that there they might have had a complete Presbytery, and whither they intended to have come. But meeting with mani- fold crosses, being half seas through, they gave over their intendments ; and, as I have heard, tlieso wore many of the gentlemen that first fell upon the late Covenant in Scotland. By all which will easily ap- pear how we are here wronged by many, and the- harder measure, as we hear, imposed upon our breth- ren for our sakes, nay pretending our example for their precedent. And last of all, not long before I came away, certain discontented persons in open court of the M assachusets, demanding that liberty, it was freely and as openly tendered to them, showing their former practices by me mentioned, but willed not to expect that we should provide them ministers, &c. for the same ; but getting such themselves, they might exercise their Presbyterian government at their liberty, walking peaceably towards us, as we trusted we should do towards them. So that if our brethren hero shall be restrained, they walking peaceably, tlie example must not be taken from us, but arise from some other principle.
But it will be objected. Though you deal thus with the Presbyterian way, yet you have a severe law against Anabaptists ; ' yea, one was whipped at Massachusets for his religion ; ^ and your law banish- eth them. Answer. 'Tis true the Massachusets
' This law may be seen in punished was Thomas Painter, of
Hazard's State Papers, i. 538. See Illngham. This was in 1644. See
also Savage's Winthrop, ii. 174. an account of it in Savage's Win-
' The numc of the person thus thiop, ii. 174.
CHAUNCT, OF SCITUATB. 406
Government have such a law to banishi but not to chap.
, . XXV.
whip in that kind. And certain men desiring some mitigation of it, it was answered in my hearingi <<'Tis true we have a severe law, but we never did or will execute the rigor of it upon any ; and have men living amongst us, nay some in our churches, of that judg- ment ; and as long as tliey carry themselves peaceably, as hitherto they do, we will leave them to God, our- selves having performed the duty of bretlu'en to them. And whereas there was one whipped amongst us, H is true we knew his judgment what it was ; but had he not carried himself so contemptuously towards the au- thority God hath betrusted us with in a high exemplary measure, we had never so censured him ; and there- fore ho may thank himself, who suflered as an evil- doer in tliat respect. But the reason wherefore we are loath either to repeal or alter the law, is, because we would have it remain in force to bear witness against their judgment and practice, which we con- ceive tlicm to bo erroneous. And yet novertficlcss," said the Governor to those [who] preferred the request, " you may tell our friends in England, whither ye are some of you going, since the motion proceedeth from such as we know move it in love to us, we will seri- ously take it into consideration at our next General Court." So that thou mayest perceive, good reader, that the worst is spoken of things in that kind.
Furthermore, in the Government of Plymouth, to our great grief, not only the pastor ' of a congregation
' Tho person here referred lo was bIiouUI be mlminislcrcd to infants,
the Uev. Charles ('hauncy, at this provitlcci it wore done by immersion,
time minister of Scituate, and after- He took the degree of A. H. at
wards President of Harvard ('ollego. Trinity College, (*ambridge, in lOKl,
It appears, however, that he was of A. M. in 1617, and of B. D. in
willing that the ordinance of baptism 1024. He was also incorporated
406 CONGREGATIONALISM THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH POLITY.
CHAP, waivetli the administration of baptism to infants, but
XXV. . . .
divers of his congregation are fallen with him ; and yet all the means the civil power hath taken against him and them is to stir up our elders to give meetingi and see if by godly conference they may be able to convince and reclaim him, as in mercy once before they had done, by God's blessing upon their labors. Only at the fore- said Synod, two were ordered to write to him in the name of the Assembly, and to request his presence at their next meeting aforesaid, to hold forth his light he goetli by in waiving the practice of the churches ; with promise if it be Hght, to walk by it ; but if it appear otherwise, tlien they trust he will return again to the unity of practice with them. And for the other two Governments of Conectacut and Newhaven, if either have any law in force against them, or so much as need of a law in that kind, 'tis more tlian I have heard on. For our parts (I mean the churches of New Eng- land) we are confident, through God's mercy, the way of God in which we walk and according to which we perform our worship and service to Him, concurreth witli those rules our blessed Saviour hath Icil upon record by the Evangelists and Apostles, and is agreea- ble with the practice of tliose primitive churches men- tioned in the Acts, and regulated by the same Apostles, as appeareth not only in that Evangelical History, but in their Epistles to the several churches there men- tioned. Yet nevertheless if any through tenderness of conscience be otherwise minded, to such we never turn a deaf ear, nor become rigorous, though we have
A. M. at Oxford, in 1619. See Mass. Hist Coll. iv. 112, x. 30, 174,
Mather's Magnalia, i. 418 — 430; xxviii. 217; Hutchinson's Mass. i.
Deane's Sciluate, pp. 60, 89, 173 ; 227 ; Wood's Fasti Oxon. First
Savage's Winthrop, i. 330, ii. 72 ; Part, p. 391, (Bliss's ed.)
16.
I
EVIL-DOERS NOT TO BE TOLERATED. 407
the Stream of authority on our sides. Nay, if in the chap. use of all means we cannot reclaim them, knowing <* the wisdom that is from above is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy ; and the fruit of righteousness is sown in peace of them that make peace," according to James iii. 17, 18 ; and if any difiering from us be answera- ble to this rule in their lives and conversations, we do not exercise the civil sword against them. But for such as Gorton and his company, whose wisdom seems not to be from above, as appeareth in that it is " full of envying, strife, confusion," being therein such ^•mm^ as the Apostle Jude speaks on, viz. ^^ earthly, sensual, jad« devilish," who *^ despise dominion and speak evil of dignities," these are <^ murmurers, complainers, walk- le. ers after their own lusts, and their mouth speaketh great swelling words, being clouds without water, car- 19. ried about of winds, trees whose fruit withereth, with- out fruit, twice dead, plucked up by the roots, raging u. waves of the sea, foaming out their own shame, wan- dering stars, to whom, (without repentance, which I much desire to see or hear of in him, if it may stand witli tlie will of God,) is reserved the blackness of darkness forever " — tliese, I say, are to be proceeded with by another rule, and not to be borne ; who suffer as evil-doers, and are a shame to religion, which they profess in word, but deny in their lives and conversa- tions. These every tender conscience abhors, and will justify and assist " the higher powers God hath ordained," against such carnal gospellers, " who bear Rom. not the sword in vain," but execute God's vengeance on such ; for the civil magistrate is " the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrjith on him that doth evil."
NEW ENGLAND -QOD BLESS HER I
'. And therefore a broad difference is to be put between 1 such evil-doers and those tender consciences who fol- low the light of God's word in their own persuasions, (though judged erroneous by the places where they live) so long as their walking is answerable to the rules of the Gospel, by preserving peace and holding forth holiness in their conversations amongst men.
Thus much I thought good to signify, because we of New England are said to be so often propounded for an example. And if any will take us for a precedent, I desire they may really know what we do, rather than what otliers ignorantly or maliciously report of us, assur- ing myself that none will ever be losers by following us so far as we follow Christ. Which that we may do, and our posterities after us, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ and our Father accept in Christ what is according to him ; discover, pardon and reform what is amiss amongst us ; and guide us and them by the assistance of the Holy Ghost, for time to come, till time shall be no more ; that the Lord our God may still delight to dwell amongst his plantations and churches there by his gracious presence, and may go on blessing to bless them with heavenly blessings in these earthly places, that so by his blessing they may not only grow up to a nation, but become exemplary for good unto others. And let all that wish well to Zion say Amen.^
' Tho work of Winslow, to which London. 1649.** The paging, list
this Brief Narration is appended, of errata, &c. are precisely the sanio
was afterwards piihliblied with a as in tlie other book, Hypocrisy
new title-page, as follows : **The Unmasked.
danger of tolerating levellers in a Whilst Winslow was in England,
civil state ; or a historical narration he published, in 1C40, another hook,
of the dangerous practices and entitled *^ Neio England* s Salaman-
opinions wherewith Samuel Gor- der Discovered — or a satisfactory
ton and his levelling accomplices answer to many aspersions cast
so much disturbed and molested upon New England.*' This work
the several plantations in New is reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxii.
England. By Edward Winslow, 110 — 145. of Plymouth, in New England.
GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE.
MORTON'S PREFACE.
GoDLT AND Conscientious Reader,
It is a great part of the happiness of heaven, that the saints in celestial glory are and shall be all of one mind; and it is not unprobably gathered by the learned, that when << the Lord shall be one, and his zteb. name one," there shall be a joint concurrence of the saints in and about the matters of God. In the mean time, it is no small grief to every modest, moderate- minded Christian, to see such discord among the best of saints ; whereas if the ground of the difference were sometimes well scanned, it would appear to be more in circumstance than in substance, more nominal, or respecting names or abusive names given, than in substantial realities. Rev. Mr. Manton, in his sermon before the honorable House of Commons, saith, "The Devil gettcth great advantages by names amongst Christians, as Lutherans, Calvinists, Presbyterians, Independents, inventing," saith he, " either such as may tend to contempt or derision, as of old Christians, of late Puritans, or to tumult and division, as those names amongst us, under j^which the members of Christ sadly gather into bodies and parties."
412 MORTON'S PREFACE.
Let me add hereunto, that the mischief of this also appeared when Ught sprung out of [the] darkness of Popery. Then the godly were forced to sustain the name of Puritans and the nickname of Brownists, so as many of the godly in our nation lay in obscurity under contempt of those names; ^ and afterwards, as light ap- peared, notwithstanding became one in the profession and practice of the truth respecting the kingly office of Christ, wherein they seemingly differed but a little before, both in New England and in Old England ; but yet so as some estrangedness remains amongst those, although that in the main and substance of things they are of one mind, and with oneness of heart and mouth do serve the Lord, and do agree in and about the matters of the kingdom of Christ on earth. Yea, and I doubt not but some such of tliem as were of the eminentest on both sides, who are now departed tliis life, do agree and have sweet communion with each other m their more nobler part in glory.
I have lately met with a plain, well composed, and useful Dialogue, penned by tliat honored pattern of piety, William Bradford, Esq. late Governor of the Jurisdiction of New Plymouth Colony, which occa- sionally treats something of this matter, together with and in defence of such as I may without just offence term martyrs ^ of Jesus, and in defence of the cause they suffered for ; it being no other in effect but what our church and the churches of Christ in New England do both profess and practise. I will not defend, neitlier
* These difTerences were partly Greenwood, Mr. John Penry, Mr. Mown up amon^Tst these Christians William Dennis, [Mr. John] Cop- by the names of Brownist and Pu- inff and Elias [Thacker] and several riuins. — Morton's Note. others that sunforcd much, though
' Mr. Henry Harrow, Mr. John nut put to death. — Morion's Note,
MORTON'S PREFACE. 413
doth he, all the words that might fall from those blessed souls in defence of the truth, who suffered so bitterly as they did from such as ere while (if I mistake not) were forced to fly into Germany for the cause of God in Queen Mary's days, and returned again in the happy reign of Queen Elizabeth, and turned prelates and bitter persecutors.^ This thing considered, and other things also, if some passages that fell from them might have been spared, yet in many things we all offend, and *^ oppression will make a wise man mad," saith Solomon. Such circumstantial weakness will not unsaint a Christian, nor render him no martyr, if his cause bo good, as you will find it to bo by tlio perusing of this Dialogue, I doubt not; but let it speak for itself.
Gentle reader, I hope thou wilt obtain a clear reso- lution about divers things, whereof possibly thou wert in doubt of formerly respecting the premises ; in the transcribing whereof I have taken the best care I could to prevent offence and to procure acceptance. If any good comes thereof, let God have all the praise.'
' See paf^es 9 — 13. Dialogue into tho records of the Pljr-
* This Preface was written by mouth Church, whence I obtained it. Secretary Morton, who copied this It has never before been printed.
CHAPTER XXVI.
A DIALOOUB, OR THE SUM OF A CONFERENCE BETWEEN SOME VOUNQ MEN BORN IN NEW ENGLAND AND SUNDRY ANCIENT MEN THAT CAME OUT OF HOLLAND AND OLD ENGLAND, ANNO DOMINI 1648.1
YOUNG MEN.
^HAP. Gentlemen, you were pleased to appoint us this time to confer with you, and to propound such ques- tions as might give us satisfaction in some things wherein we are ignorant, or at least further light to some things tliat are more obscure unto us. Our first request therefore is, to know your minds concerning the true and simple meaning of tlioso of The Separa- tion, as tliey are termed, when they say the Church of England is no Church, or no true Church.
ANCIENT MEN.
For answer hereunto, first, you must know that they speak of it as it then was under tlie hierarchical prelacy, which since have been put down by the State, and not as it is now unsettled.
2. They nowhere say, tliat we remember, that they
' That is, the Dialogue was held or written in 1G48.
TUB CHURCH OF ENGLAND NO TRUE CHURCH. 4l6
are no Church. At least, they are not so to be under- chap.
XXVI.
stood ; for they often say the contrary.
3. When tliey say it is no true Church of Christ, tliey do not at all mean as they are the elect of God, or a part of the Catholic Church, or of the mystical body of Christ, or visible Christians professing faith and hoUness, (as most men understand the church) ; for which purpose hear what Mr. Robinson in his Apology, page 63. " If by the Church," saith he, " be under- stood the Catholic Church, dispersed upon the face of the whole earth, we do wiUingly acknowledge that a singular part tliereof, and the same visible and con- spicuous, is to be found in the land, and with it do profess and practise, what in us lies, communion in all things in Uiemselves lawful, and done in riglit order."
4. Therefore they mean it is not a true church as it is a National Church, combined together of all in the land promiscuously under the hierarchical government of archbishops, their courts and canons, so far differ- ing from the primitive pattern in the Gospel.
YOUNG MEN.
Wherein do they differ then from the judgment or practice of our churches here in New England ?
ANCIENT MEN.
Truly, for matter of practice, nothing at all that is in any thing material ; these being rather more strict and rigid in some proceedings about admission of members, and tilings of such nature, tlian the other ; and for matter of judgment, it is more, as wc conceive, in words and terms, tlian matter of any great sub- stance ; for tlic churches and chief of tlie ministers
BROWNISTS AND SEPARATISTS.
'. here hold that the National Church, so constituted and i governed as before is said, is not allowable according to the primitive order of the Gospel ; but that there are some parish assembUes that are true churches by virtue of an implicit covenant amongst themselves, in which regard the Church of England may be held and called a true church. >r* Where any such are evident, we suppose the other will not disagree about an implicit covenant, if they mean by an implicit covenant that which hath the substance of a covenant in it some way discernible, though it be not so formal or orderly as it should be. But such an implicit [covenant] as is no way ezpUcit, is no better than a Popish impUcit faith, (as some of us conceive,) and a mere fiction, or as that which should be a marriage covenant which is no way explicit.
YOUNG MEN.
Wherein standeth the difference between the rigid Brownists and Separatists ' and others, as we observe our ministers in their writings and sermons to distin- guish tliem ?
ANCIENT MEN.
The name of Brownists^ is but a nickname, as
* The learned and ever-memora- charitable sentiment ; '' Difference
ble John Hales, of Eton, said of of opinion may work a disaffection
this word Separatist, ** Where it in me, but not a detestation. I
may bo rightly fixed and deservedly rather pity than hate Turk and
charged, it is certainly a great of- infidel, for they are of the same
fence ; but in common use now metal and bear the same stamp as
among us, it is no other than a I do, though the inscriptions differ,
theological scarecrow.'' Works, i. If I hate any, it is those schismatics
XV. Foulis, 1765. that puzzle the sweet peace of our
' James Howell, in one of his church ; so that I could be content
letters, aping the style, whilst de- to see an Anabaptist go to hell on a
void of the liberal spirit of Sir Brownist's back." Letters, p. 270,
Thomas Browne, has the following (ed. 1754.)
PURITANS AND HUGUENOTa 417
Puritan ^ and Huguenot,' &c., and therefore they do chap. not amiss to decline the odium of it in what they may. But by tlie rigidness of Separation they do not so much mean tlie diflfcrencei for our churches here in New England do the same thing under the name of secession from the corruptions found amongst them, as the other did under the name or term of separation from them. Only this declines the odium the better. See Reverend Mr. Cotton's Answer to Mr. BayliCi page the 14th.'
That some which were termed Separatists, out of some mistake and heat of zeal, forbore communion in lawful tilings with otlier godly persons, as prayer and hearing of the word, may be seen in what tliat worthy man, Mr. Robinson, hath published in disUko thereof.
YOUNG MEN.
Wo arc well satisfied in what you have said. But tlicy differ also about synods.
' See note ' on pa^e 12. du nom des Eignoto de Geneve, an
* The origin of this word is un- peu autrement prononc^." The
known. Some have thought it term was first applied to the Cal-
was derived from a French and vinists of the Cevennes in 1660.
faulty pronunciation of the German See Mosheim^s f^cles. Hist. iv.
word eidgnosserif which signifies 3G8 ; Fleury, Hist. Eccles. xviii.
confederates f and which had been G03. An admirable Memoir of the
originally the name of that valiant French Protestants, both in their
part of the city of Geneva, which native country and in America,
entered into an alliance with the written by that accurate annalist,
Swiss cantons in order to maintain Dr. Holmes, is contained in the
their liberties against the tyranni- Mass. Hist. Coll. xxii. 1 — 84. cal attempts of Charles HI. duke ' " Neither was our departure
of Savoy. These confederates were from the parishional congregations
called cignotSf and from thence very in England a separation from them
probably was derived the word hu- as no churches, but rather a scces-
guenots. The Abb^ Flcury says, stun from the corruptions found
" lis y furent appcMs Huguenots, amongst them."
18 NO SYNODS AMONG TUB SEPARATISTS.
HAP. ANCIENT MEN.
XVl!
It is true wo do not know that ever they had any solemn Synodical Assembly. And the reason may be, that those in England living dispersed and ^ could not meet in their ordinary meetings without danger, much less in synods. Neither in Holland, where tliey might have more hberty, were they of any considerable num- ber, being but those two churches, that of Amsterdam and tliat of Leyden. Yet some of us know tliat the church [of Leyden] sent messengers to those of Am- sterdam, at tlie request of some of the chief of them, both elders and brethren, when in their dissensions they had deposed Mr. Ainsworth and some otlier both of their elders and brethren, Mr. Robinson being the chief of the messengers sent; which had that good effect, as that tliey revoked the said deposition, and confessed their rashness and error, and lived together in peace some good time after. But when the churches want neither peace nor light to exercise the power which the Lord hath given them, Christ doth not direct them to gather into synods or classical meetings, fof removing of known offences either in doctrine or man- ners ; but only sendeth to tlie pastors or presbyters of each church to reform within themselves what is amongst them. " A plain pattern,'' saith Mr. Cotton in his Answer to Mr. BayUe, page 95, " in case of public oflbnccs tolerated in neighbour churches, not forthwith to gather into a synod or classical meeting, for redress thereof, but by letters and messengers to admonish one another of what is behoovcful ; unless
* Here something seems to have been omitted.
PROPHESYING. 419
upon such admonition tliey refuse to hearken to the chap.
. XXVI.
wholesome counsel of their brethren." And of this matter Mr. Robinson thus writeth in his book, Just. page 200,* " The officers of one or many churches may meet together to discuss and consider of matters for the good of the church and churches, and so be called a Church Synod, or the like, so tliey infringe no order of Christ or liberty of the brethren ; " not diflering herein from Mr. Davenport ' and tlie princi- pal of our ministers.
YOUNG MEN.
But they seem to differ about tlie exercise of pro- phecy,^ that is, that men out of office, having gifts,
•
^ See the title of this book in both the colonies of Plymouth and
note ' on page 40. Massachuselts. As the church of
' John Davenport, bom at Coven- Plymouth was long without a regu- try in 1507, a graduate of Oxford, lar pastor, v.** the ruling elder, when and vicar of St. Stephens, in Lon- he wanted assistance, used frequent- don, came to New England in 1637, ly to ca^l*upon some of the g'ifted with Thcophilus Eaton and Ed- brethren to pray and give a word of ward Ilopkms, and with thorn laid exhortation in their public ass^m- the foundations of the colony of New blics ; the chief of whom were Gov. Haven, in 1638. In 1668, in his 71st Edward Winslow, Gov. Bradfoi-d, year, ho removed to ]3o8ton, to bo- his son-in-law, Mr. Thomas South- come the pastor of the First Church, worth, and Secretary Nathaniel and there died in 1670. See Morton ; men of superior talents and Wood's Athen. Oxon. iii. 880, (ed. parts, and of good school-learning." Bliss) ; Mather's Magnalia, i. 209 We are told by Gov. Winthrop. in — -302; Winthrop's N. E. i. 227, his Journal, March 20, 1631, that 404 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 82, 115, " Mr. Coddington and Mr. Wilson 215; Emerson's History of the First and divers of the congregation met Church in Boston, pp. 110 — 124. at the Governor's, and there Mr. But the most ample and satisfac- Wilson, praying and exhorting the tory account of Davenport will be congregation to love, &c. commend- found in Prof. Kingsley's Cen- ed to them the exercise of prophecy teimial Discourse at New Haven, in his absence, and designed those and in Dr. Leonard Bacon's His- whom he thought most fit for it, torical Discourses. These works viz. the governor, Mr. Dudley, and contain also a noble vindication of Mr. Nowell, the elder." On the the principles and character of the visit of Governor Winthrop and rurilan fathers of New England. Mr. Wilson to Plymouth in Octo-
* This religious exercise, in her, 10.32, it is related that ** on the
which laymen publicly taught and Lord's day in the afternoon, Mr.
exhorted, was early practised in Bogcr Williams (according to their
X^
PROPHESYING AN ANCIENT PRACTICE.
^ may upon occasion edify the church pubHcly and J openly, and applying the Scriptures ; which seems to be a new practice.
ANCIENT MEN.
It doth but seem so ; as many things else do that have by usurpation grown out of use. i3ut that it hath been an ancient practice of the people of God, besides the grounds of Scripture, we will give an instance or two. We find in the ancient Ecclesiastical History ol Eusebius, lib. vi. cap. 19, how Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, being pricked with envy against Origen, complaineth in his letters that there was never such a practice heard of, nor no precedent to be found, that laymen in presence of bishops have taught in the church ; but is thus answered by the bishop of Jerusa- lem and the bishop of Cesarea : " We know not," say they, ^' why he reporteth a manifest untruth, whenas there may be found such as in open assemblies have taught the people ; yea, whenas there were present learned men that could profit the people, and more- over holy bishops, who at that time exhorted them to
custom) propounded a question, to may learn, and all be comforted."
which the pastor, Mr. Smith, spake It was for encouraging a similar
briefly ; then Mr. Williams prophe- exercising among his clergy, that
sied ; and after the governor of archbishop Grindal incurred the
Plymouth spake to the question; displeasureof Queen Elizabeth, and
after him the elder ; then two or was for a time suspended from his
three more of the congregation, see. It should be remembered that
Then the elder desired the povcinor this was tlio scripturul sense of the
of Miissuchusotts and Mr. Wilson to word j>rophcsi/ing ; and that pre-
speak to it, which they did.'' The diction is not its only signification,
exercise was grounded on the appears from the titlu of one of
primitive practice of the Church of Jeremy Taylor's Works, ** The
Corinth, as described and regulated Liberty of Prophesying.** See
by the Apostle Paul, in I Cor. xii. Savage's Winthrop, i. 50, 91 ;
and xiv. and especially prescribed Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 13G ; Prince's
in the 31st verse of the last named Annals, p. 407 ; Fuller's Cli. Hist,
chapter, where he says, ** Ye may iii. 6 — 18 ; Pierce's Vindication,
all prophesy one by one, that all part i. pp.02 — 00.
THE LIBERTT OP PROPHESYINQ. 4S1
preach. For example, at Loranda Euelpis was re- chap.
quested of Neon, at Iconium Paulinus was requested < ^^
by Celsus, at Synada Theodorus was requested by Atticus, who were godly brethren, &c." *
The second instance is out of Speed's Cloud of Wit- nesses, page 71. Saith he, ^^Rambam or Ma]rmon records, that in the synagogues, first, only a Levite must offer sacrifice ; secondly, but any in Israel might expound the law ; tliirdly, tlie expounder must be an eminent man, and must have leave from the master of the synagogue ; and so contends that Christ, Luke iv. 16, taught ns any of Israel might have done as well as the Lcvitcs ; and the like did Paul and Barnabas, Acts xiii. 15."
If any out of weakness have abused at any time their liberty, it is their personal faulting, as sometimes weak ministers may their ofRce, and yet the ordinance good and lawful.
And the chief of our ministers in New England agree therein. See Mr. Cotton's Answer to Baylie, page the 27th, 2d part. " Though neither all," saith he, " nor most of the brethren of a church have ordi- narily received a gift of public prophesying, or preach- ing, yet in defect of public ministry, it is not an unheard of novelty that God should enlarge private men with public gifts, and ' to dispense them to edification ; for w we read that when the church at Jerusalem were all scattered abroad, except the Apostles, yet they that ^Actj were scattered went every where preaching tlic word." jJi'.gJ;
* Sco Doctor Fnlko also on Ro- in 1585 a learned confutation of iho mans the xi. in answer to the Rhe- Ilhcmish version of the New Testa- mists. — Bradford's Note, mcnt. See Fuller's Church His-
Dr. William Fulkc, mnslcr of lory, iii. 70. Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, wrote ' Some word is here omitted.
THE INDEPENDENTS.
^- Mr. Robinson also, in his Apology, page 45, chap- ^ tcr 8, to take off the aspersion charged on them, as if all the members of a church were to prophesy publicly, answers, " It comes within the compass but of a few of the multitude, haply two or three in a church, so to do ; and touching prophecy," saith he, " we think the very same that the Synod held at Embden, 1571, hath decreed in these words : ' First, in all churches, whether but springing up, or grown to some ripeness, I let the order of prophecy be observed, according to i Paul's institution. Secondly, into the fellowship of this work are to be admitted not only the ministers, but the teachers too, as also of the elders and deacons, yea, even of the multitude, which are willing to confer their gift received of God to the common utility of the church ; but so as they first bo allowed by the judg- ment of the ministera and others.' So we believe and practise with the Belgic churches, &c." See more in'tlie immediate following page.
YOUNG MEN.
*
- Wb, cannot but marvel that in so few years there should ; be so great a change, that they who were so hotly persecuted by the prelates, and also opposed by the better sort of ministers, not only Mr. Gifford, Mr. ^^Bernard, and other such like, but many of the most eminent both for learning and godliness, and yet now not only these famous men and churches in New Eng- land so fully to close with them in i)racticc, but all the godly party in the land to stand for the same way, under the new name of Independents, put upon them.
THE GROWTH OF CONGREGATIONALISM.
423
ANCIENT MEN.
CHAP. XXVI.
It is the Lord's doing, and it ought to be marvellous in our eyes ; and the rather, because Mr. Bernard, in his book, made their small increase in a few years one and the chief argument against the way itself. To which Mr. Robinson answered, that << Religion is not always sown and reaped in one age ; and that John IIuss and Jerome of Prague finished tlieir testimony a hundred years before Luther, and Wickliff well nigh as long before them, and yet neither the one nor the other witli the Uke success as Luther. And yet," saith he, << many are already gathered into the kingdom of Christ ; and the nearness of many more throughout the whole land, (for tlie regions are white unto the harvest,) doth promise within less than a hundred years, if our sins and theirs make not us and them unworthy of this mercy, a very plenteous harvest ; " (Justif. folio 62) ; as if ho had prophesied of tliese times. Yea, some of us have often heard him say that " even those ministers and other godly persons that did then most sharply oppose them, if they might come to be from under tlie bishops, and live in a place of rest and peace, where they might comfortably subsist, they would prac- tise tlie same things which they ,now did." * And truly, many of us have seen tliis abundantly verified, not only in these latter times, but formerly.
Doctor Ames ^ was estranged from and opposed Mr.
* See papc 45, and note ' on page nOR, andl'rinrc's Annnls, p. 30r».
• Willinm Ain09, our ofilio most aciitb conlrovcrftial writnrs of bis ajjn, wan cdncatod at (\iml)nilpo under tlio celebrated Perkins, and became fellow of Christ's College.
In IGOO be fled from the persccn- tiini of arrbbisbop IJancroH, and became minister of ibo Knglisb clnircb at tbo ITagnCf wlicnco bo wjis invited by tbo slates of Fries- land to tlie cbair of tbeological pro- fessor at Fianeker, wbich he filled
124 FRANCIS JOHNSON, OP AMSTERDAM.
!HAP. Robinson ; and yet aflerwards there was loving com- pliance and near agreement between them ; and, which is more strange, Mr. Johnson himself, who was after- wards pastor of the church of God at Amsterdam, was a preacher to the company of English of the Staple at Middleburg, in Zealand, and had great and certain maintenance ^ allowed him by them, and was highly respected of them, and so zealous against this way as that [when] Mr. Barrow's and Mr. Greenwood's Re- futation of GifTord ^ was privately in printing in this city, he not only was a means to discover it, but was made the ambassador's instrument to intercept them at the press, and see them burnt ; the which charge he did so well perform, as he let them go on until they were wholly finished, and then surprised the whole impression, not suffering any to escape ; and then, by the magistrates' authority, caused them all to be openly burnt, himself standing by until they were all con- sumed to ashes. Only he took up two of them, one to keep in his own study, that he might see their er- rors, and the other to bestow on a special friend for the like use. But mark the sequel. When he had
wiih rcpulaiion for Iwelvo years. ' JC200 per annum. — Brati/artPs
He was a member uf iho Synod of Note.
DoTt, and wrote several treatises ' This book was printed in 1501.
against the Arminians, besides his Its title was ** A plain refutation of
famous Medulla Theologue, He M. GifTord^s book, entitled * A short
afterwards removed to Rotterdam, treatise against the Donatists of
to preach to a congregation of his England; ' wherein is discovered tho
countrymen there ; but the air of forgery of the whole ministry, the
Holland not agreeing with his con- confusion, false worship, and anti-
stilution, he determined to remove cliristiun disorder of these parish
to New England. This was pre- assemblies, called the Chuich of
vented by his death in 1633. The England. Here also is prefixed a
next spring his widow and children sum of the causes of our Separation,
came over, bringing with them his and of our purposes in practice.''
valuable library. Fuller's Hist, of A copy of this rare work, reprinted
Cambridge, p. 222 ; Neal's Puri- in 1G06, is in Prince's New Eng-
tans, i. 430, 578 ; I3elknap's Am. land Library, in the keeping of the
13iog. ii. 101. Mass. Hist. Society.
JOHNSON13 CONVERSION. 426
done this work, he went home, and beins set down in chap.
XXVI.
his study, he began to turn over some pages of this book, and superficially to read some things here and there, as his fancy led him. At length he met with something that began to work upon his spirit, which so wrought with him as drew him to this resolution, seriously to read over the whole book ; the which he did once and again. In the end he was so taken, and his conscience was troubled so, as he could have no rest in himself until he crossed the seas and came to London to confer with the authors, who were then in prison, and shortly after executed. After which con- ference he was so satisfied and confirmed in the truth, as he never returned to his place any more at Middle- burg, but adjoined himself to their society at London, and was afterwards committed to prison, and then banished ; and in conclusion coming to liye at Am- sterdam, he caused the same books, which he had been an instrument to burn, to be new printed and set out at his own charge. And some of us here pre- sent testify this to be a true relation, which we heard ^ from his own mouth before many witnesses.
YOUNG MEN.
We have seen a book of Mr. Robert Bayhe's,* a Scotchman, wherein he seemeth to take notice of the spreading of the truth under the notion of error, and casts all the disgraces he can on it, and ranks it with others the foulest errors of the time, and endeavours to show how like a small spark it revived out of the ashes, and was brought from Leyden over the seas into New England, and there nourished witli much
' The title of this book is given in note ' on page 370.
K.A
:6 ROBINSON'S CHURCH A MODEL.
:ap. silence until it spread to other places in the country, ^ and by eminent hands from thence into Old England.
ANCIENT MEN.
As we dare say Mr. Baylie intends no honor to the persons by what he says, either to those here or from whence tliey came, so are they far from seeking any to themselves, but rather are ashamed that their weak working hath brought no more glory to God ; and if in any thing God hath made any of them instruments for the good of his people in any measure, tliey desire he only may have the glory. And whereas Mr. Bayhe affirmeth that, however it was, in a few years the most who settled in the land did agree to model themselves after Mr. Robinson's pattern, we agree with reverend Mr. Cotton, that " there was no agreement by any solemn or common consultation : but that it is true they did, as if they had agreed, by the same spirit of truth and unity, set up, by the help of Christ, the same model of churches, one like to another ; and if they of Plymouth have helped any of the first comers in their theory, by hearing and discerning their practices, therein the Scripture is fulfilled that the kingdom of |f"i>; heaven is like unto leaven which a woman took and hid in three measures of meal until all was leavened." Answer to Mr. Bayhe, page 17.
YOUNG MEN.
We desire to know how many have been put to death for tliis cause, and what manner of persons they were, and what occasions were taken against them by bringing them to their end.
THB PURITAN MARTYRS. 427
ANCIENT MEN. CHAP
XXVI.'
We know certainly of six tliat were publicly exo-
cutedy besides such as died in prisons; Mr. Henry Barrow, Mr. Greenwood, (these suffered at Tyburn;) 1594. Mr. Penry at St. Thomas Waterings, by London ; ' Mr. William Dennis, at Thetford, in Norfolk; two otliers at St. Edmund's, in Suffolk, whose names were 15 83. Copping and Elias [Thacker.] ' These two last men- tioned were condemned by cruel Judge Popham,' whose countenance and carriage was very rough and severe toward them, with many sharp menaces. But God gave them courage to bear it, and to make this answer :
** My Ti<»nl, your frico wo fear not, And for your threats we care not, And to come to your read service, we dare not."
These two last named were put to death for dispersing of books.
For Mr. Dennis, he was a godly man, and faithful in his place ; but what occasion was taken against him, we know not, more than the common cause.
' According to Stow's Chronicle, month, for spreadincr certain books
page 7G5, Henry Darrow and John seditiously penned by one Robert
Greenwood were hung on the 6th Browne, against the nook of Com-
of April, 1501. John Penry was mon Prayer established by the laws
executed May 20, 1503. Barrow of this realm. Their books, so
was a gentleman of Gray's Inn ; many as could be found, were burnt
Greenwood and Penry wore clergy- before them.*' See Strype's An-
men. In 150*2, Greenwood was nals, iii. 186 ; Fuller's Ch. Hist iii.
teacher of a church in London, of 66 ; Neal*s Puritans, i. 254, 260,
which Francis Johnson, mentioned (4to ed.)
in note * on page 24, was pastor. ' This was Lord John Popham,
See Fuller's Ch. Hist. iii. 1.30 ; Hal^ Chief Justice of England, who af-
laursCyonat. Hist. i. 200, (4lli ed.) ; tcrwards took so deep an interest
Priuco's Annals, p. 303. in the colonization of Now Kng-
• Slow, in his Chronicle, pajje land, and was foremost in planting
007, says, ** I'ilias Thacker was the abortive colony at Sagadahoc
hinged at Saint Edmondsbury on in 1007. See nolo * on page 60,
the 4th of June, 1583, and John and note ' on page 112; and Wood's
Coping on the 0th of the same Athen. Oxon. ii. 20, (Blisses ed.)
THESE MARTYRS NOT BROWNISTS.
I.
For Mr. Penry, how unjustly he was charged, him- !J self hath made manifest to the world in his books, and that Declaration which he made a little before his suf- fering ; all which are extant in print, witli some of his godly letters.*
As for Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood, it also appears by their own writings how those statutes for- merly made against the Papists were wrested against them, and they condemned thereupon; as may be seen by their Examinations.'
YOUNG MEN.
But these were rigid Brownists, and lie under much aspersion, and their names much blemished and be- clouded, not only by enemies, but even by godly and very reverend men.
ANCIENT MEN.
They can no more justly be called Brownists, than the disciples might have been called Judasites ; for they did as much abhor Brown's apostasy, and profane course, and his defection, as the disciples and other Christians did Judas's treachery.
* These tracts of Penry are in the Prince Collection, in the Libra- ry of the Mass. Hist Society . Hal- lam says, ** Penry 's protestation at his death is in a style of the most affecting and simple eloquence." He was a graduate of Oxford, and was charged with being one of the authors of Martin Mar-Prelate. See Wood's Alhen. Oxon. i 591 —598, (Bliss's ed.),Hallam's Const Hist. i. 201, (4th ed.), and NeaKs Puritans, i. 374—379.
' In the Harluian Miscellany, iv. 340, (Park's ed.) may be seen
** The Examinations of Henry Bar- rowe, John Greenwood, and John Peniie, before the High Commis- sioners and Lordes of the Counsel ; penned by the prisoners themselves before their deathes." ** Let any man read the examinations of Bar- row and Greenwood, and 1 am mis- taken if he will not perceive a plain-hearted Christian simplicity in their behaviour, and an inhu- man spirit of cruelty and tyran- ny in their persecutors." Peirce's Vindication of the Dissenters, page 140.
HENRY BARROW, THE MARTYR. 429
And for their rigid and roughness of spirit, as some chap. of them, especially Mr. Barrow, is taxed, it may be considered they were very rigidly and roughly dealt with, not only by the Lord's enemies and their ene- mies, but by some godly persons of those times, differ- ing in opinions from them ; which makes some of us call to mind what one Doctor Taylor hath written in a late book in these stirring times. <^ Such an eminent man," said he, << hatli had the good hap to be reputed orthodox by posterity, and did condemn such a man of such an opinion, and yet himself erred in as con- siderable matters ; but meeting with better neighbours in his life-time, and a more charitable posterity after his death, hatli his memory preserved in honor ; and the other's name suffers without cause." Of which he gives instances in his book entitled The Liberty of Prophesying, page 33 and following.
We refer you to Mr. Robinson's Answer to Mr. Ber- nard,' where he charges him with blasphemy, railing, scofBng, &c. " For Mr. Barrow," saith Mr. Robinson, " as I say witli Mr. Ainsworth, that I will not justify all the words of anotlicr man, nor yet mine own, so say I also with Mr. Smith, that because I know not by what particular motion of the Spirit he was guided to write in those phrases, I dare not censure him as you do ; especially considering with what fiery zeal the Lord hath furnished such his servants at all times, as he hath stirred up for special reformation. Let the example of Luther alone suffice, whom into what terms his zeal carried, his writings testify ; and yet both in him and in Mr. Barrow there might be with
' See the title of this work in note ' on page 40.
430 SLANDERS AQAINST BARROW.
CHAP, true spiritual zeal fleshly indignation mingled." An- * swer to'^Mr. Bernard/ folio 84. ^:And further in page 86 he saith, that <^ such harsh terms wherewith he entertains such persons and things in the church as carry with them most . appearance of holiness, they are to be interpreted according to his meaning, with this distinction, that Mr. Barrow speaks not of these persons and things simply, but in a respect, and so and so considered ; and so no one term given by Mr. Barrow butJmay, atjthe least, be tolerated."
YOUNG MEN.
But divers reverend men have expressed concern- ing this matter that God is not wont to make choice of men infamous for gross sins and vices before tlieir calhng, to make them any instruments of reformation after their calling, and proceed to declare that Mr. Barrow was a great gamester and a dicer when he lived in court, and getting much by play, would boast of loose spending it with courtesans, &c.
ANCIENT MEN.
Truly, with due respect to such reverend men be it spoken, those things might well have been spared from putting in print, especially so long after his death, when not only he, but all his friends are taken out of the world, that might vindicate his name. That he wa5 tainted with vices at the court before his conversion and calling, it is not very strange ; and if he had lived and died in that condition, it is like he might have gone out of the world without any public brand on his name, and have passed for a tolerable Christian and
VINDICATION OF BARROW. 431
member of the church. He had hurt enough done chap.
him, whilst he lived, by evil and cruel enemies ; why '
should godly men be prejudicated to him afler his death in his name ? Was not the Apostle Paul a per- secutor of God's saints unto deatb.'' And doth not the same Apostle, speaking of scandalous and lasci- vious persons, say, " And such were some of you ; ^^yj; but ye are washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified in the name of the Lord Jesus and by the spirit of our God."
And if histories deceive us not, was not Cyprian a magician before his conversion, and Augustine a Mani- chffian ? And when it was said unto him in the voice he heard, Tolle ei legCj he was directed to that place of Scripture, " Not in gluttony and drunkenness, nor in ^}[|»»n^ chambering and wantonness, nor in strife and envy- ing ; but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and take no thought for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts of it" ^ By which it may seem that if God do not' make choice of such men as have been infamous for gross vices before their calling, yet sometimes he is wont to i do it, and is free to choose whom he pleaseth for/ notable instruments for his own work. As for other; things that have been spoken of him and Mr. Green- wood and Mr. Penry, we leave them as they are. But some of us have reason to think there are some mistakes in the relations of those things. Only we shall add other public testimonies concerning tliem from witnesses of very wortliy credit, which are also in print.
First, from Mr. Phillips. A famous and godly
' This is the Geneva version. ' The word ordinarily seems to See note ' on page 14. have been accidentally omitted here.
BARROW AND GREENWOOD.
*. preacher, having heard and seen Mr. Barrow's holy \ speeches and preparations for death, said, << Barrow, Barrow, my soul be with thine ! " The same author also reports, tliat Queen Elizabeth asked learned Doctor Reynolds,^ what he thought of those two men, Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood ; and he answered her Majesty that it could not avail any thing to show his judgment concerning them, seeing they were put to death ; and being loath to speak his mind further, her Majesty charged him upon his allegiance to speak. Whereupon he answered, that he was persuaded, if they had Uved, they would have been two as worthy instruments for the church of God, as have been raised ^up in this age. Her Majesty sighed and said no more. But after that, riding to a park by the place where they were executed, and being willing to take further infonnation concerning them, demanded of the right honorable the Earl of Cumberland, that was present when they suffered, what end they made. He an- swered, " a very godly end, and prayed for your Majesty, and the State," &c.* We may also add what some of us have heard by credible information, that the Queen demanded of the Archbishop^ what he thought
* Dr. John Reynolds, one of dined a bishopric. He died in the most learned divines of his 1G07. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. a^e, was, according to Anthony ii. 12 — 10, (Bliss ed.) ; Prince's Wood, ** the pillar of Puritanism, Worthies of Devon, pp. 684 — 692 ; and the grand favorer of Noncon- Fuller's Church History, iii. 172 — formily.*' He was horn at Devon- 11)3, 2i38, 2:10. shire in 1540, and educated in Cor- ' See Pierce's Vindication of pus Christi College, Oxford, of the Dissenters, part. i. 147, and which he was afterwards president. Sirype's Life of iJishop Aylmer, p. He was the principal champion of 247, and Neal's History of New the Puritans at the Hampton Court England, i. 71. Conference, and was one of the ' Whilgift. He succeeded Grin- persons appointed by James to dal in 1584, and held the see till make the English version of the his death in 1004, the second year Bible now in common use. Ho of James's reign. See Fuller's Ch. hud been Dean of Lincoln, and de- Hist. iii. GG, 108.
BARROWnB OHABACTBR. 4SS
of them in his conscience. He answered << he thouefat chap.
XXVI.
they were the servants of God, but dangerous to the '
State." <* Alas ! " said she, ** shall we put the servants of God to death ? " And this was the true cause why no more of them were put to death in her days.'
TOUNO MEN.
Did any of you know Mr. Barrow ? if we may be so bold to ask, for we would willingly know what [was] his life and conversation ; because some, we perceive, have him in precious esteem, and others can scarce name him without some note of obloquy and dislike.
ANCIENT MEN.
We have not seen his person ; but some of us have been well acquainted with those that knew him fami- liarly both before and after his conversion ; and one of us hath had conference with one that was his domes- * tic servant, and tended upon him both before and some while after the same.
He was a gentleman of good worth, and a flour- ishing courtier in his time, and, as appears in his own 1686. answers to the Archbishop and Doctor Cousens, he 19.' was some time a student at Cambridge and the Inns of Court, and accomplished with strong parts.
We have heard his conversion to be on this wise. Walking in London one Lord's day with one of his companions, he heard a preacher at his sermon very loud, as they passed by the church. Upon wliich Mr.
' •* There be grave professors, when she heard of it aAerwards."
who lived near thoee occurrences, Cotton's Way, page 5. Bayliesays,
who speak of Queen Elizabeth as p. 14, that "Queen Elizabeth, by the
ignorant of Barrow *8 execution and evil advice of the cruel prelates about
Green wood *s, and displeased at it her, caused Barrow to be hanged."
434 BARROW'S CONVERSION.
CHAP. Barrow said unto his consort, ^< Let us go in and hear
XXVI.
* what this man saith tliat is thus earnest.'' <' Tush,'' saith the other, '^ what ! shall we go to hear a man talk ? " lice. But in he went and sat down. And the minister was vehement in reproving sin, and sharply applied the judgments of God against tFic same ; and, it should seem, touched him to the quick in such things as he was guilty of, so as God set it home to his soul, and began to work his repentance and con- version thereby. For he was so stricken as he could not be quiet, until by conference with godly men and further hearing of the word, with diligent reading and meditation, God brought peace to his soul and con- science, after much humiliation of heart and reforma- tion of life ; so as he left the court, and retired him- self to a private life, some time in tlie country and some time in the city, giving himself to study and reading of the Scriptures and other good works very diligently. And being missed at court by his consorts and acquaintance, it was quickly bruited abroad that Barrow was turned Puritan. What his course was afterwards, his writings show, as also his sufTcrings and conference with men of all sorts do declare, until his life was taken from him.
And thus much we can further affirm, from those that well knew him, that he was very comfortable to the poor and those in distress in their sufferings ; and when he saw he must die, he gave a stock for the relief of the poor of the church, which was a good help to them in their banished condition afterwards. Yea, and that which some will hardly believe, he did much persuade them to peace, and composed many differ- ences that were grown amongst them whilst he lived,
THE SEPARATISTS AND PURITANa 436
and would have, it is like, prevented more that after chap. fell out, if he had continued.
TOUNG MEN.
We thank you for your pains. We hope it will ex- tend further than our satisfaction. We cannot but mar- vel that such a man should be by so many so aspersed.
ANCIENT MEN.
It is not much to be marvelled at ; for he was most plain in discovering the cruelty, fraud, and hypocrisy of the enemies of the truth, and searching into the corruptions of the time, which made him abhorred of them ; and peradventure something too harsh against the baitings of divers of the preachers and professors that he had to deal with in those times, who out of fear or weakness did not come so close up to the truth in their practice as their doctrines and grounds seemed to hold forth. Which makes us remember what was the answer of Erasmus to the Duke of Saxony, when he asked his opinion whetlier Luther had erred. He answered, <^ his opinions were good, but wished he would moderate his style, which stirred him up the more enemies, no doubt."
YOUNG MEN.
We find in the writings of some such who were very eminent in their times for piety and learning, that those of die Separation * found more favor in our native coun- try than those who were reproached by the name of Puritans ; and after much discourse thereabouts, come
' For an account of the difference aratists, see Piince^s Annals, pp. between the Puritans and the Sep- 303 — 305.
SUFFERINQS OF THE PURITANS.
'- to this conclusion, that no comparison will hold from I tlie Separatists to them in tlieir suflferings but a minari ; and then they go on and say, what a compulsory ban- ishment has been put upon those blessed and glorious lights, Mr. Cartwright,^ Mr. Parker,* Doctor Ames, &c.
ANCIENT MEN.
Far be it from any of us to detract from or to ex- tenuate the sufferings of any of the servants of God, much less from those worthies forenamed, or any others afterwards mentioned. Yet, under favor, we crave pardon if we cannot consent to the judgment of such eminent ones for piety and learning above hinted. We doubt not, but do easily grant, that the sufferings of those reproached by the name of Puritans were great, especially some of them, and were better known to those pious and learned [men] first above intimated, ' than the sufferings of those that are reproached by the name of Brownists and Separatists.^ But we shall
> Thomas Cartwright, ** chief of Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 503, Hi. 105, the NonconforiTiists," as Fuller 105, 171 ; NeaPs PuriUns, i. 420. calls him, was one of the most ' Robert Parker, a Puritan divine learned scholars and skilful dis- of Wiltshire, in consequence of pub- putants of his age. lie was born lishiiig a Troatise on the Cross in in 1535, and educated at Cam- Baptism, was obliged in 1007 to fly bridge ; was fellow of Trinity Col- into Holland. Here he would have lege, and Lady Margaret's profes- been chosen pastor of the English sor of divinity. But venturing in Church at Amsterdam ; but the some of his lectures to point out magistrates being afraid of offending the defects in the discipline of the King James, he went to Doesburgh, Church, he was ex()elled from the and became minister of the garrison university. He then went to Go- there, whore he died in 1030. See neva, and aflerwards became preach- Wood's A then. Oxon. ii. 300, (ed. er to the English merchants at Bliss) ; Peirce's Vindication, p. Antwerp. After his return from 171 ; NeaVs Puritans, i. 430, 450. Antwerp he was often in trouble ' On the occasion of the passaee by suspensions, deprivations and of a law of banishment against the long imprisonment ; till at length Separatists in 1593, Sir Walter the Earl of Leicester made him Raleigh said in the House of Corn- governor of his hospital at War- mens, ** In his conceit the Brown- wick, where he died m 1003. See ists are worthy to be rooted out of
PEftSECUTION OF THE SEPARATISTS.
4^
give you some instances, and leave it to you and some chap. others to consider of. ^
1. Though no more were publicly executed, yet sundry more were condemned, and brought to the gallows, and ascended the ladder, not knowing but they should die, and have been reprieved, and after banished ; some of which we have known and often spoken with.
2. Others have not only been forced into voluntary banishment, by great numbers, to avoid further cruelty, but divers, after long and sore imprisonment, have been forced to abjure the land by oath, never to return without leave. In anno 1604 four persons at once were forced to do so at a public Sessions in London, or else upon refusal they were to be hanged. This their abjuration was done on the statute of the 35 of Queen Elizabeth. Some of these we have also known.
3. We find mention in a printed book of seventeen or eighteen that have died in several prisons in Lon- don in six years' time before the year 1692, besides what have been in other parts of the land, and since that time, perishing by cold, hunger, or noisomeness of the prison.
4. In the same year we find a lamentable petition, 1593. now in print, of sixty persons committed unbailably to several prisons in London, as Newgate, the Gatehouse, Clink, &c., being made close prisoners, allowing them neither meat, drink, fire, nor lodging, nor suffering any
a commonwealth ; but what dan- afraid there is near twenty thou-
ffcr may (rrow to ourselves if this sand of them in England ; and
law passes, it were fit to be cnnsid- when they are gone, who shall
cred. If two or three thousand maintain their wives and child-
Brownists meet at the seaside, at ron?*' Simon D'Ewes's Journals,
whose charge shall they be trans- p. 517, and Peirce's Vindication,
ported ? or whither will you send page 143. them I I am sorry for it ; I am
438 THG SEPARATISTS EXCOMMUNICATED.
CHAP, whose hearts the Lord would stir up for their relief,
XXVI.
to have any access unto them ; so as they complain that no felons, traitors, nor murderers in the land were thus dealt with ; and so after many other grievous complaints conclude with these words : " We crave for all of us but the liberty either to die openly or to live openly in the land of our nativity. If we deserve death, it beseemeth the majesty of justice not to see us closely murdered, yea starved to death with hunger and cold, and stifled in loathsome dungeons. If we be guiltless, we crave but the benefit of our innocence, viz. that we may have peace to serve our God and our Prince in the place of the sepulchres of our fatliers." ^
And what numbers, since those times, have been put unto compulsory banishment and other hard suf- ferings, as loss of goods, friends, and long and hard imprisonments, under which many have died, -^ it is so well known, that it would make up a volume to rehearse them, and would not only equalize but far exceed the number of those godly called Puritans that have suffered. Suppose they were but few of them ministers that suffered, as above expressed ; yet their sorrows might be as great, and their wants more, and their souls as much afflicted, because more contemned and neglected of men.
But some have said they were excommunicated ; and that was no great matter as excommunications went in those days. So were tkesey not only whilst they were living, but some of them many times after tliey were dead ; and as some of the other were imprisoned, so were more of these. But it is further said, all of them were deprived of their ministry ; and so were
* See Peirce's Vindication of the Dissenters, part. i. p. 144.
THE SEPARATISTS OfPRISONED AND BANISHED. 439
these of their livelihood and miainteDance, though they chap
XXVI.
had no offices to lose. But those remained still in the land, and were succoured and sheltered by good peo- ple in a competent wise, the most of them*, and sundry of them lived as well, as may easily be proved, if not better, than if they had enjoyed their benefices ; where- as the other were, a great number of them, forced to fly into foreign lands for shelter, or else might have per- ished in prisons ; and these poor creatures endured, many of tliem, such hardships (as is well known to some of us) as makes our hearts still ache to remember.
We some of us knew Mr. Parker, Doctor Ames, and Mr. Jacob ' in Holland, when they sojourned for a time at Lcydcn ; and all tliree boarded together and had their victuals dressed by some of our acquaintance, and then they lived comfortably, and then they were provided for as became their persons. And after Mr. Jacob returned, and Mr. Parker was at Amsterdam,
' Henry Jacob was born in the but in 1624 went to Yirffinia, county of Kent in 1563, and was where he soon after died. From educated at Oxford. He became a the Library of the American Anti- clergyman of the Church of Eng- quarian Society, at Worcester, I land, and as Anthony Wood says, have obtained the use of a book ** was a person most excellently written by Jacob, entitled ** An At- well read in theological authors, testation of many learned, godly but withal was a most zealous and famous divines, lights of reli- Puritan, or as his son Henry used gion and pillars of the gospel, jus- to say, the first Independent in tifying this doctrine, viz. that the England." He wrote two treatises church government ought to be al- againstFrancis Johnson, the Hrown- ways with the people's free con- ist, in defence of the Church of Eng- sent. Also this, that a true church land's being a true church. But under the Gospel containeth no flying from the persecution under more ordinary congregations but ]}isliop Uancroft in 1004, he fell in one. Anno Dom. 1613.*' pp. 323. with John Hohinson at Iicydcn, IGnio. This work is not contained and conferring with him embraced in Wood's list of Jacob's writings, his peculiar sentiments of church nor is it mentioned by Neal. See government. On his return to Wood's Athen. Oxon. iii. 329 — 333, England, he laid in 1616, the foun- (Bliss's ed.) ; NeaPs Puritans, i. dation of an Independent or Con- 438, 476 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xi. 164 gregational Church. He continued — 167. with his people about eight years,
440 SUFFERINGS OP THB SEPARATISTS.
CHAP, (where he printed some of his books,) and Mr. Ames — ~ disposed of himself to other places, it was not worse with them ; and some of us well know how it fared then with divers precious Christians in those times and places. To speak the truth, tlie professors in , England, though many of them suffered much at the ' hands of the prelates, yet they had a great advantage of the Separatists ; for the Separatists had not only the prelates and their faction to encounter with, (and what harder measure they met with at their hands, above the other, doth sufficiently appear by what is before declared,) but also they must endure the frowns, and /^ many times the sharp invectives, of the forward minis- ters against them, both in public and private ; and what influence they had upon tlie spirits of the people, is well enough known ; also by reason hereof the min- isters in foreign countries did look awry at them when they would give help and countenance to the other.
YOUNG MEN.
Indeed, it seems they have sometimes suffered much hardness in the Low Countries, if that be true that is reported of such a man as Mr. Ainsworth, that he should live for some time with nine pence a week. To which is replied by another, that if people suffered him to live on nine pence a week, with roots boiled, cither the people were grown extrenie low in estate, or the growth of their godliness was come to a very low ebb.
ANCIENT MEN.
The truth is, their condition for the most part was for some time very low and hard. It was with them
SUFFBBINGS OF THE 8EPABATI8I8. 441
as, if it should be related, would hardly be belieyed. chap.
XX Vi
And no marvel. For many of them had lain long in prisons, and then were banished into Newfoundland, where they were abused, and at last came into the Low Countries, and wanting money, trades, friends or acquaintances, and languages to help themselves, how could it be otherwise ? The report of Mr. Ainsworth was near those times, when he was newly come out of Ireland with others poor, and being a single young man and very studious, was content with a little. And yet, to take off the aspersion from the people in that par- ticular, tlie chief and true reason tliereof is mistaken ; for he was a very modest and bashful man, and con- cealed his wants from others, until some suspected how it was witli him, and pressed him to see how it was ; and after it was known, such as were able mended his condition ; and when he was married afterwards, he and his family were comfortably provided for. But we have said enough of these things. They had few friends to comfort them, nor any arm of flesh to sup- port them ; and if in some things they were too rigid, they are rather to be pitied, considering their times and sufferings, than to be blasted with reproach to posterity.
TOUNG MEN.
Was that Brown, * that fell away and made apos- tasy, the first inventor and beginner of this way ?
' Robert Brown waa descended mence of his delivery gained him from an ancient and respectable reputation with the people. He family in Rutlandshire. His father, was first a schoolmaster in South- Anthony Hrown, FiSquirc, of Tol- worth, and then a preacher at Is- thorp, shcrifT of the county, was linRlon, near liondon. JTc first scpa- nearly relatccl to Cecil, Lord Hur- rated from the Church of England leigh. He was educated at Cam- in 1580, and having been twice im- bridge, and preached some time in prisoned, at length escaped into Benet Church, where the vehe- Holland, and set up a congregation
ROBERT BROWN, THE SEPARATIST.
.P. ANCIENT MEN.
^I.
^ No, verily ; for, as one answers this question very well in a printed book, almost forty years ago, that the prophets, apostles, and evangelists have in tlieir authentic writings laid down tlie ground thereof; and upon that ground is their building reared up and surely settled.* Moreover, many of the martyrs, both former and latter, have maintained it, as is to be seen in The Acts and Monuments of the Church. Also, in the days of Queen Elizabeth there was a separated church, whereof Mr. Fitts was pastor ,' and anotlier before tliat in the time of Queen Mary, of which Mr. Rough ' was
of his followers at Middlebur^. time. And if the Lord had not for- Afler its dissolution, he returned m saken him, he had never so returned 1589 to England, recanted his prin- back into Egypt, as he did, to live ciples of separation, became re- of the spoils of it. And for the cuiiciled to the established church, wicked tilings which Mr. Bernard and was rewarded with a living affirmeth he did in this way, it in Northamptonshire. Fuller, the may well be as he saiih, and the church historian, who was born more wicked things he committed within a mile of his residence, says in this course, the less like he was he ofien saw him in his youth, and to continue long in it, and the more adds that ** ho had in my time a like to ruliirn again to his proper wifu with whom for many years he centre, the Church of England, never lived, and a church wherein where he should he sure to find he never preached.*' Being im- ctimpanious enough in any wick- prisoned for striking the constable edncss, as it came to pass.'* See of his parish for demanding a church Wood's Aihen. Oxon. ii. 17, (ed. rale of him, he died in Nurthamp- Bliss) ; FuUcr^s Ch. Hist. iii. Gl — ton gaol in 1030, in his SUt year. 05 ; Strype's Annals, iii. 15 ; Neal*s Hornius says, ** De co inter alia Puritans, i. 251 ; Baylie's Dissua- ridicula referunt, quod cum frequen- sive, p. 13; Hornii Hist. Eccles. ter uxorem suam pulsaret, repre- p. 231 ; lloornbeek, Summa Con- hensus propterea respondent, * Se trov. p. 730.
non vorberare earn ut uxorcro suam, * ^ As for Mr. Robinson's being verum ut nefariam el malediclam the author of Independency, Mr. vetulam.' " — A good account of Cotton replies that '* the New Tes- this eccentric individual may be lament was the author of it, and it found in Bridges's History of North- was received in the limes of purest, amptonshire,ii.3r)(),(Whalley'sed.) primitive antiquity, many hundreds Robinson, in his Juslificalion of of years before Mr. Robinson was Separation, page 54, says, ** Now born." Prince, p. 170. See Cot- touching Browne, it is true, that as ton's Way, p. 9. he forsook the Lord, so the Lord * See Prince's Annals, p. 302. forsook him in his way ; and so he ^ Rough was burnt. See Neal's did his own people Israel many a Puritans, i. 71.
SEPARATISTS BEFORE BROWN. 443
pastor or teacher, and Cudbert Simpson a deacon, who chap. exercised amongst themselves, as other ordinances, so church censures, as excommunication, &c., and pro- fessed and practised that cause before Mr. Brown wrote for it. But he being one that afterwards wrote for it, they that first hatched the name of Puritans ^ and bestowed it on the godly professors that desired reformation, tliey likewise out of the same storehouse would needs bestow this new livery upon others that never would own it, nor had reason so to do. Mr. Cotton, likewise, in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, page fourtli, shows how in the year 1667 there were a hun-/ dred persons who refused the common liturgy, and the congregations attending thereunto, and used pray- ers and preaching and the sacraments amongst them- selves, whereof fourteen or fifteen were sent to prison, of whom tlie chiefest were Mr. Smith, Mr. Nixon, James Ireland, Robert Hawkins, Thomas Rowland, and Richard Morecroft ; and these pleaded their' sep- aration before the Lord Mayor, Bishop Sands, and other commissioners on June 20, 1667, about eighty years ago, being many years before Brown.* Divers other instances might be given.
YOUNG MEN.
But if we mistake not, Mr. Brown is accounted by some of good note to be the inventor of that way which is called Brownism, from whom the sect took its name. Moreover, it is said by such of note as aforesaid, that it is not God's usual manner of dealing to leave any of the first publishers or restorers of any truth of his to such fearful apostasy.
' In 1564. See note * on page • See Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 480, 12. and Neal's Puritans, i. 161 — 164.
444 THE TITLE OP BROWNIST DISCLAIMED.
CHAP. ANCIENT MEN.
XXVI.
Possibly this speech might arise from a common received opinion. But reverend Mr. Cotton, in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, saith ^^the backsHding of Brown from tiiat way of Separation is a just reason why the Separatists may disclaim denomination from him, and :;^refuse to be called Brownists, after his name ; and to speak with reason," saith he, ^^ if any be justly to be called Brownists, it is only such as revolt from Sepa- ration to formality, and from thence to profaneness." Page 6.
To which we may add, that it is very injurious to call those after his name, whose person they never knew, and whose writings few if any of them ever psaw, and whose errors and backslidings they have V constantly borne witness against ; and what truths they have received have been from the light of God's sacred word, conveyed by other godly instruments unto them ; though Brown may sometimes have pro- fessed some of the same things, and now fallen from the same, as many others have done.
YOUNG MEN.
Seeing we have presumed thus far to inquire into these ancienter times of you, and of the sufferings of the aforesaid persons, we would likewise entreat you, though never so briefly, to tell us something of the persons and carriages of other eminent men about those times, or immediately after, as Mr. Francis Johnson, Mr. Henry Ainsworth, Mr. John Smith, Mr. John Robinson, Mr. Richard Clifton.
FRANCIS JOHNSON, OT AmmSBDAM. 445
ANCIENT MEN. CHAP.
XXVI.
Here are some in the company that knew them all familiarlyi whom we shall desire to satisfy your re- quest.
Tliose answered, We diall do it most willingly ; for we cannot but honor the memory of the men for the good that not only many others but we ourselves have received by them and their ministry; for we have heard them all, and lived under the ministry of divers of them for some years. We diall therefore speak of them in order briefly.
Mr. Johnson,
Of whom something was spoken before,^ was pastor of the church of God at Amsterdam. A very grave man he was, and an able teacher, and was the most solemn in all his administrations that we have seen any, and especially in dispensing the seals of the covenant, both baptism and the Lord's supper. And a good disputant^^ — he was. We heard Mr. Smith upon occasion say, that he was persuaded no men living were able to maintaiit"^^ a cause against those two men, meaning Mr. Johnson^ and Mr. Ainswortb, if they had not the truth on their side. He, by reason of many dissensions that fell out in the church, and the subtilty of one of the elders of the same, came after many years to alter his judgment about the government of the church, and his practice thereupon, which caused a division amongst tliem. But he lived not many years after, and died at Amster-^ dam after his return from Embden.
* On page 424.
446 FRANCIS JOHNSON'S WIFE.
CHAP. TOUNG MEN.
XXVI.
But he is much spoken against for excommunica- ting his brother ' and his own father, and maintaining his wife's cause, who was by his brother and others reproved for her pride in apparel.
ANCIENT MEN.
Himself hath often made his own defence, and others for him. The church did, after long patience towards them and much pains taken with them, excom- municate them for their unreasonable and endless op- position, and such things as did accompany the same ; and such was the justice thereof, as he could not but consent thereto. In our time his wife was a grave matron, and very modest both in her apparel and all her demeanour, ready to any good works in her place, and helpful to many, especially the poor, and an orna- ment to his calling. She was a young widow when he married her, and had been a merchant's wife, by whom he had a good estate, and was a godly woman ; ' and because she wore such apparel as she had been formerly used to, which were neither excessive nor im- modest, for their chiefest exceptions were against her wearing of some whalebone in the bodice and sleeves of her gown, corked shoes, and other such like things as the citizens of her rank then used to wear. And although, for offence sake, she and he were willing to reform the fashions of them so far as might be without spoiling of their garments, yet it would not content them except they came full up to their size. Such
* His brother's name was George. See Baylie, p. 15.
BRAVERY IN DRESS REPROVED. 447
was the strictness or rigidness (as now the term goes) chap. of some in those times, as we can by experience and of our own knowledge show in other instances. We shall for brevity sake only show one.
We were in the company of a godly man that had been a long time prisoner at Norwich for this cause, and was by Judge Cooke set at liberty. After going into the country he visited his friends, and returning tliat way again to go into the Low Countries by ship at Yarmouth, and so desired some of us to turn in with him to the house of an ancient woman in the city, who had been very kind and helpful to him in his suirerings. She knowing his voice made liim very welcome, and those with him. But after some time of their entertainment, being ready to depart, she came up to him and felt of his band, (for her eyes were dim with age,) and perceiving it was something stiffened with starch, she was much displeased, and reproved him very sharply, fearing God would not prosper his journey. Yet the man was a plain coun- tryman, clad in gray russet, witliout either welt or guard, (as the proverb is,) and the band he wore scarce worth threepence, made of their own home- spinning ; and he was godly and humble as he was plain. What would such professors, if they were now living, say to tlie excess of our times ? *
' Francis Johnson became a Se- son escaped from the country, and
paratist by reading a book written with some of his people set up a
by Barrow and Greenwood, as te- church at Amsterdam. Robinson
latod on page 435. In 1502, on the found him there in IGOB, as appears
formation of a new congregation from page 34. On the breaking
of Separatists in London, Johnson out of the dissensions among them,
was chosen its pastor and Green- Johnson removed to Rmbdcn. See
wood its teacher. They, with fifty- note ' on page 24 ; Ncal's Puritans,
four of their church, were soon pp. 3G.3, 436 ; Prince Annala, p.
seized by the bisliop^s ofllcers, and 303 ; Robinson's Justification, p.
imprisoned. After the execution 55 ; Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 14 ;
of Barrow and Greenwood, John- Cotton's Way, p. 6.
448 HENRT AINSWORTH, OF AJISTBRDAIC.
CHAP. Mr. Henry Ainsworth,
XXVI.
A man of a thousand, was teacher of this church at Amsterdam at the same time when Mr. Johnson was pastor. Two worthy men they were and of excellent parts. He continued constant in his judgment and practice unto his end in those things about the church government, from which Mr. Johnson swerved and fell. He ever maintained good correspondence with Mr. Robinson at Leyden, and would consult with him in all matters of weight, both in their differences and afterwards. A very learned man he was, and a close student, which much impaired his health. We have heard some, eminent in the knowledge of the tongues, of the university of Leyden, say that they thought he had not his better for the Hebrew tongue in the uni- versity, nor scarce in Europe.^ He was a man very modest, amiable, and sociable in his ordinary course and carriage, of an innocent and unblamable life and conversation, of a meek spirit, and a calm temper, void of passion and not easily provoked. And yet he would be something smart in his style to his opposcrs in his public writings ; at which we that have seen his con- stant carriage, both in public disputes and the managing of all church affairs, and such like occurrences, have sometimes marvelled. He had an excellent gift of teaching and opening the Scriptures ; and things did flow from him with that facility, plainness and sweet- ness, as did much affect the hearers. He was powerful and profound in doctrine, although his voice was not
' Cotton, in his Way of Congre- pently studious of the llehrew text,
gational Churches Cleared, page 6, hath not been unuscfiil to the church
says, ** Mr. Ainsworth, a man of a in his Exposition of ihc Pentateuch,
modest and humble spirit, and dili- especially of Moses his rituals."
HENRT AINSWORTH. 449
Strong ; and had this excelloncy above many, that he chap. was most ready and pregnant in the Scriptures, as if the book of God had been written in his heart ; being as ready in his quotations, without tossing and turning his book, as if they had laid open before his eyes, and seldom missing a word in the citing of any place,- teaching not only the word and doctrine of God, but in the words of God, and for the most part in a con- tinued phrase and words of Scripture. He used great dexterity, and was ready in comparing scripture with scripture, one with another. In a word, the times and place in which he lived were not worthy of such a man.
YOUNG MEN.
But we find that he is taxed, in a book writ by George Johnson, with apostasy and to be a man- pleaser, &c.
ANCIENT MEN.
Who can escape the scourge of tongues ? Christ himself could not do it when he was here upon earth, although there was no guile found in his mouth ; nor Moses, although he was the meekest man in the earth. For man-pleasing, they that tax him [do it] because he concurred against their violent and endless dissen- sions about the former matters. And for his apostasy, this was all the matter. When he was a young man,* before he came out of England, he at the persuasion of some of his godly friends went once or twice to hear a godly minister preach ; and this was the great matter of apostasy, for which those violent men thought him worthy to be deposed from his place, and for which
K.^
450
JOHN SMITH.
CHAP, they thus charge him. And truly herein they may
Jere. x.SO.
worthily bear the name of rigid, &c.
Mr. John Smith
Was an eminent man in his time, and a good preacher, and of other good parts ; but his inconstancy, and unstable judgment, and being so suddenly carried away with things, did soon overthrow him. Yet we have some of us heard him use this speech : ^^ Truly,'' said he, ^^ we being now come into a place of liberty, are in great danger, if we look not well to our ways ; for we are like men set upon the ice, and therefore may easily slide and fall." But in this example it appears it is an easier matter to give good counsel than to follow it, to foresee danger than to prevent it : which made the prophet to say, " O Lord, the way of man is not in himself, neither is it in man to walk and to direct his steps." He was some time pastor to a company of honest and godly men which came with him out of England, and pitched at Amsterdam. He first fell into some errors about the Scriptures, and so into some opposition with Mr. Johnson, who had been his tutor,
' Af\er Johnson's lemoval to Embdcn, Ainsworth was the sole pastor of the church at Amsterdara till his death. This '* Rabbi of his age,*' as he was called, *' was the author of a very learned comment- ary on the five books of Moses, in which he shows himself a complete master of the Oriental languages and of Jewish antiquities. His death was sudden, and not without suspicion of violence ; for it is re- ported, that having found a dia- mond of great value in the streets of Amsterdam, he advertised it in print, and when the owner, who was a Jew, came to demand it, ho offered him any acknowledgment
ho would desire ; but Ainsworth, though poor, would accept of no- thing but a conference with some of the rabbies upon the prophecies of the Old Testament relating to the Messiah, which the other pro- mised ; but not having interest enough to obtain it, and Ainsworth being resolute, it is thought he was poisoned. His congregation remained without a pastor for some years after his death and then chose Mr. Canne, author of the marginal references to the Bible." See NeaPs Puritans, i. 3G3, 386, 437; Bay lie's Dissuasive, p. 15; Cot- ton's Way, p. 6.
JOHN SMITH. 461
and the church there. But he was convinced of them chap.
XXVI.
by the pains and faithfulness of Mr. Johnson and Mr. Ainsworth, and revoked them ; but afterwards was drawn away by some of the Dutch Anabaptists, who finding him to be a good scholar and unsettled, they easily misled the most of his people, and other of them scattered away. He lived not many years afler, but died there of a consumption, to which he was incHned before he came out of England. His and his people's condition may be an object of pity for after times.^
Mr. John Robinson
Was pastor of that famous church of Lcydcn, in Hol- land ; a man not easily to be paralleled for all things, whose singular virtues we shall not take upon us here
* Smith, who has already been ing from heaven against self-fulness mentioned on pages 28 and 34, and self-pleasing. For though the was, accordinjr to J3aylie, p. 15, tyranny of the Ecclesiastical Courts " a man of right eminent parts.*' was harsh towards him, and the Noal says that ho was '* a learned yokes put upcm him in the ministry man, of good abilities, but of an too grievous to be borne, vet neither unsettled head, as appears by the was he alone in suflermg. Nor preface to one of his books, in which were those that suOered with him at he desires that his last writing may that time (Mr. CliHon and Mr. Rob- always be taken for his present judg- inson) such inconsiderable persons ment. He was for refining upon the that he should affect to go alone from Brownists* scheme, and at last de- them. He thought he could have clared for the principles of the Bap- gained his tutor, Johnson, [of Am- tists ; but being at a loss for a pro- sterdam] from the errors of his rigid per administrator of the ordinance of separation. But he had promised baptism, he plunged himself, and them not to go over to him without then performed the ceremony upon their consents ; and they utterly dis- others ; which gained him the name suaded him therefrom, as fearing his of ;i Sc-baptist. He afterwards em- instability. And yet, contrary to braced the tenets of Arminius, and his promise, he went over to him, published certain conclusions upon which led him into manifest temp- those points in the year 1611, which tatiotis and aberrations." Mr. Robinson answered in 1GI4 ; The celebrated Bishop Hall wrote but Smith died soon after, and his a letter which he adilressed ** to Mr. congregation dissolved. Smith and Mr. Robinson, ringlead-
** The fall of Mr. Smith,*' says era of the lato Srpaniiion, at Am-
Coiion, in his Way, p. 0, ••and the sterdam.*' See Ncnl's Puritans, i.
spirit of errors and mstabilily that 437 ; Baylie's Dissuasive, pp. 15, 10 ;
fell upon him, was a dreadful warn- Bp. Hall's Epistles, dec. iii. ep. 1.
462
JOHN ROBINSON.
CHAP, to describe. Neither nieed we. for they so well are
XXVI. .
known both by friends and enemies, f As he was a man learned and of solid judgment, and of a quick and sharp wit, so was he also of a tender conscience, and very sincere in all his ways, a hater of hypocrisy and dissimulation, and would be very plain with his best friends. / He was very courteous, affable and sociable in his conversation, and towards his own people espe- cially. ' He was an acute and expert disputant, very quick and ready, and had much bickering with tlie Arminians,^ who stood more in fear of him than any of the university. He was never satisfied in himself until he had searched any cause or argument he had to deal in thoroughly and to the bottom ; and we have heard him sometimes say to his familiars that many times, both in writing and disputation, he knew he had suffi- ciently answered otliers, but many times not himself; and was ever desirous of any light, and the more able, learned, and holy ttie persons were, the more he desired to confer and reason with them. /^He was very profit- able in his ministry and comfortable to his people. He was nmch beloved of them, and as loving was he unto them, and entirely sought their good for soul and bodyy In a word, he was much esteemed and reverenced of alt that knew him, and his abilities [were acknow- ledged] both of friends and strangers. But we re- solved to be brief in this matter, leaving you to better and more large information herein from others.^
' See pages 41 and 392.
' John Robinson was born in 1576, but the place of his birth is unknown. He was educated at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, where he entered in 1592, took the degree of Master of Arts in ICOO, and Jiachclor of Divinity in 1007,
the year before he went over to Holland. Before his election as pastor of the Pilgrim Church, men- tioned on page 23, he had a bene- fice near Yarmtaith, in Norftdk, where he was often molested by the bishop's oHicers, and his friends almost ruined in the ecclesiastical
RICHARD CLIFTON. 453
Mr. Richard Clifton ?vr?*
Wns a grave and fatlicrly old man when he came first into Holland, having a ^eat white beard ; and pity it was that such a reverend M man should be forced to leave his country, and at those years to go into exile. But it was his lot ; and he bore it patiently. Much good had he done in tlie country where he lived, and converted many to God by his faithful and painful ministry, both in preaching and catechizing. Sound and orthodox he always was, and so continued to his end. He belonged to the church at Leyden ; but be- ing settled at Amsterdam, and tlius aged, he was loath to remove any more ; and so when tliey removed, he
courts. It is an un^enerons insin- may have been deriTed from an uaiion of Bishop Hall, at the end expres-jion of Robinson *8 in his of his Apology against Brownists, Apology : *' Ccetum quenilibet par- " Neither doubt we to say, that the ticularem esse totain, integram et mastership of tho hospital at Nur* pcrfcctam ecclesiam, ex suis parli- ivich, or a lease from that city, (sued bus constantcm, immedini^ ct iWe- for, with repulse,) might have pro- j^entfcnirr quoad alias ccclesias, sub cured that this separation from the ipso Christo." communion, government, and wor- As has already been seen, pp. 77 ship of the Church of England, and 384, and vr'm more fully appear should not have been made by John hereafter from his Letters, it was Robinson.** Robinson's intention and most ear- Bay lie, that bitter inveigher neat desire to come over and settle against the Brownists and Indepen- with his (lock at Plymouth ; but he dents, acknowledges that ** Robin- was prevented by the want of sun was a man of excellent parts, means, the opposition of some of and the most learned, polished and the mcrchnnt adventurers, and modest spirit that ever separated finally by death, which removed from the Church of England ; that him from the world March 1, 1625. the Apologies and Justifications he The honors paid to his memory at wrote were very handsome ; that his funeral are recorded in note ' by Dr. Ames and Mr. Parker he on page 393. Hoornheck says, in was brought to a greater modera- the work quoted on page 42, *• Post tion than he at first expressed ; that obitum ejus, ohoria in coetu con- he ruined the rigid separation, tentione et schismate super corn- was a principal overthrower of the munione cum Ecclef^ia Anglicana in Brownists, and became the author auditione verbi,D. Robinsoni vidua, of Independency *^^ As to this last lil>cri, rcliquique propiiiqui ct amiri point, however, sec Cotton's reply, in commiinionem ecclesis nostroc in nolo * on page 442. The name, recepti fuerunt." Prince says, in however, as Mosheim suggests, his Annals, p. 238, ** His son Isaac
t ROBINSON'S WRITINGS.
kP. was dismissed to them there, and there remained until ^ he died.^ Thus have we briefly satisfied your desire.
TOUNQ MEN.
We are very tliankful to you for your pains. We perceive God raiseth up excellent instruments in all ages to carry on his own work ; and the best of men have their failings sometimes, as we see in these our
came over to Plymoath Colony, liv- found in his study after his de- ed to above ninety of years, a ven- cease ; and now published for the erable man, whom I have ofieo common good. Together with a seen, and has left male posterity in letter written by the same author, the county of Barnstable.*' lie [Ley den, 5 April, 1624] and ap- lived at Scituate in 163A, snd in proved by his Church, which fol- 1639 removed to Barnstable ; he loweth afier this Treatise. Anno was a highly respectable man, and 1634." pp. 77, U\mo. 3. '* Eb- an Assistant in the government, says, or Observations, divine and Ue married a sister of Elder Faunce, moral, collected out of Holy Scrip- and a son of his, Isaac, was drown- tures, ancient and modem writers, ed at Hamstable in 1GA8. See b<ith ilivinc and human, as also out Jlolknan*8 Am. Biog. ii. 151 — 178 ; of the artsai volume of mcn*s man- Noals ruritans, i. 437 ; Bavliu's nurs ; tuiidiiig to tliu furlhcranco of Dissuasive, p. 17 ; Cotton *s Way, knowledge and virtue. By John p. 7 ; Hoornbeek, Sum. Cent. p. Robinson. The Second Ldition. 74 1 ; Hornius, Hist. Eccles. p. 239 ; London. Printed for /. Bellamk, Mosheim, E<^les. Hist. v. 405 ; 1638.*' pp. 556, 4to. In his Pre- Deane's Scituate, p. 332 ; Holmes's face he speaks of having ** dili- Aimals, i. 101,575; Prince, 173; gently observed the great volume Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii.248, 219. of uicu*8 manners ; having had, in In note ' on page 40 there is a the days of my pilgrimage, special list of the books published by Rob- opportunity of conversing with per- inson before the departure of the sons of divers nations, estates, and Pilgrims for America. He after- dispositions, in great variety. This wards wrote the following works, kind of study and meditation hath all of which, with the others, I been unto me full sweet and de- have had the privilege and pleasure lightful, and that wherein I have of consulting. I. ** A Defence of often refreshed my soul and spirit, the Doctrine propounded by the amidst many sad and sorrowful Synod at Dort, against John Mur- thoughts, unto which God hath call- ton and his Associates, with the cd uio.**
Refutation of their Answer to a 'Of course Belknap is in an er-
writing touching baptism. By ror, when he says, in his Life of
John Robinson. Printed in the Robinson, Am. Biog. ii. 157, ** As
year 1624.*' 4to, pp. 203. 2. ''A nothing more is said of the aged
Treatise of the lawfulness of hear- Mr. Clifton, it is probable that he
ing of the ministers in the Church died beforo this embarkation/' i. e.
of England ; penned by that learn- from England to Holland. Baylies,
ed and reverend divine, John Rob- in his Memoir of New Plymouth,
inson, late pastor to the English i. 11, repeats the error. Yet Prince
church of God at Jjeyden. Printed would have set them right, p. 120. according to the copy thai was
THE CHURCH AT AMSTERDAM 465
times, and that there is no new thinir under the sun. chap.
XXVI.
But before we end this matter, we desire you would say something of those two churches that were so long in exile, of whose guides we have already heard.
ANCIENT MEN.
Truly there were in them many worthy men ; and if you had seen them in their beauty and order, as we have done, you would have been much aflccted tliere- with, we dare say. At Amsterdam, before their divW sion and breach, they were about three hundred com- municants, and they had for their pastor and teacher those two eminent men before named, and in our time four grave men for ruling elders,' and three able and godly men for deacons, one ancient widow for a dea- coness, who did them service many years, though she was sixty years of age when she was chosen. She honored her place and was an ornament to the congre-
' The cliflTcrcncolwlwpcn llic pns- that tlicy **cho«e none for povcrn- tor, (ir tcAchinp elder, and the ruling ing ciders but such aa were able to elder, as it existed in the churches teach." The oilice of ruling elder of the Pilgrims, is thus described by also existed in the churches of Mas- Prince, from their published writ- sachusetts Bay, at their first plant- ings. '* 1. Pastors, or teaching el* ing. Mr. Savage, says, "It was dcrs — who have the power of over- kept up hardly more than fifly years, seeing, teaching, administering the though in a few churches it contin- sacramcnts, and ruling too ; ond ued to the middle of the last cen- being chiefly to give themselves to tury, much reduced, however, in studying, teaching, and the spiritual importance, and hardly distinguish- caro of llio flock, arc therefore to be oble from that of deacon. The title maintained. 2. Mere ruling elders of elders was retained from the be- — who are to help the pastors in ginning as a name for ministers." overseeing and ruling ; that their The office of ruling elder is still offices be not temporary, as among kept up in the First Church in Sa- the Dutch and French churches, lem, the oldest church in Massa- but continual ; and being also quali- chusetts proper, the next after Ply- fied in some degree to teach, they mouth. For further particulars con- are to teach occasionally, through cerning the functions and duties of necessity, or in their pastor's ab- the ruling elder, sec Robinson's sence or illness; but being not to Apology, ch. iv. ; the Cambridge give themselves to study or teach- Plainirm, ch. vii. ; Hutchinson's ing, they have no need of mainte- Mass, i. 426; Prince's Annals, p. nance." It appears, from page 65, 177 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 31.
THE CHURCH AT LEYDEN.
^ gation. She usually sat in a convenient place in the ^ congregation, with a little birchen rod in her hand, and kept Httle children in great awe from disturbing the congregation. She did frequently visit the sick and weak, especially women, and, as there was need, call- ed out maids and young women to watch and do them other helps as their necessity did require ; and if they were poor, she would gather relief for them of those that were able, or acquaint the deacons ; and she was obeyed as a mother in Israel and an officer of Christ And for the church of Leyden, they were sometimes not much fewer in number, nor at all inferior in able men, though they had not so many officers as the other ; for they had but one ruling elder with their pastor, a man well approved and of great integrity ; also they had three able men for deacons. And that which \ was a crown unto them, they lived together in love and peace all their days,^ without any considerable dif- ferences or any disturbance that grew thereby, but such as was easily healed in love ; and so they continued until with mutual consent they removed into New England. And what their condition hath been since, some of you that are of their children do see and can tell. Many worthy and able men there were in both places, who lived and died in obscurity in respect of the world, as private Christians, yet were they pre- cious in the eyes of the Lord, and also in the eyes of such as knew them, whose virtues we with such of you as are their children do follow and imitate.
YOUNG MEN.
If we may not be tedious, we would request to know
' See pages 34, 36, and 380.
THEIR COMMUNION WITH OTHER CHURCHES. 467
one thing more. It is commonly said that those of chap.
. XXVI.
the Separation hold none to be true churches but their own, and condemn all the churches in the world be- sides ; which lieth as a foul blot upon them, yea even on some here in New England, except they can re- move it.
ANCIENT MEN.
It is a maihfcst slander laid upon them ; for tliey hold all the Reformed Churches to be true churches, and even the most rigid of them have ever done so, as appears by their Apologies ^ and other writings ; and wo ourselves some of us know of much intercommu- nion tliat divers have held with tliem reciprocally, not only with tlie Dutch and French, but even witli the Scotch,' who are not of the best mould, yea and with the Lutherans also ; and we believe they have gone as far herein, both in judgment and practice, as any of the churches in New England do or can do, to deal faithfully and bear witness against their corruptions.
Having thus far satisfied all your demands, we shall here break off this conference for this time, desiring the Lord to make you to grow up in grace and wis- dom and the true fear of God, that in all faithfulness and humility you may serve him in your generations.
YOUNG MEN.
Gentlemen, we humbly thank you for your pains with us and respect unto us, and do further crave that upon any fit* occasions we may have access unto you for any further information, and herewith do humbly lake our leavc.^
* See Robinson's Apology, quot- ' See pages 391 — 396. ed in note ' on page 388. ' Bradford continued this Dia;^
CO
458 BRADFORD'S DIALOQDB.
CHAP, lo^ue in Iwo other paita ; ons of longer than the lint ptit whleh i*
XXVI. which 1 hiTs had in m; poaseuinn, here printed, and relates chief)* to
written with his own hand. The the " coDtroTersyea unongBt fuur
title is &a follows: "A Dialogue, aorta of men; The Papists, the
r 3d Conference, betweene some Epiaeopacy, the PreabyteriaDS, and
horoe in New-Eng- the Inileiwudeula, aa they are call-
ime ancient men which ed." Being a thaological rather
1 of Holsnd and Old Eng- thau a historical work, [ have not
land, concerning the Church and deemed it auitable to be inserted in
the governmeute therof." It ia this volume.
yonga mei land, and a
GOV. BRADFORD'S MEMOIR
OP
ELDER BREWSTER.
CHAPTER XXVII.
MEMOIR OF ELDER WILUAM BREWSTER.^
Now foUoweth that which was matter of great sad- ^^^f: ness and mourning unto this Church. About the < — -^ IGtli of April,' in tliis year, died their reverend Elder,' ^®**- our dear and loving friend, Mr. William ^ Brewster ; lo. a man tliat had done and suffered much for die Lord Jesus and the Gospel's sake, and had borne his part in weal and wo with this poor persecuted Church about tiiirty-six years in England, Holland, and in this wilderness, and done the Lord and them faithful ser- vice in his place and calling ; and notwithstanding the many troubles and sorrows he passed through, the Lord upheld him to a great age. He was near four-
' From the MS. Records of Ply- Hist. Mass. iL 460, inserts about a
month Charch, book i. folio 38, into page of it from Bradford's MS. His-
which it was copied by Secretary tory. There can be no doubt that
Morton, from Governor Bradford's the whole Memoir proceeded from
MS. History of Plymouth Colony, the pen of Bradford, and that Mor-
' Morton, in his Memorial, p. ton, in thb as in other cases, was a
S19, places Brewster's death on the mere copyist.
18th of April, 1643. " Concerning ' Bnrk, in his Hist of Virginia,
whom," he adds, *' I could say i. 214, makes Brewster the military
much of mine own knowledge ; but as well as the spiritual leader of
I shall content myself only to insert the Pilgrims, confounding liim with
the honorable testimony that Mr. Standish.
William Bradford, deceased, hath * Neal, in his Hist, of New Eng-
loft written with his own hniid con- land, i. 8.0, errs in calling him John ;
coming him." lie then proceeds an error which is repealed by the
to copy a considerable part of the authors of the Mod. Univ. Hist,
above account. Hutchinson, in his xxxix. 371.
f.
1.
MEMOIR OF ELD£R BREWSTER.
score years of age (if not all out) when he died. He had this blessing added by the Lord to all the rest, to die in his bed, in peace, amongst the midst of his friends, who mourned and wept over him, and minis- tered what help and comfort tliey could unto him, and he again recomforted them whilst he could. His sickness was not long. Until the last day thereof he did not wholly keep his bed. His speech con- tinued until somewhat more than half a day before his death, and then failed him ; and about nine or ten of the clock that evening he died, without any pang at all. A few hours before he drew his breath short, and some few minutes before his last he drew his breath long, as a man fallen into a sound sleep, with- out any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly departed this life unto a better.
I would now demand of any what he was the worse for any former sufferings. What do I say ? The worse ? Nay, surely he was the better, and they now add to his honor. << It is a manifest token," saith the Apostle, " of the righteous judgment of God, that ye may be counted worthy of the kingdom of God, for which ye also suffer ; seeing it is a righteous thing with God to recompense tribulation to them that trou- ble you ; and to you who are troubled, rest with us when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven with his mighty angels ; " and " If ye be reproached for the name of Christ, happy are ye ; for the spirit of God and of glory resteth upon you." What though he wanted the riches and pleasures of the world in his life, and pompous monuments at his funeral, yet the memorial of the just shall be blessed when the name of the wicked shall rot.
BREWSTER UNDER SECRETARY DAVISON. 463
I should say something of his life, if to say a Kttle chap.
. XXVII
were not worse tlian to be silent. But I cannot whol- '
\y forbear, tliough haply more may be done hereafter. After he had attained some learning, viz. the know- ledge of the Latin tongue and some insight into the Greek, and spent some small time at Cambridge, and dion being first seasoned with the seeds of grace and virtue, he went to the Court, and served that rohgious and godly gentleman, Mr. Davison,' divers years, when he was Secretary of State ; who found him so discreet and faithful, as he trusted him above all other that were about him, and only employed him in matters of greatest trust and secrecy.^ He esteemed him rather as a son than a servant, and for his wisdom and godU- ness, in private, he would converse with him more Uke a familiar than a master. He attended his master when he was sent in ambassage by the Queen into the Low Countries, (in the Earl of Leicester's time,) as I686. for other weighty affairs of State, so to receive posses- sion of the cautionary towns ; ^ and in token and sign
' The unfortunate Wniiam Davi- not a man in the land so furnished
son, who fell a victim to Queen universally for the place he had,
Elizaheth*s duplicity and state- neither know I any that can come
craf\, was a person of great worth near him.** See Supplement to
and ability. The Earl of Essex, in the Cabala, p. 23; Strype's An-
a letter to Kin^ James, April 18, nals, iii. 373.
1587, intcrccdmg in his behalf, ' Hrewster had for a colleague
speaks of him as ** beloved of in office under Davison, George
the best and most religious of this Cranmer, the pupil and friend of
land. His sufficiency in council the judicious Hooker. See Wal-
and matters of state is such, as the ton*s Lives, p. 179, (Major*8 ed.)
Queen herself confesseth in her Judge Davis justly remarks that
kingdom she hath not such anoth- '* there seems to have been a simi-
er ; his virtue, religion, and worth larity of character between Mr.
in all degrees are of the world taken Brewster and his patron." Mor-
to be so great, as no man in his ton*s Memorial, p. 221.
good fortune hath had more gen- ' In 1584, when Elizabeth enter-
eral love than this gentleman in ed into a league with the United
his disgrace ; *' and Ix)rd Durleigh, Provinces, and advanced money to
in a petition to Queen Elizabeth, enable them to maintain their in-
February 13, 1586, writes, "I know dependence of Spain, her rival in
BREWSTER TllUSTED BY SECRETARY DAVISON.
*• thereof the keys of Flushing being delivered to him in . her Majesty's name, he kept them some time, and com- mitted them to his servant, who kept them under his pillow on which he slept, the first night And, at his return, the States honored him with a gold chain, and his master committed it to him, and commanded him to wear it when they arrived in England, as they rode through the country, until they came to the Court. He afterwards remained with him until his troubles, when lie was put from his place about tlie death of the Queen of Scots, and some good time after, doing him many offices of service in the time of his troubles.' Afterwards he went and lived in the country, in good
power and ambition, she very pru- it, she affected great indignation, dcnlly.got consigned into her hands throw all the blame on the inno- the three important fortresses of cent Secretary, and committed him Flushing, the Hrille, and Uammo- to the Tower, where he became tho kins, as pledges for the reimburse- subject of raillery from those very ment of the money which she ad- counsellors who had promised to vanccd in defence of their liberties, countenance and protect him. He They were accordingly called ** the was tried in the Star Chamber, cautionary towns.'' They were and fined jC 10,000, which being surrendered by James in 1616. See rigorously levied upon him, re- Sir Dudley Carleton's Letters, pp. duced him to poverty.*' Belknap's 27 — 35. Am. Biog. ii. 253. Camden says, ' ** When Mary « Queen of Scots, *' Thus was Davison, a man of had been tried and condemned, and gt>od ingenuity, but not well skill- the Parliament of England had pe- ed in court arts, brought upon the titioned their sovereign for her ex- court stage of purpose (as most ecution, Elizabeth privately or- men thought) to act for a time this dered Davison to draw a death- part in the tragedy ; and soon after, warrant, which she signed, and the part being acted, and his stage sent him with it to the Chancellor attire laid aside, as if he had failed to have the great seal annexed, in the last act, he was thrust down Having performed his duty, she pre- from the stage, and, not without tended to blame him for his preci- tho pity of many, shut up in pri- pitancy. Davison acquainted the son." For a particular account of Council with the whole transac- Davison, and a full vindication of lion ; they knew the Queen's real his conduct, see Kinpis's Biog. sentiments, and persuaded him to Brit. v. 4 — 15 ; and Nicolas's Life send the warrant to tho Earls of of Davison, London, 1823. See Kent and Shrewsbury, promising also Camden's History of Queon to justify his conduct, and take Elizabeth, pp. 389 — 303 ; Supple- the blame on themselves. These ment to the Cabala, pp. 22 — 25 ; Earls attended the execution of Strype's Annals, iii. 370 — 376,447. Mary ; but when Elizabeth heard of
BREWSTER JOINS THE PILGRIIIS. 466
esteem amongst his friends and the good gentlemen ^^^j of those parts, especially the godly and religious.
He did much good in the country where he lived, in promoting and furthering reUgion ; and not only by his practice and example, and provoking and encou- raging of others, but by procuring of good preachers to all places thereabouts, and drawing on of others to assist and help to forward in such a work ; he himself most commonly deepest in the charge, and sometimes above his ability. And in this state he continued many years, doing the best good he could, and walk- ing according to tlie light he saw, until the Lord revealed furtlier unto him. And in the end, by tlie tyranny of the bishops against godly preachers and people, in silencing the one and persecuting the other, he and many more of those times began to look fur- ther into particulars, and to see into the unlawfulness of their callings, and the burden of many anti-christian corruptions, which both he and they endeavoured to cast off, as tliey also did, as in the beginning of tliis treatise is to be seen.'
Afler they were joined together into communion, leos. he was a special stay and help to them. They ordi- narily met at his house on the Lord's day, which was a manor of tlie bishop's, and with great love he enter- tained them when they came, malting provision for them to his great charge ; and continued so to do whilst they could stay in England. And when they were to remove out of the country, he was one of the first in all adventures, and forwardest in any. He was the chief of those that were taken at Boston, in 1 6 o 7. Lincolnshire, and suffered the greatest loss ; and
* See page 20.
BR£WSTER IN HOLLAND.
. [one] of the seven that were kept longest in prison,
' and after bound over to the assizes.^
^' After he came into Holland, he suffered much hard- ship after he had spent the most of his means, having a great charge and many children ; and, in regard of his former breeding and course of life,' not so fit for many employments as others were, especially such as were toilsome and laborious. Yet he ever bore his condition with much cheerfulness and contentation. Towards the latter part of those twelve years spent in Holland, his outward condition was mended, and he Uved well and plentifully ; for he fell into a way, by reason he had the Latin tongue, to teach many stu- dents who had a desire to learn the English tongue, to teach them English, and by his method they quickly attained it with great facility ; for he drew rules to learn it by, after the Latin manner ; and many gentle- men, both Danes and Germans, resorted to him, as they had time from other studies, some of them being great men's sons. He also had means to set up print- ing,^ by the help of some friends, and so had employ- ment enough ; and by reason of many books which would not be allowed to be printed in England,* they might have had more than they could do.
' See pages 26 and 27.
■ Tho words ** of life " I restore from Bradford, in Hutchinson , ii. 4G0.
' Among the books printed by Brewster at Leyden was the fol- lowing : '* Commcntarii Succincti et Diiucidi in Proverbia Salomonis. Authore Tlioma Cartwrighlio, SS. Theologiae in Academia Cantabri- giensi quondam Professore. Qui- bus adhibita est Proefutio clarissimi viri Joliannis Polyandri, S. Theo- logian Professoris Leidensis. liUg- duni Batavorum. Apud Guliel-
mum Brewsterum, in tIco Chorali. 1017.** 8vo. pp. 1513. A copy of this work is now in tho posses- sion of the Pastor of the First Church in Plymouth, having been presented to that Church in 1828 by tho Hon. John DaviS| LL.D. the learned editor of Morton's New England's Memorial. Another copy is in the library of the Pilgrim So- ciety at Plymouth. Sec Thacher*8 Plymouth, p. 270.
* It ap[>ears from the following extracts of letters written by Sir Dudley Carleton to Secretary Naun-
BREWSTER IN AMERICA. 467
But now removing into this country, all these things chap.
were laid aside again, and a new course of Uving must
be submitted to ; in which he was no way unwilling i • ^ o- to take his part and to bear his burden with the rest, living many times without bread or corn many months together, having many times nothing but fish, and often wanting that also ; and drank nothing but water for many years together, yea, until within five or six years of his death. And yet he lived, by the blessing of God, in healtli until very old age ; and besides that, he would labor with his hands in the fields as long as he was able. Yet when the Church had no other minister, he taught twice every sabbath, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the great contentment of the hearers, and their comfortable edification. Yea, many were brought to God by his ministry. He did more in their behalf in a year, than many that have their hundreds a year do in all their tives.
ton, from the Hague in 1010, that lotion. Glosses and Annotations of Brewster was at this time an oinect the New TeMament, anno 1618, of suspicion and pursuit to the Eng- was printed by him. So was an- lish government on account of cer- other in 18mo. De ver& et genuinA tain obnoxious books which he had Jesu Christi Domini et Salvatoris printed. nostri Religione, of which I send *' July 23. One William Brew- your honor herewith the title page; ster, a Brownisl, hath been for and if you will compare that, which some years an inhabitant and print* is unflorlined therein, with the er at Leydon, but is now within other, Dc Rrgiinine Eodesitt Scoti- throo wooks romovcd from thnnco rn/i/r, of which 1 send your honor and gone back to dwell in London, the title-page likewise, you will where he may be found out and ex- find it is the same character; and amined, nut only of this book De the one being confessed (as that Regimine Ecclesite Scoticanm^ but De vera et genuina Jesu Christi j likewise of Perth Assembly^ of c}-c. Religione^ Brewster doth openly which if he was not the printer avow,) the other cannot well be himself, he assuredly knows both denied." — **Aug. 20. I have made the printer and author ; for as I good inquiry after William Brew- am informed, he hath had, whilst ster, at Leydon, and am well as- he remained here, his hand in all sured that he is not returned thither; such books as have been sent over neither is it likely he will, having into England and Scotland ; as par- removed from thence both his fam- ticularly a book in folio, entitled A ilyand goods." — "Sept. 12. In my Confutation of the Rhemists* Trans- last I advertised your honor that
BREWSTER»S PRIVATF. CHARACTER.
P. For his personal abilities, he was qualified above -^ many. He was wise and discreet and well spoken, having a grave, deliberate utterance; of a very cheerful spirit, very sociable and pleasant amongst his friends, of an humble and modest mind, of a peaceable disposi- tion, undervaluing himself and his own abilities, and sometimesovervaluing others; inoffensive and innocent in his life and conversation, which gained him the love of those without as well as those within. Yet he would tell them plainly of their faults and evils, both publicly and privately; but in such a manner as usually was well taken from him. He was tender-hearted, and compassionate of such as were in misery, but es- pecially of such as had been of good estate and rank, and were fallen into want and poverty, either for good- ness and religion's sake, or by the injury and oppres- sion of others. He would say, of all men these de- served to be most pitied ; and none did more offend
Brewster was taken at Leyden ; phlets, which I have newly reco- which proved an error, in that the vered." — ''Sept. 18. It appears Bchout, who was employed by the that this Brewer, and Brewster, magistrates for his apprehension, whom this man set on work, hav- being a dull drunken follow, took ing kept no open shop, nor printed one man for another. But Brewer, many books hi for public sale in wlio set him on work, and being a these provinces, their practice was man uf means bare the charge of his to print prohibited books to bo printing, is fast in the University's vented underhand in his Majesty's prison; and his printing letters, kingdom.'' — *' Jan. 19, 1620. Un- which were found in his house in a less Brewer undertakes to do his garret, where he had hid them, and uttermost in finding out Brewster, his books and papers, are all seized (wherein 1 will not fail likewise of and Bcah.'d up. 1 expect to-morrow all other endeavours,) ho is not liko to receive his voluntary confession to be at liberty ; the suspicion of such books as \\e hath caused to whereof keeps him from hence, for be printed by Brewster for this as yet ho appears not in these year and a half or two years past; parts." Carleton*s Letters, pp. 380, and then I intend to send one ex- 386, 389, 390, 437. It appears pressly to visit his books and pa- from page 71, that in May, 1619, pers, and to examine him particu- Brewster was in England. It is larly touching Perth Assemf/Ii/t the probable he did not return to Ley- discourse De Regimine Ecclesia den, but kept close till the May- Scoticarue, and other Puritan pam- flower sailed.
HIS OrnCIAL CHARACTER.
and displease him, than such as would haughtily and c: proudly carry and lift up themselves, being risen from ^ nothing, and having little else in them but a few fine clothes or a Uttle riches more than others.
In teaching, he was very stirring, and moving the affections; also very plain and distinct in what he taught ; by which means he became the more profita- ble to the hearers. He had a singular good gift in prayer, both public and private, in ripping up the heart and conscience before God, in the humble con- fession of sin, and begging the mercies of God in Christ for the pardon thereof. He always thought it were better for ministers to pray oftener, and divide their prayers, tlian to be long and tedious in tlic same ; except upon solemn and special occasions, as on days of Humiliation and the like. His reason was that the heart and spirits of all, especially the weak, could hardly continue and stand bent (as it were,) so long towards God, as they ought to do in that duty, with- out flagging and falling ofi".
For the government of the church, which was most proper to his oflSice, he was careful to preserve good order in the same, and to preserve purity both in the doctrine and communion of the same, and to suppress any error or contention that might begin to arise amongst tlicm ; and accordingly God gave good suc- cess to his endeavours herein all his days, and he saw the fruit of his labors in that behalf. But I must break off, having thus touched a few heads of things.'
' William Bhkwstkr, the ruling probably the oldest of the Pilprims,
elder of John Ilobinson^s church, beinp GO when he arrived at Ply-
and whose name stands fourth mouth. On account of his ape and
amoufT the signers of the (Jcunpact, oflice he probably was not much
was born in 15G1 ; but the place of employed in the civil affairs of the
his birth is nut known. He was Colony, and consequently his name
BRCWSTEK-S FAMILY.
470
CHAP. Beldam nooun in the preoeding Hi*- XXVli, loty. The reason why he wu noE ■— "■""" chosen goTornor aftar the death of Carver ia 1031, U stated in note > un page 107. It apneara from thia Memoir that he had " many ehild- rea ; " but tlio eiact number has not been ascertained, lie brought Ilia wire with him, and four oilior individual*, who were probably his children. The Tollowing are known to have been his children — Jona- than, Love, Wrestling, Patience, and Fear. The last two came in the Anne in IQSS ; Patience married in MtSl Thomas Prince, who was afler- warda governor, and Fear married laaao Allerton in 1026. It appears from page 173 that ihe Tcnerable elder had a house lot assigned him in 1031, in Plymouth, on Ihe iireel now called lieyden-street. In the
latter partof hia life he bnilt a houao in DuxbuTT, near Captain's Hill, and resideu there a short lime. His sons Jonallian and Love settled in Duxbnr^. Love died there, and hia son William was deacon of the church in I bat place. Jonathan, with his family, removed to Con- necticut aller 1048. There are many deacondants of the worthy elder in Plymouth, Duxbury, Kinga- ton, Pembroke, and in Connecticut, and elsewhere. A town on Cap« Cod was named after him in ld03, and it is believed that the Brew»- lera, in Boston harbour, were «o called in compliment to him. See ntite * on page 27 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 359— 200i Hutchinson's Maaa. ii. 400 ; Mitchell's Bridge- waiet, p. 301 ; Mass. HisL Coll. z. 73, XX. 67 — OB.
LETTERS,
'* That is the best History, which is collected out of Letters."
Baronius.
*' Letters of affairs, from such as manage them, or are privy to them, are of all others the best instructions for history, and to a diligent reader the best histories in themselves."
Lord Bacon.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
ROBINSON TO THE CHURCH.
To the Church of God at Plymouth^ in New England.^
Much Beloved Brethren,
Neither the distance of place, nor distinction of jchap.
body, can at all either dissolve or weaken that bond of
true Christian affection in which the Lord by his spirit * ® ^ *' hath tied us together. My continual prayers are to tlio Lord for you ; my most earnest desire is unto you ; " from whom I will not longer keep (if God will) than means can be procured to bring with me the wives and children of divers of you and the rest of your brethren, whom I could not leave behind me without great injury both to you and them, and offence to God and all men. The death of so many our dear friends and brethren,^ oh ! how grievous hath it been to you to bear, and to us to take knowledge of; which, if it
* This and most of the following nately destroyed, haying been pat
letters are taken from a fraffment to the roost ignoble uses. See
of Got. Bradford*s Letter Book, Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 246, and
which was rescued about fi(\y years Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 45.
since from a grocer's shop in llali- ' See note on page 4.53.
fax, NoTa Scotia. The earlier and ' See note ' on page 108. more valuable part was unfortu-
474 THB DEATHS AMOlf Q THB COLONDTSL
CHAP, could be mended with lamenting, could not sufficiently
' be bewailed ; but we must go unto them, and they
103 1- shall not return unto us. And how many even of us God hath taken away here and in £ngland, since your departure, you may elsewhere take knowledge. But the same God has tempered judgment with mercy, aa otherwise, so in sparing the rest, especially those by whose godly and wise government you may be and (I know) are so much helped.^ In a battle it is not looked for but that divers should die ; it is thought well for a side if it get the victory, though with the loss of divers, if not too many, or too great God, I hope, hath given you the victory, after many difficulties, for yourselves and others; though 1 doubt not but many do and will remain for you and us all to strive with. . Brethren, I hope I need not exhort you to obedience unto those whoni God hath set over you in church and commonwealth, and to the Lord in them. It is a Christian's honor to give honor according to men's places; and his liberty to serve God in faith, and his brethren in love, orderly and with a willing and free heart God forbid I should need to exhort you to peace, which is tlie bond of perfection, and by which all good is tied together, and without which it is scattered. Have peace with God first, by faith in his promises, good conscience kept in all things, and oft renewed by repentance ; and so one with another, for his sake who is, though three, one ; and for Christ's sake, who is one, and as you are called by one spirit to one hope.
* It was certainly a remarka- Carrer, roost of the proroioent
ble providence, that out of the 21 men were spared. How difierent
men who died the first winter, so might have been the fate of the
few were among the leaders of the Colony had Bradford, Winslow,
expedition. With the exception of Standish and AUerton been cut off.
ROBINSON'S DESIRE TO COMB TO AMERICA. 47fi
And the God of peace and grace and all goodness be chap.
with you in all the fruits thereof: plenteously upon
your heads, now and forever. *®^^'
All your brethren here remember ypu^with great love, a general token whereof they have dent you«
■ If Yours ever in the Lord,
John Robinson.
Leyden^ {Holland^) June 30, anno 1621.
robinson to elder brewster.
Loving and Dear Friend and Brother,'
That which I most desired of God in regard of you, namely, the continuance of your Ufe and health, and the safe coming of those sent unto you, that I most glad- ly hear of, and praise God for the same. And I hope mistress Brewster's weak and decayed state of body will have some repairing by the coming of her daugh- ters,^ and the provisions in this and other ships ^sent, which I hear is made for you ; which makes us with the more patience bear our languishing state and the deferring of our desired transportation, (which I call desired rather than hoped for,) whatsoever you are borne in hand with by others. For first, there is no hope at all, that 1 know nor can conceive of, of any new stock to be raised for that end, so that all must depend upon returns from you ; in which are so many uncertainties, as that nothing with any certainty can thence be concluded. Besides, howsoever, for the
' This letter is copied from Iho Ihe daughters of the Elder, arrived
records of Plymouth Church, book in the Anne, in IG23. See note on
i. folio 27. page 353.
' Patience and Fear Brewster,
THE MERCHANT ADVENTURBRa
^ present, the adventurers allege nothing but want of ^ money, which is an invincible difficulty ; yet if that ^' be taken away by you, others without doubt will be found. For the better clearing of this, we must dis- pose the adventurers into three parts ; and of them some five or six (as I conceive) are absolutely bent for us above others. Other five or six are our bitter pro- fessed adversaries. The rest, being the body, I con- ceive to be honestly minded, and lovingly also towards us; yet such as have others, namely, tlie forward preachers,^ nearer unto them than us, and whose course, so far as there is any diflerence, they would advance rather than ours. Now what a hank* these men have over the professors you know ; and I per- suade myself that for me they of all others are un- willing I should be transported ; especially such as have an eye that way themselves, as thinking if I come there, their market will be marred in many regards. And for these adversaries, if they have but half their will to their malice, they will stop my course when they see it intended, for which this delaying serveth them very opportunely ; * and as one rusty * jade can
* John Lyford, who came over ' Lyford wrote home to the ad-
in the spring of 1624, was probably Terse part of the adventurers, in
one of those '* forward preachers,'' 1624, counselling them that *' the
and John Pemberton, his corres- Leyden Company, Mr. Robinson
pendent, was another. Robert and the rest, must still be kept
Cusliman, in a letter dated Jan. 24, back, or else all will be spoiled ;
1024, says ** Wo send a preacher, and lest any of them should be
though not the most eniiuunt, for lakon in privately on tho coast of
whoso going Mr. Winslow and I England, (as it was fcarod might
gave way to give content to some be done,) they roust change the
at London." Bradford speaks of master of the ship, Mr. William
'* the minister, Mr. John Lyford, Peirce, and put another also in Mr.
whom a faction of the adventurers Winslow's room for merchant, or
send, to hinder Mr. Robinson." otherwise it would not be prevent-
See Morton's Memorial, pp. Ill, ed." MS. Records of Plymouth
114, and Prince's Annals, pp. 226, Church, b. i. folio 30. 228. * Rusty, dull, lazy.
' Hank, influence.
HOSTIUTY OP SOIIE OF THEM. 477
hinder by hanging back more than two or three can chap.
or will (at least if they be not very free) draw forward, '
so will it be in this case. A notable experiment of ^^^'* this they gave in your messenger's presence,' con- straining the company to promise that none of the money now gathered should be expended or employed to the help of any of us towards you.
Now touching the question propounded by you, I judge it not lawful for you, being a ruling elder, as Rom. xii. 7, 8, and 1 Tim. v. 17, opposed to the eld- ers that teach and exhort and labor in the word and doctrine, to which the sacraments are annexed, to administer them, nor convenient if it were lawful.'
Be you heartily saluted, and you wife with you, both from me and mine. Your God and ours, and the God of all his, bring us together, if it be his wiU, and keep us in the mean while and always to his glory, and make us serviceable to his majesty, and faithful to tlie end. Amen.
Your very loving brother,
John Robinson.*
Leyden^ December 20, 1623. «•
* This messenger was Edward England, althoagh he so mach Winslow, who sailed from Ply- longed to he with his flock, and his mouth in the Anne, Sept. 10, 1033, flock with him ; a worthy pattern and returned in the Charity in unto all churches and their mmisters March, 1024. lie wsis the bearer to be imitated." — Bradford's or of this letter. See Morton's Mc- Morton's Note,
morial, p. Ill ; Prince's Annals, Morton, in his Memorial, p. 126,
pp. 225, 226. Prince quotes from says, that '* his and their aaverssr
another letter of Robinson's to ries had been long and continually
Gov. Bradford, brought by the same plotting how they might hinder his
ship. coming into New England ; " and
' For the difl^erence between a Hutchinson, ii. 454, says, that " he
teaching and a ruling elder, see was prevented by disappointments
note ' on page 455. from those in England who under-
* ** By the above written letter it took to provide for the passage of may appear how much the adver- him and his congregation." It sary hindered the coming of this appears that ** Sir Fexdinando Gor- blessed servant of Christ into New ges and others were at this time
THE DEATH OP JOHN ROBINSON.
i
P. : ROGER WHITE TO GOVERNOR BRADFORD.
III.
5.
To his loving friend^ Mr. fVilliam Bradford ^ Governor of Plymouth in Neto England ^ these be^ ^c.*
LoviNq AND Kind Friends, &Ct
I know not whether ever this will come to your hands, or miscarry, as other of my letters have done ; yet in regard of the Lord's dealing with us here, I have had a great desire to write unto you, knowing your desire to bear a part with us, both in our joys and sorrows, as we do with you.
These therefore are to give you to understand, that it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vale of tears your and our loving and faithful pastor, and my dear and reverend brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was sick some eight days, beginning first to be sick on a Saturday morning ; yet the next day, being the Lord'gf day, he taught us twice, and the week after grew every day weaker than other, yet felt no pain but weakness, all the time of his sickness. The physic he took wrought kindly, in man's judgment, yet he grew every day weaker than other, feeling little or no
determined that New England man as Mr. Robinson.'* . Sherley^
should be settled under episcopacy ; one of the merchant adventurers,
and though they would allow and incurred the ill-will of his associ-
encourage people to settle here, ates, by being in favor of his remo-.
they wore unwilling that any Pu- val. ** The sole causoi ho observed,
ritan ministers should accompany in a letter to ilio Plymouth people,
them. The bishops had prevented why the greater part of the adven-
the crown from granting liberty to turers malign me, was that I Would
the petitioners from Leyden ; and not side with them against you and
it was accounted a great matter, in the coming over of the Leyden peo-
1621, to obtain a cautious allow- pie." See Holmes's Annals, i. 103,
ance of indulgence under the au- 575.
thority of the President and Council ' From the records of Plymouth
for the Affairs of New England. Church, book i. folio 31, and Gov.
But they took great care to obstruct Bradford's Letter Book, in Mass.
the coming over of so important a Hist. Coll. ilL 39.
ROBINSON'S DEATH. 479
pain, yet sensible, till the very last. He fell sick the ^^f^,
22d of February, and departed this life on the Ist of
March. lie had a continual inward ague, but, I thank ^ ^ ^ ^' the Lord, was free of the plague, so that all his friends could come freely to him ; and if either prayers, tears, or means would have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he having faithfully finished his course, and performed his work, which the Lord had appoint- ed him here to perform, he now rests with the Lord, in eternal happiness ; we wanting him and all church governors, not having one at present that is a govern- ing officer amongst us. Now for ourselves here left, (I mean the whole church,) we still, by the mercy of God, continue and hold close together in peace and quietness, and so I hope we shall do, though we be very weak ; wishing (if such were the will of God) that you and we were again together in one, either there or here ; but seeing it is the will of the Lord, thus to dispose of tilings, we must labor with patience to rest contented, till it please the Lord otlierwise to dispose of things.^
For news, at present here is not much worth the writing ; only as in England we have lost our old king, James, who departed this life about a month ago,' so here we have lost Grave Maurice,' the old prince here,
* "Until Robinson's death, ihe dcn,someof whom removed to Am-
congre^ation at Plymouth had not sterdam, and others to New Eng-
abandoned the hope of his coming land." Holmes, Ann. i. 191, 575.
to America with their brethren Dr. Holmes errs in placing Robin-
who remained in Holland. The son*s death in 1626.
only solution of the singular fact, ' King James died Maich 27,
that the Plymouth people remained 1625, in his 50th year,
for so many years without a min- ' Maurice, the prince of Orange,
istcr, is — that until his death, their or landgrave of Holland, died at
aflcctioiiatc aiid beloved pastor chcr- the Haguo. April 23, 1625, in his
ishnd the do»iro, and they the rx- SDlh year. lie was succeeded by
pcctation, of his coming (o Aind- his brother Frddciick Henry. Sco
rica. His death caused the disso- .G rattan's HisL of the Netherlands)
lution of his congregation at Ley- p. 250.
) EUROPEAN NEWS.
mi ^^^ ^^ departed this life since my brother Robin- — son ; and as in England we have a new king, Charles, ^' of whom there is great hope of good, so here Hkewise we have made Prince Ilendrick general, in his bro- ther's place, who is now with the Grave of Mansfield with a great army, close by tlie enemy, to free Breda, if it be possible, which the enemy hath besieged now some nine or ten months ; but how it will fall out at last, is yet uncertain ; the Lord give good success, if it be his will. The king is making ready about one hundred sail of ships ; the end is not yet certain, but they will be ready to go to sea very shortly ; the king himself goes to see them once in fourteen days. And thus fearing lest this will not come to your hands, hoping as soon as I hear of a convenient messenger, to write more at large, and to send you a letter which my brotlier Robinson sent to London, to have gone to some of you, but coming too late was brought back again ; and so for this time I cease further to trouble you, and rest,
Your assured loving friend,
Roger White.
Ley den ^ April 28, anno 1625.
THOMAS BLOSSOM TO GOVERNOR BRADFORD.
Beloved Sir,
Kind salutations, &;c. I have thought good to write to you, concerning the cause as it standeth both with you and us. We see, alas ! what frustrations and dis- appointments it pleaseth the Lord to send in this our course, good in itself, and according to godliness taken in hand, and for good and lawful ends, who yet pleaseth
ROBINSON'S DEATH DEPLORED. 481
not to prosper as we are, for reasons best known to him- ^hap.
self; and which also nearly concerns us to consider of,
whether we have sought the Lord in it as we see, or ^®*^' not. That the Lord hath singularly preserved Hfe in the business to great admiration, giveth me good hope that he will, (if our sins hinder not,) in his appointed time, give a happy end unto it. On the contrary, when I consider how it pleasetli the Lord to cross tlioso means tliat should bring us together, being now as far off or farther than ever, in our apprehension ; as also to take that means away, which would have been so comfortable unto us in that course, both for wisdom of counsel as also for our singular help in our course of godliness ; whom the Lord (as it were) took away even as fruit falletli before it was ripe ; when neither length of days, nor infirmity of body, did seem to call for his end.' The Lord even then took him away, as it were in his anger ; whom if tears would have held, he had remained to tliis day. The loss of his ministry was very great unto mo, for I ever counted myself happy in the enjoyment of it, notwithstanding all the crosses and losses otherwise I sustained. Yet indeed the manner of his taking away hath more troubled me, as fearing the Lord's anger in it, that, as I said, in the ordinary course of things, might still have remained, as also, the singular service he might have yet done in the church of God. Alas ! dear friends, our state and cause in religion, by his death being wholly destitute of any that may defend our cause as it should against our adversaries; that we may take up that doleful complaint in the Psalm, that there is no prophet left among us, nor
' •* He raeans Mr. Robinson.*' — Bradfoffi^s Note.
ct
ROBINSON'S INTENTION OP COMING TO AMERICA.
'. any that knoweth how long. Alas! you would fain have - had him with you, and he would as fain have come to ^* you. Many letters and much speech hath been about his coming to you, but never any solid course pro- pounded for his going ; if the course propounded the last year had appeared to have been certain, he would have gone, though with two or three families. I know no man amongst us knew his mind better than I did, about those things ; he was loath to leave the church, yet I know also, that he would have accepted the worst conditions which in the largest extent of a good con- science could be taken, to have come to you. For myself and all such others as have formerly minded coming, it is much what the same, if the Lord afford means. We only know how things are with you by your letters ; but Jiow things stand in England wo have received no letters of any tiling, and it was No- vember before we received yours. If we come at all unto you, the means to enable us so to do must come from you.* For the state of our church, and how it is with us, and of our people, it is wrote of by Mr. White. Thus praying you to pardon my boldness with you in writing as I do, I commend you to the keeping of tlie Lord, desiring, if he see it good, and that I might be serviceable unto the business, that I were with you. God hath taken away my son, that was with me in the
' **In anno 1020, a considcrahlo They arrived in August Dradford
number of the breihrea of the says, ** They were shipped at Lon-
church, [35, with their families] don in May with the ships that
which were left in Holland, were came to Salem." Sixty more camo
transported over to us that were of in Oct. 1C30, in the Handmaid. See
the church in New England; Prince's Annals, pp. 264, 322. Gra-
which although it was at about hame, i. 193, wrongs the Leyden
J0500 charge, yet it was borne congregation, I think, when he says
cheerfully by the poor brethren that after the death of Uobinson,
here concerned in it.** — Records ** very few had tiie conra^a* to pru-
Plym. Cliurch, book i. folio 33. ceed to New Plymouth.**
ANNUAL CUOICiS OF MAOIOTRATBS. 483
ship, when I went back again ; I have only two ^^^^'i^J^i^.^v
ren, whicli were born since I left you. Fare you well.
Yours to his power, ^®***
Thomas Blossom.'
Leyden^ December 15, anno 1625.
ROGER WHFFE TO GOVERNOR BRADFORD.
To his very loving friend^ Mr. William Bradford^ Gov- ernor of Plymouth in New England^ these 6c, ^.
Mt Loving and Kind Friend, and Brother in the Lord,
My own and my wife^s true love and hearty saluta- tions to yourself and yours and all tlie rest of our lov- ing friends with you ; hoping in the Lord of your good healths, which I beseech him long to continue for the glory of his name and good of his people. Concerning your kind letter to the church, it was read pubhcly ; whereunto (by the church) I send you here enclosed an answer. Concerning my brother Robin- son's sickness and death and our practice, I wrote you at large, some five or six months since ; but lest it should miscarry, I have now written to Mr. Brewster thereof, to whom I refer you.
Now concerning your course of choosing your gov- ernors yearly, and in special of their choosing yourself year after year, as 1 conceive they still do, and Mr. Allerton your assistant ; howsoever I think it the best way that can be, so long as it please the Lord to con-
* Thomas Blossom afterwards describe him as *' a holy man and ex- came over to Plymouth, probably perienced saint,'* and *' competently in inSO, and was chosen a deacon accomplished with abilities ** for of the ciinrch. Dradford speaks of his place. He died in the summer him as one of " our ancient friends of 1633. Plym. Ch. Hec.L 43, and in Holland.*' The Church records Prince's Annals, p. 437.
484 ROTATION IN OFPICB EXPEDIENT.
CHAP, tinue your lives, and so good governors offer you, yet,
considering man's mortality, whose breath is in his
16 96. nostrils, and the evils of the times wherein we live, in which it is ordinarily seen that worse follow them that are good, I think it would be a safer course, for after time, the government was sometime removed from one to another ; so the assistant one year might be governor next, and a new assistant chosen in his place, either of such as have or have not been in office ; sometimes one, sometimes another, as it shall seem most fit to the corporation. My reasons are, 1st, because other offi- cers that come after you, will look (especially if they be ambitiously minded) for the same privileges and continuance you have had ; and if he have it not. will take great offence, as though unworthy of the place, and so greatly disgraced, whom to continue, might be very dangerous, and hazard (at least) the overthrow of all ; men not looking so much at the reasons why others were so long continued as at the custom. 2dly , because others that are unexperienced in government might learn by experience ; and so there might be fit and able men continually, when it pleaseth the Lord to take any away. 3dly, by this means, you may establish the things begun, or done before ; for the governor this year, that was assistant last, will in likelihood rather ratify and confirm and go on with that he had a hand in the beginning of, when he was assistant, than other- wise, or persuade the new to it ; whereas new govern- ors, especially when there are factions, will many times overthrow that which is done by the former, and so scarcely any thing goeth forward for the general good ; neither, that I see, can this be any prejudice to the cor- poration ; for the new may always have the counsel
THE PROSPECTS OF THE COLONY. 486
and advice of the old for their direction, though they chap.
be out of office. These things I make bold to put to
your godly wisdom and discretion, entreating you to i®*^- pardon my boldness therein, and so leaving it to your discretion to make use of as you see it fitting, not having written the least inkling hereof to any other. Now I entreat you, at your best leisure to write to me, how you think it will in Hkelihood go with your civil and church estate ; whetlier there be hope of the continuance of both, or either ; or whether you fear any alteration to be attempted in either. The reason of this my request is, the fear of some amongst us, (the which, if tliat hinder not, I think will come unto you,) occasioned partly by your letter to your father-in-law, Mr. May,* wherein you write of the troubles you have had with some, who it is Uke (having the times and friends on their sides) will work you what mischiefs they can ; and that they may do much, many here do fear ; and partly by reason of this king's proclamation, dated the 13th of May last, in which he saith that his full resolution is, — to the end that there may be one uniform course of government in and through all his whole monarchy, — that the government of Virginia shall immediately depend on himself, and not be com- mitted to any company or corporation, &c., so that some conceive he will have both the same civil and ecclesiastical government that is in England, which occasioneth their fear. I desire you to write your thoughts of these things, for the satisfying of otliers ; for my own part and some others, we durst rely upon you for that, who, we persuade ourselves, would not be thus earnest for our pastor and church to come to you,
' The father of his first wife, Dorothy. See note * on page 162.
486 LETTER FROM THE LEYDBN PEOPLE.
CHAP, if you feared the danger of being suppressed. Thus
xxvin. . . . . desiring you to pardon my boldness, and remember
1 6 2 5. us in your prayers, 1 for this time and ever, commit
you and all your affairs to the Almighty, and rest
Your assured loving friend
And brother in the Lord,
Roger White.
Ley den f December 1, anno 1625.
P. S. The church would entreat you to continue your writing to tliem, which is very comfortable.
THE LEYDEN PEOPLE TO BRADFORD AND BREWSTER.
To our most dear and entirely beloved brethren^ Mr. William Bradford ^ and Mr. William Bretoster^ g^^^f mercy ^ and true peace he multiplied from God our Father^ through our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.
Most Dear Christian Friends and Brethren,
As it is no small grief unto you, so it is no less unto us, that we are constrained to live thus disunited each from other, especially considering our affections each unto other, for the mutual edifying and comfort of both, in these evil days wherein we live, if it pleased
' William Bradford, whose name red the displeasure of his lelatives
occurs so frequently in the preceding and the scoffs of his neighbours ;
pages, and whose writings occupy but neither opposition nor scorn
so large a portion of tliis volume, could deter him from attending on
was lK>rn at Austerfiold, in York- the ministry of CkiAon, and joining
shire, in 1588. His parents died Robinson's church. The part which
when he was young, and he was he took in the escape of the Pil-
trained by liis grand-parents and grims to Holland, and in their mea-
uncles to ** the innocent trade of sures for leaving that country for
husbandry/' His paternal inherit- America, has been related in the
ance was considerable ; but he had preceding narrative. On his arri-
no better education than what falls val at Plymouth he was about 32
to the common lot of the children years old. We have seen, page
of farmers. Being early interested 201, that on the death of Carver he
in religion, and embracing the was immediately chosen governor
views of the Separatists, he incur- of the Colony ; and was annually
THET WISH TO COME OYER. 487
the Lord to bring us affain together ; than which as no chap.
XXVItl.
outward thing could be more comfortable unto us, or «^v^ ' is more desired of us, if the Lord see it good, so see ^o^^- we no hope of means of accompUshing the same, ex- cept it come from you ; and therefore must with pa- tience rest in the work and will of God, performing our duties to him and you asunder ; whom we are not any way able to help, but by our continual prayers to him for you, and sympathy of affections with you, for the troubles which befall you ; till it please the Lord to reunite us again. But, our dearly beloved brethren, concerning your kind and respective letter, howsoever written by one of you, yet as we continue with the consent (at least in affection) of you both, altliough we cannot answer your desire and expectation, by reason it hath pleased the Lord to take to himself out of this miserable world our dearly beloved pastor, yet for our- selves we are minded, as formerly, to come unto you,
re-olcctcd ns long as ho lived, ox- ho mnrricd in 1G23, ho had two cepting throo years when Winslow, sons, William and Joseph and a and two when Prince was chosen daughter, Mercy. John lived in — having filled the office 30 years. Duxbury ; but nothing is known of Though he had not received a him afler 1663. WUliam was de- learned education, yet he was fond puty governor of the Colony, and of study and writing, and his at- resided in Kingston. Joseph mar- tainments were respectable. Cot- ried a daughter of the Rev. Peter ton Mather says, ** the Dutch tongue Hobart of llingham. A crand- was almost as vernacular to him daughter of his married a Waters, as the English ; the French tongue of Sharon, and one of her descend- he could also manage ; the Latin ants, Asa Waters, of Stoughton, and the Greek he had mastered ; possesses the Governor's bible, but the Hebrew he most of all printed in 1592, which contains a studied, because, he said, he would family record. A marble monu- see with his own eyes the ancient ment, erected in 1825, on the Burial oracles of God in their native beau- Hill at Plymouth, marks the spot ty.*' He died May 9, 1657, in his where Gov. Bradford and his son 69th year, ** lamented," as Mather William are interred. There are says, *' by all the colonies of New many descendants of this excellent England, as a common blessing man in the Old Colony and else- and father to them all.*' where. See Matlier*s Magnalia, i. Gov. Bradford had one son, John, 100 — 105 ; Morton's Memorial, pp. by his first wife, Dorothy May : 264 — 270 ; Hutchinson^s Mass. ii. and by his second, Alice South- 450 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 217 worth, a widow, whose maiden — 251 ; Thacher's Plymouth, p. name was Carpenter, and whom 106 , Mitchell's Bridge water, p. 358.
LETTER FROM LBYDBN.
?. when and as the Lord affordeth means ; though we ^'see little hope thereof at present, as being unable of • ourselves, and that our friends will help us we see little hope. And now, brethren, what shall wc say further unto you ? Our desires and prayers to God is, (if such were his good will and pleasure,) we might be reunited for the edifying and mutual comfort of both, which, when he sees fit, he will accomplish. In the mean time, we commit you unto him and to the word of his grace ; whom we beseech to guide and direct both you and us, in all his ways, according to that his word, and to bless all our lawful endeavours for the glory of his name and good of his people. Salute, we pray you, all the church and brethren with you, to whom we would have sent this letter. If we knew it could not be prejudicial unto you, as wc hope it cannot, yet fear- ing the worst, we thought fit either to direct it to you, our two beloved brethren, leaving it to your goodly wisdom and discretion, to manifest our mind to the rest of our loving friends and brethren, as you s^e most convenient. And thus entreating you to remember us in your prayers, as we also do you, wc for this time commend you and all your affairs to the direction and protection of the Almighty, and rest. Your assured loving friends
And brethren in the Lord,
Francis Jessop, Thomas Nash, Thomas Blossom, Roger White, Richard Maisterson.^
Ley den, Nov, 30, A. D. IG25.
* Richard Masterson, afterwards deacon of tlio cliurch. Soo note* came over to Plymouth, and was a on page 73.
INDEX.
A.
Abbot, Oeom, Archbishop, 66, 383.
Accomack, Plymouth, 203.
Acorns, eaten by the Indians, 145, 206.
Adams, Mrs. John, on Robinson's church at Leyden, 393.
A^wam. See Iptwith^ and Wareham,
Ainsworth, Henryt teacher in the charch at Amsterdam. 21,418. Mentioned, 429, 440, 441, 446. Account of, 448.
Air of New England, 129, 233, 369.
Alden, John, a Pilgrim, 121, 160.
Aldcrton, Point, 196, 229. See AllerUm,
Alewives, 172. Used for manure, 231.
Alexander, son of Massasoit, 194.
AUerton, or Alderton, Isaac, 86. 1 16. Daugh- tor of, last surTiTor of the Mayflower, 160, 196, 260. Child of, bom, 169. Death of his wife, 181. Account of, 196. Point named from, 196, 229. Chosen Assistant, 201. Second wife of, 470.
Allcrton, John, a Pilgrim. 116, 122, 160.
Allotment of lands, the nrsl, 346. The sec- ond^ 347.
America, Reasons and Considerations touch- ing the Lawfulness of removing out of Eng- land into the Parts of, 239 ; cautions re- specting it, 240. What persons may re- mnve, 241 ; why, 242. See New England, Pitgrrimij and Plymouih.
Ames, William, account of, 423, 439.
Amsterdam, English church at, 24, 447. Contention of the churches there, 34, 390. Number of communicants at, 36, 456- Peo- ple from, take leave of the Pilgrims at Del fl- Haven, 88. Bradford's account of the church at, 455. Deaconess at, 466. See Ainsioorlhj and Johnaon.
Anabaptists, law ogainst, 404.
Anne, arrival of the, 36 1 . Passengers in the,
62
352. Tonnage of the, 363. Retam and
cargo of the, 353. Apannow,232. Apaum. Plymouth, 203, 246. Apparel, Indian, 187, 366. Archer, Gabriel, 103. On sassafras, 130. Argallj Sir Samuel, Governor of Virginia, 69. Arminian controversy, in the Low C^ntries,
40f 392, 462. Arminius, James, 40. Armour of the Pilgrims, 134, 166. Arrows, sent as a challenge, 281. Aspinct, sachem of Nauset, 216, 944, 802.
Meets an embass]|r, 217. Probahlv Apan-
now, 232. Reception of Bradford by, 302.
His salutation or Standish, 304. Fate of^
846. See Indians Nautei, and ASstitd.
B.
Bacon, Leonard, Rev., on Alderton, 196. Hit vindication of the Pilgrims, 419.
Bancroft, Archbishop, persecution by, 423, 439.
Baptism, on the administration of, 64, 66. views of Hobart respecting, 403 ; of Chaun- cy, 405. See AnabapUsii.
Barnstable, or Cumroaouid, error respecting the church in, 77. Everett's Address a^ cited, 103. Sachem at, 216. Under Blassa- soit, 244. See lyanough,
Barnstable bay, 119, 123. Error of Prince respecting. 135. Overshot in the third ez- peoition ol the Pilgrims, 169. Entered, in search of a boy, 212. Situation and size of, 214.
Barrington, in the Pokanoket country, 208.
Barrow, Henry, persecuted, 412. liefutatioa
, of GifTord by, 424. A martyr, 427. Ez-
I aroination of| 428. Robinson on his al-
490
INDEX.
leged blasphemy, &c., 429. Slandera ■gainst, 430. Vindicaiion of, 431 . Green- wood and, 432. His character, 433. His conversion, 433. Last acts of, 434.
Baylie, Robert, on Iho Pilgrims at Levden, 379, 385. His usucrsioiis, 42S. Ucply to, by Cotton, 426. On Barrow's dculh, 433. On Robinson, 453.
Baylies, Francis, errors of, corrected} 66, 76, 99. 134.
Beach grass, on Cape Cod, 123.
Beach point, in Plymouth, 163.
Beaver, among the Massachusetts, 229. Freighted in the Fortune, 236. Loaned to Weston, 342. Freighted in the Anne, 353.
Beaver Dam Brook, in Plymouth, 166.
Belknap, Jeremy, cited. 193, 255, 343, 464.
Bentivoglio, Cardinal, his notice of the Pil- grims, 43.
Bernard, Richard, 422. Robinson^s answer to, 40, 429.
Billingsgate Point, in Wellfleet, 151.
Billinglon, Francis, discovers Billington Sea, 149, 172,214.
Billington, John, a Pilgrim, 122. First of- fender, 149, 199. Huug in 1630, 149.
Billington, John, jr., 149. Voyage in search of, 214.
Billington Sea, 149^ 167. Discovered and de- scribed. 172. Fish and deer there, 182.
Birch bark cnnocs, 135.
Blackwell, voyage of, to Virginia, 70. Con- duct of, 71, 72.
Blossom, Thomas, letter by, to Bradford, 480. Notice of, 483.
Blue Hills, in Milton, called Massachasetts Mount, 224.
Boat Meadow creek, in Eastham, 166.
Boston, England, treatment of Pilgrims at, 26, 465.
Boston, New England, first landing in, 225. Sachem of, 232. See Gbbatinewat,
Boston harliour, formerlv called Massachu- setts Bay, 225. Inlands in, 226. Second voyage to, 290. Stnilcmcnt of Thompson there, 351.
Brudfonl, Dorothy, 148, 162, 485, 487.
Bradford, William, Morton borrowed from, 4, 5. Time of his death, 5, 17,437. His His- tory, 7. Goes to Holland, 29 ; his employ- ment there, 35. Age of, in 1620,46,487. In an excursion up the Cape, 126. Regis- ter by, 143. On Billington, 149. In the third exploring party, 149. Sick, 174, 177. Governor of Plymouth, 201, 4S6. Clmrtcr grohlcd to, in 1C29, 235. In an ex >utlition for corn, 300. Reception of, at C latham, 300. Squanlo and, 301. Goes to the Mas- sachusetts, 302. Trades at Nauset and Mattacbiest, 302. Returns home by land, 303. At Middleborouvh and Sandwich, 305. Messenger from Weston's colony to, 328. His advice to Weston's company, 328. Holds a general court, 330. Mar- riojje of, 353, 487. His Dialos^ue, 409. Prophesies, 419, 420. His Memoir of El- der Urewi^tcr, 459. His letter-book, 473. Letters to, from Leyden, 478, 480, 483,486.
Account of, and of his family, 486. His Bible, 487. Monument to, 487.
Bradford, William, jr., 487.
Bradford's and Winslow's Journal, 109. Au- thorship of it, 116, 126, 128, 160, 168, 170, 177.
Brereton, John, on Cape Cod, 101. On the Elizabeth Islands, 129; on sassafras there, 130. On drinking tobacco, 188.
Brewster, Jonathan, 236.
Brewster, William, 22, 23. Bradford's Me- moir of, 459—470. Under Secretary Da- vison, 463. Joins the Pilgrims, 465. Wor- ship at the house of, 24, 465. Imprison- ment of, at Boston, England, 27, 465. His library, 27. Goes to Holland, 27, 466. Chosen elder, 36. Becomes a printer, 35,
467. Books printed by, 40, 466. Sent as agent to England, 67. Correspondence of John Robinson and, with Sir bUlwin San- dys, 58. Suspected and uursuud, 45C. Mentioned, 71. Reasons ol bis going to Amerii-41, 77, 383. Why not chosen gov- ernor, 197, 470. X>)ot a ri^id Separatist, 400. His private and offacial character,
468. Account of his family and descend- ants, 352, 470. Robinson's letter to, 475. Letter to, from the Leyden people, 486. His sword, 134. His chair, 470. His age, 46.116. His death, 461.
Britflmm, William, edition of the Laws of Plymouth by, 197.
Bristol, in the Pokanoket country, 208.
Brown, Peter, a Pilgrim, 122, 174.
Brown, Robert, the liooks of, 427. Aocouot of, 441. Separatists before, 442. Back- sliding of, 442, 444.
Brownisis, some of the principles of the, 66, 416. Dislike of the name, 397, 412, 416, 428, 444. Raleigh on banishing, 436.
Brown^s island, in Plymouth harbour, 163.
Burial Hill, in Plymouth, view from, 168. Fortified, 168, 170. Artillery planted oo, 181. Fort built on, 295, 335. i'^irst bury- ing on, 295.
Burice, Edmund, on the Pilgrims in HollaDd,48.
Butler's Hudibras, cited, 333.
Buzzard's Bay, Narragansct mistaken for, 305. French and Dutch trade to, 306. On a canal from, 306.
C.
Callender, John, on Sownms, 208.
Culvin, John, on the liturgy of the Church of
England, 11. Calvinists, Robinson on the, 397. Cambridge, Platform of, 394. Cambridge, synod at. 394. Occasion of the,
402. Invitation of Hobart to the, 406; of
Chauncy, 406. Canal, from Buzzard's Boy, 306. Canacum. See Cawnacomc. Canonicus, messenger from, 281. Notice of,
281. Hostile to the Plymouth colonics. 281.
Roger Williams, aud, 281. Challenge
from, 281,283.
INDEX.
491
Cantaugcanteest, Watson's hill, Plymouth,
190. Capawack. See M(niha*$ Vinevard, Cape Cod| visited by Captain John Smith, 80, Fallen m with, hy the Pilgrims, 101, 117, 384. Historical notice of, 101. Pilffrims
Eit into the harbour of, 102, 117. Edward Tcretton, 104. Well wooded, 118, 124. Graham's Surrey and Map of, 118. Soil of, 123. Beach ii^ss on, 123. Called Pa- omet, 125. Indians on, escape pestilence, 184. Particulars as to the Indians on, 216. See ProvineeUncn.
Cape Cod Liffht, 123. 130, 137.
Captain*s Hill, in Duxbury, 126.
Careswell, in Marshfield, 276.
Carleton, Sir Dudley, on Sunday in Holland, 47. On the Perth Assembly, 396. His letters to Naunton respecting Brewster, cited, 467.
Carpenter, Marr, " a godly old maid,'* sister or Got. Bradford's second wife, 363.
Cartwriffht, Thomas, the Puritan, 436.
Carver, John, twice an agent to England, 66, 68, 69, 60. 79, 90. Deacon, GO, 200. Sabin Slnrsniorc's IcIIrr In, 73. llobinnon's Ict- tr^ 1o, 89. Confidrnco rcpoRcd in, 90. First gnvrnior, 422, 200. His i> word, 134. llccrivcs the first exploring pnrty, 137. In the third expedition, H9. Seeks lost men, 174. Fishes at liillini^ton Sen, 182. Re- ception of Massnsoit hy, 193. lie-elected governor, 197. His ana his wife's death, 198, 200. Notice of, and of his family, 200. His chair, 468.
Carver, William, 201.
Cattle, first brought to New England, 233.
Caunliatant, sachem, 232. See CorbUani.
CownAcomc, sachem of Mannmct, 232, 307. Ileception of Bradfoni by, 307. Standish's visit to, 310. Fate of, 346.
Cedars, on Cape Cod, 118, 124. On Clark's island, 164
Centaury, juice of the, drunk by the Indians, 360.
Chalmers, George, on the Pilgrims' removal from Holland, 48.
Chnrity, nrrival of the, 296. Returns to Eng- land, 299.
Chnrter, second of Plymouth, found in iho T.nnd Office in 1V>ston, 234. See P<UenU.
CImlhnm. S4«c Munamnirk.
Clminry Charles, Rev., of Scituatc, account of, 4or»
Chikkatabnk, sachem of Neponset, 232.
Chilton, Mary^ a Pilgrim, 275.
Church of Ens^land, contention about the cer- emonies and scrTice book of the. 9, 11, 20. Overthrown, 14, 16. Re-established, 17. ('onformily to the, required, 21 ; in the col- oiii/nlion of Virjjinin, fii. Henry VIII., suprouic head of the, 64. Robinson's re- pnrd rc»r the, 380. 415, 442. Peelings of nii;gin«!nn and VVinthrop rrspcctinif the, .109. Views of the Scpamli^its res|>cctin;7 the, 414. Sec Common Prayer ^ Episcopa- cy ^ niul Ulnrgy.
Charcb of Scotland. See PrcfbyUrianM and Goftimimum.
Chnrches, the primitive, the only pattern, 387. Robinson's church, modelled according to, 426. See Cnmmunion,
Clams, at Cape Cod, 119. At Plymouth, 164, 329. Note on, 306.
Clapboards, shipped to England, 363.
Clark, pilot ana master's mate of the May- flower, 86, 1 1 2, 1 60. 1 56. Clark's island, m Plymouth, named from, 160.
Clark, Thomas, 160, 362.
Clark's Island, arrival of the Pilgrims at, 160. Notices of, 160, 163. The only island in Plymouth harliour, 163. Trees on, 1 64. The Pilgrims conclude not t^set- tle on, 167.
Clergy, e^tment of the Puritan, 21. Tnfln- enoeof the New Kngland, in dvil affairs, 37. On the congregational ordination of, 66. See EUderw and MiniMiry.
CliAon, Richard, Rev., 22. Bradford's ac- count of, 463.
Climate of New England, 369. f^Air.
Codfish, at Cape Cod hnrimur, 119. At Piv- month, 1 64, 294. Want of means to catch, 171,294.
(\ild flarlMHir^ in Tmro, 139.
Columbus, ships of. 86.
Common house at Plymouth, building of the, 169, 173. Burnt, 177. Citshman's Dis- course at the, 266. Location of the, 266.
Common Prayer, persecutions for books against the, 427.
Communion, Robinson's doctrine of, 388. 467. Of the Pilgrims with the Dutch and French churches, 392,467 ; with the Scotch, 394, 395, 467. Bradford on, 467. Rob- inson on the administration of, by elders, 477.
Community of goods, 84. Qualified, 346.
Compact of the Pilgrims, 120.
Con bat ant. See CarbUant.
Congregational Church, the first in America, 77.
Congregationalism, 66. An apostolic institu- tion, 401 . The primitive church polity, 406. Growth of, 423.
Cooke, Francis, a Pilgrim, and his wife, 122, 352,394.
(^oppin, Robert, second mate of the Mayflow- er, 112, 148, 150. 155, 169.
Coppinjr. John, a Puritan martyr, 412, 427.
(?opp'sHill, in Boston, visited ,225.
Corbitant, hostile to Massasoit and the Pil- grims, 219. Captures Tisquantum, 220. Attempt to take, 221. Escapes, 222. Threatened, 222. l.ikciv to succeed Mas- snsoit, 315. Winslow lodges with, 324; their conversnlion, 325.
(Torn See fndian corn.
Cornbill. in Truro. n3, 140.
('otton, John, of Boston, 5. Frror of Cotton Mnlher. rcs|»octin!j the fnniily of, 30. On the church at l/^yden, S-^O. On the Plyr- inouth church, 3^0. On Robinson's senti- ments, 339. Assists in drawing up the
492
INDEX.
Cambridge PlalTonn, 894. On Robioson's conduct, 396. CoDformity of, with Phillips, 397. On KobiRKon's separatism, 400. On separation and secession, 417. On public oUeuces in churches, 418. On prophcsv- ing, 421. On modelling of different cnurch- es, 426. On tliizubeth and the Puritan martyrs, 433. On the author of Inde- pendency, 442. On the name Urownists, 444. On Ainsworth, 448. On John Smith, 451.
Cotton, John, jr, minister of Plymouth, 4, 6.
Coubatant. See CorbUarU.
Court of High Commission, 19.
Cow Yard, in Plymouth harbor, 171.
Crabs, at Plymouth, 164.
Cudbartson. 393. Sec Cuthbertwn,
Cummaquiu. See Bamntubte.
C^ushman, Isaac, llcv., 25U.
Cushman, Mary, last surviTor of the May- flower, 160, 196,250.
Cushman, Robert, sent twice as agent to Eng- land, 66, 67, 78, 249. Letter from, 68. An- swers complainants, 84. Correspondence with, 86. Passenger in the Fortune, 99, 116, 234. Letter by, to 1. P., 116. His *' Reasons, &c." 239. Notice of, 249. Re- turns in the Fortune, 249. Discourse by, 256. On Weston's company, 296. On the preacher for Plymouth, 476.
Cushman, Thomas, 235, 250. Wife and de- scendants of, 250.
Cuthbcrtson, Cuthbcrt, 352, 393.
D.
DamarisouTC islands, 278, 293.
Davenport, John, Re?., account of, 419.
Davis, John, his edition of New England's Memorial, 6. Cited, 67, 195, 234, 256, 301, 339.
Davis, Samuel, on the Curnet, 287.
Davison, William, Secretary, lircwster under, 4G3, 464 . Account of, 4G3.
Deaconess, at Amsterdam, 455.
Deer, near the imnd in Truro, 130. In Ply- mouth, 175, 231. At Billington Sea, 182.
Deer traps, 136.
De la Noye, or Delano, Philip, 235, 236. Ad- milted 10 churches of the Pilgrims, 394.
Delft- Haven, 87. Parting at, 88, 3S4.
Dennis, William, a Puritan martyr, 412,427.
Dermcr, Captain, cited, 184. Attack on, by Indians, 185. 'rrcutnicnt of S<juanto by, 190. At Numnskct, 190, 204.
Dc Tocquevillc, on I ho Mugnulin, 30. On Plyinouili rock, ICI.
Dort, Sunday at, 47. Synod of, 47, 424.
Doley, Kdward, a Pilgrim, 116, 122, 127, 150. Punishment of, 2UI.
Double Brook, in Pl3'mouth, 165.
Douglass, William, on the removal from Hol- land, 48.
Dover, N. H., settlement at, 251.
Downs, or Dunes, of Holland. 123.
Drake, Sir Francis, vessels or, 86.
Dress, Indian, 185, 365.
Droitwich, birth-place of the Winslow fami- ly, 274.
Drought. See Pilgrim*^ and Plymouth,
Dudley, Got. Thomas, 106, 199, 419.
Duelling, punishment of, at Plymouth, 201.
Duxbury, the name, 126. Formation of the church in, 394.
Dwight, Timothy, on Plymouth and the Pil- grims, 161.
Dyer's swamp, in Truro, 129.
C.
Elastham, or Nauset, explnred, 161, 168. Ex- pedition to. 214. Corn procured at, 302, 304. Sec Nauaet,
East Harbour, in Truro, 120. Pilgrimi at, 128, 137, 138. See 'JVwro,
Kast HarlMiur creek, 128.
lilast Harbour village, in Truro, 129. Pond village near, 130.
Eel river, in Plymouth. 160, 196, 916.
Elders, remarks on and on their duties, 64, 66, 419, 465. Not chosen to civil offices, 197. Continuance of, 455. At Salem. 466. Rob- inson on the administration of the sacra- ments by, 477.
Eliot, John, on the Indian pronunciation of/, n, and r, 319.
Elizabeth, Queen, favors the Anglican ritual, 12. 21. Suspension of Grindal by, 420. Conduct of, rcspcctiiiff Harrow and Green- wood, 432. Cause of her subsequent tol- eration, 433. Separatists in the time of, 442. Her duplicity and treatment of Mary and of Davison, 463, 464. Aids Holland against Spain, 464. Fortresses consigned to, 464.
Elizabeth Islands, springs on the, 129. Saa- safrns exported from, 130.
Embalmed body found, 142.
Knibdcn, synod at, 422. Johnson at, 445.
Emiicott, John, sends to Plymouth for a physi- cian, 223, 386. Instructed lo purchase the Indians' lands, 259. On the worship at Plymouth, 330.
English, Thomas, a Pilgrim, 116, 122, 160.
Episcopacy, Robinson's dislike of, 390. At- tempt to establish, in New England, 478. See Churdi.
Episcopius. Simon, 41.
Everett, Eaward, cited, 103.
F.
Fust, the first at Plymouth, 349.
Faunce, 'i'homas, KJder, 199, 352.
Fire-arms of the Pilgrims, 125, 136, 142, 166, 237.
First Brook, in Plymouth, 165.
Fish, and fishing at Cope Cod, 119, 146. At Plymouth, 164. Want of means to catch, 171,294. At Monhegan, 182,278, 293. In Tuuuton river, 203. At Damariscove islands, 278, 293. At Buzzard's bay, 306. Profits of, in New England, 81, 371, 383.
INDEX.
493
Florkin, diMOToml, 213. FoortI, Goudwirc, 23ff, 236. Forefathers, first comers so cilled, 853. Forefatlier's Daj, 161.
Fortune, arriTaf of the, 198, 234. Tonnnffe of the, 234. Names of passengers in the,
235. Return cargo of the, 236. Captured,
236. Passengers in the, 362. Frankfort, troubles at, 9.
Freeman, James, Rev., of Boston, 120. Fresh Lake, 172. See BUHngUm Sea. Frobisher, Martin, fleet of, 86. Froissart, on Wat Tyler and Standysshe,
126. Fuller, Samuel, the physician of the Pilgrims,
86, 121. Notice of, 222. Hcnls Weston's
sick colonists, 297. Sent for to Salem, 223,
386. Fuller, Thomas, on Robert Brown, 442. Furs, trade for, 302, 371. See Beaver,
G.
Gambling, among the Indians, 210, 307.
Gardiner, Richard, a Pilgrim, 116, 122.
Gardner's Neck, 315. See MaHapoiaei,
Cicneva Bible, 14.
CSilljcrl, Sir Humphrey, 87, 166.
Iila9s windows, history of, 2.17.
Godliortson, 393. S^'cc CuthbcrUon.
Goodman, John, a Pilgrim, 122. Lost, 174. Encounters wolves, 178.
Gookin, Daniel, cited, 144, 145, 184, 187, 210, 305,307,317,360,367.
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, on the Pilgrims, 55. Connected with the fomily of Lincoln, 75. Men of, attacked by Indians, 185. On In- dians carried to Knglniid, 190. Error re- s{icclini( the colony of, 331. Measures by, to estolilfi^h episcopacy in New England, 478. Thomoson sent over by, 351.
Gorton, Samuel, 379.
Gosnold, Bartholomew, error respecting, 76. Discovers Cape Cod, 101, 103, 119. Carries home sassafras. 1 30.
Graham, J. ])., Major, Survey and Map of Cape Cod by, 1 18.
Grahame, James, in error, 55, 76, 98, 105,334, 462.
Grapes and grope vines, 130, 132, 165, 234.
Great Bear, the constellation, so called by the Indians, 3G6.
Great Hollow, in Truro. 131.
Great Meodow creek, in F.nstbam, 165.
Great Pond, in Eastham, 153.
Green's harbour, in Marsblield, grant to Wins- low at, 275.
Greene, Richard, 299.
Greenwood, John, persecuted, 412. Refuta- tion of (lifTord by, 424. A preacher in Lon- don, 427. A innrlyr, 427. Examination of, 428. Uoynold's nnd Queen Elizobeth's conversation rcspcclintf, 432.
Grimsby, in l.inrolnsiiire, 2H.
Grindnl, Archbishnp, su<i|»cndcd by Elizabeth, 420. Successor of, 432.
Ground-nuts, 329.
Guiana, 52.
Guns of the Pilgrims, 125, 186, 142, 166.
Gurnet, 160, 163, 164, 287.
H.
Hall, Bishop, on Holland, 25. On tbe Brown- ists, 451. On Robinson, 453.
Hallam, Henry, cited, 10, 1 1, 428.
Hampden, John, never in America, 814.
Hampton Court, Conference at, 20, 432.
Hatherly, Timothy, 362, 353.
Higginson, Francis, Rev., cited, 129, 184, 237, 398. Ordained at Salem, 398.
High Head, 'I'ruro, soil at, 123.
Highland Light, Cape Cod, 123, 130, 137.
Hilton, William, 236. letter from New Plv- mouth by, 250. Settles at Dover, N. H., 251. His wife and children, 251, 352.
Hingham, first minister of, 402.
Hither Manomct Point, in Plymouth, 291.
Hobart, Peter, Rev., of Hinghsjn, 402, 487.
Hobbamock, 219. Flight of, to Plymouth, 220. Expresses fears, 285. Asserts Mas- sasoit's lailbfulness. 288. A pinse, 288, 341. Semis his wife to Pokanoket, 288. (fuido to Buzxnrd's Bay, 307. (Sukle in the visit to Massasoit in his sickness, 314, 315. Lamentations by, for Massasoit, 316. Massasoit reveals a plot to, 323. Interview of Pecksuot with, at Wessagusset, 337. On the death of Pecksuot, 339. Chases Indians, 341. His services, and character, 350.
Hobbamock, and Hobbamoqui, the Indian devil, 356, 357.
Holland. See L/tw Cmmtriet. ^
Holmes, Abicl, in error, 77. Cited, 199, 478, 479.
Hoombeek, John, on John Robinson and the Arminians, 42, 453.
Hopkins, Oceanos, born, 100, 122, 127.
Hopkins, Stephen, a Tilgrim, 100, 122. Ac- count of, 126, 127. Goes to meet Indians, 181. Samoset lodres with, 185. In the embassy to Pokanoket, 202, 204.
Hopkins's cliff*, in Truro, 133.
Hopkins's creelc, in Truro, 133, 136.
House lots, laid out at Plymouth, 170, 173.
Houses, building of, commenced at Plymouth, 173. Their probable character, 179.
Howland, John, a Pilgrim, 122, 149. Notice of, and of bis family, 150.
Hubbnrd, William, his history, 58, 79. On the laws of the Pilgrims, 197. On Stand- ish, 339.
Hudson, Henry, at Cape Cod, 101, 103. Ex- plored Hiidson's river, 308, 3C9.
Hudson's river, settlements on, 42. Pilgrims snil for, lot, 117, 385.
Hunt, Captain, the kidnapper, 186, 190, 2ir>.
Hutcbinson, Thomas, Ctov., cited, 107, 120, I 122, 185, 195, 197, 274, 380, 477.
494
INDEX.
I.
Independents and Independency, 422, 442. Indian Brook, in VVellAeet, 162, 165.
Iiuryiii^ grounds and graves, 142, 154,
237, 363. In Kusthain, 153.
dmllcMK«i 2dl, 283.
corn, round, 131, 141. A native of
A merica, 131. 1 ndian mode of storing, 1 33. Taken and aAcrwards paid for, 134, 140, 204. 235,259. Parched, 187, 211. Exchanged for seed, 2&1, 209. Twenty acres of, 230. Aid in planting, from Squanto, 230. In- dians' season for planting, 230. Excursion af\er, 299. Procured, 301, 302, 305, 308, 309. Divided with Weston*s company, 303. Want of, at Weston's colony, 328. Al- lowance of, to Weston's company, 337. iiivtn to the sachems, 362. Account of, 310.
hemp, 133, 166.
Neck, in Truro, 135
priests. See PowncM.
Indians, hunting of underwood by the, 124. First sight of; by the Pilgrims, 127. Their bams, 133. Theirbaskets, 133, 145. Their mats, 133, 144, 145, 363. Their canoes, 135. Hedges of, to take game, 142. Bu- rials by, 143, 362, 363. Household stuff of
179. On Watson's hill, 180, 190, 191. Language of the, 183. Destroyed by pes- tilence, 183, 206, 229, 234, 258, 259. 'l*rcat- ment of, by Hunt, 186, 190,215. Apparel of, 187, 365. V9e of tobacco by the, 188, 363. Carried away by Weymouth, 190. At Namaschet, 205. Incident of their courage, 206. Submission of, to king Jonios, 210, 236. 2:12, 244, 2G9, 307. llicir beds, 210. Guniblo, 210, 307. General riMidczvous of, ai Massachusetts, 226. 'JMicir forts, 237. Pcnco produced among the, 233. Their religion, 2.13, 355. On the ri^Ui to ilicir soil, 2 13. ("oiivcrsion of the, 213.257, 271. llubitsof. 313. Trcal- meut of, 214, 359. Friendly. 258, 273. Lands of, always purchased, 259. Massa- cre by, in Virginia, 278, 293,294. Threat- en the Pilgrims, 295. Reception of Brad- ford by, at Chatham, 300. Mode of salu- tation by, 304. Conspiracy among them, 310. Customs of, in sickness, 313, 317, 3G2. F.fR'ct of Staiidish*8 expedition to Wes- sagusset on the, 345. Decline of the, 346. Notice the fast and the rain, 350. Man- ners, customs, religious opinions, and cere- monies of the, .354. Their God, 355 ; devil, 35G ; powows, 357 ; sacrifices, 353 j pniese, 359 ; sachems and sachems' families, 360 ; funerals and mourning, 302. Names among the, 363. Wedlock among the, 364. Crimes and punishments among them, 3G4. 'J'heir apparel, 3C5; language, 366; memorials, 367. See Otpe Cod, AfissasoU, Plymouth, Samosct, S</uanlo, and Sc^uaws.
Indians. Mashpee, 216.
MassacDusetu, swept off, by pesti- lence, 184, 229. Voyage to the, 224. Or- igin of their name, 224. Squaw sachem of the, 225, 228. Preparations for visiting again, 285. Apprehensions from them, 285. Alurm ou the voyage to the, 287. Com- plaints by the, roKpecliiig Weston's coui- panv, 298, 302, 327. Unidford's excursion to trie, 302. Conspiracy amon^ the, 310, 333, 330, 343. Slaudish's expedition against the, at Wessagussct, 327, 331. noldiiess of, at Wessagussct, 332. Seven, killed in a struggle, 339. Skirmish with, 341. Chased by Hobbamock. 341. Plot of the, confessed. 343. Seat or the sachem of the, 227 ; of the squaw sachem, 228. See 06- balinewU, and ObtakieH,
Namascheucks, 206, 212.
Narrngansct, suspecteil of a conspiracy
with the Massachusetts, 285. Their devo- tions, 358.
Nausct, encounter with, 166, 185.
Steal, 180, 186, 304. Escape the pestilence,
184. Their number, 185. Hostility of the,
185. Treatment of, by Hunt, 186. Their principal seat, 216. Conspiracy by the, 333. See Aspinei, and Nauset.
Penobscot, escape the pestilence, 184.
Pequot, 280.
— I'arrateens, 225.
Wampanoags, sachem of the, 287.
Infanticide, Indian, 358. Ipswich, on settling at, 147. Isles of Shoals, 351.
lyanough, sachem, 216, 216, 218, 311. Fate of, 345. See Barnslable.
J.
», Henry, 74. Account of, 430.
s I., his dislike of the (lenuva Bible, 14.
Jacob,
James Ho.Hlility of, to the Puritans, 20, 56. In- fluence and acts of, in thu Low Countries, 43, 436. Letters |mtciit by, to the Virginia ('ompany, 64. Dties not grant an upplien- tion for freedom in religion, 55, 56, 383. Oath of Allegiance required by, 64. Hales Sir Eklwin Sandys, 69. Did not grant let- ters natent to the Pilgrims, 74. New pa- tent from, 80, 100. On fishing in New lilng- land, 81, 383. Reason by, for granting the
"" patent, 184. Wife of, 210. Indian alle- giance to, 210, 226, 232,244. 259, 307. Rep- resentation to, in favor ot Davison, 463. Death of, 479.
Jenny, John, has leave to build a mill, 172, 352. A passenger in the Anne, 352, 392. Communed with the Dutch, 393.
Johnson, the Laily Arbella, 75.
Johnson, Edward, cited, 23, 158, 184, 188.
Johnson, Francis, Rev., church of, at Amster- dam, 24, 34, 36. BIn<kwell and, 71, 72. Preacher at Middlehurg, 424. Conversion of, 425, 447. Bradford's account of, 445. F.xcoinmunientinns by, 446. His wife, 446. Persecution and flight oi\ 447.
INDEX.
496
Johoton, GeoTge, 440, 449.
Johnson. Isaac, 76. Death of, 76.
Jones, (Japlain of the Mayflower, 98, 99. Plot wrongly ascribed to, 102, 138. Mentioned, 137, 138, 139, 141, 181. River, in Kington, named from, 166. Captain or the Discov- ery, arrives at Plymouth, 978. Furnishes supplies, S98.
Jones's river, in Kingston, 166. Explored, 166.
Josselyn, John, cited, 118, 133, 139, 176, 306.
Juniper trees, 118, 124.
K.
Knulantowwit, Indion god, 366.
Kennelicc, Popham's attempt to settle at Sag- adahoc, near the, 60, 65, 112, 427.
Kiehtan, the Indian god, 326. Meaning of, 366.
Kilcemuit, sent of Massasoit, 208.
Kingston, incorporated, 166. Residence of Wm. Sradfoid, jr., 487.
L.
Lands, first allotment of, 346; the second, 347.
Language, Indian, 366.
Leister, liUI ward, a Pilgrim, 122. Punishment of, 201.
Leyden, removal of the Pilgrims to, 36, 380. University of, 36. I'he congregation in peace at, 36, 380. Arminian controversy there. 40, 392. Influence of James I., at the University of. 42. Pilgrims leave, 87, 384. Daylie ann Cotton on the Pil^^rims at, 379, 466. Kcspcct there for Kolunson, 392, 393. Hrndfonrs account of the church at, 456. Fate of the church there, after Robinson's death, 479, 482. Epistle from the people there to Bradford ana Brewster, 486.
Leyden-strect, at Plymouth, house-lots laid out on, 170, 173, 174.
Lincoln, Elizabeth, Countess of, 75 ; Bridget, 76.
Lincoln family, connexion of the, with the New Englana settlements, 76.
Lions, in New England, 176.
Little Jame?, size of the, 87, 353. Arrival of the, at Plymouth, 87. 160, 351, 352.
Little Namskeket creek, in Orleans, 155.
Liturgy, John Calvin on the, 11. Robin- son's dislike of the, 390. See Church of JSngland.
Lobsters, at Plymouth, 164, 205, 233. At Boston, 225.
London Company, 55. See Virginia Com- pany.
Long Point, Provincetown. 118,120. Land- ing at, 12:1. Diminislieu, 12.1. Soil there, 123. SImllnp n<;rnniul on, 150.
Long potiri, in knstliom, 153.
Ix>w Counlrien, religious toleration in the, 23. Influence of James 1. there, 42, 436. Rea-
sons and caoses of the Pilgrims' removal from the, 44, 381. Sunday there, 47, 381. Two ehnrcbes of Separatists in the, 418, 463, 465. Snflerinn of the SeparatisU there, 439, 441. Erizalieth's leagua with the, 463. See Untied l^rovititea.
Luther, Martin, Robinson's remark 0B| 4SS. His seal, 429. Erasmus on, 436.
Lutherans. Robinson on the, 397.
Lyford, Jonn, 476.
M.
Maixe, 131. Meal of parched, 1 87. See /»- dian com,
Malaga, monks of, liberate Indians, 186.
Manamoick, Chatham, 217. Bradford at, 300.
Manomet, Point, 148. Bluflfof, 159.
Manomet, Sandwich, boy at, 217. Sachem of, 232, 307. Cornprocured at, 806. JNo- tice of, 306. See (fawnacome.
Manure, fish used for, 231, 370.
Marriages, 94. First^ in Plymouth, 201. In- dian, 364. Preachmg at, 402.
Marshall. John, in error, 84, 100.
Maryhfield. grant to Winslow at, 276.
Martha's Vineyard, or Capawack, submission of the Indians of, 232. Conspiracy witli the Indians on, 323.
Martin, Christopher, a Pilgrim, 78, 121. Sick, 171. Death and notice of, 172.
Martyr, Peter, cited, 76. On theshipsof Co- lumbus, 86.
Martyrs, Puritan, 412, 427. Not Brownists, 428.
Mary, Queen, persecutions and flight of Re- formers in the time of, 9, 413. Act of Su- premacy of repealed under, 64. Separatists in her time, 442.
Massachusetts Bay, occasion of the settle- ment of 122. Pilffrims* first visit to, 154. 225. Meaning of, 225. General rendez- vous of Indians at, 226. Described, 228. Mission from, to Canonicus, 281. Harmo- ny between the settlers of, and of Plymouth, 398. Law in. against Anabaptists, 404.
Massachusetts Mount, 224.
Massasoit, 127. Semoset's return to, 185, 186. Forces of, 185. Description snd entertain- ment of subjects of, at Plymouth, 186; their return home, 189. Different modes of spel- ling the word, 191. Visits Plymouth, 191, 259. Winslow *8 interview witn, 192. Re- ception of, 192j 231. Treaty with, 193, 244,245. Description of, 194. Treaty with, confirmed in 1662^ 194. Withdraws, 194. Reception of Slandish and Allerton by, 195. (iocs home, 196. Embassy to, 202, 232. Presents to, 203, 209. Message to, and bis reply, 203, 209. His territory and principal scats, 208, 225, 244, 288. Sent for and sa- inted, 209. Speech of, nnd conference with. 209. Enlrrlninmcnl by, 211. Cn|KS CchI liKJiniis nnd, *iir». Success of the JVarrn- gansctts n;[^inst, 217. Kxptnlition in de- fence of, 219. Reported hostility of, 287.
496
INDEX.
Hobbamock*s wife sent to, 888. Enragad with Tiaquantum, 289, 290. Viaiu Ply- mouth, 290. Demands Tisqnantum, 291. Seems lukewann, 295. Sick, 313. Wins- low's journey to, 313. Reported death of, 316. Ilobhamock's lamontatious for. 81 C. Reception of Wiuf>]uw hy, 318. Tenuod liy Winslow, 319. ConTalesccnt, 320. Re- veals a plot, 323. Refuses to join in the conspiracy. 323. See Pokanokel.
Ma8teriion,liichard, 73. 438.
Matchlocks, used by the Pilgrims, 125, 138, 142, 166.
Mather, Cotton, on GoTemor Bradford, 27, 487. Not to be depended on for facts, 30. On Cape Cod, 101. On Ralph Partridge, 394.
Mather, Increase, 6, 30. Charter of Massa- chusetts obtained by, 37. On the pestilence among the Indians, 184. Assists in mak- ing the Cambridge Platform, 394.
Matiakiest, Barnstable, 215.
Mattapoiset, Mattapuyst, or Gardner's Neck, Corbitant at, 232, 315. Visit to, by Wins- low^ 316. bee dorbiiant,
Maurice, Prince of Orange, 479.
May, Mr., father of Dorothy, wife of GoTemor Biadford, 485.
Mayflower, 85. Renowned, 99. Birth on board the, at sea, 100. 122, 127. 1'he plot- ting of the Captain of the, considered. 102. Place of her making ( *ape Cod, 102. Place of her anchoruKO, 120. 123. Pcrcgrino White born onlioard llie, 149. Last sur- mingpassengerof the, 160, 196. Tonnage of the, and anchorage, at Plymouth 171. Seen by Samoset. 182. Returns to Elng- land, 199. No Pilgrim returns in her, 199. Passengers in the, called old comers, or forefathers, 362.
Meal, of parched maize, 187. See Indian Com,
Medicine men. See Potoowt,
Merchant adventurers, agreement with the, 81 . Smith on tfie, 81 . Application by the, for the Plymouth colonists, 114. Cush- man's allusions to the, 266. Letters re- ceived from the^ 348. Robinson on the, 476. Prevent Pilgrims from going to New England, 476, 478.
Merrimack river, settlements on the, 403.
Meyrick, on firelocks and snaphances, 156.
Middleborougb. See Namasket.
Middleburg, Johnson, preacher at, 424.
Mill, on Town Brook, at Plymouth, 172, 352.
Milman, H. U., Rev., on community of goods, 84.
Milton, Pilgrims in, 227. See Blue Wdla.
Milton, John, oiled, 107.
Mohegan river, ihe Hudson, 368, 369.
Monardcs, on sassafras, 130.
Monhegan, fishing at, 182, 278. 293. Wins- low goes to, 293. Voyage to, from Weston's colony, for provisions, 330. Part of Wes- ton's company go to, 341^ 342.
Mooanam, son of Massasoit, 194.
Morattigon, 183.
Mortality of the Pilgrims, 100, 111, 148, 168,
1 69, 181 . Table of the, 1 99. Remarks on the, 197. 966, 474. Robmsoa on the, 478. See Indiani,
Morton, George, 113. Bradford's lelatioo sent to, 175. Letter probably sent to, 230. Comes out in the Anno, 936, :I52, 363.
Morton. Nathaniel, Secretary, Preface by, 8. Hut Now England's Memorial, 4. Notice of, 6. On the pl«H to avoid Hudson's river, 102. On Miles Slandish, 126. On Nam- skekot creek, 155. On a shipwreck in Ply- mouth harljour, 163. Dwelt at WeUingsly Brook, 165. On William MuUins, 181. On the name of Plymouth, 203. On Sam- uel Puller, tlie physician, 223. On Phine- has Prat, 332. Preface by. to Bradford's Dialogue, 411 ; transcribed it, 413. Takes part in public worship, 419. On Brewster, and Bradford's Memorial of him, 461. On the plotting against Robinson, 477.
Morton, Thomas, on burning underwood, 124. On walnut trees, 132. On grapes, 132. On storing Indian com, 133. On Indian ca- noes, 135. On deer traps, 136. On wild geese, 140. On ducks, 140. On planks in Indian graves, 143. On Indian bowls, 144. On Indian hearse cloths, 154. On halibut or turbot, 164. On hemp, 166. On lions in New England, 176. On Uie pestilence among the Indians, 184. On Indian ap- purel, 187. On Indian beds, 210. On ale- wives, 231 . On an execution at Weymouth, 3a2. On Weston's company, 334. Nut one of them, 331.
Morton, Thomas^ jr., 362.
Mount llope, residence of Massasoit, 208.
Mourt, G., who he was. 113.
Mullins, WUliam, a Pilgrim, 121 . Death of, 181.
Murdock's Pond, in Plymouth, adventore at, 175.
Muscles, at Cape Cod. 119. At Plymoutli, 1 64; 233, 329. At Weymouth. 329.
Mystic river, discovered by tne Pilgrims, 228.
N.
Nacook brook, ffrant on, 332.
Namasket, Middleborougb, Dermer at, 190. 204. Under Massasoit, 204. Winslow and Hopkins at, 204, 205, 212. Expedition to, 219. Alarm from, 267. Com procured at, 305.
Namskeket creek, in Orleans, 165. Seat of the Nauset Indians, 216.
Nanepashemct, grave of, 164, 227. Widow of, 225. House of, 226. Time of his death, 227.
Nash, Thomas, 85, 488.
Naunton, Sir Robert, friendly to the Pilgrims, 55, 56, 382, 383. Carlelou*s letters to, re- specting Brewster, cited, 467.
Nauset, 153. Voyage to, in search of a boy, 214. Sachem of, 216, 244, 302. Expedi- tion to, fur corn, 302. Sec £VislAa/n, and Indians.
INDEX.
497
Meal, Daniel, in error, 99, 100. On John Smith, 461. On Brewster, 461.
Nepeof, a sachem, 220.
Meponset, Milton, subject to the Massacbo- setts sachem, 227. Sachem of^ 232.
Netherlands, the battle-ground or Eorope, 26. See Low Countrie$,
MeU. want of fishing, 171, 294.
Mewbury. church at, 402.
Mew Enffland, patent for, 80, 100, 184. Visit- ed and named, 80, 266. Attempts to settle, 107, 112. Abandoned as unmhabitable, 112. Grant to the Plymouth ColonbU by the Prcsidont ami Council of, 114. IIC, 234. Water and air of, 129, 233. 369. First Eng- lishman bom in, 148. Pestilence among the Indians in, 183^206, 229, 234, 258, 259. SnpiN)scd to 1)0 an itdand, 256. 308. Cush- mnn on emigration to, 266. Situation, cli- mate, soil, and productions of, 368. Unrea- sonable expectations respectinff , 374 . Wins- low's Narration of the Grounas of the first Planting of, 377, 379. Measures to establish episcopacy in, 478. See America, Kame- ocekf and PlymoiUh.
New England's Memorial, Morton's, 4.
Newfnnndlnnd, on tlic discovery of, 166. Sep- aratists Itnninhoil to, 441.
New Nethcrlnnds, 42.
New York, early settlement in, 42. •
Nobscosset, Yarmouth, boundary of a sachem- dom, 216
Nokake. or nokehich, 187. See Indian com.
Nonconformists, harmony of the Separatists and, 398. See Puritans.
North riyer, in Scituate, 148.
North Star, known to the Indians, 366.
Nowell, Increase, 419.
Noyes, James, Hct., of Newbury, 402.
O.
Oaks, on Cape Cod, 118, 124.
Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, 64.
Obbatinewat, a sachem in Massachusetts Bay,
225. Submission of, 226, 232. Probably
Obhatinos, 232. Ohtakicst, 343, 344. Oilcfl paper, windows made of, 237. Old comers, first Pilgrims called, 353. Old Indian Wear, on Taunton river, 205. OM Tom's bill, in Truro, 135, 130, 147. Oldmixon, John, errors of, 91, 161. Opcchnncanough, a Virginia sachem, 279. Ordination, remarks on, 66. Orleans, seal of Nauset Indians, 216. See
Namskckel.
P.
Painter, Thomas, an Anabaptist, whipped,
404, 406. Palfrcj'. John Gorham, cited, 77. Pamct little river, 133, 13ri. Panict river, in Truro, 118, 12r». Notices of,
135. Explored, 139. On settling at, 146.
63
Paomet, Cape Cod so called, 204.
Paragon, fate of the, 348, 349.
Parker, Robert, Rev., 436, 439.
Parker, Thomas, Rev., of Newbury, 402.
Partridge, Ralph, Rev., of Duxbary, 894.
Partridges, 137.
Passaoooaway, magical power of, 366.
Patents. 80. See Jamet /., New JBngkau^ and fiUgritne.
Patnxet, Plymouth, 183, 203. Squanto, the only sorvivinff native of, 190.
Pecksuot. conference of, with Hobbamoek, 337. His insolence, 338. Killed, 338.
Pemlierton, John, Rev., 476.
Penry, John, persecuted, 412. Executed, 427. Unjust charges against, 428. Tracts by^428.
Pcrkms, William, Rev., 14.
Persecutions. See Mary, and PUgrime,
Perth Assembly, 396, 467.
Pestilence among the Indians, 183, 206, 229, 234, 268, 269. Narragansets escape the, 280.
Philip, the sachem, treaty broken by, 194.
Phillips. George, Rev., of Watertown, 399.
Pierce, John, letter to, 1 14. Charier taken in the name of. 116, 231. 296, 348. Patent surreptitiously olitnincd by, 234, 349. On Wcston*8 company, 296. His attempt to come to Plymouth, 348. Resigns his pa- tent, 349.
Pilgrims, used the Geneva Bible, 14. Origin of the, 19. Form a separate church, 21. Their covenant, 21, 397. Two churches of the, 22. Persecuted, 23. Resolve to fly to the Low Countries, 24 . Their first attempt prevented, 26. ^ Imprisoned, 27. Their sec- ond embarkation, 28. Arrive in the Low Countries, 30. Fste of their wives and children left behind, 31 . Result of the per- secution of the, 32. In Amsterdam, 34, 465. In Leyden, 35, 380, 456. 'IVsdes and emplojrments of the, 36. The number of, 36, 97, 99, 100, 122, 455. Live in peace, 88, 380, 456. Their credit with the Dutch, 39, 393. Offers to the, to settle in Ame- rica or Zealand, 42, 385. Attract the notice of Cardinal Bentivoglio, 43. Rea- sons and causes for their removal from Hol- land, 41, 111, 381. Turn their eyes to America, 48, 381 ; to Guiana, 62. Feel- ings of the, towanls the Simniards, 63. Conclude for Virginia, 64, 383. Send agents to England, 55, 57, 68, 69, 382. Applica- tion by, for freedom in religion, 66, 382. Their correspondence with the Virffinia Companjr, ana with their agents in England, 68, 66. Religious principles of the, 64, 65, 387, 388, 395. Obtain a patent from the i Virginia Company, 74, 383. Keep a fast, ' 77, .383. Arrangcmenls of the, for leaving ' Holland, 78, 383. Meet with discourage- ments, 81. 'J'heir purpose and views in going to America, 81, 261. Their agree- ment with the merchant adventurers, 81. Did not have all things in common, 81. Vessel ond pilot provided for the, 85, 86. Keep a fast, 87. Accompanied to Delft-
498
rNDl^X.
E; an emtmimed body, i42; wigwams, I. Return, 145. Propose sctlling at Pa- t river, 146. Thinl expedition of tlic, Jcr Captain Standish, 149. At Uiilings-
Haven, 87. 384. The name belongs exclu- sively to the Pljrmouth colonists, 88. I'heir departure, 88, 384. At Southampton, 89. Parting letters to Carver and the, 89, 91.
116. Sail, 97. Put back twice, 93. Plotted against, 99. Dismiss the Speedwell, 99. Imputations on the, 99. Sau again, 100,
117. Voyage, 100. Descry C^pe Cod, 101,117,384. Stand for Hudson's River, 102, 1 17, 335. Put back to Cape Cod har- bour, 102, 103, 117, 385. Charge avainst their Captain considered, 102, 133. Near- est plantations to tbe, 105. Mildness of their first winter, 105, 173. Grant to, bv the President and Council of New Knglana, 114, 116, 234. Their compact, and the
-signing of it, 116, 120. Examinations by the, 122. Choose John Carver, governor, 123. First excursion of the, umfer Miles Staudish, 1*25. Their first sight of Indians, 127. At Ivist Harbour, in Truro, 123. At the Pond, 130, 130. Find Indian corn, 131, 133; a kettle, 133. At Old Tom's hill, in Truro, 131. At Pamet river, 135. Fmd canoes, 135 ; a deer trap. 136. Return, 137. Second expedition of the, 138. Explore Pamet river, 139. Return to Hopkins's clifT, 140. Find more com, 141 ; Inaian graves, 142; an emlmlmed body, 142; wigwams,
143. " '
met under
S;ate Point, 151. In WellAeet, 162. In ^aslham, 153. Find an Indian burying- ground, 153; wigwams, 164. Alarmed by wolves, 155. First encounter of, with In- dians, 166. Sail along the coast. 159. On Clark's island^ 160. Go on snore, 161. Return to Provmcetown harbour, 162. Sail in the Mayflower, and arrive in Plymouth harbour, 163. (.'oncluJe to build on the bank at Plymouth, 167. Fortify Burial Hill, 168, 169, 131,295, 335. Cut timber. 169. Lay out house-lots, 170,173. In want orfish- liooks and nets, 171, 294. Ruild, 173, 230. Two of the, lost in the woo<ls, 174. Re- ceive Samosct, 182; with other Indians, 187; Squanto, 101; Mussasoit, 101. 231. Mortality among the, 197, 265. Burial place of the, 190. Not one of the, return in the Mayflower, 199. Embassy of the, to Massasoit, at Pokanoket, 202. Acces- sions to the, hy the Fortune, 233, 230 Put on short allowance, 236. Their treatment of ihu IndiuuN, 2.1'.). True to tiieir princi- ples, 2C0. l/njn«lly chargetl with funali- cism, 273. Menaced hy the Nurraganscls, 230. Famishing, 294. Supplied by (.ap- tain Jones, 298. Advice by the, to Wes- ton's colony, 323. Their wants and means of subsistence, 329. Offer to receive Wes- ton's colony, 337, 342. Aid Weston. 342. Accessions to the, by the Anne and the Little James, 332. Old comers or forefa- thers amon^ the, 352. Contributions hy the first, to hrin^ over and 8np|K)rt the oth- ers, 385, 482. Not Sc|Mirnlisl.s, 387. Not sciiismatics, 391. Not exclusionists, 392,
899. Works in rindication of the, 419. Se« America, New England, Plymouih, and RobvMon.
Pines, on Cape Cod, 1 18, 124. At Plyrooath, 161.
Pinses, braves, 288. Sachems' council, 323, 359. Killed at Weymouth, 339. Account of, 359. Procure corn for the sachems, 362.
Piscataqua, settlement at, commenced, 351 .
Plague, Squanto on the, 291. See PuiUence,
Plums, at Plymouth, 231.
PIvmouth, New England, mildness of the nrst winter at, 105, 1 73. EflecU of the set- tlement at, 122. First offence in, 149, 199. Day of the landing at, 161. Rock and place of the landing, 161, 199. Trees and planU of, 164, 165. Soil of, 166. Conclu- sion to settle there, 167; to fortify Burial Hill, 163, 169. Common house there, 169, 173, 177. House lots laid out in. 170, 173. Mill at, 172, 352. First entry hi llic records of, 173. Two men lost from, 174. Ponds in, 176. Shed built at, for common ffoods. 173. Two Indians at, 180. Artillery planted on the hill at, 181 . Samoset at, 182. Indian names of, 1 83^ 203, 246. Visit to, bv Indians from Masssoit, 186. Garden seeds sown,
189. Savages appear at, 190. Squanto there,
190. Massasoit visiU, 191, 269. Treaty at, with Massasoit, 193, 244, 246. Brig- liam's Diccst of the Laws of, 197. Re- election of Carver as covcrnor of, 197. Mor- tality and burying-ptace at, 197, 199, 473. Mayflower sails from 199. Death of the ^vemor of, 200. First marriage and duel in, 201 . Oriffin of the name, 203. Erolias- sy from, to Kfassasoit at Pokanoket, 302. Voyage from, in search of \ lost boy, 214. Seven men only at, 218. Expedition from, against the Narragansets, 219. The sur- geon and physician at, 222. Voyage from, tn the Massachusetts, 224. Arrival of the Fortune at, 236. Things wanted at, 237. Hilton's letter on, 250. Ship's company arrive at, from Damariscovo islands, 278. Impaled, 236. Measures for protecting, 235 . A pprehensions there, from the Narra- gansets, 285, 237. Council held at, 286. Alarmed, 287. Visited by Massasoit, 290. Second voyage from, to Massachusetts, 290. Scarcity ot provisions there, 290. Arrival of the Sparrow, 293. Voyage from, to Monhegan, for provisions, 293. Arrival of the Charity and llie Swan at, 296. Arrival of the Discovery und S)Mirrow at, 298. Ex|ic- diliuns frtun, for corn and to discover n)Nis- sagc round Cape Cod. 300. Winslow's sec- ond journey from, to Pokanoket, 313. Ex- IK'dition from, against the Indians ut Wey- mouth, 327. Cicneral Court held at, 331. Indian spy arrested at, 335. Reception of part of Weston's company at, 342. Head set up at, 343. Allotment of lands, 346. Drought and famine at, 348, 354. The first fast at, 349. Thanksgiving, 231, 351. Ar- rival of the Anne and Little James at, with a libt of the inisscngcrs, 351 , 332. Fooil for passengers on arriving at, 353. Climate
INDEX.
499
PI
of, 309. ConsuUation of, by sacceeding colonies, 386. White on the goTcrninent at, 483. See Burial HUl, and PVrHmt, iymoath Church, early records of the, 4. The First Independent or Congregational, in America. 77. GiTers of the parsonage ground to tne, 223.
Plymouth Company, not applied to by the Pilgrims, 56, 76.
Plymouth harbour, explored, 161. Pilgrims arrire in, 161. 163. Islands in, 161, 163. Fish and fowl in, 164. Includes Kinnton and Duxbury harbours, 164. First death in, 163.
Plymouth rock, 161, 199.
PoKanoket, expedition to Massa^oit at, 197, 202, 232. Arrival ot. 20S. Extent of the country, 208. A night at, 210,211. See M(U9<i»oiL
Pollock Rip, 102.
Poljrander, John, 43.
Pond and Pond ▼illage, in Truro, 130, 136. Great Hollow near, 131.
Popham, John, Lord, Colonv of, at Sagnda- hfic, 60, fir>, 1 12, 427. Conucmnntiou of Pu- ritans bT) 427.
Portsmouth, settlement at Little Ilarliour in, 3ftl.
Powows, priests, one sentenced to death, 308. Prncttccs of, among, the sick, 317. With Mossnsoit, 317. Account of, 357, 366.
Prat, Phinehos, 332, 352.
Prayers, habits of the Pilgrims as to, 166, 167. Brewster on, 469.
Presbyterians, tolerated in New England, 402. See Communion,
Priests. See Powowa,
Prince, Thomu. in error, 67, 68. On attempts to settle N<4r England, 107. Error of, as to Barnstable harbour, 135. On a grant to Peregrine White, 148. Had Bradford's register. 148. On the re$|>ect for Robinson at Leyaen, 393. On Robinson's Farewell Discourse, 399. On Isaac Robinson, 463. On the dinrercnce in elders, 466.
Prince, Thomas, Gov., arrives in the Fortune, 235. 'Marriage of, 470.
Prophesying, the practice of, 419. Ancient, 420. Liberty of, 421.
Provincetown narbour, Pilgrims at, 102, 117, 386. Survey and Map of, Mr Major J. D. Graham, 118. Whales nndnsh tlierv, 110. Motice of, 120. Landing at, 123. Beach ffrass planted at, 123. Mayflower sails from, 163. Fortune puts into, 234. See Cape Cod.
Provisions. See Indian ComfPilgrimg^ nnd Plymouth.
Punishments, Indinn, 366.
Punkapog, Stoughtnn, 227.
Puritans, the name, 12, 417, 443. Hos- tility of James 1. to the, 20. See PU- grims.
Presents to, 192. Hostage with, 192. Re- ception of, 194. DescriMd, 195.
Quails, on Cape Cod, 137.
Quincy, Pilgrims at, 226. Supposed resi- dence of the Masaachusetta saebems, 287. See Squanium.
R.
Race Point, Cape Cod, 119.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, on Guiana, 62. On the law for banishing Separatists, 436.
Rattlesnake's skin, sent with arrows, 881. Returned with powder and ahot, 883.
Razor shell, 306.
Reynolds, Captain of the Speedwell, 86. Puts back twice, 98.
Reynolds. John, Rev., 432.
Rhode Island, 281.
Robertson, William, on the removal from Hol- land, 48. In error, 84, 100.
Roliinson, Isaac, 463.
Robinson, John. Rev., 23. Goes over to Hol- land. 34. Iieinnves from Amsterdam to I«cydpn, 34. II in ministry and character, 36,452. Time of his death, 393, 479. Books written by, 40, 400, 454. llis Apology, 40, 388, 391. Disputes with Episcopius, 41, 392. Age of, in 1620. 46. Correspondence of. with Edwin Sanilys, 68; with Sir John Wolstenholmc, 63. Preaches a Fast Ser- mon, 77. Tarries at Leyden, 77, 384. The reason of his not accompanying the Pil- grims. 77, 383, 463. Farewell Fast Ser- mon by, 87, 396. His parting letter to John Carver, 89 ; to the whole company, 91, 116. Dies without ^ing to New Engiiand, 91 , 443. On Standish, 339. His doctrine of communion, 388. His views of and re- gard for the Church of England, 389, 416, 442. His dislike of Episcopacy and the Liturgy, 390. Respect and funeral honors for, at Leyden, 392, 393, 453. Not a rigid Separatist, 400. His Treatise on the Church of England cited, 400. On Church Synods, 419. On prophesying, 422. His answer to Bcmarci, 423. His church a model, 426. On Robert Browne, 442. Brad- ford's account of, 451. Facts respecting, 452. Bp. Hall's insinuation respecting, 4.'i3. His intention and desire to settle at Plymouth, 453. 475, 476,477,479,482. Let- ters from, to tne church at Plymouth, 473 ; to (Cider Brewster, 475. Lyford and, 476. Plotting against, 476, 477. On elders, 477. Last days and death of, 393, 478, 481.
Rock harl>our creek, in Orleans, 155.
Roses, at PIvmouth, 234.
Rowland. Thomas, persecuted, 443.
Ruling elders, diflcrcnce between teaching and, 455, 477. Still continued in Salem, 455. See Elders.
S.
Q.
Quadequina, Massasoit's brother, 191, 232. | Sabbath. See Sunday.
600
INDEX.
Sachems, account of, and of their families, 360. Bzecutioners of the laws, 865.
Sacrifices, Indian, 358.
Sagadahoc. See Kennebec.
St. Lawrence river, discovered, 243.
Salem, crntr rc8|)cctiiig the church in, 77' Mission from, tu I'lymouth, for a physician, 223, 386. Dutch admitted to communion at, 393. Ruling elders in, 465. See Eiidi- coUf and UU^ginson.
Samoset, description, and reception of, at Ply- mouth, 132. Lodges with Hopkins, 185. Goes to Massasoit, 185, 186.' Returns with others, 186. Remains, 189. Comes again, with Souanto, 190. Tarries, 195, 196.
Sanders, John, orerseer of Weston's colony, writes to Plymouth, 327. Bradford re- plies to, 33U. Voyugo by, to Monhegon, 33U, 332.
Sandwich, Manomet, boy lost at, 217. Sa- chem at, 232. See Oitnuicomc.
Sandy Neck, at Barnstable, 169, 212.
Sandys, Sir Edwin, 65, 56, 382. Correspond- ence of, with Robinson and Brewster, 68. Notice of, 69. Treasurer and governor of the Virginia Company, 68. Obnoxious to James L, 6S.
Saquish, in Plymouth harbour, 160. 164, 287.
Sassafras, on Cape Cod, 118. Medicinal rir- tues ascribed to, 130. At Plymouth, 164,166.
Savage, James, on Cotton Mather, 30. On Hampden's visit to New Koglaud, 315. On ruling elders, 456.
Savins, on Cape Cod, 124.
Scituate, Nortn river in, 148. Chauncy, min- ister of, 405.
Scussett harbour, in Sandwich, 306.
Sea fowls, at Cape Cod, 119. At Plymouth, 164, 229. Time of the, 294.
Seals, at Plymouth, 172.
Se-baptist, John Smith the, 451.
Self-love, Cushman's discourse on the sin and danger of, 2G2.
Separatists, 388. Harmony of the Noncon- formists and, 398. Views of, rcKjiecting the Church of Knglaud,414. Principles m the, 416.417. No synods among the, 418. On propnesying among the, 419. Law ban- ishing the, 436. Persecution of the, 437. Treatment of, in prisons, 437. Excom- municated, 438. Deprived of their live- lihood, 439. Banished, 439, 441. Treat- ment of, by the prelates, 440. Before Rob- ert Brown, 442. See PUgrim^.
Shawmut, sachem of, 232. Sec Boston.
Sheath fish, 306.
Shellfish, at Plymouth, 294. At Buzzard's Bay, 306.
Shingle Brook, in Plymouth, 165.
Shins, size and character of, 86.
SicKness, Indian customs in, 317.
Simmons, formerly Symonson, 394.
Simonson, Moses, a Pilgrim, 235, 236, 394.
Skate at Plymouth, 164.
Siade's Ferry, in Swanzey, 315.
Slanv, John, 191.
Smallpox. Sec Pestilence.
Smith, John, Rev., and his church at Amster-
dam, 99, 34. 429. PenecQted, 443. Od Johnson and Ainsworth, 446. Bradford's account of, 430. Facts respectmg him, 46 1 .
Smith, John, Captain, surveys and names New England, 80, 101,255. On the mer- chant adventurers, 81. On Ca|iQCud, 101. On New Enghiud water, 129. Ou Indian flax, 166. Names Plymouth, 203. Men- tions Nauset, 216. On the country of the Massachusetts^ 226. Isles named Ly, 361.
Smith, Sir Thomas, account of, 68.
Smith's isles, 261.
Snaphances, 166, 157.
Snow's brook, in Eastham, 162.
Soil, English and Indian right to the, 243.
Somer Islands Company, 112.
Southampton, 86. Arrival of the Pilgrims at, 89. Situation of, 89.
South worth, Thomas, 419. At^ t( , j ^^ -'5
Suwams, seat of M)l^Hasuit, 208.
S|Riin. See United Ptwincca,
Sparrow, arrival of the, at Plymouth, 991, 293, 299.
Speedwell, 86. Size of the, 86. Unseawor- thy, 9S. Dismissed, 99.
Spoooer, Ephraim, Dea., of Plymouth, 199.
Squa sachem, of tho Massachusetts lodiaua, 226, 229. Of Mattapuyst, 317.
S<]^uanto^ or Tisquantum, history of, 190. Place m Quincy, named from, 191. At Plymouth, 1 95, 1 96. In an embassy to Massasoit, 209. At Pokaiioket, 211. On a voyage in search of a l)oy, 212. Sent to Aspinet, 216. Ex- pedition against the Narragansetts to re- venge the supposed murder of, 219. Cap- tured by Corbiiant, 220. Returns to Ply- mouth, 223. In a voyage to the Massachu- setts, 224. Would plundei^e Massachu- setts, 228. Aid from, abom planting In- dian corn, 230. Suspicions as to, 285. Double-dealing of, 289. Valuable services of, 290. Demanded by Massasoit, 291. Pilots an expedition for corn, and to discov- er a passage round Cape Cod, 999, 300. Sickness and death of, 301. Instructs In- dians in English salutations, 306. .
Souaiituin, a promontorv in Quincy, 191, 926. Taken possession of. by Thompson, 351.
Squaws, modesty of the, 228, 364. Burdens home by, 305, 31 1. Treatment of, at Wey- mouth, 339, 341. Their travail, 353. Ser- vitude of, 363. Particulars respecting, 364.
Standish family, 126.
Standish, Miles, Captoin, 116. Leader in an excursion up the Cuue, 125. Account of, 125, 338. 1 1 is cout or mail and sword, 134. In the third expedition, 149. Encoun- ters Nauset Indians. 156, 158. Goes in scorch of Indians at Plymouth, 171 . Death of his wife, 179. (/hosen Captain, 180. Sent to meet Indians, 181. Meets Mas- sasoit, 192. Massasoit's reception of, 194. Marches ogainst the ^^arragan- sets in defence of Massasoit, 220. In an ex|>edition to the Massachusetts, 225. Secures a messenger from Canonicus, 281. Military preparations of, 284. Sets for- ward for Massachusetts, 287. Driven back
INDEX.
601
from an expedition for corn, 299. Goes to Eastham, 804. Salutation of, by Aspinet, 804. Condnct of, at Yarmouth^ 308. At Scnssclt, 309. Treachery against, 811. Returns, 312. Expedition of, agninst the Indians at Weymouth, 326, 327, 331. Ar- rives at Weymouth, 336. Trade of, with an Indian spy, 337. Kills Pecksnot in a struffgle. 838. Remarks on. by Robinson, Hubbanl, and Davis, 339. Skirmishes with Indians, 341. Takes the head of Wituwa- mat, and returns to Plymouth, 342, 343. Effect of his Expedition, 346. Procures provisions, 350. second wife of, 352.
Standysshc, John, killed Wat Tyler, 126.
Starsmore, Saf>in. 74.
Store house, at Plymouth, 169, 173, 177.
Stoot*8 creek, in 'fruro, 128.
Strawberry Hill. Watson's hill called, 180.
Sunday, in Holland, 47, 881. On Clark's istaoa, 160. Kept on shore at Plymouth, 177. Refusal ot the Pilgrims to traffic on, 189.
Supremacy, oath of, 64.
Swamps, ibrmerly ponds, 130.
Swnii, nrrirnl of the, 296. Remains^ 298.
Swanzcy, 208. See CorhUanl^ Uardntr't Ncekf MtUtapoUei, and Sladc^B Ferry,
Synods, at Dort, 47, 424. At Cambridge, 394, 402. At Emlxien, 422. None among the Separatists, 408.
T.
Tabor, and Taborites, 33.
I'arbes, John, 396.
Taunton river, 206. Pestilence on, 206, 234. Notice of, 206* Country on, 207.
Thncker, Elias, persecuted, 412. Executed, 427.
Thanksgiving, the first, 231 . A Her a fast, 361 .
Thef\, Indian punishment of, 364.
Thievish Harbour, 148, 159.
Thompson, David. 350.
Thompson's islana, in Boston harbour, 351.
Tilly, Edward, a Pilgrim, 122, 126, 149. No- tice of, 161.
Tilly, John, a Pilgrim, 149, 151.
Tisquantum. See Sqtuxnto,
Tilicut, 205, 212.
Tobacco, 188, 194, 363.
Tokamnnamon, an Indian guide, 211, 214. Corbitnnt's hostility to, 219. With a mes- senger from Canonicus, 281.
Toleration, want of, under James Im21. Hol- land reproached for, 23. Application for, by agents from Holland, 55, 382. Of the Pilgrims towards the Dutch and French, 338, 392, 393 ; lowartis the Scotch, 391 ; towards the Presbyterians, 402, 407. Not shown to evil-doers, 407. Sec Commun' iotij PilgrimSt nobinson. and Scparatistf.
Town brook, in Flymoutn, Pikrinis settle near, 157. Notice of, 172. Mill nn, 172, 352. Crossed to meet Indians, 181. Re- ception of Massasoit nt the, 192.
Training Green in Plymouth, 168.
Troes, on Cape Cod, 118, 124, 133. At Ply- mouth, 164. In Pokanoket, 807.
Trial, an Indian, 307.
Truro, soil in, 123. Excnraions to, 128. Pond in, 130. Second excursion to, 139. See Eaaiharhaur,
Turbot, 164.
Tyburn, persons executed at, 437.
Tyler, Wat, kiUed, 126.
U.
Uncle Sam*s Hill, in Truro, 133.
United Provinces, war lietween Spain and the, 26; truce between them, 44. Expiration of the truce, 51. See Low Counirtet,
Upham, Charles W., Rev., 77.
V.
Vessels, size and character of, 86.
Virginia, colonization of, 53. 64. Pilgrims eon- cnide lor, 64, 383. Settled by Episconelians, 64, Territorial extent of, 64. Application for religious toleration in, 56. Oaths for emigrants to, 64. Govereora of, 69, 70. Blackwell's voyage to, 70. New^tcnt for the northern part of, 80, 100. Effect of the Plymouth settlement on, 122. Winslow on the state of, 278. Indian massacre in, 278, 293, 296. Vessels for, at Plymouth, 298. Proclamation as to the government of, •486. See New JSingland.
Viri^inia Company, 54. Application of the Pilgrims to the 55, 57 ; tneir correspond- ence, 68. Courts hekl by the, 67. Gov- crnon and Treasorera of the, 68. Conten- tions in the, 69. Patent obtained from the, 74.
W.
Wachusett mountain, 228.
Walloons, 39, 352, 393.
Walnut trees, 132, 164, 165.
Wampom, 143.
Wamsutta, son of Massasoit, 194.
Wareham, conspiracy with the Indians at,
.123. Wnrrcn, in the Pokanoket country, 208. Warren, Richard, a Pilgrim, 1 2 1, 150. His
widow and descendants, 150. Wassapinewat, 330. Water of New England, 129; of Plymouth,
165, 166, 167,256. Watcrtown, minister of, 398. Watson, Edward, owner of Clark's island,
ICO. Watson's bill, two Indians appear on, 180.
Names of, 180. Indians aqain appear there,
190. Massasoit there, 190. Weavers nmonif the Plymouth setflere, 35. Wolineet hov, visited, ir.l, 152. 161. Wcllingsly Bro<»k, in Plymouth, 165. Wessagussett, 78. Subject to the Massachu- setts sachem, 227. See Wqfmouth,
602
INDEX.
West, Francis, admiral of New England, 978.
Weston, Thomas, agreement with, 78. No* tice of, 78. Inclines to New England. 80. Neglects to provide shipping, 86. On a charter, 234. His people at Weymouth, 276, 296. The Sparrow sent out by, 293. Writes to Mr. Carver, 293. Expedition of his people for corn^ 299 ; their return to Wcf mouth, 303. Hu visit and misfortunes, 342. See tVeymotUh,
Weymouth, Captain, carries Indiana from Pe- nobscot. 190.
Weymouth, or Wcssagussct, 78. Character of Weston's colony at, 276, 296, 334. Ac- count of the planting of, 296. Conduct of the colonists of, at Plymouth, 297, 300. Indians* complamts respecting, 298, 302, 327. Indian conspiracy against, 310, 323. Expedition against the Indians of. 337. 331. Want of provisions at, 328. 'loo reeblo and sick for defence, 329. Wretched stale of, 332. Execution at, 332. Standish's ar- rival there, 336. Carelessness at. 336. Of- fer to, from the Pilgrims, 337. Seven In- dians killed at, 339. Broken up, 341. See Wetton.
Whales, whaling and, 119, 146.
Whitbourne, Richard, Captain, 165.
White, Roger, letters by, to Bradford, 478, 483.
White, Peregrine, the firat born, 148.
White, William, a Pilgrim, 121, 148. Death ol^ 181,201.
Whitgift, Archbishop. 432.
Wigwams, discovered, 143. Described, 144. In Eastnam, 154. Near Plymouth, 172. Of Nanepashemet, 226.
Wildfowl, at Cape Cod, 119, 137,139,140. At Plymouth, 164, 179, 229. Time of the, 294.
Williams, Roger, 132, 133, 142, 187, 280. 305, 317, 318, 319, 356, 365, 3C6, 367. Prophe- sying by, at Plymouth, 420.
Williams, Thomas, a Pilgrim, 122. Meets Massasoit, 192.
Wincoli, John, patent taken in the name of, 76.
Windows, account of, 237.
WinnatucKset brook, source of, 206.
Winslow chair, cut of the, 238.
Winflow Edward, on John Robinson and Ar- minianism, 41. Aj^ of, in 1620, 46. Rea- sons by, for removing from Holland, 47. On Thomas Weston, 78. On the profit from fishing, 81, 383. In the third exploring
riarty, 139. On errors, 175. 277. On the ndian language, 183. On the Indians' use of tobacco, 189. Interview of, with Mas- sasoit, 192. A hostage, 192. Death of his
wife, 197, 801. Married again, 801. Pro- bably wrote the narrative of the journey to Pokanoket, 802. In the embassy to Mas- sasoit, 202, 204, 213. Letter from, 230. Cattle brought to Plymouth by. 233. His Relation, 269. Notice of, and of his family and descendants, 274. His return to Eng- land, 277, 477. On the stale of Virginia, 278. In the second Massachusetts expedi- tion, 887. Goes to Monhegan, 893. Sec- ond journey of, to Pokanoket, to visit Mas- sitiioil in his sickness, 313. Indian plot re- vealed to, 324, 326. Lodffes with Corbi- tant, 324. Returns, 826. His brief Narra- tion of the true Grounds for the fint Plant- ing of New England, 377, 379, 408. Sent to England in 1646 to defend the colony of Massachusetts against Gorton, 879. Pre- serves Robinson's Farewell Discourse, 399. Works by. 408. On prophesying by, 419.
Winslow, Gilbert, 876.
Winslow, Isaac, 376.
Winslow, John, 836, 276.
Winslow, Josiah, on the purchase of the In- dians' lands, 269. Notice of, 275.
Winslow, Kenelm, 276.
Winter, the fint, at Plymouth, 106, 178.
Wintbrop, John, Gov., fleet of, rendexYous at Southampton, 89. On a shipwreck on Brown's island, 163. On the Church of England, 398. On the synod at Cambridge, 402. On Rev. Peter Hobart.402. Takes part in religious services at Plymouth, 419.
Wituvramat, 310, 338. Rilled, 339. Head of, taken, 342 ; stuck up, at Plymouth, 843.
Wives of sachems, 361. See SjUiO, and Squawa.
Wolstenholme, Sir John, 56, 63, 66.
Wolves, alarms from, 155. Encounterad, 178.
Wood, Anthony, cited, 59, 432, 439.
Wood, William, 118, 124, 129, 138, 133, 186, 136, 140, 142, 143, 164, 166, 176, 187, 188, 198, 305. 306, 307, 318. 366.
Wood End, on Cape Cod, 1 18, 119.
Wood-gailc, 129.
Woosanicquin, or Massasoit, 245.
y.
Yarmouth, Mattachicst, 216. Cora procured at, 302, 308. Valor of Standish at. 309.
Yeaniley, Sir George, Governor of Virginia, 70, 279.
Z.
Ziska, John, 38.
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