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tihmvy of trhe 't:heolo0ical ^tmxnary
PRINCETON • NEW JERSEY
PURCHASED BY THE
MRS. ROBERT LENOX KENNEDY
CHURCH HISTORY FUND
BR 756 .C58 v. 3:2
The church historians of England ^
THE CHUECH HISTORIANS OF ENGLAND.
Y, PRINTER, BREAD 8TREE1 HILL,
-££2-1
-"-v.,
THE CHURCH HISTORIANS OF ENGLAND.
EEFORMATION PERIOD.
THE ACTS AND MONUMENTS OF
y
JOHN FOXE.
CAREFULLY REVISED, WITH NOTES AND APPENDICES.
VOL. III.— PART II.
FLEET STREET and HANOVER STREET. MDCCCLV.
^f ^X^/ /y "''/^ ^f
INJUNCTION OF PENANCK.
F.T BrgHtro. ir. Cowl my ; fol. 3W. (,.
^'O CREDIT TO BE KEPT WITH \ HERETIC. 449
Substance of the Answer of the Council to the Supplication
A.D.
1415.
First, as touching the protestation of John Huss, whether it be true or false, it shall be made evident in the process of his cause. Moreover, whereas they say that the adversaries of John Huss have perversely drawn certain things out of his books, that, also, the matter itself shall declare in the end ; when, if it shall be found and decreed that John Huss is unjustly and imtruly j ^ accused, it shall then come to pass that his adversaries shall incur perpetual Huss in ignominy and slander. But as touching sureties, albeit there might he a thousand "<• "^^^^ put in or bound, yet- can it not by any means be, that the deputies of the council "aUed!*^ with a safe conscience may receive or take them in that man's cause, unto whom Nocedit there is no faith nor credit to be given. Howbeit thus much they will do, upon to bekejjt the fifth day of June next John Huss shall be brought again unto Constance, ""'"i ?• and there have free liberty to speak his mind before the council, and then they "^'^"^ will lovingly and gently hear him.
But the matter in the end fell out f\ir contrary to this promise. — The same day the said barons and lords presented a supplication of this tenor unto the emperor :
Supplication of the Barons to the Emperor Sigismund for John Huss.
Unto the most high and mighty prince, the lord Sigismund, king of the Romans, always Augustus, king of Hungary, Croatia, and Dalmatia, oiu- most gracious lord, faithful and true service in all things, and at all times. Most serene prince and gracious lord, we signify unto your serenity, that we all together, with one mind, consent, and accord, have dehvered up unto the reverend fathers and lords, the deputies of the four nations, and to the whole sacred council of Constance, this our supplication hereunder written, as reason- able, just, and worthy of consideration ; the tenor whereof here followeth word by word, and is this.*
' Wherefore we most humbly require and desire your princely majesty, that both for the love of justice, and also of the fame and renown of that most famous kingdom of Bohemia, whereof we acknowledge you undoubtedly the true lord, heir, and successor ; and also foreseeing unto the liberty of your safe- conduct ; that you would, beholding with a favourable countenance these reasonable and just supplications which we have put up to the lords aforesaid, interpose your good offices with the said most reverend fathers and lords, that they may effectiially hear us in this our just petition, which we have oifered up to them, as is aforesaid. But lest the enemies of the renown and honour of the famous kingdom of Bohemia (and such, be our slanderers also) should here- after slander us, that we had made unlawful and unreasonable requests unto the said most reverend lords; therefore, we desired of them, that it would please them to decree to authorise our said supplication by setting to their public hand. In like wise, we do earnestly beg of your serene highness, that you would vouchsafe and be pleased to give us your testimonial to the premises.
But what answer the emperor made hereunto, we could never xhe kin- understand or know ; but by the process of the matter a man may f?'''^?'' ^y easily judge, tliat this good emperor was brought and led even nnto poitunity this point, through the obstinate mischief of the cardinals and bishops, card'inais to break and falsify his promise and faith which he had made and '°omise promised : and this was their reason whereby he was driven thereunto, that no defence could or might be given either by safe-conduct, or by any other means unto him, who was suspected or judged to be a
(1) The copy of the supplication before written, which was presented unto the deputies of thfl council, was here inserted, whereunto that which followeth was annexed. See page iiO. VOL. I [I. G G
450 HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS.
Henry hcrctic. But by the epistles and letters of John Huss, a man may easily judge what the king's mind was. Now we will proceed in tl
le
A. D. history.
^'^l^- The fifth day of Juno, the cardinals, bishops, and the rest of the Mischiev- priests, almost all that were in Constance, assembled to a great num- co'msei ber, at the covcnt of the Franciscans in Constance ; and there it was |;!,,'|'h commanded, that before John Huss should be brought forth, in his baud. absence they should rehearse the witnesses and articles which they had slanderously gathered out of his books ; which, articles, with John Huss's answer, we will hereafter repeat. By chance there was then present a certain notary, named Peter Mladoniewitz, who bare great love and amity unto the said Huss ; who, as soon as he per- ceived that the bishops and cardinals were already determined and appointed to condemn the said articles in the absence of John Huss, went with all speed unto lords Wenceslaus de Duba and John de Clum, and told them all the matter, who incontinent made report Tiie thereof to the emperor ; who, understanding their intent, sent Louis, counLi the count Palatine of Heidelburgh, and the lord Frederic, Burgrave paiHs^ of Nuremberg, to signify unto them who ruled the council, that stopped nothing should be resolved or done in the case of John Huss before emperor, it were first heard with equity, and that they should send him all such articles as were laid against the said Huss, which were cither false or heretical ; and he would do so much, that the said articles should be examined by good and learned men. Then, according to the emperor's will, the judgment of the principals of the council was suspended, until such time as John Huss were present,
in the mean season, these noble men, lords Wenceslaus de Duba and John de Ckim, did give unto the two princes, whom the emperor had sent, certain small treatises which the said .John Huss had made, out of the which his enemies had drawn certain articles falsely to jire- sent unto them who ruled the council ; under this condition, that they would render them again, when they should demand them. The intent and meaning of these barons was, that by this means the adversaries of John Hu.ss might the more easily be reproved, who, of a naughty and corrupt conscience, had picked corrupt sentences out of the said books of John Huss. The books were delivered unto the cardinals and bishops ; and, that done, John Huss was brought forth, and the princes who were sent by the emperor, departed back again. After- wards, they showed the books to John Huss, and he confessed openly, before the whole assembly, that he had made them ; and that he was ready, if there were any fault in them, to amend the same.
Now hearken a little to the holy proceedings of these reverend fathers ; for here happened a strange and slnimeful matter. AVith
John Huss
much ado they had scarcely read one article, and brought forth a few snencc-by ^^'itncsscs upon the same against him, but, as he was about to open oi>uage his mouth to auswcr, all this mad herd or flock began so to cry out bishops upon him, that he had not leisui-e to speak one only word. The noise P?ic8t8 a"<^ trouble was so great and so vehement, that a man might well have called it a bruit or noise of wild beasts, and not of men ; much less was it to be judged a congi-egation of men gathered together, to judge and determine so grave and weighty matters. And if it hap- pened that the noise and cry did ever so' little cease, that he might
FALSE WITNESS AGAINST JOHN IIUSS. 451
answer any tliinfy at all out of tlic holy Scriptures or ecclesiastical Tioni/ doctors, by and by he should hear this goodly reply upon him : "
" Tliat makcth nothing to the purpose.'"' ^ A. D.
Besides all this, some did outrage in words against him, and others ^'^'•'^•
spitefully mocked him ; so that he, seeing himself overwhelmed with An out- these rude and barbarous noises and cries, and that it profited nothing coancu. to speak, determined finally with himself to hold his peace and keep silence. From that time forward, all the whole rout of his adver- saries thought that they had won the battle of him, and cried out all together ; " Now he is dumb, now he is dumb : this is a certain sign and token, that he doth consent and agree unto these his errors." Finally, the matter came to this point, that certain of the most moderate and honest among them, seeing this disorder, determined to proceed no further, but that all should be deferred and put off until another time. Through their advice, the prelates and others ApffnJir. parted from the council for that present, and appointed to meet there again on the day after the morrow, to proceed in judgment.
On that day, which was the seventh of June, somewhere about a f?ieat seven of the clock, the sun a little before having Ijeen almost wholly the'sun" eclipsed, this same flock assembled again in the cloister of the friars minor, and by their appointment John Huss was brought before them, accompanied with a great number of armed men. Thither went also 'They the emperor, whom the noble men, lords Wenceslaus de Duba and f^^"^ John de Cium, and the notary named Peter, Avho were great friends ^ith of the said Huss, did follow, to see what the end would be. Wlien and'^ ^ they were come thither, they heard read, on the accusation of Michael alThkd de Causis, these words following : " John Huss hath taught the ^^en to people divers and many errors both in the chapel of Bethlehem, and thier^ also in many other places of the city of Prague, of the which errors ^^^^^^^^^^ some of them he hath drawn out of WicklifF's books, and the rest iowchrist he hath forged and invented of his own head, and doth maintain the bishop's same very obstinately and stiffly. First, that after the consecration '"'"^®- and pronunciation of the words in the Supper of the liord, there re- made"^ maineth material bread." And this was proved by the witness of John j^h" ^' Protyway, parish-priest of St. Clement's in Prague ; John Pecklow, H"^^- preacher at St. Giles' in Prague ; Benise, preacher in the castle of witness Prague ; Andrew Brode, canon of Prague ; and divers other priests, 5^^^"' Unto this John Huss, taking a solemn oath, answered that he never ""ss. spake any such word ; but thus much he did grant, that at what time answer. the archbishop of Prague forbade him to use any more that term Namin- or word ' bread,' he could not allow the bishop's commandment ; forbidden forsomuch as Christ, in the sixth diopter of John, doth eleven times ^^yj^^^ name himself the bread of angels, which came down from heaven, to Wshops. give life unto the whole world : jjut as touching material bread, he never spake any thing at all. Then the cardinal of Cambray, taking a certain bill in his hand, which he said he received the day before, said unto John Huss : " Do you prove universalities ' a parte rei,"" i. e. ' by part of a thing ?'" When John Huss answered that he did, because St. Anselm and divers others had so done, the cardinal did proceed to gather his argument in this manner : *' It followeth
(1) Tlie like practice, in these later days, was used at Oxford against the godlv fathers. G gS
452 IIISTOUY OF TUF, HOIIEMIAXS.
ii'nry then," said he, " tliat after the consecration is made, there remaineth ^' the substance of material bread ; and that I do tlius ])rove : for tlic
A. D. consecration being done, whiles the bread is changed and transubstan- ^^1^- tiated into the body of Christ, as you say, cither there doth remain The the common substance of material bread, or contrariwise. If the sopti'isu- substance do remain, then is the proposition proved : if contrariwise, withjohn then doth it follow, that by the ceasing of the singularity, the uni- Huss. vcrsal ceaseth any more to be." — John Huss answered, " UVuly it ceaseth to be in this singular material bread, by reason of the tran- substantiation, when it is changed and transubstantiated into the body of Christ ; but notwithstanding, in other singularities the subject remaineth." The (Ms- Then a certain Englishman by that argument -would prove out of onhe°" the first position, that there remained material bread. Then said .John English- Huss, " That is a childish argument, Avhicli every boy in the schools knoweth :" and thereupon gave a solution. Then another English- man Avoidd prove, that there remained material bread in the sacra- ment, because the bread after the consecration was not annihilated. Unto whom John Huss answered, " Although," said he, " the bread be not anniliilated or consumed, yet singidarly it ceaseth there to be, by reason of the alteration of its substance into the body of Christ." Another Hcro auothcr Englishman stepping forth, said : " John Huss seemeth man."''" imto me to use the same kind of crafty speech which ^V'icklifF used, for he granted all these things which this man hath done, and yet in very deed was fully persuaded that material bread remained in the sacrament after the consecration." Which when John Huss had de- nied, saying, that he spake nothing but only sincerely and uprightly, according to his conscience ; the Englishman proceeded to demand of him again, whether the body of Christ be totally and really in the •John sacrament of the altar. Whcrcunto John Huss answered : " Verily, ^"eeth I tlo think that the body of Christ is really and totally in the sacra- biind"'^' ment of the altar, which was born of the Virgin !Mary, suffered, died, time in and rosc again, and sitteth on the right liand of God the Father ^e^sacra- _^]j^i(r],(;y " Whcu tlicy had disputed a good while to and fro, as touching vmiversalities, the Englishman, who before would prove that material bread remained in the sacrament, because the bread was not annihilate, interrupting and breaking their talk, said : " To what pur- pose is this disputation upon universalities, which maketh nothing to the purpose, as touching faith .'* For as far as I can perceive or hear, this man holdcth a good opinion as touching the sacrament of the an Kn- ^^tar." Thcu another Englishman, named Stokes, said : "• I have seen iibhma"n. at Praguc a certain treatise, which was ascribed unto this man John Huss, wherein it was plainly set forth, that after the consecration there remained material bread in the sacrament." " Verily," said John Huss, " saving your reverence, that is not true." False Then they returned again unto the testimony of them who were
spoken of a little before, who, every man for himself aflinned, with an John oath, that which lie had said ; among whom John Protyway, parish faheiyac- pricst of St. Clement's in Prague, mIicu he should come to confirm his cauing*^"' testimony, added more, that John Huss should say, that St. Gregory St. Gre- -was but a rhyuicr, when he did allege his authority against him. Unto rhymer, whom John Huss auswcrcd, that in this point they did him great
viiweu.
ANOlilJiR, ACCUSATION FOR DEFENDING WICKLIFF S AHTICLES. 4o£
injury, forasmuch as he always esteemed and reputed St. Gregory for He^inj a most holy doctor of the church. ^•
These contentions and disputations being somewhat appeased, the A. D. cardinal of Florence turned himself towards John Huss and said : ^"^15. " Master, you know well enough that it is ^mtten, that in the mouth Tiie car- of two or three witnesses all witness is firm and stable ; and here Florence, you see now almost twenty witnesses against you, men of authority ^rtfiesLs and worthy of credit, amongst whom some have heard you teach these prevailed things themselves, the others by report and common bruit or voice do John testify of your doctrine; and all together, generally, bring firm rea- Jhe^es^S*-' sons and proofs of their witness, unto the which we are forced and con- ^''"y °^
,'.,.,„ f , all Bohe-
stramed to give credit ; and, tor my part, i see not how you can mia could maintain and defend your cause against so many notable and well "n \\\T^^ learned men." Unto whom John Huss answered in this manner : p^"- " I take God and my conscience to witness, that I never taught any thing, neither was it ever in my mind or fantasy to teach in such sort or manner, as these men here have not feared to witness against me that which they never heard. And albeit they were as many more in number as they are, for all that, I do much more esteem, yea, and without comparison, regard the witness of my Lord God, before the witness and judgment of all mine adversaries, upon whom I do in no point stay myself."
Then said the cardinal again unto him : " It is not lawful for us The ear- to judge according to your conscience ; for we cannot choose, but camlmy- that we must needs stay ourselves upon the firm and evident witness ^ ^^,.^ of these men here. For it is not for any displeasure or hatred, that these men do witness this against you (as you do allege), for they allege and bring forth such reasons of their witness, that there is no man that can perceive any hatred in them, or that we can, in any case, be in doubt thereof. And as touching Master Stephen Paletz, wliereas you say, you do suspect him that he hath craftily and deceit- fully drawn out certain points or articles out of your books, to be pro- duced afterward ; it seemeth that in this point you do him great wrong, for in my opinion he hath used and showed such fidelity, that, in amity toward you, he hath alleviated and moderated many of your articles much more than they are in your own books. I understand, also, that you have like opinion of divers other notable men, and especially you have said, that you do suspect Master Clwincellor of He Paris, than whom there is no more excellent and christian man in all cerson!* the whole world."
Then was there read a certain article of accusation, in the which it Another was alleged, that John Huss had taught, and obstinately defended, cer- f^o'rJ'for tain erroneous articles of Wickliifs in Bohemia. Wliereunto Huss ^y[^j?fij}?.f answered, that he never taught any errors of John WicklifF's, or any articles. other man's. " Wherefore, if it be so that WicklifF hath sowed any errors in England, let the Englishmen look to that themselves." But to confirm their article, there was alleged that John Huss did withstand the condemnation of Wickliif's articles, the which had been first made at Rome. And afterward also, when the archbishop of Prague, with other learned men, held a convocation at Prague for the same matter, when they would have there been condemned for this cause, that none of them were agreeing to the catholic faith or doctrine, but were either
4-)4 IIISTOUY OF THE BOHEMIANS.
heretical, erroneous, or offensive ; he answered, that he durst not agree thereunto, for offending of his conscience, and especially for
A.D. these articles : that Silvester the pope, and Constantine, did err in H15. bestowing those great gifts and rewards upon the church : also, that Certain the popc or pricst, being in mortal sin, cannot consecrate nor baptize, 'wickry*^ " 1''^^^ article," said Huss, " I have thus limited, so as I should say, that John tliat he doth unworthily consecrate or baptize, for that, when he is in stood to. deadly sin, he is an unworthy minister of the sacraments of God." Here his accusers, with their witnesses, were earnest and instant, that the article of Wickliff was written by John Huss totidem rerbis in the treatise which he had made against Ste})lien Paletz. " Verily," said John Huss, " I fear not to submit myself even to the punishment of death, if you shall not find it so as I have said." When the book was brought forth, they found it written as John IIuss had said. He added also, moreover, tliat he durst not agree unto them who had con- demned Wickliff's articles for this article, " The tenths are pure alms." wiicuior Here the cardinal of Florence objected unto him this argument: teiiuis be n ry^ constitute alms it is requisite, that it should be given freely with- "''"^' out bond or duty : but tenths are not given freely, but of bond or duty : therefore are they no alms." John Huss, denying the major of this syllogism, brought this reason against him : " Forsomuch as rich men are boundcn, under the pain of eternal damnation, unto the fulfill- ing of the six works of mercy, which Christ repeateth in Matthew xxv., Alms and these w orks are pure alms ; ergo, alms arc also given by bond and ii'uty. ° duty." Then an archbishop of England, stepping up, said : " If wc s« all be bound unto those six works of mercy, it doth follow that poor '''"" "' men, who have nothing at all to give, should be damned." "I answer," said Huss, " unto your antecedent, that I spake distinctly of rich men, and of those who had wherewithal to do those works. They, I say, are Ijound to give alms under pain of damnation."
He answered moreover, unto the minor of the first argument, that
tenths were at first given freely, and afterward made a bond and duty ;
and when he would have declared it more at large, he could not be
suffered. He declared also divers other causes why he could not, with
The mind safc conscicncc, consent unto the condemnation of Wickliff's articles.
Huss" ^^^^t howsoever the matter went, he did affirm and say, that he did
the'con^ never obstinately confirm any articles of ^\'ickliff's, but only that he
iiemii.-i- did not allow and consent that WicklifTs articles should be condemned,
wickiitr's before sufficient reasons were alleged out of the holy Scripture for their
articles, condemnation.
' And of the same mind,' saith John Ilnss, ' are a great many other doctors and masters of tlie university of Prague ; for when Sbinco the archbishop com- manded all Wickliff's books to be gathered together in the whole city of Prague, and to be brought unto him, I myself brought also certain books of Wiekli'ff 's, which 1 gave unto the archbisliop, desiring him, that if he found anv error or heresy in them, he would note and mark them, and 1 myself woidd publish them Wickliff's openly. But the archbishop, albeit that he sliowed me no error nor heresy in hooks them, burned my books, together with those tliat were brought unto him, not- rr.-i(,'iie' witlistanding he had no such commandment from pope Alexander V. But, hy flie notwithstanding, by a certain policy, he obtained a bull from the said pope by bishop means of Jaroslaiis, bishop of Sarepta, of the order of Franciscans, that all Wick- Swinco. liff's books, for the manifold errors contained in them (whereof there were none named), should be taken out of all men's hands. The archbishop, using the
JOHN HUSS FALSELY ACCUSED. 455
autliority of this bull, thought he should bring to pass, that the king of Bohemia Henry and the nobles should consent to the condemnation of Wickliffs books ; but ^■ therein he was deceived. Yet nevertheless, calling together certain divines, he "T~fJ gave them in commission to sit upon Wickliffs books, and to proceed against 1 4 . e them by a definitive sentence in the canon law. These men, by a general sen-
tence, judged all those books worthy to be burned; which when the doctors. The uni- masters and scholars of the university heard report of, they, all together, with one Prag"e °^ consent and accord (none excepted but only they, who before were chosen by the maketh archbishop to sit in judgment), determined to make supplication unto the king to suppUca- stay the matter. The king, granting their request, sent by and by certain unto the king the archbishop to examine the matter. There he denied that he would decree f""^ saving any thing, as touching Wickhff's books, contrary unto the king's will and plea- jig-'g''^^' sure. Whereupon, albeit that he had determined to burn them the next day books, after, yet for fear of the king, the matter was passed over. In the n^ean time Wickliff's pope Alexander V. being dead, the archbishop, fearing lest the bull Avhich he ^urn^d ' had received of the pope, would be no longer of any force or effect, privily calling Prague unto him his adherents, and shutting the gates of his court round about him, against ^ being guarded with a number of armed soldiers, consumed and burned all Wick- „,yi_ "'^' lifF's books. Besides this great injury, the archbishop by means of his bull aforesaid, committed another no less intolerable ; for he gave out commandment, that no man after that time, under pain of excommunication, should teach any that^M^ more in chapels. Whereupon I did appeal unto the pope ; who being dead, and man the cause of my matter remaining undetermined, I appealed likewise unto his f^°^ successor John XXIII. : before whom when, by the space of two years, I could more in*''^ not be admitted by my advocates to defend my cause, I appealed unto the high chapels, judge Christ,'
When Jolm Huss had spoten these words, it was demanded of Mm, john whether he had received absolution of the pope or no ? He answered, ^eaiethto " no." Then again, whether it were lawful for him to appeal unto ti^e pope, Christ or no ? Whereunto John Huss answered : " Verily I do affirm the pop? here before you all, that there is no more just or effectual appeal, than *° '^'^"'*'" that appeal which is made unto Christ, forasmuch as the law doth de- whether termine, that to appeal, is no other thing than in a cause of grief or fufto'^^' wrong done by an inferior judge, to implore and require aid and remedy ^pp^^i to at a higher judge's hand. Who is then a higher judge than Christ.'^ no. Who, I say, can know or judge the matter more justly, or Avith more equity ? when in him there is found no deceit, neither can he be de- ceived ; or, who can better help the miserable and oppressed than he .?" ^®g,j While John Huss, with a devout and sober countenance, was speak- churcu ing and pronouncing those words, he was derided and mocked by all chAst. the whole council.
Then was there rehearsed another article of his accusation in this manner ; that John Huss, to confirm the heresy which he had taught the common and simple people out of Wickliffs books, said openly these words : " That at what time a great nimiber of monks and friars, and other learned men Avere gathered together in England, in a certain church, to dispute against John WicklifF, and could by no means vanquish him, or give him the foil, suddenly the church-door was broken open with lightning, so that with much ado Wickliff's enemies hardly escaped without hurt." He added moreover, that he wished Huss ac- his soul to be in the same place where Jolm Wickliff's soul was. tmltiug'^ Whereunto John Huss answered, that a dozen years before any books ^y-f'^iitr's of divinity of Jolm Wickliff's were in Bohemia, he did see certain souiis works of philosophy of his, which, he said, did marvellously delight ^^^^ " and please him. And when he understood the good and godly life of the said Wickliff , he spake these words : "I trust," said he, " that
4.')() HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS.
Henry Wicklift IS stivcd ; and albeit tliat I doubt wlietlicr he be damned or no, yet with a ^n)od liope I wish, tliat my soul were in the same place
A.D. where John Wicklitfs is." Then again did all the company jest and ^^^^- laugh at him.
Sedition i*- ^^ ^^^ ^" ^'^^ accusation, that John Huss did coimsclthe people, ijii.itohis according to the example of Moses, to resist with the sword against all charge. ^^^^^^ ^^ ^.^ gainsav his doctrine. And the next day after he had preached the same, there were found openly, in divers places, certain intimations, that every man, being armed with his sword about him, should stoutly proceed; and that brother should not spare brother, nei- ther one neighbour another. John Huss answered, that all these things were falsely laid to his charge by his adversaries ; for he at all times, when he preached, did diligently admonish and warn the people, that they should all arm themselves to defend the truth of the gospel, ac- cording to the saying of the apostle, " with the helmet and sword of salvation ;"" and that he never spake of any material sword, but of that which is the word of God. And as touching intimations, or Moses"* sword, he never had any thing to do withal. Huss ac- It is moreover affirmed in his accusation and witness, that many nioving"^ offences are sprung up by the doctrine of Huss. For first of all, he tumults sowed discord between the ecclesiastical and the politic state : against -whereupon followed the persecution, spoiling and robbery of the ,ry, and clcrgv aiul bishops ; and moreover, that he, through his dissension, fn7hL°" dissolved the university of Prague. Hereunto John Huss briefly si't'^of fi^swered, that these things had not happened by his means or Praeue. default ; for the first dissension that was between the ecclesiastical pj^^'J^^^' °^ and politic state, sprang up and grew upon this cause, that pope Gregory XH. promised at his election, that at all times, at the will and pleasure of the cardinals, he would depart from, and give over his seat again : for under that condition he was elect and chosen. This man, contrary and against Wenceslaus king of Bohemia, who was then king of the Romans, made Louis, duke of Bavaria, emperor.
A few years after, it happened, when pope Gregory would not refuse and give over his seat and office at the request of the cardinals, that the whole college of cardinals sent letters to the king of Bohe- mia, requiring him, that, together with them, he Avould renounce and forsake liis obedience unto pope Gregory ; and so it should come to pass, that by the authority of a new bishop he should recover again his imperial dignity. For this cause the king consented to the will of the cardinals as louching a neutrality ; that is to say, that he aJZux. v'ould neither take part with pope Gregory at Rome, neither yet with licncdict Xn., residing at Avignon, wjio was also named pope, as it uiiy doth appear by chronicles. In this cause then, forsomuch as the n,'Ja"o"her avt;hbishop Sbinco with the clergy were against the king, and, abstain- cier''^ did "^» ^'^""^ ^''*^ divine service, many of them dc])artcd out of the city, fiyo^utof yea, and even the archbishop himself, having first broken down the Pnigue. tyjj^]j of Saint Wenceslaus, and against the king's will taken and burned Wickliff's books: — thereupon the king, witiiout anvgainsaying, suffered that certain goods of theirs, who of their own wills were fled aAvay, should be spoiled ; that they might not consent or accord with the archbishop. Whereupon it is easy to be understand and known
ON THE GERMANS DEPARTING FROM PRAGUE. 45^!
that. Jolin Huss was falsely accused for that matter. Howbeit a certain man, one Naso,^ rising up, said : " The clergy do not abstain . from the divine service, because they "will not swear to consent unto the king, but because that they are spoiled and robbed of their goods and substance." And the cardinal of Cambray, who was one of the judges said : " Here I may say somewhat which is come into my mind. When I came from Rome, the same year that these things were done, by chance I met on the way certain prelates of Bohemia ; of whom Avhen I demanded what news they had brought out of Bohemia, they answered, that there was happened a wonderful cruel and heinous fact ; for all the clergy were spoiled of their substance, and very ill entreated and handled."
Then John Huss, alleging the same cause which he did before, v/ent forward unto the second part of the article which was objected against him, denying also that it happened through his fault, that the Germans departed from the university of Prague. " But when the king of Bohemia, according to the foundation of Charles IV., his father, granted three voices unto the Bohemians, and the fourth unto a decia- the Germans ; thereat the Germans grudging that they should be l,^oi°the deprived of part of their voices, whereof they had had three, of their ^^^^^^^^ own accord departed and went their ways; binding themselves with" from the a great oath, and under a great penalty,^ both of their fame and also sUy'oY money, that none of them should return again unto Prague. Not- ^'^^s^^- withstanding, I am not ashamed to confess, that for the commodity and profit of my country I did approve and allow the doings of the king, unto whom of duty I owe obedience. And because you shall not think that I have spoken any untruth, here is present Albert Warren Trapius, who was Dean of the faculty of arts, who had sworn Ap^^'^j,:,. to depart with the rest of the Germans ; he, if he will say the truth, shall easily clear me of this suspicion."
But when Albert would have spoken, he could not be heard. The sian- But this Naso, of whom before is made mention, aft<;r he- had unshlme' asked leave to speak, said : " This matter do I understand well f^l^^'^'' enough, for I was in the king's court when these things were done in Bohemia, Avhen I saw the masters of the three nations of the Ger- mans, the Bavarians, Saxons, and Silesians, amongst whom the Polo- nians were also numbered, most humbly come unto the king, requiring that he would not suffer the right of their voices to be taken from them; then the king promised them that he would foresee and provide for their requests : but John Huss and Jerome of Prague, with divers others, persuaded the king that he should not so do. Whereat the king at first being not a little moved, gave him a sore check, that he and Jerome of Prague did so much intermeddle them- selves, and moved such open controversies, insomuch that he threat- ened them, that except they would foresee and take heed, he would bring it to pass that the matter should be determined and decreed by fire. Wherefore, most reverend fathers ! you shall understand that the king of Bohemia did never favour with his heart these men, whose unshamefastness is such, that they feared not even of late to treat me evil, being so much in the king's favour and credit." After
(1) This doctor Naso was counsellor to king Wenceslaus.
(2) The penalty of money was a hundred silver shock.
458 irisTouv of the Bohemians.
liim stepped forth Paletz, sayinc^, " Verily most reverend fathers, not only the learned men of other nations, bnt also of Bohemia
A. 13. itself, are, through the counsel of John Huss and his adherents, ^'^^•'' banished out of Bohemia, of ^vhit•h number some remain vet in exile
Sfe
^'fJ^I'-h in Moravia." Hereunto John Huss answered: " How can this be agn'iiist tme," said he, " since I was not at Prague at that time, when these Huss. men you speak of departed and went away from thence .''" These
things were thus debated the day aforesaid as touching John Huss. Huss This done, the said John Huss was committed to the custody of the
te'u™'" archbishop of Riga, under whom Jerome of Prague was also pri- custody. soner. But before he was led aA\ay, the cardinal of Cambray, calling him back again in the presence of ti)e emperor, said, "John Huss, I have heard you say, that if you had not been willing of your own mind to come unto Constance, neither the emperor himself, nor the king of Bohemia, could have compelled you to do it." Unto whom John Huss answered : " Under your license, most reverend father ! I never used any such kind of talk or words. But this I did say, that there were in Bohemia a great number of gentlemen and noble- men, who did favour and love me, who also might easily have kept me in some sure and secret place, that I should not have been con- strained to come unto this town of Constance, neither at the will of The car- the cmpcror, neither of the king of Bohemia." With that the cardi- cambray. nal of Cambrav, even for very anger began to change his colour, and despitefully said : "• Do you not see the unshamefastness of the man here ?" And as they were inurmuring and whispering on all parts, John do the lord John de Clum, ratifying and confirming that which John Huss had spoken, said, that John Huss had spoken very well ; " for on my part," said he, " who, in comparison of a great many others, am but of small force in the realm of Bohemia, yet always, if I would have taken it in hand, I could have defended him easily by the space of one year, even against all the force and power of both these great and mighty kings. How much better might they have done it who are of more force or puissance than I am, and have stronger castles and places than I have ?" After the lord dc Clum had spoken, the cardinal of Cambray said, " Let us leave this talk ; and I tell you, John Huss ! and counsel you, that you submit yourself unto' the sentence and mind of the council, as you did promise in the prison ; and if you will do so, it shall be greatly both for your profit and honour."
And the emperor himself began to tell him the same tale, saying :
Tlie em- Albeit that there be some who say, that the fifteenth day after you were oraUon to <^o"i"''''^«''«l ^o prison, you obtained of us our letters of safe-conduct ; notwith- jolii, standing, 1 can well prove, by the witness of many princes and noblemen, that ilus3. the said safe-conduct was obtained and gotten of us by my lord dc Duba and de Clum, before you were parted out of Prague, under whose guard we have sent for you, to the end that none should do you any outrage or hurt, but that you should have full liberty to speak freely before all the council, and to answer as touching your faith and doctrine ; and, as you sec, my lords the cardinals and bishops have so dealt with you, that we do very well perceive their good will towards you ; for wliich we have great cause to thank them. And foras- much as divers have told us, that we may not, or ought not, of right to defend any man who is a heretic, or suspected of heresy ; therefore, now we give you even the same counsel which the cardinal of Cambray hath given you already,
.\.D. 1415.
THIRTY-XINE AUTICLES LAID TO JOHN IIUSS. 459
that ynii be not obstinate to maintain any opinion, but tbat you do submit your- Henry self under such obedience as you owe unto the authority of the holy council, in ^• all things that shall be laid against you, and confirmed by credible witnesses : which thing if you do according to our counsel, we will give order that for the love of us, of our brother, and the whole realm of Bohemia, the council shall suffer you to depart in peace, with an easy and tolerable penance and satis- faction. Which thing if you, conti-ariwise, refuse to do, the presidents of the council shall have sufficient wherewithal to proceed against you. And, for our part, be ye well assiu-ed, that we will sooner prepare and make the fire with our own hands, to burn you withal, than we will endure or suffer any longer that you shall maintain or use this stiffness of opinions, which you have hitherto maintained and used. Wherefore our advice and counsel is, that you submit yourself wholly unto the judgment of the council.
Unto whom John Huss answered in this sort ; " O most noble Answer emperor ! I render unto your highness immortal thanks, for your hus"s " letters of safe-conduct." tlpon this lord John de Clum did interrupt "^'peror. him, and admonished him that he did not excuse himself of the ^ *e^.^ charge of obstinacy. Then said John Huss : " O most gentle lord ! I do take God to my witness, that I was never minded to maintain any opinion ever obstinately; and that for this same intent and purpose I did come hither of mine own good-will, that if any man could lay before me any better or more holy doctrine than mine, I would then change mine opinion without any further doubt." After he had spoken and said these things, he was sent away with Serjeants.
The moiTOW after, which was the eighth day of June, the very same company which was assembled the day before, assembled now again at the covent of the Franciscans. And in this assembly were also John Huss''s friends, lord de Duba, and lord de Clum, and Peter the notary. Thither was John Huss also brought ; and in his pre- T'lirty- scnce there were read about thirty-nine articles, which, they said, articles were drawn out of his books. Huss acknowledged all those that j^ohn" were faithfully and truly collected and gathered, to be his ; of which ^"^^• sort there Avere but very few. The residue were counterfeited and forged by his adversaries, and specially by Stephen I*aletz, the prin- cipal author of this mischief: for they could find no such thing in the books, out of Avhich they said they had drawn and gathered them ; or at least, if they were, they were coiTupted by slanders, as a man may easily perceive by the number of articles.
These be the same articles in a manner which w^ere showed before » in the prison to John Huss, and are rehearsed here in another order. Howbcit there were more articles added unto them, and some others con-ected and enlarged. But now we will show them one Avith another, and declare what the said Huss did answer both openly before them all, as also in the prison, for he left his answTrs in the prison briefly written with his own hand in these words.
The Answer of John Huss to twenty-six Articles concerning his Book of the Church.
I, John Huss, unworthy minister of Jesus Christ, master of arts, and bachelor of divinity, do confess that I have written a certain small treatise, entituled, ' Of the Church ;' a copy whereof was showed me in presence of notaries by the three
first article,
4G0 HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIAXS,
irnirij commissioners of tlic council, that is to say, by the patriarch of Constantinople, ^'- the bishop of Castel-a-mare, and the bishop of Lebus : which commissioners, in ~T~77~ reproof of the said treatise, delivered unto me certain articles, saying, that ^ V, .' they were drawn out of the said treatise, and were written in the same.
tl. The first article : ' 'J'here is but one holy universal or catholic church, which
is the universal company of all the predestinate.' I do confess that this pra position is mine, and it is confirmed by the saying of St. Augustine upon St. John.
Seconri. The second article : ' St. Paul was never any member of the devil, albeit St. I'aul that he committed and did certain acts like imto the acts of the malignant nKuiber cburcli. And likewise St. Peter, who fell into a horrible sin of perjury and (iftiie denial of his Master, it was by the permission of God, that he might the more devil. firmly and steadfastly rise again and be confirmed.' I answer according to St. Augustine, that it is expedient tliat the elect and predestinate should sin and Two offend. Hereby it appeareth that there are two manner of separations from
piiniier t],^ jjoiy chmTh. The first is, not to perdition, as all the elect are divided from t'ions''^'^^ the church. The second is to perdition, by which certain heretics are, through from tlie their deadly sin, divided from the church. Yet notwithstanding, by the grace of ^lUurch. Qq^^ they may return again unto the flock, and be of the fold of our Lord Jesus Christ, of whom he spcaketh himself, saying, ' I have other sheep which are not of this fold,' John x. Third. The third article : ' No part or member of the church doth depart or fall away
Thi at any time from the body, forasmuch as the charity of predestination, which
oaiu}"^'^^ is the bond and chain of the same, doth never fall.' This proposition is thus churcli placed in my book : ' The reprobate of the church proceed out of the same, f JaiT'*^^" ^"'^ y^^ '^^^ ""^ ^^ parts or members of the same, forasmuch as no part or away. member of the same doth finally fall away; because that the charity of pre- destination, which is the bond and chain of the same, doth never fall away.' This is proved by 1 Cor. xiii., and Romans viii. : ' All things turn to good to them which love God.' Also, ' I am certain that neither death nor life can separate us from the charity and love of God:' as it is more at large in the book. Fourth. The fomth article: 'The predestinate, although he be not in the state of (i'"t'"^'t ?'^'^^'^ according to present justice, yet is he always a member of the universal is always church.' This is an error, if it be understood of all such as be predestinate: ^niem- for thus it is in the book, about the beginning of the fifth chapter, where it is the uni- declared, that there be divers manners and sorts of being in the church : for vcrsal there are some in the church, according to a misshapen faith ; and others accord- church, jjjg to predestination, as Christians predestinate, now in sin, but who shall
return again unto grace. Firtii. The fifth article : ' There is no degree of honom- or dignity, neither any
To he in luunan election, or any sensible sign, that can make any man a member of church, the universal church.' I answer, this article is after this manner in my book, and a 'And such subtlctics are understood and known by considering what it is to "nhe"^"^ be in the chin-ch, and what it is to be a part or member of the church ; and cluirch. that predestination doth make a man a member of the universal church, which I'redesti- jg a preparation of grace for the present, and of glory to come ; and not any iia 1011.^ degree of dignity, neither election of man, neither any sensible sign. For the traitor Judas Iscariot,. notwithstanding Christ's election, and tlie temporal graces which were given him for his office of apostleship, and that he was re- puted and counted of men a true apostle of Jesus Christ, yet was he no true di^^cijile, but a wolf covered in a sheep's skin, as St. Augustine saith.' Sixth. 1 li'-' sixth article : ' A rejjrobate man is never a member of the holy church.'
lioth I answer, it is in my book with sufficient long probation out of Psalm xxvi., ba"nn Uie ^"'^ ""^ "^ ^^^^ Ephesians v., and also by St. Bernard's saying : ' The church of ciiurch. Jesus Christ is more plainly and evidently his body, than the body which he delivered for us to death.' 1 have also written in the fifth chapter of my book, that the holy cluu-ch is the barn of the Lord, in which are both good and evil, predestinate and reprobate, the good being as the good corn or grain and the evil as the chaif; and thereunto is added the exposition of St. Augustine. .Tlie The seventh article : ' Judas was never no true disciple of Jesus Christ.' I an-
sevcnth swer, and I do confess the same. This ajipeareth by the fifth article, which is passed afore, and by St. Augustine (Causa xxxiii. qua;st. 3, ' De Pa?nitentia,' Dist. 4, c. 8.)
ARTICLES LAID TO JOHN HUSS, AND HLS ANSWEUS. 461
where he doth expound the meaning of St. John, in the first epistle, chap, ii., Henry where he saitb, ' They came out from amongst us, but they were none of ^• us.' — " ' He knew from the beginning all them that should believe, and him . .. also that should betray him, and said, Therefore said I unto you, that none '-,]■>/ Cometh unto me except it be given him of my Father. From that time '^'
many of the disciples parted from him.' But were not those also called dis- ciples, according to the words of the gospel ? And yet, notwithstanding, they were no true disciples, because they did not remain and continue in the word of the Son of God, according as it is said, ' If you continue in my word, you be my disciples :' forsomuch, then, as they did not continue with Christ as his true disciples, so likewise are they not the true sons of God ; although they seem so, unto Him they are not so, unto whom it is known what they shall be, that is to say, of good, evil." Thus much writeth St. Augustine. It is also evident that Judas could not be the true disciple of Christ, by reason of his covetous- ness: for Christ himself said in the presence of Judas, as I suppose, 'Except a man forsake all that he hath, he cannot be my disciple.' Forsomuch then as Judas did not forsake all things, according to the Lord's will, and follow him, he was a thief, as it is said in John xii. ; and a devil, John vi. ; whereby it is evident by the word of the Lord, that Judas was not his true, but feigned dis- ciple. Whereupon St. Augustine, writing upon John, declaring how ' the sheep hear the voice' of Christ, saith, " What manner of hearers, think ye, his sheep were ? Truly Judas heard him and was a wolf, yet followed he the shepherd; but being clothed in a sheep's skin, he lay in wait for the shepherd."
The eighth article : ' The congregation of the predestinate, whether they be Ei^liih in the state of grace or no, according unto present justice, is the holy universal article. church ; and therefore it is an article of faith, and it is the same church which hath neither wrinkle, nor spot in it, but is holy and undefiled, which the Son of God doth call his own.' Answer : The words of the book out of the which this article was drawn are these : ' Thirdlj', the church is understood and The taken for the congregation and assembly of the faithful, whether they be in the jluirdi is state of grace, according to present justice, or not. And in this sort it is an sometime article of our faith, of which St. Paul maketh mention in Ephesians v. : ' Christ for the so loved his church, that he delivered and offered himself for the same,' &'c. [jo'Jf^fth" I pray you then, is there any faithfiil man who doth doubt that the church doth elect and not signify all the elect and predestinate, which we ought to believe to be the faithful, universal church, the glorious spouse of Jesus Christ, holy and without spot? fhe article Wherefore this article is an article of faith, which we ought firmly to believe taken in according to our creed ; * I believe the holy catholic clmrcli :' and of this *'^® "^^^• church do St. Augustine, St. Gregory, St. Jerome, and divers others make mention.
The ninth article : * Peter never was, neither is the head of the holy uni- Ninth versal church.' Answer: This article was drawn out of these words of article, my book. ' All men do agree in this point, that Peter had received of the upverwas Rock of the church (which is Christ), humility, poverty, steadfastness of faith, head of and consequently blessedness. Not as though the meaning of our Lord Jesus "j^^. "^'l"'^ Christ w^as, when he said. Upon this Rock I will build my chin-ch, that he chuicii. would build every militant church upon the person of Peter, for Christ should build his chmrch upon the Rock which is Christ himself, from whence Peter received his steadfastness of faith, forasmuch as Jesus Christ is the only head * and foundation of every church, and not Peter.'
The tenth article : ' If he that is called the vicar of Jesus Christ, do follow Tenth Christ in his life, then he is his true vicar. But, if so be he do walk in contrary ^^llf^l^.. i paths and ways, then is he the messenger of Antichrist, and the enemy and of chHsi, adversary of St. Peter, and of our Lord Jesus Christ, and also the vicar of Judas ^°]^ '^'^ '^ Iscariot.' I answer, the words of my book are these : ' If he who is called taken, the vicar of St. Peter, walk in the ways of christian virtues aforesaid, we do believe verily that he is the true vicar, and true bishop of the church which he ruleth ; but if he walk in contrary paths and ways, then is he the messenger of Antichrist, contrary both to St. Peter, and to our Lord Jesus Christ. And therefore St. Bernard, in his fourth book, did write in this sort unto pope Eugene : Thou delightest and walkest in great pride and arrogancy, being gorgeously and sumptuously arrayed ; what fruit or profit do thy flock or sheep receive by thee ? If I durst say it, these be rather the pastures and feedings
462 HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS,
Henry of de\als than of sheep. St. Peter and St. Paul did not so ; wherefore thou ^- secmest by these tliy doings to succeed Constantine, and not St. Peter.' These ~"j~ be the very words of St. Bernard.* It followeth after, in my book, * Tliat if V'lrl' the manner and fashion of his life and living be contrary to that which St. Peter ^^' used, or that he be given to avarice and covetousness, then is he the vicar of Judas Iscariot, who loved and chose the reward of iniquity, and did set out to sale the Lord Jesus Christ.' As soon as they had read the same, those who ruled and governed the council, beheld one another, and making mocks and mouths, they nodded their heads at him. Eleventh The eleventh article : ' All such as do use simony, and priests living disso- article. Jutely and wantonly, do hold an unti-ue opinion of the seven sacraments, as unbelieving bastards, and not as children, not knowing what is the office and duty of the keys or censui-cs, rites .ind ceremonies ; neither of the divine service of the church, nor of veneration or worshipping of relics ; neither of the orders constituted and ordained in the church ; neither yet of indulgences or Prelates pardons.' I answer, that it is placed in this manner in my book. * This making abuse of authority or power is committed by such as do sell and make mer- disrof'" chandise of holy orders, and get and gather together riches by simony, making )u)iy or- fairs and markets of the holy sacraments, and living in all kinds of voluptuous- ders. r,css and dissolute manners, or in any other filthy or villanous kind of living : they do pollute and defile the holy ecclesiastical state. And albeit that they profess in words that they do know God, yet do they deny it again by their deeds, and consequently believe not in God ; but, as unbelieving bastards, they hold a contrary and untnie opinion of the seven sacraments of the church. And this appeareth most evidently, forasmuch as all such do utterly contemn and despise the name of God, according to the saying of IMalachi : Unto you, O priests! be it spoken, which do despise and contemn my name.' Chap. i. Twelfth The twelfth article : ' The papal dignity hath his original from the emperors aiticie^ of Rome.' I answer, and mark well what my words are : 'The pre-eminence taketh his and institution of the pope is sprung and come of the emperor's power and orifjinal authority. And this is proved by the ninety-sixth distinction ; for Constantine em'pcrorl gr'"ited this privilege unto the bishop of Rome, and others after him confirmed the same : That like as Augustus, for the outward and temporal goods be- stowed upon the church, is counted always the most high king above all others ; so the bishop of Rome should be called the principal father above all other bishops. This notwithstanding, the papal dignity hath its original immediately from Christ, as touching his spiritual administration and office to ride the church.' Then the cardinal of Cambray said : ' In the time of Constantine, there was a general council holden at Nice, in which, albeit the highest room and place in the clun-ch was given to the bishop of Rome ; for honour's cause, it is ascribed unto the emperor. Wherefore then do ye not as well afiirm and say : That the papal dignity took its original rather from that council, than by the emperor's authority and power V Tiiir- The thirteenth article : ' No man would reasonably affirm (without revela-
artide *'"") P'thcr of himself or of any other, that he is the head of any particular The pope church.' I answer, I confess it to be written in niy'book, and it followeth IS not the straight after: ' Albeit that through his good living he ought to hope and trust any'parti- that he is a member of the holy universal church, the spouse of Jesus Christ, cui.ir according to the saying of the Preacher : No man knoweth whether he be church, ^vorthy and have deserved grace and favour, or hatred. And Luke xvii. :
When ye have done all that ye can, say that you are unprofitable servants.' Four- The fourteenth article : ' It ought not to be believed that the pope, whatso-
ever he be, may be the head of any particular church, unless he be predestinate or ordained of God.' I answer, that I do acknowledge this jiroposition to be mine; and this is easy to prove, forasmuch as it is necessary that the christian faith shoidd be depraved, forasnnich as the church was deceived by N., as it appeareth by St. Augustine. Vif- The fifteenth article: 'The pope's power Jis vicar, is but vain and nothing
The''' worth, if he do not confirm and address his life according to Jesus Christ, and follow the manners of St. Peter.' I answer, that it is thus in my hook; ' That it is meet and expedient that he who is ordained vicar, should address and
(!) Ucrn ad Euyen. lib. 1. [cip. 2. 5 5 j c.ip. 3. § C]
teeiith article,
popc-s power
ARTICLES LAID TO JOHN HUSS, AND HIS ANSWERS. 463
frame himself, in manners and conditions, to tlie autliority of him who did put Henry him in place.' And John Huss said, moreover, before the whole council : ' I ^- understand that the power and authority in such a pope as doth not represent . ^, the manners of Christ, is frustrate and void, as touching the merit and reward , ' /
which he should obtain and get thereby, and doth not get the same : but not . !_
as concerning his office.' Then certain others standing by, asked of him, Distinc- saying, ' Where is that gloss in your book V John Huss answered, ' You n°erit and shall find it in my treatise against Master Paletz :' whereat all the assistants, of office, looking one upon another, began to smile and laugh.
The sixteenth article : ' The pope is most holy, not because he doth supply sixteenth and hold the room and place of St. Peter, but because he hath great revenues.' Jf''?'*^; I answer, that my words are mutilated, for thus it is written : ' He is not most conuth holy, because he is called the vicar of St. Peter, or because he hath great and not by large possessions ; but if he be the follower of Jesus Christ in humility, gentle- but'by ness, patience, labour and travail, and in perfect love and charity.' following.
The seventeenth article : ' The cardinals^ are not the manifest and true sue- Seven- cessors of the other apostles of Jesus Christ, if they live not according to the t«'<^f"h fashion of the apostles, keeping the commandments and ordinances of the Lord Jesus.' I answer, that it is thus written in my book, and it proveth itself sufH- ciently ; ' For if they enter in by another way than by the door, v/hich is the Lord Jesus, they be murderers and thieves.'
Then said the cardinal of Cambray, ' Behold, as to this and all the other articles before rehearsed, he hath written much more detestable things in his book than are presented in the articles. Truly, John Huss, thou hast kept no order in thy sermons ajid writings. Had it not been your part to have appKed your sermons according to your audience ? for to what pui-pose was it, or what did it profit you before the people to preach against the cardinals, when none of them were present? It had been meeter for you to have told them their faults before them all, than before the laity.' Then answered John Huss : ' Reverend father ! forasmuch as I did see many priests and other learned men present dt my sermons, for their sakes I spake those words.' Then said the cardinal, ' Thou hast done very ill, for by such kind of talk thou hast disturbed and troubled the whole state of the church.'
The eighteenth article : ' A heretic ought not to be committed to the secular Eifth- powers to be put to death, for it is sufficient only that he abide and suffer the t<?ei'tl> ecclesiastical censure.' These are my words, 'That they might be ashamed of j^^^^' their cruel sentence and judgment, especially forasmuch as Jesus Christ, Bishop Huss con both of the Old and New Testament, would not judge such as were disobedient demnpti, by civil judgment, neither condemn them to bodily death.' As touching the ty'of'the first point, it may evidently be seen in Luke xii. And for the second, it appeareth prelates also by the woman who was taken in adultery, of whom it is spoken in John viii. ; |" ^^^,g" and it is said in Matthew xviii., ' If thy brother have offended thee,' &c. Mark, death of therefore, what I do say, that a heretic, whatsoever he be, ought first to be in- heretics structed and taught with christian love and gentleness by the holy Scriptures, and by the reasons drawn and taken out of the same ; as St. Augustine and others have done, disputing against the heretics. But if there were any, who, after all these gentle and lo\'ing admonitions and instructions, would not cease from, or leave off, their stiffness of opinions, but obstinately resist against the truth, such, I say, ought to suffer corporal or bodily punishment.
As soon as John Huss had spoken those things, the judges read in his book a certain clause, wherein he seemed grievously to inveigh against them who delivered a heretic unto the secular power, not being confuted or convicted of heresy ; and compared them unto the high priests. Scribes and Pharisees, who said unto Pilate, ' It is not lawful for us to put any man to death,' and delivered The be- Christ unto him : and yet notwithstanding, according unto Christ's own witness, ^"J"on they were greater murderers than Pilate. ' For he,' said Christ, ' who hath demning delivered me unto thee, hath committed the greatest offence.' Then the cardinals of iimo- and bishops made a great noise, and demanded of John Huss, saying : ' Who '^^" are they that thou dost compare or assimule unto the Pharisees ? ' Then he said, * All those who deliver up any innocent unto the civil sword, as the Scribes and Pharisees delivered Jesus Christ unto Pilate.' ' No, no,' said they again; 'for
(I) The cardinals do count it heresy, that they sliould be compelled to be followers of the apontles.
464<
HISTORY OF THE HOHEMIAXS.
Henry
A.U.
1415.
Nine- teenth article. 'I'he cluirch militant Kt.iiuletU in three
Three kinds of ohedi-
True ohcdience ruled by (iod's com- mand- ment.
all that, you .spake here of doctors.' And the cardinal of Camhray, according to his accustomed manner, said : ' Tndy they who liave made and gathered these articles, have used great lenity and gentleness, for his writings are much more detestable and liorrible.''
The nineteenth article : ' The nobles of the world ought to constrain and compel the ministers of the church to observe and keep the law of Jesus Christ.' I answer, that it standeth thus, word for word, in my book. ' Those who be on our part do pre.ich and affirm that tlie clunxh militant, according to the parts which the Lord hath ordained, is divided, and consisteth in three parts : that is to say, ministers of the church, who should keep purely and sincerely the ordi- nances and commandments of the Son of God ; and the nobles of the world, who should com.pel and drive them to keep the commandments of Jesus Christ ; and of the common people, serving to both these parts and ends, according to the institution and ordinance of Jesus Christ.'
The twentieth article : ' The ecclesiastical obedience is a kind of obedience which the priests and monks have invented without any express authority of the holy Scriptures.' I answer and confess, that those words are thus written in my book. I say that there be three kinds of obedience, spiritual, secidar, and ecclesiastical. The spiritual obedience is that which is only due according to the law and ordinance of God, under which the apostles of Jesus Christ did live, and all Christians ought to live. The secular obedience is that which is due according to the civil laws and ordinances. The ecclesiastical- obedience is such as the priests have invented, without any express authority of Scripture. The first kind of obedience doth utterly exclude from it all evil, as well on his part who givetli the commandment, as on his, also, who doth obey the same. And of this obedience it is spoken in Deut. xxiv. ' Thou shalt do all that which the priests of the kindred of Levi shall teach and instruct thee, according as I have commanded them.'
The twenty-first article : ' He that is excommunicated by the pope, if he refuse and forsake the judgment of tlie pope and the general council, and appealeth unto Jesus Christ, after he hath made his appellation, all the exconnnunica- tions and curses of the pope cannot annoy or hurt him. I answer, that I do not acknowledge this proposition ; but indeed I did make my complaint in my book, that they had both done me, and such as favoured me, great wrong; and that they refuse to hear me in the pope's court. For after the death of one pope, I did appeal to his successor, and all that did profit me nothing. And to appeal from the pope to the council it were too long ; and that were even as nuich as if a man in trouble should seek an uncertain remedy. And, therefore, last of all, 1 have appealed to the Head of the church, my Lord Jesus Christ; for he is much more excellent and better than any pope, to discuss and deter- mine matters and causes, forasmuch as he cannot err, neither yet deny justice to him that doth ask or require it in a just cause; neither can he condemn the innocent. Then spake the cardinal of Cambray unto him, and said : ' Wilt thou presume above St. Paul, who appealed unto the emperor, and not unto Jesus Christ V John Huss answered : ' Forasmuch then as I am the first that do it, am I, therefore, to be reputed and coimted a heretic ? And yet notwith- standing St. Paul did not appeal unto the emperor of his own motion or will, but by the will of Christ, who spake unto him by revelation, and said : Be firm and constant, for thou nuist go unto Rome. And as he was about to rehearse his appeal* again, they mocked him.
The twenty-second article: 'A vicious and naughty man liveth viciously and naughtily ; hut a virtuous and godly man liveth virtuously and godly.' I answer, my words are tliese ; * That the division of all hmnan works is into two parts ; that is, that they be either virtuous or vicious; forasmuch as it doth appear, that if any man be virtuous and godly, and that he do any thing, he doth it then virtuously and godly. And, contrariwise, if a man be vicious and naughty, that which he doth is vicious and naughty.' For as vice, which is called crime or offence (and thcrcbj' imderstand deadly sin), doth universally infect or deprave all the acts and doings of the subject (that is, of the man who doth them), so likewise virtue and godliness do quicken all the acts and doings of the virtuous
gf^ (1) And how could thiscardinal of Cambray understand the books of John Huss being written in
ApintJii. Bohemian speech, which he understood not?
(2) For this appeal of John Huss, see page 407. — Ed.
Appeal- iuR unto Christ :
forbidden by the cardinal of Cam- bray.
Twenty- second article. A knot found in a rush.
ARTICLES AGAINST HUSS, WRESTED BY THE PAPISTS. 465
and godly man ; insoniucli tliat he, being in the state of grace, is said to pray Henry and do good works even sleeping, as it were by a certain means working ; as ''• - St. Angnstine, St. Gregoiy, and divers others affirm. And it appeareth in » ^ ' Luke vi., 'If thine eye (that is to say, the mind or intention) be simple (not i/ir depraved with the perverseness of any sin or offence), all the whole body (that , "*
is to say, all the acts and doings) shall be clear and shining, (that is, acceptable The tree and grateful unto God). But if thine eye be evU, the whole body is darkened.' good,'* And in 2 Cor. x. ; ' All things that you do, do them to the glory of God.' And bringeth likewise in 1 Cor. xvi. it is said, 'Let all your doings be done with charity.' f^^-j^^""** Wherefore all kind of life and living according unto charity is virtuous and godly ; and if it be without charity, it is vicious and evil. This saying may well be proved out of Deut. xxiii., where God speaketh to the people, that he that keepeth his commandments is blessed in the house and in the field, out- going and in-coming, sleeping and waking ; but he that doth not keep his com- mandments, is accursed in the house and in the fields, in going out and in coming in, sleeping and waking, &c. The same also is evident by St. Augustine, upon the psalm, where he writcth, that a good man in all his doings doth praise the Lord. And Gregory saith, that the sleep of saints and holy men doth not lack their merit. How much more then his doings which proceed of good zeal, be not without reward, and consequently be virtuous and good ? And contrari- wise it is understood of him who is in deadly sin, of whom it is spoken in the law, that whatsoever the unclean man doth touch, is made unclean. To this end doth that also appertain, which is before repeated out of Mai. i. And Gregory, in the first book and first question, saith, ' We do defile the bread, which is the body of Christ, when we come unworthily to the table, and when we, being defiled, do drink his blood." And St. Augustine, on Psalm cxlvi. [§ 2, col. 1638, ed. 1689] saith, ' If thou dost exceed the due measure of nature, and dost not abstain from gluttony, but gorge thyself up with drunkenness, what- soever laud and praise thy tongue doth speak of the grace and favour of God, thy life doth blaspheme the same.'
When he had made an end of this article, the cardinal of Cambray said : Cardinal * The Scripture saith that we be all sinners. And again, If we say we have no {''^.^^'i^" sin, we deceive ourselves, and so we should always live in deadly sin.' John jecteth. Huss answered, ' The Scripture speaketh in that place of venial sins, which do not utterly expel or put away the habit of virtue from a man, but do associate themselves together.' And a certain Englishman, whose name was W., said : ' But those sins do not associate themselves with any act moi-ally good.' John Huss alleged again St. Augustine's place upon Psalm cxlvi., which when he rehearsed, they all with one mouth said, ' What makes this to the piu-pose ? '
The twenty-third article : ' The minister of Christ, living according to his law, Twenty and having the knowledge and understanding of the Scriptures, and an earnest thiF<i desire to edify the people, ought to preach ; notwithstanding the pretended Forbid- excommunication of the pope. And moreover, if the pope, or any other ruler, ding to do forbid any priest or minister, so disposed, to preach, that he ought not to obey ^^'^1'?'- him.' I answer, that these are my words : ' "That albeit the excommunication it ought were either threatened or come out against him, in such sort that a Christian *» ^^ ought not to do the commandments of Christ, it appeareth by the words of ° ^^"^ ' St. Peter, and the other apostles, That we ought rather to obey God than man.' Preach- Whereupon it followeth, that the minister of Christ, living according unto this "J^g"'^ law, &c., ought to preach, notwithstanding any pretended excommunication; for giving bo it is evident, that it is commanded unto the ministers of the chiu-ch to preach pot worlw the word of God [Acts v.], God hath commanded us to preach and testify unto ent,' but the people ; as by divers other places of the Scripture and the holy fathers, duties rehearsed in my treatise, it doth appear more at large. The second part of this n'lfnd-"" article followeth in my treatise in this manner : ' By this it appeareth, that for ments. a minister to preach, and a rich man to give alms, are not indifferent works, but ^o forbid duties and commandments. Whereby it is fm-ther evident, that if the pope, or fer to any other ruler of the church, do command any minister disposed to preach, preach, not to preach, or a rich man disposed to give alms, not to give, that they ought bid Iridi not to obey him.' And Huss added moreover; ' To the intent that you may under- man to stand me the better, I call that a pretended excommunication, which is unjustly g'^e disordered and given forth, contrary to the order of the law and God's boThone. VOL. III. H H
pope s
cursings
are
■^i:G6 HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS.
Hi'Kry commandments; for which, the meet minister appointed tlicreunto, ought not
'• to cease from preacliing, neither yet to fear damnation.' A 1) Then they objected unto him, tliat he had said, that such kind of excom-
j ,V-' munications were rather blessings. 'Verily,' said John Huss, 'even so I do
11- now say again, that every excommunication, by which a man is unjustly ex-
Ilow the communicated, is unto him a blessing before God ; according to that saying of
the prophet, I will curse where you bless : and contrariwise, They shall curse,
but thou, O Lord! shalt bless.' Then the cardinal of Florence, who had always
blessings. ^ notary ready at his hand to write such things as he commanded him, said :
' The law is, that every excommunication, be it ever so imjust, ought to be
feared.' ' It is time,' said John Huss, ' for I do remember eight causes, for
which excommunication ouglit to be feared.' Then said the cardinal : ' Are
there no more but eight?' ' It maybe,' said John Huss, ' that there be more.'
Twenty- The twenty-fourth article : ' Every man who is admitted unto the ministry of
ar't'ide *^'^^ church, receiveth also by special commandment the office of a preacher,
and ought to execute and fulfil that commandment, notwithstanding any excom-
A minis- municatiou pretended to the con traiy.' Answer: my words are these: ' For-
tcr once asmuch as it doth appear by that which is aforesaid, that whosoever cometh, or
?'','" "j.'p''' is admitted unto the ministry, receiveth also by especial commandment the office
bound to of preaching, he ought to fulfil that commandment, any excommunication to
['h'^^'^t'^'ri *'^*^ contrary pretended notwithstanding. Also no Christian ought to doubt, but
any otiuT ^hat a man sufficiently instructed in learning, is more bound to counsel and
work of instruct the ignorant, to teach those who are in doubt, to chastise those who are
thrpope's ^"I'uly, and to remit and forgive those that do him injury, than to do any other
prDiii- works of mercy.' Forasmuch then as he that is rich and hath sufficient, is
nou"fi '^o'^"*^) under pain of damnation, to minister and give coi-poral and bodily alms,
standing. ''^ appeareth Matt, xxv., how much more is he bound to do spiritual alms !
Twenty- The twenty-fifth article : ' The ecclesiastical censures are antichristian, such
fifth as the clergy have invented for their own preferment, and for the bondage and
article. servitude of the common people ; whereby if the laity be not obedient unto the
clergy at their will and pleasure, it doth multiply their covetousness, defend
Censures their malice, and prepare a way for Antichrist. Whereby it is an evident sign
imtlc's '^"^ token, that such censiu-es proceed from Antichrist ; which censures in their
ciu'irch processes they do call fulminations or lightnings, whereby the clergy do chiefly
nmitipiy proceed against such as do manifest and open the wickedness of Antichrist, who
covctoiTs-^ thrust themselves into the office of the clergy.' These thmgs are contained in
ness. the last chapter of his treatise of the church. — I answer, and I deny that it is
in that form : but the matter thereof is largely handled in the twenty-third
A,,pe'iU.x. chapter. And in the examination of his audience, they gathered certain clauses
still more contrary thereunto ; the which when they had read, the cardinal of
Cambray renewed his old song, saying : ' Truly, these are much more grievous
and offensive, than the articles which are gathered.'
Twenty- The twenty-sixth article : ' There ouglit no interdict to be appointed unto
»'>;?'> the peo])le, forasmuch as Christ the high bishop, neither for John Baptist,
neither for any injury that was done unto him, did make any interdict.' My
words are these: ' When I complained, that for one minister's sake an interdict
was given out, and thcrebj' all good men ceased from the laud and praise of
Christ in God. And Christ, the high bishop, notwithstanding that the prophet was taken
terdicied and ke])t in prison, than whom there was no greater amongst tlie children of
pra'/ed " men, did not give out any curse or interdict, no not when Herod beheaded
lor ,ill. him ; neither when he himself was spoiled, beaten, and blasphemed of the
soldiers. Scribes, and Pharisees, did he then curse them, but prayed for them,
and taught his discijjles to do the same, as it appeareth in Matt. v. And Christ's
first vicar, following the same doctrine and learning, saith [1 Pet. ii.]. Hereunto
are ye called : for Christ hath suffered for us, leaving us an example, that we
should follow his footsteps, who, when he was cursed and evil spoken of, did not
curse again. And St. Paul, following the same order and way, in Rom. xii.,
saith, IJIess them that persecute you.' There were besides these, many other
places of Scripture recited in that book ; but they being omitted, these only were
rehearsed, which did help or prevail to stir up or move the judges' minds.
And these arc tlie articles wliich fire allcfjcd out of Jolm Hiiss''s book, cntitulcd, ' Of llic Clnircli.''
JOHN HUSS'S APPEAL FROM THE COUNCIT, TO CHRIST. 467
Forfismucli as mention was made, page 464, of the appeal of the Jienry
said Huss, it seemeth good to show the manner and form thereof. !j
A.D. 1415.
The Copy and Tenor of the Appeal of John H
uss.
Forasmuch as the most mighty Lord, one in essence, three in person, is both He tlie chief and first, and also the last and uttermost refuge of all those Avho are appeals oppressed, and tliat he is the God who defendeth verity and truth throughout *'^"™ aU generations, doing justice to such as be wronged, being ready and at hand John to all those wlio call upon him in verity and truth, unbinding those that are XXII I. bound, and fulfilling the desires of all those who honour and fear him ; defend- chHst. iiig and keeping all those that love him, and utterly destroying and bringing to ruin the stiil-necked and impenitent sinner ; and that the Lord Jesus Christ, very God and man, being in great anguish, compassed in with the priests. Scribes, and Pharisees, wicked judges and witnesses, willing, by the most bitter and ignominious death, to redeem the cliihlren of God, chosen before the foundation of the world, from everlasting damnation ; hath left beliind him this godly example for a memory unto them wlio should come after him, to the intent they should commit all their causes into the hands of God, who can do all things, and knoweth and seeth all things, saying in this manner : O Lord ! The behold my affliction, for my enemy hath prepared himself against me, and thou f"^"'ent art my protector and defender. O Lord ! thou hast given me understanding, and plaint T have acknowledged thee ; thou liast opened unto me all their enterprises ; and and for mine own part, I have been as a meek lamb which is led unto sacrifice, ['ji^i^t"^" and have not resisted against them. They have wrought their entei-prises upon against me, saying ; Let us put wood in his bread, and let us banish him out of the )^''^'^^<1 land of the living, that his name be no more spoken of, nor had in memory. But thou, O Lord of hosts ! whicli judgest justly, and seest the devices and imaginations of their hearts, hasten thee to take vengeance upon them, for I have manifested my cause unto tliee, forasmuch as the number of those which trouble me is great, and have counselled together, saying. The Lord hath for- saken him, pursue him and catch him. O Lord my God! behold their doings, for thou art my patience ; deliver me from mine enemies, for thou art my God ; do not separate thyself far from me, forasmuch as tribulation is at hand, and there is no man who will succom- me. My God ! My God ! look down upon After the me ; wherefore hast thou forsaken me ? So many dogs have compassed me in, ^Jfj'^P''^ and the company of the wicked have besieged me round about ; for they have he "^''" ' spoken against me with deceitfid tongues, and have compassed me in with maketh words^ full of despite, and have enforced me without cause. Instead of love pj^,,gy ^^ towards me, they have slandered me, and have recompensed me with evil for God. good ; and in place of charity, they have conceived hatred against me.'
Wherefore behold I, staying myself upon this most holy and fruitful example a godly of my Saviour and Redeemer, do appeal before God for this my grief and hard prayer of oppression, from this most wicked sentence and judgment, and the excommu- huss. He nication determined by the bishops. Scribes, Pharisees, and judges, who sit in appealeth Moses' seat, and resign my cause wholly unto him ; so as the holy patriarch to°chris" of Constantinople, John Chrysostome, appealed twice from the council of the bishops and clergy ; and Andrew, bishop of Prague, and Robert, bishop of Lincoln, appealed unto the sovereign and most just Judge, who is not defiled with cruelty, neither can he be corrupted with gifts and rewards, neither yet be deceived by false witness. Also I desire greatly that all the faithful servants of Jesus Christ, and especially the princes, barons, knights, esquii-es, and all others who inhabit our country of Bohemia, should understand and know these things, and have compassion upon me, who am so grievously oppressed by the excommunication which is out against me. which was obtained and gotten by the instigation aaid procurement of Michael de Causis, my great enemy, and by John the consent and furtherance of the canons of the cathedral church of Prague, and ^"^f given and granted out by Peter, cardinal-deacon of the church of Rome by the piaineth title of St. Angelo, and also ordained judge by pope John XXIII. ; who hath con- °{'^^i"^g tinned almost these two years, and would give no audience unto my advocates causis, and proctors, which they ought not to deny — no not to a Jew or pagan, or to his great any heretic whatsoever he were ; neither yet would he receive any reasonable ^uemy. H H 2
468 IIISTOIIY OF THE BOIIEMIAKS.
Henry cxcuse, for that I did not appear personally ; neither would he accri)t the testi-
''• monials of the whole university of Prague with the seal hanging at it, or the
~T"rj witness of the sworn notaries, and such as were called to witness. By this all
^ ■ :.• men may evidently perceive that 1 have not incurred any fault or crime of con-
- tuiiiacy or disobedience, foriismuch as it was not for any contempt, but for
reasonable causes, tliat I did not appear in the court of Rome.
And moreover, forasmuch as they had laid ambushments for me on every
side by ways where 1 shoidd pass, and also because the perils and dangers of
others have made me the more circumspect and advised : and forasnnich as my
procurers were willing and contented to bind themselves even to abide the
punislunent of the fire, to answer to all such as would oppose or lay any thing
Tiie against me in the court of Rome; as also because tb.ey did imprison my lawful
l'™^' proctor in the said court, without any cause, demerit, or fault, as I sui)pose.
John P'orsomuch then as the order and disposition of all ancient laws, as well divine
Huts, of the Old and New Testament, as also of the canon laws, is this ; that the
;f,'l,.Vo„„ iudges should resort urito the place where tlie crime or fault is committed or in prison jo ^ , <» n i • i n i i • i i i ■ i
at Rome, done, and there to n-iqmre oi all such crnnesas shall be objected and laid agamst The pope \y{m ^yho js accxised or slandered; and that by such men as by conversation t'o'^do'^ have some knowledge or understanding of the party so accused (who may not against be the evil willers or enemies of him who is so accused or slandered, but must cnnon " be men of an honest conversation, no common quarrel-pickers or accusers, but law. fervent lovers of the law of God) : and finally, that there shoidd be a fit and
meet place appointed, whither the accused party miglit, without danger or peril, resort or come, and that the judge and witnesses sliould not be enemies unto him that is accused. And also, forasmuch as it is manifest, that all these conditions were wanting and lacking, as touching my appearance for the safe- guard of my life, I am excused before God from the frivolous pretended obsti- nacy and excommunication. Whereupon I, John lluss, do present and ofirr this my appeal unto my Lord Jesus Christ, my just judge, who knowcth, and defendeth, and justly judgetli, every man's just and true cause.
Other articles moreover out of his other books were collected, and forced af^ainst him : first, out of his treatise ■written against Stephen Paletz, to the number of seven articles ; also six other articles strained out of his treatise against Stanislaus Znoyma : whcrcunto his answers likewise be adjoined, not unfruitful to be read.
Here follow seven Articles, said to be drawn out of the Treatise Avhich John Huss wrote against Stephen Paletz.
Kirst 'l'l>c first article : * If the pope, bishop, or prelate, be in deadly sin, he is then
article. no pope, bishop, nor prelate.' Answer : 1 grant thereunto, and I send you
unto St. Augustine, Jerome, Chrysostome, Gregory, Cyprian, and Bernard;
who do say moreover, that whosoever is in deadly sin, is no true Christian ; how
nuich less then is he pope or bishop ? Of whom it is sjjoken by the prophet
Amos, ' They have reigned and ruled, and not through me ; they became
princes, and I knew them not,' &c. But afterwards I do grant, that a wicked
j)oi)e, bishop, or priest, is an unworthy minister of the sacrament, by whom
God doth l)aptize, consecrate, or otlierwise work, to the profit of his churcli : and
this is largely handled in tlie text of the book by the authorities of the holy
doctors ; for even he who is in deadly sin, is not worthily a king before God,
asappeareth in 1 Kings xv. ; where God saith to Saul by the prophet Samuel,
' Forasmudi as thou hast refused and cast ofl' my word, I will also refuse and
cast thee off, that thou shalt be no more king.'
The While these things were thtis entreating, the emi)erov, looking out of a cer-
emperor's j^j^ window of the cloister, accompanied ^\^lh the Count Palatine, and the
iTjohn" hurgrave of Nuremberg, confen-ing and talking much of John liuss : at length
Ii's.s. he said, that there was never a worse or more pernicious heretic than he. In the
mean while, when Jolin Huss had spoken these words as touching the unworthy
king, by and by the enijjcror was called, and he was commanded to repeat those
words again; which alter that he had ddiie, his duty therein being considered,
ARTICLES AGAIXST HUSS, WRESTED BV THE PAPISTS. 469
tlie emperor answered : ' No man doth live without fault.* Then the cardinal Henry of Cambray, being in a great fury, said : ' Is it not enough for thee that thou ^• dost contemn and despise the ecclesiastical state, and goest about, by thy . t^ writings and doctrine, to perturb and trouble the same, but that now also thou. -.1^ -' wilt attempt to throw kings out of their state and dignity?' Then Paletz ^'
began to allege the laws, whereby he would prove that Saul was king even T'le ear- when those words were spoken by Samuel; and therefore that David did forbid cambray that Saul should be slain, not for the holiness of his life, of which there was none in him ; but for the holiness of his anointing. And when John Huss re- peated out of St. Cyprian, that he did take upon him the name of Christianity in vain, who did not follow Christ in his living : Paletz answered, ' Behold and see what a folly is in this man, who allegeth those things which make nothing for the purpose ; for albeit any man be not a true Christian, is he not, there- fore, true pope, bishop, or king ? when these are names of office, and to be a Christian, is a name of merit and desert : and so may any man be a true pope, bishop, or king, although he be no true Christian.' Then said John Huss: ' If pope Jolin XXIII. were a true pope, wherefore have ye deprived him of hia office V The emperor answered : ' The lo.rds of the council have now lately agreed thereupon, that he was true pope ; but for his notorious and manifest evil doings, wherewithal he did offend and trouble the church of God, and did spoil and bring to ruin the power thereof, he is rejected and cast out of his office.'
The second article : ' The grace of predestination is the bond whereby the'^Second body of the church, and every part and member thereof, is firmly knit and joined article, unto the head.' Answer : I acknowledge this article to be mine, and it is proved in tlie text out of Romans viii., ' Who shall separate us from the charity and love of Christ,' &c. ? and John x. ' My sheep hear my voice ; and I know them, and they follow me ; and I give them eternal life, neither shall they perish eternally, neither is there any man which shall take them out of my hands.' This is the knot of tlie body of the church, and of our spiritual head Christ, understanding the church to be the congregation of the predestinate.
The third article : ' If the pope be a wicked man, and especially a reprobate, Third then, even as Judas the apostle, he is a devil, a thief, and the son of perdition, article, and not the head of the holy militant church, forasmuch as he is no part or member thereof.' Answer : My words are thus: 'If the pope be an evil or wicked man, and especially if he be a reprobate, then even as Jiidaa, so is he a devil, a thief, and the son of perdition. How then is he the head of the holy militant church 1 whereas he is not truly any member, or part thereof: for, if he were a member of the holy church, then should he be also a member of Christ ; and if he were a member of Christ, then should he cleave and stick imto Christ by the grace of predestination and present justice ; and should be one Spirit with God, as the apostle saith in 1 Cor. vi., ' Know ye not that yoiur bodies are the members of Christ V
The fourth article : ' An evil pope or prelate, or reprobate, is no true pastor, Fourth but a thief and a robber.' Answer. The text of my book is thus : * If he be article, evil or wicked, then is he a hireling, of whom Christ speaketh. He is no shep- herd, neither are the sheep his own: therefore, when he seeth the wolf coming, he runneth away and forsaketh the sheep. And so, finally, doth every wicked and reprobate man.' Therefore, every such reprobate, or Avicked pope or pre- late, is no true pastor ; but a very thief and a robber, as is more at large proved, in my book. Then said John Huss, ' I do limit all things, that such persons as touching their desert, are not truly and worthily popes and shepherds before God ; but, as touching their gffice and reputation of men, they are popes, pastors, and priests.'
Then a certain man rising up behind John Huss, clothed all in silk, said : ^ My lords ! take heed lest John Huss deceive both you and himself with these his glosses, and look whether these things be in his book or not ; for of late, I had disputation with him upon these articles, in which I said, that a wicked pope, &c., was no pope, as touching merit and desert ; but, as touching his office, he was truly pope. Whereupon he used these glosses which he had heard of me, and did not take them out of his book.' Then John Huss, turning himself unto him, said, ' Did you not hear that it was so read out of my book ? and this did easily appear in John xxiii., whether he were true pope, or a very
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|.70 HISTORV OF THE BOHF.MIA■^JS,
Henry tluef and robber.' Then the bishops and cardinals, looking one upon another. ^- said, that he was a true pope, and laughed John Huss to scorn. . jY The fifth article : ' The pope is not, neither ouglit to be called, according unto ■ ■ his office. Most holy ; for then tlie king ought also to be called Most holy, according to his office. Also the tormentors, lictors, and devils, ought also to be called Holy.' Answer. My words are otherwise placed, in this manner : ' So ought a feigner to sa)', that if any man be a most holy father, then he dotli most holily observe and keep his fatherliness : and if he be a naughty and wicked father, then doth he most wickedly keep the same. Likewise, if the bishop be most holy, then is he also most good ; and when lie saith that he is pope, it is the name of his office.' Whereupon it followeth, that 'the man who is pope, being an evil and reprobate man, is a most holy man ; and consequently by that his office he is most good.' And forasmuch as no man can be good by his office, except he do exercise and use the same his office very well ; it follow- eth, that ' if the pope be an evil and reprobate man, he cannot exercise or use his office well : forasmuch as he cannot use the office well, except he be morally good [Matt, xii.], How can you speak good things, when you your- selves are evil I ' And immediately after it followeth, ' If the pope, by reason of his office, be called Most holy, wherefore should not the king of Romans be called Most holy, by reason of his office and dignity? when the king, accord ing to St. Augustine's mind, represcntcth the Deity and Godhead of Christ, and the priest representeth only his liumaiiity. Wherefore, also, should not judges, yea, even tormentors, be called Holy, forasmuch as they have their office by ministering unto the church of Christ ? ' ' These things are more at large dis- coursed in my book ; but I cannot find or know,' saith John Huss, ' any foun- dation whereby I should call the pope Most holy, when this is only spoken of Christ : Thou only art most holy : thou only art the Lord, &c. Should I then truly call the pope Most holy ? '
The sixth article.: ' If the pope live contrary unto Christ, albeit he be law- fully and canonically elected and chosen, according to human election, yet doth he ascend and come in another way than by Christ.' Answer. The text is thus : ' If the pope live contrary to Christ, in pride and avarice, how then doth he not ascend and come in another way into the sheepfold, than by the lowly and meek door, our Lord Jesus Christ?' But admit, as you say, that he did ascend by lawful election (which I call an election ])rincipally made of God, and not according to the common and vulgar constitution and ordinance of men), yet for all that, it is affirmed and proved, that he should ascend and come in another way : for Judas Iscariot was truly and lawfully chosen of the Lord Jesus Christ unto his bishopric, as Christ saith in John vi.. And yet he came in another way into the sheepfold, and was a thief, and a devil, and the son of perdition. Did he not come in another way when our Savioiu- spake thus of him, He that eateth bread with me, shall lift up his heel against me ? The same also is proved by St. Bernard unto pope Eugenius. Then said Paletz : ' Behold the fury and madness of this man ; for what more furious or mad thing can there be, than to say, Judas is chosen by Christ, and notwithstanding he did ascend another way, and not by Clirist?' John Huss answered: 'Verily both parts are true, that he was elected and chosen by Christ, and also that he did ascend, and came in another way ; for he was a thief, a devil, and the son of perdition.' Then said Paletz : ' Cannot a man be truly and lawfidly chosen pope, or bishop, and afterwards live contrary to Christ ? And that, notwith- standing, he doth not ascend by any other ways.' ' But I,' said John Huss, ' do say, that whosoever doth enter into any bishopric, or like oftice, by simony, not to the intent to labour and travail in the church of God, but rather to live delicately, voluptuously, and unrighteously, and to the intent to advance him- self with all kind of pride, every such man ascendeth and cometh up by another way, and, according mito the gospel, he is a thief and a robber.'
The seventh article : ' The condemnation of the forty-five articles of John Wicklitf made by the doctors, is unreasonable and wicked, and tlie cause by them alleged is feigned and untrue ; that is to say, that none of those articles are catholic, but that every of them be either lieretical, erroneous or offensive.' Answer : ' I have written it thus in my ti'catise : The forty-five articles are condenmed for this cause, that none of those forty-five is a cathofic article, but each of them is either heretical, erroneous or offensive. O Master Doctor!
AETICLES AGAINST HUSS, V/EESTED BY THE PAPISTS. 471
where is your proof? you feign a cause which you do not prove, &c. as it ap- Henry
peareth more at large in my treatise.' Then said the cardinal of Camhray : V-
' John Huss, thou didst say that thou wouldst not defend any error of John . ^
Wickliti^s ; and now it appeareth in your books, that you have openlj' defended , J, J his articles.' John Huss answered: * Reverend father! even as I said before.
so I noAV say again, that I will not defend any errors of John Wickliff's, neither The ear- of any other man's : but, forasmuch as it seemed to me to be against conscience, cambrL simply to consent to the condemnation of them, no Scripture being alleged or brought contrary and against them, thereupon I would not consent or agree to the condemnation of them ; and forasmuch as the reason which is copulative cannot be verified in every point, according to every part thereof.'
Now there remain six articles of the' thirty-nine. These are said to be drawn out of another treatise which he wrote against Stanislaus de Znoyma.
Six Articles drawn out of the Treatise of John Huss, WTitten against Stanislaus de Znoyma.
The first article : ' No man is lawfully elected or chosen, in that the electors, pirgt or the greater part of them, have consented with a lively voice, according to article the custom of men, to elect and choose any person, or that he is thereby the manifest and true successor of Christ, or vicar of Peter in the ecclesiastical office ; but in this, that any man doth most abundantly work meritoriously to the profit of the church, he hath thereby more abundant power given him of God thereunto.' Answer: These things which follow are also written in my book. ' It standeth in the power and hands of wicked electors, to choose a woman into the ecclesiastical office, as it appeareth by the election of Agnes, who was called John, who held and occupied the pope's place and dignity, by the space of two years and more.' It may also be, that they do choose a thief, a murderer or a devil, and, consequently, they may also elect and choose Anti- christ. It may also be, that for love, covetousness, or hatred, they do choose some person whom God doth not allow. And it appeareth that that person is not lawfully elected and chosen ; insomuch as the electors, or the greater part of them, have consented and agreed together according to the custom of men, upon any person, or that he is thereby the manifest successor or vicar of Peter the apostle, or any other in the ecclesiastical office. Therefore they who, most accordingly unto the Scripture, do elect and choose, revelation being set apart, do only pronounce and determine by some probable reason upon him whom they do elect and choose : whereupon, whether the electors do so choose good or evil, we ought to give credit unto the works of him that is chosen ; for in that point, that any man doth most abundantly work meritoriously to the profit of the church, he hath thereby moi'e abundant power given him of God there- unto. And hereupon saith Christ, in John x.. Give credit unto works.'
The second article : ' The pope being a reprobate, is not the head of the gecomi holy church of God.' Answer. I wrote it thus in my treatise : ' That I would article. willingly receive a probable and effectual reason of the doctor, how this question is contrary to the faith, to say. That if the pope be a reprobate, how is he the head of the holy church ? Behold, the truth cannot decay or fail in disputation, for did Christ dispute against the faith, when he demanded of the Scribes and Pharisees [Matt, xii.]. Ye stock and offspring of vipers! how can ye speak good things, when you yourselves are wicked and evil? .'^nd behold, I demand of the scribes, if the pope be a reprobate, and the stock of vipers, how is he the head of the holy church of God, that the Scribes and Pharisees, who were in the council-house of Prague, may make answer here- unto ? For it is more possible that a reprobate man shovdd speak good things, forasmuch as he may be in state of grace according to present justice, than to be the head of the holy church of God. Also in John v., our Saviour com plaineth of the Jews, saying : How can you believe, which do seek for glory amongst yoiu-selves, and do not seek for the glory that cometh only of God? and I, likewise, do complain, how that if the pope be a reprobate, can he be
(I) " The" is put in ; see above, p. 459. — Ed.
A. I).
1115.
n2 HISTORV OF THE BOIIEMIAXS.
liemu the head of tlie chiivch of God, who receivcth his glory of tlie world, and ' • seekctli not for the glory of God ? For it is inorc possible, that tlie pope being a reprobate should believe, than that lie should be the head of the church of God; forasnuich as he takcth his glory of the world.'
The third article : ' There is no spark of appearance, that there ought to be •ihirrt one head in the spiritualty, to rule the church, which should be always con- "'^""^'^" vcrsant with the militant church.' Answer: I do grant it. For what conse- quent is this? The king of Bohemia is head of the kingdom of Bohemia : Ergo, the pope is head of the whole militant church ? Christ is the head of the spiritualty, ruling and governing the militant church by much more and greater necessity than Caesar ought to rule the temporalty; forasmuch as Christ, who sitteth on the right hand of God the Father, doth necessarily rule the militant churchjas head. And there is no spai'k of appearance that there should be one head in the spiritualty ruling the church, that should always be conversant with the militant chinxh, except some infidel would heretically affnm, that the militant church should have here a permanent and continual city or dwelling- place, and not inijuire and seek after that which is to come. It is also further evident in my book, how iniconsequent the proportion of the similitude is, for a reprobate pope to be the head of the militant church, and a reprobate king to be the head of the kingdom of Bohemia. Ff>iirtii The fourth article : ' Clirist would better rule his church by his true apostles,
arucle. dispersed throughout the whole world, without such monstrous heads.' I answer,' that it is in my book as here foUoweth : 'Albeit that the doctor doth say, tliat the body of the militant church is oftentimes without a head, yet, notwithstanding, Ave do verily believe that Christ Jesus is the head over every church, ruling the same without lack or default, pouring upon the same a con- tinual motion and sense, even unto the latter day ; neither can the doctor give s« a reason why the church in the time of Agnes by the space of two years and Appendix, ^^,^ nionths lived without a head, according to many members of Christ, in grace and favour, but that, by the same reason, the church might be without a head by the space of many years; forsomuch as Christ should better rule his church by his true disciples dispersed throughout the whole world, without such mon- strous heads.' Then said they altogether; 'Behold, now he prophesieth.' And John IIuss, prosecuting his former talk, said, 'But I say that the church, in the time of the apostles, was far better ruled and governed than now is. And what doth let or hinder, that Christ should not now also rule the same better by his true disciples, without such monstrous heads as have been now alate? For behold, even at this present we have no such head, and yet Christ ceaseth not to rule his church.' When he had spoken these words, he was derided and mocked, vifth The fifth article : ' Peter was no imiversal pastor or shepherd of the sheep
ariicie. of Christ, much less is the bishop of Rome.' Answer: Those words are not in my book, but these which do follow. Secondly, it appeareth by the words of Christ, that he did not limit unto Peter for his jurisdiction the whole world, no not one only province ; so likewise, neither unto any other of the apostles. Notwithstanding, certain of them walked through many regions, and others fewer, preaching and teaching the kingdom of God ; as Paul, who laboured and travailed more than all the rest, did corporally visit and convert most provinces ; whereby it is lawful for any apostle or his vicar to convert and confirm as much people, or as many provinces in the faith of Christ, as he is able, neither is there any restraint of his liberty or jurisdiction, but only by disability or in- sufficiency. SiMh 'i'he sixth article: 'The apostles, and other faithful priests of the Lord, have
uiticlc. stoutly ruled the church in all things necessary to salvation, before the office of the pope was broiight into the church, and so would they very possibly do still, if there were no jiopc, even mito the latter day.' Then they all cried out again and said, ' Ik-hold the prophet.' But John Huss said: 'Verily it is true that the apostles did rule the church stoutly before the officeof the pope was brought into the church ; and certainly a great deal better than it is now ruled. And likewise many other faithftd men, who do follow their steps, do the same; for now we have no pope, and so, peradventure, it may continue and endure a year or more.
ARTICLES AGAINST HUSS, WRESTED BY THE PAPISTS. 473
Besides these, were brought against liinx other nineteen articles, ncnry objected unto him being in prison, which with his answers to tlie " same here likev/ise follow; of Avhich articles the first is this. A.D.
1415.
Other Nineteen Articles objected against John Huss, being in Prison,
The first ai'ticle : * Paul, according unto present justice, was a blasphemer and First none of the cliurch, and therewithal was in grace, according unto predestination p"^'";^?' of life everlasting.' Answer : This proposition is not in the book, but this he was which followeth. ' Whereby it doth seem probable, that as Paul was both a both a blasphemer, according to present justice, and therewithal, also, was a faithful child p{fe,^ej. of our holy mother the church, and in grace according to predestination of life and also a everlasting : so Iscariot was both in grace, according unto present justice, and "J'l!??,''?'", was never of our holy mother the church, according to the predestination of life ° everlasting, forasmuch as he lacked that predestination. And so Iscariot, albeit he was an apostle, and a bishop of Christ, which is the name of his office, yet was he never any part of the universal church.'
The second article : ' Christ doth more love a predestinate man being sinful. Second than any reprobate in what grace possible soever he be.' Answer : My words p^jg^g^g't;. are in the fourth chapter of my book entituled, ' Of the Church :' 'And it is nation. evident that God doth more love any predestinate being sinful, than any repro- bate in what grace soever he be for the time ; forasmuch as he willeth that the predestinate shall have perpetual blessedness, and the reprobate shall have eternal fire.' Wherefore God partly infinitely loving them both as his ci-eatures, yet he doth more love the predestinate, because he giveth him greater grace, or a greater gift, that is to say, life everlasting, which is greater and more excellent than grace only, according to present justice. And the third article of those articles before,' soundeth very near unto this: that the predestinate cannot full from grace. For they have a certain radical grace rooted in them, although they be deprived of the abundant grace for a time. These things are true in the com- pound sense.
The third article : 'All the sinful, according to present justice, are not faith- Third ful, but do swerve from the true catholic faith, forsomuch as it is unpossible that ^^^^^^ any man can commit any deadly sin but in that point, that he doth swerve from commit- the faith.' Answer: I acknowledge that sentence to be mine, and it appeareth, teth that if they did think upon the punishment which is to be laid upon sinners, g^f*^'^ and did fully believe, and had the faith of the divine knowledge and under- swerveth standing, &c. then, undoubtedly, they would not so ofiend and sin. This f™™ t^® proposition is verified by the saying of the prophet Isaiah, 'Thy rulers are unfaithful, misbelievers, fellows and companions of thieves ; they all love bribes and follow after rewards.' Behold, the prophet calleth the rulers of the church 'infidels,' for their olFences; for all such as do not keep their faith inviolate unto their principal Lord, are unfaithful servants, and they also are unfaithful chil- dren who keep not their obedience, feai-, and love unto God, their Father. Item, This proposition is verified by the saying of the apostle, Titus i. ' They do confess that they know God, but by their works they do deny him.' And for- asmuch as they who are sinful, do swerve away from the meritorious woi-k of blessedness, therefore they do»swerve from the true faith gi'ounded upon cha- rity, forasmuch as faith without works is dead. To this end doth also appertain that which the Lord speaketh [Matt, xxiii.] of the faithful and unfaithful servant.
The fourth article : ' These words of John xxii. : Receive the Holy Ghost; and, Fourtiv Whatsoever you shall bind upon earth, &c. and Matthew [xvi. and xviii.]. For gj*,',^'.*^ ' lack of understanding shall terrify many Christians, and they shall be wonder- higand fully afraid, and others shall be deceived by them, presuming upon the fulness loosing, of their power and authority.' Answer: This sentence I do approve and allow, "jjeybe and therefore I say in the same place, that it is first of all to be supposed, that well un- the saying of our Saviour is necessary, as touching the virtue of the word, for- ^"n|s°°gr' asmuch as it is not possible for a priest to bind and loose, except that binding too much and loosing be in heaven. But, for the lack of the true understanding of those ^'^.^'^"^ words, many simple Christians shall be made afraid, thinking with themselves, fio^, ^ . (1) The reference is to the first series, consisting of twenty-six. See page 459.— Ed.
tT-t HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS.
Il.nry that whether they be just or unjust, the priests may, at their pleasures, whenso-
^ ever they will, bind them. And tlie ignorant priests do also presume and take
A r\ upon them to have pov,er to bind and loose whensoever they will. For many
J /, ,■ foolish and ignorant priests do say, that they have power and autliority to ab-
!_!_ solve every man confessing himself, of what sin or ofi'ence soever it be, not
knowing that in many sins it is forbidden them, and that it may happen that a hypocrite do confess himself, or such a one as is not contrite for his sin ; whereof proof hath oftentimes been found, and it is evident, forasmuch as the letter doth kill, but the Spirit doth quicken. Fifth The fifth article : ' The binding and loosing of God, is simply and plainly the
Bimi'inK chief and principal.' Answer : This is evident, forasnuich as it were blasphe- aiid loos- mous presumption to affirm, that a man may remit and forgive an evil fact or "'« offence done against such a Lord, the Lord himself not approving or allowing
and prin- ^'^^ same. For by the universal power of the Lord, it is necessary that he do cipally first absolve and forgive, before his vicar do the same ; neither is there one arti- Chrisf '° '^^^ ^^ ^^^ faith, which ought to be more common or known unto us, than that it should be impossible for any man of the militant church to absolve or bind, except in such case as it be conformable to the head of the church, Jesu Christ. Wherefore every faithful Christian ought to take heed of that saying : ' If the pope, or any other, pretend by any manner of sign to bind or loose, that he is tliereby bound or loosed, for he that doth grant or confess that, must also, con- sequently, grant and confess that the pope is without sin, and so that he is a god ; for otherwise he must needs err and do contrary unto the keys of Christ.' This saying proveth the fact of the pope, who always in his absolution presup- poseth contrition and confession. Yea, moreover, if any letter of absolution be given unto any offender, which doth not declare the circumstances of the offence which ought to be declared, it is said that tliereby the letter of absolu- tion is of no force and effect. It is also hereby evident, that many priests do not absolve those who are confessed, because that either through shamefastness they do cloak or hide greater offences, or else that they have not due contrition To true or repentance : for unto true .ibsolution there is first required Contritioii. Se- timifo'ur C'^fi'^y' A purpose and intent to sin no more. Thirdly, True confession. And thinfjsare fourthly. Steadfast hope of forgiveness. The first appeareth by Ezekiel. ' If required, the wicked do repent him,' &c. The second, in John v., ' Do thou not sin any more.' The third part, by this place of Luke: 'Show yourselves unto the priests.' And the fourth is confirmed by the saying of Christ: 'My son, be- lieve, and thy sins are forgiven thee,' I also added many other probations in my treatise out of the holy fathers, Augustine, Jerome, and the Master of the Sentences. Sixth The sixth article : ' The priests do gather and heap up out of the Scriptures
artic.c. i\^Qsc things which serve for the belly ; but such as appertain to the true imita- tion and following of Christ, those they reject, and refuse as impertinent unto salvation.' Answer : This, St. Gregory doth sufficiently prove in his seven- teenth Homily, alleging the saying of Christ, ' Tiie harvest is great, the work- men are few;' speaking also that which we cannot say without grief or soitow. Priests that ' albeit there be a great number who willingly hear good things, yet there piven to ^'"^^ ^"'^'^ ^^ should declare the same unto them ; for behold, the world is full their own of priests, but not\rithstanding there is a scarcitj^ of workmen in the harvest of jucre and the Lord. We take npon us willingly priesthood, but we do not fidfil and do tlian'to *'"^ works and office of priesthood.' And immediately after he saith, ' We are the scr- fallen unto outward affairs and business, for we take upon us one oflice for Cluis".. I'^^JiK'i'r's sake, and we do exhibit and give ^another to ease ourselves of labour. We leave ))rcaching, and as far as I can perceive we are called bishops to our pain, who do retain the name of honour, but not the verity.' And immediately after he saith, ' We take no care for our flock ; we daily call upon them for our stipend and wages ; we covet and desire earthly things with a greedy mind ; we gape after worldly glory ; v.e leave the cause of God undone, and make haste about our worldly affairs and business; we take upon us the place of sanctity and holiness, and we are wholly wrapped in worldly cares and troubles,' &'c. This writeth St. Gregory, with many other things more in the same place. Also in his Pastoral, in his Morals, and in his Register. Also St. Bernard, as in many other places, so likewise in his 33d Sermon upon the Canticles, he
ARTICLES AGAINST HUSS, WEESTED BY THE PAPISTS. 475
saith, ' All friends and all enemies, all kinsfolks and adversaries, all of one Henry
household, and no peace-makers ; they are the ministers of Christ, and serve ^•
Antichrist ; they go lioncurahly honoured with the goods of the Lord, and yet „
they do not honour,' &c. n'l^' The seventh article : ' The power of the pope who doth not follow Christ, is
not to be feared.' Answer: It is not so in my treatise, but, contrariwise, that the Seventh subjects are bound willingly and gladly to obey the virtuous and good nilers ; ''"^'^'''• and also those who are wicked and evil. But, notwithstanding, if the pope do p™ abuse his power, it is not then to be feared as by bondage. And so the lords doing un- the cardinals, as I suppose, did not fear the power of Gregory XII., before his ^o^ly, is . deposition, when they resisted him, saying, that he did abuse his power, con- fe°ared. ^ trary unto his own oath.
The eighth article : ' An evil and wicked pope is not the successor of Peter, Eighth but of Judas.' Answer : I wrote thus in my treatise ; ' If the pope be humble article and meek, neglecting and despising the honours and lucre of the world ; if he be a shepherd, taking his name by the feeding of the flock of God (of which feeding the Lord speaketh, saying. Feed my sheep); if he feed the sheep with the word, and with virtuous example, and become even like his flock with his whole heart and mind ; if he do diligently and carefully labour and travail for the church, then is he, without doubt, the true vicar of Christ. But if he Tlie pope walk contrary imto these virtues, forasmuch as there is no society between doing Christ and Belial, and Christ himself saith. He that is not with me, is against to chr[s^ me : how is he then the true vicar of Christ or Peter, and not rather the vicar is not the of Antichrist? Christ called Peter himself, Satanas, when he did contrary '^,}^^}°^ him but only in one word, and that with a good aflection ; even him whom he but Anti- had chosen his vicar, and specially appointed over his church. Why then christ. should not any other, being more contrary to Christ, be truly called Satanas, and consequently Antichrist, or at least the chief and principal minister or vicar of Antichrist ? There be infinite testimonies of this matter in St. Augustine, Jerome, Cyprian, Chrysostome, Bernard, Gregory, Remigius, and Ambrose,' &c.
The ninth article : ' The pope is the same beast of whom it is spoken in tlie Ninth Apocalypse, ' Power is given unto him to make war upon the saints.' Answer: article. I deny this article to be in my book.i
The tenth article : * It is lawful to preach notwithstanding the pope's inhibi- Tenth tion.' Answer: The article is evident, forasmuch as the apostles did preach article, contrary to the commandment of the bishops of Jerusalem. And St. Hilary agamsr'^ did the like, contrary to the commandment of the pope, who was an Arian. It the pope's is also manifest by the example of cardinals, who, contrary to the command- '^''™" ment of pope Gregory XII., sent throughout all realms such as should preach nient against him. It is also lawful to preach under appeal, contrary unto the pope's commandment. And finally, he may preach who hath the commandment of God, whereunto he ought chiefly to obey.
The eleventh article : ' If the pope's commandment be not concordant and Eleventh agreeable with the doctrine of the gospel or the apostles, it is not to be obeyed.' aiticle. Answer : I have thus written in my book ; ' The faithful disciple of Christ ought to weigh and consider, whether the pope's commandment be expressly and plainly the commandment of Christ or any of his apostles, or whether it have any foimdation or ground in their doctrine or no ; and that being once known or understood, he ought reverently and humbly to obey the same. But How far if he do certainly know that the pope's commandment is contrary and against ajg^o'^e. the holy Scripture, and hurtful unto the church, then he ought boldly to resist obeyed. against it, that he be not partaker of the crime and oSence by consenting there- unto.' This I have handled at large in my treatise, and have confirmed it by the authorities of Augustine, Jerome, Gregory, Chrysostome, Bernard and Bede, and with the holy Scriptiu-e and canons, which for brevity's cause I do here pass over. I will only rehearse the saying of St. Isidore, who writeth thus : ' He who doth rule, and doth say or command any thing contrary and beside the will of God, or that which is evidently commanded in the Scriptures, he is honoured as a false witness of God, and a chvirch-robber.' Whereupon we are bound to obey no prelate, but in such case as he do command or take counsel of the counsels and commandments of Christ. Likewise St. Augustine upon this saying, upon the chair of Moses, &c. saith : Secondly, they teach
^1) John Huss need not prove this article, the pope wUl'prove it himself.
476 IIISTOUY OF THE DOIIEMIAXS.
Henry ill the cliair of Moses the law of God : ergo, God teacheth by them. But if
^- they will teach you any of their own inventions, do not give ear unto them,
j^ -Q neither do as they command you ' Also, in the saying of Christ, ' He that
1415* ''^'^^■*^th you, heareth me,' all lawful and honest things be comprehended, in
'— which we ought to be obedient, according to Christ's saying, ' It is not you
which do sjjeak, but the Spirit of my Father which speaketh in you.' Let therefore my adversaries and slanderers learn, that there be not only twelve counsels in the gospel, in which subjects ought to obey Christ and his appointed minister?, but that there are a« many counsels and detenuinations of God, as there be lawful and honest things joined with precepts and commandments of God, binding us thereunto under the pain of deadly sin : for every such thing doth the Lord command us to fulfil in time and place, with other circumstances, at the will and pleasure of their minister. Twelfth The twelfth article : ' It is lawful for the clergy and laity, by their power article. ^^^^ jurisdiction, to judge and determine of all things pertaining to salvation, and also of the works of prelates.' Answer : I have thus WTitten in my book ; Thecler- ' That it is lawful for the clergy aiul laity to judge and determine of the works huty"may °^ *'''^"' ^^^^^^ '"''^ rulers ;' it appeareth by this : that the judgment of the secret iuilge of counsels of God in the court of conscience is one thing, and the judgment of the works the authority and power of the church is another. AVherefore subjects first prelates. "Ught principally to judge and examine themselves [1 Cor. xi.] Secondly, they ought to examine all things which pertain unto their salvation, for a spiri- tual man judgeth and examineth all things. And this is alleged as touching the first judgment, and not the second; as the enemy doth impute it unto me. Whereupon in the same place I do say that the layman ought to judge and examine the works of his prelate, like as Paid doth judge the doings of Peter in blaming him. Secondly, to avoid them, according to this saying, ' Beware Secretin of false prophets,' &c. Thirdly, to rule over the ministry: for the subject of^con^"^' ought by reason to judge and examine the works of the prelates. And if they science, be good, to praise God thei'efore and rejoice : but if they be evil, they ought Open in yvith patience to suffer them, and to be sorry for them, but not to do the li.ke, of aiitho- ^^^^ they be danmed with them, according to this saying : ' If the blind lead rity. the blind, both fall into the ditch.'
Thir- The thirteenth article : ' God doth suspend, of himself, every wicked prelate
artide. ^^^m his ministry, while he is actually in sin ; for by that means that he is in
To j,'o<l- deadly sin, he doth offend and sin whatsoever he do, and consequently is for-
wrird all bidden so to do; therefore also^is he suspended from his ministry.' Answer:
nihiisters '^'"^ '^ proved as touching suspension from dignity, by Hosea iv., and Isaiali,
he sus- and Malachi i. And Paul, in 1 Cor. xi., suspendeth all such as be sinful, or in
pended. any grievous crime or offence, from the eating of the body of the Lord, and the
drinking of his blood ; and consequently suspendeth all sinful prelates from the
nu'nistration of the reverend sacrament. And God doth suspend the wicked
and sinful from the declaration of his righteousness [Psalm xlix.] Forasmuch
then as to suspend, in effect, is to prohibit the ministry, or any other good thing
for the offence' sake ; or, as the new laws do determine or call it, to interdict or
forbid, it is manifest by the Scriptures before rehearsed, that God doth prohibit
the sinful, being in sin, to exercise or use their ministry or oiHce, which, by
God's commandment, ought to be exercised without offence. Whereu])on he
saith by Isaiah the prophet, ' Ye that carry the vessels of the Lord, be ye cleansed
and made clean;' and to the Corinthians it is said, ♦ Let all things be done with
love and charity,' &c. The same thing also is commanded hy divers and sundry
canons, which I have alleged in my treatise.
Four- I'he fourteenth article. (The answer which he made to the twenty-fifth article,
tecntli in prison.sufiiceth for this ; that is to say, that the clergy, for their own preferment
Th"^r "'"^ exaltation, do supplant and undermine the lay-people, do increase and nnilti-
people P'y ^^^^^^ covetousness, cloke and defend their malice and wickedness, and prejjare
sup- a way for Antichrist. The first ])art he proveth by experience, by the exami)le
Iiianted ^f Peter do Luna, who named himself ' Benedict,' by the example of Angelus
Coriarius, who named himself ' Gregory XII. ;' and also by the example of
John XXIII.; likewise by Ezekiel xiii. and xxiv., and out of Gregory, who
saith, ' What shall become of the flock, when the shepherds themselves are
become wolves,' Sic. ; also out of Hosea, iSIicah, and other of the prophets, and
many places of St. Bernard.^ "The second part is proved by Jeremiah viii., Gregory,
l)y the clergy.
NINETEEN ARTICLES OBJECTED AGAINST HUSS. ' 477
in his seventeenth Homily, and St. Bernard upon the Canticles. The third Jieniy part of this article is also proved b)^ experience; for who dcfendeth the wicked- ''• ness of any schism but only the clergy, alleging Scriptures, and bringing reasons ^ j^ there-for? Who excuseth simony, but only the clergy? likewise covetousness \[\r^
in heaping together many benefices? and lechery and fornication? For how ~'—
many of the clergy are there now-a-days who do say, it is no deadly .sin ; alleging (albeit disorderly) the saying of Genesis, ' Increase and multiply?' Hereby also is the fom-th part of the article easily verified. For the way of Antichrist is wickedness and sin, of which the apostle speaketh to the Tliessa- loninns ; Gregory in his Register, Pastoral, and Morals : also St. Bernard, upon ^,,^ the Canticles, plainly saith ; ' Wicked and evil priests prepare the way for Appeu.ux. Antichrist.'
The fifteenth article : ' John Huss doth openly teach and affirm, that these Fifteentti conclusions aforesaid are true.' The answer is manifest by that which I have article. before written. For some of these propositions I did write and publish ; others j^'^*^ '''^' mine enemy did feign ; now adding, then diminishing and taking away ; now of suclfas falsely ascribing and imputing the whole proposition unto me : which thing the gatliered commissioners themselves did confess before me ; whom I desired, for the false acamst^ invention and feigning of those articles, that they would punish those whom they Huss. themselves knew and confessed to be mine enemies.
The sixteenth article. Hereby also it appeareth, that it is not true which they sixteenth have aflirmed in the article following ; that is to say, that all the aforesaid con- article, elusions be false, erroneous, seditious, and such as do weaken and make feeble the power and strength of the cliin-ch, invented contrary to the holy Scriptures and the church. But if there be any such, I am ready most humbly to revoke and recant the same.
The seventeenth article. There was also an objection made against me as Seven- touching the treatises which I wrote against Paletz and Stanislaus de Znoyma ; teenth which I desired, for God's sake, they might be openly read in the audience of ^"^'"^ ^ the whole council ; and said that I, notwithstanding my former protestation, would willingly submit myself to the judgment of the whole coimcil.
The eighteenth article. There was also another ai'ticle objected against me in Eigh- thisform : ' Item, John Huss said and preached, that he shoidd go to Constance, and teenth if so be that for any manner of cause he should be forced to recant what he had ^^ ^'^ ®* before taught, yet, notwithstanding, he never purposed to do it with his mind ; forasmuch as whatsoever he had before taught, was pure and true, and the sound doctrine of Christ.' Answer : This article is full of lies, to the inventor whereof I suppose the Lord saith thus ; ' All the day long thou hast imagined mischief and wickedness, and with thy tongue, as with a sharp razor, thou hast wrought deceit : thou hast delighted and loved rather to talk of wickedness and mischief, than of equity and justice.' Verily I do grant, that I left behind me a certain epistle to be read to the people, which did contain, that all such as did weigh and consider my careful labours and travails, should pray for me, and steadfastly preserve and continue in the doctrine of our Lord Jesus Christ, knowing for a certainty, that I never taught them any such errors, as mine enemies do impute or ascribe vmto me ; and if it should happen that I were overcome by false witness, they should not be vexed or troubled in their minds, but steadfastly continue in the truth.
The nineteenth article. Last it was objected against me, that after I was Niu->- come into Constance, I did write imto the kingdom of Bohemia, that the pope teentii and the emperor received me honourably, and sent unto me two bishops to make ^^ "^ ^' agreement between me and them ; and that this seemeth to be written by me to this end and purpose, that they should confirm and establish me and my hearers in the errors which I had preached and taught in Bohemia. This article is falsely alleged, even ft-om the beginning ; for how manifestly false should I have written, that the pope and the emperor did honour me, when I had other- wise written before, that as yet we knew not where the emperor was? And before the emperor himself came to Constance, I was, by the space of three weeks, in prison. And to write that I was honoured by my imprisonment, the people of the kingdom of Bohemia would repute the honour as no great renown and glory unto me. Howbeit, mine enemies may in derision say unto me, that according to their wills and pleasures I am exalted and honoured. Wherefore this article is wholly, throughout, false and untrue.
478
Henru V.
A.D. 1415.
John
Gerson
cliajiccl-
lorof
Paris.
HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS.
Unto these articles above prefixed, were other articles also to be annexed, which the Parisians had drawn out against Master John Huss, to tlie number of nineteen. The chief author whereof, was John Gerson, chancellor of the university of Paris, a great setter-on of the pope against good men. Of these articles John Huss doth often complain in his epistles, that he had no time nor space to make answer unto them ; which articles being falsely collected and wrong- fully depraved, although John Huss had no time to answer unto them, yet I thought it not unfit here to set them down for the reader to see and judge.
Second Series of Nineteen Articles formerly contained in or picked, by the Parisians, out of the Treatise of John Huss of Prague, Avhich he entitled " Of the Church,"' following in this part or behalf the errors, as they term them, of John WicldifF.
The first article: 'No reprobate is true pope, lord, or prelate.' The en or is in the faith, and behaviour, and manners, being both of late and many times before condemned, as well against the poor men of Lyons, as also against the Waldenses and Picards. The affirmation of which error is temerarious, sedi- tious, offensive and pernicious, and tending to the subversion of all human policy and governance ; forasmuch as no man knoweth whether he be worthy of love or hatred, for that all men do offend in many points ; and thereby should all rule and dominion be made uncertain and unstable, if it should be founded upon predestination and charity : neither should the commandment of Peter have been good, who willeth all servants to be obedient unto their masters and lords, although they be wicked.
The second article : ' That no man being in deadly sin, wliereby he is no mem.ber of Christ, but of the devil, is true pope, prelate, or lord.' The error of this is like unto the first.
The third article : ' No reprobate or otherwise being in deadly sin, sitteth in the apostolic seat of Peter-, neither hath any apostolical power over the chris- tian people.' This error is also like unto the first.
The fourth article : ' No reprobates are of the church, neither, likewise any who do not follow the life of Christ.' 'J'his error is against the common under- standing of the doctors concerning the church.
The fifth article : ' They only are of the church, and sit in Peter's seat, and have apostolic power, wlio follow Christ and his apostles in their life and living.' The error hereof is in faith and manners, as in the first article, but con- taining more arrogancy and rashness.
The si.xth article : ' That every man who liveth uprightly, according to the rule of Christ, may and ought openly to preach and teach, although he be not sent ; yea, although he be forbidden or excomimmicatcd by any prelate or bishop, even as he miglit and ought to give alms : for his good life in living, together with his learning, doth sufficiently send him.' This is a rash and temerarious error, offensive, and tending to the confusion of the whole ecclesiastical hier- archy.
The seventh article : ' That the pope of Rome being contrary unto Clirist, is not the imiversal bishop, neither hath the church of Rome any supremacy over other churches, except peradventure it be given to him of Cassar, and not of Christ.' An error lately and plainly reproved.
The eighth article : ' That tlie pope ought not to be called most holy, and that his feet are neither holy nor blessed, nor ought they to be kissed.' This error is temerariously, unrevcrcntly, and offensively published
The ninth article : ' That according to the doctrine of Christ, heretics, be they ever so obstinate or stubborn, ought not to be put (o death, neither to be accursed nor excommunicated.' This is the error of the Donalists, temerari- ously, and not without great offence, affirmed .against the laws of the ecclesias- tical discipline ; as St. .\ugustine doth prove.
THE DETERMINATION OF THE MASTERS OF PARIS. 479
The tentli article : ' That suhjects, and the common people, may and ought Hcr.rtj publicly and openly to detect and reprove the vices of their superiors and ^ rulers, as having power given them of Christ, and the example of St. Paul so ~r~n~ to do.' This error is pernicious, full of offence, inducing all rebellion, disobe- ,141 r' dience, and sedition, and the curse and malediction of Ham. 1-
The eleventh article : ' That Christ only is head of the church, and not the Eleventh, pops.' It is an error according unto the common understanding of the doctors, if all the reason of the supremacy, and of being head, be secluded and taken away from the pope.
The twelfth article : ' That the only church, which comprehendeth the pre- Twelfth, destinate and good livers, is the universal church, whereunto subjects do owe obedience.' And this is consequent unto the former article : the error is con- tained as in the former articles.
The thirteenth article : ' That tithes and oblations given to the church are Thir- public and common alms.' This error is oiTensive, and contrary to the deter- teenth. mination of the apostle [1 Cor. ix.]
The fourteenth article : ' That the clergy living wickedly, ought to be re- Four- proved and corrected by the lay-people, by the taking away of their tithes and teemh. other temporal profits.' A most pernicious error and offensive, inducing the secular people to perpetrate sacrilege ; subverting the ecclesiastical liberty.
The fifteenth article : ' That the blessings of such as are reprobate or evil Fif- livers of the clergy, are maledictions and cursings before God, according to the *'^'^""^- saying, I will curse your blessings." This error was lately reproved by St. Augustine, against St. Cyprian and his followers, neither is the Master of the Sentences allowed by the masters in that point that he seemeth to favour this article.
The sixteenth article : ' That in these days, and for a long time before, there Six- hath been no true pope, no true church, nor faith, which is called the Romish "^'^"'^ church, whereunto a man ought to obey ; but that it both was, and is, the syna- gogue of Antichrist and Satan.' The error, in this article, is in this point, "That it is derived from, and taketh its foundation upon, the former articles.
The seventeenth article : ' That all gift of money given unto the ministers Sevcn- of the church, for the ministration of any spiritual matter, doth make such ^fenth ministers, in that case, users of simony.' This error is seditious and temera- rious, forasmuch as something may be given vmto the clergji-, imder the title of sustentation or maintaining the minister, without the selling or buying of any spiritual thing.
The eighteenth article : ' That whosoever is excommunicated by the pope, if Ei^h- he appeal to Christ, he is preserved that he need not fear the excommunication, *<^<^'-"'- but may utterly contemn and despise the same.' This error is temerarious and of arrogancy.
The nineteenth article : ' That every deed done without charity, is sin.' This Nine- error was reproved and revoked before this time at Paris, especially if it be un- ''^'^''^ " derstood of deadly sin ; for it is not necessary that he who lacketh grace, should continually sin and offend anew, albeit he be continually in sin.
This declaration following, the masters of Paris, by their whole voice and consent, did add and adjoin unto these nineteen articles, for their reason and determination.
Reasons and Determinations of the Masters of Paris.
We affirm. That these articles aforesaid are notoriously heretical, and that they are judicially to be condemned for such, and diligently to be rooted out with their most seditious doctrines, lest they do infect others. For albeit they seem to have a zeal against the vices of the prelates and the clergy, which (the more is the pity and grief) do but too much abound, yet is it not according unto knowledge : for one of a sober and discreet zeal suffereth and lamenteth those sins and offences, which he seeth in the house of God, that he cannot amend or take away ; for vices cannot be rooted out and taken away by other vices and eiTors, forasmuch as devils are not cast out through Beelzebub, but by the power of God, which is the Holy Ghost, who willeth, that in correction
4,80 HISTORY OF THE BOTTEMIAXS.
Henry tho measure and mean of pnulonce be always kept, according to tlie saying,
''■ ' Mark who, wliat, where, and why, by what means and when. Prelates and
~~r~rr bisho])s are bound, under grievous and express penalties of the law, diligently
^ and vigihmtly to bear themselves against the aforesaid errors, and such others,
^'^^^- and the maintainers of them : for let it always be understood and noted, that
s« the error which is not resisted is allowed ; neither is there any doubt of pnvy
Apt^ndiz. g^jjjty Qj. society in him, who slacketh to withstand a manifest mischief.
These things are laid down as an instruction by the way, under correc- tion.
John Gerson, Chancellor of Paris, unworthy.
By these tilings thus declared a man may easily understand, that John Huss was not so mucl; accused for holding any opinion contrary to the articles of faith, but because he did stoutly preach and teach against the kingdom of Antichrist, for the glory of Christ and the restoring of the church.
Now to return to the story : when the first thirty-nine articles, which I have before rehearsed, were all read over, together with their testimonies, the cardinal of Cambray calling unto John Huss, said : —
ri.e ' Thou hast heard what grievous and horrible crimes are laid against thee, and
.vorcis of wliat a number of them there are ; and now it is thy part to de^-ise with thy-
ii'il o"''' ^^^^ what thou wilt do. Two ways are proponed and set before thee by the
Cambray council, whercof the one of them thou must, of foire and necessity, enter into.
unto First, That thou do humbly and meekly submit thyself unto the judgment and
Uusg sentence of the council, tliat whatsoever shall be there determined, by their
after his common voice and judgment, thou wilt patiently bear, and suffer the same.
tion"^^ Which thing if thou wilt do, we, of our part, both for the honour of the most
gentle emperor here present, and also for the honour of his brother, the king of
A double Bohemia, and for thy own safeguard and preservation, will treat and handle
iiicon- tjjgg with as great humanity, love, and gentleness, as we may. But if as yet
for'john'^ tliou art determined to defend any of those articles which we have propounded
llussto tmto thee, and dost desire or require to be further heard thereupon, we will not
.1 into, (jgj^y thee power and license thereunto : but this thou shalt well understand,
that here are such manner of men, so clear in understanding and knowledge,
and having such firm and strong reasons and arguments against thy articles,
that I fear it will be to thy great hurt, detriment and peril, if thou shouldest
any longer will or desire to defend the same. This do I speak and say unto
thee, to counsel and admonish thee, and not as in manner of a judge.'
This oration of the cardinal many others prosecuting, every man for himself did exhort and persuade John Huss to the like; unto whom, with a lowly countenance, he answered :
' Most reverend fathers ! I have often said, that I came hither of mine own free will, not to the intent obstinately to defend any thing, but that if in any thing I should seem to have conceived a perverse or evil opinion, I would meekly and patiently be content to be reformed and taught. Whereupon I desire that I may have yet further liberty to declare my mind ; whereof, except I shall allege most firm and strong reasons, I will willingly submit myself, as you require, unto your information.'
Then there starte up one, who, with a loud voice said, " Behold, how craftily this man spcaketh : He termcth it infdrmation, and not correction or determination." "Verily,''"' said John Huss, "even as you will term it, information, coiTCction or determination : for I take
THK EMPEROR EXHORTETII HCJSS TO RECANT.
4U
God to my witness, that I speak notliing but with my heart and Uenrtj. mind." ^ ^'
Then said the cardinal of Cambray : " Forasmuch, then, as thou A. D. dost submit thyself unto the information and grace of this council, this ^^^^y.. is decreed by almost threescore doctors, whereof some of them are now J/nai'^of' departed hence, in whose room and place the Parisians have succeeded ; cambraj, and also it is approved by the whole council, not one man speaking eth jolm the contrary thereunto: First of all, that thou shalt humbly and meekly ""Sn confess thyself to have erred in these articles which are alleged and ^"Jj^i- brought against thee : Secondly, that thou shalt promise by an oath, whereby that from henceforth thou shalt not .hold, or teach, any of these bedeu- articles : And last of all, that thou shalt openly recant all these ''^"^^"^ articles.
Upon which sentence, when many others had spoken their minds at length John Huss said :
' I once again do say, that I am ready to submit myself to tlie information of the council ; but this I most humbly require and desire you all, even for His sake, who is the God of us all, that I be not compelled or forced to do the thing which my conscience doth repugn or strive against, or which I cannot do with- out danger of eternal damnation : that is, that I should make revocation, by oath, to all the articles which are alleged against me. For I remember that I have read in the Catholicon, that to abjure, is to renounce an error which a man hath before holden. And forsomuch as many of these articles are said to be mine, which were never in my mind or thought to hold or teach, how should J then renounce them by an oath ? But as touching those articles which are mine indeed, if there be any man who can teach me contrariwise unto them, I will willingly perform that which you desire.'
Then said the emperor : " Why mayest not thou without danger Tbe em- also renounce all those articles which thou sayest are falsely alleged horteth"" against thee by the witnesses ? For I verily would nothing at all ^^]^^^ ^^ doubt to abjure all errors, neither doth it follow that therefore, by and recant. by, I have professed any error." To whom John Huss answered : *' Most noble emperor ! this word to abjure, doth signify much other- wise than your majesty doth here use it." Then said the cardinal of Florence, " John Huss, you shall have a form of abjuration, which shall be gentle, and tolerable enough, written and delivered unto you, and then you will easily and soon determine with yourself, whether you will do it or no." Then the emperor, repeating again the words The em- of the cardinal of Cambray, said ; " Thou hast heard that there are ^earse'th two ways laid before thee : First, that thou shouldest openly renounce t^^ ^^'^'- those thy errors which are now condemned, and subscribe unto the cam- judgment of the council, whereby thou shouldest try and find their Jo^rdL grace and favour. But if thou proceed to defend thy opinions, the council shall have sufficient, whereby, according to their laws and ordi- nances, they may decree and determine upon thee." To whom John Huss answered ; " I refuse nothing, most noble emperor ! whatsoever the council shall decree or determine upon me. Only this one thing I except, that I do not offend God and my conscience, or say that I professed those errors which it was never in my mind or thought to profess. But I desire you all, if it may be possible, that you will grant me further liberty to declare my mind and opinion, that I may answer as much as shall suffice, as touching those things which are objected
VOL. III. 1 I
482 HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS,
Henry ai^ainst nic, and specially concerning ecclesiastical offices, and the state
'. — oi' tlie ministry."
A. D. But when other men began to speak, the emperor himself began to ^^^^' sing the same song which lie had sung before. " Thou art of lawfid The force agc," Said the emperor; " thou mightcst easily have understood what witness. 1 said unto tlicc yesterday, and this day ; for we arc forced to give pt'or^"o credit unto these witnesses who are worthy of credit, forasmuch as the iliuss Scripture saith, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all truth is tried : how much more then, by so many witnesses of such worthy men ? Wherefore, if thou be wise, receive penance at the hands of the council with a contrite heart, and renounce thy manifest errors, and promise by an oath, that from henceforth thou wilt never more teach or preach them ; which if thou refuse to do, there are laws and ordi- nances whereby thou shalt be judged of the council." An old Here a certain very old bishop of Poland put to his verdict. He
Poland." said : " The laws are evident as touching heretics, with what punish- ment they ought to be punished." But John Huss constantly an- swered as before, insomuch that they said he was obstinate and stubborn. Objection Tlicn a Certain well-fed priest, and gaily apparelled, cried out unto tlic bener"ft;d prcsidcuts of the council, saying : " He ought by no means to be admitted to recantation, for he hath written unto his friends, that although he do swear with his tongue, yet he Avill keep his mind un- sworn, without oath ; wherefore he is not to be trusted." Unto this slander John Huss answered as is said in the last article ; affirming that he was not guilty of any error.
Then said Paletz : " To what end is this protestation, forasmuch as TIaIu'"' thou saycst that thou wilt defend no error, neither yet Wickliff, and yet dost defend him ?" When he had spoken these words, he brought forth for w itncss nine articles of John WicklifTs, and read them openly, and afterwards he said, " When I and Master Stanislaus, in the presence of Ernest of Austria, duke of Prague, preached against them, he obstinately defended the same, not only by his sermons, but also by his books which he set forth ; which, except you do here exhibit, we will cause them to be exhibited." So said the emperor also. Unto whom John Huss answered : " I am very well contented that not only those, but also all other my books, be brought forth and showed."
In the mean time there was exhibited unto the council a certain article, wherein John Huss Avas accused, that he had slanderously in- terpreted a certain sentence of the pope's, which he denied that he did, saying, that he never saw it but in prison, when the article was showed him by the commissioners. And when he was demanded who was the author thereof; he answered, that he knew not, but that he heard say that Master Jessenitz was the author thereof.
" What then," said they, " do you think or judge of the interpre- tation thereof.^" Then answered John Huss, "What sliould 1 say thereunto, when I said I never saw it, but as I have heard it of you." Thus they were all so grievous and troublesome unto him tlvat he waxed faint and weary, for he had passed all the night before without sleep, through the pain of his teeth.
Then was there another article read, in which was contained, that three men were beheaded at Prague, because, through A\^icklifrs
tli.\n taught.
Taletz iinst
Huss.
A new hcai. of slanders
faint and weary.
QUARRELS PICKED AGAINST HUSS BY HIS ENEMIES. 483
doctrine and teaching, they were con tumelious and slanderous against the Henry pope"'s letters ; and that they were, by the same Huss, with the v/hole ^' pomp of the scholars, and with a public convocation or congregation, A. D. carried out to be buried, and by a public sermon placed among the ^^^^- number of saints. And the same Dr. Naso, of whom you have heard Another certain testimonies already recited, affirmed the same to be true, and against that he himself was present, when the king of Bohemia commanded hu"s those blasphemers so to be punished. touching
Then said John Huss: "Both those parts are false, that the king did three command any such punishment to be done, and that the corses were "el'ded at by me conveyed with any such pomp unto their sepulture or burial, Prague, whereas I was not even present: wherefore you do injury both unto me and the king. Then Paletz confirmed the affirmation of Dr. Naso, John his fellow, with this argument (for they both laboured to one end and liJd.^ purpose) : That it was provided by the king's commandment, that no man should once speak against the pope's bulls : but these three spake against the pope's bulls : ergo, by virtue of the king's commandment, they were beheaded.' And Avhat John Huss's opinion and mind was, as touching these men, it is evident enough by his book intituled ' Of the Church,' wherein he writeth thus:^ " I believe they have read Daniel the prophet, where it is said, ' And they shall perish with sword and fire, and with captivity, and many shall fraudulently and craftily associate themselves unto them.' " And afterward he saith ; " How is this fulfilled in those three lay-men, who, not consenting to but aiv^Ihx, speaking against the feigned lies of Antichrist, offered their lives there-for ; and many other were ready to do the same ; and many were fraudulently associate unto them, who, being feared by the threatenings of Antichrist, are fled, and have turned their backs," &c.
When these things were read, one looking upon another, as though they had been all in a marvellous strange study, they held their peace for a certain space; for this Paletz, and the aforesaid Dr. Naso had also added, that John Huss, in an open sermon, had inflamed and stirred up the people against the magistrates, insomuch that a great number of the citizens did openly set themselves against the magistrates ; and by that means was it, he said, that those three were ready to suffer death for the truth. And this sedition was hardly appeased by any benefit or help that the king covdd do. Then the Another Englishmen exhibited the copy of a certain epistle, which they said p,"k"fby was falsely conveyed unto Prague, under the title of the University ^^f "''" of Oxford, and that John Huss did read the same out of the pulpit against unto the people, that he might commend and praise John Wickliff" huss. to the citizens of Prague. When they had read the same before the The testi- council, the Englishmen demanded of John Huss, whether he had ^Xl °^ read the same openly or no. Which when he had confessed, because [«^_wick it Avas brought thither by two scholars under the seal of the univer- brJnght sity, they "also inquired of him, what scholars they were. He Prague, answered ; " This my friend (meaning Stephen Paletz) knoweth one of them as well as I ; the other, I know not what he was."
Then they first inquired of John Huss, as touching the last man, where he was. John Huss answered : " I heard say, that on his return into England he died by the way." As touching the first,
(1) Ex puris affirmativis non consistit argum. in 2 figiwa. (2) Cap. 21.- Eu
II 2
484 in^TORY OF T!IE ROHEMIAKS.
n,',ny Paletz said, that lie was a Bulicmiau and no Englislinian, and tliat lie
brought out of England a certain small piece of the stone of Wick-
A.D. liffs sepulchre, which they that are the followers of his doctrine at ^^^^- this present, do reverence and worship as a thing most holy. Hereby
A piece of jt appearcth for what intent all these things were done, and that John
the stone -^^ ' i , i n i 11
of Wick- JHuss was tiie author ot them all.
pui'ciue Then the Englishmen exhibited another epistle, contrary to tlie
brou-ht f^,.gf mider the seal of the university, the effect and argument whereof
for a relic ' . „ , r ' . . , ^
toPra-ue. was this : " 1 lie senate ot the university, not without great sorrow and grief, have experimented and found, that the errors of Wickliff are scattered and spread out of that university throughout all Eng- land. And to the intent, that through their help and labour, means may be found to remedy this mischief, they have appointed for that purpose twelve doctors, men of singular learning, and other masters, who should sit in judgment upon the books of Wickliff. These men have noted out above the number of two hundred articles, which the ■whole university have judged worthy to be burnt ; but, for reverence of the said sacred council, the said university have sent them unto Constance, referring and remitting the whole authority of the judg- ment unto this council." The oath Here was great silence kept for awhile. Then Paletz rising up, oi I'aiftz. ,jg though he had now finished his accusation, said : " I take God to my witness before the emperor"'s majesty here present, and the most reverend fathers, cardinals and bishops, that in this accusation of John Huss I have not used any hatred or evil will ; but that I might satisfy the oath which I took when I was made doctor, that I would be a most cruel and sharp enemy of all manner of errors, for the The oath profit and commodity of the holy catholic church," Michael de th^\\\e Causis did also the like. " And I," said John Huss, " do commit c'ausis. all these things unto the heavenly Judge, who shall justly judge the Huss cause or quarrel of both parties." Then said the cardinal of Cam- Tth'the" bray : " I cannot a little commend and praise the humanity and Lord. gentleness of Master Paletz, which he liath used in draAving out the articles against Master John Huss ; for, as we have heard, there arc many things contained in his book much worse and detestable."
^Vllcn he had spoken these words, the archbishop of Riga, unto whom John Huss was committed, commanded, that the said John .Fohn de Huss sliould bc Carried again safely to prison. Then John de Clum d.'.'t'hcotn- following him, did not a little encourage and comfort him. No liuss"'"' <^'*"»^ic can cx])rcss what courage and stomach he received by the short talk which he had with him, when, in so great a broil and griev- ous hatred, he saw himself in a manner forsaken of all men. After that John Huss was carried away, the emperor began to exhort the presidents of the council in this manner following:
Oration of the Emperor Sigismund, addressed to the Council.
' You have heard the manifold and grievous crimes which are laid against John IIuss, which arc not only proved by manifest and strong witnesses, but also confessed by him ; of which, every one of them, by my judgment and advice, hath deserved and is worthy of death. Therefore, except he do recant them all, I judge and think meet that he bc punished with fire. And albeit he do that which he is willed and commanded to do ; notwithstanding, I do
THE EAirEROU S ORATIOX. 485
counsel yon, that he be forbid the office of preaching aiul teaching, and also iifnry that he return no more into the kingdom of Bohemia : for if he be admitted ^• again to teach and preach, and especially in the kingdom of Bohemia, he will . ^^ not observe and keep that M'hich he is commanded ; but, hoping upon the iVi^" favoiu: and good will of such as be his adherents and fautors there, he will return again unto his former purpose and intent; and then, besides these errors, he will also sow new errors amongst the people ; so the last ciTor shall be worse than the first.
* Moreover, I judge and think it good, that his articles which are condemned, should be sent unto my brother, the king of Bohemia, and afterward into Poland, and other provinces ; where men's minds are replenished with his doc- Tliat trine; with this commandment : That whosoever do proceed to hold or keep the "'^'hich same, they should, by the common aid both of the ecclesiastical and civil power, piafueth be punished. So at length shall remedy be found for this mischief, if the boughs, man shall together with the root, be utterly rooted and pulled up : and if the bishops and '"'^'^'" other prelates, who here in this place have laboured and travailed for the ex- '^""'' ^^^' tirpating of this heresy, be commended by the whole voices of the council unto jeiome of the king and princes, under whose dominion they are. Last of all, if there be Prague any found here at Constance, who are familiars unto John Huss, they also ought "d''bv th to be punished with such severity and punishment as is due mito them, and emperor, especially his scholar, Jerome of Prague.'
Then said the rest : " When the master is once punished, we hope we shall find the scholar much more tractable and gentle.''
After they had spoken these words, they departed out of the cloister, where they were assembled and gathered together. The day before his condemnation, which was the sixth of July, the em- peror Sigismund sent unto him four bishops, accompanied with lords Four Wenceslaus de Duba and John de Clum, that they should learn and gentT understand of him what he did intend to do. When he was brought Jo''" out of prison unto them, John de Clum began first to speak unto him, saying : " Master John Huss, I am a man unlearned, neither The piu. am I able to counsel or advertise you, being a man of learning and [l\-^^^ understanding : notwithstanding I do require you, if you know your- oration of self guilty of any of those errors which are objected and laid against ciu'm you before the council, that you will not be ashamed to alter and huss!°^" change your mind to the will and pleasure of the council : if con- trariwise, I will be no author unto you, that you should do any thing contrary, or against your conscience, but rather to suffer and endure any kind of punishment, than to deny that which you have known to be the truth." Unto whom John Huss, turning himself, with lamen- table tears said : " Verily, as before I have oftentimes done, I do The mar- take the most high God for my witness, that I am ready with my constancy heart and mind, if the council can instruct or teach me any better by ^^^^^'^ the holy Scripture, and I will be ready with all my whole heart to alter and change my purpose." Then one of the bishops who sat by, said unto him, that he would never be so arrogant or proud, that he would prefer his own mind or opinion before the judgment of the whole council. To whom John Huss answered : " Neither do I otherwise Tiiat is mind or intend. For if he who is the meanest or least in all this "^Jl^^^y council can convict me of error, I will, with an humble heart and J.j.'^^^^j'/ mind, perform and do whatsoever the council shall require of me." to obey " Mark," said the bishops, " how obstinately he doth persevere in maniitA" his errors." And when they had thus talked, they commanded the ^«^"'y- keepers to carry him again to prison ; and so they returned again unto the emperor with their commission.
486 IIISTOUY OF THE BOUEMIAXS.
Henry The ncxt day after, wliicli was Saturcky, and the sixth day of July,
_il_ there was a general session holdcn of the princes and lords, both of
A.D. the ecclesiastical and temporal estates, in the head church of the city
1»G- of Constance, the emperor Sigismund being president in his imperial
robes and habit ; in the midst whereof there was made a certain high
place, being square about like a table, and hard by it there was a
desk of wood, on which the garments and vestments pertaining unto
priesthood were kid for this cause, that before John Huss should be
delivered over unto the civil power, he should be openly deprived
and spoiled of his priestly ornaments. When John Huss was brought
thither, he fell down upon his knees before the same high place, and
Api^nd.x prayed a long time. In the mean while the bishop of Lodi went up
into the pulpit, and made this sermon following : —
The Sermon of the Bishop of Lodi, before the Sentence was given upon John Huss.
Ill the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Trusting by liumble invocation upon the Divine help and aid, most noble prince, and most christian emperor, and you most excellent fathers, and reverend lords, bishops and prelates, also most excellent doctors and masters, most famous and noble dukes, and high counts, honom-able nobles and barons, and all other men worthy of remembrance ; that the intent and purpose of my mind may the more plainly and evidently appear unto this most sacred congi-egation, I am first of all detei-mined to treat or speak of that which is read in the epistle on the next ^g Sunday, in the sixth chapter to the Romans ; that is to say, ' Let the body of
theme. 8U1 be destroyed,' etc.
His It appeareth by the authority of Aristotle, in his book entituled ' De Coelo et
theme Mundo,' how wicked, dangerous, and foolish a matter it seemeth to be, not to in'^Ar?-*^ withstand perverse and wicked begimiings. For he saith, that a small error in stotle. the beginning, is very great in the end. It is very damnable and dangerous to liave erred, but more hard to be corrected or amended. Whereupon that worthy doctor, St. Jerome, in his book ' On the Exposition of the Catholic Faith,' teacheth how necessary a thing it is, that heretics and heresies should be sup- pressed, even at the first beginning of them, saying thus : ' The rotten and dead flesh is to be cut off from the body, lest the whole body do perish and putrefy. For a scabbed sheep is to be put out of the fold, lest that the whole flock be infected ; and a little fire is to be quenched, lest the whole house be consumed and biu-ned.' Arius was first a spark in Alexandria, who, because he was not at the first quenched, presumed, and went about with his wicked and perverse imaginations, and fantastical inventions, to spot and defile the catholic faith, whicli is founded and established by Christ, defended with the victorious triumphs of so many martyrs, and ilhiminated and set forth with the excellent doctrines and writings of so many men. Such therefore must be resisted ; such heretics, of necessity, must be suppressed and condemned.
Wherefore I have truly propounded, as touching the punishment of every such obstinate heretic, that the body of sin is to be destroyed. Whereupon it is to be considered, according to the holy traditions of the fathers, that some sins are adverse and contrary to others. Others are annexed or conjoined togetlier ; others are, as it were, branches and members of others ; and some are, as it were, the roots and licads of others. Amongst all which, those are to be counted the most detestable, out of which the most and worst have their original and beginning. Wherefore, albeit tliat all sins and offences are to be abliorred of us, yet those are especially to be eschewed, which are tlie head and root of the rest. For by liow much tiie perverseness of them is of more force and power to hr.rt, with so nnicli the more speed and circumspection ought they to be rooted out and extinguished, with apt preservatives and remeches. Forasnuich then as amongst all sins, none doth more appear to be inveterate than the mischief of this most execrable schism, therefore have I right well propounded,
A BUTCHERLY SERMON AGAINST JOHN HUSS. 487
that the body of sin should be destroyed. For by the long conthiuance ol this Henry schism, great and most cruel destruction is sprung up amongst the faithful, and ^• hath long continued ; abominable divisions of heresies have grown up ; threaten- ings are inci-eased and multiplied; the confusion of the whole clergy is grown rVf^' thereupon, and the opprobries and slanders of the christian people are abun- dantly spmng up and increased. And truly it is no marvel, forasmuch as that most detestable and execrable schism is, as it were, a body and heap of disso- lution of the true faith of God ; for what can be good or holy in that place, whei'e such a pestiferous schism hath reigned so long a time 1 For, as St. Ber- nard saith, ' Like as in the unity and concord of the faithful, there is the habitation and dwelling of the Lord ; so likewise in the schism and dissipation of the Christians, there is made the habitation and dwelling of the devil.' Is not schsm and division the original of all subversion, the den of heresies, and the nourisher of all offences? for the knot of unity and peace being once troubled and broken, there is free passage made for all strife and debate. Co- vetousness is uttered in others for lucre's sake ; lust and \vill is set at liberty, and all means opened unto slaughter. All right and equity is banished, the ecclesi- Theycan- astical power is injured, and the calamity of this schism bringeth in all kind of "/"- ^bide bondage ; swords and violence do rule, the laity have the dominion, concord to rule in and unity are banished, and all prescript rules of religion utterly contemned any case, and set at nought.
Consider, most gentle lords ! durnig this most pestiferous schism, how many All the heresies have appeai-ed and showed themselves? how many heretics have fei^gjo^ escaped unpunished ? how many chui-ches have been spoiled and pulled down ? lieth in how many cities have been oppressed, and regions brought to ruin ? what con- Y^^\- fusion hath there happened in the clergy ? what and how great destruction hath and Uve-* been amongst the christian people ? I pray you mark how the church of God, ries. the spouse of Christ, and the mother of all faithful, is contemned and despised ; for who doth reverence the keys of the church? who feareth the censures or laws, or who is it that doth defend the liberties thereof? But rather who is it Note here that doth not offend the same, or who doth not invade it, or else what is he that divimfy/ dare not violently lay hands upon the patrimony or heritage of Jesus Christ ? how the the goods of the clergy and of the poor, and the rehef of pilgrims and strangers, chdst"^ gotten together by the blood of our Saviour and of many martyrs, are spoiled serveth and taken away: behold, the abomination of desolation brought upon the chvurch top"r- of God, the destruction of the faith, and the confusion of the christian people, thef/pa- to the ruin of the Lord's flock or fold, and all the whole company of oiur most trimony. holy Saviour and Redeemer.
This loss is more great and grievous than any which could happen unto the martyrs of Christ, and this persecution much more cruel than the persecution of any tyrants ; for they did but only punish the bodies, but in the schism and division the souls are tormented. There, the blood of men was only shed ; but, in this case, the true faith is subverted and overthrown. That persecution waa salvation imto many ; but this schism is destruction unto all men. When the tyrants raged, then the faith did increase ; but by this division it is utterly decayed. During their cruelty and madness, the primitive church increased ; but through this schism it is confounded and overthrown. Tyrants did igno- rantly ofi'end ; but in this schism many do wittingly and willingly, even of obsti- nacy, offend. Thei-e came in heretics, users of simony, and hypocrites, to the great detriment and deceit of the church ; under those tyrants, the merits of the just were increased. But during this schism, mischief and wickedness are augmented : for in this most cursed and execrable division, truth is made an enemy to all Christians, faith is not regarded, love and charity hated, hope is lost, justice overthrown, no kind of courage or valiantness, but only unto mis- chief; modesty and temperance cloaked, wisdom turned into deceit, humihty feigned, equity and truth falsified, patience utterly fled, conscience small, all wickedness intended, devotion comited folly, gentleness abject and cast away, religion despised, obedience not regarded, and all manner of life reproachful and abominable.
With how great and grievous sorrows is the church of God replenished and filled, whilst that tyrants do oppress it, heretics invade it, users of simony do spoil and rob it, and schismatics go about utterly to subvert it ? O most mise- rable and wretched christian people ! whom now, by the space of forty years,
488 HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS.
A.D.
1116.
Henry with such indurate and continual schism, they have tormented, and almost hrought to ruin ! O the little bark and ship of Christ! which hath so long time wandered and strayed now in the midbt of tlie whirlpools, and by and by stick- eth fast in the rocks, tossed to and fro with most grievous and tempestuous storms! O miserable and wretched boat of Peter! if the most holy Father would suffer thee to sink or drown, into what dangers and perils have the wicked coiitinu- pir^f^s brought thee ! amongst what rocks have they placed thee ! O most ed forty godly and loving Christians ! what faithful devout man is there, who beholding years. and seeing the gi'eat ruin and decay of the church, would not be provoked imto tears ? What good conscience is there that can refrain weeping, because that contention and strife are poured upon the ecclesiastical nilers, who have made us to err in the way, because they have not found, or rather would not find, the way of unity and concord ? whereupon so many heresies and so great confusion ■are sprung up, and grown in the flock of Peter, and the fold of the Lord ! He stir- Many princes, kings and prelates, have greatly laboured and travailed for [r!' "i'' . the rooting out hereof; but yet could they never bring to pass, or finish that lorSigis- most wholesome and necessary M-ork. Wherefore, most christian king! this juund. most glorious and triumphant victory hath tarried only for thee, the crown and glorj' thereof shall be thine forever; and this most happy victory shall be con- tinually celebrated to thy great honour and praise, that thou hast restored again the church which was so spoiled, thou hast removed and put away all invete- rate and overgrown schisms and divisions, thou hast trodden down users of simonj', and rooted out all heretics. Dost thou not behold and see how great, pei-petual, and famous renown and glory it will be unto thee ? for what can be more just, what more holy, what better, what more to be desired ; or, finally, Avhat can be more acceptable, than to root out this wicked and abominable schism, to restore the church again unto her ancient liberty, to extinguish and put away all simony, and to condemn and destroy all cn-ors and heresies from amongst the flock of the faithful ? Nothing truly can be better, nothing more holy, nothing more profitable for the whole world ; and finally, nothing more acceptable unto God. For the performance of which most lioly and godly work, thou wast elected and chosen of God ; thou wast first deputed" and chosen in heaven, before thou wast elected and chosen upon earth. Thou Avast first appointed by the celestial and heavenly prince, before the electors of the empire did elect or choose thee ; and especially, that by the imperial force and power, thou shouldest condemn and destroy those errors and heresies which we have presently in hand to be condemned and sub\erted. To the performance of this most holy work, God hath given unto thee the knowledge and under- .standing of his divine truth and verity, power of princely majesty, and the just judgment of equity and righteousness, as the Highest himself doth say : ' I have Loripi- given thee understanding and wisdom, to speak and utter my words, and have dem rec- set thee to rule over nations and kingdoms, that thou shouldest help tlie peoi)le, dtat^'^"" P^uck down and destroy iniquity. And by exercising of justice tliou shouldest, aetlii'opem I say, destroy all errors and heresies, and specially this obstinate heretic here albus. present, through whose wickedness and mischief, many places of the world are v^ikVa't^ infected with most pestilent and heretical poison, and, by his means and occa- tery of sion, almost utterly subverted and destroyed. This most holy and godly labour, these pa- Q most noble prince ! was reserved only for thee ; upon thee it doth onlv lie, ^!,f/,; imto whom the whole rule and ministration of justice is given. Whereforc"thou they hast established thy praise and renown, even by the mouths of infants and
ha^eliny mucking babes ; for thy praises shall be celebrate for evennore, that thou hast thing'of destroyed and overthrown such and so great enemies of the faith. The which the em- that thou mayest prosperously and happily perform and bring to pass, our Lord their pur- Jesus vouchsafe to grant thee his grace and help, who is blessed for ever and pose. ever. Amen !
T^ejroc- "When i\\U sermon was tlius ended, the proctor of tlie couneil counci'i"' rising up, named llenricus dc Piro, required that the process of the for'the cause a^rainst .T(.lin IIuss mii,dit be continued, and that tliey niio]it proceed unto tlic definitive sentence. Then a certain bishop, wlio was appointed one of the judges, declared the process of the cause.
eentcnce.
THE SENTENCE AGAINST JOHN HUSS. 489
whicli was pleaded long since in the court of Rome, and elsewhere, Uenry between John Huss and the prelates of Prague. ■'
At last he repeated those articles which we have before remem- A. D. bered ; amongst which he rehearsed also one article, That John Huss J^il^ should teach the two natures of the Godhead and manhood to be one Christ. John Huss went about briefly, with a word or two, to answer unto every one of them ; but as often as he was about to speak, the cardinal of Cambray commanded him to hold his peace, saying, The car- " Hereafter you shall answer all togethei, if you will.''"' Then said cambray John Huss : " How can I at once answer all these things which are ''°™" alleged against me, when I cannot remember them all ?" Then said huss to the cardinal of Florence : " We have heard thee sufficiently." But ^nce."' when John Huss, for all that, would not hold his peace, they sent thd officers who should force him thereunto. Then began he to en- huss treat, pray, and beseech them, that they would hear him, that such be'hea"rd' as were present might not cre'dit or believe those things to be true '"*''';., which were reported of him. But when all this would nothing pre- commit- vail, he, kneeling down upon his knees, committed the whole matter ^^^^^^^ unto God, and the Lord J esus Christ ; for at their hands he believed the Lord, easily to obtain that which he desired.
When the articles abovesaid were ended, last of all there was added a notable blasphemy, which they all imputed unto John Huss; that is. That he said there should be a fourth person in the Deity, and Mark the that a certain doctor did hear him speak of the same. When John fa°edn™st Huss desired that the doctor might be named, the bishop that alleged f^ f^f '"• the article, said, That it was not needful to name him. Then said what they John Huss : " O miserable and wretched man that I am, which am '^''s^ forced and compelled to bear such blasphemy and slander !" ^w^nd,!.
Afterward the twenty-first article was repeated, touching his appeal The unto Christ ; and that, by name, was called heretical. Whereunto dmheaii John Huss answered : " O Lord Jesu Christ ! whose word is openly "^Mo^ap- condemned here in this council, unto thee again I do appeal, who p^i^'o when thou wast evil entreated of thine enemies, didst appeal unto God thy Father, committing thy cause unto a most just Judge ; that by thy example, we also, being oppressed with manifest wrongs and injuries, should flee unto thee." Last of all, the article was rehearsed, contempt as touching the contempt of the excommunication by John Huss. \o-^e% ex- Whereunto he answered as before, that he was excused by his advo- ni™™"„ cates in the court of Rome, wherefore he did not appear when he i^ajd^to was cited ; and also that it may be proved by the acts, that the ex- huss. communication was not ratified ; and finally, to the intent he might clear himself of obstinacy, he was for that cause come unto Constance, under the emperor^s safe-conduct. When he had spoken these ■words, one of them, who was appointed judge, read the definitive sentence against him, which followeth thus word for Avord.
The Sentence or Judgment of the Council of Constance against John Huss.
The most holy and sacred general council of Constance, being congregated and gathered together, representing the catholic church, for a perpetual me- mor)' of the thing, as the Verity and Truth did witness, ' An evil tree bringeth
490 HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS.
Henry forth evil fruit ;' hereupon it conieth, that the man of most danmable memory
^- John Wicklilf, through his pestilerous doctrine, not through Jesus Christ by
A n the gospel, as the holy fathers in times past have begotten faithful children ;
,,'jp' but, contrary unto the wholesome faith of Jesus Christ, as a most venomous
. '— root, hath begotten many pestilent and wicked children, whom he hath left
behind him, successors and followers of his perverse and wicked doctrine : against whom this sacred synod of Constance is forced to rise up, as against bastards and unlawful children, and, with diligent care, with the sharp knife of the ecclesiastical authority, to cut up their errors out of the Lord's tield, as most hurtful brambles and briers, lest they should grow to the hurt and detri- ment of others.
Forasmuch then as in the holy general coimcil, lately celebrated and holden at Rome, it was decreed, That the doctrine of John Wicklilf, of most danmable memory, should be condemned, and that his books which contained the same doctrine, should be burned as hei-etical, and this decree was approved and con- finned by the sacred authority of the whole council : nevertheless, one John Huss, here personally present in this sacred council, not the disciple of Christ, but of John Wicklilf, an arch-heretic (after, and contrary to or against, the condemnation and decree), hath taught, preached, and atlirmed the articles of Wickliff, which were condemned by the church of God, and in times past b}' certain most reverend fathers in Christ, lords, archbishops, and bishops, of divers kingdoms and realms, masters of divinity of divers imiversities ; espe- cially resisting in his open sermons, and also Avith his adherents and accom- plices in the schools, the condemnation of the said articles of Wicklilij often- times published in the said university of Prague, and hath declared him, the said Wicklifl", for the favour and commendation of his doctrine, before the whole multitude of the clergy and people, to be a catholic man, and a true evangelical doctor. He hath also published and affirmed certain and many of his articles, worthily condenmed, to be catholic, which are notoriously contained in the books of the said John Huss.
Wherefoi-e, after diligent deliberation and full information first had upon the premises by the reverend fathers and lords in Christ of the holy church of Rome, cardinals, patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, aTul other prelates, doctors of divinity and of both laws, in great number assembled and gathered together,^ this most sacred and holy council of Constance, dedareth and determineth the articles abovesaid (which after due conference had, are found in his books written with his own hand, which also the said John Huss in open audience, before this holy council, hath confessed to be in his books) not to be catholic, neither worthy to be taught; but that many of them are erroneous, some of them wicked, others offensive to godly ears, many of them temerarious and seditious, and the greater part of them notoriously heretical, and even now, of late, by the holy fathers and general councils reproved and condemned. And forasmuch as the said articles are expressly contained in the books of the said John Huss, therefore this said sacred* council doth condemn and reprove all those books which he wrote, in Avhat fonn or phrase soever they bo, or whether they be translated by others ; and doth determine and decree, that they all shall be solemnly and openly burned in the presence of the clergy and peoj)le of the city of Constance, and elsewhere ; adding moreover for the premises. That all his doctrine is worthy to be despised and eschewed of all faithful Christians. And, to the intent this most pernicious and wicked doctrine may be utterly excluded and shut out of the church, this sacred synod doth straitly command, that diligent inquisition be made by the ordinaries of the places, by the ecclesiastical censure, for such treatises and works; and that such as are found, be consumed and burned with fire. And if there be any found, who shall contemn or despise this sentence or decree, this sacred synod ordaineth and decrceth, that the ordinaries of the places, and the inquisitors of heresies, shall proceed against every such person as suspected of heresy.
Wherefore, after due inquisition made against the said John Huss, and full information had bj' the commissaries and doctors of both laws, and also by the sayings of the witnesses who were worthy of credit, and many other things
(1) They shall brine you berore their councils, they shall persecute you, and cast you in prison, and bring you before kings and presidents for my name, etc. Luke xii.
(2) The said concilium uialignautium.
THE CRUEL HANDLING AND DEGRADING OF JOHN HUSS. 491
openly read before tlie said John Hiiss, and before the fathers and prelates of jienry this sacred council (by which allegations of the witnesses, it appeareth, that the '' said John Huss hath taught many evil and offensive, seditious and perilous ~I~rT~ heresies, and hath preached the same by a long time), this most sacred and holy ^^^p' synod, lawflilly congregated and gathered together in the Holy Ghost,i the name of Christ being invocated and called upon, by this its sentence which is here set forth in writing, determineth, pronounceth, declareth, and decreeth that John Huss was and is a true and manifest heretic, and that he hath preached openly errors and heresies lately condemned by the church of God, and many seditious, temerarious and offensive things; to no small offence of the Divine Majesty, and of the universal church, and detriment of the catholic faith and church ; neglecting and despising the keys of the chui-ch, and ecclesiastical censures. In the which his error, he hath continued with a mind altogether indurate and The ap- hardened by the space of many years, much offending the faithful Christians by P^^l ^° . his obstinacy and stubbornness, when he made his appeal unto the Lord Jesus deroga'-'* Christ, as the Most High Judge, omitthig and leaving all ecclesiastical means, tory to In the which his appeal he allegeth many false, injurious, and offensive matters, holine'ssf in contempt of the apostolic see, and of the ecclesiastical censiu'es and keys.
Whereupon, both for the premises and many other things, the said synod Verity pronounceth John Huss to be a heretic, and judgeth him, by these presents, •^on- to be condemned and judged as a heretic ; and reproveth the said appeal as fo*r"'"'''^ injiu-ions, offensive, and done in derision unto the ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; heresy. and judgeth the said Huss not only to have seduced the christian people by his writings and preachings, and especially in the kingdom of Bohemia, neither to have been a true preacher of the gospel of Christ unto the said people, according to the exposition of the holy doctors, but also to have been a seducer of them, and also an obstinate and stifiiiecked person, yea and such a one as doth not desire to return again to the lap of our holy mother the church, neither to abjure the errors and heresies which he hath openly preached and defended. Wherefore this most sacred council decreeth and declareth, that the said John Huss shall be famously^ deposed and degraded from his priestly orders and dignity, &c.
While these things were thus read, John Huss, albeit he was for- John bidden to speak, notwithstanding did often interrupt them, and espe- ^eareiii cially when he was reproved of obstinacy, he said with a loud voice : 'Jf™^*^" " I was never obstinate, but, as always heretofore, even so now again I stiuacy. desire to be taught by the holy Scriptures ; and I do profess myself to be so desirous of the truth, that if I might by one only word subvert the errors of all heretics, I would not refuse to enter into what peril or They con- danger soever it were." When his books were condemned, he said, jj^™" '''^ " Wherefore have you condemned those books, when you have not written in proved "by any one article, that they are contrary to the Scriptures, or hemian- articles of faith ? And moreover what injury is this that you do to ^Xch^' me, that you have condemned these books written in the Bohemian ^^<^y tongue, which you never saw, neither yet read ?'''' And oftentmies read, looking up unto heaven, he prayed.
When the sentence and judgment were ended, kneeling down upon Huss his knees, he said : " Lord Jesus Christ ! forgive mine enemies, by FoThis'' whom thou knowcst that I am falsely accused, and that they have used enemies. false witness and slanders against me ; forgive them, I say, for thy ^ *''^.^ great mercy''s sake." This his prayer and oration, the greater part, and especially the chief of the priests, did deride and mock. ^^^^_
At last the seven bishops who were chosen out to degrade him of manded his priesthood, commanded him to put on the garments pertaining on u"e unto priesthood ; which thing when he had done until he came to the I"/.**' ^ putting on of the albe, he called to his remembrance the white vestm-e^ jnents.
(1) Many shall come in my name, and shall deceive many. Mark xiii.
(2) "Famously," publicly.— Ed. (3) " Scarlet robe." Matt, xxviii. 28.— Ed.
402 HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIAN'S.
Henry wliicli Ilcrocl put ou Jcsus Cluist t(j mock liim v itlial. Su, likewise, in all oUicr things lie did conifurt hinisclf by the example of Christ.
A.D. When he had now put on all his priestly vestures, the bisliops ex-
^^''^' horted him that he should yet alter and change his mind and purpose,
and provide for his honour and salvation. Then he (according as
the manner of the ceremony is), going up to the top of the scafibld,
being full of tears, spake unto the people in this sort.
His ora- ' Tlicse lords and bishops do exhort and counsel me, that I should here con- Ihe" ""'° ^'^^^ before you all that I have erred ; which thing to do, if it were such as people, might be done with the infamy and reproach of man only, they might perad- venture easily persuade me thereunto ; but now truly I am in the sight of the Lord my God, without whose great ignominy and grudge of mine own con- science, 1 can by no means do that which they require of me. For I do well know, that I never taught any of those things which they have falsely alleged against me ; but I have always preached, taught, written, and thought contrary thereunto. With what countenance then shoidd I behold the heavens ? With what face should I look upon them whom I have taught, whereof there is a great number, if, through me, it should come to pass that those things, which they have hitherto known to be most certain and sure, should now be made uncertain? Should I, by this my example, astonish or trouble so many souls, so many con sciences, indued with the most firm and certain knowledge of the Scriptures and gospel of our Lord Jesu Christ and his most pure doctrine, armed against all the assaults of Satan ? I will never do it, neither commit any such kind of offence, that I should seem more to esteem this vile carcase appointed unto death, than their health and salvation.'
At this most godly word he was forced again to hear, by the consent of the bishops, that he did obstinately and maliciously persevere in his pernicious and wicked errors.
Then he was commanded to come down to the execution of his judgment, and in his coming down, one of the seven bishops before rehearsed, first took away the chalice from him which he held in his hand, saying ; " O cursed .Tudas ! why hast thou forsaken the council and ways of peace, and hast counselled with the Jews .'* We take away from thee this chalice of thy salvation." But John Huss received this curse in this manner : " But I trust unto God, the Father omni- potent, and my Lord Jesus Christ, for whose sake I do suffer these things, that he will not take away the chalice of his redemption, but have a steadfast and firm hope that this day I shall drink thereof in Thede- his kingdom." Then followed the other bishops in order, who every af John one of them took away the vestments from him which they had put ""^*- on, each one of them giving him their curse. AVhcreunto John Huss answered : That he did willingly embrace and hear those blasphemies for the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. At last they came to the rasing of his shaven crown ; but before the bishops would go in hand ■with it, there was a great contention between them, with what instru- ment it should be done ; with a razor, or with a pair of shears. His In the mean season, John Huss, turning himself toward the empe-
unto^the ^or. Said : " I marvel that forasmuch as they be all of like cruel mind emperor, and stomacli, yet they cannot agree upon their kind of crueltv." The Notwithstanding, at last they agreed to cut off the skin of the crown HuIJ^cut of }iis head with a pair of shears. And when thev had done that, rhears ^^y ^^^^^ tlicsc Avords : " Now hath the church taken awav all her ornaments and privileges from him. Now there rcsteth nothing else,
THE PROTEST OF JOHN HUSS TO THE PEOPLE. 493
but that he be delivered over unto the secular power." But before n<-«ry they did that, there yet remained another knack of reproach ; for
they caused to be made a certain crown of paper, almost a cubit A. D. deep, on which were painted three devils of wonderfully ugly shape, ^^^'^- and this title set over their heads, ' Hcresiarcha."' Which when he saw, he said : " My Lord Jesus Christ, for my sake, did wear a crown of thorns; why should not I then, for his sake, again wear this light crown, be it ever so ignominious ? Truly I will do it, and that The mar- willingly." When it was set upon his head, the bishop said : " Now cons'taLy we commit thy soul unto the devil." " But I," said Jolm Huss, ^"^jofth lifting his eyes up towards the heavens, " do commend into thy bWsed hands, O Lord Jesu Christ ! my spirit which thou hast redeemed." Th"^"" These contumelious opprobries thus ended, the bishops, turning ^^,^p,^''„j themselves towards the emperor, said : " This most sacred synod ii.scnp- of Constance leaveth now John Huss, who hath no more any office sTupon or to do in the church of God, unto the civil judgment and power.*** "jl'j^'^^^^'* Then the emperor commanded Louis, duke of Bavaria, who stood before him in his robes, holding the golden apple with the cross in his hand, that he should receive John Huss of the bishops, and deliver him unto them who should do the execution ; by whom as he was led to the place of execution, before the church doors The pro- he saw his books burning, whereat he smiled and laughed. And of^jo^"" all men that passed by he exhorted, not to think that he should huss, as die for any error or heresy, but only for the hatred and ill-will of led to his adversaries, who had charged him with most false and unjust of exem"- crimes. All the whole city in a manner, being in armour, followed """• him.
The place appointed for the execution was before the Gottliebcn gate, between the gardens and the gates of the suburbs. When John Huss was come thither, kneeling down upon his knees, and lifting his eyes up unto heaven, he prayed, and said certain Psalms, and especially the thirty-first and fifty-first Psalms. And they who stood The hard by, heard him oftentimes in his prayer, with a merry and cheer- ofXhn ful countenance, repeat this verse : " Into thy hands, O Lord ! I ^^^^^ "■^^'^ commend my spirit," &c. ; which thing when the lay-people beheld the who stood next unto him, they said : " What he hath done before, """"'' '^' we know not ; but now we see and hear that he doth speak and pray very devoutly and godly." Others wished that he had a confessor. There was a certain priest by, sitting on horseback, in a green gown, drawn about with red silk, who said : " He ought not to be heard, because he is a heretic :" yet, notwithstanding, while he was in prison, he was both confessed, and also absolved by a certain doctor, a monk, as Huss himself doth witness in a certain epistle which he wi-ote unto his friends out of prison.^ Thus Christ reigneth unknown unto the world, even in the midst of his enemies. In the mean At the time while John Huss prayed, as he bowed his neck backwards to ^ohn"^' " look upward unto heaven, the crown of paper fell off from his head ""^^^^^^ upon the ground. Then one of the soldiers, taking it up again, with the said : "■ Let us put it again upon his head, that he may be burned down. with his masters the devils, whom he hath served."
When, by the commandment of the tormentors, he was risen up
(1) Ex Epist. Joan. Huss. 31.
494 HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS.
ffenry from the ])lacc of liis prayer, -witli a loud voice lie said : " Lord ' Jesu Christ ! assist and help me, that ^vith a constant and patient A.D. niind, by thy most gracious help, I may bear and suffer this cruel ^^^' and ignominious dcatli, wheninto I am condemned for the preaching of thy most holy gospel and word." Then, as before, lie declared the cause of his death unto the people. In the mean season the hangman stripped him of his garments, and turning his hands behind his back, tied him fast unto the stake with ropes that were Joiin made wet. And whereas, by chance, he was turned towards the cast, fastened Certain cried out that he should not look towards the east, for he Ktake^ Mas a heretic : so he was turned towards the west. Then was his John neck tied with a chain unto the stake, which chain when he beheld, tiirlied smiling he said, that he would willingly receive the same chain the west, ^^i Jcsus Christ"'s sakc, who, he knew, was bound with a fir worse chain. Under his feet they set two foggots, admixing straw Avithal, and so likewise, from the feet up to the chin, he was enclosed in Tardon rouud about witli wood. But before the wood was set on fire, Louis, asahi'to dukc of Bavaria, and another gentleman with him, who Avas the son of Hus" Clement, came and exhorted John IIuss, that he would yet be mind- ful of his salvation, and renounce his cn'ors. To whom he said : " What error should I renounce, when I know myself guilty of none ? For as for those things which are falsely alleged against me, I know that I never did so much as once think them, much less Theiast prcach them. For this was the principal end and purpose of my si'o'n''of doctrine, that I might teach all men penance and remission of sins, ^I'^'Ji^ according to the verity of the gospel of Jesus Christ, and the ex- position of the holy doctors : wherefore, with a cheerful mind and courage, I am here ready to suffer death." When he had spoken these words, they left him, and shaking hands together, departed. The Then was the fire kindled, and John Huss began to sing Avith a
dom of" loud voice : "Jesu Christ ! the Son of the living God ! have mercy ilihn"^ npon me." And when he began to say the same the third time, the Huss. wind drove the flame so npon his face, that it choked liim. Yet notwithstanding he moved awhile after, by the space that a man i^The"^ might almost say three times the Lord's Prayer. AVhcn all the wood siphtof was burned and consumed, the upper part of the body was left is'^h^""' hanging in the chain, which they threw down stake and all, and death of niaking a new fire, burned it, the head being first cut in small Baints. gobbets, that it might the sooner be consumed unto ashes. The of'iiusr heart, which was found amongst the bowels, being well beaten with will?" staves and clubs, was at last pricked upon a sharp stick, and roasted aiTdcon ^^ ^ ^'^ apart until it Avas consumed. Then, Avith great diligence Slimed gathering the ashes together, they cast them into the river Rhine, His'iishcs that the least remnant of the ashes of that man should not be cast into left upon the earth, Avhose memory, notAvithstanding, cannot be ithinc. abolished out of the minds of the godly, neither by fire, neither by Avater, neither by anv kind of torment.
I knoAv very A\tll that these things are very slenderly written by me* as touching the labours of this most holy martyr John Huss, Avilh Avhom the labours of Hercules are not to be compared. For that ancient Hercules sIcav a fcAv monsters ; but this our
(1) Probably Johannes Przibram, a Bohemian, asFoxe afterwards suggests.— Ei>.
THE EMPEUOn EXCITSETII HIAISELF OF THE DEATH OF HUSS. 495
Hercules, with a most stout and valiaut courage, liath subdued even ^'^'"■y the world itself, the mother of all monsters and cruel beasts. This L_
story were worthy some other kind of more curious handling ; but, A. D. forasmuch as I cannot otherwise perform it myself, I have endea- ^^^^- voured according to the very truth, as the thing was indeed, to The commend the same unto all godly minds ; neither have I heard and wit- it reported by others, but I myself was present at the doing of"his^°*^ all these things; and as I was able, I have put them in writing, ^'"""y- that by this my labour and endeavour, howsoever it were, I might preserve the memory of this holy man and excellent doctor of the evangelical truth.
What was the name of the author who wrote this story, it is not M.Joiin here expressed. Cochleus, in his second book ' contra Hussitas,"" though™ supposeth his name to be Johannes Przibram, a Bohemian, who, na,^V"' afterwards succeeding in the place of John Huss at Prague, at last . *^^.
ol . O' Appendix.
IS tliought to have relented to the papists.
This godly servant and martyr of Ciirist was condemned by the cruel council, and burned at Constance, a.d. 1415, the sixth day of the month of July.
How grievously this death of John Huss was taken among the nobles of Bohemia and Moravia, hereafter, Christ willing, shall appear by their letters which they sent unto the council ; and by the letters of Sigismund, king of Romans, written unto them, wherein he laboureth all that he can, to purge and excuse himself of the death of John Huss.* Albeit he is not altogether free from that cruel flict, and innocent from that blood, yet, notwithstanding, he pretendeth in words so to wipe away that blot from him, that the greatest part of that crime seemeth to rest npon the bloody prelates of that council ; as the words of the king do purport in form as followeth.^
The Letter of the Emperor Sigismund, to the Nobles of Bohemia.
In the mean time as we were about the coasts of the Rhine, John Huss went The em-, to Constance, and there was arrested, as is not to you unknown; who, if heliad pe'*"" ex- first resorted unto us, and had gone up with us to the council, perliaps it had himself df been otherwise with him. And God knowetli what grief and sorrow it was to tlie death our heart, to see it so to fall out, as with no words can be well expressed ; jlu^g'" whereof all the Bohemians, who were there present, can bear us witness, seeing and beholding how careful and solicitous we were in labouring for him, inso- much that we many times with anger and fury departed out of the council ; and not only out of the council, but also ^went out of the city of Constance, taking his part, unto such time as the rulers of the council, sending unto us, said, that if we would not permit them to prosecute that which right required in the coun- cil, what should they then do in the place ? Whereupon thus we thought with ourselves, that here was nothing else for us more to do, nor yet to speak in this case, forasmuch as the whole council otherwise had been dissolved. Where is to be noted, moreover, that in Constance, the same time, there was not one clerk, nor two, but there were ambassadors from all the kings and princes in Christen- dom: especially, smce the time that (Petrus de Luna giving over) all those kings and princes who took his part, came to us ; so that whatsoever good was to be done, it was now to be passed in this present council, &c.^
(1) Ex Coclileo de Hist. Huss. lib. 4.'
(2) Interea (inquit) nobis adhuc in partibus Rheui existentibus, pervenit ad Constantiam, &c.
(3) Ex legist. Imp. Sigismund. ad Nobiles, &c.
496 HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS.
Henry By tlus it iTiav appciT tliat the emperor, as partly ashamed and
^' Borry of tliat which Avas done, would jjladly have cleared himself thereof,
A. D. and have washed his hands with Pilate : yet he could not so clear
^^^^- liimself, but that a great portion of that murder remained in him to be
noted, and well worthy of reprehension ; as may appear by his last
words spoken in the council to John Huss, whereof John Huss in his
epistles complaineth, writing to certain of his friends in Bohemia, in
liis thirty-third epistle, as by his words here following may appear.
From a Letter of John Huss to his Friends in Bohemia.
Tiie cm- I desire you yet again, for tlie love of God, that the lords of Bohemia, joining peror un- together, will desire the king for a final audience to be given to me. Forasmuch to John as he alone said to me in the council, that they should give me audience shortly, Huss. and that I should answer for myself briefly in writing, it will be to his great confusion, if he shall not perform that which he hath spoken. But I fear that word of his will be as firm and sure, as the other was concerning my safe con- duct granted by him. Certain there were in Bohemia, who willed me to beware of his safe conduct. And others said : 'he will surely give you to your enemies.' And the lord MikestDweky told me before Master Jessenitz, saying, ' Master! know it for certain you shall be condemned.' And this I suppose he spake, knowing before the intention of the king. I hoped well that he had been well affected towards the law of God and the truth, and had therein good intel- ligence : now I conceive that he is not greatly skilful, nor so prudently circum- spect in himself. He condemned me before mine enemies did ; who, if it had Pilate pleased him, might have kept the moderation of Pilate the gentile, who said, dem^eTo" ' ^ ^"'^ "° cause in this man ;' or, at least, if he had said but thus, ' Behold, Christ, I have given him his safe conduct safely to return ; and if he will not abide the than tills decision of the council, I will send him home to the king of Bohemia with your tcTj'oim'^ sentence and attestations, that he with his clergjf may judge him.' But now I Huss. hear, by the relation of Henry LefFy, and of others, that he will ordain for me sufficient audience ; and if I will not submit myself to the judgment of the coun- cil, he will send me safe, the contrary way, &'c.
This John Huss being in prison, wrote divers treatises ; as ' Of the Commandments,"' ' Of the Lord's Prayer,' ' Of Mortal Sin,' ' Of Matrimony,' ' Of the Knowledge and Love of God,' ' Of three Enemies of Mankind, theWorld, the Flesii, and the Devil,' ' Of Penance,' ' Of the Sacrament of the 15ody and Blood of the Lord,' ' Of tlie sufficiency of the Law of God to rule the Church,' &c. He wrote, also, divers epistles and letters to the lords, and to his friends in Bohemia ; and in his writings he did foreshow many things before to come, touching the refonnation of the church : and seemeth in the prison to have had divers prophetical revelations showed to him of God. Certain of which his letters and predictions, I thought here underneath to insert, in such sort, as neither in reciting all, I will overcharge the volume too much ; nor yet in reciting of none, will I be so brief, but that the reader may have some taste, and take some profit, of the christian writings and doings of this blessed man ; first beginning with the letter of the lord de Clum, concerning the safe conduct of John Huss.
A Letter of the Lord John de Clum, concerning the Safe Conduct of John Huss.
To all and singidar that shall see and hear these presents, I John de Clum do it to understand, liow Master Jolin Huss, bachelor of divinity, under the safe ponduct and protection of the renowned prince and lord Sigismund of Romans^
A.D.
1416.
A LETTEK OF JOHN HUSS TO THE PEOPLE OF PRAGUE. 497
always Augustus, and king- of Hungary, &c., my gracious lord; and under the jienry protection, defence, and safeguard of the holy empire of Rome, having the letters ^■ patent of the said my lord, king of the Romans, &c., came unto Constance to render a fidl account of his faith in public audience, to all that would reqmre the same. This the said Master John Huss, in this imperial city of Constance, under the safe conduct of the said my lord, king of Romans, hath been and yet is detained. And although the pope with the cardinals have been seriously required by solemn ambassadoi-s of the said my lord, king of Romans, &c., in the king's name and behalf, that the said Master John Huss should be set at liberty, and be restored unto me : yet notwithstanding they have and yet do refuse hitherto to set him at liberty, to the great contempt and derogation of the safe conduct of the king, and of the safeguard and protection of the empire, or imperial ma- jesty. Wherefore I John aforesaid, in the name of the king, do here publish and make it known, that the apprehending, and detaining of the said Master John Huss was done wholly against the will of the beforenamed king of Romans, my lord; seeing it is done in the contempt of the safe conduct of his subjects, and of the protection of the empire, because the said my lord was then absent far from Constance, and if he had been there present, would never have per- mitted the same. And when he shall come, it is to be doubted of no man, but that he, for this great injury and contempt of this safe conduct done to him and to the empire, will grievously be molested for the same.
Given at Constance, the day of the Nativity of the Lord, 1414.
In this instrument above prefixed, note, gentle reader ! three things.
First, The goodness of this gentle lord John de Clum, being so fervent and zealous in the cause of John Huss, or rather in the cause of Christ.
Secondly, The safe conduct granted unto the said John Huss, under the faith and protection of the emperor, and of the empire.
Thirdly, Here is to be seen the contempt and rebellion of these proud prelates, in disobeying the authority of their high magistrate, who, contrary to his safe conduct given, and the mind of the emperor, did arrest and imprison this good man, before the coming of the said emperor, and before that John Huss was heard. Let us now, as we have promised, adjoin some of the epistles of this godly man :
An Epistle of John Huss, unto the People of Prague.
Grace and peace from our Lord Jesus Christ, that you being delivered from sin may walk in his grace, and may grow in all modesty and virtue, and after this may enjoy eternal life.
Dearly beloved, I beseech you who walk after the law of God, that you cast not away the care of the salvation of your souls, when you, hearing the word of God, are premonished wisely to understand that you be not deceived by false apostles, who do not reprehend the sins of men, but rather do extenuate and diminish them ; who flatter the priests, and do not show to the people their offences ; who magnify themselves, boast their own works, and marvellously extol their own worthiness, but follow not Christ in his humility, in poverty, in the cross, and other manifold afflictions. Of whom our merciful Saviour did pre- monish us before, saying : ' False Christs and false prophets shall rise, and shall deceive many.' And when he had forewarned his well-beloved disciples, he said unto them : ' Beware and take heed of false prophets, who come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly are ravening wolves : ye shall know them by their fruits.' And truth it is, that the faithful of Christ have much need diligently to beware and take heed unto themselves ; for, as our Saviour himself doth say : ' The elect also, if it were possible, shall be brought into error.' Wherefore, my well-beloved, be circumspect and watchful, that ye be not circumvented with the crafty trains of the devil. And the more circumspect ye ought to be, for that Antichrist laboureth the more to trouble you. The last judgment is near at hand : death shall swallow up many, but to the elect cluldren of God the kingdom
VOL. III. F K
4.98 A LETTER OF JOHN HUSS TO HIS BENEFACTORS.
Hcnrij of God diaweth near, because for them he gave his own body. Fear not
^- deatli; love together one anotlier; persevere in understanding the good will of
. pv God without ceasing. Let the terrible and horrible day of judgment be always
1416* ^'^^'^•'^ y^"^' ^.V''^' ^^'^^^ yo" ^'^ "'*'■> ^"*^ ^1^° *^^^ j°y °^ eternal life, whereunto
L. you must endeavour.
Furtherniore, let the passion of our Saviour be never out of your minds ; that you may bear with him and for him gladly, whatsoever shall be laid upon you. For if you shall consider well in your minds his cross and afflictions, notliing shall be grievous unto you, and patiently you shall give place to tribulations, cursings, rebukes, stripes, and imprisonment, and shall not doubt to give your lives, moreover, for his holy truth, if need require. Know ye, wcU-beloved, that Antichrist being stirred up against you, deviseth divers persecutions. And many he hath not hurt, no not the least hair of their heads, as by mine own example I can testify; although he hath been vehemently incensed against me. Wherefore I desire you all, with yom- prayers, to make intercession for me to the Lord, to give me intelligence, sufferance, patience, and constanc}', that I never swerve from his divine verity. He hath brought me now to Constance. In all my journey, openly and manifestly, I have not feared to utter my name as becometh the servant of God. In no place I kept myself secret, or used any dissimulation : but never did I find in any place more pestilent and mani- fest enemies than at Constance ; which enemies neither should I have had theie, had it not been for certain of our own Bohemians, hj^ocritcs and deceivers, who for benefits received, and stirred up with covetousness, with boasting and bragging have persuaded the people that I went about to seduce them out of the right way. But T am in good hope, that through the mercy of our God, and by your prayers, I shall persist strongly in the immutable verity of God imto the last breath. Finally, I would not have you ignorant, that whereas every one here is put in his otiice, I only as an outcast am neglected, &c.
I commend j'ou to the merciful Lord Jcsu Christ, our true God, and the Son of the immaculate Virgin JNIary, who hath redeemed us by his most bitter death, without all merits, from eternal pains, from the thraldom of the devil, and from sin.
From Constance, the year of our Lord 1415.
Another Letter of John Huss to his Benefactors.
My gi-acious benefactors and defenders of the truth ! I exhort you by the bowels of Jesus Christ, that now ye, setting aside the vanities of this present world, will give your service to tlie Eternal King, Christ the Lord. Trust not in princes, nor in the sons of men, in whom there is no health. For the sons of men are dissemblers and deceitful. To-day they are, to-morrow they perish, but God rcmaineth for ever; who hath his servants, not for any need he hath of them, but for their own profit: luito whom he performeth that which he promiscth, and fulfilleth that which he purposeth to give. lie casteth off no faithful servant from him, for he saith ; ' Where I am, there also shall my servant be.' And the Lord maketh every servant of his to be the lord of all his possession, giving himself unto him, and with himself, all things ; that without all tediousness, fear, and without all defect, he may possess all tilings, rejoicing with all saints in joy infinite. O happy is that servant, whom, when the Lord shall come, he .shall find watching ! Happy is the servant who shall receive the King of Glory with joy! Wherefore, well-beloved lords and benefactors; serve you that King in fear, who shall bring you, as I trust, now to Bohemia at this present, by liis grace, in health ; and hereafter, to an eternal life of glory. Fare you well, for I think that this is the last letter that I shall write to you ; who, to-mon-ow, as I suppose, shall be purged in hope of Jcsu Christ, through bitter death for my sins. The things that hap- pened to me this night I am not able to write. Sigism\ind hath done all things with me deceitfully. God forgive him, and only for your sakes. You also heard the sentence which he awarded against me. I pray you have no suspicion of faithful "N'itus.
A LETTER OF HUSS TO JOHN DE CLUM. 499
A Letter of John Huss to the Lord John de Clum.
Henry
Most gracious benefactor in Christ Jesu ! dearly beloved ! yet I rejoice not A. D. a little, that by the grace of God I may write unto your honour. By your 1416. letter which I received yesterday, I understand, first, how the iniquity of the great stmmpet, that is, of the malignant congregation (whereof mention is made in the Apocalypse), is detected, and shall he more detected ; with which strumpet the kings of the earth do commit fornication, fornicating spiritually from Christ ; and, as is there said, sliding back from the truth, and consenting to the lies of Antichrist, through his seduction and through fear, or through hope of confederacy, for getting of worldly honour. Secondly, I perceived by your letter how the enemies of the truth begin now to be troubled. Thirdly, I perceived the fervent constancy of your charity, wherewith you profess the truth bodily. Fourthly, with joy I perceived that you mind now to give over the vanity and painful service of this present world, and to serve "the Lord J esus Christ quietly at home ; whom to serve, is to i-eign ; as Gregory saith, ' ' He that served him faithfully, hath Jesus Christ himself in the kingdom of heaven to minister unto him, as he himself saith. Blessed is that servant, whom when the Lord shall come, he shall find waking, and so doing. Verily I say unto you, that he rising shall gird himself, and shall minister to him.' This do not the kings of the world to their servants, whom they do love only so long- as they are profitable and necessary for their commodities, &c.
An Epistle of John Huss to his Friends, wherein he decLareth why- God sufFereth not his to perish ; bringing divers examples, where- with he doth comfort and confirm both himself and others.
The Lord God be with you ! Many causes there were, well-beloved in God, my dear friends, which moved me to think that those letters were the last, which before I sent unto you, looking that same time for instant death. But now, understanding the same to be deferred, I take it for great comfort unto me, that I have some leisure more to talk with you by letters. And therefore I write again to you, to declare and testify at least my gratitude and mindful duty towards you. And as touching death, God doth know why he doth defer it both to me, and to my well-beloved brother Master Jerome, who I trust will die holily and without blame ; and do know also that he doth and sufFereth now more valiantly, than I myself, a wretched sinner. God hath given us a long time, that we might call to memory our sins the better, and repent for the same more fervently. He hath granted us time, that our long and great temptation should put away our grievous sins, and bring the more consolation. He hath given us time, wherein we should remember the horrible rebukes of our mer- ciful King and Lord Jesus, and should ponder his cruel death, and so more patiently might learn to bear om- afflictions. And, moreover, that we might keep in remembrance, how that the joys of the life to come are not given after the joys of this world immediately, but that through many tribulations the saints have entered into the kingdom of heaven. For some of them have been cut and chopped all to pieces, some have had their eyes bored through, some have been sodden, some roasted, some flayed alive, some buried quick, stoned, crucified, grinded betwixt millstones, drawn and hailed hither and thither unto execution, drowned in waters, strangled and hanged, torn in pieces, vexed with rebukes before their death, pined in prisons, and afflicted in bands. And The tor- who is able to recite all the torments and sufferings of the holy saints, which ments of they suffered under the Old and New Testament for the verity of God ; namely, jyrs'un-' those who have at any time rebuked the malice of the priests, or have preached der the against their wickedness ? And it will be a marvel if any man now also shall ^^ ^""^ escape unpunished, whosoever dare boldly resist the wickedness and perversity, tament. * especially of those priests, who can abide no coiTection. And I am glad that they are compelled now to read my books, in which their malice is somewhat described; and I know they have read the same more exactly and diligently, than the holy gospel, seeking therein to find out eiTors.
Given at Constance, on Thursday, the twenty-eighth day of June, Anno 1415.
500 GODLY LETTEllS OF JOHN HUSS TO THE BOHEMIANS.
Hnry Anotlicr LcttcT of Jolin Huss to liis Friends, vhcrcin he rehearseth what Injuries he received of the Council, and of the Deputies,
A.D.
1416.
If my letter be not yet sent to Bohemia, keep it and send it not, for hurt — may come thereof, &c.
Item, If the king do ask, who ought to be my judge, since that the council neither did call me, nor did cite me, neither was I ever accused before the council, and yet the council hath imprisoned me, and hath appointed their proctor against me.'
Item, I desire you, right noble and gracious lord John ! if audience shall be given me, that the king will be there present himself, and that I may have a place a])pointed near unto him, that he may hear me well, and understand what I say; and that you also, with the lord Henry, and with lord Wenceslaus and other more, if you may, will be present, and hear what the Lord Jesus Chrisf, my procurator and advocate, and most gracious judge, will put in my mouth to speak ; that whether I live or die, you may be true and upright witnesses witli me, lest lying' lips shall say hereafter that 1 swerved away from the truth which I havp preached.
Item, Know you that, before witnesses and notaries in the prison, I desired the commissioners, that they would depute unto me a proctor and an advocate; who promised so to do, and afterwards would not perform it. Wherefore I have committed myself to the Lord Jesus Christ, that he will be my procurator and advocate, and judge of my cause.
Item, Know you, that they have, as I suppose, no other quarrel against me, but only this, that I stood against the pope's bull, which pope John sent down to Bohemia,^ to sanctify war with the sign of the cross and full remission of sins to all those who would take the holy cross, to fight for the patrimony of the Romish church against Ladislaus, king of Naples ; and they have mine own writing which was read against me, and I do acknowledge it to be mine. Secondly, they have also against me, that I have continued so long in excom- munication, and yet did take upon me to minister in the church, and say mass. Thirdly, they have against me, because I did appeal from the pope to Christ, for they read my appeal before me, which with a willing mind, smiling, I confessed before them all to be mine. Fourthl}', because I left a certain letter behind me, which was read in the church of Bethlehem, which letter my adver- saries have very evil-favouredly translated, and sinistcrly expounded, in which I did write that I went out with a safe-conduct. Whereunto you yourselves can say and bear me record, that I, in my going out, had no safe-conduct of the pope, neither yet did I know whether you should go out with me, when I wrote that letter.
Item, If audience may be given to me, and that after the same audience the king would suffer me not to be returned again into prison, but that I may have your counsels and those of others my friends ; and, if it please God, that I may say something to my sovereign lord the king, for the behalf of Christianity, and for his own profit, &c.
Another Letter of John Huss to his Friends, wherein he confirnicth the Bohemians, and describeth the wickedness of that CounciL
John Huss, in hope, the servant of God, to all the faithful in Bohemia who love the Lord, gi'ccting through the grace of God. It cometh in my mind, wherein I nnist needs admonish you, who be the faithful and beloved of the Tlie Lord, how that the council of Constance, being full of pride, avarice, and all
counrii abomination, hath condemned my books, written in the Bohemian tongue, for books"'" heretical, which books they never saw, nor ever heard them read. And if they wiikh had heard them, yet they could not understand the same, being some Italians, they un- s(„i,e Frenchmen, some Britons, some Siianiards, Germans, with other people not. ol other nations besides ; unless, peradvcnture, John, bishop of Litoniysl, under-
stood them, who was present in that council, and certain other Bohemians, and priests, who are against me, and labour all tliey may, how to deprave both the
(1) He mcaneth, belike, tlmt he tliould move the king in llieje maltcrs contained in this eijisilo 12) See page 310.— Ed.
GODLY LETTEES OF JOHN HUSS TO THE BOHEMIANS. 501
verity of God, and the honesty of our country of Bohemia ; which I judge, in Henry the hope of God, to be a godly land, right well given to the true knowledge ^• of the faith ; for that it doth so greatly desire the word of God, and honest . y^ manners. And if you were here at Constance, ye should see the grievous ^A^a abomination of tliis council, which they call so holy, and such as cannot err ; '—
of which council I have heard it by the Switzers reported, that the city of P^ise of Constance is not able in thirty years to be purged of those abominations in that xhe^abo-' council committed. And almost all be offended with that council, being sore mination
grieved to behold such execrable things perpetrated in the same. °^ "'^, .
n'l T 1 c 1 ,• ■ T • • n 1 • council ol
VV hen 1 stood nrst to answer beiore mme adversaries, seenig all thnigs there Con- done with no order, and hearing them also outrageously crying out, I said stance de- plainly unto them, that I looked for more honest behaviour, and better order ^"' ^ ' and discipline, in that council. Then the chief cardinal > answered : * Sayest thou so ? but in the tower thou spakest more modestly.' To whom said I : ' In the tower no man cried out against me, whereas now all do rage against me.' My faithful and beloved in Christ, be not afraid with their sentence in con- demning my books. They shall be scattered hither and thither abroad, like John light butterflies, and their statutes shall endure as spider-webs. They went ^^^* about to shake my constancy from the verity of Christ ; but they could not hereto overcome the virtue of God in me. They would not reason with the Scripture prophesy against me, as divers honourable lords can witness with me, who being ready °oy^'^] to suffer contumely for the truth of God, took my part stoutly; namely, lord as it came Wenceslaus de Duba, and lord John de Clum : for they were let in by king *? P^^^- Sigismund into the council. And when I said, that I was desirous to be in- oil afraid" sti-ucted if I did in any thing err, then they heard the chief cardinal answer to be tried again : ' Because thou wouldest be infoi-med, there is no remedy btit that thou ^^^^^ must first revoke thy doctrine, according to the determination of fifty bachelors tures. of divinity appointed.' O high instruction !
After like manner St. Katharine, also, should have denied and revoked the st. Ka- verity of God and faith in Christ, because the fifty masters likewise did with- t^arine, stand her; which, notwithstanding, that good virgin would never do, standing wTth"fift/ in her faith unto death : but she did win those her masters unto Christ, when I doctors, cannot win these my masters by any means. These things I thought good to j'j^J'j^': ^'''J write unto you, that you might know how they have overcome me, with no Huss' grounded Scripture, nor with any treason ; but only did assay with terrors and could not deceits to persuade me to revoke and to abjure. But our mercifvd God, whose M"fifty law I have magnified, was and is with me ; and, I trust, so will continue, and doctors, will keep me in his grace unto death.
Written at Constance after the feast of John Baptist, in prison and in bands, daily looking for death ; although for the secret judgments of God, I dare not say whether this be my last epistle : for now also Almighty God is able to deliver me.
Another Letter of John Huss, wherein he comforteth his Friends, and willeth them not to be troubled for the condemning of his Books : and also declareth the wickedness of the Clergy.
Master John Huss, in hope, the servant of God, to all the faithful who love him and his statutes, wisheth the truth and grace of God.
Beloved ! I thought it needful to warn that you should not fear or be dis- couraged, because the adversaries have decreed that my books shall be burnt. Remember how the Israelitiesburned the preachings of the prophet Jeremy, and Good yet they could not avoid the things that were prophesied of in them ; for after ^^°^ o£ they were burnt, the Lord commanded to write the same prophecy again, and have been that larger ; which was also done, for Jeremy, sitting in prison, spake, and burned of Baruch, who was ready at his hand, wrote. This is written either in the thirty- " '™^* fifth or forty-fifth chapter of the Vision of Jeremy. It is also written in the books Good of the Maccabees, That the wicked did burn the law of God, and killed them "'e" with that had the same. Again, under the New Testament, they burned tlie saints, ^ooks to with the books of the law of God. The cardinals condemned and committed to be burned fire certain of Saint Gregory's books, and had burnt them all, if they had not "" J^^^s.
Appendix
(\) This cardinal was the carUiuiil ol Cain!. ray.
502 GODLY LETTERS OF JOHN HLSS TO THE BOHEMIANS.
Henry been pi-eserved of God by the means of Peter, Gregory's minister. Having these
^- things before your eyes, take heed lest, through fear, you omit to read my books,
. Tx and deliver tliem to tlie adversaries to be bvurnt. Remember the sayings of our
■l^^n' merciful Saviour, by which he forewarnetli us. Matt. xxiv. : 'There shall be,'
'— saith he, ' before the day of judgment, great tribulation, such as was not from
the beginning until this day, neither shall be afterwards : so that even the elect
of God should be deceived, if it were possible. But for their sakes those days
shall be shortened.' When you remember these things, beloved ! be not afraid;
for I trust in God that that school of Antichrist shall be afraid of you, and suffer
you to be in quiet, neither shall the council of Constance extend to Bohemia.
John For I think, that many of them who are of the council shall die, before they
">''^*>th ^'^^'^ S^'' ^"^^"^ y°'^ "^y books. And they shall depart from the council and be
to prophe- scattered abroad throughout the parts of the world like storks, and then they
sy oi the shall know when winter cometh, what they did in summer. Consider that
c"'™' ° '^'"'T '^''^^'^ j"f%ed their head, the pope, worthy of death, for many horrible facts
stance. that he hath done. Go to now ; answer to this, you preachers ! who preach that
The bias- the pope is the god of the earth ; that he ma^^ as the lawyers say, make sale of
P^^!f„''.,"!f the holy things ; that he is the head of the whole holy church, in verity well opinion 01 t 1 1 I'll /^ ^ 1 ,. .-,. T*^
lawyers governing the same ; that he is the heart oi the church m qiuckemng the same and pa- spiritually ; that he is tlie well-spring from which flow all virtue and good- t*ouching "^ss ; that he is the sun of the holy cluu-ch ; that he is the safe refuge to which the sove- every christian man ought to fly for succour. Behold now that head is cut off" jj^i'J^"^^ °^ with the sword; now the god of the earth is bound ; now his sins are declared openly ; now that well-spring is dried up ; that sun darkened ; that heart is plucked out and thrown away, lest that any man should seek succour thereat. The council hath condemned that head, and that for this offence ; because he took One si- money for indulgences, bishoprics, and other such like. But they condemned monist him, by order of judgment, who were themselves the buyers and sellers of the oondem- sau^g merchandise. There was present John, bishop of Litomysl, who went other. twice about to buy the bishopric of Prague, but others prevented him. O wicked men ! why did they not first cast the beam out of their own eyes ? These men have accursed and condemned the seller, but they themselves, Avho wore the The buyers and consentcrs to the bargain, are without danger. What shall I say,
t'he^coun- ^^^^ ^'^^^ ^'^ "^*^ ''^"^ manner of buying and selling at home in their own coun- cil noted tries ; for at Constance there is one bishop that bought, and another who sold ; for simo- and the pope, for allowing of both their facts, took bribes on both sides. It came ^' so to pass in Bohemia also, as you know. I would that in that council God had
said: ' He that amongst j'ou is without sin, let him give the sentence against pope John;' then surely they had gone all out of the council-house, one after PopeJohu another. Why did they bow the knee to him always before this bis fall ; kiss made a his feet, and call him ' The most holy father,' seeing they saw apparently before, pope, e- ^-^^^^ jj^ ^^,^g ^ heretic, that he was a man-killer, that he was a wicked sinner, all which known to things now they have found in him? Why did the cardinals choose him to be aerer"'""^' P°I'''' ^^"o^^i"g before that he had killed the holy fitther ? Why suft'ered they him to meddle with holy things, in bearing the oiHce of the popedom ? for to this end they are his counsellors, that they shoidd admonish him of that which is right. Are not they themselves as guilty of these faults as he, seeing that they accounted these things vices in him, and were partakers of some of them themselves ? Why dur.^t no man lay aught to his charge, before he had fled from Constance? but, as soon as the secular power, by the sufferance of God, laid hold upon him, then, and never afore, they conspired all together that he should not live any longer. Surely, even at this day is the malice, the abomi- nation and fihhinessof Antichrist, revealed in tlie pope and others of this council. Anti- Now the faithful servants of God may understand what our Saviour Christ
iio\v''nrst "^'^''*"t by this saying : ' When you shall see the abomination of desolation, which hepin- is spoken of by Daniel,' &c., 'whoso can understand it,' &c. Surely, these be '""'.' 'i°.rt'* great abominations : pride, covctousness, simony, sitting in a solitary place ; [n^thV ^^'^^^ '^^ *° ^^3'' ^" ^ dignity void of goodness, humility, and other virtues; as we pope. do now clearly see in those that are constituted in any office and dignity. O how acceptable a thing should it be, if time would suffer me to disclose their A prophe- "^^'•'^'^cd acts, which are now apparent; that the faithful sen ants of God might sy of John know them ! I trust in God that he will send after me those that shall be more Hubs. valiant; and there are alive at this day, that shall make more manifest the
GODLY LETTERS OF JOHN HUSS TO THE BOHEMIAXS. 503
malice of Anticlirist, and shall give their lives to the death for the truth of our Henry
Lord Jesus Christ, who shall give, both to you and me, the joys of life everlasting. V-
This epistle was written upon St. John Baptist's-day in prison and in cold
irons; I having this meditation with myself, that John was beheaded fV/^* in his prison and bonds, for the word of God. -_lli!_
Another Letter of John Huss to the Faithful in Bohemia.
John Huss, in hope, the servant of God, to all the faithful in Bohemia, who love the Lord, wisheth to stand and die in the grace of God, and at last to attain unto eternal life. Amen.
Ye that bear nde over others and be rich, and ye also that be poor, well-be- loved and faithful in God, I beseech you, and admonish you all, that ye will be obedient unto God, make much of his word, and gladly hearing the same, will humbly perform that which ye hear. I beseech you stick fast to the verity of God's word, which I have written and preached unto you out of his law, and the sermons of his saints. Also I desire you if any man, either in public sermon, or in private talk, heard of me any thing, or have read any thing written by me which is against tiie verity of God, that he do not follow the same. Albeit I do not find my conscience guilty that I ever have spoken or written any such thing amongst you.
I desire you, moreover, if any man at any time have noted any levity either in my talk or in my conditions, that he do not follow the same ; but pray to God for me, to pai-don me that sin of lightness. I pray you that ye will love your priests and ministers, who be of honest behaviour, to prefer and honour them before others ; namely, such priests as travail in the word of God. I pray you take heed to yourselves, and beware of malicious and deceitful men, and espe- cially of those wicked priests of whom our Saviour doth speak : • That they are under sheep's clothing, and inwardly are ravening wolves.' I pray such as be rulers and superiors, to behave themselves gently towards their poor inferiors, and to rule them justly. I beseech the citizens, that they will walk every man in his degree and vocation with an upright conscience. The ai'tificers also I beseech, that they will exercise their occupations diligently, and use them with the fear of God. I beseech the servants, that they will serve their masters faith- fully. And likewise the schoolmasters I beseech, that they, living honestly, will bring up their scholars virtuously, and teach them faithfully, first to learn to fear God ; then, for the glory of God and the public utility of the commonwealth, and their own health, and not for avarice or worldly lionour, to employ their minds to honest arts. I beseech the students of the university and all schools, in all honest things to obey their masters, and to follow them ; and that with all diligence they will study to be profitable both to the setting forth of the glory of God, and to the soul's health, as well of themselves, as of other men. Together I beseech and pray you all, that you Avill yield most hearty thanks to the right honourable lords, the lord Wenceslaus de Duba, lord John de Clum, lord Henry Plumlovio,lord Vilem Zagecio, lord Nicholas, and other lords of Bohemia, Mo- ravia, and Poland ; that their diligence towards me may be gratefid to all good men ; because that they, like valiant champions of God's truth, have oftentimes A note for set themselves against the whole council for my deliverance, contending and '"'" "°*''^ standing against the same to the uttermost of their power ; but especially lord mark and Wenceslaus de Duba, and lord John de Clum. Whatsoever they shall report to follow, unto you, give credit unto them ; for they were in the council when I there answered many. They know who they were of Bohemia, and how many false and slanderous things they brought in against me, and that council cried out against me, and how I also answered to all things whereof I was demanded. I beseech you, also, that ye will pray for the king of Romans, and for your king, and for his wife your queen, that God of his mercy would abide with them and with you, both now and henceforth in everlasting life. Amen!
This epistle 1 have written to you out of prison and in bonds, looking the next day after the writing hereof for the sentence of the council upon my death ; having a full trust that He will not leave me, neither suffer me to deny his truth, and to revoke the errors, which false witnesses maliciously have devised against me. How mercifully the Lord God hath dealt with me, and was with me in marvellous temptations, ye shall know, when hereafter, by the help of
504 GODLY LETTERS OF JOHN HUSS TO THE BOHEMIANS.
Henry Christ, we shall all meet together hi the joy of the world to come. As con
^- , cerning Master Jerome, my dearly beloved brother and fellow, I hear no other
. ^ but that he is remaining in strait bands, looking for death as I do ; and that
, j,p' for the faith which he valiantly maintained amongst the Bohemians, our cruel
. enemies of Bohemia have given us into tlie power and hands of other enemies,
and into bands. I beseech you pray to God for them.
Moreover, I beseech you, namely you of Prague, that ye will love the temple of Bethlehem, and provide, so long as God shall permit, that the word of God may be preached in the same. For, because of that place, the devil is angry, and against the same ])lace he hath stirred up priests and canons, perceiving that in that place his kingdom should be disturbed and diminished. 1 trust in God that he will keep that holy church so long as it shall please him, and in the same shall give greater increase of his word by others, than he hath done by me, a weak vessel. I beseech you also, that ye will love one another, and withholding no man from the hearing of God's word, ye will provide and take care that good men be not oppressed by any force and violence. Written at Constance, the year of our Lord, 1415.
Another right godly Letter of John Huss to a certain Priest, admo- nishing him of his Office, and exhorting him to be faithful ; worthy to be read of all Ministers.
A worthy The peace of our Lord Jesus Christ, &c. My dear brother ! be diligent in lesson for preaching the gospel, and do the work of a good evangelist ; neglect not your fers"and*" vocation ; labour like a blessed soldier of Christ. First, live godly and holily. prelates. Secondly, teach faithfidly and truly. Thirdly, be an example to others in well- doing, that you be not reprehended in your sayings ; correct vice and set fortli virtue. To evil livers threaten eternal punishment; but to those that be faitliful and godly, set forth the comforts of eternal joy. Preach continually, but be short and friutful, pnidently understanding, and discreetly dispensing the holy Scriptures. Never affirm or maintain those things that be uncertain and doubtful, lest your adversaries take hold upon you, who rejoice in de- praving their brethren; whereby they may bring the ministers of God into contempt. Exhort men to the confession of their faith, and to the comnumion of both kinds, both of the body and blood of Christ, whereby such as do repent earnestly of their sins, may the more often come to the holy conmiunion. And I warn you that you enter into no taverns with guests, and be not a common company-keeper. For the more a preacher kcepeth him from the company of men, the more he is regarded. Albeit, deny not yet your help and diligeiice, wheresoever you may profit others. Against fleshly lust preach continually all that ever you can ; for that is the raging beast, which devoureth men, for whom the flesh of Christ did suffer. Wherefore, my heartily beloved ! I beseech vou to fly fornication ; for where a man would most profit and do good, there this vice useth most to lurk. In any case fly the company of young women, and St. All- believe not their devotion ; for St. Austin sailh : ' The more devout she is, the gustine more proclive to wantonness ; and, under the pretence of religion, the snare not here ^^^ venoni of fornication lurketh.' And this know, my well-bcloved ! that the of all, but conversation with tViem subverteth many whom the conversation of this world common ^^"^^ never blemish nor beguile. Admit no women into your house, for what sort of cause soever it be, and have not much talk with them otherwise, for avoiding of liRht per- offence. Finally, howsoever you do, fear God and kecj) his precepts; so siiall you walk wisely, and shall not perish ; so shall you subdue the flesh, contemn the world, and overcome the devil; so shall you put on God, find life, and confirm others; and shall crown yourself with the crown of glory, which the just Judge shall give you. Amen.
A Letter of John Huss containing a confession of the infirmity of man's flesh ; how weak it is, and repugnant against the Spirit : •wherein he also exhorteth to persevere constantly in the truth.
Health be to you from Jesus Christ, &c. My dear friend! know that Paletz- came to me to persuade me that I should not fear the shame of abjuration, btil (1) This Paletz was the chiefest enemy of John Huss, and procurer of his death.
GODLY LETTERS OF JOHN HUSS TO THE BOHEMIANS. 505
to consider the good whicli thereof will come. To whom I said, * The shame Henry of condemnation and burning is greater than to abjure ; and \vhy should I fear ^'• then that shame ? but I pray you tell me plainly your mind. Presuppose that . ,, such articles were laid to you, which you yourself knew not to be true: what , ,', ,.'
would you do in that case ? would you abjure ?' Who answered : ' The case is lil
sore;' and began to weep. Many other things he spake which I did reprehend. Michael de Causis^ was, sometimes, before the prison with the deputies. And Avhen I was with the deputies, thus I heard him speak unto the keepers : * We, john by the grace of God, will burn this heretic shortly, for whose cause I have Huss spent many florins.' But yet understand that I write not this to the intent to fo^h'is revenge me of him, for that I have committed to God, and pray to God for enemies. him with all my heart.
Yet I exhort you again, to be circumspect about our letters, for Michael hath taken such order, that none shall be suifered to come into the prison ; no nor yet the keepers' wives are permitted to come to me. O holy God ! how largely doth Antichrist extend his power and cruelty ! But I trust that his power shall be shortened, and his iniquity shall be detected, more and more amongst the faithful people.
Almighty God shall confirm the hearts of his faithful, whom he hath chosen A pro- before the constitution of the world, that thej^ may receive the eternal crown jJ^Y^,^ of glory. And let Antichrist rage as much as he will, yet he shall not prevail Huss, against Christ, who shall destroy him with the spirit of his mouth, as the apostle saith ; and then shall the creature be delivered out of servitude of cor- ruption, into the liberty of the glory of the sons of God, as saith the apostle in the words following : ' We, also, within ourselves, do groan, waiting for the adoption of the sons of God, the redemption of our body.'
I am greatly comforted in those words of our Saviour : ' Happy be you when men shall hate you, and shall separate you, and shall rebuke you, and shall cast out yoiu" name as execrable, for the Son of man : rejoice, and be glad, for behold, great is your reward in heaven.' [Luke vi.] O worthy, yea most worthy consolation ! which, not to understand, but to practise, in time of tribu- lation, is a hard lesson.
This rule St. James, with the other apostles, did well understand, who saith : ' Count it exceeding joy, my brethren, when ye shall fall into divers temptations; knowing that the probation of 3our faith worketh patience. Let patience have her perfect work. For certainly it is a great matter for a man to rejoice in trouble, and to take it for joy to be in divers temptations. A light matter it is to speak it and to expoimd it ; but a great matter to fulfil it. For The ex- why ? our most patient and most valiant Champion himself, knowing that he ample of should rise again the third day, overcoming his enemies by his death, and re- Cl'nst. deeming from damnation his elect, after his last supper was troubled in spirit, and said : * My soul is heavy unto death;' of whom also the gospel saith: 'That he began to fear, to be sad and heavy.' Who, being then in an agony, was confirmed of the angel, and his sweat was like the drops of blood falling upon the ground. And yet he, notwithstanding, being so troubled, said to his disciples : ' Let not your hearts be troubled, neither fear the cruelty of them that persecute you, for you shall have me with you always, that you may over- come the tyranny of your persecutors.' Whereupon those his soldiers, looking upon the Prince and King of glory, sustained great conflicts. They passed through fire and water, and were saved, and received the ciown of the Lord God, of the which St. James, in his canonical epistle, saith : ' Blessed is the man that suffereth temptation ; for when he shall be proved, he shall receive tne crown of life, which God hath promised to them that love him.' Of this crown I trust steadfastly the Lord will make me a partaker also with you wjio be the fervent sealers of the truth, and with all them who steadfastly and con- stantly do love the Lord Jesus Christ, who suffered for us, leaving to us example that we should follow his steps. ' It behoved him to suffer,' as he saith ; and it also behoved us to suflTer, that the members may suffer together with the head. For he saith : ' If any man will come after me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross, and follovv me.'
' O most merciful Christ ! draw us weak creatures after thee ; for except thou
(1) Michael de Causis, another bitter enemy of John IIuss.
Christ.
506 A LETTER FROM I.OXDOX TO JOHN HUSS.
Henry should (Iraw US, we are not aLle to follow thee. Give us a strong spirit, tliat it
^- may be ready ; and although the flesh be feeble, yet let thy grace go before us,
A D. ^° ^''^^ "^' ''^"'^ follow us; for without thee we can do nothing, and much less
1416* ^"'■'^'' '"^*^ '^^^ cruel dcatli for thy sake. Give us that prompt and ready spirit,
'— a bold heart, an upright faith, a firm hope and perfect charity, that we may
'^^'^. f gi^'c oiii" lives patiently and joyfully for thy name's sake. Amen. Jotm"" Written in prison in bonds, in the vigilof holy St. John the Baptist, who,
Huss to being in prison and in bonds for the rebuking of wickedness, was
beheaded.
Among divers other letters of John Huss, which he -^rotc to the great consohition of others, I thought also here to intermix another certain godly letter written out of l^ngland, by a faithful scholar of Wickliff" as appeareth, unto John Huss and the Bohemians ; which, for the zealous affection therein contained, seemeth not unworthy to be read.
A Letter of a Scholar of Wickliff to John Huss and the Bohe- mians ; dated from London.
Greeting, and whatsoever can be devised more sweet, in the bowels of Christ Jesu. My dearly beloved in the Lord, whom I love in the truth, and not I only, but also all they that have the knowledge of the truth ; which abidelh in you, and shall be with you through the grace of God for evermore. I rejoiced above measure, when our beloved brethren came and gave testimony unto us of your truth, and how you walked in the truth ; I have heard, brethren, how sharply Antichrist persecuteth you, in vexing the faithful servants of Christ with divers and strange kinds of afflictions. And surely no marvel, if amongst you (since it is so almost all the world over) the law of Christ be too, too grievously impugned, and that red dragon, having so many heads (of whom it is spoken in the Apocalypse), liave now vomited out of his mouth that great flood, by which he gocth about to swallow up the woman ; but the most gra- cious God will deliVer for ever his only and most faithful spouse. Let us therefore comfort ourselves in the Lord our God, and in his immeasurable good- ness ; hoping strongly in him, who will not suffer those that love him to be un- mercifully defrauded of any their purpose, if we, according to our duty, shall love him with all our heart : for adversity should by no means prevail over us, if there were no iniquity reigning in us. Let, therefore, no tribulation or sor- row for Christ's cause discourage us : knowing this for a surety, that whomso- ever the Lord vouchsafeth to receive to be his children, those he scourgeth : for so the merciful Father will have them tried in this miserable life by persecu- tions, that afterwards he may spare them. For the gold that this high artificer hath chosen, he purgeth and trieth in this fire, that he may afterwards lay it up in his pure treasury. For we see that the time we shall abide here is short and transitory ; the life which we hope for after this, is blessed and everlasting. Therefore, while we have time, let us take pains that we may enter into that rest. What other thing do we see in this brittle life, than sorrow, heaviness, and sadness, and, that which is most grievous of all to the faithful, too much abusing and contempt of the law of the Lord? Let us therefore endeavour ourselves, as nuich as we may, to lay hold of the things that are eternal and abiding, despising in our miiids all transitory and frail things. Let us consider Ex- the holy fellowship of our fathers that have gone before us. Let us consider
amplos of the saints of the Old and New Testament. Did they not pass through this sea niwrns. of tribidation and persecution ? were not some of them cut in pieces, others stoned, aiul others of them killed with the sword? some others of them went about in pelts and goats' skins, as the apostle to the Hebrews witnesscth. Surely they all walked straitways, following the steps of Christ, who said : ' He that ministereth unto me, let him follow me wheresoever I go,' 8rc. Therefore, let us also, who have such noble examples given us of the saints that went before us, laying away, as much as in us lieth, the heavy burden and the yoke
A LETTER OF JOHN IIUSS TO HIS FIIIENDS IN BOHEMIA. 507
of sin wliicli coinpasseth us about, run forward through patience, to the battle Hennj that is set before us, fixing our eyes upon the Author of faith, and Jesus the ^- finisher of the same ; who, seeing the joy that was set before him, suffered the . j^ pains of the cross, despising death. Let us call upon him, who suffered such -lA-xn
reproach against himself of sinners, that we be not wearied, fainting in our L
hearts ; but that we may heartily pray for help of the Lord, and may fight against his adversary Antichrist ; that we may love his law, and not be deceit- ful labourers, but that we may deal faithfully in all things, according to that which God hath vouchsafed to give us, and that we may labour diligently in the Lord's cause, under hope of an everlasting reward. Behold therefore, brother Huss, most dearly beloved in Christ, although in face unknown to me, yet not in f;iith and love (for distance of places cannot separate those whom the love of Christ doth effectually knit together), be comforted in the grace which is given unto thee ; labour like a good soldier of Christ Jesus ; pi-each, be instant in word and in example, and call as many as thou canst to the way of truth : for the truth of the gospel is not to be kept in silence, because of the frivolous censures and thundei-bolts of Antichrist. And, therefore, to the uttermost of thy power, strengthen thou and confirm the members of Christ, who are weakened by the devil ; and if the Lord will vouchsafe it, Antichrist shall shortly come to an end. And there is one thing wherein I do greatly rejoice, that in your realm and in other places, God hath stirred up the hearts of some men that they can gladly suffer, for the word of God, imprisonment, banishment, and death.
Further, beloved, I know not what to write unto you, but I confess that I could wish to pom* out my whole heart, if .thereby I might comfort you in the law of the Lord. Also I salute, from the bottom of my heart, all the faithful lovers of the law of the Lord, and especially Jacobellus, your coadjutor in the gospel, requiring that he will pray unto the Lord for me in the universal church of Jesus Christ. And the God of peace, who hath raised from the dead the shepherd of the sheep, the mighty Lord Jesus Christ, make you apt in all goodness, to do his will, worldng in you that which may be pleasant in his sight. All your friends salute you which have heard of your constancy. I would desire also to see your letters written back to us, for know ye that they shall greatly comfort us.
At London, by your servant, desiring to be fellow with you in your labours, Ricus Wichewitze, priest unworthy.
Another Letter of John Huss to his Friends of Bohemia.
The Lord God be with you. I love the counsel of the Lord above gold and precious stone ; wherefore I trust in the mercy of Jesus Christ, that he will give me his Spirit to stand in his truth. Pray to the Lord, ' For the spirit is ready, and the flesh is weak.' The Lord Almighty be the eternal reward unto my lords, who constantly, firmly, and faithfully do stand for righteousness ; to whom the Lord God shall give in the kingdom of Bohemia, to know the truth. For the following of which truth, necessary it is that they return again into Bohemia, setting apart all vain glory, and following not a mortal and miserable king, but the King of Glory who giveth eternal life.
O how comfortable was the giving of the hand of lord John de Clum unto me, who was not ashamed to reach forth his hand to me a wretch, and such an abject heretic, lying in fetters of iron, and cried out upon of all men ! Now peradventure, I shall not speak much hereafter with you : therefore salute in time, as you shall see them all, the faithful of Bohemia.
Paletz came to me in prison. His salutation in my vehement infirmity was this, before the commissaries : that there hath not risen a more perilous heretic since Christ was born, than were Wickliff and L Also he said, that all such as came to hear my talk were infected with this heresy, to think that the sub- stance of bread remained in the sacrament of the altar. To whom I answered and said: 'O master! what a grievous salutation have you given me, and hov greatly do you sin ! Behold I shall die, or peradventure to-morrow shall be burnt ; and what rewai'd shall be recompensed to you in Bohemia for your labour.'
This thing, peradventure. I should not have written, lest I might seem to hate
508 VISION AND PROPHESIES OF JOHX HUSS.
Henry him. I have always had this in my heart: ' Ti-ust not in princes,' &:c. And again: 'Cursed be the man that tmsteth in man, and niakcth flesh to be lii
A. D. arm.' For God's sake be you circumspect how you stand and liow you return. 1416. CaiT}' no letters with you. Direct your books not all by one, but diversely by divers friends.
The Know this for certain, that I have had great conflicts by di-eams, in such sort,
orjohn ^^ ^ ^^^^ much ado to refrain from crying out. For I dreajued of the pope's
Huss by escape before he went. And after the lord John had told me thereof, imnie-
dreams. diately in the night it was told me, that the pope should return to you again.
And afterwards also I dreamed of the ap])rehending of Master Jerome, although
not in full manner as it was done. All the imprisonments, wliither and how I
am carried, were opened to me before, although not fully after the same form
and circumstance. Many serpents oftentimes appeared unto me, having
heads also in their tail ; but none of them could bite me, and many other things
more.
These things I write, not esteeming myself as a prophet, or that I extol my- self, but only to signify unto you what temptations I had in body, and also in mind, and what great fear I had, lest I should transgress the commandment of A pro- the Lord Jesus Christ. Now I remember with myself the words of INIaster piiecy of Jerome, who said, that if I should come to the council, he thouglit I sliould Jerome of never return home again. In like manner there was a good and godly man, a Prague, tailor,' who, taking his leave of me at Prague, spake to me in these words : * God be with you,' said he, ' for I think verily, my dear and good Master John, that you shall not return again to us with your life. The King, not of Hungary, but of Heaven, reward you with all goodness, for the faithful doctrine which I at your hands received,' &c.
And shortly after the writing hereof, he sendeth also unto them another prophetical vision of his, to be expounded, touching the reformation of the church, written in his forty-fourth epistle, the con- tents whereof be these.
Letter of John Huss, sent to the Lord John de Clum.
I pray you expound to me the dream of this night. I saw how that in my church of Bethlehem they came to rase and put out all the images of Cbrist, and did put them out. The next day after, I arose and saw many painters, who painted and made more fair images, and many more than I had done before, which images I was very glad and joyful to behold. And the painters, with much people about them, said : ' Let the bishops and priests come now, and put us out these pictures.' "Which being done, much people seemed to me in Betlilehem to rejoice, and I with them. And I awakiug therewith, felt myself to laugh, &:c.
Pro- This vision lord John de Clum, and John Huss himself, in his
piieua. |jqq]j Qf Epistle-s, in the fortv-fifth epistle, seem to expound, and apply the images of Christ unto the preaching of Christ and of his life ; "which ])reaching and doctrine of Christ, though the pope and his cardinals should extinguish in him, yet did he foresee and declare, that the time should come, ■wherein the same doctrine should be revived again by others so plenteously, that the pope with all his power should not be able to prevail against it. Thus much as con- cerning this vision of John Huss, whcrcunto doth well accord the prophecy of Jerome of Prague, printed in the coin called ' ^loneta Hussi;"' of which coin I have myself one of the plates, having this superscription following ])rinted about it ; " Centiun revulutis annis Deo respondebitis ct mihi," that is, after a huiulrcd years come and
(1) This tailor's name was Andrew, a Polonian.
A LETTER OF HUSS TO HIS FRIEND MARTIN. 509
gone, you shall give account to God and to me. Whereof, God Henry
willing, more shall be said hereafter. \ —
Furthermore, in the forty-eighth epistle the said John Huss, seeming A. D. to speak with the like spirit of prophesy, hath these words following: ^'*^*^-
Sed spero, quod quae dixi sub tecto, prsedicabuntur super tecta :" Pro- that is : " but I trust that those things which I have spoken within ^ ^ ^' the house, hereafter shall be preached upon the top of the house."
And because we are here in hand with the prophesies of John Huss, it shall moreover serve well in place here to record his words in a certain treatise by him written : " De sacerdotum et monachorum carnalium abominatione ;" wherein the said John Huss, speaking prophetically of the reformation of the church, hath these words following.^
* Moreover, hereupon, note and mark by the way, that the church of God Pro- cannot be reduced to its former dignity, or be reformed, before all things first phetia. be made new ; the truth whereof is plain by the temple of Solomon. Like as the clergy and priests, so also the people and laity ; or else unless all such as now be addicted to avarice, from the least to the most, be first converted and reclaimed, as well the people as clergy and priests. Albeit as my mind now giveth me, I believe rather the first, that is, that then shall rise a new people, formed after the new man, which is created after God : of which people new clerks and priests shall come, and be taken ; who all shall hate covetousncss, and the glory of this hfe, hastening to an heavenly conversation. Notwith- standing all these things shall come to pass, and be brought by little and little in order of times, dispensed of God for the same purpose. And this God doth and will do for his own goodness and mercy, and for the riches of his great longanimity and patience ; giving time and space of repentance to them that h.ave long lien in their sins, to amend, and fly from the face of the Lord's fury, while that in like manner the carnal people, and carnal priests, successively, and in time, shall fall away and be consumed as with the moth,' &c.
A Letter of John Huss to his Friend ^Martin.
Master Martin, my dear brother in Christ, I exhort you in the Lord that you fear God, keep his commandments, and flee the company of women, and beware of hearing their confession, lest, by the hypocrisy of women, Satan deceive you; trust not their devotion. You know how I have detested the avarice and the inordinate life of the clergy ; wherefore, through the grace of God, I stiffer now persecution, which shortly shall be consummate in me ; neither do I fear to have my heart poured out for the name of Christ Jesus; I desire you heartily, be not greedy in seeking after benefices. And yet if you shall be called to any cure in the country, let the honour of God, the salvation of souls, and the travail thereof, move you thereunto, and not the having of the living or the commodities thereof And if you shall be placed in any such benefice, beware you have no young woman for your cook or servant, lest you edify and increase more your house than yoiu- soul.'' See that you be a builder of your spiritual house, being gentle to the poor and humble of mind, and waste not your goods in great fore. I fear also if you do not amend your life, ceasing from your costly and superfluous apparel, lest you shall be grievously chastised, as I also. He re- wretched man, shall be punished, who have used the like, being seduced by P?"'';'' custom of evil men and worldly glory, whereby I have been wounded against gar-°''^ God with the spirit of pride. And because you have notably known both my ments. preaching and outward conversation even from my youth, I have no need to write many things unto you, but to desire you, for the mercy of Jesus Christ, that you do not follow me in any such levity and lightness, which you have
(1) " Ex istis ulterius adverte incidentaliter, quod Dei ecclesia nequit ad pristinam suam digni- tatem reducl," &c.
(2) Note that then priests were not married, and therefore he willeth them to avoid the company of women.
510 JOHN Ht'SS CONDEMXED FOR XO EUROKEOUS DOCTKINE.
Henry seen in nie. You knew liow, before my priestliood (which grieveth me now)
^'- I have delighted to play oftentimes at chess, and have neglected my time, and
"T~T7~ have unhappily provoked both myself and others to anger many times by that
- ■ ■ play. Wherefore, besides other my innumerable faults, for this also I desire
* you to invocate the mercy of the Lord, that he will pardon me, and so direct
lie re- niy life, that having overcome the wickedness of this present life, the flesh, the
I'lis'pla!-- world, and the devil, I may find place in the heavenly country, at least in the
iriK ai day of judgment. Fare ye well in Christ Jesus, with all them who keep his
the chess, j^.^^^.^ ]\]y gj-^y coat, if you will, keep to yourself for my remembrance, but I
think you are ashamed to wear that grey colour ; tlierefore you may give it to
■whom you shall think good. My white coat you shall give the minister N. my
scholar. To George or else to Zuzikon sixty groats, or else my grey coat, for
he hath faithfully served me.
The Superscription.
I pray you that you do not open this letter, before you be sure and certain of my death.
The Consolation of Master Jerome to Master Huss.
My master, in those things which you have both written hitherto, and also preached after the law of God, against the pride, avarice, and other inordinate vices of the priests, go forward, be constant and strong. And if I shall know that you are oppressed in the cause, and if need shall so reqiure, of mine own accord I will follow after to help you, as much as I can.
John
By the life, acts and letters of John Huss hitherto rehearsed, ihiusscoii- it ig evident and plain, that he -was condemned not for any error of for"noV doctrine, vhich they could well jirove in him, who neither denied "ine their popish transub'stantiation, neither spake against the authority of he w"^" the church of Kome, if it were well governed, nor yet the seven culpable, sacraments, and also said mass himself, and almost in all their popish opinions was a papist -with them ; but only of evil will was accused of his malicious adversaries, because he spake against the pomp, pride and avarice, and other w icked enomiities of the pope, cardinals, and pre- lates of the church, and because he could not abide the high dignities and livings of the church, and thought the doings of the pope to be Antichrist-like. For this cause he procured so many enemies and false witnesses against him, who straining and picking matter out of his books and writings, having no one just article of doctrine to lay unto him, yet they made him a heretic, whether he Avould or no, and brought him to his condemnation. This can hatred and malice do. where the charity of Christ hath no place ; which being so, as thy charity, good reader, may easily understand, in perusing the whole cochieus course of his story, I beseech thee then, what cause had John Coch- «tah,st Icus to write his twelve books against John Huss and Hussites ? in •which books how bitterly and intemperatcly he misuseth his pen, by thout these few words in his second book thou mayest take a little taste ; ■which words 1 thought here briefly to place in English, to the end that all Englishmen may judge thereby, with what spirit and truth these catholics be carried. His words be these:' "I say therefore John Huss is neither to be counted holy nor blessed, but rather wicked and etei-nally wretched ; insomuch that in the day of judgment, it
(1) Ex Cochleo, lib. ii. hist. Hussifarum, pag. 38. " Dico igitur Joan. Hus. ntque sanctum Deque beatum habendum esse, sed impiuni potius," Src.
aganist
John
IJ
cause.
THE TRAGICAL HISTOllY OF JEROME OF PRAGUE. 511
shall be more easy, not only with the infidel Pagans, Turks, Tarta- Henry rians, and Jews, but also with the most sinful Sodomites, and the ^' abominable Persians, who do most filthily pollute their daughters, A.D. sisters, or mother ; yea and also with the impious Cain, killer of his ^^^^- own brother ; Avith Thyestes, killer of his own mother ; and the Les- t trygones and other Anthropophagi, who devour man's flesh ; yea more easy with those infamous murderers of infmts, Pharaoh and Herod, than Avith him,"" &c. These be the words of Cochleus ; whose railing books, although they deserve neither to be read, nor answered, yet, if it please God, it were to be wished that the Lord would stir up some towardly young man, that hath so much leisure, to defend the simplicity of this John Huss, who cannot now answer for himself. In the mean time, something to satisfy or stay the reader's mind against this immoderate hyperbole of Cochleus, in like few words I will bring out John Huss to speak and to clear himself against this slander: whose words in his book ' De Sacerdoturn et Monachorum abomina- tione desolationis,' pag. 84, &c., I beseech the reader to note: " Nam et ista scribens fateor, quod nihil aliud me in illis perurget, nisi dilectio Dom. nostri Jesu crucifixi," &c. ; that is, " For in writing these things, I confess nothing else to have moved me hereunto, but only the love of our Lord Jesus crucified, whose prints and stripes (according to the measure of my weakness and vileness) I covet to bear in myself, beseeching him so to give me grace, that I never seek to glory in myself, or in any thing else, but only in his cross, and in the inestimable ignominy of his passion which he suffered for me. And, therefore, I write and speak these things, which I do not doubt will like all such as unfeignedly do love the Lord Christ cruci- fied ; and contrary will mislike not a little all such as be of Antichrist. Also again, I confess before the most merciful Lord Jesus Christ crucified, that these things which I do now write, and those that I have written before, neither I could have written, nor knew how, nor durst so have written, unless he, by his inward unction, had so com- manded me. Neither yet do I write these things as of authority, to get me fame and name ; for as St. Augustine and Jerome do say, that is only to be given to the Scriptures and writings of the apostles, evangelists, and prophets, and to the canonical Scriptures, which do abound in the fulness of the Spirit of Jesus. And whatsoever is there said, is full of verity and wholesome utility,"" &c.
A.nd here place also would require something to say to ^neas Sylvius, to Antoninus, and to Laziardus, who falsely impute articles to him, which he never maintained. But because time sufFereth not, I will proceed to the story of Master Jerome of Prague.
Cfje tragical anD lamentaOIc ^t^t.^tora of tljc famouiS learnei) JlSan nnD ^^^f^i'j,,, goDfu 4llactpc of €fjri5t, Jiia^ter S^crome of Prague. buriieD at Constance foe {\^z tmn anD quarrel ajo ioaji iBaiStcc 3Jo!jn X^^w^^*
* Forsomuch^ as the variety of men*'s affections, by means ofA.o. hi? hatred of persons oftentimes coming between, and other causes
(]■) This preamble to the history of Jerome of Prague precedes the account of that illustrious martyr in the Edilion of 15G3, p.242, where the narrative is divided into seven short chapters, written by an eye-witness of bis arraignment and sufferings.— Ed.
512 THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF JEROME OF PRAGUE.
Henry growing, dotli often very ill, yea, altogether falsely, accumulate and gather the order of things done, far otherwise tlian, in deed, they
A.D. -\vere done, and hath used and accustomed to divulgate their feigned ^*^^ doings unto posterity ; therefore, that the acts worthy of remcm- ^llQ brance, in these our days, should suffer none of the aforesaid incom- — - — - modities and evils, and tliat the fervent and tnie confession of the truth which this worthy man, Jerome of Prague, the fervent and stout champion of the gospel, hath scaled with his blood and death, whereby also, as another Elias, he is carried, without all doubts, in a fiery chariot into the paradise of infinite joys and pleasures ; and that the order of his death, by the hasty passing away of time, should not escape away from the posterity to come, and that, by no means, this example of truth and glass of steadfastness, and perfect imita- tion, might, by any means, be taken away : I have determined to gather together", albeit with a rude style, the acts and doings of the said Master Jerome, as he went unto the council of Constance : which I myself did see, and also heard there, and also were reported unto me by such true and credible men, as did hear and see tlie AppZur. same at Constance, to the intent that the memory of this most^yorthy man may, by favour of the Author of truth and the Rewarder of them that confess him, hereafter be the more celebrated and remembered.* These things hitherto being discoursed, touching the life, acts, and constant martyrdom of Master John IIuss, Avith part also of his letters adjoined to the same, whose death was on the sixth of July, A.D. 1415, now remaineth consequently to describe the like tragedy and cruel handling of his christian companion and fellow in bands, Master Jerome of Prague ; who, grievously sorrowing the slanderous reproach and defamation of his country of I5ohemia, and also hearing tell of the manifest injuries done to that man of worthy memory, Jerome Mastcr Johu Huss, freely, and of his own accord, came to Constance ^ocon*^ ^" ^^^^ fourth day of April, 141.5. Who, there perceiving that John •unce. Huss was denied to be heard, and that watch and wait were laid for him on every side, departed until the next day to Uberlingen, a city of the empire, which city was a mile off' from Constance ; and from thence he wrote his letters by me to Sigismund, king of Hungary, and his The safe barons, and also unto the council, most earnestly requiring that the wa^re- ^^^S ^^^ couucil would givc liiui a safe conduct freely to come and quired, go, and that he would then come in open audience to answer v"in,"of unto every man, if there were any of the council that would lay ptvo'r!" ^"y crime to him, as by the tenor of his intimation shall more at large appear.
\Vhen the said king of Hungary was required thereunto, as is aforesaid, being in the house of the lord cardinal of Cambray, he denied to give Master Jerome anv safe conduct ; excusing him- self for the evil speed he had with the safe conduct of John Huss before, and alleging also certain other causes. The deputies also of the four nations of the council, being moved thereunto by the lords of the kingdom of Bohemia, answered, " We will give him. a safe conduct to come, but not to depart." Whose answers, when they were reported unto Mastcr Jerome, he the next day after wrote certain intimations according to the tenor under- wTitten, which he sent to Constance to be set upon the gates of the city, and upon the
SAFE CONDUCT DENIED TO .lEUOME OF PRAGUE. 513
gates of the churches and monasteries, and of tlie houses of the car- Henry dinals and other nobles and prelates ; the tenor whereof here followcth
word for word in this manner. A. D.
1415
The Intimation of Jerome of Prague, set up in divers places of the j^^g ToAvn of Constance. --
Unto the most noble prince and lord, the lord Sigismund, by the grace of God king of the Romans, always Augustus, and of Hungary, &c. I Jerome see of Prague, master of arts of tlie general universities of Paris, Cologne, Hei- ''^'''^"'''^• delberg, and Prague, by these my present letters do notify to the king, together with the whole reverend council, and, as much as in me lieth, do all men to understand and know, that because of the crafty slanderers, backbiters, and accusers, I am ready fi-eely and of mine own will, to come to Constance, there to declare openly before the council, the purity and sincerity of my true faith, and mine innocency ; and not secretly in corners before any private or parti- cular person. Wherefore, if there be any of my slanderers, of what nation or estate soever they be, who will object against me any crime of error or heresy, let them come forth openly before me in the presence of the Avliole council, and in their own names object against me ; and I will be ready, as I have written, to answer openly and publicly, before the whole council, of mine in- nocency, and to declare the purity and sincerity of my true faith. And if so be that I shall be found culpable in error or heresy, then I will not refuse openly to suffer such pmaishment as shall be meet and worthy for an erroneous pei'son, or a heretic.
Wherefore I most humbly beseech my lord the king, and the whole sacred council, that I may have to this end and purpose aforesaid, safe and sure access. And if it happen that I, offering such equity and right as I do, before any fault be proved against me, be arrested, imprisoned, or have any violence done unto me ; that then it may be manifest unto the whole world, that this general coimcil doth not proceed according to equity and justice, if they would by any means put me back from this profound and strait justice, being come hither freely of mine own mind and accord ; which thing I suppose to be far from so sacred and holy a council of wise men.
When as yet Master Jerome, through such intimations copied out safe con- in the Bohemian, Latin, and German tongue, being set up as is afore- n"ed \t said, could not get any safe conduct, then the nobles, lords, and Jerome, knights, especially of the Bohemian nation, present in Constance, re"ur"eth gave unto him their letters patent, confirmed with their seals for a Bcllifemia testimony and witness of the premises ; with which letters the said ^i'h 'he Master Jerome returned again into Bohemia : but, by the treason nies of and conspiracy of his enemies he was taken in Hirschau by the officers of Brfle-^ of duke John, and in Zultzbach was brought back again to the pre- ™'3- sence of the duke. In the mean time such as were the setters- app""-'' forward of the council against Master John Hussand Master Jerome ; fj^"^'^f' " that is to say, Michael de Causis and Master Paletz, and others their by duke accomplices, required that the said Master Jerome should be cited by reason of his intimations ; and, certain days after, the citation here under-written was set upon the gates and porches of the city and churches, which followeth here in this manner :
The Citation of Jerome of Prague to the Council of Constance. This most sacred and holy synod and general council of Constance, faithfully Jerome congregated and gathered together in the Holy Ghost, representing the uni- j^'e^o'un- versal mihtant church, unto Jerome of Prague, who writeth himself to be a cji when" master of arts of so many universities, and pretendeth those things which are he was only pertaining unto sobriety and modesty, and that he knoweth no more than '^'^^"•
VOL. HI. L L
514) THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF JEROME OF PRAGUE.
Henry he ought, &c. Know thou that there is a certain writing come unto our undcr-
V.
A.D. 1415
to 1416.
standing and knowledge, which was set up, as it were, by thine own person upon the gates of the churches and city of Constance, upon the Sunday, wlien there was sung in the church of God, ' Quasi niodo geiiiti ;' wlicrein thou dost affirm, tliat thou wilt openly answer unto thy accusers and slanderers who shall object any crime, error or heresy against thee, whereof thou art marvellously infamed and accused before us; and specially touching the doctrine of Wicklift", and other doctrines contrary to the catholic faith : so that thou mightest have granted unto thee a safe conduct to come. But, forasmuch as it is our part principally and chiefly to foresee and look unto these crafty foxes who go about to destroy the vineyard of the Lord of hosts, therefore we do cite and call forth by the tenor of these presents, thy person manifoldly defamed and suspected for the temerarious affirming and teaching of manifold errors ; so that within the term of fifteen davs to be accounted from the date of these presents, whereof five days are appointed for the first term, five for the second, and other five for the third, we do ordain and appoint, by canonical admonition and warning, that thou do appear in the public sessions of the sacred council, if there be any holden, in the same day, or else the first day immediately following, when any session shall be, accorcling to the tenor of thy said writing, to answer to those things which any person or persons shall object or lay against thee in any cause of thy faith, and to receive and have, as justice shall require. Whereupon, so much as in us lieth, and as catholic faith shall require, we offer and assign to thee, by the tenor hereof, our safe conduct from all violence (justice always being saved) ; certifying thee, that whether thou dost appear or not, the said term or time appointed notwithstanding, process shall go forward against thee by the said sacred council, or by their commissary or commissaries, fur the time aforesaid not observed and kept ; thy contumacy or stubbornness in any thing notwithstanding.
Given in the sixth session of the general council, the seventeenth day of April, under the seal of the presidents of the four nations.
Grumpert Faber, Notary of the Germans.
After Sigismund king of Hungary, witli the rest of the council, understood by the aforesaid duke John,' tliat Master Jerome was taken, tliey were earnestly in hand, requiring tliat Master Jerome should be brought before them unto the council ; which duke John, after he had received letters of the king and the council, sent Jerome is Mastcr Jcromc bound unto Constance, whom his brother duke Louis
sent b 'Uiid unto C stance by
Appt
led through the city to the cloisters of the friars minor in Constance, whereas the chief priests and elders of the people (Scribes and Phari- (luice ' sees) were gathered together, attending and waiting for his coming. He, the said Master Jerome, carried a great handl)i)lt of iron with a long chain in his hand, and as he passed, the chain made a great rattling and noise, and for the more confusion and despite towards him, they led him by the same chain after duke Louis aforesaid, holding and stretching out the same a great way from him ; with which chain they also kept him bound in the cloister. When he was broui^dit into the cloister, they read before him the letter of duke John, which was sent with the said Master Jerome to the council, containing in effect, how that the said duke John had sent Master Jerome to the council (who by chance was fallen into his hands), because he heard an evil report of him, that he was suspected of the heresies of WicklifF; that the council might take order for him, whose part it was to correct and punish such as did err and sti-ay from the truth : besides many other flattering tales which were written in the said letter in praise of the council. After this they read the citation which, was given out bj
(1) This duke John In histories is cominonly colled the son of Clement.
to 1416.
THE CRUET, HANDLING OF HIM IN PRISON. 515
the council against Master Jerome, whereof we have spoken before. Henry Then certain of the bishops said unto him : "' Jerome ! why didst ^' thou fly and run away, and didst not appear when thou wast cited .?"'' A. D. He answered : " Because I could not have any safe conduct, neither ^^^^ from you, neither from the king, as it appeareth by these letters patent of the barons, which you have ; neither by mine open intima- tions could I obtain any safe conduct. Wherefore I, peiceiving Ju^iJeT"' many of my grievous and heavy friends to be here present in the '^'^'^ council, would not myself be the occasion of my perils and dangers ; pive him but if I had known or had any understanding of this citation, without iafeiy^to all doubt, albeit I had been in Bohemia, I would have returned ^™,^; "'"^ again." Then all the whole rabble rising up, alleged divers and go. sundry accusations and testimonies against him with a great noise and tumult. When the rest held their peace, then spake Master Gerson, the chancellor of Paris : " Jerome, when thou wast at Paris, thou Jt;rome thoughtest thyself, by means of thy eloquence, to be an angel, and by'^Mr.'^ didst trouble the whole university ; alleging openly in the schools ^"hcom many erroneous conclusions with their ' corolaria,'' and especially in menda- the question ' De universalibus et de idseis,' with many other very i,Ts"eul ofFensive questions."" Unto whom Master Jerome said : " I answer i"'=°«^'=- to you, Master Gerson, that those matters which I did put forth there, in the schools at Paris, in which also I answered to the argu- ments of the masters, I did put them forth philosophically, and as a philosopher and master of the university ; and if I have put forth any questions which I ought not to have put forth, teach me that they be erroneous, and I will most humbly be informed, and amend the same."
While he was yet speaking, another (as I suppose, the master The mas- of the university of Cologne, upon the river Rhine), rising up, said : unher^^ " When thou wast also at Cologne, in thy position which thou didst ^}^y °'
.-, , . ,, T 1 , 1 1, Cologne
there determme, thou didst propound many erroneous matters, would ac- Then said Master Jerome unto him : " Show me first one error which he^uck"d I propounded." Wherewithal he, being in a manner astonished, said : matter. " I do not remember them now at the first, but hereafter they shall jppendir. be objected against you." And by and by the third man, rising up. The mas- said : " When you were als© at Heidelberg, you propounded many u";°.erli! erroneous matters as touching the Trinity, and there painted out atyofHei- certain shield or escutcheon, comparing the Trinity of Persons in the ^ '^^^' Deity to water, snow, and ice, and such like." Unto whom Master Jerome answered ; " Those things that I wrote or painted there, the same will I also speak, write, and paint here ; and teach me that they be erroneous, and I will most humbly revoke and recant the same.''
Then certain cried out : " Let him be burned, let him be burned."' Unto whom he answered : " If my death do delight or please you, in the name of God let it be so." Then said the archbishop of Saltz- ^pf,™W. burg ; " Not so, Master Jerome, ' forasmuch as it is ^vritten, I will not the death of a sinner, but rather he be converted and live.'" When these and many other tumults and cries were passed, whereby they did then most disorderly and outrageously witness against him, they delivered the said Master Jerome, being bound, unto the oflacers of
"^ U) " Crucifige, cnicifige eum."
I. L 2
/»lf) THE TRAGICAL lIISTOll'i' OF JEROME OF PRAGUE.
Henry the city of Constaiicc, to be caniccl to prison for tbat night ; and so every one of them returned to his lodg-ings.
A. D. In the mean time, one of tlie friends of Master John Huss, looking ^"^'^ in at a window of tlie refectory, said unto him ; " Master Jerome." \l\Q '^^^^"^ said he, " You are welcome, my dear brother." Then ssaid Peter unto liim ; " Be constant, and fear not to suffer death for the
Jerome is truth's Sake, of which, when you were in times past at liberty, you edV' did preach so much goodness." Unto whom Jerome answered : notary'.*"^ " Trulv, brother, I do not fear death ; and forasmuch as we know that we have spoken much thereof in times past, let us now see what may be Icnown or done in effect."'"' By and by his keepers, coming to the window, threatening him with strokes, did put away the said Peter from the window of the cloister. Vitus, the Then came there one Vitus unto Master Jerome, and saith, onoiTiin " Master, how do you do ?" Unto whom he answered, " Truly, de cium. I^rother, I do very well."" Then his keepers coming about him, laid hold of the said Vitus, saying, " This is also one of the number,"' and kept him. When it drew towards evening, the archbishop of Riga sent certain of his servants who led away Master Jerome, Jerome being strougly bound with chains, both by the hands and by the h'nm\ nt>ck, and kept him so for certain hours. AV'hcn night drew on, they hand and carried him unto a certain tower of the city, in St. PauFs church- yard, where, tying him fast unto a gi-eat block, and his feet in the stocks, his hands also being made fast upon them, they left him ; where the block was so high, that he could by no means sit thereupon, Vitus had ^^t that his head must hang downward. They carried also the said Irc'i!"" Vitus unto the archbishop of Riga, who demanded of him, "Why he bishop of durst be so bold to talk with such a m;in, being a reprobate of all men, ^^^^' and a heretic ? and when he could find no cause of imprisonment in him, and that he said he was Master John de Clumps friend (taking Vitus an oath and promise of him, that he should not go about to endamage bound by ^j^^ council by reason of that imprisonment and captivity), he dis- missed him and sent him away. Jerome, Master Jerome, imknown unto us whither he was carried, lay in i'lfthe"^ the said tower two days and two nights, relieved only with bread and "d'^with^ water. Then one of his keepers, coming unto Master Peter, declared bread and uuto him how that Mastcr Jerome lay hard by, in bonds and chains, Peter' and how he was fed. Then Master Peter asked if he might have nu"rt!^ leave to give him meat, because he would procure plenty of the same jerun.e. for hiiu. Thc kecpcr of the prison, granting his request, carried meat unto liim. Within eleven days after, so hanging by the heels, Jerome, he uscd SO Small repast, that he fell sore sick even unto death. When Lkkness, he, living then in that captivity and prison, desired to have a con- caiiethfor fegsor, llicy of the council denied that he should have anv, until such 8or. time as by great miportunity lie obtained to have one ; his iriends priTo'iuhe being then there present in the same prison and tower, wherein he a^'ycar*^ then lay by the space of one year, lacking but seven days.
s„ After they had put John Huss to death, then, about the feast of
Appendix, ^i^p nativity of Mary the Virgin, they brought forth Master Jerome
whom they had kept so long in chains, unto the church of St. Paul ;
(1) " Et tu de illis rs." Luc. xxii.
to 1416.
HIS FOllCKD ABJL RATION. 51'
and, threatening liim with death, being instant upon him, they forced Henry him to abjure and recant, and consent unto the death of Master John ^' Hubs, that he was justly and truly condemned and put to death by A.D. them. He, what for fear of death, and hoping thereby to escape out ^^^^ of their hands, according to their will and pleasure, and according to the tenor which was exhibited unto him, did make abjuration, and that in the cathedral church and open session ; the draft whereof, penned for him by the papists, here ensueth.
The forced Abjuration of Master Jerome of Prague. Appendix
I, Jerome of Prague, master of arts, acknowledging the catholic church, and the apostoHc faith, do accurse and renounce all heresies, and especially that whereof I have hitherto heen infamed, and that which in times past John Husa and John WicklifF have holden and taught, in their works, treatises, and sermons, made unto the people and clergy ; for which cause the said WicklifF and Huss, together with the said doctrines and errors, are condemned by this synod of Constance as heretics, and all the said doctrine sententially condemned, and espe- cially in certain articles expressed in the sentences and judgments given against them by this sacred council.
Also I do accord and agree unto the holy church of Rome, the apostolic seat in this sacred council, and with my mouth and heart do profess in all things, and touching all things ; and especially as touching the keys, sacraments, orders, and offices, and ecclesiastical censures, of pardons, relics of saints, ecclesiastical liberty ; also ceremonies, and all other things pertaining to christian religion ; as the church of Rome, the apostolic see, and this sacred council, do profess : and specially, that many of the said articles are notoriously heretical, and lately reproved by the holy fathers, some of them blasphemous, others erroneous; some offensive unto godly ears, and many of them temerarious and seditious. And such also were accounted the articles lately condemned by the sacred council, and it was inhibited and forbidden to all and singular catholic men hereafter to preach, teach, or presume to hold or maintain, any of the said articles, under pain of being accursed.
And I, the said Jerome, forsomuch as I have laboured by scholastical arts to persuade the opinion ' De universalibus realibus,' and that one substance of one common kind should signify many things subject under the same, and every one of them, as St. Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine, do affirm, and likewise others ; for the teaching hereof by a plain example I described as it were a certain triangular form or figure, which I called the shield of faith : therefore utterly to exclude and take away the erroneous and wicked understanding thereof, the which, peradventure, some men may gather thereby, I do say, affirm, and declare, that I never made the said figure, neither named it the shield of faith, to that intent or purpose, that I would extol or prefer the opinion of universalities above or before the contrary opinion, in such sort, as though that were the shield of faith, and that without the affirmation thereof the catholic faith could not be defended or maintained, when I myself would not obstinately stick thereunto. But this I said, because I had put example in the description of the triangular figure, that one Divine essence consisted in three subjects or persons in themselves distinct; that is to say, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. The article of which Trinity is the chief shield of faith, and foundation of the catholic truth.
Furthermore, that it may be evident unto all men what the causes were for which I was reputed and thought to stick to, and favour sometime John Huss ; I signify unto all men by these presents, that when I heard him oftentimes both in his sermons, and also in the schools, I believed that he was a very good Jerome is man, neither that he did in any point gainsay the traditions of our holy mother V^^^^ the church, or holy doctors ; inasmuch as when I was lately in this city, and sll^^^t the articles which I affirmed were showed unto me, which were also condemned his own by the sacred council, at the first sight of them I did not believe that they were ™^^' '^"' his ; at least not in that form. But when I had further understood, by certain pieaseth famous doctors and masters of divinity, that they were his articles, I required them.
518 THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF JEROME OF PRAGUE.
ilenrij for my further information and satisfaction, to have the books of his own hand ^S: writing showed unto me, wherein it 'was said tliose articles were contained.
A. D. Which books when they were showed unto me written with his own hand,
1415 which I did know as well as mine own, I found all, and every one of those tQ articles therein written in like form as they are condemned. ^Vherefore I do
141G. worthily judge and think him and his doctrine, with his adherents, to be con-
'— dcmncd and reproved by the sacred council, as heretical and without reason.
All which the premises, with a pure mind and conscience, I do here pronounce and speak ; being now fully and sufficiently informed of the aforesaid sentences and judgments given by the sacred council against the docti-ines of the said John WicklifF and John IIuss, and against their own persons ; unto which judg- ment, as a devout catholic in all things, I do most humbly consent and agree. Also I, the foresaid Jerome, who, before the reverend fathers the lords car- dinals, and reverend lords, prelates, and doctors, and other worshipful persons of this sacred council in this same place, did heretofore freely and willingly declare and expound mine intent and purpose, amongst other things speaking of the church, did divide the same ijito three parts : and as I did perceive afterwards, it was understood by some that I woidd affirm, that in the trium- phant church there was faith: whereas I do firmly believe that there is the blessed sight and beholding of God, excluding all dark understanding and knowledge. And now also I do say, affirni, and declare, that it was never my intent and purpose to prove that there should be faith, speaking of faith as faith is commonly defined, but knowledge far exceeding faith. And, generally, whatsoever I said, either here, there, or at any time before, I do refer, and most humbly submit myself unto the determination of this sacred council of Constance.
Moreover, I do swear both by the holy Trinity, and also by the most holy gospel, that I will for evennore remain and persevere without all doubt, in the truth of the catholic church. And all such as by their doctrine and teaching shall impugn this faith, I judge them worthy, together with their doctrines, of eternal curse. And if I myself, at any time (whicli God forbid I should), do presume to preach or teach contrary thereunto, I will submit my- self unto the seveiity of the canons, and be bound unto eternal pain and punish- ment. Whereupon I do deliver up this my confession and tenor of my profes- sion willingly, before this sacred general council, and have subscribed and written all these things with mine own hand.
Jerome, ' After all this tlicy caused liim to be carried again unto the same abju'ra-'^ prisoii, but Dot SO straitly chained and bound as he "was before ; not- withstanding kept every day with soldiers and armed men. And when, afterwards, his enemies who were appointed against him, as Michael do Causis, and wicked Paletz, with other their companions in these afliurs, understood and knew by the words and talk of Mas- ter Jerome, and by other certain tokens, that he made the same ab- Accused juration and recantation, not of a sincere and pure mind, but only to cauTis'*^ the intent thereby to escajjc their hands, they, together with certain friars of Prague of the order of Carmelites, then coming in, put up
tion, re- turned to prison.
Paletz,
carme- ncw accusations against the said Master Jei-omc, and drew the same
lites. 1 lie car-
into articles, being very instant and earnest that he should answer cambray, thcrcuuto. And forasmucli as his judges, and certain cardinals, as »'i'>. the cardinal of Cambray, the cardinal de Ursinis, the cardinal of Aquileia, and the cardinal of Florence, considering the malice of the enemies of ISIaster Jerome, did see the great injury that was done unto him, they laboured before the whole council for his delivery. Appendix, Jt happened on a certain day, as they were labouring m the council for the delivery of the said Master Jerome, that the Germans and Bohemians, his enemies, with all force and power resisted against it,
certain other car dinaJs, labour for his delivery.
See
JEROME BROUGHT AGAIN BEFORE THE COUNCIL. 519
crying out tliat he should in no case be dismissed. Then started H^nry
up one called doctor Naso, who said unto the cardinals : " We mar- '. —
vel much of you, most reverend fathers, that your reverences will A. D. make intercession for such a wicked heretic, for whose sake we in '
Bohemia, with the whole clergy, have suffered much trouble and mischief, and peradventure your fatherhoods shall suffer ; and I greatly fear, lest you have received some rewards either of the kmg of Bohemia, or of these heretics.""' When the cardinals were thus rebuked, they discharged themselves of Master Jerome''s cause and matter.
Then his enemies aforesaid obtained to have other judges appointed, xue as the patriarch of Constantinople, and a German doctor ; forasmuch ofcon-^'' as they did know that the patriarch was a giievous enemy to Master ^tan^,^ .Jerome, because he beinij before appointed judge by the council, had gives sen-
] 1 T 1 XT f 1 ^1 J O J teneeof
condemned John Huss to death. death
But Master Jerome would not answer them in prison, requiring to ^"^^^^j have open audience, because he would there finally declare unto them Huss.and his mind ; neither would he by any means consent unto those private Prague. judges. Whereupon the presidents of the council, thinking that the said Master Jerome would renew his recantation before the said audience, and confirm the same, did grant him open audience.
In the year of our Lord 1416, the twenty-third day of May, which Jerome was the Saturday before the ascension of our Lord, the said Master aga?n ' Jerome was brought unto open audience before the whole council, to jo^jj'^jj""' the great cathedral church of Constance, where by the commissioners of the council, in behalf of his aforesaid enemies, there were laid against him anew, a hundred and seven articles, to the intent that he should not escape the snare of death, which they provided and laid for him ; inasmuch as the judges had before declared that by the saying of the witnesses it was already concluded in the same audience. The day aforesaid, from morning until noon, he answered unto more than forty articles, most subtlely objected against him ; denying that he held or maintained any such articles as were either hurtful or false, and affirming that those witnesses had deposed them False against him falsely and slanderously, as his most cruel and mortal Ilj'ai'nst enemies. In the same session they had not yet proceeded unto Jerome, death, because that the noon-time drew so fast on, that he could not answer unto the articles. Wherefore, for lack of time sufficient to answer unto the residue of the articles, there was another time appointed, which was the Tuesday after the aforesaid Saturday and j^J^^i,^, before the ascension of our Lord ; at which time again, early in the morning, he was brought unto the said cathedral church, to answer unto all the residue of the articles.
In all which articles, as well those which he had answered unto The on the Saturday before, as in the residue, he cleared himself very of Jerime learnedly; refelling his adversaries (who had no cause, but only of j.JJjP™'^j3 malice and displeasure Avere set against him, and did him great wrong) adver- in such sort, that they were themselves astonied at liis oration, and his refutation of their testimonies brought against him, and with shame enough were put to silence. As when one of them had demanded of him what he thought by the sacrament of the altar, he
(1) "Si dimittis huiic uon es amicus Ca.;ari3."
;20 THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF JEROME OF PRAGPE.
Henry aiiswercd : " Before consecration," said he, " it is bread and wine ; after the consecration it is the true body and blood of Christ :" adding
A.D. withal more words according to their catholic faith. Then another 1*^16. j-isinor up : " Jerome," said he, " there goeth a great rumour of thee, that thou shouldcst hold bread to remain upon the altar." To whom he pleasantly answered, saying, " that he believed bread to be at the baker's." At which words being spoken, one of the Dominic friars fumishly took on, and said ; " What ! dost thou deny, that which no man doubteth of.''" Whose peevish sauciness Jerome with these words did well repress : " Hold thy peace," said he, " thou monk I thou hypocrite !" And thus the monk, being nipped in the head, sat down dumb. After him started vip another, Avho, with a loud voice, cried out : " I swear," said he " by my conscience, that to be true, that thou dost deny." To whom said Jerome again, speak- ing in Latin : " Heus sic jurare per conscientiam tutissima fallendi via est." That is, " Thus to swear by your conscience is the next way Ap^'idiz. to deceive." Another there was, a spiteful and a bitter enemy of his, whom he called by no other name than dog or ass. After he had thus refuted them one after another, that they could find no crime against him, neither in this matter, nor in any other, they were all driven to keep silence. False wit- This donc, then were the witnesses called for, who coming in pre- nesses. ggj^^e gavc tcstmiouy unto the articles before produced ; by reason whereof the innocent cause of Jerome was oppressed, and began in the council to be concluded. Then Jerome rising up began to speak : " Forasmuch," saith he, " as you have heard mine adversaries so diligently hitherto, convenient it is that you should also now hear me to speak for myself." Whereupon, with much difficulty, at last Audience audicncc was given in the council for him to say his mind ; which ^v"n\o being granted, he, from morning to noon continuing, treated of divers s"ak for" ^"^ sundry matters, wnth great learning and eloquence. "Who, first himself, beginning Avith his prayer to God, besought him to give him spirit, ability, and utterance, which might most tend to the profit and Theora- salvatiou of his own soul. And so entered he into his oration. " I je°rome kuow," saitli he, " reverend lords ! that there have been many cxcel- comKii'"^ lent men, who have suffered much otherwise than they have de- served ; being oppressed with false Avitnesscs, and condemned with Socrates, wrong judgments." And so, beginning with Socrates, he declared how he was unjustly condemned by his countrymen, neither would he escape when he might ; taking from \is the fear of two things, which seem most bitter to men, to wit, of imprisonment and Plato. death. Then he inferred the captivity of Plato, the banishment of Anaxago- Auaxagoras, and the torments of Zcno. Moreover, he brought in "eno. the wrongful condemnation of many Gentiles, as the banishment of Rupiiius. Rupilius ; reciting also the unworthy death of Boetius and of others, of whom Boetius himself doth write.
From thence he came to the examples of the Hebrews, and first Moses, began with !Moscs, the deliverer of the people, and the lawgiver; how he was oftentimes slandered of his people as being a seducer ioM^. and contemner of the people. '' Joseph also," saith he, " for envy r.saias. was sold by his brethren, and for false suspicion of whoredom was Dauiei. ^.gg^ jj^|.Q bonds." Besidcs these, he rccitcth Esaias, Daniel, and
HIS ORATION BEFOKE THE COUNCIL. 521
almost all the prophets, who, as contemners of God, and seditious Henry persons, were oppressed with wrongful condemnation. From thence
he proceeded to the judgment of Susanna, and of divers other be- A. D. sides, who being good and holy men, yet were they unjustly cast ^^^^- away with wrongful sentence. At length he came to John Baptist, ^^^^p™- and so, in long process, he descended unto our Saviour, declaring Susanna, how it was evident to all men, by what false witnesses both he and BapUst. John Baptist were condemned. Moreover, how Stephen was slain ^'^"^'• by the college of the priests, and how all the apostles were con- The apo- demned to death, not as good men, but as seditious stirrers up of the *"^^- people, and contemners of the gods, and evil doers. " It is unjust," saith he, " unjustly to be condemned one priest of another :" and yet he proved that the same hath so happened most unjustly in that council of priests. These things did he discourse at large, with marvellous eloquence, and with singular admiration of all that heard him.
And forasmuch as all the whole sum of the cause did rest only in The false the witnesses, by many reasons he proved that no credit was to be ^j"romt given unto them, especially seeing they spake all things of no truth, refuted. but only of hatred, malice, and envy. And so prosecuting the matter, so lively and expressly he opened unto them the causes of their hatred, that he had almost persuaded them. So lively and likely their hatred was detected, that almost no trust was given to their testimonies, save only for the cause and quarrel v-dicrcin they stood, touching the pope's doctrine. All men's minds here were moved and bending to mercy towards him ; for he told them how that he of his own accord came up to the council, and, to purge him- self, he did open unto them all his life and doings, being full of virtue and godliness. " This was," saith he, " the old manner of ancient and learned men and most holy elders, that in matters of faith they did differ many times in arguments, not to destroy the faith, but to find out the verity. So did Augustine and Jerome dissent, not only being diverse ; but also contrary one from the other, and yet without all suspicion of heresy."
All this while the pope's holy council did wait still, when he would begin to excuse himself, and to retract those things which were objected against him, and to crave pardon of the council. But he, persisting still in his constant oration, did acknowledge no error, nor gave any signification of retractation.
At last, entering into the praise and commendation of Master jerome John Huss, he affirmed that he was a good, just, and holy man, and m^deth much unworthy that death which he did suffer ; whom he did know '•'« ''f^' from his youth upward, to be neither fornicator, drunkard, neither ^aiiah any evil or vicious person, but a chaste and sober man, and a just of joitn ^ and true preacher of the holy gospel ; and whatsoever things Master ^"^^• John Huss and WicklifT had holden or written, especially against the abuse and pomp of the clergy, he would affirm even unto the death, that they were holy and blessed men ; and that in all points of the catholic faith he doth believe as the holy catholic church doth hold or believe. And finally he did conclude, that all such articles as John WicklifF and John Huss had written and put forth against the enonnities, pomp, and disorder, of the prelates, he would firmly
522 THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF JEROME OF PRAGUE.
Henry aiid stcadfastlv, without recantation, liold and defend even unto tlie ^' death. And, last of all, he added, that all the sins that ever he had
A.D. committed, did not so much gnaw and trouble his conscience, as did
^^^^' that only sin, which he had committed in that most pestiferous fact,
when, in his recantation, he had unjustly spoken against that good
and holy man and his doctrine ; and especially in consenting unto
Jerome his wicked condemnation : concluding, that he did utterly revoke and
h^ss"eak- ^^^J ^^^^^ wickcd rccautatiou which he made in that most cursed
«ns. place, and that he did it through weakness of heart and fear of death;
jofTn^ and, moreover, that whatsoever thing he hath spoken against that
Huss. blessed man, he hath altogether lied upon him, and that he doth
repent him with his whole heart that ever he did it.
And at the hearing hereof the hearts of the hearers were not a little sorry, for they wished and desired greatly that such a singular man should be saved, if otherwise their blind superstition would have suffered it. But he continued still in his prefixed sentence, seeming to desire death, rather than life. And persisting in the praise Huss ne- of Jolui Huss, he added moreover, that he never maintained any tahied''"' doctrine against the state of the church, but only spake against the any doc- abuses of the clergy, against the pride, pomp, and excess of the pre- ag'ainst latcs ; forasmucli as the patrimonies of the churches were first given church of for the poor, then for hospitality, and thirdly to the reparations of buToni ^^'^ churches : " It was a grief to that good man," said he, " to sec spake the same mispent and cast away upon harlots, great feastings, and theiT* keeping of horses and dogs, upon gorgeous apparel, and such other I'ife'''''*^ things unbeseeming christian religion." And herein he showed him- self marvellous eloquent ; yea never more. Jerome And wlicu liis oratiou was interrupted many times by divers of them to'siieuce! Carping at his sentences as he was speaking, yet was there none of all those that interrupted him who escaped unblancked ; but he brought them all to confusion, and put them to silence. When any noise began, he ceased to speak, and, after, began again, proceeding in his oration, and desiring them to give him leave awhile to speak, whom they hereafter should hear no more ; neither yet was his mind ever dashed at all these noises and tumults. How long And this was marvellous in him to behold ; notwithstanding he waTin^ continued in strait prison three Innidred and forty days, having prison, neither book, nor almost light to read by, yet how admirably his ceiient memory served him, declaring how all those pains of his strait memor). j^j^j^^jij^g ^]jj ^^^^ g^ j^^udi gneve him, as he did wonder rather to see Appendix, tlicir inhumanity towards him.
When he had spoken these and many things as touching the praise
of John WicklifT, and John Huss, they who sat in the council
whispered together, saying : " By these his words it appearclh that
lie is at a point with himself." Tlien was he again carried into
prison, and grievously fettered by the hands, arms, and feet, with
great chains and fetters of iron.
Jerome The Saturday next after the Ascension-day, early in the morning,
.iKai'ifbc- he Avas brought with a great number of armed men unto the cathedral
councir ^'^'^i'^^' before the open ctmgregation, to have his judgment given him.
'J'iiere they exhorted him that those things which he had before spoken
in" the open audience, as is aforesaid, touching the praise and com-
THE SENTENCE OF HIS CONDEMNATION. 523
mendation of Master John Wickliff, and Master Jolm Huss, confirm- Hc>,ry
ing and establishing their doctrine, he would yet recant the same. L_
But he, marvellous stoutly, without all fear spake against them, and, A. D. amongst other things, said unto them : " I take God to my witness, ^'^^^- and I protest here before you all, that I do believe and hold the articles j'^j^™^ of the faith, o,s the holy catholic church doth hold and believe the same ; aii the but for this cause shall I now be condemned, for that I will not con- fhe eatho^ sent with you unto the condemnation of those most holy and blessed •'<= church. men aforesaid, whom you have most wickedly condemned for certain articles, detesting and abhorring your wicked and abominable life." Then he confessed there before them all his belief, and uttered many thmgs very profoundly and eloquently, insomuch that all men there His eio- present could not sufficiently commend and praise his great eloquence I'i*^"'^^- and excellent learning: and by no means could they induce or persuade him to recant.
Then a certain bishop, named the bishop of Lodi, made a certain Appendix. sermon exhortative against Master Jerome, persuading to his con- demnation.
After the bishop had ended the said sermon. Master Jerome said His pro- again unto them ; " You will condemn me Avickedly and unjustly, p'^^'^*- But I, after my death, will leave a remorse in your conscience, and a nail in yoiu: hearts : ' Et cito vos omnes, ut respondeatis mihi coram altissimo et justissimo Judice post centum annos." That is ; " And here I cite you to answer unto me before the most high and just Judge, within a hundred years."
No pen can sufficiently write, or note those things which he most eloquently, profoundly, and philosophically, had spoken in the said audience, neither can any tongue sufficiently declare the same ; where- fore I have but only touched here the supei-ficial matter of his talk, partly, and not wholly, noting the same. Finally, when by no means lie might be persuaded to recant the premises, immediately, even in his presence, the sentence and judgment of his condemnation was given against him, and read before hmi.
The Sentence read against Jerome.
In the name of God, Amen. Christ our God and our Saviour, being the true vine, whose Father is the husbandman, taught his disciples, and all other faith- ful men, saying : ' If any man dwell not in me, let him be cast out as a bough or branch, and let him wither and dry,' &c. The doctrine and precepts of which most excellent Doctor and Master this most sacred synod of Constance executing and following in the cause of inquisition against heretics, being moved by this sacred synod, through report, public fame, and open infamation, proceeding against Jerome of Prague, master of arts, lay-man. By the acts and processes of whose cause it appeareth that the said Master Jerome hath holden, maintained, and taught divers articles heretical and erroneous, lately reproved and condemned by the holy fathers, some being very blasphemous, others offending godly ears, and many temerarious and seditious, which have been affirmed, maintained, preached and taught by the men of most damnable memory, John Wickliff and John Huss ; which are also written in divers of their works and books. Which articles of doctrine and books of the said John Huss and John Wickliff, together with their memory, and the person of the said John Huss, were by the said sacred synod condemned of heresy. Which sentence of condemnation this Jerome afterwards, during the time of inquisition, acknowledged in the said sacred synod, and approved the true catholic and apostoKc faith, thereunto con- senting ; accursing all heresy, especially that whereof he was infumed, and con-
A.D
1110,
524) THE TRAGICAL HISTORY OF JEROME OF PRAGUE.
Henry fessed himself to be infamed, and that which in times past Jolin Huss and John ^ Wickliir maintained and taught in their works, sennons, and books ; for wliich the said WicklifF and Huss, together with their doctrine and errors, were by the said sacred synod as heretical condemned. The condemnation of all whicli the premises he did openly profess and allow, and did swear that he would persevere and continue in the verity of that faith ; and, that if he should presume at any time to hold opinion, or preach contrary thereunto, that he would submit him- self to the trial and truth of the canons, and be bound to perpetual punishment. And tliis his profession, written with his own hand, he delivered up unto the lioly council. Many days after his said profession and abjuration, as a dog returning unto his vomit, to the intent he might openly vomit up the most pes- tilent poison which had long lurked and lien hid in his breast, he required and desired that he might be openly heard before the council. AVhich being granted unto him, he affirmed, said, and professed, before the whole synod, being publicly gathered together, that he had wickedly consented and agreed to tlie sentence and judgment of the condemnation of the said WicklifF and Huss, and that he liad most shamefully lied in approving and allowing the said sentence ; neither was he ashamed to confess that he had lied : yea, he did also revoke and recant liis confession, approbation, and protestation, which he had made upon their condemnation, affirming that he never at any time had read any errors or heresy in the books and treatises of the said WicklifF and Huss ; albeit he had before confessed it, and it is evidently proved, that he did diligently study, read, and preach their books, wherein it is manifest that there are contained many errors and heresies. Also the said Master Jerome did profess, as touching the sacrament of the altar, and the transubstantiation of the bread into the body of Christ, that he doth hold and believe as the church doth hold and believe, saying also that he doth give more credit unto St. Augustine and the other doctors of the church, than unto WicklifF and Huss. It appeareth moreover by the premises, that the said Jerome is an adherent and maintainer of the said WicklifF and Huss, and of their errors, and both is and hath been a favourer of them. Wherefore the said sacred synod determineth the said Master Jerome, as a rotten and withered branch, not growing upon the vine, to be cut off and cast out. The said synod also pronounceth, declareth, and condemneth him, as a heretic and drowned in all kind of heresies, excommunicate and accursed ; leaving him unto the arbitr
left to the according to the quality of so great an ofFence ; the sacred synod notwithstand- secular - ° - . i . •' . - .» . . - , . . •" „ . ,
power
,'cu ar jj^g entreating, that the said judge would moderate his sentence of judgment
Jerome meut and judgment of the secular judge, to receive just and due pmiishment, ■""" according to the qualit) " ■ m
ing entreating, that the
without peril of death.
A paper Wliicli scntencc so given before his face, and ended, a great and
dJv'nJput ^^"p mitre of paper was brought unto him, painted about with red
upon the devils ; which wlien he beheld and saw, throwing away his hood upon
Jerome tlic grouud amougst the prelates, lie took the mitre and put it upon
il^i'pa-'^' liis head, saying : " Our Lord Jesus Christ, when he should suffer
i.ists. (loath for mc most wretched sinner, did wear a crown of thorns upon his
head ; and I, for his sake, instead of that crown, will willingly wear this
mitre and cap." Afterwards he was laid hold of by the secular power.
Jerome After that, he was led out of the said church to the place of exccu-
tedTo't'he ^^*^" • ^^'h^" l^c was goiug out of the church, with a cheerful countc-
secuiar naucc and a loud voice, lifting his eyes up unto heaven, he began to
j°"o"e sing ; " Credo in unum Dcum,'''' as it is accustomed to be sung in the
])asseth church. A.ftcrwards, as he passed along, he did sing some canticles
insrunto of the church, which being ended, in the entering out of the gate of
tyrdomV the city, as men go unto Gottliebcn, he did sing this hymn, " Felix
namque." And that respond being ended, after he came to the place
of execution where Master John Huss before had suffered death inno-
iic cently, kneeling down before an image which was like unto the picture
pr.oe . ^^ j\iastcr John Huss, w hich was there prepared to bum Master Jerome,
he made a certain devout prayer.
THE BURXING OF JEROME. 525
While he was thus praying, the tormentors took him up, and lift- iienry ing him up from the ground, spoiled him of all his garments, and left ^'
him nalced ; and afterwards girded him about the loins with a linen A. D. cloth, and bound him fast with cords and chains of iron, to the said ^^^^- image Avhich was made flist unto the earth. And so standing upon Jerome the ground, when they began to lay the wood about him, he sung an'im'Lge " Salve fcsta dies." And when the hymn was ended, he sung again, j^hn" with a loud voice, " Credo in unum Deum," unto the end. That beinar 5'^^^ ended, he said unto the people, in the German tongue, in effect as ethaiiiis foUov/eth. "■' Dearly beloved children ! even as I have now sung, so The""'^' do I believe, and none otherwise ; and this creed is my whole faith, 7°rome*^ notwithstanding now I die for this cause, because I would not consent f the and agree to the council, and with them affirm and hold that Master jerome John Huss was by them holily and justly condemned ; for I did know f^lil^ well enough that he was a true preacher of the gospel of Jesu Christ." ™°"y °^
After that he was compassed in with the wood up to the crown of huss. the head, they cast all his garments upon the avoocI also, and with a firebrand they set it on fire ; which being once fired, he began to sing with a loud voice, " In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum." When that was ended, and he began vehemently to burn, he said in the vulgar Bohemian tongue : '' O Lord God, Father The last Almighty ! have mercy upon me, and be merciful unto mine offences ; jeTome/ for thou knowest how sincerely I have loved thy truth." Then his voice, by the vehemency of the fire, was choked and stopped, that it was no longer heard, but he moved continually his mouth and lips, as though he had still prayed or spoken within himself.
When in a manner his Avhole body with his beard was burned The round about, and that there appeared through the great burning upon onfis^ his body certain great bladders as big as an egg, yet he continually 'i*^"'- very strongly and stoutly moved, and shaked his head and mouth, by the space almost of one quarter of an hour. So burning in the fire, "
he lived with great pain and martyrdom, while one might easily have gone fi-om St. Clement's over the bridge unto our lady-church : he was of such a stout and strong nature : After he was thus dead in the fire, by and by they brought his bedding, his straw-bed, his boots, his hood, and all other things that he had in the prison, and burned his ashes them all to ashes in the same fire ; which ashes, after the fire was out, theViver they did diligently gather together, and carry them in a cart, and cast ^'^^"e- them into the river Rhine, which ran hard by the city.
That man who was the true reporter hereof, and who testified unto The wit- us the acts and doings about the condemnation of Master Jerome, theVri- and sent the same unto us to Prague in writing, doth thus conclude. '^''• " All these things," said he, " I did behold, see, and hear to be done in this form and manner. And if any man do tell you the contrary, do not credit him ; for all those things which happened unto him when he came toward Constance, and also at his first coming unto Constance, of his own free will, and afterwards when he was brought bound unto Constance, as is aforesaid, I myself did see and perfectly behold ; and, for a perpetual memory thereof to be had for ever, I have directed the same unto you, not lying or falsifying any point thereof; as He, who is the searcher of all men's hearts, can bear me
r26 A LETTER OF THE NOBLES OF BOHEMIA
ffenry witness ; willinfj rather to sustain tlic note of ignorance and nulcncss
^' of stylo, to bear ^vitncss unto tlic truth, than 1 would by any means
A.D. be coinpellcd, by tickling or flattering the ears of the hearers with
^^^^- feigned and cloked speech, to swerve or go aside from the truih of
this story."
Thus end the tragical histories of Master John Huss, and Master Jerome of Prague, fiiithfuUy gathered and collected by a certain Bohemian, being a present witness and beholder of the same ; written and compiled first in Latin, and so sent by the said Bohemian into his country of Bohemia, and again translated out of the Latin, with like fidelity, into our English tongue.
In the meantime, while INIaster Jerome was in this trouble, and before the council, the nobles and lords of Bohemia and of Moravia (but not a little aggrieved thereat) directed their letters unto this barbarous council of popish murderers, in tenor and form of words as followeth.
THE LETTER OF THE FIFTY-FOUR NOBLES OF MORAVIA, WRITTEN
UNTO THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE IN DEFENCE OF MASTER
JOHN HUSS AND MASTER JEROME OF PRAGUE.
To the right reverend Fathers and Lords in Christ, the Lords Car- dinals, Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, Ambassadors, Doctors and Masters, and to the whole Council of Constance, we the Nobles, Lords, Knights, and Escpiires, of the famous Marquis- dom of Moravia, wish the desire of all goodness, and the observa- tion of the Commandments of our Lord Jesu Christ.
Forasmuch as every man, both by the law of nature, and also by God's law, is commanded to do that unto another man, which he would have done unto himself, and is fcn-bidden to do that thing unto another, which he would not have done unto himself, as our Saviour saith, '■' All things whatsoever you will that men should do unto you, the same do you unto them, for this is the law and the prophets" [Matt, vii.] ; yea, the law is fulfilled in this one point, " Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself" [Rom. xiii.] : we, therefore (God being our author), having respect as much as in us lieth unto the said law of God, and the love of our neighbour, before did send our letters unto Constance for our dearly beloved friend of good memory, IVLister John Huss, bachelor of divinity, and preacher of the gospel ; whom of late, in the council of Constance (we know not with what sjurit being led), you have condemned as an obstinate heretic ; neither having confessed any thing, neither being lawfully convicted as were expedient ; having no errors or heresies declared or laid against him, but only at the sinister, false, and importune accusations, suggestions, and instigations of his mortal enemies, and the traitors of our kingdom and marquisdom of Moravia. And being thus unmercifully condemned, you have slain him with most shameful and cruel death, to the j^crpctual shame and infamy of our most christian kingdom of Bohemia, and the famous marquisdom of Moravia (as we have Avritten unto Constance, unto the most noble prince and lord, the lord Sigisnumd, king of Romans
TO THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. 527
and of Hungary, the heir and successor of our kingdoms, -vvhicli Avas Henry
also read and published in your congregations, which we will here also '.
have enrolled), and have burned him, as it is reported, in reproach A. D. and contempt of us. ^'*^^-
Wherefore we have thought good even now to direct our letters J^^^^^^ patent to your reverences now present in the behalf of Master John Joim Huss ; openly professing and protesting, both Avith heart and mouth, ""arid that he, the said Master John Huss, was a just, good, and catholic \l^^}^ man, and, a long season, worthily commended and allowed in our king- mony dom for his life and conversation. He also preached and taught us nowes of and our subjects the law of the gospel, and of the holy prophets, and 2"'"-'""^- the books of the Old and New Testament, according to the exposition of the oly doctors approved by the church, and left many monuments in writing, most constantly detesting and abhorring all errors and heresies ; continually admonishing both us and all faithful Christians to do the like ; diligently exhorting all men as much as in him lay, by his words, writings, and travail, unto quietness and concord : so that using all the diligence that we might, we never heard or could understand, that Master John Huss had preached, taught, or by any means affirmed any error or heresy in his sermons, or that by any manner of means he had offended us, or our subjects, either by word or deed ; but that he always led a quiet and a godly life in Christ,' exhorting all men diligently, both by his word and works, as much as he might, to observe and keep the law of the gospel, and the institu- tions of the holy flithers, after the preaching of our holy mother the church, and to the edifying of men's souls. Neither did these pre- mises which you had so perpetrated to the reproach both of us and our kingdom and marquisdom, suffice and content you, but that also, without all mercy and piety, you have apprehended, imprisoned, and condemned, and even now, peradventure, like as you did Master John Huss, you have most cruelly murdered the worshipful man. Master Jerome of Prague ; a man abounding in eloquence, master of the Defence seven liberal arts, and a famous philosopher ; not being seen, heard, oSue! examined, neither convicted, but only at the sinister and false accusa- tions of his and our accusers and betrayers.
Furthermore, it is come to our knowledge and understanding (which we do not without great grief rehearse), as we may also evi- dently gather by your writings, how that certain detractors, odious both to God and men, privy enviers and betrayers, have wickedly and grievously, albeit falsely and traitorously, accused us, our king- dom and marquisdom aforesaid, before you in your council ; that in the said kingdom of Bohemia, and marquisdom of Moravia, divers errors are sprung up, which have grievously and manifoldly infected botli our hearts, and also the hearts of many faithful men ; insomuch that without a speedy stop or stay of correction, the said kingdom and marquisdom, together with the faithful Christians therein, should in- cur an irreparable loss and ruin of their souls.
These cruel and pernicious injuries which are laid unto us and to our said kingdom and marquisdom, albeit most falsely and slander- ously, how may we suffer ? forasmucli as through the grace of God
(1) " All that wiU live godly in Clirist shall suffer persecut'on." 2 Tim. iii.
628 A LETTER OF THE KOBLES OF BOHEMIA.
Henry (when ill a manner all other kingdoms of the world have oftentimes wavered, making schisms and antipopes),' our most gracious kingdom
A. D. of Bohemia, and most noble marquisdom of ^Moravia, since the l'*16. tijjje they did receive the catholic faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, as a most perfect quadrant,^ have always, without reproof, stuck upon the church of Rome, and have sincerely done their true obedience. Also with how great costs and charges, and great travail, with what worship and due reverence, they have reverenced the holy mother the church and her pastors, by their princes and faithful subjects, it is more manifest than the day-light unto the whole world ; and your- selves, if you will confess the truth, can witness the same also.
Wherefore, that we, according to the mind of the apostle, may procure honest and good things, not only before God, but before men also ; and lest, by neglecting the famous renown of the king- dom and marquisdom, Ave be found cruel toward our neighbours ; having a steadfast hope, a pure and sincere conscience and intent, and a certain true fliith in Christ Jesu our Lord, by the tenor of these we signify and declare unto your flitherhoods, and to all faith- ful Christians ; openly professing both with heart and mouth, that whatsoever man, of what estate, pre-eminence, dignity, condition, degree, or religion soever he be, who hath said, or affirmed, either doth say or affirm, that in the said kingdom of Bohemia, and mar- quisdom of Moravia, heresies have sprung up which have infected us and other faithful Christians, as is aforesaid (the only person of our most noble prince and lord, Sigismund, king of Romans, and of Hungary, &c., our lord and heir successor, being set apart, whom we trust and believe, not to be guilty in the premises), all and every such man, as is aforesaid, doth lie falsely upon his head, as a wicked and naughty traitor and betrayer of the said kingdom and marquis- dom, and most traitorous unto us, and most pernicious heretic, the son of all malice and wickedness, yea, and of the devil himself, who is a liar, and the father of all lies. [John viii.] These Notwithstanding we, for this present, committing the aforesaid
men^' iujurics to God, unto whom vengeance pertaineth, who will also thei^^ abundantly reward the workers of iniquity [Deut. xxxviii. ; Psal. obedience XXX.], will prosecute them more amply before him, whom God shall poperno appoint in the apostolic see, to govern his holy church, as the only thail^was ^^^ undoubted pastor. Unto whom, God willing, we exhibiting our lawful, clue reverence and obedience as faithful children, in those things and''^ ' which are lawful, honest, and agreeable to reason and the law of God, ab[e^"o ^^'il^ make our request and petition, that speedy remedy may be pro- Imfthe ^^^^^ ^or us, our Said kingdom and marquisdom, upon the premises, law of according to the law of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the institutions MM-ic of the holy flvthcrs. The premises notwithstanding, wc, setting apart and'iearn ^ ^'"''^^ ^"^^ mcu's Ordinances provided to the contrary, will maintain yu and defend the law of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the devout, humble
men, and constant preachers thereof, even to the shedding of our blood.
Dated at Sternberg, in the year of our Lord 1415, upon the day of St. Wcnccslaus, martyr of our Lord Jesus Christ.
(1) He meaneth the long schism spoken of before, where three popes were striving one against ivnolher.
(2) A quadrant, beinp four square, proverbially riprifieth a man that is constant and immutable.
A.D. 1416.
A TABLE OF CERTAIN NOBLES OE BOIiP:miA. 529
Round about the said letters there were fifty-four seals hanging, Henry and their names subscribed, whose seals they were. The names of _^1_ which noblemen I thought it good here to annex withal, partly for the more credit of that which hath been said, partly also for example''s sake, to the intent that our noblemen and gentlemen in this our realm of England, now living in this clear light of the gospel, may, by their example, understand, that if they join themselves with the gospel of Jesus, zealously, and as they should do, yet are they neither the first nor the most that so have done before them : if not, yet the truth may here remain in the story to their shame, or else to their instruc- tion, seeing so many noble and worthy gentlemen, within the small kingdom of Bohemia, to be so forward in those so dark days, and among so many enemies, two hundred years ago, to take part with Christ ; and yet our gentlemen here in such long continuance of time, being so diligently taught, are neither in number nor in zeal to them to be compared, but will still take part, contrary both to Christ, and to the example of these nobles, whose names they may see and read here following :
|
1. |
Alssokabat de Wisco- |
20. |
N. Studenica. |
38. |
Joannes de Pater- |
|
witz. |
21. |
N. Brischell. |
swald. |
||
|
2. |
Uliicus de Lhota. |
22. |
N. de Cromassona. |
39. |
Parsifal de Namy- |
|
3. |
Joan, de Ksimicz. |
23." |
Arannisic Donant de |
escz. |
|
|
4. |
Jossko de Sczitowcz. |
Polonia. |
40. |
Zodoni de Zwietzick. |
|
|
.5. |
Pterdus Zwiranowicz. |
24. |
Joan. Donant de Po- |
41. |
Raczeck Zawskalp. |
|
C. |
Joan, de Ziwla. |
lonia. |
42. |
Jon de Tossawicz, |
|
|
7. |
Joan. de Reychenberg. |
25. |
Joan, de Cziczow. |
43. |
Diwa de Spissnia. |
|
S. |
Wildo Skitzyny. |
26. |
Wenceslaus de N. |
44. |
Steffko de Draczdw. |
|
9. |
Diliko de Biela. |
27, N.deN.deest sigiUujti. |
45. |
Issko de Draczdw. |
|
|
10. |
Kos de Doloylatz. |
28. |
N.N. |
46. |
Odich de Hlud. |
|
11. |
Joan, de Simusin. |
29. |
Josseck de N. |
47. |
Wosfart de Paulo- |
|
12. |
Dobessimus de Tissa. |
30. |
Henricus de N. |
wicz. |
|
|
13. |
Drazko de Hradeck. |
31. |
, Waczlas de kuck. |
48. |
Pirebbor de Tyreze- |
|
14. |
Steph. de Hmodor- |
32. |
Henr. de Zreno- |
nicz. |
|
|
kat. |
wicz. |
49. |
Rynard de Tyrcze- |
||
|
15, |
Joan. Dein de Ga- |
33. |
Baczko de Con- |
wicz. |
|
|
bonecx. |
vald. |
50. |
Bohunko de Wratis- |
||
|
16. |
Barso dictus Hloder |
34. |
Petr. dictus Nienick |
dow. |
|
|
de Zeinicz. |
de Zaltoroldeck. |
51. |
Ulricus de Racdraw. |
||
|
17. |
Joan. Hmrsdorfar. |
35. |
Czenko de RIoss- |
52. |
Deslaw de Nali. |
|
18. |
Psateska de Wilklek. |
now. |
53. |
Bonesb de Frabre- |
|
|
19. |
Petrus Mog. de Sczi- |
36. |
N. |
nicz. |
|
|
towicy. |
37. |
Zibilutz de Clezam. |
54. |
Eybl de Roissowan. |
After these things thus declared and discoursed, concerning the liistory of John Huss and Jerome of Prague, the order of place and country next would require, consequently to infer and comprehend the great troubles and perturbations which happened after, and upon the death of these men, in the country of Bohemia ; but the order of time calleth me back, first to other matters here of our own country, which passed in the mean time with us in England. Which things being taken by the way and finished, we will (Christ willing) after- wards return to the tractation hereof, to prosecute the troubles and conflicts of the Bohemians, with other things beside, pertaining to
5S0 THE VISION' OF JOIIX IIUSS EXPOUNDED.
ffenni (lit lattcT cnd of tlic council of Constance, and to the choosing of
: — Pope Miu-tin, as the order of years and time sliall require.
A. D. * But first' I will declare a certain vision, ■which the said John ^'^^^- Huss had in Ids country of Bohemia, before his martyrdom. He, being the minister in the church of Bethlehem, had a vision by night, that he had painted, in the said church of Bethlehem, certain pictures of Christ and his apostles ; which pictures the bishop of Rome, with certain cardinals, came and defticed : which being done, w ithin a while after, it seemed unto him that other painters came in place, renewing and repairing the said pictures, which he had painted before, of Christ and his apostles, and much more fair than he had done before. The number of which painters was so great that they gloried against the pope and all the cardinals, bidding them now to come and put them out if they could : which thing, with all their power, they were not able to do.
This vision John Huss himself, in his book of epistles, expoundcth ; and applieth these pictures of Christ and his apostles, unto the j)reaching of Christ and his apostles. Which preaching and doc- trine, though the pope and his cardinals should extinguish in hhn, yet did he foresee and declare that the time should come that the same doctrine should be renewed again by other preachers, so plen- teously, that the pope, with all his power, should not be able to pre- vail against it.
Thus much as concerning the vision of John Huss, whereunto doth well accord the prophecy of the same Huss'^ a little before his death, and printed on the coin, there, in Bohemia, called ' JNIoneta Hussiana,'' having this subscription, Cextum Revolutis iVxxis Deo Respondebitis et ^Mihi; Anxo 1415. That is, "One hundred years come and gone, you shall give account to God and me. Anno 141.');''"' for the exposition of this prophecy, if we count from this year of John Huss, which is 1415, unto the year of our Lord, 1516, in which year Martin Luther first began to Mritc against the pope, we shall find the number of a hundred years fully com- plete.*
videsu- Yc heard before, how, after the death of Thomas Arundel, arch- uenry bishop of Canterbury, succeeded Henry Ciiichesley, a.o. 1414, and [c^'^'dr ^^' twenty-nine years ; in whose time was much trouble and great bishop of affliction of good men here in England; of whom many Avere com- bu!^."' pelled to abjure, some were burned, divers were driven to exile. Ap^'diz. Whereof, partly now to treat as we find them in registers and histories recorded, we will first begin with John Claydon, currier, of London, and Richard Turming; whom Robert Fabian doth falsely affirm to be burned in the year wherein sir Roger Acton and Master Brown sufiered ; who indeed suffered not before the second year of Henry Ciiichesley being archbishop of Canterbury, which was a.d. 1415.^ I'he history of which John Claydon, in the registers, is thus de- clared.
(U See edition 15C3, p. 250; and the Latin edition of I.'i59. p. 67, where the story Is less fully related.— Ed. (2) See page 508, wlu-re the prophecy is attributed to Jcrtmc. — Ed. (.1) See page ^04. — KD.
to 1416.
JOHN CI.AVDON, ASV UlCHAUD TUKMING. 531
Henry
€\)t Bi^tatB of Sjofjn €lapDon, Currier, anD of JSicfjarD (irurmin0, — ^ 25a{icc/ ^;P;
1415
The seventeenth of August one thousand four hundred and fifteen, did personally appear John Claydon, currier of London (arrested by the mayor of the said city for the suspicion of heresy), before Henry cuydon archbishop of Canterbury, in St. PauFs Church ; which John (it exami- being objected to him by the archbishop, that in the city of London, and other places of the province of Canterbury, he was suspected by divers godly and learned men for heresy, and to be contrary to the catholic faith and determination of the church) did openly confess, and denied not, but that he had been for the space of twenty years suspected both about the city of London, and also in the province of Canterbury, and especially of the common sort, for Lollardy and heresy, and to be contrary to the catholic faith and determination of the church of Rome, and defamed of the same all the time aforesaid : insomuch, that in the time of INLister Robert Braybrook, bishop of ciaydon London deceased, he was, for the space of two years, commanded to pruoned the prison of Conway for the aforesaid defamation and suspicion, and ^y Robert for the same cause also he was in prison in the Fleet for three years ; brook, out of which prison he (in the reign of king Henry IV.) was brought Londoi^ before the lord John Searle, then chancellor to the king, and there did abjure all heresy and error. And the said John Claydon, being asked of the said archbishop whether he did abjure the heresy of which he was suspected before any other, did confess, that in a con- vocation at London in Paul's Chm-ch before Thomas Arundel, late archbishop deceased, he did abjure all such doctrine, which they ciaydon called heresy and error, contrary to the catholic faith and determina- ^^^^ ^^ tion of the church ; and that he had not only left such articles and jured. opinions, wherein he Avas defamed, but also did abstain from all com- pany that were suspected of such opinions, so that he should neither give aid, help, counsel, nor favour unto them.
And moreover, the said John was asked by the said archbishop, whether he ever had in his house, since his abjuration, in his keeping, any books written in English. Whereunto he confessed, that he would not deny, but that he had in his house, and in his keeping, many English books ; for he was arrested by the mayor of the city English of London for such books as he had, which books (as he thought) ^°°^^' were in the mayor's keeping. Upon Avhich the mayor did openly Thejudf.. confess, that he had such books in his keeping, which in his judgment {hema^/or were the worst, and the most perverse, that ever he did read or see ; ^q^°"" and one book that was well bound in red leather, of parchment, written in a good English hand : and among the other books found with the said John Claydon, the mayor gave up the said book before the archbishop. Whereupon the said John Claydon, being asked of ciaydon the archbishop if he knew that book, did openly confess that he knew stowed" it very well, because he caused it to be written at his own costs and J"",jpy charges ; for he spent much money thereupon since his abjuration. ^^°^y^^^ Then was he asked who wrote it .'' He did answer : " One called books. John Grime.'"'
(1) Ex Regist. Cant. [See the Appendix.]
M M a
632 THE ARTICLES OF CLAYDOX.
Henry And fp.rtlicr, being required wliat tlie said Jolin Grime was, li
/>ri<-nj
answered, lie could not tell. Again, being demanded whether lie A-D. did ever read the same book, he did confess, that he could not read, ^^ but he had heard the fourth part thereof read by one John Fullar. 1416. ^^*^ being asked, whether he thought the contents of that book to
be catholic, profitable, good, and true, he ansAvered, that many
things which he had heard in the same book, were both profi- ciayrton table, good, and healthful to his soul ; and as he said, he had great couwnot jjf]|.f.j^i,,„ (^,) t],(. ^.y^^\ |)0(,1^^ for a sermon preached at Ilorslevdown, that was written in the said book. And being further asked, wlielher, since the lime of his said abjuration, he did commune with one Rifhara Richard, a baker, of the city aforesaid, he did answer, yea ; for the baker!"^' Said Kicliard the baker did come often imto his house to have com- munication with him. And being asked whether he knew the said Richard to be sus])ected, and defamed of licresv, he did answer again, that he knew well that the said Richard was suspected and defamed of many men and women in the city of London, as one whom they thought to be a heretic'
AVhich confession being made, he did cause the said books to be
delivered to Master Robert Gilbert, doctor of divinity, to William
wniiara Lindewood, doctor of both laws, and other clerks, to be examined ;
wood, ^^^^ ^" ^^^ mean time, David ]^eard, Alexander Philip, and Balthasar
doctor of Mcro, were taken for witnesses against him, and were committed to
both laws. , -iiTiT TiT-\ 1 • f. /--i
be exannned to Master John hscourt, general examiner of Canter- bury. Hiis done, the archbishop continued his session till Monday next in the same place. A\'hich Monday being come, which was the nineteenth of the said month, the said Master Escourt openly and publicly exhibited the witnesses, being openly read before the arch- bishop, and other bishops ; which being read, then, after that, were read divers tractations, found in the house of the said John Claydon ; out of the which being examined, divers points were gathered ami noted for heresies and errors, and especially out of the book aforesaid, which book the said Jolm Claydon confessed by his own costs to be Avritten and bound, Avhich book was intituled, ' The Lan thorn of Light ;' in which, and in the other examined, were these articles underwritten contained :
Articles contained in an English Book, entitled, ' The Lanthorn of Light.'
I. First, Upon the text of the gospel, how the enemy did sow the tares, there is said tlms : That wicked Antichrist, the pope, hath sowed among the laws of Christ his popish and corrupt decrees, which are of no authority, strength, or value.
II. That the archbishops and bishops, speaking indifferently, are the seats of the beast Antichrist, when he sitteth in them, and reigneth above other people in the dark caves of errors and heresies.
III. Tiiat tlie bishops' license, for a man to preach the word of God, is the true character of the beast, i.e. Antichrist; and theivforo simple and faithful priests may i)roach when they will, against tlie prohibition of that Antichrist,
The head ^id without license.
otAnti- IV. That the court of Rome is the chief head of Antichrist, and the bishops
Christ. be the body ; and the new sects (that is, the monks, canons and friars), brought
(1) This Tumiinp, belike, was then in prison.
HIS SENTKXCK AMD COi\UK.M NATION. 53g
ill nut by Clirist, but damnaily by the pope, be the venom'Ous and pestiferous Henry tail of Antichrist. V-
V. That no reprobate is a member of the church, but only such as be elected . ^^
1415
and predestinated to salvation ; ' seeing the church is no other thing but the congregation of faithful souls, who do, and will, keep their faith constantly,
well in deed as in word. i^t'c
VI. That Christ did never plant private religions in the church, but, while L
he lived in this world, he did root them out. By which it appeareth that private religions be unprofitable branches in the chiu'ch, and to be rooted out.
VII. That the material churches should not be decked with gold, silver, and precious stones sumptuously ; but the followers of the humility of Jesus Christ ought to worship their Lord God humbly, in mean and simple houses, and not in great buildings, as the churches be now-a-days.
VIII. That there be two chief causes of the persecution of the Christians : Tv:o one is, the priests' unlawful keeping of temporal and superliuous goods ; the causes of other is, the unsatiable begging of the friars, with their high buildings. tion.^'^'^'
IX. That alms be given neither virtuously nor lawfully, except it be given
with these four conditions: first, unless it be given to the honour of God: Four con- secondly, unless it be given of goods justly gotten : thirdly, unless it be given ^]^^°^^ »" to such a person as the giver thereof knoweth to be in charity ; and fom-thly, alms, unless it be given to such as have need, and do not dissemble.
X. That the often singing in the church is not founded on the Scripture, pnd therefore it is not lawful for priests to occupy themselves with singing in the church, but with the study of the law of Christ, and preaching his word.
XI. That Judas did receive the body of Christ in bread, and his blood in That wine ; in which it doth plainly appear, that after consecration of bread and ^''^^'^ ^^ wine made, the same bread and wine that was before, doth truly remain on [^^the the altar. Bacra-
XII. That all ecclesiastical suffrages do profit all virtuous and godly persons ™^"'" indifferently.
XIII. That the pope's and the bishops' indulgences be unprofitable, neither can they profit them to whom they be given by any means.
XIV. That the laity is not bound to obey the prelates, whatsoever they command, unless the prelates do watch to give God a just account of the souls of them.
XV. That images are not to be sought to by pilgrimages, neither is it lawful for Christians to bow their knees to them, neither to kiss them, nor to give them any manner of reverence.
For the above articles, the archbisliop witli other bishops, and divers learned men communing together, first condemned the books as heretical, and bm-ned them in fire ; and then, because they thought The the said John Claydon to be forsworn and fallen into heresy, the ciaydoif archbishop did proceed to his definitive sentence against the said bumed. John, personally appearing before him in judgment (his confessions being read and deposed against him) after this manner :
In the name of God, amen. We, Henry, by the grace of God archbishop The sen- of Canterbury, primate of all England, and legate of the apostolic see, in a ^"^^^ ^"'' certain cause of heretical pravity, and of relapse into the same; whereupon ,i;itionot' John Claydon, layman, of the province of Canterbury, was detected, accused Claydon. and denounced, and in the said our -province of Canterbury publicly defamed (as by public fame and common report notoriously to us hath been known), first, sitting in judgment-seat, and observing all things lawfully required in tliis behalf, do proceed to the pronouncing of the sentence definitive in form as foUoweth. The name of Christ being invocated and only set before our eyes, forasmuch as by the acts and things enacted, producted, exhibited, and confessed before us, also by divers signs and evidences, we have found the said John Claydon to have been, and to be, publicly and notoriously relapsed again into his former heresy, heretofore by him abjured ; according to the merits and
(1) This is true, speaking of the invisible ehurch.
534 INQUISITION RESPECTING THE LOLLARDS.
Henry deserts of the said cause, being of us diligently searched, weighed, anci pondered V- before, to the intent that the said John Claydon shall not infect others with his .^ scab : by the consent and assent of our reverend bretlnxn Kichard, bishop of V;,," London, John, bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, and Stephen, bishop of St. David's, and of other doctors, as well of divinity as of both laws, and also of other discreet and learned men assisting us in this behalf, we do judge, pro- nounce, and declare the said John Claydon to be relapsed again into his heresy which he before did abjure ; finally and definitively appointing him to be left un^o the secular judgment, and so do leave him, by these presents.
to 1416,
Claydon Thus Joliii Ckydon, receiving bis judgment and condemnation of ted"to'the the archbishop, Avas committed to the secular power, and by them secular unjustly and unkiwfully -n-as committed to the fire, for that the tem- The law poral magistrates had no such kvw sufficient for them to burn any burenT" such man for religion condemned of the prelates, as is above suffi- cienr'" ciently proved and declared. But to be short, ' quo jure, quaqua Thedeath injuria,' John Claydon notwithstanding, by the temporal magistrates "yrdmn of i^ot long after, Avas had to Smithfield, where meekly he was made a ciajdon. ]jurnt olfering unto the Lord, a.d. 1415.
Kobert Fabian, and other chronologcrs -who follow him, add also, that Richard Turming, baker, of whom mention is made before in the Claydon, examination of John Claydon, was likcAvisc the same time burned bo"hn\af- with him in Smithfield. Albeit in the Register I find no sentence of cording'to condemnation given against the said Turming, neither yet in the Fabian. Story of St. Alban's is there any such mention of his burning made, but only of the burning of John Claydon aforesaid : Avhereforc the judgment hereof I leave free to the reader. NotAvithstanding, con- cerning the said Turming this is certain, that he was accused to the bishops, and no doubt was in their hands and bands. What after- wards was done with him, I refer it unto the authors. A.D.H16. The next year after the burning of these two aforesaid, and also of John Huss, being burnt at Constance, which was a.d. 1416, the prelates of England seeing the daily increase of the gospel, and fear- ing the ruin of their papal kingdom, were busily occupied, with all their counsel and diligence, to maintain the same. AVherefore, to make their state and kingdom sure, by statutes, laws, constitutions, and terror of punishment, as Thomas Arundel and other prelates had done before, so the before-named Henry Chicheslcy, archbishop of Canterbury, in his convocation holden at London, maketh another constitution (as though there had not enough been made before) against the poor Lollards ; the copy and tenor whereof he sendeth abroad to the bisliop of London, and to other his suffragans, by them to be put in strait execution, containing in words as followeth.
Proclamation of Archbishop Chichesley, against the Lollards.'
Henry, by the grace of God, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all Eng- land, and legate of the chief scat ; to our reverend brother in the Lord, Richard, by the grace of God, bishop of London, health and brotluM-ly love, with continual increase. Lately, in our last convocation in St. Paul's Church, in London, being kept by you and other our brethren and clergy of our ])rovince, we do remember to have made this order under written, by your consents : ' Wherca.s, among many other our cares, this ought to be chief, that by some means we may take those heretics, who, like foxes, lurk and hide themselves in the Lord's
(1) Lx Regist. aiichesley, fol. 217.
THE TROUBLE OF BARTON AND CHAPEL FOR RELIGION. 535
vineyard ; and that the dust of negligence may be utterly shaken from our feet,' Henry and from the feet of our fellow-brethren ; in this the said convocation of the ^• prelates and clergy, we have ordained, that our fellow-brethren, our suffragans . y. and archdeacons of our province of Canterbury, by themselves, their officials or , .', J
commissaries in their jurisdictions, and every of their charges in their country, !_
twice every year at the least, do diligently inquire of such persons as are sus- Twice pected of heresy ; and that in every such their archdeaconries, in every parish every wherein it is reported that any heretics do inhabit, they cause three or more of inquire the houestest men, and best reported of, to take their oath upon the holy Evan- for Lol- gelists, that if they shall know or understand any frequenting, either in privy ^f.^-^jj conventicles, or else diflering in life or manners,^ from the common conversa- privy con- tion of other catholic men, or else that hold any either heresies or errors, or veniicies. else that have any suspected books in the English tongue, or that do receive any Against such persons suspected of heresies and errors into their houses, or that be Knyiish favourers of them that are inhabitants in any such place, or conversant with "°"'^*- them, or else have any recourse mito them ; they make certificates of those persons in writing, with all the circumstances wherewith they are suspected, unto the said our sufiragans or archdeacons, or to their commissaries, so soon and with as much speed as possibly they can ; and that the said archdeacon, and every of their commissaries aforesaid, do declare the names of all such persons denounced, together with all the circumstances of them, the dioceses and places, and secretly under their seals do send over unto us the same : and that the same diocesans etfectually direct forth lawful process against them, as the quality of the cause requireth ; and that with all diligence they discern, define, and execute the same.
* And if perhaps they leave not such persons convict unto the secular court, yet notwithstanding, let them commit them unto the perpetual or temporal prisons, as the quality of the cause shall require, until the next convocation of the prelates and clergy of our province of Canterbury, there personally to remain : and that in the same prisons they caiise them to be kept according as the law requireth : and that of all and singular the things aforesaid, that is, what inquisition they have made, and what they have found, and how in the process they have behaved themselves, and what persons so convicted they have caused to be put in safe keeping, with what diligence or negligence of the commissaries aforesaid, with all and all manner of other circumstances premised, and thereunto in any wise appertaining; and especially of the abjurations (if in the mean time they shall chance to abjure any heresies), that then, in the next convocation of the prelates and clergy imder the form aforesaid, they cause the same distinctly and apertly to be certified to us and our successors ; and that they deliver effectually to the official of our court, the same process to remain with them, or else in the register of our court of Canterbury ; so that every one to whom such things appertain, for the further execution of the same process, may have recourse unto the same official with all effect.'
We therefore command, that as touching the constitution brought unto your city and diocese, you cause the same in convenient place and time to be pub- lished ; and that in all points you both observe the same yourselves, and cause it also of others to be diligently observed : commanding furthermore, all and singular our fellow-brethren and suffragans, that they, in like wise, cause the same to be published throughout all their cities and dioceses, and both diligently observe the same themselves, and also cause all others to do the same ; and, what thing soever you shall do in the premises, that you certify us betwixt this and the feast of St. Peter ad vincula, next coming, that you duly certify us of these things, by your letters-patent, containing the same effect, sealed with your seals.
Dated at oiur house in London, the first day of July, Anno 1416.
THE TROUBLE OF JOHN BARTON AND ROBERT CHAPEL, FOR RELIGION.
During the time of this convocation in the year above-said, two priests were presented and brought before the bishops, noted and
(1) You should be better occupied to shake off (he dust from your dusty pulpits
(2) To differ from the common sort in life and manners, against the pope's law.
536 CUTICLES OBTIiL'DKP UI'ON KOUKIIT CHAPEL TO CONFF.SS.
J'enn defamed for heretics ; one named John Barton, unto vliom it av;i<!
: — objected by Philip, bishop of Lincohi, that he liad been excommuiii-
A. D. cated about six or seven years before, upon articles concerning religion ;
_11L _ and yet neither would appear, being cited, nor would seek to be reconciled again to the church. Which things being so jn'oved against liim, he was committed to the custody of the aforesaid Philip,' bishop
Ap^nj.z. of Lincohi, and so to be holdcn in prison, till he should hear further what should be done.
The other was Robert Chapel, otherwise named Ilolbech, chaplain some time to the lord Cobham ; xmto Avhom likcM'ise it was objected, that he, being under the sentence of excommunication about three or four years, yet notwithstanding, to the contempt of the keys, did continue saying mass, and preaching, and sought not to be reconciled ; Chapel denying that he did know any sucli excommunication given out against him. Then Avas the copy of his excommunication, fir?t made by the bishop of Rochester, afterwards denounced by the bishop of London at PauFs Cross, brought and read before him ; and so that done, that session broke up for that time, wliich was about the latter end of May, a.d. 1416.
chipei The twelfth day of the month of July next following, the said
ahjureth. (^i^^pel appeared again before the archbishop and the prelates. To whom when it was objected as before, how he had preached without the bishop''s license in divers places, as at Cobham, at Cowling, and at Shorne ; at length, he, confessing and submitting himself, desired pardon. Which although it was not at the first granted unto him, yet at the last the bishop of Rochester, putting in his hands the decree of the canon law,^ and causing him to read the same, made him to abjure all his former articles and opinions as heretical and schismatical, never to hold the same again, according to the contents of the aforesaid canon. Whereupon the said Robert, being absolved by the authority of the archbishop (save only that he should not intermeddle Avith saying mass, before he had been dispensed from the pope himself, for irregularity), was enjoined by the archbishop himself for his penance, standing at PaiaFs, to publish these articles following unto the people, instcid of his confession given him to be read.
Articles obtruded upon Chapel to confess.
Imprimis, I confess that bishops, priests, and other ecclesiastical persons, having no other profession to the contrarj-, may lawfully have, receive, and retain lands and possessions temporal, to dispense and dispose the same and the rents thereof, to the behoof of themselves, or of their chm-ch where they dwell, according as seemeth good to them.
II. Item, I confess, that it were very unlawful, yea rather unjust, that tem- poral men upon any occasion, whatsoever it be, should take away temporal lands and possessions from the church, either universal or particular, to which they are given ; the consideration of the abuse of mortal prelates, priests, or other ministers in the church conversant (who are mixt together good with bad), abusing the same, to the contrary notwithstanding.
III. Item, I confess, that peregrinations to the relics of saints, and to holy places, are not prohibited, nor to be contemned of any cathohc ; but arc avail- ID This Philip scemeih to be Philip Repington before mentioned, in the story of WicklW.
(2) 1 q. 7 cap. ' Quoties,' (tc.
PERSECUTION IN ENGLAND. 537
able to remission of sins,' and approved by holy fathers, and worthy to be iiey>ry commended. _ :: — .
IV. Item, I confess, tliat to worship the images of Christ or of any other A.D. saints, being set up in the church, or in any other place, is not forbidden; ]416.
neither is it any cause inductive of idolatry, being so used as the holy fathers
do will them to be worshipped ; = but rather such images do proiit much to the liealth of Christians, because they do put us in remembrance of the merits of
those saints whom they represent, and the sight of them doth move and stir up the people to prayers and devotion.
V. Item, I confess, tliat auricular confession used in the church is necessary for a sinner to the salvation of his soul, and necessary to be done by such a priest as is ordained by the church to hear the confession of the sinner, and to enjoin him penance for the same ;^ without which confession (if it may be had), tliere is no remission of shis to liim that is in sin mortal.
VI. Item, I confess and firmly do hold, that although the priest be in mortal sin, yet may he make the body of Christ, and minister other sacraments and sacramentals ; which nevertheless are profitable to all the faithful, whosoever receive them in faith and devotion of the church.*
VII. Item, I confess, that bishops in their ox^n dioceses may forbid, decree, and ordain, upon reasonable causes, that priests should not preach, without their special license, the word of God ; and that those that do against the same, should suffer the ecclesiastical censures.
VI i I. Item, I confess, that private religions, as well of monks, canons and Privaie others, as also of the begging friars, being^ailowed by the church of Rome, are p^.I']?J°"* profitable to the universal church, and in no means contrary to God's law, but able, if ye rather are founded and authorized thereon. f^^"''' t*^"
IX. Item, I promise and swear upon these holy Evangelists, which I hold f^j'"'^' here in my hands, that I will henceforth never hold, affirm, or, by any means, teach any thing contrary unto the premises either openly or privately.
After the setting out of the constitution aforcsaia, in the days of crett in- the abovenamed Henry Chichesley, archbishop of Canterbury, gTeat ^n'^Eng.''* inquisition hereupon followed in England, and many good men, whose i^'"^- hearts began to be won to the gospel, were brought to much vexation, and caused outwardly to abjure.
Thus, while Christ had the inward hearts of men, yet tlie catholic Christ Antichrist would needs possess their outward bodies, and make them hearts of sing after his song. In the number of whom, being compelled to {"/^"'J,'';,^ abjure, besides the others aforesaid, Avas also John Taylor, of the bodies. parish of St. JSIichaePs at Quern ; William James, master of arts and ^(l^^\l^ physician, who had long remained in prison, and at length, after y/ho ab- abjuration, was licensed with his keeper, to practise his physic.
Also John Dwarf, so named for his low stature, who was sent by John the duke of Bedford to the aforesaid Chichesley and other bishops, to be examined before them in the convocation : there he, at length revolting from his doctrine, recanted and did penance.
In like manner John Jourdelay of Lincolnshire, well commended Joim in the registers for his learning, accused by the priests of Lincoln for abjureth.''' a certain book which he, contiary to the former decree of the bishops, Appeldu. did conceal, and did not exhibit unto them, was therefore enforced to abjure ; after whom was brought likewise before the bishops, one Katharine Dertford, a spinster, Avho being accused and examined upon these three articles concerning tlie sacrament of the pope's altar, adoration of images, and pilgrimage, answered, that she was not able,
(1) Mark well this catholic doctrine of the pope's church, concerning remission of sins!
(2) Mark how this doctrine joineth with God's commandment and with his word !
(3) Ergo, by this doctrine the just man liveth not by bis faith, but by his confession auricular- (i) How cr.n these priests be servants of Christ, who be makers of Christ?
THE ABJURATION' OF CERTAIN PERSON'S,
jicnry bcing uulcamctl, to answer to sucli high matters, neither had she any ^' further skill, but only her Creed and Ten Cuinniandnients : and so
ley mined.
A.I), was slic committed to the vicar-general of the bishop of Winchester ^^^^- (for that she was of the same diocese), to be kept, and fuilher to be
examined of the same.'
Robert, At the same sitting was also brought before the said archbishop
the par- and his fellow bishops, by the lieutenant of tlie Tower, the parson of
Hegge- Heggcley in Lincolnshire, named Master Robert, who, being long
kept in the Tower, at length, by the king"'s writ, was brought and
examined the same time upon the like articles : to wit, touching the
sacrament of their altar, peregrination, adoration of images, and
"whether it was lawful for spiritual men to enjoy temporal lordships,
&c. To which articles he answered (saith the register) doubly and
mockingly, save only in the sacrament he seemed something more
conformable ; albeit not yet fully to their contcntation. Wherefore,
A p-Ziu being committed to the custody and examination of Richard, bishop
of Lincoln, in the end he was also induced to submit himself William The same, likewise, did William Hervey of Tenterden, being Teiuer-'^^ suspected and arrested for company-keeping with those whom the den exa- bishops Called Lollards, and for having suspected books. "*'"" " Besides these, divers others there were also, who, in the same con-
vocation were convented, and revoked their opinions, as John Galle, Book of a priest of London, for having a book in English, entituled, ' A Book thenew ^f ^j^^ ^^^^^ Law.' Item, Richard Monk, vicar of Chesham in Several Lincolnshire, who submitted himself likewise. Li this race and num- tr"ub"ed bcr followcd morcovcr, Bartholomew Cornmonger, Nicholas Hooper, do'ctrine. Servant to the lord Cobham, Thomas Granter, with others more, mentioned in the aforesaid register.
Among the rest who were at this time troubled for their faith, was
S" . one Radulph ]Mungin, priest, who, for the same doctrine, was arrested
and sent by the lord chancellor of England to the aforesaid archbishop,
and by him committed to David Price, vicar-gcncral to the bishop of
London : where, after he hud endured four months in prison, he Mas
by the said David presented to the convocation, against whom divers
articles were objected.
A sub- But, for the better explaining of the matter, first here is to be
tiR-reTby Dotcd, that duriug the time of this convocation provinci:il, pope
the pope Martin had sent down to the clergy of England for a subsidy to be
against gathered of the church, to maintain the pope's war against the Lollards
fui'ofijo" (so the papists did term them) of Bohemia. Also another subsidy
hernia, ^j^g doinaiuled to persecute one Peter Clerk, master of arts of Oxford,
who, flying out of England, was at the council of Basil, disputing
on the l^ohemians"' side. And thirdly, another subsidy was also
required to persecute AV^illiam Russel, warden of the grey friars in
London, who the same time was fled from England to Rome, to
maintain his opinion before the pope, and who there escaped out of
S^us prison, &c. of whom more largely hereafter (Christ willing) we shall
En'^'U<.h entreat. In the mean time mark here the pretty shil'ts of the pope
moucy. to hook in the English money, by all manner of pretences possible.
Thus Ralph Mungin, the aforesaid examinate, appearing before the
bishops in the convocation, it was articulated against him, first that he
(1) Ex Regist H. ChicheslKy
niCMAS GRANTER S RECANTATION.
should affirm and hold, that it was not lawful for any Christian to fight Hemj and make war against the heretics of Bohemia. '
Item, It was to him objected, that he did hold and say, that it was A.D.
not lawful for any man to have propriety of goods, but the same to ^'*^^-
be common ; which he expressly denied that ever he so said or ^bVe'ctla affirmed. Whereby we have to observe, how the crafty malice of against these adversaries useth falsely to collect and surmise of men, what Mungin. they never spake, whereby to oppress them wrongfully, whom by plain truth they cannot expugn.
Moreover, they objected against him, that he should keep company Appf'uu. with Master Clerk aforesaid, and also that he dispersed in the city of Tnaio- London certain books of John Wickliff and of Peter Clerk, namely, Ihe the book ' Trialogus,' and the gospels of John Wickliff, &c. He was f°^^^f.^ charged, moreover, to have spoken against the pope"'s indulgences, 'ated by affirming that the pope had no more power to give indulgences than he had.
Upon these and other such articles objected, the said Mungin, being asked if he would revoke, answered, that it seemed to him not just or meet so to do, who did not know himself guilty of any heresy. Thus he being respited for that time, Avas committed to prison till the next sitting; who, then, being called divers and sundry times after- wards before the bishops, after long inquisition and strait examination Eaiph made, also depositions brought in against him so much as they could condfmn- search out, he, notwithstanding, still denied, as before, to recant. pg/j,°tuai Wherefore the aforesaid Henry, the archbishop, proceeding to his prison, sentence definitive, condemned him to perpetual prison.
After whose condemnation, the Sunday next following, the recan- Thomas tations of Thomas Granter, and of Richard Monk, priests above- Rkifard mentioned, were openly read at PauFs Cross ; the bishop of Roches- ^^''"''• ter the same time preached at the said cross. The tenor of whose recantation, with his articles in the same expressed, hereunder followeth :
Recantation of Thomas Granter.
In the name of God. Before you my lord, of Canterbury, and all you my lords here being present, and before you all here gathered at this time, I Tho- mas Granter, priest unworthy, dwelling in this city of London, feeling and un- derstanding that afore this time I affirmed open errors and heresies, saying, believing, and affirming, within this city, that he that christian men call pope, is not very pope, nor God's vicary on earth, but I said he was Antichrist.^ Also I said, believed, and aifirmed, that after the sacramental words said by a priest in the mass, there remain material bread and wine, and are not turned into Christ's body and his blood. Also I said and affirmed, that it was not to do, in anywise, to go on pilgrimage, but it was better, I said, to abide at home, and beat tlie stools with their heels ; for it was, I said, but tree and stone that they sought. Also I said and affirmed, tliat I held no Scripture, catholic, or holy, but only what is contained in the Bible. For the legends and lives of saints, I held them nought, and the miracles written of them I held untrue. Because of which errors and heresies I was before Mr. Davie Price, vicar-general of my lord of London, and since, before you my lord of Canterbury and your brethren in your council provincial, and by you fully informed, who so said, that mine affirming, believing, and teaching, had been of open erixirs and heresies, and contrary to the determination of the churcli of Rome. Wherefore I, willing to follow and sow the doctrine of holy chiu-ch, and depart from all manner of (1) Note the doctrine and opinions in those cays, ^-here the^gosnel took place.
540 CERTAIN GODLY PERSON'S PERSECUTED.
Henry eiTors and heresies, and turn with good will and heart to the one head of tlie
y- church,' considering that holy church shuttt'th not nor cioscth her bosom to
J, y. l>ii« that will turn again, and'tliat God willeth not the death of a sinner, but
1.11 f* rather that he be turned and live: with a pure heart I confess, detest, and
'— despise my said errors and heresies; and tlie said opinions I confess, as heresies
and eiTors to the faith of the church of Rome, and to all universally holy church repugnant. And therefore these said opinions in special, and all other errors and heresies, doctrines and opinions, against the faith of the church, and the determinations of the church of Home, I abjure and forswear here before you all, and swear by these holy gospels by me bodily touched, that from hence- forth I shall never hold, teach, nor preach error or ciTors, heresy, or here- Men tied sies, or false doctrine against the faith of holy church, and determination of '? "'"h f *^^® church of Rome, nor any such thing I shall obstinately defend, nor any Kome. "lan holding or teaching such manner of things by me or another person, openly or privily I shall defend. I shall never after this time be receiver, fautor, coun- sellor, or defender of heretics, or of any person suspect of heresy, nor shall I trow to him, nor wittingly fellowship with him, nor give him counsel, favour, gifts, or comfort. And if I know any heretics, or of heresy, or of such false opinions any person suspected, or any man or woman making or holding privy conventicles, or assemblies, or any divers or singular opinions from the common doctrine of the church of Rome, or if I may know any of their fautors, com- forters, counsellors or defensers, or any that have suspect books or quiers of such errors and heresies ; I shall let you, my lord of Canterlnny, or your oiiicers in your absence, or the diocesans and ordinaries of such men, have soon and ready knowing : so help me God and liolydenie, and these holy Evangelists by me bodily touched.
After this rec;intation at tlic Cross thus published, and his sub- mission made, the said Granter then was, by the advice of the prelates, put to seven years' imprisonment, under the custody and charge of the bisliop of London. Appa'dix. After this follov.-ed in like manner the recantation of Richard IMonk : also of Edmund Frith, who was, before, butler to sir John Oldcastle, Theafnic- Bcsidcs tlicsc abovc remembered, many and divers there be in the troubieln ^aid rcgistcr recorded, avIio likewise, for their faith and religion, Kent, were greatly vexed and troubled, especially in the diocese of Kent, cinches- in tlic towns of Komney, Tenterden, Woodchurch, Cranbrook, Stap- ^^^' helherst, Beninden, Ilalden, Rolvenyden, and others ; Avherc whole households, both man and Avife, were driven to forsake their houses and towns for danger of persecution ; as sufficiently appeareth in the process of the archbisho}) Chichesley against the said persons, and in the certificate of Burbatli, his ofHcial, wherein are named the ft)llo\v- ing sixteen persons :
Persons |)erse ed in Kent
W. White, priest, 'William Everden, William Somer,
jjersecut- Tho. Grenested, priest, Stephen Robin, Marion, his wife,
?.?_i" Bartho. Cornmongor, W. Chivcling, John Abraham,
John Wadnon, John Tame, Robert Mundcn,
Joan, his wife, John Fowlin, Laurence Coke.
Tho. Everden,
These being cited up together by the bishop, would not appear . \vhereu])on great inquisition being made for them bv his officers, they were constrained to fly their houses and towns, and shift I'or themselves as covertly as tlicy might. When Burbath and other oiriccrs had sent to the archbishop, that they could not be found,
(I) One hozd, thnl is, the unity of Hie chiircU,
THE SECOND APPREHENSION OF LORD COBHAM. S-il.
tlicn he directed down an order that citations should be set up for uenry them on every church door, througli all towns where tliey did inhabit, — ~ — appointing them a day and term when to appear. But notwithstand- '^•^• ing, when they yet could not be taken, neither would appear, the arclibishop, sitting in his tribunal seat, proceeded to the sentence of excommunication against them. What afterwards happened to them, in the register doth not appear ; but, like it is, at length they were forced to submit themselves.
THE SECOND APPREHENSION OF THE LORD COEHAM.
Concerning sir John Oldcastlc the lord Cobham, and of his first apprehension, Avith his whole story and life, sufficiently hath been ex- pressed before, how he, being committed to the Tower, and condemned falsely of heresy, escaped afterwards out of the Tower, and was in Wales about the space of four years. In the mean time, a great sum of money was proclaimed by the king, to him that could take the said sir John Oldcastle, cither quick or dead : * v,ho ' confederated with the lord Powis (who was at that time a great governor in Wales), feeding him with lordly gifts and promises, to accomplish their desire.*
About the end of which four years being expired, the lord Powis, The lord whether for love and greediness of the money, or whether for hatred piayeth of the true and sincere doctrine of Christ, seeking all manner of ways J"'i'''s- how to play the part of Judas, and outwardly pretending him great amity and favour, at length obtained his bloody purpose, *and most cowardly and wretchedly took him,* and in conclusion brought the lord Cobham bound up to London ; which was about the year of our Lord 1417, and about the month of December ; at which time there v/as a parliament assembled in London, for the relief of money the same time to be sent to the king, whom the bishops had sent out (as ye heard before) to fight in France. The records of wliich parliament do thus say: That on Tuesday the fourteenth day of December, and the nine and twentieth day of the said parliament, sir John Old- castle, of Cowling in the county of Kent, knight, being outlawed (as is afore minded) in the King's Bench, and excommunicated before by the archbishop of Canterbury for heresy, was brought before the lords ; and having heard his said convictions, answered not thereto in his excuse. Upon which record and process it was adjudged, that he should be taken as a traitor to the king and the realm ; that he should be carried to the Tower of London, and from thence drawn through liondon, unto the new gallows in St. Giles without Temple- Bar, and there to be hanged, and burned hanging.
* ^ Thus, after long process, they condemned him again of heresy
(1) For these, and other words following in asterisks, see Edition Io53, p. 276.— Ed.
(2) Tliis interesting narration of the execution of the lord Cobham is from the iirst edition of the Acts and Monuments, pajje 276. The particulars here recorded are briefly repeated at pa?e 281 ottluit edition, with the liiUowing variation : "In this manner, he, having finished the course of his life, commending; his soul unto God, and praying for the salvation of his enemies, after he had exhorted the people to ti.e study of the pure and sincere faith and religion, he slej't in the
f u' r!-'' , '1"^ '^'^''^^ ^^'^■^' •'"'"' ^'''''-'' af'erwards bishop of Ossory, published a full account
of the hie and martyrdom of lord Cohharo, under the following title; " A brefe Chronycie concern- yxi^e the Examinacyon and Death of the blessed Martyr of Christ, Sir Johan Oldecasteie the Loide Cc/ohara. See also Wilkms s Concilia, vcl. iii— The Registers of Archbisliop Arundel at Lambeth. — Harleian MSS. m the Brit. Mus. No. 420, art. C9 ; and 421, art 13'' &c —Ed.
but C'lirist's.
542 THE EXECUTIOX OF I.OKD COBHAM.
Wenry and treasoti, by force of the aforenamed act ; ^ he rendering thanl<s
^' unto God, that he had so appointed him to suffer for his name's sake.
A.D. And, upon tlie day appointed, he was brought out of tlte toAver Avith
^^^8. j^jg arms bound behind him, having a very cheerful countenance. Then
was he Laid upon a hurdle, as though he had been a most heinous
traitor to the crown, and so drawn forth into St. Giles's field, where
they had set up a new pair of gallows. As he was comen to the ])lace
of execution, and was taken from the hurdle, he fell down devoutly
upon his knees, desiring Almighty God to forgive his enemies. Then
stood he up and beheld the multitude, exliorting them in most godly
manner to follow the laws of God Avritten in the Scriptures, and in
any wise to beware of such teachers as they see contrary to Christ in
their conversation and living ; with many other special counsels.
Then was he hanged up there by the middle in chains of iron, and so
consumed alive in the fire, praising the name of God so long as his
life lasted. In the end he commended his soul into the hands of
God, and so departed hence most christianlv, his bodv resolved into
ashes. And this was done a. d. 1418, which was the fifth year of the
reign of king Henry V. ; the people, there present, showing great
Not the dolour. How the priests that time fared, blasphemed, and accursed,
''Tvant, requiring the people not to pray for him, but to judge him damned in
hell, for that he departed not in tlic obedience of ihcir po])e, it were
to long to write.
This terrible kind of death, with gallows, chains, and fire, appeareth not very precious in the eyes of men that be carnal, no more than did the death of Christ, when he was hanged up among thieves. " The riixhteous secmeth to die"' (saith the wise man) " in the sight of them which are unwise, and their end is taken for very destruction. Un- godly Ibles tliinkcth their lives very madness, and their passage hence without all honour ; but, though they suffer pain before men," saitli he, " yet is their expectation full of immortality. They are accounted for the children of God, and have their portion among the saints. As gold in the furnace doth God try his elect, and as a most pleasant brent-offering receiveth he them to rest." The more hard the passage be, the more glorious shall they appear in the latter resurrection. Not that the afflictions of this life are worthy of such a glory, but that it is God's heavenly pleasure so to reward them. Never are the judgments and ways of men like unto the judgments and wavs of God, but con- trary, evermore, unless they be taught of him. '' In the latter time,"' saith the Lord unto Daniel, " shall many be chosen, proved, and puri- fied by fire ; yet shall tlic inigodly live wickedly still, and have no understanding that is of fiith."" Ryan angel from heaven was John earnestly commanded to write that " blessed arc the dead which hence departeth in the Lord." " Right dear," saith David, " in the sight of God, is tlie death of his true servants."
Thus rcstelh this valiant christian knight, sir .John Oldcastle, under the altar of (Jod, which is Jesus Christ, among that godly company, who, in the kingdom of patience, suffered great tribulation with the death of their bodies, for his faithful word and testimony, abiding there with them the fulfilling of their whole number and the full restoration
(I) " Aforenamed act." See page 353 of this yolume. "Anew and cruel law, which, at that time, was nade by king Henry V., against the ^VicklifTitcs." Edition 1563, p. 281.— Eo.
LORD cobham's history coxcluded, 543
of liis elect. The which He grant in effect, at his time appointed, ^"yif ■who is one God eternal ! Anicn. _ : —
Thus have you heard the whole matter concerning the martjTdom A. D. of the good lord Cobham, as we have gathered it partly out of the col- ^^^^' lections of John Bale and others.* As touching the pretensed treason J^^^H".^ of this lord Cobham, falsely ascribed unto him in his indictment, rising surmised. upon wrong suggestion and false surmise, and aggravated by rigour of words, rather than upon any ground of due probation, sufficiently hath been discoursed before in my defence of the said lord Cobham, against Alanus Copus ; where again it is to be noted, as I said before, how by this it appeareth, that the lord Cobham was never executed by force of the indictment or outlawry, because if he had, he should then have been brought to the bar in the King's Bench, and there the judges should have demanded of him, what he could have said, why he should not have died ; and then not showing sufficient cause for the discharge or delay of execution, the judges should have awarded and given the judgment of treason : which being not so, it is clear he was not executed upon the indictment. Besides, to prove that he was not executed upon the indictment and the outlawry, the manner of the execution provetli it, because it was neither the execution of a traitor, nor was the whole punishment thereof pronounced by the judge, as by due order of law was requisite.
Finally, as I said before, here I repeat again, that albeit the said lord Cobham was attainted of treason by the act, and that the king, the lords, and the commons, assented to the act ; yet all that bindeth not in such sort (as if indeed he were no traitor) that any man may not, by search of the truth, utter and set forth sincerely and justly the very true and certain cause whereupon his execution did follow. Which seemeih by all circumstances and firm arguments to rise principally of his religion, which first brought him in hatred of the bishops ; the bishops brought him in hatred of the king ; the hatred of the king brought him to his death and martyrdom. And thus much for the death and execution of this worthy servant of Christ, the lord Cobham.
* This ' is not to be forgotten, which is reported by many, that he should say : that he should die here in earth after the sort and manner of Elias; which, whether it sprang of the common people without cause, or was foreshowed by himself, I think it, not without good consider- ation. That it sprang not without some gift of prophecy, the end of the matter doth sufficiently prove ; for, like as when Elias should leave this mortal life, he was carried by a fiery chariot into immortality ; even so the order of this man's death, not being much unlike, followed the figure of his departure. For he, first of all, being lifted up upon the gallows, as into a chariet, and encompassed round about with flam- ing fire ; what other thing, I pray you, did this most holy martyr of Christ represent, than only a figure of a certain Elias, flying up into heaven, who went up into heaven by a fiery chariot.^
Such, gentle reader, are the fruits of WicklifF's doctrine. Now let
(1) See Edition 1563, p. 281.— E».
(2) Among the many rumours, which either the superstition of the age, or the subtlety of the lord Cobham's enemies were accustomed to circulate respecting him, was the following : " That at the time of his execution he requested sir Thomas Erpington to procure protection to the fol- lowers of WicklifT, and the maintainers of the antipapal doctrines, in case he (the lord Cobham) should rise from the dead the third day." See Walsingham's Historj', page 400. The reader will Verceive, in this absurd charge, a distorted version of the above narration. — Ed.
544* EEFKUEN'CE TO THE PARLIAMENTARY KOl.KS.
iienrtj tlic papists iiKirk aiid consider wliat profits or fruits tlicir papistical ^' liolincss liutli brou^-lit forth unto tlie world. If we would measure
A. D. every man''s doctrine by his fruits, let us behold this man, whom, ^•^^^- together with an infinite number of others, this most optable doctrine of WieklKf hath brought forth. For thus, as is before said, Walden, who otherwise was his most grievous enemy, reported of the said sir John Oldcastle : That he did never understand how great the poison and spot of sin was, but only by reading of WicUlifF's books.' This I thought good to recite in this place, because of Polydore Virgil, who, in the twenty-second book of his Story of England, callcth him valiant, but a wicked man. But if Polydore had showed himself so faitliful in the writing of the history, as the lord Cobham was distant froni impietv and wickedness, he would never have spoken those words, and would have defiled so noble a history with fewer lies."*
^loreover, in the records above mentioned, it foUowcth. how, in
the said parliament, after the martyrdom of this valiant knight,
motion then was made, that the lord Powis might " be thanked and
rewarded, according to the proclamation made, for his great travail
taken in the apprehension of sir John Oldcastle, knight, heretic."
Thus stand the words of the record ; where two things are to be
noted : First, how sir John here in the record is called, not traitor,
Judas but heretic only: Secondly, mark how this brother of Judas here
tor hls'^ ci-avcth his reward for betraying the innocent blood. Wherein it is
reward, j^jt to bc doubtcd, but that his light fee, and ' quid vultis mihi darej
in this world, will have a heavy reM'iuxl hereafter in the world to come,
unless he repented.
* In D. Johan. Cobhami equitis aurati et Martyris cineres, Carmen I. F. in fclicem memoriam. Anno 1418.
Stemmate, pace, toga prcestans, et clanis in aniiis;
Miles, eques, martyr; gemma, moiiile, deciis ; Milititeque domique poteiis Cobhamius Ileros,
Lux patria?, et gentis gloria digiia sua; ; Pertulit infestas acies, tulit aspera multa,
Bella profana geren?, praslia sacra oerens. H;ec mente, ilia maiui, parili cum laude subibat,
Parte etenim victor semper utraque stelit. Ilinc equitis dcbetur hoiios bine martyris illi
Gloria, qua victor tempus in omnc manet. Victns erat. Quid turn? mens quando invicta manebat,
Pars potior, nullis cederc docta malis. 0 tibi se dignas rex si, Cobbame, tnlisset
Suppetias, nee te destituisset ope, 'i'urmis sat fueras istis turbisque Cyclopum,
Quas tua fregisset dexira labore levi. Hoc sibi sed Clnistus quid si diadenia reponit?
Tu meliore, (,uidem, tempore digmis eras.*^
Furthermore, in the said parliament,^ it was enacted. That the church and all estates should enjoy all their liberties, which were not repealed or repealable by the common law : meaning, belike, the excluding of the jurisdiction of the pope^s foreign power, which hath always by the common law been excluded oat of this realm.
(1) AValden, in his prefauc to Ijis 7th book of Doctrine.
(2) These verses nre introduced from the Latin Edition of I5J9, pars D7.~Fii.
(3) Anno 5. Hen. V., act. \1.
CONTINUATION OF THE HISTORY OF THK BOHKMIAMS. 54<5
In the same parliament also,* a grievous complaint was made (by iffDry the bishops, no doubt) against insurrections. In the end they sus-
pected that they were the Lollards, heretics, and traitors, with a A. I), request that commissions might at all times be granted to inquire of ^^^^' them. Whereunto answer was made. That the statutes therefore made should be executed, &c. Thus the clergy, ' Tanquam leones rugientes,' ceased not to roar after christian blood ; and whosoever ^n the was else in fault, still the clergy cried, " Crucify Christ, and deliver '''!"^<' us Barabbas :"" for then all horrible facts and mischiefs, if any were Loiiards. done, were imputed to the poor Lollards.
Continuation of t^e lEtemocaljrc "^i^tat^ of t{)c 25oI)emianjS ;
WHEIIEIK IS PLAINLY AND TRULY SET FORTH, WHAT VEXATIONS AND CONFLICTS THEY HAD FOR THE RELIGION OF JOHN HUSS AND JEROME OF PRAGUE, AND OF THEIR VICTORIES OBTAINED AND GOTTEN, BOTH AGAINST THE PAPISTS, AND ALSO AGAINST' THE EMPEROR SIGISMUND; AND, FINALLY, THE DEATH OF THEIR VALIANT CAPTAIN, ZISCA.
And now from our English matters, to return again to the story of the Bohemians, from whence we have a little digressed, as touching such things as happened after the death of John Huss and Jerome of Prague,
When the news of the barbarous cruelty exercised at Constance against John Huss and Jerome of Prague, was noised in Bohemia, the nobles and gentlemen of Moravia and Bohemia, such as favoured the cause of John Huss, gathering themselves together in the zeal of Christ, first sent their letter unto the council ; expostulating with them for the injury done to those godly men, as is before expressed ; for which letter they were all cited up to the council. Unto this letter Sigis- mund the emperor maketh answer again in the name of the whole council ; first, excusing himself of the death of John Huss, %vhich, he said, was against his safe-conduct, and against his will ; insomuch that he rose in anger from the council, and departed out of Constance, as is before remembered. Secondly, he requireth them to be quiet, and to conform themselves peaceably unto the order of the catholic church of Rome, &c.
Also the council, hearing or fearing some stir to rise among the Bohemians, did make laws and articles whereby to bridle them, to the number of twenty-four.
Articles decreed in the Council of Constance, against the Bohemians. Apf/nd,:,
I. That the king of Bohemia should be sworn to defend the liberties of the church of Rome and of the churches under his dominion against the Hussites.
II. That all masters and priests should abjure the doctrine of VVickliff and Huss, in that council condemned, and revoke if they have held or preached it,
III. That all they who, being cited, would not appear, should also abjure; and they who would not appear after process had against them for one or more years, contenming the power of the keys, should suffer condign punishment.
IV. That all such laymen as had defended the cause of John WicklifF and John Huss, should swear to defend them no more, but should approve and ratifj-^ the doings of that council in condemning both them and their articles.
V. That all such secular men as had spoiled the clergy, should be compelled to restitution, and sv^ear to trespass no more.
(1) Anno 5. Hen. V.,act ir. VOL. III. N N
54<> CORONATION OF TOPE MaRTIX.
Henry VI. That the priests expelled from their benefices, should be restored again,
^- and those who had been intruded expelled and punished. . p. VII. That all profane persons should be punished after the canonical sanctions,
J '.J that the authority of tlie keys bo not despised.
1_ VIII. That such as had been promoters in the council against John Huss, should
be permitted safely to return into Bohemia again, and to enjoy their benefices.
IX. That the relics and treasure taken out of the church of Prague and the other churches in Bohemia and Moravia, should be restored fully again.
X. That the university of Prague should be restored again and reformed, and that the Wiclevists, who had been the disturbers thereof, should be really punished.
The fa- ' XI. That the principal heresi»clis and doctors of that sect should be sent up vourersof to the See apostolic ; namely, Johannes Jessenetz, Jacobellus de Misnia, Simon Bohemia '^^ Tysna, Simon de Rochinzano, Chrislianus de Prachatitz, Johannes Cardinalis, .vf Zdenko de Loben, the provost of AUhallows, Zdislaus de Suiertitz, and Michael """""''^ deCzisko.
XII. That all secular men, who commiHiicated under both kinds, should abjure that heresy, and swear to stop the same to their power hereafter.
XIII. That they who were ordained priests by the suffragan > of the arch- bishop of Prague, taken by the lord Zdenco de Wartenberg, should not be dis- pensed with, but sent up to the see apostolic.
WickliflT's XIV. That the treatises of John WicklilF, translated into the Bohemian tongue books jjy John Huss and Jacobellus, and their own, should be brought to the legate lated. or ordinary.
XV. That the treatises of John Huss, condemned in the council, should also be brought to the legate or ordinary.
XVI. That all the treatises of Jacobellus, ' De Utraque Specie,' ' De Anti- christo' (wherein he calleth the pope Antichrist), and ' De Remanentia Pauls post Consecrationem,' should likewise be brought and burned.
XVII. That all songs and ballads made to the prejudice of the council and of the catholic persons of both states, or in praise of John Huss or Jerome, should be forbid to be sung in cities, towns, and villages, under the severest punishment.
XVIII. That none should preach the word without the license of the ordi- nary and of the parson of the place.
XIX. That ordinaries and prelates, having jurisdiction, should not be stopped in their jurisdiction by the secular power, under pain of excommunication.
XX. That all and singular persons should be commanded to obedience, under pain of exconnnunication ; and that whosoever had favoured any Wicklcvists or Hussites, or their doctrine, or that had kept company with siicli, and knoweth the suspected books, he should present the same to the diocesan or his officials.
XXI. That the confederacy of the seculars made between themselves or any of the spiritualty to the prejudice of the foresaid council and of the apostolic see and church of Rome, in favour of John Huss, Jerome of Prague, and of the preachers of that sect, in the said council condemned, should be dissolved.
Concili- XXII. That the rites and ceremonies of the christian religion, touching umiiialig- God's servicc, images, and worshipping of relics, should be observed, and trans- nantium. g^essors of the same be punished.
XXIII. Tiiat all and singular, eillicr spiritual or secular, that should preach, teach, hold, or maintain, the errors and heresies of John Wiekliff, John Huss, and Jerome, in this council condemned, and deilare John Huss and Jerome to be catholic and holy persons, being convicted of the same, should be holden for heretics ; and, falling in relapse, should be burned.
XXIV. That all secular persons being monished and charged by the ordi- naries, should be bound to give their aid and furtherance unto them touching the premises, on pain of being treated as fautors of heresy.
Tlic liohcuiians, notwithstanding tlicse cruel articles, contemning tlie vain devices of these prelates and fathers of the council, ceased not to proceed in their league and purpose begun, joining themselves more strongly together.
In this mean time it ha]ipencd, that during this council of Con-
(1) This suilVagaii [' Doininus Ilermanniis,' Cochl.] was a good man, and held with Huss.
THE EMl'KROH KISSETH HIS FEET. g^<^
stance, after the deposing of pope John, and spoiling of his goods, jj \vhich came to seventy-five thousand pounds of gold and silver, as is ^■ reported in the Story of St. Alban''s, pope Martin, on the day of St. a.D. Martin, was elected ; ^ concerning whose election great preparation was 1418 made before of the council, so that besides the cardinals, six other Deposing liishops of every nation should enter into the conclave, who there fo\x'^^ together should be kept with thin diet, till they had founded a pope, ^f"".^- At last, when they were together agreed upon this man, they, not of pope tarrying for opening of the door, like madmen, for haste brast open xheeni- a hole in the wall, crying out " Habemus papam JSIartinum,"" " We jlj^g^jj have a Martin pope." The emperor hearing thereof, with the like uisVeet. haste came apace, and, falling down, kissed the new pope's feet. Then went they all to the church together, and sang Te Deum.
The next day following, this Martin was made priest, who before Nov.i2th was but a cardinal-deacon, and the next day after was consecrate bishop, and sang his first mass ; whereat were present one hundred and forty mitred bishops. After this, the next morrow, the new holy pope ordained a general procession, where a certain clerk was appointed to stand with flax and hemp ; who setting the flax on fire thus said, " Ecce, Pater sancte ! sic transit gloria mundi." i.e. " Behold, holy Father ! thus vadeth the transitory glory of this world !" Which done, that day week the holy father was brought up xhecoro- unto a scaffold twenty feet high, saith the story (I will not say to a n^''^o"of high mountain, where was offered to him all the glory of the world, Martin. &c.), there to be crowned for a triple king. This done, the same Nov.2jst day after dinner the new-crowned pope was brought with great triumph through the midst of the city of Constance, where all the bishops and abbots followed with their mitres. The pope's horse * The pope was all trapped with red scarlet down to the ground. The cardinals' back°tiie" horses were all in white silk; the emperor on the right side, and a ^j^'[JJJ"^ prince-elector on the left (playing both the pope's footmen), went on foot, leading the pope's horse by the bridle. AvXdix.
As this pageant thus with the great giant proceeded, and came to the market-place, there the Jews, according to the manner, offered to him their law and ceremonies ; which the pope receiving, cast behind him, saying, " Recedant Vetera, nova sunt omnia." i. e. " Let old things pass, all things be made new," &c.^ This was a. d. 1417.
Thus the pope, being now confirmed in his kingdom, first begin- neth to write his letters to the Bohemians, wherein partly he moveth them to catholic obedience, partly he dissembleth with them, feigning that if it were not for the emperor's request, he would enter process against them. Thirdly, and finally, he threateneth to attempt the uttermost against them, and with all force to invade them, as well with the apostolic, as also with the secular arm ; if they did still persist, as they began.
Albeit, these new threats of the new pontiff did nothing move the constant hearts of the Bohemians, whom the inward zeal of Christ's word had before inflamed. And although it had been to be Avished, such bloodshed and waiis not to have followed ; yet to say the truth,
(1) Ex hist. S. Alb. ex paralip. Ursperg. ..
(2) 'Meretrix equitans super bestiam.' Vid. Apocalyp.
(3) W'hy then dolh the pope keep still the old Jews' ceremonies, if all things he made neWf
N N 2
548 THE DEATH OF WEXCESLAUS. THE STORY OF ZISCA.
iTcnry }iow could tlicsc Rabbins greatly blame them herein, whom their
! — bloody tyrapny had before provoked so unjustly, if now, with their
A. D. glozing letters, they could not so easily appease them again ?
Whercforc'these aforesaid Bohemians, partly for the love of John
Huss and Jerome their countrymen, partly for the hatred of their
malignant papistry, assembling together, first agreed to celebrate a
A yearly solcmu memorial of the death of John Huss and Jerome, decreeing
oMiusy*' the same to be holdcn and celebrated yearly ; and afterwards, by
romc'ke t "''^''^"s of their friends they obtained certain churches of the king,
ainonf; whercin they might freely preach and minister the sacraments unto
ni'ians" ^' the congregation. This done, they suppressed divers monasteries,
Pharisaical temples, and idolatrous fanes ; beginning, first, with the
Arp7.liix. great monastery of the hilack Friars, outside the town of Glattau ;
driving away the wicked and vicious priests and monks out of them,
or compelling them unto a better order. And thus their number
more and more increasing, under the conduct of the noble man
Nicholas dc Hussinetz, they went again unto the king, requiring to
have more and am])1er churches granted unto them. The king
seemed at first willingly and gently to give ear to the said Nicholas
entreating for the people, and commanded them to come again the
next day.
wences- When the ])eople were departed, the king turning himself to the
threaten- '^'^^^^ '^lan Nicholas, who tarried still behind, said : " Thou hast
eth Ni- begun a web to put me out of my kingdom, but I will make a rope
cholas. f- ■. 1 • 1 1 T -11 1 1 ' 11 iTTi 1 • 1-1
OT it, wlierewitlial i will hang thee. VV liereupon lie immediately departed out of the king's pirsence, and the king himself went into the castle of VVischerad, and within awhile after into a new castle, which he himself had builded five miles distant from thence ; sending ambassadors to his brother to require aid.
These protestants being assembled in the town of Prague, liolding their conventions, the king sent forth his chamberlain with three hundred horsemen to run upon them ; but he, having respect unto his life, fled. When news thereof was brought unto the king, all that were about him, being amazed, utterly detested the fact ; but the king's cu])bearcr standing by, said, " I knew before, that these things would thus come to pass." AVhom the king in a rage taking hold of, threw him down before his feet, and with a dagger would have slain him ; but, being letted by such as were about him, with neath of much ado he pardoned him his life. Immediately the king, being \v"nces- taken with a palsy, fell sick, and within eighteen days after, when he had marked the names of such whom he had ajjpointed to be put to death,- incessantly calling for aid of his brother and other his friends, he departed this life before the princes, whom he had sent unto, were come with aid, when he had reigned five and fifty years, and was about the age of fifty-seven years, August 16th, a.d. 1419.
€fje <§torp of Bi^'CQ.'
Immediately after the death of Wcneeslaus, stepped forth a certain noble man named Zisca, bom at Trocksnow, who, from his youth
(1) See Appendix.— £d.
(2) See the marvelloijs work of Gorl's jtul.'inent, in aefcnding liis people
(3) Outof/EnrasSIIvius. fail
)»us.
WAR BETWEEN ZISCA AND THE EMPEROR SIGISMUND. SiQ
upward, was brought up in the king's court, and had lost one of his iienr^ eyes in a battle, where he had valiantly borne himself. This man ^'
being sore grieved for the death of John Huss and Jerome of A.D. Prague, minding to revenge the injuries which the council had done, ^^^^- greatly to the dishonour of the kingdom of Bohemia, upon their complices and adherents, gathered together a number of men of war, and subverted the monasteries and idolatrous temples, pulling down and breaking in pieces the im-ages and idols, driving away the priests and monks, who, he said, were kept up in their cloisters, like swine in their sties, to be fatted. After this his army being increased, having gathered together about forty thousand men, he attempted to take the castle of Wischerad, which was but slenderly warded. From thence the saidZisca, under the conduct of one Coranda, went zisca speedily unto Pilsen, where he knew he had many friends of his f-usen! foction, and took the town into his power, fortifying the same very strongly, and those who tarried behind took the castle of Wischerad.
Then the queen Sophia, being very anxious, sent letters and mes- The sengers unto the emperor Sigismund, and other nobles neighbours unto sendeth her, requiring aid and help ; but the emperor was busy making prepa- n'^undf^' ration against the Turks, who had already taken the field. Whereupon, the queen seeing all aid so far off, together with Zenko de ^Varten- jp^f^id,,. berg, gathered a host with the king''s treasure, and fortified the castle of Prague, and the lesser city which joineth unto the castle, making gates and towers of wood upon the bridge, over the river Moldau, to stop that the protestants should have no passage that way. Then it happened that at the isle of St. Benedict one Peter Sternberg fought with them ; but neither party had the advantage.
In the mean time, the number of the protestants being increased in Prague, they fought for the bridge. In which battle many were slain on both parts, but at the length the Hussites wan the bridge and the nether part of lesser Prague ; the queen's part flying into the upper part thereof: where they, turning again, fiercely renewed the battle, and fought continually day and night by the space of five days. Many were slain on both parts, and goodly buildings were rased, and the council-house, which was in a low place, was set on fire and utterly destroyed.
During the time of this troublous estate, the ambassadors of the The em- emperor Sigismund arrived ; who, taking upon them the rule and ^^^Xlt governance of the realm, made a truce or league with the city of sadors Prague under this condition, that the castle of Wischerad being sur- with the rendered, it should be lawful for them to send ambassadors to the prL^'^ue*."^ emperor Sigismund to entreat as touching their estate, and that Zisca should render up Pilsen and Piesta with the other places which he had taken. These conditions thus agreed upon and received, all the foreign protestants departed out of the city, and the senate* of the city began to govern again according to their accustomed manner, and all things were quieted. Howbeit, the papists, who were gone out of the town, durst not return again, but still looked for the emperor, by whose presence they thought they should shortly be safe. But this their hope was frustrate by reason of certain letters which were sent from the emperor, wherein it was written, That he would shortly
(1) The original says " consules." — Ei>.
550 WAR BETWEEN ZISCA AXD THE EMPEROR SIGISMUXD.
Henry conic and rule the kingdom, even after the same order and manner ^' as his father Charles had done before him. Whereby the protestants
against
Sigis-
mund.
A. D. understood tliat their sect and religion was to be utterly banished ; 1420. -^yijif-ij i,m| nf)t begun during the reign of the said Charles.
About Christmas the emperor Sigismund came to lirunn, a city of jMoravia, and there he pardoned the citizens of Prague, under con- dition that they would let down the chains and bars of the city, and receive magistrates of his choosing; whereunto the whole city assented, and the nobles of the realm, lifting up their liands unto heaven, hailed the prospect of the new king's coming. But the emperor turned another wav, and went unto Breslau, the capital city of Silesia, where, a little before, the commonalty of the city had slain in an insurrection the magistrates, whom his brother Wcnceslaus had set in authority : the principals whereof he beheaded. 'J'lie news whereof when it was Prague Tcportcd at Praguc, the citizens being feared by the example of the faus^from I^rcslaviaus, distrusting their pardon, rebelled out of hand ; and pero'r'" luving bribed over to their part Zcnko, who had the government of The com the castlc of Prague, they sent letters into all the realm, tliat no man [he'city^ should sufFcr the emperor to enter, who was an enemy unto Bohemia, and sought nothing else but to destroy the kingdom ; who also had mortgaged the ancient state of the Prutenians to the Teutonic order, and had alienated Brandenburg from the Bohemian crown ; and had not only suffered John Huss and Jerome of Prague to be burned at the council of Constance, but also procured the same, and with all his endeavour did impugn the doctrine and fliith which they followed. While these things were thus doing, Zisca, having quitted Pilsen according to the treaty, was twice assaulted by his enemies, but through his tactics came off victor. The places where they fought were rough and unknown ; his enemies were on horseback, and his own men on foot, neither could there be any battle fought but on foot. Whereupon, when his enemies were alighted from their horses, zisca! "^ Zisca commanded the women who customably followed the host to cast their kerchiefs upon the ground, wherein the horsemen being entangled by their spurs, were slain before they could disentangle their feet.
After this, he went unto Austi, a town situate upon the river Lauschnitz, out of which town Procopius and Ulricius, two brethren, papists, had cast out many protestants. This town Zisca took by force of arms the first night of Lent, rased it, and set it on fire. He also took the castle of Litius, which was a mile ofl^, whither Ulricius was fled, and put Ulricius and all his family to the sword, saving one only.
Then, forsomuch as he had no walled or fenced town to inhabit, he chose out a certain place upon the same river, which was fenced by nature, about one mile from the city of Austi. Tliis place he compassed in with walls, and commanded his men to build them houses where they had pitched their tents, and named this city Tabor, and the inhabitants, his companions, Taboritcs; because their city, by all like, was buildcd upon the top of some hill or mount. This city, albeit that it was fenced with high rocks and cliffs, yet was it (;ompassed with a wall and vaumure,' and the river Lauschnitz fenceth
1,1) A counterscarp, or outwork. —Ed
The
The city of Tahor builded.
WAR BETWEEN ZISCA AND THE EMPEROR SIGISMUND. 551
a great part of the town ; the rest is compassed in with a great brook, Henry the which, all but running into the river Lauschnitz, is stopped by a ^ "
great rock, and driven back towards the right hand all the length A.D. of the city, and at the further end it joineth with the great river. ^'^-Q- The way unto it by land is scarce thirty feet broad, for it is almost an island. In this place there was a deep ditch cast, and a triple wall made, of such thickness, that it could not be broken with any engine. The wall was full of towers and forts set in convenient and meet places. Zisca was the first that builded the castle, and those that came after him fortified it, every man according to his own device. At that time the Taborites had no horsemen amongst them, until such time as Nicholas, master of the Mint (whom the emperor had sent into Bohemia with a thousand horsemen to set things in order, and to withstand the Taborites), lodging all night in a village named Voticz, was surprised by Zisca coming upon him suddenly in the ip^Tuux. night, taking away all his horse and armour, and setting fire upon the village. Then Zisca taught his soldiers to mount on horseback, to leap, to run, to turn, and to cast in a ring, so that after this he never led army without his wings of horsemen.
In this n^.ean time, Sigismund the emperor, gathering together the sigis- nobles of Silesia, entered into Bohemia and went unto Koenig-Gratz, ^^^^\^ and from thence with a great army unto Cuttenberg; and, alluring the casue Zenko with many great and large promises to render up the castle ° "^"^* of Prague unto him, there placed himself to annoy the town. Thus Zenko, infamed with double treason, returned home. The citizens zisca of Prague sent for Zisca, who, speeding himself thither with the fj^fp-tyg^ Taborites, received the city under his governance. In the Bohemians' Pi^ague. host, there were but only two barons, Hyneck Crussina of Lichten- berg and Nicolas de Waldstein, with a few other nobles ; all the residue were of the common people. They went about, first, to subdue the castle, which was by nature very strongly fenced, and could not be won by any other means than by famine : whereupon all the passages were stopped, that no victuals should be carried in. But the emperor opened the passage by dint of sword, and when he Besieged had given unto those who were besieged all things necessary, having ^>' '^'j'^" sent for aid out of the empire, he determined shortly after to besiege the city. There were in the emperor's camp his son-in-law, Albert of Austria, the dukes of Saxony, and the marquises of Misnia and Brandenburg. The city was assaulted by the space of six weeks. The emperor Sigismund was crowned in the metropolitan church in the castle, Conrad, the archbishop, solemnizing the ceremonies of the coronation. The city was straitly besieged. In the mean time, the barons of Rosenberg and Gradtzy, who had taken the tents of the Taborites, being overcome in battle by Nicholas Huss, whom Zisca had sent with part of his power for that purpose, were driven out of the tents ; and Koenig-Gratz was also taken by storm.
There is above the town of Prague a high hill, which is called Viclechon. On this hill had Zisca strongly planted a garrison, that his enemies should not possess it ; with whom the marquis of Misnia skirmishing, lost a great part of his soldiers. For when the Misnians had gotten the top of the hill, being driven back into a corner which was broken and steep, and fiercely set upon, when they could no
J5i WAR BKTWF.EN ZISCA AXD THE EMPEKOK MGlSilfJND.
ifrnry longcT witlistand tlie violent force of their enemies, some of thcin
''' -were slain, and some perished by falling headlong from the hill,
A.D. Whereupon the emperor Sigismund, raising his siege, dc^partcd into ^''^'- Cuttenberg ; and Zisca with his company departed unto Tabor, and The mar- subducd many places; among which he subverted a town pertaining i.iisnia to the ca])tain of Wischerad. During this time the castle of W'ischerad come. >vas strongly besieged, where, when other victuals wanted, thev Avere siK's- compelled to eat horse-flesh. At length, they promised to yield it "irseth up if the emperor did not aid them by a certain day ; but under this his siege, condition, that if the emperor did come, they wiihin the castle should
be no more molested.
The em- The cmpcror was present before the day, but being ignorant of
i'>';°':' the truce taken, enterinsf into a strait underneath the castle, was
against Suddenly set upon by the soldiers of Prague, where he had a great
tiiTover-* overthrow ; and so leaving his purpose un])erformed, returned back
throw, again. There were slain in that conflict fourteen noblemen of the
Moravians, and of the Hungarians and other a great nuniber. The
castle was delivered up to the Pragueians. While these things were
in doing, Zisca took Bohuslaus, surnamed de Swanberg, bv force, in
a very strong town of his, and brought him unto his religion ; who
a few years after, leading the protestants' host in Austria, was wounded
Theab- bcforc Retz and died. There were in the territory of Pilsen many
beys of monasteries, of the which Zisca subverted and burned five ; and for-
subvert- somucli as thc monastery of St. Clare was the strongest, there he
pitched himself.
Zisca Thither also came the emperor with his army ; but when Zisca
thelmpe- brouglit forth his power against him, he most cowardly fled, and not
iiTh't ^*^"'? ^^'^^^ ^^^ departed and left Bohemia. Then Zisca Avcnt with his
army unto Pilsen ; but forsomuch as he saw thc city so fenced, that
he was in doubt of winning the same, he went from thence to Com-
mothau, a famous city, the which he took by force, burning all the
Zisca priests therein. Afterward, when he lay before the town of Raby,'
othtrVyc! ^"^^ strongly besieged the same, he was stricken with a shaft in the
yet would eye ; having but that one before to see withal. From thence he was
sake his Carried into Prague, to physicians, where, being cured of his wound,
army- ^^f\ ],ig jjfg savcd, yet he lost his sight ; and for all that, he wouhl
not forsake his army, but still took the charge of them. a.d. 1421.
zisca After this the garrisons of Prague went unto Beraunc, where there
divers ^^"'^^ ^ great gannson of thc emperor^s, and took it by force, many
towns, being slain of either part. They also took thc town of Teutscli-
Brode, and slew the garrison ; and afterward took Cuttenberg and
many other cities by composition. Further, as they led their army
The no- unto a town called Pons which is inhabited by the Misnians, thc
retire"'" ^'ixous meeting tlicm by the way, because they durst not join battle
beforethe they rctumcd back. After all this, the emperor appointed thc
princes-electors a day, that at Bartilmcw-tide they should with their
army invade thc west part of liohcmia, and he, with a host of
Hungarians, would enter on the cast part. 'J'here came unto his
aid the archbishop of Mentz, thc count palatine of the Rhine, thc
dukes of Saxony, the marquis of Brandenburg, and many bishops out
of Almaine: others sent their aids. They encamped bcforc the
(1) " Raby," on thc river Wattawa.— Ed.
ZISCa's VALOUR. A XOBLE VICTORY OF ZISCA. 553
town of Saatz, a strong and well-fenced place, which they could by Henry no means subdue. The country was spoiled and wasted round
about, and the siege continued until the feast of St. Galle:' then it A.D. was broken up, because the emperor was not come at his day ap- ^'^^-^- pointed. But he, having gathered together a great army of Hunga- The em- rians, Austrians, and Moravians, about Christmas entered into Bohe- with his mia, and took certain towns by force ; and Cuttenberg was yielded emereth unto him. But when Zisca (although he was blind) came towards |"o]|"jj,"'° him and set upon him, he, being a-feared, and many of his nobles but.afraid slain, fled : but first he burned Cuttenberg, which the Taborites, flietht'"^' because of its silver-mines, called ' The Pouch of Antichrist.' Zisca The pursuing the emperor a day's journey got great and rich spoil, and Ami-'°^ taking the town of Teutsch-Brode by force, set it on fire ; the which ''^"st. afterward, almost by the space of fourteen years, remained disinhabited. NoWe Tiie emperor passed by a bridge over the river Iglau ; but Piso, z^sca? °*^ a Florentine, who had brought fifteen thousand horsemen out of Hungary to this expedition, was marching them over the ice, when it broke under the weight, and a great number of horsemen were immersed and drowned. Zisca, having obtained this victory, would ziscade- not suffer any image or idol to be in the churches, neither thought images'' it to be borne withal, that priests should' minister with copes or?^'^*''"^^ vestments : for the which cause he was much the more hated amongst churches. the states of Bohemia. And the consuls of Prague, being aggrieved Themar- at the insolence of John, formerly a Premonstratensian monk, called certaT °^ him and nine other of his adherents, whom they supposed to be the ^'""y ^"■
1 P 1 ■ f • • 1 Ml heniians,
prmcipals oi this faction, mto the council-house, as tliough they faiseiy would confer with them as touching the common wealth : and when vemedV they were come in, they slew them, and afterward departed home ^"{h'^i"g° every man to his own house, thinking the city had been quiet, as sword, though nothing had been done. But their servants, being not cir- cumspect enough, washing down the court or yard, washed out also the blood of those that were slain, through the sinks or canels ; the which being once seen, the people understood what was done. Privy By-and-by there was a great tumult ; the council-house was straight- at"en"th way overthrown, and eleven of the principal citizens, who were '^"™*^^ thought to be the authors thereof, were slain, and divers houses spoiled.
About the same time the castle of Purglitz, wherein the emperor had left a small garrison (whither also many papists with their wives and children were fled), was through negligence burned, and those who escaped out of the fire went unto Pilsen. After this, divers of the Bohemian captains, and the senate of Prague, sent ambassadors to Vitold, duke of Lithuania, and made him their king. This did Zisca and his adherents gainsay. This Vitold sent Sigismund Cori- butus with two thousand horsemen into Bohemia, who was honourably received of the inhabitants of Prague. At his coining they deter- mined to lay siege unto a castle situated upon a hill, which was called Carl stein.
Here Sigismund had left, for a garrison, four centuries of soldiers. The tents were pitched in three places. The siege continued six months, and the assault never ceased day and night. Five great slings threw continually great stones over the walls, and about two
(1) Octoher 16th: L'Ait de Ver. dcs Dates.— Ed.
554 WAR BETWEEN ZISCA AND THE EMPEROR SIGISMDND.
uenry thousand vcsscls, tubs, or baskets, filled with dead carcasses and otlier excrements, were cast in amongst those who were besieged ; which
Zisca.
A.D. thing did so infect them with stench, that their teeth did eitlier fall ^^^^' out or were all loose. Notwithstanding, they bare it out with stout stench couragc, and continued their fight until the winter, having privily hurtful to received medicine out of Prague to fasten their teeth again, the teeth. j^ ^j^^ mean time Frederic the elder, prince of Brandenburg, entering into Jiohemia with a great power, caused them of Prague to raise tlie siege ; and Vitold, at the request of Uladislaus, king of Poland, who had talked with the emperor on the borders of Hungary, called Coributus, his uncle, with his whole army, out of Bohemia. Whereupon the emperor supposed that the protestants, being des- titute of foreign aid, would the sooner do his commandment ; but he was far deceived therein, for they, leading their armies out of Bohe- Annther mia, subducd the borders thereupon adjoining. It is also reported po^iicj^of ^^'^^ Zisca went into Austria, and when the husbandmen of the country had carried away a great number of their cattle by water into an isle of the river Danube, and by chance had left certain calves and swine in their villages behind them ; Zisca drave them unto the river side, and kept them there so long, beating them and causing them to roar out and cry, until that the cattle feeding in the island, hearing the lowing and grunting of the cattle on the other side the water, for the desire of their like did swim over the river; by the means whereof he got and drave away a great booty.
About the same time the Emperor Sigismund gave unto his son- in-law Albert, duke of Austria, the country of Jiloravia, because it should not want a ruler. At the same time, also, Eric, king of Denmark, and Peter the Infant, brother to the king of Portugal and father of James, cardinal of St. Eustace, came unto the emperor (being both very expert men in the affairs of war), who did augment the emperor's host with their aid and power : whereupon they straightway pitched their camp before Lutemberg, a town of Moravia, and continued the siege by the space of three months. There was at that time a certain knight at Prague surnamed Aqua, who was very rich and of great authority. This man, forsomuch as he had no child of his own, adopted unto hiin his sister's son, named Proco- pius ; whom, when he was of mean stature and age, he carried with him into France, Spain, and Italy, and imto Jerusalem ; and, at his return, caused him to be made priest. This man, when the gospel began to flourish in Bohemia, took part with Zisca, and, forsomuch as he was strong and valiant, and also painful, he was greatly esteemed.
This Procopius for his valiant acts was afterward called Procopius Magnus, and had committed unto liim the whole charge of the province of Moravia, and the defence of Lutemberg; who, receiving a great power, by force (maugre all the whole power which lay in the siege) carried victuals into the town which was besieged, and so did frustrate the emperor"'s siege. The emperor, before this, had given to the marquises of Misnia the towns of Pons and Aussig, upon the river Elbe, that they should fortify them with their garrisons. AVhereupon Zisca besieged Aussig; and Frederic, the marquis of Misnia, with his brother, the landgrave of Thuringia, gathering
Valiant courage of Proco- pius Magnus.
A NOBLE ORATION OF ZISCA TO HIS SOLDIERS. 555
together a great army out of Saxony, Tluuingia, Misnia, and both ^i"'/y
the Lusatias, determined to rescue and aid those who were besieged. —
There was a great battle fought before the city, and the victory ^•^^• Icpended long uncertain ; but at last it fell on the protestants' part.
Tliere were slain in that battle the burgraves of Misnia, the barons victory of of Kirchberg and Gleichen, and many other nobles, besides nine testanu. thousand common soldiers ; and the town of Aussig was taken and Appe'Li. utterly rased.
At the last, dissension arising between Zisca and them of Prague, Battle they of Prague prepared an army against him, wherewith he perceiving theTuyV himself overmatched fled unto the river Elbe, and was almost taken, f^^^"® but that he had passage through the town of Podiebrad ; but they zisca. of Prague, hanging on the rear of his army, slew many of his Tabor- ites. At the length they came unto certain hills, where Zisca, going into the valley, and knowing the straits of the place, that his enemies could not spread their army, commanded his standard to stand still ; and exhorting and encouraging his soldiers, he gave them battle.
This battle was very fierce and cruel : but Zisca, having the upper NoWe hand, slew three thousand of them of Prague, and put the rest to zTsc"a? " flight, and straightways took the city of Cuttenberg by force (which they of Prague had repaired), and set it on fire : then, with all speed he went with his army to besiege Prague, and encamped within a bow-shot of the town. There were many both in the city and also in his host, who grudged sore at that siege ; some accusing Zisca, other some them of Prague. There were great tumults in the camp, the soldiers saying that it was not reasonable, that that city shoidd be suppressed, which was both the head of the kingdom and did not dissent from them in opinion ; adding, that the Bohemians' power would soon decay, if their enemies should know that they Avere divided within themselves ; also that they had sufficient wars against the emperor, and that it was but a foolish device to move wars amongst themselves. This talk came unto the ear of Zisca, who, calling together his army, standing upon a wine cask to be heard, spake these words : —
A Notable Oration of Zisca to his Soldiers.
Brethren! be ye not aggrieved against me, neither accuse him who hath sought your health and safeguard. The victories which ye have obtained under my conduct are yet fresh in memory, neither have I brought you at any time unto any place, from whence you have not come victors. You are become famous and rich, and I, for your sake, have lost my sight, and dwell in dark- ness. Nothing have I gotten by all these fortunate battles, but only a vain name. For you have I fought, and for you have I vanquished ; neither do I repent me of my travails; neither is my blindness grievous unto me, but because I cannot provide for you according to my accustomed manner ; neither do I persecute them of Prague for mine own cause, for it is your blood that they thirst and seek for, and not mine. It were but small pleasure for them to destroy me, being now an old man and blind ; it is your valiantness and stout stomachs which they fear. Either must you or they perish; who, whilst they seem to lie in wait for me, do seek after your lives. You must rather fear civil wars than foreign ; and civil sedition ought first to be put down. We will subdue Prague, and banish the seditious citizens, before the emperor shall have any news of this sedition. And then, having but a few of his faction left, we may, with the less fear, look for him, better than if these doubtful citizens of Prague were still in our camp. But, because ye shall accuse me no more, I give you free liberty to do what you will.
556 DEATH OF 7ASCA HIS EPITAPH.
Jlcnry If it please you to suffer them of Prague to live in quietness, I will not be against
ri. it, so that there be no treason wrought. If you determine to have war, I am
A t) also ready. Look, which ever part you will incline unto, Zisca will be your aid
j^'.,^' and helper.
The
liearts of the sol- "liers al-
AVlicn lie liad spoken these words, tlie soldiers'' minds were changed, and wholly determined to make war, so that they ran, by-and-by, to tered b ^^^^^ "P ^^^^^^ armour and weapons, to run unto the walls, to ])rovokc the ora- their enemies to fight for the gates of the city. Zisca, in the mean zisc^ time, prepared all things ready for the assault. There is, a little from Pilsen, a certain village named Rochezana. In this place there was a child born of poor and base parentage, whose name was John ; he came to Prague, and got his living there by begging, and learned grammar and logic. When he came to man's estate, he became the schoolmaster of a noble man's child ; and, forasmuch as he was of an excellent wit and ready tongue, he was received into the college of the poor ; and, last of all, being made priest, he began to preach the word of God to the citizens of Prague, and was named Johannes de Roche- zana, by the name of the town where he was born. This man grew Peace be- to be of great name and authority in the town of Prague. Wliere- zisca'and "po", wlieu Zisca besieged Prague, he, by the consent of the citizens, Prague, ^vcut out iuto the camp, and reconciled Zisca again unto the city. The era- When the emperor perceived that all things came to pass according perorgiad to Zisca's will and mind, and that upon him alone the whole state of coiiciicd Bohemia did depend, he sought privy means to reconcile and get zilca. Zisca into his favour, promising him the governance of the whole king- dom, the guiding of all his hosts and armies, and great yearly revenues, if he would prockaim him king, and cause the cities to be sworn unto The him. Upon which conditions, when Zisca, for the performance of the Zisca'." covenants, went unto the emperor, being in his journey at the castle of A,,peudix. Brisau, he was stricken with sickness and died, Oct. 11th, a.d. 1424. It is reported, that when he was demanded, being sick, in what place he would be buried ; he commanded the sldn to be pulled oif ti-om his dead carcase, and the flesh to be cast unto the fowls and beasts, and that a drum shotdd be made of his skin, which they shoidd use in their The . battles : affirming, that as soon as their enemies should hear the sound zitctaf of that drum, they would not abide, but take their flight. The Tabo- his death. j-Jtes, dcspising all other images, yet set up the picture of Zisca over the gates of the city.
The Epita})h of John Zisca, the valiant Captain of the Bohemians.
I, John Zisca, not inferior to an emperor or captain in warlike policy, a severe
punishcr of the pride and avarice of the clergy, and a defender of my country,
do lie here. That which Appius Claudius, by giving good counsel, and JVI.
Furius Camillus, by valiantness, did for the Romans; tlie same I, being blind,
have done for my Bohemians. 1 never slacked opportunity of battle, neither
did fortune at any thiie fail me. I, being blind, did foresee all opportunity of
Zisca well ordering or doing my business. Eleven times, in joining battle, I went
eleven victor out of \\vi field. I seemed to have worthily defended the cause of the
victor in miserable and hungry against the delicate, fat, and gluttonous priests, and for
llie field, that cause to have received help at the hands of God. If their envy had not let
it, without doubt 1 had deserved to be numbered amongst the most famous men.
Notwithstanding my bones lie here in this hallowed place, even in despite of the
pope.
POPE martin's bloody bull. 557
'IQANNH2 ZI2KA2 o Ba>iT]fi6s, tu>v alaxpoKfpdav Upe'av ex6p6s, dXXd iv Henry 6eia> f rjXw. "
In English. — John Zisca, a Bohemian, enemy to all wicked and covetous ^ ^
priests, but with a godly zeal. 1 lls".
And thus have you the acts and doings of this worthy Zisca and other Bohemians, which, for the more credit, Ave have cbawn out of jEneas Silvius ; only his raihng terms excepted, which we have here suppressed.
All this while, the emperor, with the whole power of the Germans, was not so busy on the one side, but Martin the pope was as much occupied on the other side ; who, about the same time, directed down a terrible bull, full of all poison, to all bishops and archbishops, against all such as took any part or side with WicklifF, John Huss, and Jerome, or with their doctrine and opinions. Tlie copy of which bull, which I found in an old written monument, I wish the reader tho- roughly to peruse ; wherein he shall see the pope to pour out at once all his poison.
The Bull of Pope Martin directed forth against the Followers of John WicklifF of England, of John Huss of Bohemia, and of Jerome of Prague.
Martin, bishop, the servant of God's servants, to our reverend brethren the Pope archbishops of Saltzburg, Gnesen, and Prague, and to the bishops of Olmutz, JJ[_^^'_^'^.^'^ Lythomysl, Bamberg, Meissen, Passau, Breslau, Ilatisbon, Cracow, Posen, and buU to aP Neitra, and also to our beloved children the inquisitors appointed by the pre- bishops lates above recited, or where else soever, unto whom these present letters shall bujjop^j'" come, greeting and apostolical benediction.
Amongst all other pastoral cares wherewith we are oppressed, this chiefly and specially doth enforce us : that heretics, with their false doctrine and errors, being utterly expidsed from amongst the company of christian men, and rooted out (so far forth as God will make us able to do), the right and catholic faith may remain sound and undefiled; and that all christian people, immovable and inviolate, may stand and abide in the sincerity of the same faith, the whole veil of obscurity being removed. But lately, in divers places of the world, but especially in Bohemia, and the dukedom of Moravia, and in the straits ad- joining thereunto, certain arch-heretics have risen and sprung up, not against one only, but against divers and sundry documents of the catholic faith, being land-lopers, schismatics, and seditious persons, fraught with devilish pride and wolvish madness, deceived by the subtlety of Satan, and from one evil vanity brought to a worse ; who although they rose and sprang up in divers parts of the world, yet agreed they all in one, having their tails, as it were, knit together ; to wit, John Wickliff of England, John Huss of Bohemia, and Jerome of Prague, of damnable memory, who drew with them no small number to miser- able ruin and infidelity. For when those, and such like pestiferous persons, did, in the beginning of their poisoned doctrine, * obstinately sow and spread abroad perverse and false opinions, the prelates, who had the regiment and execution of the judicial power, Uke dumb dogs not able to bark, neither yet revenging speedily with the apostle all such disobedience, nor regarding coi-porally to cast out of the Lord's house (as they were enjoined by the canons) those subtle and pestilent arch-heretics, and their wolvish fury and cruelty, with all expedition ; but, suffering their false and pernicious doctrine negligently, by their over-long delays, to grow and wax strong ; a great multitude of people, instead of true doctrine, received those things which they did long, falsely, perniciously, and damnably sow among them ; and, giving credit unto them, fell from the right faith, and are entangled (the more the pity) in the foul errors
(I'l All these be errors and heresies, for that they speak against the pride of prelates and tlieu cxcessi\e dignities.
A.D.
1418
658' POPE martin"'s bloody bull
Henry of paganism :i insomuch, that these arch-heretics, and such as spring of tliem, ^- have infected tlie catholic flock of Christ in divers climates of tl)e world, and parts bordering upon tlie same, and liave caused tliem to putrefy in the filthy dunghill of their lies. Wiiercfore the general synod of Constance was compelled, witli St. Augustine, to exclaim against so great and ruinous a plague of faith- fid men, and of the sound and true ftiith itself, saying: ' What sliall the sove- reign medicine of the church do? with motherly love ^ seeking the health of her sheep, chafing as it were, amongst a company of men frantic, and having the disease of the lethargy. What! shall she desist and leave oft' her good purpose ? No, not so. But rather let her, if there be no remedy, be sharp to both these sorts, which are the grievous enemies of lier womb. For the phy- sician is sharp unto the man bestraught and raging in his frenzy ; and yet he is a father to his own rude and unmannerly son, in binding the one, in beating the other, by showing therein his great love unto them both.' ' IJut, if they be negligent, and sutler them to perish,' saith St. Augustine, 'this mansuetude is rather to be supposed false cruelty.'
And therefore the aforesaid synod, to the glory of Almighty God, and pre- servation of his catholic faith, and augmenting of christian religion, and for the salvation of men's soids, hath corporally rejected and cast forth of the household of God, the aforesaid John Wickliff, John Huss, and Jerome ; who, amongst other things, did believe, preach, teach, and maintain, of the sacrament of the altar, and other sacraments of the clnnxh, and articles of the faith, contrary to that the holy church of Rome believeth, holdeth, preaclieth, and teacheth ; and have presumed obstinately to preach, teach, hold, and believe many other besides, to the damnation of themselves and others : and the said synod hath separated the same, as obstinate and malapert heretics, from the connnunion of the faithfid people ; and hath declared them to be spiritually thrown forth. And many other things, both wholesome and profitable, hath the same council, as touching the premises, established and decreed ; whereby they, who, by the means of those arch-heretics, and by their ftdse doctrine, have spiritually departed from the Lord's house, may, by the canonical rules, be reduced to the straight path of truth and verity.
And, moreover, as we to our great grief do hear, not only in the kingdom of Bohemia, and the dukedom of Moravia, and in other places above recited, but also in certain parts and provinces near adjoining and bordering upon the same, there be many other of the sectaries and follow ers of the aforesaid arch-heretics and heretical opinions ; casting behind their backs as well the fear of God, as the shame of the world, neither receiving fruit of conversion and repentance by the miserable destniction of the aforesaid John Huss and Jerome; but who, as men drowned in the dungeon of their sins,- cease not to blaspheme the Lord God, taking his name in vain (whose minds the father of lies hath damnably blinded), and do read and study the aforesaid books or works, containing here- sies and errors, being lately by the aforesaid synod condemned to be burned; who, also, to the peril of themselves and many other simple men, and against the statutes, decrees, and ordinances in the synod aforesaid, and the canonical sanctions, do presume to preach and teach the same, to the great peril of souls, and derogation of tlie catholic f'aitli, and to the slander of nuuiy others besides : We, therefore, considering that error, where it is not resisted, seemeth to be allowed and liked : and having a desire to resist such evil and pernicious errors, and utterly root them out fron. amongst the company of faithful Christians, especially from the afore-recited places of Bohemia, IVIoravia, and other straits and islands joining and bordering upon the same (lest they should stretch out and enlarge their limits), we will 'ind command your discretions, by our lettera apostolical, the holy council of Constance approving and allowing the same, that you that are archbishops, bishops, and others of the clergy, and every one of you by himself, or by any other or others, being grave and fit persons to have spiritual jm-isdiction, do see that all and singular persons, of what dignity, office, ])re-eminence, state, or condition < soever they be, and by what name soever they are known, who shall presume otherwise to teach, preach, or observe,
(1) All are pagans, with the pope, that like not his superstitious and idolatrous lradiiiOD«.
(2) Great diflVrence between a lovinj,' mother, and the frantic whore of liabylon.
(3) We fools thought their life to be madness, and their end without honour." fWisd. v.]
(4) ' Kt OS ejus sicut os leonis.' — i.e. ' And liis mouth is like the mouth of a lion.' [Apoc xiii.]
AGAINST THE PROGRESS OF THE GOSPEL. 559
touchina; the most high and excellent, the most wholesome and super-admirable Henry sacrament of the blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, or else of the sacrament of ^• baptism, confession of sins, penance for sins, and extreme unction; or of any ~7 77~ other sacraments of the church, and the articles of the faith, than that which the iVi q'
right holy and universal church of Rome doth hold, teach, preach, and observe ; 1.
or that shall presume obstinately, by any ways or means, privily or apertly, to hold, believe, and teach the articles, books, or doctrine of the aforesaid arch- heretics, John Wickliff, John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, being by the afore- said synod of Constance with their authors (as is said) damned and con- demned; or dare presume publicly or privily to allow or commend in any wise the death and end of the said arch-heretics, or of any other their receivers, aiders, and favourers, in the favour or supportation of the aforesaid errors, as also their believers and adherents ; tliat then, as before, you see and cause them and every of them to be most severely punished ; and that you judge and give sentence upon them as heretics, and that as arrant heretics you leave them to the secular court or power. Let the receivers, also, and favourers and defenders of such most pestiferous persons (notwithstanding they neither believe, favour, nor have devotion towards their errors, but haply shall receive or entertain such pestiferous persons because of carnal affection or friendly love,') besides the punishment due unto them by both laws (over and above the same punish- ment), by competent judges be so afflicted, and for such heinous acts of theirs, with such severe pain and punishment excruciated, that the same may be to others in like case offending, an example of terror ; that at least those whom the fear of God by no means may revoke from such evil doing, yet the severity of this our discipline may force and constrain.
As touching the third sort, who shall be any manner of ways infected with this damnable sect, and shall, after competent admonition, repent and amend themselves of such errors and sects aforesaid, and will return again into the lap and unity of our holy motlier the church, and fully acknowledge and confess the catholic faith, towards them let the severity of justice, as the quality of the fact shall require, be somewhat tempered with a taste of mercy.
And furthermore, we will and command, that by this our authority aposto- lical ye exhort and admonish all the professors of the catholic faith, as emperors, kings, dukes, princes, marquises, earls, barons, knights, and other magistrates, rectors, consuls, proconsuls, shires, countries, and universities of the kingdoms, provinces, cities, towns, castles, villages, their lands and other places,^ and all others executing temporal jurisdiction, according to the form and exigence of the law, that they expel out of their kingdoms, provinces, cities, towns, castles, villages and lands, and other places, all and all manner of such heretics, ac- cording to the effect and tenor of the council of Lateran, beginning, " Sicut ait Ecclesia," &c. : that those who publicly and manifestly, by the evidence of their deeds, shall be known to be such as, like sick and scabbed sheep, infect the Lord's flock, they expel and banish, till such time as from us or you, or other ecclesiastical judges or inquisitors, holding the faith and communion of tlie holy church of Rome, they shall receive other order and countermand ; and tluit they suffer no such, within their shires and circuits, to preach or to keep either house or family, or yet to use any handicraft or occupations, or other trades of merchandise ; or to solace themselves in any way, or frequent the company of christian men.
And furthermore, if such public and known heretics shall chance to die (although not so denounced by the church), yet in this so gi-eat a crime let him and them want christian burial, and let no offerings or oblations be made for them, nor received. His goods and substance, also, from the time of his death, according to the canonical sanctions being confiscated, let no such enjoy them to whom they appertain, till that by the ecclesiastical judges, having power and authority in this behalf, sentence upon that his or their crime ot heresy be declared, and promulgated; and let such owners as be found suspected or noted with any such suspicion of heresy, before a competent and ecclesiastical judge, according to the consideration and exigence of that suspicion, and
(1) Draconis lex sanguine scripta. The pope's relifrion hath left all sense of humanity.
(2) ' Et vidi bestiam et reges tenae et exercitus eorum pugnantes cum illo qui sedebat in equo, et exercitu ejus.' Apoc. xiii. ' Et data est illi potestas in omnem tribum, et populum, et linguam, ct geutem :' 1. e. ' And power is given him over all tribes, and people, and tongues, and nations,' &c. [Apoe. xiii]
660 POPE martin's bloody bull.
Henry according to the quality of the person, by the arbitrement of such a judge, sliow and declare his proper and own innocency with devotion ; as beseemcth in that
» rj behalf. And if, in his purgation, being canonically interdicted, he do fail, or His' ^^ ^'^^ '^^^'^ canonically to make his purgation, or refuse to take his oath by
'— damnable obstinacy to make such purgation ; then let him be condemned as a
heretic. But such as through negligence or through slothfulncss shall omit to show their said innocency, and to make such purgation, let them be excom- municated, and so long be put out from the company of christian men, till that they shall make condign satisfaction ; so that if, by the space of one whole year, they shall remain in such excommunication, then let them, as heretics, be condemned.
And further, if any shall be found culpable in any point of the aforesaid pestiferous doctrine of the arch-heretics aforesaid, or in any article thereof, whether it be by the report of the seditious, or else well-disposed ; let them )'et be punished according to the canons. i If only, through infamy and suspicion of the aforesaid articles, or any of them, any man shall be found suspected, and in his purgation canonical for this thing, being interdicted, shall fail ; let him be accounted as a man convicted ; and, as a convicted person, by the canons let him be punished.
And furthermore, we, invocating and putting in execution the canon of our predecessor of happy memory, pope Boniface VIII., which beginneth thus, 'Ut inquisitionis negotium,' &c., in exhorting-wise require,2 and also command, all temporal potentates, lords, and judges before recited, by whatsoever dignities, offices, and names they are known, that, as they desire to be had, esteemed, and counted for the faithful members and children of the church, and do rejoice iu the name of Christ, so in likewise, for defence of the same faith, they will obey, intend, and give their aid and favourable help to you that are archbishops, bishops, and ecclesiastical men, inquisitors of all heretical pravity, and other judges and ecclesiastical persons by you hereunto, as aforesaid, appointed (hold- ing the faith and communion of our holy mother the church) for the searching out, taking, and safe custody of all the aforesaid heretics, their believers, their favourers, their receivers, and their defenders, whensoever they shall be there- unto of them required.
And that they bring, and cause to be brought (all delay set apart), the afore- said pestiferous persons so seeking to destroy others with them, into such safe keeping and prisons, as by you the archbishops, bishops, clergy, and inquisitors aforesaid, are to be appointed ; or else unto such other place or places, as either you or they shall command within any of their dominions, governments, and rectories, where they, by catholic men, that is, by you the archbishops, bishops, the clergy and inquisitors, or any others that shall be by you appointed, or are already appointed by any of you, may be holdcn and kept in safe keeping; Satan putting them in fetters, shackles, bolts, and manacles of iron, under most iiir*'' straight custody for escaping away, till such time as all that business, which chains. belongeth imto them, be, by the judgment of the church, finished and deter- mined, and that of such heresy, by a competent ecclesiastical judge (who firmly holdeth the faith and communion of the aforesaid holy cluuxh of Rome) they be condemned.
The i-esidue let the aforesaid temporal lords, rectors, judges, or other their officers and pursuivants take amongst them, with condign deaths, without any delay to punish. But fearing lest, to the prejudice and slander of the aforesaid catholic faith and religion, through the jiretext of ignorance, any man herein should be circumvented, or that any subtle and crafty men should, under the veil of frivolous excuse, cloak and dissemble in this matter ; and that as touch- ing the convincing or apprehending of the aforesaid heretics, their receivers and defenders, favourers, believers and adherents ; and also of such as are suspected of heresy, and with such like perverse doctrine in any wise spotted, we might give more perfect instruction : therefore, as well to the kingdom of Bohemia, and parts near adjoining to the same, as all others where this superstitious doctrine first began to spread, we have thought it good to send the articles hereuiulor
,1) Note apain the tenderness of this lovinR mother, the church of Rome.
(2) ' Kt faciei omnes, imsillos et niajinos, et divitc" et paup-res, et servos, accipere chararteiom in nianii suadcxtra.' i.e. ' And he shall make both iitlle and great, rich and poor, free and lidiid to take his character in tlieir hand,' &c. [Apor. xi'il
THE BLOODY BULL AND INUUISiTlON OF TOPE MAUTIK. 561
written, concerning the sect of those arch-heretics, for the better direction of the Henry aforesaid catholic faith. ^-
Touching which articles, by virtue of holy obedience, we charge and com- ^jy " mand you and all other archbishops and bishops, all manner of commissaries i\\^^
and inquisitors, that every of thcni, within the diocese and limits of their juris '—
diction, and also in the aforesaid kingdom and dukedom, and places near adjoining (although the same places be beyond the same their jurisdiction), in the favour of the catholic ftiith, do give most diligent and vigilant care about the extirpation and correction of those eiTors, arch-heresies, and most pestiferous sects aforesaid ; and also that they compel all defamed persons and suspected of so pestiferous a contagion, whether it be under tlie penalty of the crime con- fessed, or of excommunication, suspension, or interdict, or any other formidable pain canonical or legal, when and wheresoever it shall seem good unto them, and as the quality of the fact requireth, by an oath corporally taken, either The oia upon the Holy Evangelists, or upon the relics of saints, or upon the image of mannej: the crucifix, according to the observances of certain places, and according to pop/sh the interrogatories, to make convenient answer to every article therein written, oath. For we intend, against all and singular archbishops, bishops, ecclesiastical pei-- sons, or inquisitors, who shall show themselves negligent and remiss in the extirpation of the leaven of this heretical pravity, and in purging their terri- tories, dioceses, and places to them appointed, of such evil and wicked men ; to proceed and cause to be proceeded, unto the deprivation and deposition of their pontifical dignities : and shall substitute such others in their places, who can and may be able to confound the said heretical pravity ; and shall proceed to further pains against such by the laws limited. And to others yet more grievous (if need require) we ourselves will proceed and cause to be proceeded, according as the fact of the party, and the filthiness of his crime committed, shall deserve. The tenor of those articles whereof we have made mention hi this our own writing, is in words as foUov/s :
The Articles of Jolm WicklifFto be inquired upon.' The Articles of John Huss'to be inquired upon.
I. There is one only universal church, which is the university of the predes- Aj,^:^aix. tinate; and it afterward followeth, The universal church is only one; as there
is one university of those that are predestinate. _
II. Paul was never a member of the devil, although he did certaui acts hKe unto the acts of the church malignant. , ^ , ,. ,
III The reprobate are not parts of the church, for that no part of the same speaking; finally falleth from her, because the charity of predestination, which bindelh of^thejn- the same church together, never faileth. , church,
IV The two natures, that is, the divinity and the humanity, be one Christ, thearticlo V.'The rem-obate, although he be some time in grace, according to present « tr^^-
justice, yet is he never a part of the holy church ; and the predestanate is ever a member of the church, although some time he fall from grace ' adventitia, but not from grace of predestination. , . , , ^u
VI. Ever taking the church for the convocation of the predestinate, whether they be in grace or not, according to present justice; after this sort, the church is an article of our belief.^
VII. Peter is not, nor ever was, the head of the holy catholic church. VIl'l. Priests liviiio- viciously do defile the authority of priesthood ; and
so as unfaithful children, do unfaithfully believe of the seven sacraments, of the kJys of the church, of offices, of censures, of ceremonies, of the worshipping of relics ; of indulgences, orders, and other holy things of the church.
IX. The papal dignity came and grew from the emperor, and its government Thepap.il and institution sprang from the emperor's government. _ touched.
X. No man can reasonably affirm, either of himself or others, that he is the head of any particidar church, or that the bishop of Rome is the head of tlie church of Rome. . , i, i
XI. A man ought not to beUeve, that he wlio is bishop of Rome is the head of every particular church, unless God have predestinated him.
XII. None is the vicar of Christ, or of Peter, unless he follow him in mr.nncrs
(1) See infra, p. 561 note (1); also the note in the Appendix on p. 567, note (2).— Kf-
(2) This article seenieth to fce wrested out of the words of Jerome of Prague.
562 THE BLOODY DULL AND INaUISITION OF POPE MARTIN.
Henry and conditions ; seeing that there is no other following more pertinent, nor
^- otherwise apt to receive of God this power procuratory. For unto the office of
■"TTT" a vicegerent of Christ is required the conformity of manners, and the authority
1418 of the institutor.
^^^' XIII. The pope is not the manifest and tme successor of Peter, the prince of the apostles, if he live in manners contrary to Peter ; and if he hunt after avarice, then is he the vicar of Judas Iscariot. And likewise the cardinals ho not the true and manifest successors of the college of the other apostles of Christ, unless they live according to the manner of the apostles, keeping the command- ments and councils of our Lord Jesus Christ.
XIV. The doctors, alleging that, if a man who will not he amended by the ecclesiastical censures, is to be delivered to the secular powers, do follow in this point the bishops. Scribes, and Pharisees, who delivered Christ to the secular power, saying, ' It is not lawful for us to kill any man' (because he would not obey them in all things) ; and that such bo greater homicides than Pilate.
XV. The ecclesiastical obedience is such an obedience as the priests of the cliurch have found out, beside the express authority of the Scripture.
XVI. The immediate division of liuman works is, that they be either vir- tuous or vicious : and if a man be vicious, and doth any thing, then doth he it viciously; and if he be virtuous, and doth any thing, then doth he it virtuously. For like as vice, which is otherwise called crime or mortal sin, doth infect all the doings of a vicious man ; so virtue doth quicken all the doings of a virtuous man.
XVII. A priest of God, Hving after his law, and having the knowledge of the Scripture, and a desire to edify the people, ought to preach, notwithstanding any excommunication pretended. And further. If the pope, or any other prelate, doth forbid a priest, so disposed, to preach, the priest ought not to obey him.
XVIII. Every one that taketh upon him the order of priesthood, receiveth in charge the o0ice of a preacher; and that charge ought he well to execute, any excommunication against him pretended in any wise notwithstanding.
XIX. By the censures ecclesiastical (as of excommunication, suspension, and interdict) the clergy, to their own advancement, force the lay-pco])le to aid them ; multiply avarice, screen wickedness, and prepare the way for Antichrist. And this is an evident sign that such censures proceed from Antichrist, wliich in their processes they call ' fulminationes' [that is, their thunderbolts], wherewith the clergy principally proceed against those that lay bare tlie wickedness of Antichrist; who hath mostly gotten over the clergy to be on his side.
XX. If the pope be evil, especially if he be a reprobate, then is he, with the apostle Judas, a devil, a thief, and a son of perdition ; and is net the head of the holy church militant, since he is not even a member of the same.
XXI. Thegrace of predestination is the band wherewith thebody of the church, an<l every member of the same, are indissolubly joined to their liead, Clirist.
XXII. The pope or prelate that is evil and a reprobate, is a pastor in name, but in truth a thief and a robber.
XXIII. The pope ought not to be called " most holy," even for his office- sake ; for then ought a king to be called by his office " most holy ;" and the hangman with other such officers also, were to be called " holy ;" yea, the devil himself ought to be called " holy," forasmuch as he is God's officer.'
XXIV. If the pope live contrary unto Christ, although he climb up by right and lawful election, according to the common custom of men ; yet, not- withstanding, would he otherwise climb than by Christ ; yea, though we admit that he should enter by the election principally made by God. For Judas Iscariot was rightly and lawfully elect of God, Christ Jesus, to his bishopric, and yet came he by some other way than he ought to do into the sheepfold.'
XXV. The condemnation of tlie forty-five articles of John Wickliff'made by the doctors, is unreasonable, wicked, and naught ; and the cause by them alleged is feigned ; tliat is, that none of them are catholic, but every one of them here- tical, erroneous, or slanderous.
(1) John Huss expoundeth this article vrith this distinction, ' Non ratione meriti, sed rationo oflicii.'
(2) John IIuss declarcth his mind touching this article Rufliciently before.
THE BLOODY BULL AKD INaUISITION OF POPE MARTIN. 563
XXVI. Not for tliat the electors, or the most part of them, have consented ffenry together with lively voice, according to the custom of men, upon the person of >'• any, therefore that person is lawfully elect ; or, therefore, is the true and mani- _^ fest successor and vicar of Peter the apostle, or of any other the apostles in the V^Ta ecclesiastical oflSce. ^VTierefore, whether the electors have either well or evil made their election, it behoveth us to beUeve the same by the works of him that Election is elected. For in this, that every one worketh more meritoriously to the profit ^^^^^^ of the church, he hath so much the greater authority from God, successor
XXVII. There is not so much as one spark of appearance, that there ought ^uff'"' to be one head,' ruling and governing the church in spiritual causes, which tation!'" should always be conversant in the church militant.
XXVIII. Christ, without any such monstrous heads, by his true disciples sparsed through the whole world could better, a great deal, regulate bis church.
XXIX. The apostles and faithful priests of the Lord did right worthily, in all things necessary to salvation, regulate the church before the pope's office took place ; and so might they do again, if the pope's office (as is very pos- sible) should fail, till the day of judgment,
XXX. No civil lord, prelate, or bishop, is really such, while he is in mortal sin.
Let everyone that is suspected in the aforesaid articles, or else otherwise found with the assertion of them, be examined in manner and form as foiloweth : —
Imprimis : Whether he knew John Wickliff of England, John Huss of Bo- Tiie form hernia, and Jerome of Prague, or any of them, and how he came by the know- and man- ledge of them? and whether during the lives of them, or any of them, he had pope's ^i° either been conversant with them, or found any friendship at their hands? quisition.
II. Item, Whether he, knowing them, or any of them, to be excommunicated, did willingly participate with them ; esteeming and affirming the same their participation to be no sin ?
III. Item, Whether after their deaths, he ever' prayed for them, or aay of Heresy to them, openly or privily, doing any work of mercy for them, affirming tfcem ^-^^1^^^^ either saints, or else to be saved? or Huss.
IV. Item, Whether he thought them, or any of them, to be saints, or whether he ever spake such words, and whether he did ever exhibit any worship unto them as unto saints?
V. Item, Whether he believe, hold and affirm, that every general council, as also the council of Constance, doth represent the universal church ?
VI. Item, Whether he do believe, that that which the holy coimcil of Con- Heresy stance, representing the imiversal church, hath and doth allow, in favour of the ""'.'"j^^" faith and salvation of souls, is to be approved and allowed by all the faithful council of Christians ; and that whatsoever the same council hath condemned, and doth Con- condemn, to be contrary both to the faith and to all good men, is to be believed, s'*""^®- holden, and affirmed, for condemned, or not ?
VII. Item, Whether he believe that the condemnations of John Huss, John Wickliff, and Jerome of Prague, made as well upon their persons, as their books and doctrine, by the holy general council of Constance, be rightly and justly made, and, of every good catholic man, are so to be holden and affirmed, or not? •
VIII. Item, Whether he believe, hold, and affirm, that John Wickliff of England, John Huss of Bohemia, and Jerome of Prague, were heretics or not, and for heretics to be nominated and preached? yea or not: and whether their books and doctrines were, and be, perverse or not ; for which, together with their pertinacy, they were condemned by the holy sacred council of Constance for heretics ?
IX. Item, Whether he have in his custody any treatises, small works, epi 6 ties, or other writings in what language or tongue soever, set forth and trans- lated by any of these heretics, John Wickliff, John Huss, and Jerome, or any other of their false disciples and followers ? that he may deliver them to the ordinaries cf that place, or his commissary, or to the inquisitors upon his oath. And if he say that he hath no such writing about him, but that they are in some other place, that then you swear him to bring the same before his ordi- nary or other aforenamed, within a certain time to him prefixed.
(1) Doe head of the universal church, beside Christ, hath no foundation in all Scripture.
o o 2
564 THE BLOODY BULL AKD IKQUISITIOK OF POPE MAllTiy.
Henry X. Item, Whether he know any that have the treatises, works, epistles, or ^- any other writings of the aforesaid John VVickliff, John Huss, and Jerome, in whatsoever tongue they are made or translated, and that he detect and manifest ■Tifd' the same, for the pm-gation of their faith and execution of justice. _____ XI. Item, Especially lut the learned be examined, whether he believe that the sentence of the holy council of Constfuice upon the forty-five articles of John AfpeZiu WicklifFand the thirty articles of John Huss above-written 'be catholic, which saiih that some of them arc notoriously heretical, some erroneous, other some blasphe- mous, some slanderovis. some rash and seditious, and some otfensive to godly ears.
XII. Item, Whether be believe and affirm that in no case it is lawful for a man to swear?
XIII. Itora, ^Vhether he believe, that at the commandment of a judge, or any other, it is lawful to take an oath to tell the truth in any convenient cause, although it be but purging of an infamy, or not?
XIV. Item, Whether he believe that perjury wittingly committed, upon what cause soever, whether it be for the safeguard of his own hfe, or of any other man's life, yea although it be in the cause and defence of the faith, be a sin or not?
X V. It*m, Whether a man contemning purposely the rites of the church, and the ceremonies of exorcism, of catechism, and the consecration of the water of baptism, be in deadly sin or not ?
XVI. Item, Whether he believe, that after the consecration of the priest in the sacrament of the altar, under the figure of bread and wine, be no material bread and wine ; but in all points the same very Christ who was crucified upon the cross, and sitteth upon the right hand of the Father?
XVII. Item, Whether he beheve, that after the consecration made by the priest, under the only form of bread, and besides the form of wine, be the very flesh of Christ and his blood, his soul and his deity, and so whole Christ as he is ? and in like wise, whether, under the form of wine, without the form of bread, be the very flesh of Christ and his very blood, his soul and deity, and so whole Christ, and the same body absolutely under every one of those kinds singularly ?
Heresy to XVIII. Item, Whether he do believe, that the custom of houseling of the
r'b'th"^ lay-people under the form of bread only, observed of the universal church, and
kinds. allowed by the holy council of Constance, be to be used ; and not, without the
authority of the church, at men's pleasures, to be altered? and whether they
that obstinately affirm the contrarj' to this, are to be punished as heretics, or not !
XIX. Item, Whether he believe that those who contemn the receiving of the sacraments of confirmation, or extreme unction, or the solemnization of matrimony, commit deadly sin or not ?
XX. Item, Whether he believe that a christian man, over and besides the contrition of heart, being licensed of a convenient priest, is bound to confess himself only to a priest, and not to any lay-man, be he ever so devout or good, upon the necessity of salvation ?
XXI. Item, Whether he believe, that in the cases before put, a priest may absolve a sinner confessing himself and being contrite, from all sins, and enjoin him penance for the same ?
XXII. Item, Whether he believe, that an evil priest, with due manner and form, and with the intention of doing, doth verily consecrate, doth verily absolve, doth verily baptize, and doth verily dispose all other sacraments even as the church doth ?
XXIII. Item, Whether he believe that St. Peter was the vicar of Christ, having power to bind and to loose upon the earth ?
XXIV. Item, Whether he believe that the pope, being canonically elect (who for the time shall be), by that name express!}' be the successor of Peter or not, having supreme authority in the church of God?
XXV. Item, Whether he believe that the authority or jurisdiction of the pope, an archbishop, or a bishop, in binding or loosing, be more than the authority of a simple priest or not, although he have charge of souls?
Heresy to XXVI. Item, Whether he believe that the pope may, upon a just and good pope's in- causc, give indulgences and remission of sins to all christian men, being verily dui- contrite and confessed, especially to those that go on pilgrimage to holy places
Ronces. and do good deeds ?
XXVII. Itcm,'\Vhether he believe, that by such grant the pilgrims that visit those churches, and give them any thing, may obtain remission of sins or not ?
(1) See supri, p. iCl : also see the Appendix.— Ed. (2) Sec Appendix,
THE BLOODY BULL AND INQUISITION OF POPE MAIITI!«J. 565
XXVIII. Item, Whetlier he believe that all bishops may grant unto their He,'r-j subjects, according as the holy canons do limit, such indulgences, or not? ^•
XXIX. Item, Whether he believe and affirm, that it is lawful for faithful
A.D. 1418.
Christians to worship images and the relics of saints, or not ?
XXX. Item, Whether he believe that those religions, which the church hath allowed, were lawfully and reasonably brought in by the holy fathers, or not ? Heresy
XXXI. Item, Whether he believe that the pope, or any other prelate for ^"^ *° the time being, or their vicars, may excommunicate their subject ecclesiastical images, or secular for disobedience or contumacy ; so that such a one is to be holden
and taken for excommunicated, or not?
XXXII. Item, Whether he believe, that for the disobedience and contumacy of persons excommunicated, increasing, the prelates, or their vicars, in spiritual things, have power to aggravate and to re-aggravate, to put upon men the inter- dict, and to call for the secular arm ; and that the same secular ami or power ought to be obedient to the censures, by their inferiors called for ?
XXXIII. Item, Whether he believe that the pope and other prelates, or else their vicars, have power in spiritual things to excommunicate priests and lay- men, that are stubborn and disobedient, from their office, benefice, or entrance into the church, and from the administration of the sacraments of the church ; also to suspend them ?
XXXIV. Item, Whether he believe that it is lawful for ecclesiastical persons, These without committing sin, to have any possessions and temporal goods ? and whe- P^P^s will ther he believe that it is not lawftil for lay-men to take away the same from them 10*16"^^ " by their authority ; but rather that such takers away of, and encroachers upon, nothing, ecclesiastical goods, are to be punished as committers of sacrilege, yea, although
such ecclesiastical persons live naughtily, that have such goods ?
XXXV. Item, Whether any such taking-away from, or encroaching upon. Wealthy any priest rashly or violently made, although the priest be an evil liver, be sacri- wicked- lege, ornot? mafntaiu-
XXXVI. Item, Whether he believe that it is lawful for lay-men, of what sex ed. soever, that is, men and women, to preach the word of God, or not ?
XXXVII. Item, Whether he believe that it is lawful to all priests freely to preach the word of God wheresoever, whensoever, and to whomsoever it shall please them, although they be not sent at all ? '
XXXVIII. Item, Whether he believe that all mortal sins, and especially such as be manifest and pubKc, are to be corrected and to be extirpated, or not?
Furthermore, we will, command, and decree, that if any, by secret informa- tion, by you or any other to be received, shall be found either infamed or sus- pected of any kind of the pestiferous sect, heresy, and doctrine of the most pestilent men, John WicklifF, John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, the arch- heretics aforesaid, or of favouring, receiving, or defending the aforesaid damned men while they lived on the earth, their false followers and disciples, or any that believeth their errors, or any that after their death prayeth for them or any of them, or that nominateth them to be amongst the number of catholic men, or that defendeth them to be placed amongst the number of the saints, either by their preaching, worshipping, or other ways, wherein they deserve to be sus- pected ; that then they, by you or some of you, may be cited personally to appear before you or some of you, without either proctor or doctor to answer for them, an oath being openly taken by them as is aforesaid, to speak the plain and mere verity of the articles above written, and every of them, or other opportune, as case and circumstance shall require, according to your discretion, as you or any of you shall see expedient to proceed against them, or any of them, accord- ing to these presents, or otherwise canonically, as you shall think good.
Also that you do pubhsh solemnly, and cause to be published these present letters, omitting the articles and interrogatories herein contained, in the cities and other places of your diocese, where conveniently you may, under our autho- rity ; and there to denounce, and cause to be denoimced, all and singular such heretics, with their abettors and favourers of their heresies and errors ; of what sex or kind soever, that do hold and defend the said errors, or do participate any maimer of way with heretics, privily or apertly ; of what state, dignit)^, or
(!) The pope neither preacheth himself, nor yet will sufTer other good priests to preach..
566 THE BLOODY BULL AND INQUISITION OF POPE MAUTIN.
jjf„ry condition soever he or they be, patriarch, archbishop, bishop, king, queen, duke,
V. or of whatsoever other dignity, either ecclesiastical or secular, he be ; also with
their advocates and proctors whosoever, which are believers, followers,
V"'!^' favourers, defenders, or receivers of such heretics, or suspected to be believers,
^'*^^' followers, fautors, defenders, or receivers of them, to be excommunicate every
Papa Sunday and festival day, in the presence of the people.
m'i7' Furthermore, that you diligently cause to be inquired, by the said our autho-
ccedeg. rity, upon all and singular such persons, both men and women, that maintain, approve, defend, and teach such errors, or that be favourers, receivers, and de- fenders of them, whether exempt or not exempt ; of what dignity, state, pre- eminence, degree, order, or condition soever. And that such as you shall Hnd in the said your inquisition, either by their own confession, or by any other mean to be defamed, or otherwise infected with the spot of such heresy or error, you, through the sentence of excommunication, suspension, interdict, and priva tion of their dignities, parsonages, offices, or other benefices of the church, and fees which they hold of any chiu-ch, monastery, and other ecclesiastical places ; also of honours and secular dignities and degrees of sciences, or other faculties ; as also by other pains and censures of the church, or by ways and means what- sover else shall seem to you expedient, by taking and imprisoning their bodies, and other corporal pimishments wherewith heretics are punished, or are wont and are commanded by canonical sanctions to be used ; and, if they be clerks, that you by degradation, do correct and punish, and cause them to be corrected and punished, with all diligence.
Furthermore, that you do rise up stoutly and courageously against such here- tics,' and the goods as well of them, as of the lay-men, according to the canonical sanction made against heretics and their followers, under which we will and command them and their partakers to be subject. And also such persons as shall be infamed of the heresies or errors aforesaid, or any of the premises, shall be bound to purge themselves at your arbitrcment : but the others, who, cither by witnesses, or by their own confessions, or other allegations or probations, shall be convicted of the aforesaid heresies or articles, or of any the premises, they shall be compelled to revoke and abjure publicly and solemnly the said articles and errors, and to suffer condign penance and punishment, yea even to perpetual imprisonment, if need be, for the same.
And, to the intent that they shall not nourish any kind of heresies hereafter, either in word, deed, or gesture, or shall induce others either in word or deed, privily or apertly, directly or indirectly, to believe the same, they shall be forced to put in sufficient surety : who, if it so chance that they will not publicly and solemnly renounce and abjure their articles and errors, and take at yoiu- hands condign penance, though it be to perpetual or temporal punishment according to your discretion, neither will be contented to put in sufficient surety that they will not hereafter hold or nourish these errors and heresies, neither will induce others by word or deed, pri\'ily or apertly, directly or indirectly, or by any other manner of colour to believe the same, that then you shall proceed against them, accord- ing to the quality of their errors and demerits ; yea, and if you see it so expe- dient, as against heretics, and as infected with heresy, by our authority, according to the canonical sanctions summarily, and simply and plainly, ' sine strepitu et figura judicii,' and of office (all appellation or appellations whatsoever ceasing) ; and that you punish the same, accorchng to the sanctions and traditions canonical, yea, if need be, in leaving and committing them to the secular power; and against such as be superiors or learned doctors, lajing the censures of ecclesias- tical excommunication, idl appellation set aside : also invocating, if need shall Pope require, aid of the secular arm. The constitution as well of our predecessor ^fnitrTry ' P"P'^ Bouifaco VIII. of blessed memory, wherein is decreed that no man shall to pope be called to judgment out of his city or diocese except in certain cases, and Boniface j^yg^ j,^ \\^^^q cases only one day's journey from the border of the diocese in which he dwelleth ; and that no judges deputed from the see apostolic do pre- sume to proceed against any person out of the city and diocese, wherein they are deputed to act ; or do presume to commit their autliority to any other person or persons, or to fetch and remove any man beyond one day's journey from out his diocese where he dwelleth; as also the constitution passed at the general Council of Lateran 1215, limiting two days' journey at most; as also all other constitutions of any bishop of Rome, touching as well judges delegate, (1) Sec here the dragon cabtit'g out whole DooUa to swallow up tlie saints.
A FRUITFUL EXHORTATION OF THE BOHEMIANS. 557
ds persons not to be called to judgment beyond a certain number ; or else any Henrtj otlier edict, indulgence, privilege, or exemption, general or special, to the con- vi. trary hereof granted from the apostolic see, for any person or persons not to be . interdicted, suspended, or excommunicated, or cited up to judgment without tlie f:'i^' compass of certain limits; or else whatsoever thing otherwise may hinder, stop, or impeach your jurisdiction, power, and free proceeding herein by any Pope means — notwithstanding. ' Martin
Given at Constance, February22nd, the first year of our popedom. [a.d.H18.]i ^e acts
and edicts
This bloody and abominable commission of pope Martin, which I other liave copied out of a certain old monument remaining in the hands of ^°^^^' Master Hackluyt, student in the Temple*, seemeth to be directed and given out for the public destruction of all faithful christian men, about the latter end and breaking up of the council of Constance, A. D. 1418 ; by which the prudent reader hath this to note and con- Note how sider : what labour, what policy, what counsel, and what laws have chdst been set, what ways have been taken, what severity hath been showed, "j^^jl^^,,, how men''s power, wit, and the authority of the whole Avorld, have against conspired together from time to time, continually, by all manner of means, to subvert and supplant the word and way of the Lord ; and yet, notwithstanding, man hath not prevailed, but all his force and devised policies have been overthrown, dispatched, and, with the coun- sel of Ahithophel and Haman, have been brought to nought ; and, contrary to the fury of the world, the gospel of Christ hath still Man's increased. Neither yet for all this will the pope cease to spurn and counseT' rebel still against the kingdom of Christ and his gospel, against which against''' neither he, nor yet the gates of hell, shall ever prevail. The Lord of Christ, hosts be merciful to his poor persecuted flock ! Amen,
Against this pestilent bull and inquisition of pope Martin, the great Antichrist, I thought good here to adjoin and annex another contrary writing of the Bohemians, bearing the name and subscrip- tion of Procopius, Conrad, and other captains of the Bohemians ; which seemeth, not long after the death of Zisca, to be written against the pestiferous see of Rome ; the tenor whereof here fol- loweth.
A Fruitful and Christian Exhortation of the Bohemians, to Kings and Princes, to stir them up to the zeal of the Gospel.
May the Almighty God the Father, by his well-beloved Son Jesus Christ, by his Holy Spirit, open the understanding both of you and of all Christians, and enlighten your hearts with the light of his doctrine of righteousness, and make you to continue therein surely established to the end ! This we desire of you for your salvation, all ye honourable, wise, and honest noble men ; and aU the commonalty, yea rich and poor, hear and consider with diligent heed the words of this present letter, which is sent unto you from the country of the Bohe- mians.
It is manifest and well known to you and many other cities, kings, princes. The pops and lords, that now a certain number of years there hath been great discord ^l^^J^'^ betwixt us and you ; and there have been some who have moved you by letters, their' let- and provoked you to make war against us, and to destroy us. And, as well on ^^^^'j,jg^' your part as on ours, many men, as well noble as unnoble, have foolishly lost ^^ gght. their lives. Yet never hitherto have ye in any part understood our faith by our own confession, neither whether we be able to prove the same out of the Scrip- tures, yea or no ; and yet, in the mean time, kings, princes, lords, and cities, have sustained great damage. And hereof we greatly marvel that you do so much trust and believe the pope and his priests, who give you drink full of poison, and such comfort as no man can understand, in that they say that they will
(1) See the Appendix.— Ed. C2) Ibid.— Ed.
568 A FRUITFUL EXHORTATION OF THE BOIIKMIANS,
give you forgiveness of all your sins,' and great grace and pardon, to this end, that you should war upon us and destroy us : whereas their graces and pardons are none other than great lies, and a great seducing of the hody and soul of all them that believe them, and put their trust in them. This we would prove unto them, and overcome them by the holy Scripture ; and we would suffer.
The pope that whosoever is desirous to hear, the same should hear it. For the pope and all
the "world ^^^ priests herein deal with you, as the devil would have done with our Lord
with vain Jesus Christ, of whom Luke writeth [chap, iv.], That he brought him upon a
promises ]jig}j ijjn^ ^^^ showed unto him, in the twinkling of an eye, all the kingdoms
which he that are in the compass of the earth, and said unto him, ' I will give thee,' &c.
'•nnnot So the devil decciveth the pope and all the priests, with the riches of the world,
^^^''■'' and worldly power; and they think they can give grace and pardon when they
will ; and they themselves shall never Imd favour before Almighty God, except
they repent and make amends, because of their great deceiving of Christendom.
And how can they give that to others, which they themselves have not ? So
The devil did the devil, who was rich in promising, and poor in giving. And like as the
^pVrfch *^^^^^ '^ '^°^ ashamed to tell a lie, so all they are not ashamed to speak that
inpromis- which shall never be found true, nor be proved by the holy Scriptures; because
ing, and for no cause they stir up kings, princes, lords, and cities, to make war against
giving" "^' "0* t° the end that the christian faith should thereby be defended, but
because they fear that their secret vices and heresies shall be disclosed and
made manifest. For if they had a true cause, and a godly love to the christian
faith, they woidd then take the books of the holy Scripture, and would conje
unto us, and overcome us with the weapons of God's word: and that is our
chief desire. For so did the apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ, who came to the
Pagans and Jews, and brought them from their infielity to the tnie faith of our
Lord Jesus Christ; and this they did in the spirit of meekness, as the apostle
Paul writeth in Galatians vi. ' Brethren, if any man be grieved,' Src. So ought
they also to do, if they perceived that they were just and we unjust. And if we
would not abide instruction, then they might take to them kings, princes, lords,
and imperial cities, and resist us according to the commandments of the holy
Fiilscpre- Scripture. But this is the subtle defence of all the bishops and pi-iests, that
01^1"-°^ they say that Master Huss and Jerome, who were burnt at Constance, were
pists. overcome by the holy father the pope, and by the whole council. For ye must
"e'^^mt"'' understand that they were not overcome by the Holy Ghost, but imjustly, with
by wrong- WTongful violence, which God may yet hereafter grievously punish in all them
fill vio- that gave their counsel and aid thereto. And they say, it ought not to be
Irdeath!' s^ff'-'re'^j that we should be heard in confessing our faith.^ How may that be
proved by the holy Scripture, sine* Christ heard the devil, as it is written in
Matt. iv. ? and they are not better than Christ, nor we worse than the devil.
If they be just and have the truth with them (as they say they have), and we
be unrighteous, why do they fear, since the trnth ought not be afraid of
falsehood, as Esdras writeth in his second book, chap. iii. Zerubabel declared
that truth is of all things the most mighty, and overcometh aU things. For
Christ is the truth [John xiv.], ' I am the way, the truth,' &c. ; and the devil
is the father of lies, [John viii.] ; ' He is a liar from the beginning, and never
abode in the truth, and there is no truth in him.' Therefore, if the pope and
his priests have the truth, let them overcome us with the word of God. But if
they have lies, then they cannot long abide in all their presumption. Whcre-
and't'dl ^"^^' "*^ '-'^^^ort and beseech all the imperial cities, all kings, princes, noble
rcquSt of ^^P' ^^^^^ ^"'^ poor, for God's sake and for his righteousness, that one of them
the jiohc- write hereof to another, and that there may be some means made, how we may
uiians. connnune with you safely and friendly, at some such place as shall be fit both
for you and us ; and bring with you your bishoj)s and teachers, and let them
and our teachers fight together with the word of God, and let us hear them,
and let not the one overcome the other by violence or false subtlety, but only
by the word of God. And if yom- bishops and teachers have better proofs of
their faith out of tne holy Scripture, than we, and o\ir faith be found untrue,
wc will receive penance and satisfaction, according to the gospel ; but if your
bisliops and teachers be overcome of ours by the holy Scripture, then do yc
repent and hearken to us, and hold with us. And if your bishops and tcachera
(1) Fair words do make fools fain.
(2) ChrJst heard the devil, but tlic popi; will not hear msa confces their faith.
ADDRESSED TO KINGS AND PRINCES. 569
will cease from their spiritual pride, and repent and make satisfaction, then we jienry will help you according to our power, and will compel them, either to join with VI. us, or else we will expel them out of Christendom. And if yoiu- bishops and . ^ teachers will say, that it is not lawful for laymen to hear such reasoning, or to ' '
be present at it.; that may you understand to tend to no other end, but that they '. l.
fear they should be overcome and put to shame in the sight of you. For, if Where- they knew that they should overcome therein, out of doubt they would desire ^"l^^"^" that every man should hear it ; and thereby their glory should become the clergy greater, and their fame and praises should be increased upon the earth. And ^^i" =''1"'^ if your bishops and teachers counsel you to come to no hearing with us, then enee'with do it, whether they will or no ; and suffer not yourselves, at any time, to be so the laity, foolishly seduced with their foolish pardons, but tarry at home in your houses with yoiu- wives and children. And lot the pope of Rome come to us with all his cardinals and bishops, and with all his priests, with his own person and power, to war with us, and let themselves deserve the absolution of sins, grace, and pardon, which they preach to you (for they have great need of forgiveness of sins, grace and pardon), and, by the grace of God, we will give them pardon enough as they shall need. But their subtle excuse is this ; they say, that it The ^ belongeth not to priests to fight with bodily weapons : and true it is, that P^^^^g^gg^ belongeth not to them ; but it belongeth as little to them to stir up, to counsel, e.xcus"e * and to fortify others thereto. For Paul saith in Romans i., and Galatians v., detected, that all that do such things are worthy of everlasting death.
And if ye will not determine to do any other thing than to fight against us, Experi- then will we take the Lord to our help, and his truth, and we will defend it to ^^'^l,° the death, and we will not be afraid for the excommunication or ciu-se of the biessinfr, pope, or his cardinals, or of the bishops ; because we know that the pope is not where th9 God, as he maketh himself, that he can curse and excommunicate when he will, cursed. or bless when he will ; who hath now these many years cursed and exconmiu- nicated us, and yet, notwithstanding, God and his gracious blessing have been our heljJ. But, peradventure, ye will say, that though we see that bishops and Objec- priests be evil and wicked, yet we cannot lack them; for who should baptize'^""" our children, who shovild hear confessions, and minister the holy sacraments? and then also we should be within the excommunication of the pope, and of Answer his bishops. Well-beloved ! ye need to take no care for these matters. The excommunicating of the pope hurteth you nothing. Fear ye the excommuni- cating of God, and the Lord will provide for those things well enough. If ye would banish evil bishops and priests, ye should have good priests who shoidd baptize your children, hear confessions, and minister the holy mysteries ; be- cause when the devil is banished, then place is made for the Holy Ghost : so when ill bishops and priests shall be banished, then place shall be made for good priests and bishops. Also, your bishops and priests say, that we are miscreants and heretics, and that we believe not on purgatory, nor upon the Virgin Mary, nor upon the saints ; wherein they say ill, for we will prove, by the holy Scripture, that we know better, by God's grace, how we ought to be- lieve upon purgatory, and upon Mary, the mother of our Lord, and upon his' well-beloved saints, than they can tell us. Also they say, that we will not be The _ obedient unto the pope. Truly, when he shall become holy and just, then we l?^'P^ ^^^^ know well that we ought to be obedient to him in all things, and not before, cusation They say, also, that we destroy God's holy service, in that we destroy monas- answer- teries, banishing thence the wicked monks and nuns. Truly we did it, thinking ^ ' once that they were holy, that they did the reverend service of God ; but after that we well perceived and considered their life and works, then we perceived that they were false lowly hypocrites, and wicked builders on high, and sellers of pardons and masses for the dead, and such as devoured in themselves the sins of the people. And whereas they said that they rise at midnight when other men sleep, and pray for the sins of the people — forasmuch as their selling of their prayers and masses for the dead for gifts, is no better than hypocrisy and heresy ; therefore, if we do speak against them and destroy their monas- teries, we do not therein destroy the service of God, but rather the ser- vice of the devil, and the schools of heretics : and if ye knew them as we know them, ye would as diligently destroy them as we do. For Christ our Lord did not ordain any such order, and therefore it must needs come to pass that shortly it shall be destroyed ; as our Lord saith in the Gospel
670 A FRUITFUL FXHOUTATION OF TlIK BOHKMIAKS
Henry of St. Matthew [chap, xv.], * Every ^jiant which my Fatlier hath not planted, f I. shall be rooted up.' We desire you also, that ye would diligently consider the A J) articles here written, wherein your bishops and priests are guilty. 14 30* ^'''^ ^^^^ article is, That when your bishops will ordain priests, they do it not
except he that is to be made priest have sutKcient living, either of inheritance
A})i^se l^.ft him by his parents, or of benefices: whereas notwithstanding, Christ woidd reli^'ioif t^i'i*^ priests should be poor, forasmuch as it is enough for the scholar to be as in mak- \\\s Master is, and for the servant to be as his Lord is ; and the bishops will that BT^st *^^''y should be rich upon earth, which is unjust before the Lord, cardinals, The second article is, ' That bishops take money of such as are to be or- ^c- dained ; but St. Peter did therefore sharply rebuke Simon Magus, when he
would liave given him money, as it is written in Acts viii. Abuse of T^is third article is. That they that come to be priests, enter uito priesthood, poiiish not for God's service -sake, because they mean to preach and increase it auiong in takine ^^'^ christian people, so as the people may be edified and made better, but orders, rather for an idle life, and that they may eat well and drink well, that they may be honoured and reverenced upon earth. For every one waiteth upon his priest as a tliief and a robber, as John writeth, chap. x. Popish The fourth article is. Of excommunication, which tlie pope and all his
excom- priests take to themselves, and therewith fetter and bind all christian people as t?on""^^ they will ; and they think that whosoever they excommunicate or curse, he is abused, accursed and cxconmiunicated before God. And we will prove by the holy Scripture, tliat they themselves are excommunicated and accursed before God, because they keep not the commandment of the love of God, whereof the apostle writeth in 1 Cor. xvi., * If any man loveth not our Lord Jesus Christ, he is excomnnmicated in the day of the coming of the Lord.' For they can- not excommunicate you, who are already bovmd and excommunicate before God and his saints ; and, therefore, why fear ye their excommunication? The The fifth article is, That they take gifts to p'ray for the dead, and to say mass
pope's for their souls. This is a wickedness and heresy before the Lord, and all they mlistmed ^'^^*- Contribute to them to this end, do wickedly, for that hereby priests become with buy- merchants of prayers and of masses ; and herewith is all the church of Rome '"lln"^ poisoned and defiled. For if they would pray for the dead, and say mass for tLi'r their souls, yet no man ought to hire them thereto, forasmuch as they ought to praying take 110 gifts, neither little nor great. And every one that taketh rewards to fns, and' ^^"^ ^"^'' ^^ redeem souls out of purgatory, doth therewithal cast his own soul all^'heir down into hell ; and they that give any thing to that end, do altogether lose mmie ^°^ *^^*^*^ which they give. And with such devilish subtlety the pope with all his priests have deceived, spoiled, and disherited kings, princes, lords, and knights, and good householders, and many others, of their lawful inheritances ; because their ancestors and progenitors gave them to colleges, monasteries and churches, that they might make memorials of them, and sing or say prayers or masses for their souls, that they might be redeemed out of purgatory.^ And, with such goods, bishops, canons, and monasteries have made themselves so rich, that now they fall at variance with cities and princes : * and whereas they shoidd procure peace betwixt cities and rulers, tliere tliey are the first that begin war ; and as long as they have siich goods, they will never cease to be at strife witli lords and cities, neither will they begin to teacli you the true foun- dation of the truth. For they do as a dog, which as long as he holdeth a bone in his mouth and gnaweth it, so long he holdeth his peace, and cannot bark ; even so, as long as they have this bone of pleasant riches, it will never be well in tlie world. Wlierefore, all kings, princes, and imperial cities would do a gi-eat work of godliness and meixy, if by them they were compelled to do this, as the dog is, when the bone is taken from him. The sub- And, therefore, ye noble men, kings, princes, lords, imperial cities, and all tlety of the commonalty, both rich and poor, if ye have been aslee]), yet now awake l*n ma"-" ""'^ -^1"^'^ y^*^"' '^y^^' ^'^<i behold the subtlety of the devil, how he hath Ing tlie blinded the church of Rome, and take again that which is yours, and not theirs, church ^,jj1 jf yQ,i ^yiii niai^e a good memorial for your souls, then do as the wise man saith [Ecclca, xix], * Lay up alms,' &c.
(1) Fear of purgatory hath robbed almost .ill the whole world.
(2) So long as yriusts be rlcli, tht-y will never be true teacUrrs;
AGAINST POPISH BISHOPS AND PllIESTS. 571
The sixth article is, That they are full of pride and of high mind ; which is Umry
manifestly known by their long, costly, and superfluous garments, wherein they r/.
walk very unlike to Christ our Lord, who had a garment without a seam, and . q
to the well-beloved John Baptist, who had a garment of camels' hair ; and they iVor)' will be honoured and worshipped ; and they preach and say that priesthood
ought to be honoured (and so it ought indeed to be) ; but there are none that Popish do so much slander and abase it, as they themselves, with their evil works and P''.iests, gay apparel, and with their evil words, wherein they pass all other men. St. uieiJ long Paul saith [1 Tim. iii.], ' Let the elders that .govern well, be honoured with and double honour; chiefly, they that labour in the word and doctrine of the Lord.' o"^'''"' Consider what he saith, ' They that govern well.' gowns,
The seventh article is. That they are covetous, from the highest to the lowest f^'^°^^ ^'^^ and for covetousness they preach many foolish deeds and manifest lies, and sell Pharisees the holy sacraments, which is a great heresy ; for God commanded that they than should give freely. St. Paul writeth [1 Tim. i.], ' Covetousness is the root of ^'^"^*- all mischief, whereunto many have been given ; and, therefore, they are sepa- T^e rated from the fiiith, and have denied the truth.' pope's
The eighth article is, That they commonly are called ' Notorious whore- chinch mongers.' Tliis is manifestly seen in their concubines and children, who walk {'^iJirco- openly in all men's sight, and make many men's wives adulterous, or cori'upt vetous- their daughters being virgins, and make them priests' harlots, and ribalds. v^hore"*^
The ninth article is. That they are full of devilish envy ; and especially in all dom. monasteries they have great envy and hatred amongst themselves, because when The _ any thing is given or disposed to one monastery or college, then there are others churdi that hate it, and envy at it, and would more gladly have it themselves : like as and mo- among dogs, when any thing is given to the one and not to the other, which p^*o"J^^ the other seeing, envieth his fellow, and the other likewise will rather devour with all himself, than give any pai-t to his fellow. Wherefore it were well that they (devilish were brought from that great sin of envy, by giving nothing unto them ; and it '^"^''" were better that their possessions were taken from them, and that they should do that which the Lord spake to his disciples, saying, ' Go ye and preach the gospel to all men.'
The tenth article is. That they are idle, and chiefly the bishops, canons, and The other prelates, who will not labour diligently in the holy Scripture, wherewith pope'8 they might cure the miseries of Christendom, whereto they have bound them- porso*ned selves ; and they eat the bread thereof in idleness, because when other men with idle- watch and labour to maintain themselves and their little ones, then are they ^^j^'f"^ with their lemans ; or else they walk in some city, carrying hawks on their fists ; cheer. or else the}'^ sit at their good wine with their concubines, and there they sing and play the Lucians, and eat of the best : and therefore all that willingly bring and give to them, shall be made partners of that curse which is given them of God, because they eat their bread unjustly, whereof St. Paul writeth [2 Thess. iii.], * He that laboui'eth not, let him not eat.'
The eleventh article. That they are notorious liars ; because, to the end that Infamous they may please men, they tell many tales and lies, which have no foimdation ous"lier'' nor proof in the holy Scripture. Of such writeth John in the Apocal. xxi.
The twelfth article is. That they do not rightly give or minister to the people Erreth in the body of our Lord Jesus Christ, and they give it not as God hath instituted fn™one''" it and commanded. This is a great and devilish sin, and too great malapert- part of ness. Herein we would overcome them, with the testimonies of the evangelists ; ^'^^ sacra- I say, we would overcome the pope, and all his priests, with the authorities of Mark, Luke, and Paul [Rom. xiii.], and we would sutFer that kings, princes, lords, and all that are willing to hear, should hear it.
Tlie thirteenth article is, "That they sit in spiritual judgment, and then, many The times, they judge according to favour, and not according to the righteousness of ^?^f\ God ; that they take bribes, giving sentence for him, who, in God's sight, hath charged the wrongful cause. Woe be to such sentencers, as it is written in Isaiah v., with par- ' Woe be to you that,' &c. *'*'"y-
The fourteenth article is. That they sit hearing confessions, and when there come to them usurers, raveners, and thieves, they take bribes of them of their ill-gotten goods, to spare them ; and they willingly suffer them in cities and towns. And likewise of adulterers and other notorious whoremongers and whores : and they neither let nor stay them in their great sins ; to the end that
572
Henry VI.
A.D.
1424.
The
pope's
cliurch
cliargeii
with
usury.
Men ap- pointed, may preach, though the pope forbid tliem. When the pope holdeth his coun- cil, let men look to their wives and daugh- ters.
A FRUITFUL EXHORTATION OF THE BOHEMIANS.
the Scripture may be fulfilled in them, which 8aith, ' Gifts and the love of money do draw to hell, and do blind the eyes of judges.'
The fifteenth article is. That they receive tithes of men, and will of right have tliem,* and preach and say that men are bound to give them tithes. And therein they say falsely; for they cannot prove by the New Testament, that our Lord Jesus Christ commanded it, and his disciples warned no man to do so, neither did themselves receive them. But although in the Old Testament it were commanded to give tithes, yet it cannot thereby be proved, that christian men are bound thereto ; for this precept of the Old Testament had an end in the first year of our Lord Jesus Christ, like as the precept of circumcision. Where- fore, beloved ! consider and see how your bishops seduce you and shut your eyes with things that have no proof. Christ saith [Luke xi.], ' Give alms of those things that remain;' but he said not, Give the tenth of the goods which ye possess, but give alms. But when they hear the word, they may say as the lawyer said to Christ, ' Master, when thou sayest so, thou givest offence,' [lb.]
The sixteenth article is, That they, in many places, lend money or goods to have treasure or usury, and have in cities and towns yearly payments and per- petual revenues, as great princes and lords ; wherein they do against the gospel, which saith, ' Do not ye possess gold nor silver.' And whereas they lend for gain and usury, against that speaketh the Lord [Deut. xxiv.], ' Lend not on usury to thy brother,' &c. Yea, honest, discreet, and well-beloved lords! all the aforesaid articles we will prove against the pope and all his jDriests, with man}' testimonies of the holy Scripture, which, for brevity's sake, we have not here mentioned. But note ye chiefly these four articles, for which we strive, and desire to defend them to the death.
The first article is. That all public and customable mortal sins ought to be forbidden and prohibited to all priests and lajinen, according to the command- ment of the holy Scripture.
The second article is. That riches^ ought to be taken from the pope and all his priests, from the highest to the lowest ; and they ought to be made poor, as the disciples of our Lord Jesus Christ were, who had nothing of their own, neither possessions in this world, neither woi'ldly power.
The third article is. That the word of God ought to be free for every man appointed and ordained thereto, to preach and read in all places whither they shall come, without resistance of any man, and without any inhibition of either spiritual or earthly power, openly or manifestly.
Tlie fourth article is, That the body of our Lord Jesus Christ ought to be delivered to every Christian as our Lord hath ordained it, and as the holy evan- gelists have written. We have also understood that there shall be a council in IJasil ; wlrerefore let no man be exalted, but let them diligently keep their wives, their daughters, and their virgins, from bishops, priests, and monks. And do not think that there is made any holy assembly of bishops and j)rie3ts for the common commodity and profit of Christendom ; but only to this end, that they may hide their secret vices and heresies with the cloak of hypocrisy, and let and hinder the righteousness of God, which is much contrary to tliem. And for this cause, consider ye diligently, that they will not make a holy assembly, but the congregation of Satan. And take ye heed that it be not done as some did at Constance, who took money of bishops and prelates, and sulibred them to sleep with their wives. Ye well-beloved and honest lords ! if ye find' any thing in these aforesaid articles or words written somewhat sharply, we did it not to offend or contemn you, but to the end that ye should diligently consider and devise, how Christendom is so ill kept and led by the priests of this present age. Our Lord Jesus Christ keep you both iu body and soul. Amen. In the year of our Lord 1430.3
Procopius, Smahors, Conrad, Samssmolich ; captains of Bohemia.
Now to prosecute the wars of the Bohemians again. After Zisca was dead, a.d. 142-i, whereof we did iiilrcat before, there was great
(1) He mcaneth of claiming tithes by mere necessity of the old law, and not by the positive law of princes. (2) He nieaneth the immoderate riches, and temporal possessions.
13; Ex vetustissinio codicc manuscripto.
WAR BETWEEN THE EMPEROR AND THE BOHEMIANS. 573
fear, sorrow, and lamentation in tlieir army, the soldiers accusing for- Henry tune wliicli gave over such an invincible captain to be overcome with ^^'
death. Immediately there was division in the host, the one part A. D. choosing Procopius Magnus to be their captain, the other part saying ^^^-^- that there was none could be found worthy to succeed Zisca : where- Ti.e army upon they, choosing out certain to serve the wars, named themselves diviS • Orphans.'
Thus the Taborites, being divided into two armies, the one part retained their old and accustomed name, and the other, because of the death of their captain, named themselves * Orphans.' And albeit that oftentimes there was dissension between them, yet whensoever any foreign power came towards them, they joined their powers together in one camp, and defended themselves. They seldom went unto any fenced towns, except it were to buy necessaries, but lived with their wives and children in their camp and tents. They had Ap^»tdiz. amongst them many cars, the which they used as a fortification ; for whensoever they went unto battle, they made two wings of them, placing the footmen in the centre, and wings of horsemen on the outside. When they saw their time to begin the fight, those who drove the cars in the two wings making direct for the emperor's standard closed in continually towards each other, compassing thereby such part of the enemy as they chose : who, being enclosed so that they could not be rescued, were slain, partly by the swords of the Tho order footmen, partly by the darts of men and women in the cars. The t,"'^A°i!''^^^ horsemen fought outside the fortification ; and if it happened that army of they were oppressed or put to flight, by-and-by the cars received used\i them through the openings as it were into a fenced city : and by this ^/^"'^fj!'^'^ means they got many victories, forsomuch as their enemies were ce.ise. ignorant of these tactics.
These two armies went forth, the one into Silesia, and the other into Moravia, and returned again with great prey, before their ene- mies knew of their coming. After this they besieged the town of Swietla in Austria, where the Taborites and the Orphans daring two nights and a day assaulted the walls without ceasing. But Albert, duke of Austria, coming with his host to aid the citizens, they fought by the space of almost four hours, the valiantcst warriors being slain on both parts. At the length the battle was broken off, and the Taborites lost their cars, and Albert was fain to strike his tents and retire. Within a while after, Procopius Magnus came again and enclosed the city of Retz in Austria with a notable siege. They of Prague were in his army, and Bohuslaus de Swanberg, of whom we spake before," was slain there with a dart, and the city of Retz was taken by force, sacked, and burnt. The burgrave of Magdeburg, lord [Dec. of the town, was also taken and carried unto Prague, where also he 1427'.] ' died in prison. g.^.^
These things thus done, the emperor sent for the nobles of Bo- mund, hemia, who went unto him unto a town of Hungary, called Presberg, w.rned in the borders of Austria, upon the banks of the river Danube ; "wfe"'^ but they would not enter into the town, but remained without the before, town in their tents; whither the emperor going out unto them, fain to communed much with them as toucliing his right and title and the ji'ifkh°^ recovering of his father's kingdom, promising if- there were any cause ''o™-
(1) See before, p. 552.— Ed.
oTi" WAR BETWEEN THE POPE AND THE BOHEMIANS.
Henry vrhicli did alienate the Bohemians' minds from him, that he Nvould take away all the occasion thereof. They made answer, tliat he liad
A. D. made war upon them without cause, and that he had suffered their
^^'^^' countrymen, contrary to liis promise, to be burnt at Constance not
Thedeath being heard, and the kingdom to be contumeliously interdicted, and
Hus^s^rnd the nobles of Bohemia to be condemned by the church of Rome as
iiweu ^ heretics ; and that he should think the force and power of the Bo-
upon. hemians not to be so small, but that they would provide for their
own honour. Whereunto the emperor answered very gently, and
offered them a general council, wherein they might declare their
innocency, if they would submit themselves to the judgment of the
universal church : but the Bohemians, who were now become valiant
victors in arms, would not now be overcome with words ; and so,
nothing being finally concluded, the emperor returned home.
Acardi- Then pope Martin, perceiving the gospel to increase daily more
Tnto^Ger- and more, sent the cardinal of Winchester, an Englishman, born of
rL^e'wa" ^ Hoblc house, iuto Germany, to move them unto war against the
against Bohemians ; whereunto the emperor also did assist him.
hemians. There Were three armies provided. In the first army were the
A,,v"d.x. dukes of Saxony, and the Hanscatic towns.
The second army, which was gathered of the Franconians, was under the conduct of the marquis of Brandenburg.
The third army was led by Otho, archbishop of Treves, whom the Rhenates, the Bavarians, and the imperial cities of Suabia fol- Godres- lowed. Thcse amiies entering into Bohemia in three several parts, people alter they were passed the wood they jomed togetlier and pitched invert- before Meiss. This town a certain learned and eloquent protcstant, ^^- named Prichicho, the night before had won from the papists ; where-
fore the army was determined first to recover that city before they would go any further. But when news came unto the host, how the protestants had gathered an army, and were coming with all speed The towards them ; they fled before they saw their enemies, and Avcnt my flfcih. u'^t'O Tacliau, leaving behind them their warlike engines, with a great prey. The cardinal was not yet come into the camp, but meeting them in their flight at Tachau, he marvelled at the cowardly flight of so many noble and valiant men, desiring them that they would turn again unto their enemies, who, he said, were far weaker than J-'."'« J^.^p- they. Which thing when he had long travailed about in vain, he soldier, was fain to be a companion with them in their flight. They were scarcely entered the wood, when the Bohemians, coming upon them, set upon their rearward. Then was their flight much more disordered and fearful than before, neither did they leave flying, before the Bo- hemians left following. These, all impediment or let being taken away, soon vanquished Tachau ; then, having obtained groat store of warlike engines, they ravaged Misnia. And when they would have returned home by Franconia, they had great sums of money sent unto them, that they should not wa.ste or destroy the countries The pope of Bamberg and Nuremberg; whereby the host of the Bohemians waMhc ^^^ greatly enriched.
second Sigisuuind the emperor, having news of these things, went straight
a^inst unto Nuremberg, and gathered there new aid and help. Also pope miw''^" Martin sent Julian, (he cardinal of St. Angelo, into Germany with
WAR BETWEEN THE POPE AND THE BOHEMIANS. 575
commission to malce war against the Bohemians, and that he should, irenry in tlie council of Basil, which doth now shortly draw on,' be president '^^'
in the pope's name. He, entering into Germany, went straight to A. D. Nuremberg to the emperor, Avhere many of the nobles of Germany ^'^■^'- were assembled.
There was a new expedition decreed against the Bohemians against the eighth of the kalends of July, and Frederic, marquis of Brandenburg, was appointed general of that war, who should follow the cardinal. He was to enter into Bohemia by the way that leadeth unto Toepl, and Albert, prince of Austria, was appointed to bring Ap^ndii^. an army through Moravia.
In this expedition were Albert and Christopher of Bavaria, and Frederic, duke of Saxony ; John and Albert, princes of Branden- burg, Avith their father, who was commander-in-chief; also the bishops of Wurtzburg, Bamberg, and Eichstat ; also the knights of Suabia, whom they called the knights companions of St. George; and the magistrates of the imperial cities; the archbishops of Mentz, Treves, and Cologne sent their aids, and with them the chief men of their provinces. It is said that the number of their horsemen was above Thenum- forty thousand; but their footmen were not full so many, for the p^jj^^,^ "'^ Germans, for the most part, do use to fight their battles on horseback, ar^y
Also, Rhene, prince of Lorraine, promised to join the expedition ; the BoUe- but being letted by his civil wars, forsomuch as he went about to ^"''^"*' vanquish the earl of Vaudemont, he could not keep his promise ; and the count Palatine of the Rhine, who did aid and succour the earl of Vaudemont, could not go against the Bohemians. The cardinal, staying for them, deferred his journey until the kalends of August. In the mean time Albert, leading his army out of Austria, when he found that the cardinal was not present at tlie day appointed, and seeing himself unable to encounter with the Bohemian power, re- turned back again. After this the cardinal entered into Bohemia cardinal with a huge army, and destroyed many of the protestants' towns, ente^eth killing men, women, and children, sparing neither old nor younc: : Bohemia-
.", ,. , ; , . ' r O _ J O His cruel
notwithstanding, this Jus tyranny was exercised m the uttermost slaughter. borders of Bohemia, for his captains feared to enter far into the land. The Bohemians, as soon as they heard tell that their enemy was coming, made ready and gathered their host with all speed, and laid siege to a town called Schiltberg, and brought it under subjection.
In the mean season there fell such a marvellous sudden fear coa amongst the papists throughout the whole camp, that they began most feaffr!to shamefully to run away before any enemy appeared in sight. The thepope'3 cardinal Julian, marvelling at this most sudden fear, and what should move so great an army to flee, went about unto the captains, exhort- ing them to put on armour, to order their battel, and courageously to abide their enemies, saying, they did not fight for the glory of their kingdom, or for the possession of lands, but for their lives and the honour and religion of Christ,^ and for the salvation of souls.
(1) The History of the Council of Basil is given subsequently in detail, in the chronological order of events (see p. 605). The council of Constance, as we have seen, commenced its sitting's in 1414, and was dissolved in HIS: in 1431 a council assembled at Pavia, from whence it was removed to Sienna, and finally met at Basil on the 23d of June, 1431. — Ed.
(2) Rather for the religion of Antichrist. This cardinal belike loved to preach rather in the camp than in the church.
576
ARMY FLEETH 1-ROM THE BOHEMIAXS.
Henry " How ignominions a thing is it," saith he, " for the Germans to fly
" in battle, wliose courage and valiantness all the world doth extol ? It
A. D. were much better to die, than to give place to any enemies before
^^'■^■^- they arc seen ; for they can by no means live in safety within the
walls, who give place unto their enemy in the field ; for it is the
weapon that defendeth a man and not the walls ; and except they
would even presently defend their liberty Avith the sword, they shoidd
The shortly perish, or be in bondage more miserable than any death." But
army" * this cxhortation was all in vain, for fear had overcome the sense oi
™" fpj shame ; for the ensigns were snatched up, and, as though there had
fear. been no captain in the host, every man ran headlong away. No
man regarded any commandment, neither once took his leave of his
comrade, but, casting away their armour, with speedy fliglit they ran
away, as though their enemy had been at their backs. The cardinal,
also, although it were against his will, was forced to do the like.
Thus the protestants, by the fear of their enemies made the more
bold and courageous, pursued them through the woods, and had a
great prey and spoil of them. Notwithstanding, Albert, when he
heard tell that the cardinal was entered into Bohemia, with all speed
came again out of Austria with his army, and besieged the strong
4pp°!Uix. town of Przibislau. But when he understood liow the cardinal was
fled, he left off his purpose, and returned through Moravia, which
was not yet subject unto him, and destroyed above five hundred
towns with fire and sword, took many of their cities by force, and
Great Spoiled tlicm, committing great murder and slaughter, and so afflicted
^n''"}Jfo^'^'^ them that they took upon them his yoke, and promised to be subject
raviaby and obcdicnt to him under this condition, that, as touching religion,
duke r> o *
Albert, hc would be bound to do that which the council of Basil should
determine. Aieitor The legate being thus driven out of Bohemia betook himself unto emperor Busil, whcrc Sigismuud opened the council, wlio, during the time ot ijoife^- the wars, had kept himself at Nuremburg. Soon after, on taking his niiajis. journey unto Rome to be crowned emperor, he wrote letters unto the nobles of Bohemia, wherein was contained, how that he was a ]Johemian born, and how he was not more afFectioncd to any nation than to his own, and that he went to Rome for none other cause but to be crowned ; the which his honour should also be a renown to the Bohemians, whom to advance it had been always his special care ; also, how that through his endeavour the council was begun at Basil ; exhorting all such as were desirous to be heard as touching religion, that they should come thither, and that they should not maintain any quarrel contrary to holy mother church ; that the council would lovingly and gently hear their reasons ; that they should only endeavour themselves to agree with the council as touch- ing religion, and reserve and keep a quiet and peaceable kingdom for him, against his return ; neither should the Bohemians think to re- fuse his regiment, whose brother, father, and uncle, had reigned over them ; and that hc would reign over them after no other mean or sort, than other christian kings used to do. The The council of Basil also wrote their letter to the Bohemians, that
niian» tlicy should scud their ambassadors who should show a reason of their sent for. f.^t"],^ promising safe-conduct to go and come, and free liberty to
raiaiis, horse- men,
THE ORATION OF CARDINAL JULIAN. 577
speak -what they would. The Bohemians on this point were of two nenry opinions ; for the protestants, and ahnost all the common people, ^ ^' said it was not good to go, alleging the examples of John Huss and A.D. Jerome of Prague, who, going to Constance under the safe-conduct . ^'^■'^3. of the emperor, were there openly burned. But the nobility, follow- safe-con- ing the mind of Maynard,' prince of Neuhaus, said, that they ought given to go to the council, and that thev were not to be suifered who had l''T^',,
11 1 ^ • • pf>'i 1 doubt
invented those new and strange opmions ot laith, and the new reli- among gious rites, except they would render account of their doings and wiJeUier sayings before the universal church, and defend those things which *°^°' they had openly taught before learned men. This opinion prevailed, Appendix. and an ambassade of three hundred gentlemen was sent to Basil, the Three chief whereof were William Cosca, a valiant knight, and Procopius ^^J^^''^ Rasus, snrnamed Magnus, a man of worthy fame for his manifold victories, John de Rhochezana, preacher of Prague, Nicholas Gallecus, minister of the Taborites, and one Peter,'^ an Englishman, of excel- basL^.™" lent, prompt, and pregnant wit, a. d. 1433. The people came in tothe^ great number out of the town, and many members likewise of the There-' cotmcil, wlio stood before the gates to see the coming of this valiant them"at°' and famous people; other some gathered together in great number ^^^^• into the streets where they should pass through. The matrons, maids, and children, filled the windows and houses to behold and see, and to marvel at their strange kind of apparel and stout coui-ageous countenances ; saving, that it was not untrue which was reported of them. But all fixed their eyes on Procopius, saying, " This is he who Pioro- hath overthrown the papists in so many battles, who hath subverted ^^^^,^^^ so many towns, and slain so many men, whom both his enemies, and among also his own soldiers do fear and reverence ;" also, that he was a bold, ce'iTOans valiant, and invincible captain, who could not be overcome with no terror, labour, or travail.
These Bohemian ambassadors were gently received. The next day after, cardinal Julian, sending for them unto the council house, made a gentle, long, and eloquent oration unto them, to this effect : —
The Oration of Cardinal Julian.
He exhorted them to unity and peace, saying, that the church was the spouse of our Saviour Christ, and the mother of all the faithful ; that it hath the keys of binding and loosing; and also that it is white and fair, without spot or wrinkle, and cannot err in those points that are necessary to salvation ; and that he who doth contemn the same church is to be counted as profane, a heathen, and a publican, neither could this church be rep- esented better by any means than in a general council. He exhorted them also to receive the decrees of councils as the mind of the church, and to give no less credit to councils than unto the gospel, seeing that upon their authority the Scriptures themselves are received and allowed. Also that the Bohemians, who called themselves the children of the church, ought to hear thv; voice of their mother, who is never unmindful of her children ; how that now, of late, they had lived apart from their mother ; ' albeit,' said he, ' that is no new or strange thing, for there have been many in times past, who have forsaken their mother, and yet, seeking after salvation, have returned to her again ; that in the time of Noah's flood, as many as were without the ark perished ; that the Lord's passover was to be eaten in one house ; that there is no salvation to be found out of the church; and that she is the en- ^,.:^,rf,r closed garden, and the sealed fountain of water, whereof whosoever simli drink,
(1) This Maynard-ff33 afterwards a great back frUnd to the faithful Bohemians.
(2) This Englishman was Peter Paine. VOL. III. P P
578 ARTICLES WHEREIN THE BOHEMIANS DISSENT.
Henry ehall not thirst everlastingly ; that the nohemians had done as they ought, in
^I- that they had sought the streams of this water at the council, and had deter-
, y. mined now at length to give ear unto their mother. Now all hatred ought to
'-lUn cease, all armour and weapon to be laid apart, and all occasion of war utterly to
-^-LL be rejected. For the fathers would lovingly and gently hear whatsoever they
would there say in their own cause or quarrel ; requiring only that they would
willingly receive and embrace the good counsels and determinations of the
sacred synod ; whereunto not only the Bohemians, but also all other faithful
Ciiristians, ought to consent and agree, if they would be partakers of eternal
life.*
The Do- This ovation of tlie cardinal was heard and very well allowed of the answer^ fatliCTs. ^V''llereunto the Bohemians answered in few words : That ^"^}^ „ they neither contemned the churcli nor councils ; that the sentence
cardinal 8 J . i i i i
oration, was given at Constance agamst men who were unheard ; that they subtracted nothing from the christian religion ; that the authority of the fatliers remained amongst them inviolate ; and that whatsoever thing the Bohemians had taught, was confirmed by the Scriptures and gospel ; and that they were now come to manifest their inno- cency before the whole church, and begged for an open audience, where the laity also might be present. Their request was granted them ; and being further demanded in what points they did disagree from the church of Rome, they propounded four articles.
Articles First, They affirmed, That all such as would be saved, ought of necessity to wherein receive the communion of the last supper under both kinds, bread and wine. rnfans° "^' '^'^^ second article, They affirmed all civil rule and dominion to be forbidden dissented unto the clergy by the law of God.
from the • ■ — .
rliur-h of , . ,, , Rome. and m all places.
The fourth article, As touching open crimes and offences, that they are in no wise to be suffered for the sake of avoiding greater evil.
These were the only propositions which they propounded before the council in the name of the whole realm. Then the legate aflirmed, that he had heard concerning the Eoliemians divers othei things offensive to christian cars, amongst the which this was one point, that they had preached. That tlie invention of the order of begging friars was diabolical.
Then Procopius rising up, s:iid, " Neither is it untrue ; for if neither Moses, neither before him the patriarchs, neither after him the prophets, neither in the new law Christ and his apostles, did insti- stitute the order of begging friars, who doth doubt but that it was an invention of the devil, and a work of darkness .''"'"'
Tliis answer of Procopius was derided of them all ; but cardinal .Tulian went about to prove, that not only the decrees of the ])atriarclis and pro])hets, and those things which Christ and his apostles had instituted, were only of God, but also that all such decrees as the church shouhl ordain, being guided through the Holy Ghost, be the works of God. Albeit, as lie afollued ^^^^^ to ^<^ taken out of some part of the gospel.
the The Bohemians chose out four divines who should shew their
articles to be taken out of the Scriptures. Likewise, on the contrary part, there were four appointed by the council. This disputation i"«« continued fifty days, where many tilings were alleged on cither part,
Holiem ans and t'ue conn il t* AU
DEATH OF KING HENRY V. 579
whereof, as place shall serve, more hereafter, by the grace of Christ, Jienry shall be said, when we come to the time of that council.
In the mean season, while the Bohemians were thus in long conflicts A. D. with Sigismund the emperor and the pope, fighting for their religion, ^^-"- unto whom, notwithstanding all the fulness of the pope's power was bent against them, God, of his goodness, had given such noble vic- tories, as is above-expressed, and ever did prosper them so long as they could agree among themselves; — as these things, I say, v>^ere doing in Bohemia, king Henry V., fighting likewise in France, albeit for no like matter of religion, fell sick at Bois de Vincennes and died, after he had reigned nine years, four months, and odd days, from his Death of coronation. This king, in his life, and in all his doings, was so devout Hemy v., and serviceable to the pope and his chaplains, that he was called of "^^^^^^ ^^ many the ' prince of priests :' who left behind him a son being yet an priests, infant, nine months and fifteen days of age, whom he had by queen v°ourhis Katherine, daughter to the French king, married to him about two *^® ^°^^^' or three years before ; the name of which prince, succeeding after his father, was Henry VI., who was left under the government and pro- tection of his uncle, named Humphrey, diike of Gloucester.
The Names of the Archbishops of Canterbury in this Fifth Book Contained.
54. Simon Islepe. . . 17 years. 59. William Courlney . 15 years.
56. Simon Langham . 2 .. GO. Thomas Arundel . 18
57. William Wittlesey . 5 .. 01. He my Chichesley . 29 ..
58. Simon Sudbury . . G ..
The following Table is a continuation of that given at vol. ii. p. 723, and is derived from the same sources : — Ed.
CONSECRATED DIED
.'54 Simon Islip (bull of provision dated Oct. 7th) . Dec. 20th, a.d. 1349 . April 26th, a.d. 13G6 5j Sunon Langham (bull of transl. dated July 24th) resigned Nov. 27th, a.d. 1368.
56 William Wittlesey (bull of transl. dated Oct. nth) June 5th, a.d. 1374
57 Simon Sudbury (bull of transl. dated May 4th, \ June 14th, a.d. 1381
A.D. 1375) (
58 WilUamCourtney(bullof transl. dated Sept. 9th) July 31st, a.d. 1396
59 Thomas Arundel (buU of transl. dated Sept 25th) Feb. 20th, a.d 1414
CO Henry Chichesley (bull of provision dated April 1 Anril l''th ad 1443
27th, A.D. 1414) J ' - , ■ .
61 John Stafford (bull of transl. dated May 13th) May 25th, a.d. 1452
62 John Kemp (bull of transl. dated July 21st) March 22d, a.d. 1454
63 Thomas Bourchier (translated July 21st) March .SOth, a.d. 14S6
64 John Morton (bull of transl. dated Oct. 6th) Sept. 15th, a.d. 1500
65 Henrv Deane (transl. April 26th, A.D. 1501) Feb. 16th, a.d. 1503
66 William Warham (transl. Nov. 29th) Aug. 23d, a.d. 1532
67 Thomas Cranmer (nomin. by bull, Feb. 22d) . . March SOth, a.d. 1533 March 21st, a.d. 1555
68 Reginald Pole (bull of provision, dated Dec. 11th) March 22d, a.d. 1556 Nov. 17th, a.d. 1558
69 Matthew Parker (elected Aug. 1st, A.D. 1559) . . Dec. 17th, a.d. 1559 May 17th, a.d. 1575
END OF BOOK THE FIFTH.
fp2
ACTS AND MONUMENTS.
BOOK VI.
PEUTAINING TO
THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN.'
A PREFACE TO THE READER.
According to the five sundry diversities and alterations of the church, so have I divided hitherto the order of this present church- story into five principal parts, every part containing three hundred years ; so that now coming to the last three hundred years (that is, to the last times of the church, counting from the time of Wickliff), forasmuch as in the compass of the said last three hundred years are contained great troubles and perturbations of the church, with the marvellous reformation of the same through the wondrous operation of the Almighty ; all which things cannot be comprehended in one book : I have therefore disposed the said latter three hundred years into divers books, beginning now with the sixth book, at the reign of king Henry VI. In which book, beside the gi-ievous and sundry persecutions raised up by Antichrist, to be noted, herein is also to be observed, that whereas it hath of long time been received and thought of the common people, that this religion now generally used hath sprung up and risen but of late, even by the space (as many do think) of twenty or tliirty vcars, for the avoiding of which fond and vain opinion it may now manifestly appear, not only by the Acts and Monuments heretofore passed, but also by the histories hereafter following, how this profession of Christ's religion hath been spread abroad in England of old and ancient time, not only for the space of these two hundred late years, from the time of Wickliff, but hath continually from time to time sparkled abroad, although the flames thereof have never so perfectly burst out, as they have done within these hundred vears and more ; as by these histories here collected and gathered out of registers, especially of the diocese of Norwich, shall manifestly appear : wherein may be seen what men, and how many, both men and women, within the said diocese of Norwich ther(> liavc been, who have defended the s;ime cause of doctrine which mn\-
(I) The period of three hundred years, to which the events here recorded pertain, commenced with the opening of the fifth book, at page 724, in the second volume of this edition. — En.
THE APPREHENSION OF WILLIAM TAILOR. 581
is received by us in the cliurcli. Which persons, although then they Henry were not so strongly armed in their cause and quarrel as of late years
they have been, yet were they warriors in Christ's church, and fought A.D. to their power in the same cause. And although they gave back ^^^-- through tyranny, yet judge thou the best, good reader ! and refer the cause thereof to God, who revealeth all things according to his determinate will and appointed time.
HENRY THE SIXTH.'
This young prince, being under the age of one year, after the death of his father succeeded in his reign and kingdom of England, ^^^Zda A.D. 1423, and in the eighth year was crowned at Westminster; and in the second year after was crowned also at Paris (Henry bishop of Winchester, cardinal, being present on both occasions), and reigned thirty-eight years ; and then was deposed by Edward IV.,
I©il[iam CaiTor, f cie.^t,
*There^ hath been no region or country more fertile or fruitful for martyrs, than our only region of England. Whether it happeneth or Cometh by the singular gift or privilege of God's divine grace, or else through the barbarous and foolish cruelty of such as at that time ruled and governed the church, it is uncertain. Oxford at the present was, as it had been, a continual spring of christian knowledge and learning, from whence, as out of the Trojan horse, there liath come forth so many invincible witnesses of Christ and his truth, who, with singular learning, and with their blood, have not only deserved praise of such as were in their days, but also of all such as shall come after.*
In the first year of this king's reign was burned the constant witness-bearer and ' testis ' of Christ's doctrine, William Tailor, a priest, *^master of arts, being a fiivourer of WicklifF,* under Henry Chichesley, archbishop of Canterbury.
Of this William Tailor I read,"* that in the days of Thomas Arundel wuiiam lie was first apprehended, and excommunicated. Afterward, in the thJ first days of Henry Chichesley, he presented himself to the convocation prehend'- on Monday, February 12th, a.d, 1420, and craved absolution, e'l- offering to ahjm'e. To which they consented. And thus the said William Tailor, appointed to appear the next Wednesday at Lam- beth before the archbishop, to take his absolution from his long The fom excommunication during the time of Thomas Arundel, appeared cai^absT" accordingly ; when he, laying aside his ' armilausa* (that is, his cloak), \^^^ and his cap, and stripped unto his doublet, kneeled at the feet of the church, archbishop. Who then standing up, and having a rod in his hand, against began the psalm ' Miserere,' &c., his chaplains answering second verse. After that, was said the Ijord's prayer, and the ■ collect, * Deus cui proprium,' &c., with certain other prayers. And '
(1) Edition 1563, p. 347; Ed. 1570, p. 780; Ed. 157S, p. f>35 ; Ed. 15S3, p. 658; Ed. 1596, p. 605 ; Ed. 1684, vol. i. p. 748.— Ed. (2) E.x Scala Mundi.
(.■!) See Edition 1563, p. 347.— Ed. (4) Ex. R-esist. Cant. [See Appendix.— Ed.]
were ex- ; commu-
582 EXAMIXATIOX AND AUJUKATION OF WILLIAM TAILCK.
Henry tliiis was William Tailor for that time absolved, being enjoined not- ^^' -withstanding to appear at the next convocation, whensoever it should
A, D. be, before the said archbishop, or his successor that should follow him.
l**-'"^- The next convocation met May 5th, a.d. 1421 (which was two years before his burning), at which the said William Tailor appeared again before the archbishop on Saturday, May 24th, being brought by the bishop of Worcester, being complained of to have taught at Bristol these articles following : —
Articles First, That whososver liangeth any writing about his neck, taketli away the ob.ierted honour due only to God, and giveth it to the devil.
™' Secondly, That Christ himself is not to be worshipped so far as regardeth his
manhood.
Thirdly, That the saints in heaven are not to be worshipped by the people.
Upon these articles the said William Tailor being examined, denied that he did preach or hold them in way of defending them, but only did commune and talk upon the same, especially upon the second and third articles, only in way of reasoning and for argument's sake. And to justify his opinion to be true in that which he did hold, he brought out of his bosom a paper or libel written, wherein were contained certain articles, with the testimonies of the doctors alleged, and exhibited the same \into the archbishop. Who then being bid to stand aside, the archbishop, consulting together with the bishops and other prelates what was to be done in tlie matter, de- livered the \Mitings unto Master John Castle, and .lolin Rikynghale, the two chancellors of Oxford and Cambridge, and to John Langdon, monk of Canterbury ; who, advising with themselves and with other divines about the articles and allegations, on tlie Monday following presented the said articles of William Tailor to the archbishop and prelates, as erroneous and heretical. Whereupon William I'ailor, being called before them, in conclusion was contented to revoke the same, and for his penance, was by them condemned to perpetual prison. Notwithstanding, on his showing signs of penitence, through favour they were contented that he should be released from his carceral endurance, in case he would put in sufficient surety in the king's chancery, and swear that he would never hold or favour any such opinions hereafter. And so taking an oatli of him, the archbishop committed him to the custody of the bishop of Worcester, to whom power and authority were permitted to release him, upon the condi- tions aforesaid, sr. In the mean time there passed certain writings between him and
App.nd,x one Thomas Smith, priest at Bristol, in which William Tailor replied against the said Thomas concerning the question of worshipping of saints. Upon the occasion of which reply being brought to the hands of the bishop of Worcester, AVilliam Tailor began anew to be troubled, and was brought again before the public convocation of the clergy by the said bishop of Worcester, to answer unto his writings. This was a.d. 1423, the eleventh day of February; unto tlie which convocation the said William being presented, his writings were read to him ; which he would not, nor could not, deny to be of his own hand-writing. 'I'he tenor and eftVct of whose writings onlv tended to prove, that every petition and prayer for any supernatural gift ought to \iQ directed to God alone, and to no creature. Albeit,
HIS ARTICLES DECLARFO TO BE HERETICAL. 5S3
in this his writing, he did not utterly deny that it was lawful in any i^cnr^ respect to pray to saints (and bringetli for the same Thomas Aquinas), '
but only in respect of that worship, which is called ' cultus latrise :' * A.D. and he further so prosecuted his mind herein, that he seemed little . ^^^'^- or nothinw to difler from the superstition of the papists, as most^V.
11 111- 1 • Lc XT opinion
planily appeareth by his own words, sayuig, JNunquam tamen ne-ofxaiior gavi, aut negare intendo, merita aut sanctorum sufFragia tarn beatorum hi"'the'^" quam viantium, tarn vivis quam niortuis ad hoc dispositis, quantum '^"^^^^If' possunt, sufFragari vel proficere ; quia hoc est elicibile ex Scriptura, saints. qua3 non fallit, et ex consona rationc/'' &c. And, moreover, he in- ferred the example of Moses, who prayed unto God, alleging the merits of Abraham,. Isaac, and Jacob, who were dead, &c. And furthermore, passing from the testimony of Jerome, he alleged that of St. Austin, who of Stephen saith, " Quod nunc multo magis exaudi- App^liau. etur pro veneratoribus suis, quam tunc exauditus est pro lapidatori- bus."^ And at length he came to this conclusion, proving by St. Austin in this manner : " Ne igitur, cum impiis et idololatris in Veteri Testamento, in circuitu ambulemus, nunquam deveniendo ad centrum, sanum est quod faciamus secundum consilium Apostoli sic dicentis, ' Accedamus ^um fiducia ad thronum gratise ejus, ut miseri- cordiam consequamur, et gratiam inveniamus in auxilio opportuno,' " &c.* That is, " And therefore, lest we run about in circles with the wicked, and with the idolaters of the Old Testament, and never come to the centre, therefore it is good that we follow the counsel of the apostle, saying, ' Let us resort with boldness unto the throne of his grace, that we may obtain mercy, and find grace in time of opportune help,' " &c.
Thus much ont of the aforesaid MTitings of William Tailor I have Four arti- excerped, to the intent that the indifferent reader, using his judgment tife four herein, may see how little matter was in this, wherefore he should f^lrfiafd be condemned by the papists. And yet notwithstanding, the same j^?^'"^*- writing, being delivered by the archbishop on Saturday, February ^Oth, to the four orders of friars of London to be examined, was found erroneous and heretical in these points :
L That every prayer which is a petition of some supernatural gift or free gift, is to be directed only to God.
IL Item, That prayer is to be directed to God alone.
III. Item, To pray to any creature is to commit idolatry.
IV. Item, That prayer is to be directed to God, not in respect of his manhood but of his Godhead only.
So that although all these opinions agreed in one, yet, to make up a number, every order of the four sorts of friars thought to find out some matter to offer up to the archbishop against him, lest one order should seem more cunning or pregnant, in finding out more than could another ; or else perchance lest any of them should seem to favour the party, in bringing nothing against him, as the rest had done.
When the Thursday was come, which was the twenty-fifth day of February, upon the which day the four orders were appointed to declare their censure upon the articles in the chapter-house of Paul's, first appeared friar John Tille, for the Black friars ; then friar
(1) " Cultus latvice," that is, -worship which is only due to God.
(2) See Appendix. — Ed. ^3) Augustin super Psal. xxi.
1 1-2 I.
lur lie-
5S1 THE BUKXIN'G 01- WH.I.lAM TAllAiH,
Henry Thoiiias "Wincliclscy, for the friars Minor ; then friar John Low, fvr
'- — tlic Augustines ; and after him friar Thomas Asliwel, for the Carmel-
-^- i)- ites ; each friar for his order severally brin^rinfj his heresy, as is %bove specuied.
Thus the verdict of these four orders being given up to the arch- bishop, and severally each order coming in with his Jieiesy, uhich was the twenty-fiith day of February ; hereupon cometh down a writ from the king, directed to the lord-mayor and sheriffs of London, ' De haeretico comburendo,' dated the first day of March, the first year of his reign, the copy whereof remaineth in the Records of the Tower, beginning thus : 'Rex majori et vice-comitibus.' Where- upon the said William Tailor was condemned as a relapse, first to be (Irlaed,'"*' degraded, and afterwards to be burned ; and so was committed to burned in ^^^^ sccular powcr : who then being had to Smithfield, with christian Smith- constancy, after long imprisonment, there did consummate his mar- tyrdom, the first day of March, 1423. Thc_ _ The manner of his degrading was all one with the degrading of
Imlnner John Huss before ; for the pa])ists use but one form for all men. dation"^^' First, degrading them from priesthood, by taking from them the A^JeTuUx ^^^'i^'ce and patin, and the casule and stole ; from deaconship, by taking from them the gospel-book, and the dalmatic and stole ; from sub- dcaconship, by taking from them the epistle-book, and the dulmatie and maniple ; from acolyteship, by taking from them the cruet and taper-holder ; from an exorcist, by taking away the book of exorcisms ; from the sextonship, by taking away the church keys, and the albc and amice; and likewise from bene''t, by taking away tlie surplice and first tonsure, Sec. All which they orderly accomplished upon this godly martyr, before liis burning.
gjoljn Irloccncc, n Curnec
John Florence, a turner, dwelling in Shelton, in ihe diocese of Norwich, was attached for that he held and taught these heresies (as they ciilled them) here under-written, contrary to the determination of tlie church of Rome :
Imprimis, That the pope and cardinals have no power to make or conslit>.ite any laws.
Item, That there is no day to be kept holy, but only the Sunday, which God hath hallowed.
Item, That men ought to fast no other time, but the ' Quatuor temporum.'
Item, That images are not to be worshipped ; neither that the people ought to set up any lights before them in the churches ; neither to go on pilgrimage; neither to otfer for the dead, nor with women that are purified.
Item, That cur? tcs should not take the tithes of their parishioners,' but tlud such tithes should be divided amongst the poor parishioners.
Item, That all such as swear by their life or power, shall be damned, except they repent.
A.D.1124. On Wednesday, August 2d, a.d. 1421, the said John Florence personally appeared before William IJernham, chancellor to William' bishop of Norwich, where he, proceeding against him, objected the first article touching the power of the pope and cardinals ; to which article the said John Florence answered in this manner: "If the pope live uprightly, as Peter lived, he hath power to make laws; otherwise I believe he huth no power." But being afterward
(1) He meaneth they should not claim such riches by any exaction. (2) See Aiirendix.— Fd,
THE PERSECUTION IN SUFFOLK AND NORFOLK. 585
tlireatened by tlie judge, he acknowledged that lie liad erred, and i^enry
VI.
submitted himself to the correction of the church, and was abjured ; taking an oath that from that time forward he should not hold, teach, A.D. preach, or willingly defend, any error or heresy contrary to the deter- •
mination of the church of Rome ; neither maintain, help, nor aid, any that shall teach or hold any such errors or heresies, either privily or apertly. And for his offence in this behalf done, he was enjoined this penance following : Three Sundays, in a solemn procession, in the cathedral church of Norwich, he should be disciplined before all the people.' The like also should be done about his parish-church of Shelton, three other several Sundays, he being bare-headed, bare- footed, and bare-necked, after the manner of a public penitentiary; his body being covered with a canvass-shirt and canvass-breeches ; carrying in his hand a taper of a pound weight : and that done, he was dismissed.
Richard Belward, of Ersham, in the diocese of Norwich, was accused A.D.i'i24. for holding and teaching these errors and opinions here underwritten, contrary to the determination of the church of Rome.
Imprimis, That ecclesiastical ministers and ordinaries^ have no power to excommunicate, neither can excommunicate. And albeit that a bishop do excommunicate any man, God doth absolve him.
Item, That he held the erroneous opinions and conclusions' which sir John Oldcastle held when he was in prison, and affirmed that sir John Oldcastle was a true catholic man, and falsely condemned, and put to death without any reasonable cause.
Item, That such as go on pilgrimage, oiFering to images made of wood and stone, are excommunicated, because they ought to offer to the quick, and not to the dead; and that the ecclesiastical ministei-s (that is to say, the curates,) do sell God upon Easter-day, when they receive offerings of such as should com- municate, before they do minister the sacrament unto them.
Item, That he counselled divers women, that they should not offer in the church for the dead, neither with women that were purified.
Item, That he blamed divers of his neighbours that refused his doctrine, saying xiie unto them, ' Tndy ye are fools that deny to learn the doctrine of my sect ; for -^^^^ of your neighbours who are of my sect, are able to confound and vanquish all glutei' others that are of your sect.'
Item, That the saints who are in heaven ought in. Jio case to be prayed unto, but only God.
Item, That the said Richard keepeth schools of Lollardy in the English tongue, in the town of Dychingham, and a certain parchment-maker bringeth him all the books containing that doctrine fiom London.
On the fifth of July, 1424, the said Richard Belward, was brought before John, bishop of Norwich, sitting in place of judgment, where the aforesaid articles were objected against the said Richard, which he there denied ; whereupon the bishop appointed him another day to purge himself, the Monday next after the feast of St. Margaret : upon which day, being the twenty- fourth of July, in the year afore- said, he appeared again before the bishop, and brought with him nine
U) The manner of this disciplining was wiUi a white rod thrice laid upon the hiad of the penitentiary.
l2) He meaneth the wicked bishops of that time, whose curses God did ",t.s<. <5) This proveth sir John Oldcastle to be no traitor.
586 THE PERSECUTION IN SUFFOLK AND NOIIFGI.K.
Henry of lus iiciglibours to purgc him i;pon those articles, and there cJid
^^' solemnly purge himself. And afterwards, forasmuch as the said
A. D. bishop suspected the said Richard Belward greatly of Lollardy, he
^^-^- commanded him there, presently, to swear upon the evangelists, that
from that dav forward he would not wittingly preach, teach, or defend,
any error or heresy contrary to the church of Rome, neither aid,
assist, favour, nor maintain, privily or apertly, any manner of pei^son
or persons, who should hold or maintain the said eiTors or heresies.
In the presence of Master William licinham, John Wadden, Robert
Scrle, and John Berne, esquire, and other of his neighbours who came
unto his purgation.
joim In like manner John Goddcscl, of Dychingham, parchment-maker,
(?r'i)ych-' '^vas detected and accused upon the same articles, and thereupon
iiiijiiam. l)rought before the bishop, where he, denying them, purged himself
by his neighbours, as Richard Belward before had done, being sworn
also in like manner as he Avas ; and so was dismissed and set at liberty
until A.D. 1428, when he was again apprehended and accused, and
abjured, as shall be more at large declared in the history, when we
Sir Hugh come to that year. Sir Hugh Pie also, chaplain of Ludney in the
I'ru-st. diocese of Norwich, was likewise accused and brought before the
bishop of Norwich on the fifth of July, a.d. 1424', for holding these
opinions following :
That the people ought not to go on pilgrimage.
Item, That the people ought not to give alms, but only unto such as beg at Image of their doors, tlie cross not to be
pid. burned, which he took from one John "Welgate of Ludney.
Item, Tiiat the image of the cross and other images are not to be worshipped;
Which articles, as is aforesaid, being objected against him, he utterly denied ; whereupon he had a day appointed to purge himself by the witness of three lay-men, and three priests. That so done, he was sworn as the other before, and so dismissed.
After this, A.n. 1428, king Henry VI. sent down most cruel letters of commission unto John ]ilxcter and Jacolet Germain, keeper of the castle of Colchester, for the apprehending of sir William AVhite, priest, and others suspected of heresies, the tenor whereof hereafter ensueth.
The Copy of the King's Letters directed to John E.xeter and Jacolet Germain, Keeper of the Castle of Colchester, for tlie api)rehending of Sir AVilliam White, Priest, and other Lollards, as they called them.
Henry, by the grace of Cod, king of England and of Franco, lord of Ireland, to his well-beloved John Exeter, and Jacolet Germain, keeper of the castle of Colchester, healtli :
Ye shall luiderstand that we, fidly trusting to your fidelity and circumspections, have appointed you jointly aiul severally to take and arrest William White, ])riest. and Tliomas, late chaplain of Selling, in the county of Norfolk, and William Northampton, priest, and all others, wliatsoever they be, that are suspected of heresy or Lollardy, wheresoever they may be found witliin tlie liberties or without, and straightway,' being so taken, to send them unto our next gaol or prison.
CATALOGUE OF THE PERSECUTED IN SUFFOLK AND NORFOLK. 587
until such time as we sliall have taken other order for their delivery : and there- jii-nnj fore we straiglitly command you, that ye diligently attend about the premises, ^I- and fidfil the same in form aforesaid. Also we charge and command all and . |^ singular justices of the peace, mayors, sherifts, hailifls, constables, and all otlier -iAo<i
our faithful officers, by the tenor of these presents, that they do assist, aid, and I_L
counsel you and every of you, in the execution of the premises, as it shall be comely for them. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters patent to be made.
Witness myself at Westminster, the sixth of July, the sixth year of oiu' reign.
By virtue of which commission we find in old monuments, that within short space after, John Exeter, who was appointed one of the commissioners, attached six persons in the town of Bungay, in the diocese of Norwich ; and committed them to William Day and William Roe, constables of the town of Bungay, to be sent vvithin ten days following, under safe custody, unto the castle of Norwich ; whose names, through the antiquity of the monument, were so defaced, that we could not attain to the perfect knowledge of them all ; only three names partly remained in the worn book to be read, which were these : John Waddon, of Tenterden, in the county of Kent ; Bar- tholomew, monk of Ersham, in the county of Norfolk ; Corneleader, a married man ; William Skuts.
These three were in the custody of the duke of Norfolk, at his castle of Framlingham.
Beside these, we also find in the said old monuments within the diocese of Norfolk and Suffolk, especially in the towns of Beccles, Ersham, and Ludney, a great number both of men and women to have been vexed and cast into prison ; and, after their abjuration, brought to open shame in churches and markets, by the bishop of the said diocese, called William, and his chancellor, William Bernham, John Exeter being the registrar therein ; so that within the space of three or four years (that is, from the year 1428, unto the year 1431), about the number of one hundred and twenty men and women were examined, and sustained great vexation for the profession of the christian faith ; of Avhom some were only taken upon suspicion, for eating of meats prohibited upon vigil-days, who, upon their purga- tion made, escaped more easily away, and with less punishment ; whose names here follow subscribed.
A Catalogue of good Men and Women that were taken and examined upon suspicion of Heresy.
Robert Skirving, of Harl- John Middleton, of Hal- Thomas White,ofBeding-
stone. vergate. ham.
William Skirving. John Wayde, of Ersham. Master Robert Beert,of
John Terry, of Ersham. Richard Clark, of Seth- Berry.
John Abtre, of Ersham. ing. Richard Page, of Clipsly.
The others were more cruelly handled, and some of them were put to death and bm-ned ; among whom we do specially find mention made of these three : Father Abraham, of Colchester ; William White, priest ; John Waddon, priest.
The residue (for a great number of good men and women were forced to abjure), sustaining such cruel penance as pleased the said
588
IJettry VI.
A.D.
A CATALOGUE OF THE I'KKSECUTED IN SUFFOLK AND NORFOLK.
bishop and his chancellor then to lay upon them. The names of whom, both men and women, here follow together in this brief cata- logue to be seen.
John Beverley.
John Waidon.
Jolin I3akfr.
John Middlcton,
John Kynget.
Margery Uackster.
John Skilley.
John Godhold.
Thomas Albeck.
John Pierce.
Nicholas Canon, of Eye.
Thomas Pie.
John Mcndliam.
John Middlefon.
Thomas Cliatris.
Thomas AV'ade.
Wilhani Tailor.
John Cupper, vicar of Tunstal.
Sir Hugh Pie, priest.
Bai'tholomew Tatcher.
Thomas James.
John Folding.
Bertram Cornmonger.
Thomas Swerden.
Alanus Andrew.
William Wright.
William Everden.
William Tailor.
Avis, the wife of Thomas Moon, and her daugh- ter.
Richard Fletcher, of Beckles.
Nicholas Belward.
Thomas Grenemere.
John Clark.
William Bate.
William Scherming.
William Osboume. John Rene, of Beckles. Baldwin Cooper, of
Beckles. John Pert, Master Moon's
servant. Robert Brigs. John Finch. John ^Vropham. Thomas Aloon. Isabel Chaplain, of Mar-
tham. William INIasse, of Er-
sham. JolmGood\vin,ofErsham. Henry Latchcold, of Er-
sham. Hemy Boode, of Ersham. Richard Home, of Er- sham. John Belward, sen., of
Ersham. John Belward, jun., of
Ersham. John Spire, of Bungay. Rob. Cole, of Turning. The herd of Shepcmedow. Isabel Davy, of Costes. Sibyl, wife of John Gode-
sel, of Dicham. John Pyry, of Bartham. John Baker. Margery Wriglit. Thomas BuitcI, and his
wife. John Pert. Edmund Archer. The clerk of Ludney. Richai-d Clark,of Sethiug.
Katherine, wife of Wil- liam Wright.
William Collin, of South- creke.
Richard King, of Wind- ham.
Thomas Plowman.
John FeUis.
Thomas Love, of Roke- land.
Richard Knobbing, of Beckles.
RichardGrace,of Beckles.
John Eldon, of Beckles.
William Hardy.
William Bate.
John Weston.
Katherine Hobs.
John Daw.
Robert Grigs, of Mar- tham.
William Calis, priest.
Thomas Pert, priest.
Katherine Davy.
Jacob Bodhome,and Mar- garet, his wife.
John Manning, of Mar- ton.
John Culling, of Beem- ster.
Richard Fletcher, of Beckles, and Matilda, his wife.
John Elden, of Beckles.
Robert Canel, priest.
Nicholas Drey.
William Hardy, of Mund- ham.
John Poleyne.
These before-named persons, and soldiers of Christ, being much beaten with the cares and troubles of those days, although they were constrained to relent and abjure (that is, to })rotest otherwise with their tongues, than their hearts did think), partly through correction, and partly through infirmity, being as yet but newly-trained soldiers in God's field, yet for the goodwill they bare imto the truth, although Avith their tongues they durst not express it, we have thought good that their names should not be suppressed, as well for other sundry causes, as especially for this : either to stop the mouths of malignant adversaries, or to answer to their ignorance, who, following rather blind affection, than the true knowledge of times and antiquities, for lack of knowledge blame that they know not, accusing the true doctrine of the word of God for newcltie, and carping at the teachers thereof for new-broached brethren ; who, if they did as well foresee times past, as they be unwilling to follow times now present, they
THE PERSECUTION IN SUFFOLK AND NORFOLK. 689
should understand as well by these stories as by others before, how Henry
tliis doctrine of the grace of God, lacking no antiquity, liath, from '. —
time to time, continually sought to burst out, and in some places hath A. D. prevailed, although in most places, through the tyranny and malice of _ii^. men, Christ's proceedings have been suppressed and kept under from rising, so much as men's power and strength, joined with craft and subtlety, could labour to keep down the same ; as here by these good men of Norfolk and Suffolk may well appear. For if the knowledge and good-towardness of those good men had had the like liberty of time, with the help of like authority, as we have now, and had not been restrained, through the iniquity of time and tyranny of prelates, it had well appeared how old this doctrine would have been, which now Bonner they contemn and reject for the newness thereof: neither needed ™iJf''* ^^'^ Bonner to have asked of Thomas Hawks, and such others, where f'^l'^y^ their church was forty years ago ; inasmuch as for forty years ago, this age, and more, within the county of Norfolk and Suffolk, was then found ^ny "'''" such plenty of the same profession and like doctrine which we now ^^l^^ profess. And thus much for the number and names of these persons, iie was
Now as touching their articles which they did maintain and defend: First, this is to be considered, as I find it in the registers, such society and agreement of doctrine to be amongst them, that in their asser- tions and articles there was almost no difference. The doctrine of the one was the doctrine of all the others. "What their articles were, partly is showed in the leaf before ; and partly here followeth to be declared more at large.
Although it is to be thought concerning these articles, that many of them either were falsely objected against them, or not truly re- ported of the notaries (according as the common nianner is of these adversaries, where the matter is good, there to make heresy, and of a little occasion to stir up great matter of slander, as they did before by the articles of John WicklifF and John Huss, and others) : so, in like manner, it seemeth they did in the articles of these men, either mistaking that which they said, or misunderstanding that which they meant, especially in these two articles concerning baptism and paying of tithes. For where they, speaking against the ceremonial and superflous traditions then used in baptism, as salt, oil, spittle, taper, light, chrisms, exorcising of tlie water, with such other like, ac- counted them as no material thing in the holy institution of baptism; tirsc the notaries, slanderously depraving this their assertion, to make it fok"iy'^° more odious to the ears of the people, so gave out the article, as g;;^^:'--'''''^ though they should hold, that the sacrament of baptism, used in the baptism. cliurch by water, is but a light matter, and of small effect.
Again, in speaking against the christening which the midwives use in private houses, against the opinion of such as think such chil- dren to be damned who depart before they come to their baptism, they are falsely reported, as though they should say : That christian people be sufficiently baptized in the blood of Christ, and need no water ; and that infants be sufficiently baptized, if their parents be baptized before them. Which thing is so contrary to the manifest Word, that it is not to be thought that any are so ignorant of tho gospel, that they ever would, or did, affirm the same.
590 THE PEllSECUTIOX IX SUFFOLK AXD NORFOLK.
jTenry Moreovor tlicy thouglit or said peradventurc, That in certain cat-es
; — tithes might be witliliolden from wicked priests sometimes, and be
A. D. conferred to better uses ; to the behoof of the poor. Therefore they
^^"^' are falsely slandered, as saying and affirming, that no tithes are to
be given to the ministers and curates of the churches.
TNu''are ""'^ Hkewisc for matrimony, wherein they are reported to hold
but quar- and affirm, as though it consisted only in the mutual consent be-
Ifs!'"'^' twixt the man and the woman, needing no other solemnizing in the
public church ; and all because (as it is likely) they denied it to be
a sacrament.
Other articles were objected against them, as these which hereafter follow :
Articles, That auricular confession is not to be made imto a priest, but unto God only; because no priest hath any power to absolve a sinner from his sin.
Item, That no priest hath power to make the body of Christ in the sacra- ment of the altar, hut that, after the sacramental words, there remaineth pure material bread as before.
Item, Tliat every true christian man is a priest to God.
Item, That no man is bound, under pain of damnation, unto Lent, or any other days prohibited by the chuixh of Rome.
Item, That the pope is Antichrist, and his prelates the disciples of Anti- christ, and that the pope hath no power to bind and loose upon earth.
Item, That it is lawful for every Christian to do any bodily work (sin only excepted) upon holy-days. >
Item, That it is lawful for priests to have wives.
Item, That the excommunications and ecclesiastical censures given out by the prelates, are not to be regarded.
Item, That it is not lawful to swear in private cases.
Item, That men ought not to go on pilgrimage.
Item, That there is no honour to be given to the images of the crucifix, of oiu" lady, or any other saint.
Item, That the holy water, hallowed in the church by the jiriest, is not holier or of more virtue than other running or well-water, because the Lord blessed all waters in their first creation, nc-ath of Item, That the death of Thomas Becket was neither holy nor meritorious, litckct. Item, That relics, as dead men's bones, ought neither to be worshipped nor
digged out of their graves, nor set up in shrines.
Item, 'J'iiat prayers made in all places are acceptable unto God.
Item, That men ouglit not to pray to any saint, but only to God.
Item, That the bells and ringing in the church, were ordained for no other purpose, than to fill the priests' purses.
Item, That it is no sin to withstand the ecclesiastical precepts.
Item, That the catholic cliiuch is only the congregation of the elect.'
These were the articles which were generally objected against them all, wherein they did so agree in one uniform fliith, that whatsoever one did hold, all the others did maintain, and hold the same. By which their consent and doctrine it appcarcth, that they all received it of some one instructor, who was AVilliam White ; who being a scholar and follower of John AVickliff, resorted afterwards into this country of Norfolk, and there instructed these men in the light of the gospel. And now, as we have declared the names aiul articles of these good men, so it remaineth somewhat to speak of their troubles (how they were handled), beginning first with William White.
f 1) In case of necessity urRent, they meart.
(2) In this article is meant, that the wicked be in the church hut not of the churoh.
THE BURNING 01^' V/ILLIAM VVHITK. oDl
This William White, being a follower of John WicklifF,^ and a Henry priest, not after the common sort of priests, but rather to be re- ^^' pnted amongst the nmnber of them of whom the wise man spcaketh, A.D. [Ecclus. xviii.] ' He was as the morning star in the midst of a cloud,'' ^'^'^^- &c. ; this man was well learned, upright, and a Avell-spokcn priest. He gave over his priesthood and benefice, and took unto him a godly young Avoman to his wife, named Joan ; notwithstanding he did not therefore cease or leave from his former office and duty, but conti- nually laboured to the glory and praise of the spouse of Christ, by reading, writing, and preaching. The principal points of his doctrine were these, ■which he was forced to recant at Canterbury :
Tliat men should seek for the forgiveness of their sins only at the hands of God. Tliat the wicked living of the pope and his holiness, is nothing else but a
devilish estate and heavy yoke of Antichrist, and therefore he is an enemy
unto Christ's truth.
That men ought not to worship images, or other idolatrous paintings. The
That men ought not to worship the holy men who are dead. diurch'
That the Romish church is the fig-tree which the Lord Christ hath accursed, aptly re-
because it hath brought forth no fruit of the true belief. sembled
That such as wear cowls, or be anointed or shorn, are the lance-knights and cursefd
soldiers of Lucifer; and that they all, because their lamps are not biu-ning, fig-tree.
shall be shut out, when the Lord Christ shall come.
Upon which articles he, being attached at Canterbury under the arch- bishop Henry Chichesley, a.d. 1424, there, for a certain space, stoutly and manfully witnessed the truth which he had preached. But like as there he lost his courage and strength, so afterwards he became again much more stout and strong in Jesus Christ, and confessed his own error and offence. For after this, going into Norfolk with his said ■wife Joan, and there occupying himself busily in teaching and con- verting the people unto the true doctrine of Christ, at last, by means of the king''s letters sent down for that intent and purpose, he ■was apprehended and taken, and brought befoic William bishop of Norwich, l)y ■whom he was convicted, and condemned of thirty articles, and there was burned in Norwich, in the month of September, a.d. 1428.
This William White and his wife had their chief abode with one Thomas Moon of Ludney. He was of so devout and holy a life, App^d.-x. that all the people had him in great reverence, and desired him to pray for them ; insomuch that one Margaret Wright confessed, that if any saints were to be prayed to, she would rather pray to him than any other. When he was come unto the stake, thinking to open The his mouth to speak unto the people, to exhort and confirm them mnn°^* in the verity, one of the bishop''s servants struck him on the f^^^'^*!^ mouth, thereby to force him to keep silence. And thus this good <iie man, receiving the crown of martyrdom, ended this mortal life to the eXniiig great dolor and grief of all the good men of Norfolk; -^vhose said 5|.p^°" wife Joan, following her husband's footsteps according to her power, teaching and sowing abroad the same doctrine, confirmed many men in God's truth ; wherefore she suffered much trouble and punish- ment the same year at the hands of the said bishop.
(n Ex Walden.',.
592
THE DISCIPLIXING OF PIE AND JIEXDHAM.
A.D. 1428.
Father Abra- ham, John Waddoii, priest, martyrs, and burned.
About the same time also were burned Fatlier Abraham, of Col- chester, and John Waddon, priest, for the like articles.
Concerning those who abjured, how and by whom they were exa- mined, what depositions came in against them, and what was the order and manner of the penance enjoined them, iiere it might be set out at large ; but, for avoiding of prolixity, it shall be sufHcicnt briefly to touch certain of the principals, whereby the better understanding may be given to the reader, after what manner and order all the others were treated.
First, amongst those who were arrested and caused to abjure in this year before specified (1428), were Thomas Pie and John Mend- ham of Aldborough ; who, being convicted upon divers of the articles before-mentioned, were enjoined penance to be done in their own parish church, as by the bishop''s letter, directed to the dean of Rho- denhall, and to the parish priest of Aldborough, doth more at large appear ; the tenor whereof here ensueth :
MpplZiu. Copy of the Letter of the Bishop of Norwich, respecting Thomas Pie and Jolin Mendliam.
William, by the divine permission bishop of Norwich, to onr well-beloved sovis in Christ, the dean of Rhodenball of our clioeese, and to the parish priest of the parish clun-ch of Aldborough of the same our diocese, health, grace, and bene- diction. Forsomuch as we, according to our office, lawfully proceeding to the correction and amendment of the souls of Thomas Pie and John Meiulham of Aldbofough of the diocese aforesaid, because they have holden, believed, and affirmed divers and many errors and heresies, contrary to the determination of the holy church of Rome and the universal church, and to the catiiolic failh, have enjoined the said Thomas and .John, appearing before us personally, and confessing before us judicially that they have holden, i)elieved, and affirmed divers and many errors and heresies, this penance hereunder written for their offences, to be done and fulfilled in matuier, form, and time, hereunder written, according as justice doth require — thot is to say, six fustigations [or displings, or whippings] about the parish church of Aldborough aforesaid before the solemn procession six several Sundays, and three whippings [or displings] about the market-place of Harlstone of our said diocese three principal market-days ; bare neck, head, legs, and feet; their bodies being covered only with their shirts and breeches; either of them carrying a taper in his hand ofa pound weight, as well round about the cluuvh, as about'the market-place, in every of the foresaid appointed days; which tapors, the last Sunday after the penance finished, we will that the said John and Tiio- mas do humbly and devoutly offer luito the high altar of the parish church of Aldborough at the time of the offertory of the high mass the same day, and that either of them, going about the maiket-place aforesaid, shall make four several ])ause3 or stays, and, at every of those same pauses, humbly and devoutly receive at your hands three whippes [or displings] — Therefore v;e slraitly charge and com- mand you, and either of you, jointly and severally, by virtue of your obedience, that every Suiulay and market-day after the receipt of our present commandment, you do effectually admonish and bring forth the said Thomas Pie and John Mendham to begin and accomplisli their said penance ; and so successively to finish the same in manner and form afore-appointed. But if they will not obey your monitions, or rather our commandments in this behalf, and begin and finish their said penance effectually, you or one of you shall cite them peremptorily, that they, or either of them, appear before us, or our commissary, in the chapel of our palace at Norwich, the twelfth day after the citation so made, if it be a court day, or else the next court day following, to declare if they or any of them have any cause why they should not be excommunicated for their manifest ofTence in this behalf committed, according to the form and order of law, and fiirther, to receive such punishment, as justice shall provide in that behalf. And what you have done in the premises, whetlier the said Thoinas and John have
The man- ner of the pope's penance.
THE PENANCE OF BEVERLY AND SKILLEY. 593
obeyed your admonitions, and performed the same penance or no, we will that Uewy you or one of you, who have received our said commandment for the execution ''^• thereof, do distinctly certify us between this and the last day of November next ~~r~^ coming, _ , ' o"
Dated at our palace of Norwich, under our commissary's seal, the eighth " ' day of October, Anno 1428.
This, gentle reader ! was, for the most part, the order of their whole penance, howbeit some were oftentimes more cruelly handled ; and after their penance they were banished out of the diocese, and others were more straitly used by longer imprisonment, whereof we will briefly rehearse one or two for example.
giofjn %iWl^, fltia^ SBattilD, a Ealiouj:er.
John Beverly, alias Battild, a labourer, was attached by the vicar of Southcreke, the parish priest of Waterden, and a lawyer, and so delivered unto Master William Bernham, the bishop's commissary, who sent him to the castle of Norwich, there to be kept in irons : where afterwards, being brought before the commissary, and having nothing proved against him, he took an oath, that every year after- wards he woixld confess his sins once a year to his curate, and receive the sacrament at Easter, as other Christians did. And for his offence he was enjoined, that upon the Friday and Saturday next after he should fast on bread and water, and upon the Saturday be whipped^ from the palace of Norwich, going round about by Tomblands, and AppeZm. by St. Michael's church, by Cottlerew, and about the market, having in his hand a wax-candle of two-pence, to offer to the image of the Trinity after he had done his penance. And, forasmuch as he con- fessed that he had eaten flesh upon Easter-day, and was not shriven in all Lent, nor received upon Easter-day, the judge enjoined him that he should fast Tuesday, Wednesday, and Friday, in Whitsun- week, having but one meal a day of fish and other white meats ; and, after this penance so done, he should depart out of the diocese, and never come there any more.
Sfoljn ^Mlep of 5rlJ]i*ton, Hailfer, an& otI)cr^,
John Skilley of Flixton, miller, being apprehended and brought The before the bishop of Norwich on the 14th of March, a. d. 1428, for Km holding and maintaining the articles above-written, was thereupon skuiey. convicted and forced to abjure ; and after this abjuration solemnly made (which here, to avoid tediousness, we omit), he had a most sharp sentence of penance pronounced against him, the effect whereof, being briefly collected, was this : that forasmuch as the said Skilley was convicted by his o^vn confession, for holding and maintaining the arti- cles before-written, and for receiving certain good and godly men into his house, as sir William White, priest, and John Wadden, whom they called famous, notorious, and damnable heretics, and had now abjured the same, being first absolved from the sentence of excommu- nication which he had incurred by means of his opinions, he was en- joined for penance seven years' imprisonment in the monastery of Langley, in the diocese of Norwich. And forasmuch as in times past
U) " Wliipped," alias fustigated VOL. III. Q Q
59-i PERSECUTION !>,' SUEKOLK AND NOUFOLH..
Benry he uscd upon the Fridays to cat flesh, he was enjoined to fast on bread
. '_^ and water every Friday for the space of seven years to come ; and
A. D. that by the space of two years next immediately after the seven years 1 128. expired, on every Wednesday in the betrinning of Lent, and on every Maunday-Thursday,hc should appear before the bishop, or liis successor or commissary for the time being, in the cathedral church of Norwich, together with the other penitentiaries, to do open penance for his offences.
Besides these there were divers others of the same company, who the same year were forced to like abjuration and penance. And so. to proceed to the next year following, which was a. d. 1429, there ensueth a great number in the same register, who were examined, and did penance in like sort, to the number of sixteen or seventeen ; in the number of whom Mas John leaker, otherwise called Usher Tunstal, who, for having a book with the Pater-Nostcr, the Ave, and the Creed, in English, and for certain other articles of fasting, confession, and invocation, contrary to the determination of the Romish church, after much vexation for the same, was caused to abjure and sustain such penance, as the others before him had done.
CIjc .€)torp Of JBar0etri 2?acli.5tei: anD otfjeciS.
Another was Margery Backster, wife of William Backstcr, wright, in Marthani, the same year accused ; against whom one Joan, wife uf Cliffland, was brought in by the bishop, and compelled to depose, and was made to bring in, in form following :
A woman First, Tliat the said Margery Backstcr did inform this deponent, tliat slie V^^j."^''" shoidd in no case swear ; sa3-ing to her in English : ' Danie, beware of the bee, witness for every bee \vi\\ sting ; and therefore take heed yon swear not, neither by God, in the neither by our lady, neither by any other saint ; and if ye do contrary, the bee court* will sting your tongue and venom your soul.'
The liee Item, Tliis deponent being demanded by the said Margery, what she did every will sting, jj^y j^j. c]iui-ch ; she answered, that she kneeled down and said five Patei--Nos- Afiainst ters, in worship of the crucifix, and as many Ave Marias in worship of our lady. '"""'"° Whom Margery rebuked, saying, ' You do evil to kneel or i)ray to such images in the churches, for God dwelleth not in such churches, neither shall he come down out of heaven ; and he will give you no more reward fi)r such prayer, than a candle lighted and set under the cover of the font, will give light by night to those who are in the church :' sajing, moreover, in English : ' Lewd Wrights of stocks hew and form such crosses and images, and, after that, lewd painters gleer them with colours. And if you desire so much to see the tnie cross of Christ, I will show it you at home in your own house.' Which this dejionent being desirous to see, the said Margery, stretcliing out her arms abroad, said to this deponent: 'This is the true cross of Christ, and tliis cross thou oughtest and mayest every day behold and worship in thine own house ; and therefore it is biit vain to run to the church, to worship dead crosses and images.'
Item, This deponent, being demanded by tlie said Margery how she believed
touching the sacrament of the altar, said that she believed the sacrament of the
The ?.v altar, after the consecration, to be the veiy body of Christ in form of bread. To
?"m)t"' whom Margery said : ' Your belief is nought. For if every such sacrament
God. were God, and the very body of Christ, there should be an infinite number of
gods, because that a thousand priests, arid more, do every day make a thousand
sucli gods, and afterwards eat them, and void tiicm out again in places, where,
t if you will seek them, you may find many such gods. And, therefore, know
for certainty, tiiat by the grace of God it shall never be my god, because
imafes.
DEPOSITIONS AGAINST MARGERY 13ACKSTER. 595
it is falsely and deceitfully ordained by the priests in the church, to induce the iicnry
simple people to idolatry; for it is only material bread.' VI.
Moreover, The said Margery said to this deponent, that Thomas of Canter- . „
bury, whom the people called Saint Thomas, was a false traitor, and damned in , V<j„'
hell, because he injuriously endowed the churches with possessions, and raised 1_
up many heresies in the church, which seduce the simple people ; and, there- Thomas fore, if God be blessed, the said Thomas is accursed; and those false priests ^•ajt'^oy'.^ that say that he suffered his death patiently before the altar, do lie ; for as a slain, not false cowardly traitor, he was slain in the church door, as he was flying away, before tiie Moreover, this deponent saith, that the said Margery told her, that the cursed f,, j'lVs "' jiope, cardinals, archbishop, and bishops, and especially the bishop of Norwich, flight. and others that support and maintain heresies and idolatry, reigning and ruling over the people, shall shortly have the very same or worse mischief fall upon them, than that cursed man, Thomas of Canterbury, had. For they falsely and cursedly deceive the people with their false mammeti-ics and laws, to ex- tort money from the simple folk, to sustain their pride, riot, and idleness. And know assiu-edly that the vengeance of God will speedily come upon them, who have most cruelly slain the children of God, Father Abraham, and William Father White, a true pi-eacher of the law of God, and John Wadden, with many other ^•"■^' godly men ; which vengeance had come upon the said Caiaphas, the bishop of winlam Norwich, and his ministers, who are members of the devil, before this time, if White, the pope had not sent over these false pardons unto those parties, which the ^vadden said Caiaphas had falsely obtained, to induce the people to make procession for the state of them and of the church ; which pardons brought the simple people to cursed idolatry.
Item, The said Margery said to this deponent, that every faithful man or Against woman is not bound to fast in Lent, or on other days appointed for fasting *'^^ ^, by the clairc:h ; and that every man may lawfidly eat flesh and all other meats fasting upon the said days and times ; and that it were better to eat the fragments left ''^ys. upon Thursday at night on the fasting days, than to go to the market to bring themselves in debt to buy fish ; and that pope Silvester made the Lent.
Item, The said Margery said to this deponent, that WiUiam White was falsely White, condemned for a heretic, and that he was a good and holy man ; and that he willing to willed her to follow him to the place of execution, where she saw that when he the^takc, woidd have opened his mouth to speak unto the people to instruct them, a isstrick- devil, (one of bishop Caiaphas's servants), struck him on the lips, and stopped his ^"(,°"]J'"^ mouth, that he could in no case declare the will of God.
Item, This deponent saith, that the said Margery taught her, that she should not go on pilgrimage, neither to our lady of Walsingham, nor to any other saint or place.
Also this deponent saith, that the said Margery desired her, that she and Joan her maid would come secretly, in the night, to her chamber, and there she should hear her husband read the law of Christ unto them, which law was written in a book that her husband was wont to read to her by night : and that her husband is well learned in the christian verity.
Also that the same Margery had talked with a woman named Joan West, and that the said woman is in a good way of salvation.
Also that the said Margery said to this deponent, ' Joan, it appeareth by your countenance, that you intend to disclose this that I have said unto you ;' and this deponent sware that she would never disclose it, without the said Margery gave her occasion. Then said Margery unto this deponent: ' If thou do accuse me unto the bishop, I will do unto tliee, as I did once unto a certain friar, a Car- melite of Yarmouth, who was the best learned friar in all the coimtry.' Then this deponent desired to know what she had done to the friar. Unto whom Margery answered, that she had talked with the said friai', rebuking him because he did beg, saying, that it was no alms to give him any good thing, except he would leave his habit, and go to the plough, and so he should please God more, than following the life of some of those friars. Then the friar re- quired of the said Margery, whether she could teach him or tell him any thing else. Then the said Margery (as she affirmed to this deponent) declared to this friar the gospel, in English ; and then the friar departed from her. After this the said friar accused the said Margery of heresy ; and she, understanding j tliat the friar had accused her, acciised the friar again, that he would have
a q2
596 PERSECtlTfOX IN SUFFOLK AND NORFOLK.
Henry seduced licr ; and because she would not consent unto him, the friar had af-
ft- cused her of lieresy. And, moreover, she said, that her husband would have
killed the friar there-for; and so the friar, for fear, held his peace, and went
1 joo '''*' ^^^y ^"' shame.
This Margery also said, that she had oftentimes been fcignedly confessed to Against the dean of the fields, because he should think her to be a woman of good life; con'fes'*' ^^^ therefore he gave the said Margery oftentimes money. Then this depo- sion. nent asked her whether she had confesse'd her sins to a priest or not. And she answered, that she had never offended any priest, and therefore she would never confess herself to any priest, neither obey him ; because they have no power to absolve any man from his sins, for that they offend daily more griev- ously than other men; and therefore that men ought "to confess themselves only unto God, and to no priest. A-^ainst Item, That the said Margery said to this deponent, that the people did wor- iimige ship devils who fell from heaven with Lucifer; which devils, in their fall to the worsiiip. earth, entered into the images which stand in the churches, and have long lurked and dwell in them ; so that the people, worshipping those images, com- mit idolatry. A''ainst Item, She said moreover to this deponent, that holy bread and holy water iioiy were but trifles of no effect or force ; and that the bells are to be cast out of the
iloi"^'^"'"^ cburch, and that tliey are excommunicated who first ordained them. l)irj(l. Moreover, that she should not be burned, although she were convicted of
Lollardy, for that she had a charter of salvation in her body.
Also the said deponent saith, that Agnes Bertheni, her servant, being sent to the house of the said Margery the Saturday after Ash-Wednesday, the said Margery not being within, found a brass pot standing over the fire, with a piece of bacon and oatmeal seething in it; as the said Agnes reported to tliis deponent.
There were also, besides this deponent, divers others sworn and examined upon tlie said Margery, as John Griraley and Agnes Bertliem, servants to William Cliffland, who all together confirmed the fonner depositions.
Thus much we have thought good to note, as concerning Margery Backster, which wc have gathered out of the old monuments and registers. But what became of her after this her accusation, because ■we find no mention made in the said registers, we are not able to declare.
The same year also were the like depositions made by one William Wright against divers good men, as here followeth.
First, This deponent saith, that William Taylor told John Piry of Ludiiey, in the house of John Bungay of Beghton, in the presence of John Bungav, Robert Grigges, wright, of Martham, and John Usher, tliat all the good men of Martham who were favourers and helpers to that good man William A\'hite, are evil troubled now-a-days ; and that the said William White was a good and holy doctor ; and that the best doctor after him was William Evcrden, who wrought with the said William Taylor of Ludney, by the sjiace of one month ; and that the first Simday of the same month, the said A\'illiam Evcrden did sit all day upon the table at work, saying to the said William Taylor, that ho would not go to church to show himself a scribe or a pharisec ; and the second Sunday he put on gentlemen's apparel, and went to Is'orwich, to hearken how the bishop and his ministers used the poor Christians there in prison.
Also the said William Wright deposed, that William Taylor of Ludney was one of the sect, and went to London wjth sir Hugh Pie, and had conversation oftentimes with sir William White, having often conference upon the Lollards' doctrine.
Item, That Anise, wife of Thomas Moon, is of the same sect, and favoured
PERSECUTION IN SUFFOLK AND NORFOLK. 597
them, and receiveth them often; and also the daughter of Tlionias Moon is partly Henry of the same sect, and can read English. VI.
Item, That Richard Fletcher, of Beckles, is a most perfect doctor in that ~T~n~ sect, and can very well and perfectly expound the holy Scriptures, and hath a Vioi" book of the new law in English, which was first sir Hugh Pie's.
Item, That Nicholas Belward, son of John Belward, dwelling in the parish of Southelem, is one of the same sect, and hath a New Testament which he bought at London for four marks and forty-pence, and taught the said William Wright and Margery his wife, and wrought with them continually by the space of one year, and studied diligently upon the said New Testament.
Item, That Thomas Gremner, turner, of Dychingham, is perfect in that sect and law.
John Clark the younger, of Burgh, had the bedding and apparel of William Everden in his custody, after the return of William White from Burgh, and is of the same sect.
Item, William Bate, tailor, of Sething, and his wife, and his son, who can read English very well, are of the same sect.
Item, William Skirving, of Sething, received Joan, the wife of William White, into his house, being brought thither by William Everden, after their departure from Martham,
Item, William Osbourn of Sething, John Reve, glover, and Bawdwin Cooper of Beckles, are of the same sect.
Item, John Pert, late servant of Thomas Moon, is of the same sect, and can read well, and did read in the presence of William White, and was the first that brought sir Hugh Pie into the company of the Lollards, who assembled often- times together at the house of the said Thomas Moon, and there conferred upon their doctrine.
Item, sir Hugh Pie bequeathed to Alice, servant to William White, a new Testament, which they then called the book of the new law, and was in the custody of Oswald Godfrey of Colchester.
John Perker, mercer, of a village by Ipswich, is a famous doctor of that sect. Also he said, that Father Abraham of Colchester is a good man.
Item, The said William Wright deposeth, that it is read in the prophecies A pio- amongst the Lollards, that the sect of the Lollards shall be in a manner destroyed ; Pl'^'^y- notwithstanding at length the Lollards shall prevail and have the victory against all their enemies. Also he said, that Tucke knoweth all of that sect in Suffolk, Norfolk, and Essex.
Besides these, there were many others the same year troubled, whose names being before expressed in the table of Norfolk-men, here, for brevity''s sake, we omit further to treat of, passing over to the next year following, Avhich was 1430.'
John Burrel, servant to Thomas ]SIoon of Ludney, in the diocese a.d h3o. of Norwich, was apprehended and an-ested for heresy the ninth day of December, in this year of our Lord 1430, and examined by Master William Bernham, the bishop's commissary, upon the articles before- mentioned, and divers others hereafter following objected against him.
Imprimis, That the catholic church is the soul of every good christian man. Item, That no man is bound to fast the Lent, or other fasting days, appointed Lent fa>t, by the church, for they were not appointed by God, but ordained by the priests; fisli.-days. . and that every man may eat flesh or fish upon the same days, indifferently, according to his own will, and every Friday is a free day to eat both flesh an.d Pilgrim- fish indifferently. ■ ''fj" "'« Item, That pilgrimage ought not to be made, but only unto the poor. Masses Item, That it is not lawful to swear, but in case of life and death. f<"^ "le Item, That masses and prayers for the dead are but vain, for the souls of the profit""" dead are either in heaven or hell ; and there is none other place of purgatory able. but this world.
(I) Ex Regist. Norw.
Wliite, Call'
perse culed
•iJJges
598 PERSECUTION IX SUl-lOJ.K AND KOKFOLK.
Ht-nry Upon wliicli avticlcs lie, being convicted, was forced to abjure, and
^^" suffered like penance as the others before had done. A.D. Thomas JSIoon of Ijudney was apprehended and attached for ^'^'^Q- suspicion of heresy, against whom were objected by the bishop the articles before written, but especially this article : that he had fami- liarity and communication Avith divers heretics, and had received, comforted, supported, and maintained divers of them, as sir William White, sir Hugh Pie, Thomas Pert, and William Callis, priests, with I'""' many more ; upon which articles he, being convicted before the bishop, pAesVs, -\vas forced to abjure ; and received the like penance, in like manner as before.
In like manner, Robert Grigges, of ]Martham, was brought before uianr" ^^^ bishop the seventeenth day of February, in the year aforesaid, for holding and affirming the aforesaid articles, but especially these hereafter following.
Articles. That tlic sacrament of confirmation, ministered by the bishop, doth avail nothing to salvation.
Tliat it is no sin to withstand the ordinances of the church of Rome.
That holy bread and holy water are but trifles, and that the bread and water are the worse for the conjurations and characters which the priests make over them.
Upon which articles he, being convicted, was forced to abjure, and received penance in manner and form as the others had done before him. The like also (albeit somewhat more sharp) happened unto John Finch of Colchester, the twentieth day of September, who, albeit he was of the diocese of London, being suspected of heresy, was attached at Ipswich in the diocese of Norwich, and brought before the bishop there, before whom he, being convicted of the like articles, as all the others before him, was enjoined penance, namely, three disciplinings at solemn procession about the cathedral church of Norwich three ropi.sh several Sundays ; and three disciplinings about the market-place of penance, js^^^^.^.j^.^^ i\iYCC principal markct-days ; his head, neck, and feet, being bare, and his body covered only with a short shirt or vesture ; having in his hands a taper of wax of a pound weight, which, the next Sunday after his penance, he should offer to the Trinity ; and that for the space of three years after, every Ash- Wednesday and Waunday- Thursday, he should appear in the cathedral church at Norwich, before the bishop or his vicegerent, to do open penance among the other penitentiaries for his offences.
There were, besides these men whom we have here rehearsed, divers and many others, who, both for the concordance of the matter, and also because their articles and punishments were all one, we have thought good at this time to pass over ; especially forasmuch as their names be before recited in the catalogue.
II^idjatD J^olieben; .TBflrtnr.
About the same time, even the same year 1-130, shortly after the solemn coronation of king Henry VI., a certain man named Richard Hovedcn, a wool-winder, and citizen of London, received also the crown of martvrdom ; which man, when he could by no persuasions
THE EXAMINATION OF NICHOLAS CANON.
be withdrawn or plucked back from the opinions of Wickliff, was, by Henp the rulers of the church, condemned for heresy, and as Fabian writeth, burned, hard by the Tower of London.
VI.
A.D. 1431.
Bicljola^ €Qnon, of €j!e.
Now to proceed in our story of Norfolk and Suffolk, in following the order of years, we find that in the year of our Lord 1431, one JSTicholas Canon, of Eye, was brought before, the bishop of Norwich for suspicion of heresy, with certain witnesses sworn to depose against him touching his manners and conversation ; which witnesses appoint- ing one William Christopher to speak in the name of them all, he deposed, in manner and form following :
Depositions against Nicholas Canon.
First, That on Easter-day, when all the parishioners went ahout the church of Eye solemnly in pi-ocession, as the manner was, the said Nicholas Canon, as it were mocking and deriding the other parishioners, went about the church the contrary way, and met the procession. — Tliis article he confessed, and affirmed that he thought he did well in so doing.
Item, The said Nicholas asked of Master John Colnian of Eye, this question : Master Cohnan, what think you of the sacrament of the altar V To whom the said Colman answered : ' Nicholas, I think that the sacrament of the altar is ^'ery God and very man, the very flesh and very blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, under the form of bread and wine.' Unto whom Nicholas in derision said: 'Truly, if the sacrament of the altar be very God and very man, and the very Ifthesa- body and blood of our Lord Jesu Christ, then may very God and very man be crament put in a small room ; as when it is in the priest's mouth, that receiveth it at nesh"^ mass. And why may not we simple men as well eat flesh npon Fridays, and tlien the all other prohibited days, as the priest to eat the flesh, and drink the blood of ^arflesh our Lord every day indiiferently ?' — Which article the said Nicholas denied that on Fri- he spake unto Master Colman, but unto a monk of Hockesney : and, further- '^ay. more, he thought he had spoken well in that behalf.
Item, That on Corpus Christi day, at the elevation of high mass, when all the parishioners and other strangers kneeled down, holding up their hands, and doing reverence unto the sacrament, the said Nicholas went behind a pillar of the church, and turning his face from the high altar, mocked them that did reverence imto the sacrament. — This article he also acknowledging, affirmed that he believed himself to do well in so doing.
Item, When his mother would have the said Nicholas to lift up his right hand, and to cross himself from the crafts and assaults of the devil, forasmuch as he deferred the doing thereof, his mother took up his right hand and crossed him, saying, ' In nomine Patris, Fihi, et Spiritus Sancti. Amen.' Which so ended, the said Nicholas, immediately deriding his mother's blessing, took up his right hand of his own accord, and blessed him otherwise ; as his adversaries report of him. — This article the said Nicholas acknowledged to be true.
Item, That upon Allhallows-day, at the time of the elevation of high mass, Nicholas when many of the parishioners of Eye lighted many torches, and carried them [^^ "°J\ up to the high altar, kneeling down there in reverence and honour of the sacra- his back ment, the said Nicholas, carrying a torch, went up hard to the high altar, and to 'l>e standing behind the priest's back saying mass, at the time of the elevation, stood ^jeiX upright upon his feet, turning his back to the priest, and his face towards the
f)cople, and would do no reverence unto the sacrament. — This article he acknow- edged, affirming that he thought he had done well in that behalf.
All which articles the bishop's commissaiy caused to be copied out word for word, and to be sent unto Master William Worsted, prior of the cathedral church of Norwich, and to other doctors of divinity, of the order of begging- friars, that they might deliberate upon them, and show their minds between that and Thursday next following; on which Thursday, being the last of i^^'^j November in the year abovesaid, the said Nicholas was again examined before
600 THOMAS BAGLEY AND PAUL CRAAV, MARTYRS.
A.D. 1431.
him.
Master Bernham and divers others, upon two other articles which he had con- fessed unto John Exeter, notary, and Thomas Gcnisten, bachelor of divinity, and others. Whereof the first article was this : That tlic said Nicholas Canon, being of perfect mind and remembrance, confessed that lie doubted whether, in the sacrament of the altar, there were the very body of Christ or no. — This
Another article he confessed before the commissary to be true.
tion™'"^' Item, That he, being of perfect mind and remembrance, believed that a man
Articles Ought not to confess his sins to a priest. — This article he also confessed that he
objected, doubted upon.
Now remaineth to declare what these doctors aforesaid concluded upon the articles ; whose answer unto the same was this :
Judg- First of all, as touching the first article, they said that the article in the same
ment on terms as it was propounded, is not simply a heresy, but an error.
cies. " Item, As touching the second article, the doctors agi-ce as in the first.
Item, As touching the third article, they afiirm that it is a heresy. Heresy Unto the fourth article, they answered as unto tlie first and second,
whetter •^*^"''' ^^^ doctors affirm the fifth article to be a heresy.
the sacra- Item, As touching the sixth article, the doctors conclude, that if the said meiit be Nicholas, being of perfect mind and remembrance, did doubt whetlier the feet boiiy Sacrament of the altar were the very perfect body of Christ or no, then the of Christ, article is simply a heresy.
Canon Wlicreupon the said commissary declared and pronounced the said Nicholas,
declared upon the determination of the said doctors, to be a heretic ; and thereupon forced the said Nicholas to abjure all the said articles. That done, he enjoined the said Nicholas penance for his offences : three displings about the cloister Tenance of the cathedral church of Norwich, before a solemn procession, bare-headed f>"m'"^'^ and bare-foot, carrying a taper of half a pound in his hand, going after the manner aforesaid, like a mere penitentiary : whicli his penance the judge com- manded should be respited until the coming of the bishop into his diocese, and that in the mean time he should be kept in prison ; to the end that he should not infect the flock with his venom and poison of eiTors and heresies.
Thus we have briefly discoursed unto you the great trouble and afflictions which happened in Norfolk and Suffolk by the space of those four years before mentioned, having drawn out briefly, for every year, certain notable cxam})lcs sufficient for the declaration of all the rest, forasmuch as theii- opinions being nothing different, their i)enancc and punishment did also nothing differ, otherwise than by those par- ticular examples may be plainly seen.
And now to proceed as we have begun with our former stories, generally we find in Fabian''s Chronicles, that in the same year of our Lord, 1431, Thomas Bagley, a priest, vicar of Moncnden beside Maiden, being a valiant disciple and adherent of Wickliff, was con- demned by the bishops of heresy at London, about the middle of Lent, and was degraded and burned in Smithfield.
^Qul Ccato, a 2?oIjcmian, ilDactpr.
The same year also was Paul Craw, a Bohemian, taken at St. Andrew's by the bishop Henry, and delivered over to the secular power to be bm^nt, for holding opinions contrary unto the church of
THE STORY OF THOMAS OF RENNES, MARTYR. 60]
Rome, touching the sacrament of the Lorcrs Supper, the worshipping Ji'^j^ry
of saints, auricular confession, with other of WicklifF's opinions.' '. —
A.D.
Cfje ^ocp of Cfjomai^ of li^enne.^, a ^rcnctjman anCi Carmelite Jl^-. ^ciac, 2Burnt in 3ita[p foe tlje jpcofe^'^'ion of C^n^t*' ,,J:^^,,,
"VVe have declared before, how this cruel storm of persecution •which first began with us in England, after it had long raged here against many good and godly men, brake out and passed into Bohe- mia; and after, within a short time, the fire of this persecution, increasing by little and little, invaded Scotland ; and from thence now with greater force and violence this furious devouring flame hath entered Italy, and sufFereth not any part of the world to be free from the murder and slaughter of most good and godly men. It happened about this time that one Thomas of Rennes, a friar of that Rennes sect which taketh its name of the Mount Carmel, by chance came huoitaiy. with the Venetian ambassadors into Italy. This man, although he was of that sort and sect, which instead of Christians are called Car- melites, yet was he of a far other religion, and understood the word of God, judging that God ought to be worshipped neither in that mount, nor at Jerusalem only, but in spirit and truth. This man, being a true Carmelite, and favouring with his whole heart that new sweet must,* of Jesus Christ, with earnest study and desire seeking after a christian integrity of life, prepared himself first to go into Italy, trusting that he should find there, or else in no place, some, by whose good life and living he might be edified and instructed. For where ought more abundance of virtue and good living to be, than in that place which is counted to be the fort and fountain of all religion ? And how could it otherwise be, but that where so great holiness is professed ; whereupon all men's eyes are bent as upon a stage ; where St. Peter''s seat is, and is thought to be the ruler and governor of all the church, all things should flourish and abound worthy of so great expectation in that place ? This holy man, having these things before his eyes, and considering the same with himself, forsook his own country and city, and went unto Rome, conceiving a firm and sure hope, that by the example of so many notable and worthy men, he should greatly profit in godliness and learning ; but the success of the matter did utterly frustrate his hope, for all things were clean contrary. Whatsoever he saw, was nothing else but mere dissimu- lation and hypocrisy. Instead of gold, he found nothing but coals ;* The and, to say the truth, he found nothing else, there, but gold and ^oWen silver ; for instead of heavenly gifts, there reigned amongst them the Rome. pomp and pride of the world ; in place of godliness, riot ; instead of ah learning and study, slothfulness and superstition. Tyranny and corrupt haughtiness of mind had possessed the place of apostolic simplicity ; ^''^'^*- so that now there remained no more any place or liberty for a man to learn that which he knew not, or to teach that which he perfectly understood. Finally, all things were turned bottom upwards ; all things happened unto him contrary to his expectation, wheresoever he went. But nothing so much offended this good man's mind, as the intolerable ambition and pompous pride in them, whom example
(1) Ex Hector. Boetio. (2) Ex Antonino, 3 part. HLst. fol. 165. (3) " iTlud novum
mustumj" sweet wine. Lat. Edition, page 73.— Er. (4) See Appendix.— Ed.
602 PIETY llEVVARDED WITH PERSECUTION.
H^ymj of Imniility should especially commend and praise to the "whole ^'orld. " And albeit that he saw here nothinij Avhich did accord and affree witii
A.D. the rule of the apostles, yet these things did so much pass all measure ^'^^^' and patience, that he could by no means refi-ain his tongue, in so The wick- great abuse and corruption of the church, seeing such ambitious pride and pride In tlicir buildiugs, in their apparel, in their palaces, in tlicir dainty tlierJ.'^^'"" f^^i"^N "^ their great trains of servants, in their horse and armour ; and, finally, in all things pertaining unto them. AVhich things by how- much they did vary from the prescribed rule of the gospel, so much the more -was this good man forced to speak : albeit he did well un- derstand how little he should prevail by speaking ; for, if admonition ■would profit any thing at all, the books of Wickliff and divers others The cor- Were uot Wanting. The famous testimonies of John Huss, and of wiu !-iT- Jerome of Prague, and their blood slied for the same, were yet pre- iiiit no sciit before their eyes ; at ■whose most effectual exhortations, they tiJn. were so little corrected and amended, that they seemed twice more cruel than they were before. Yet all this could not fear this good man Thomas, but that in so necessary and wholesome an office he Avould spend his Hfe, if need should be. So by this means, he who came to be a scholar unto others, was now forced to be their teacher. And he, who determined to follow other men's lives and m.anners, liad now, contrariwise, set before them his life to be marked and fol- lowed : for he lived so amongst them, that his life might be a rule unto them all ; and so taught, as he might also be their schoolmaster. For, even as Paul hath foreshowed unto such as desired to live godly in Christ, that they should suffer persecution, such like reward hap- pened imto this man. He gave unto them the fruit of godliness, Piety re- wliicli they sliould follow : they again set upon his head the diadem vkh'p!-r- of martyrdom. He showed them the way to salvation ; and they, for Bccution. ^jjg benefit of life, rewarded him -svith death : and whereas no rewards had been worthy for his great labours and travails, they, Avith most extreme ignominy, persecuted him even unto the fire. For ■when, by continual preaching, he had gotten great envy and hatred, the rulers began to consult together by what means they might circumvent this man's life. Here they had recourse to their accustomed remedies ; for it was a peculiar and continual custom amongst the prelates of the church, that if any man did displease them, or if his talk was not Heresy according to their mind, or by any means hurtful, or a hinderance to where tlicir lucrc aud gain, by and by they framed out articles of some nunc IS. ],er(>gy^ which they charged him •withal. And like as every living thing hath his peculiar and proper weapon to defend himself frum harm, as nature hath armed the boar with his tusks, the hedgehog with his prickles, the lion is feared for his claws, the dog for his biting, the bull fighteth with his horns, neither doth the ass lack his hoofs to strike withal : even so this is the only armour of the bishops, to strangle a man with heresy, if he once go about to mutter against their will and ambition ; which thing may be easily perceived and seen in this most holv man, besides a great number of others. Who, when now he began to -wax grievous imto them, and could no longer licy, and bc suffcrcd, wliat did they ? Straightways flee to their own policies, \v;th\y- and, as they had done with Huss, and Jerome of Prague, even so ranny. ^^^^^^ ^j^^^ a|jout t,o practisc against this man. They overwhelm him
Popery armed fith po-
A.D. 1431.
ARTICLES ATTRIBUTED TO THOMAS OF RENNES. 603
with suspicion, they seek to entangle him with questions, they exa- ^^jr?j mine him in judgment, they compile articles against him, and lay heresy to his charge ; they condemn him as a heretic, and being so condemned, they destroy and kill him. This is their godliness ; this is the peaceable order of those Carmelites, whose religion is to wear no sword nor shield, notwithstanding they bear in their hearts malice, rancour, vengeance, poison, craft, and deceit, sharper than any sword. AVith how great care and policy is it provided by law, that none of these clergymen should fight with sword in the streets ? when in judgment and accusations (where it is not lawful for a man to oppress his brother) there is no murderer, Avho hath more ready vengeance, or that doth more vilely esteem his brother''s soul than they. They shed no blood themselves ; they strike not, nor kill ; but they deliver them over unto others, to be slain. What difference is there, I pray you, but that they are the authors, and the others are but the minis- ters of the cruel fact ? They kill no man as murderers do. How then ? Although not after the same sort, yet they do it by another mean.
The articles which they falsely gathered against this man, are affirmed by some to be these : —
That the church lacketh reformation, and that it shall be punished and reformed.
That infidels, Jews, Turks, and Moors, shall he converted unto Christ in the latter days.
That abominations are used at Rome.
That the unjust excommunication of the pope is not to be feared ; and tliose wlio do not observe the same, do not sin or oii'end.
But' yet there lacked a minister for these articles, albeit he could not long be wanting at Rome, Avhere all things are to be sold, even men's souls. For this office and ministry there was no man thought more meet than William of Rouen, cardinal of St. Martin's in the Mount, vice-chancellor of the court of Rome. Eugene at that time was pope, who had a little before succeeded pope Martin above-men- tioned; before the which Eugene this godly Frenchman of Rennes was brought, and from thence sent to prison; and again, after his im- Rennes is prisonment, and divers and sundry grievous torments, he was brought cStedand before the judges. The wolf sat in judgment; the lamb was accused. ^°^^f^^ Why ? because he had troubled the spring. But here need not many pope words. This good man Thomas, not being able to resist the malice ^"°'"^- of these mighty potentates, had oifended enough, and was easily con- victed and condemned to be burned : but in such sort, as first of all he should be deprived of all such degrees as he had taken to priest- hood ; for it is counted an unlawfid thing, that a priest should be punished with profane punishment, when, notwithstanding, it is law- ful enough for priests to put any layman to death, be he never so guilt- less. How religiously and earnestly do they foresee that the majesty of the priestly dignity should not in any case be hm-t ? But how little care have they that their consciences be not hurt with false jiKlgments, and oppressing the guiltless ? Wherefore, before he should come unto punishment, this good man Thomas must be degraded. The
(1) Ex Antoniii. 3 part. Hist. fol. 165.
604 THE MAUTYUDOM OF THOMAS OF llENNi-5.
11,-vry order and inannci- of tliis popisli degrading is partly touched \\\w\\ in , the story of William Taylor.
A. D. After it had pleased the bishops to degrade this man from the ^^''^^- degrees wherewith before they had consecrated him, and thought not He is that sufficient, by and by, afterwards, they dc])rived liim of his life at'uome. also, and burned him, four years after he came to Rome,' a.d. 1436. Thomas * Tlicsc^ dcgrccs, bccausc ye shall not be ignorant, are not such as ^^^^ " ' may be counted among the differences whereby we are known from others ; neither among the ' jiropers'' which are always agreeable unto us, but among those common accidents, which we both may have, and may be taken away from us at the will and pleasure of the bishops. For thus Ave are taught by such as write of philosophy, that there is an apt and easy motion from the habit to deprivation, but, contrariwise, from privation unto the habit there is no return. Where- fore, gentle reader, it is not to be marvelled at, why that he, being now become a layman, should die, who lived, being a priest. But this thou maycst more marvel at, what folly and madness was in those men's minds, who, through such acts and doings, would set them- selves forth to be a mocking-stock unto all the whole world, and, not only to be derided of men, but to be ab()minable and accursed before God.* And thus, through the cruelty of these most tyTannous prelates, this blessed martyr died. Albeit it is not to be thought that he died, but made a loss of this body, for a greater gain of salvation before the just judgment of God. Neither is it to be doubted but that he liveth eternally in heaven, under the altar, with them whose blood the Lord will revenge, peradventure too soon for some of them whom the earth hath here so long holden unpunished. Divers As tliis Tliomas above mentioned suffered at Rome, so were divers
martyrs, otlicrs, iu Other placcs about Germany, executed near about the same time, after the burning of John liuss; as Henry Grundfeldor, priest, of Ratisbon, a.d, 1420; also Henry Radtgeber, priest, in the same city, A.D. 1423 ; John Draendorfe, of uoble birth, and a priest, was burned at Woitos, a.d. 1424; Peter Thoraw, at Spires, a.d. 1426; Matthew Hager also suffered at Rerlin in Gcnnany, not long after.^ After the death of pope Martin, who reigned Iburteen years, suc- Pope Eu. ceeded Eugene IV., about a.d. 1431. Of whom Antoninus thus Bene IV. ^j-jt^^t],^ ^\^r^^ ]jg ^^g i^^udi given to wars, as Ins conflicts and fighting with the Romans may declare ; also the battles between the Venetians and the Florentines.
This pope began first to celebrate the council of Basil, which council Martin, his predecessor, had before intended, according to the institution of the council of Constance. Notwithstanding the said Eugene, perceiving afterwards this council of Basil not to favour him and his doings, and fearing some detriment to come to him by the same, afterwards laboured, by all subtle practice, to dissolve and interrupt the said council, and from Basil to translate it first to Ferrara, then to Flo- rence, more near to his own see of Rome. Concerning which council of Basil, forasmuch as we have begun here to make mention, it shall
. ^', (1) In the appendix will be found, " Carmina quxdam in ejus laudem repcrta," from the Latin
''""""'• Edition of 155!), p. 75.-Kd.
(2) See Edition 15(;3, p. 3C2.— Ed.
(.3) Ex Bale Ccntur. sept. [Interesting particulars, relating to these martyra, will bo .^oiind in a Dutch Martyrology pubiibhed at Dort iu 1GJ7.— Eu.]
THE ORDER ANJ) MANNER OF THE COUNCIL OF BASIL. 605
be no great digression out of the way to discourse something thereof iTcnry
(the Lord so permitting) more at large, so much as, for the principal '.
matters thereof, shall seem sufficient or necessary to be known. A. D.
1431.
Clje <©rDei: anb ili-lanncr of tfje Council of 2Ba.^iT,
WITH A BRIEF RECAPITULATION OF THE PKINCIPAL MATTERS DECREED AND CONCLUDED THEREIN,*
With a full Discourse of the Disputation holden amongst the Bishops, upon Eight Conclusions proponed in the same Council ; collected and translated out of the Two Books of ^-Eneas Sylvius, who was there present, and at that time a meetly good man, and afterward was made Cardinal and Pope, called Pius the Second.^
In the thirty-ninth session of the council of Constance, as is before mentioned,^ it was decreed and provided concerning the order and times of such general councils as should hereafter follow. The first that should next ensue, to be kept the fifth year after the said council of Constance ; the second to be holden the seventh year again after that; and so orderly all others to follow successively from ten years to ten years. Wherefore, according to this decree, followed a general council five years after the council of Constance, celebrated and holden at Sienna, under Pope Martin, a.d. 1423; but it soon broke up. [AuRust After the which council the term of seven years being expired, another roVened council was holden at Basil a.d. 1431 ; the which council is noted Juiy2M: to have been the most troublesome, and to have endured longer than slL Dec. any other council before-time celebrated and holden in the church. ''^"^'^ This council continued almost the space of twelve years ; wherein it was concluded, as before in the council of Constance, that the general councils were above the pope, and both of these two councils did attribute the chief authority in decreeing and determining unto a general council ; which is the cause that the contrary part doth derogate so much from the authority of both these councils.
^Vhen pope Martin V. had appointed Julian, cardinal-deacon of St. Angelo, his legate, to celebrate and hold a general council at Basil for the reformation of the church and rooting out of heresies, Death within short space after pope Martin died (a.d. 1431); in whose Mar'un. seat Eugene IV. succeeded, who confirmed unto the said cardinal ^^,*:^- ^ Julian the same authority which his predecessor before had given hsi'.] him. Unto this council of Basil, being begun, came the emperor Sigismund, who, during his lifetime, with his presence and authority did protect and defend the said synod. After the emperor''s death, pope Eugene, altering his former mind and purpose, would transfer the council unto Bologna, and thereby hinder the success of the council of Basil. And first he held a contrary council at Ferrara, [Jan. and afterward at Florence : for, after the death of the emperor Sigis- nss'.f '^^ mund, there were no princes nor noblemen that had any care or regard [Feb. of the council. Eugene, the pope, pretended causes as touching the i439'.] ' Greeks who should come unto the council, and the uniting of their Pope
° Eugene
(1) Ex ^nei Sylvio, Ex Cochleo in Hist. Hussit., Et ex paralipom. Abbat. Ursper^. seeketli to
(2) The history of the council of Basil is considerably abridged in the second and succeeding U'ssolve editions of the Acts and Monuments ; the more complete history which will oe found m iNe fol- the coun- lovving pages is supplied from the first edition, namely, that of 1563, from which the passages in '"''• asterislis, with numerous other additions, are introduced. See tlie Appendix. — Ed.
(3) See supra, p. 420.— Ed.
606 THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
H^Ty cliurcli unto tlie West churcli, the which Greeks would in no wise pass the Alps : also as touching his own incommodity, that he could not
A.D. come unto Basil, bcin"- so lonfja journcv ; and that all his men nii":ht
LI_ have easy access unto Bologna ; and that amongst the Germans (who
sionbT ^" ^'''^•'^ °^^^ country are so intractable) nothing can be attempted for tween the their reformation : whereupon he cited cardinal Julian and the fathers amiThe of tlic council unto Bologna, luider groat penalty. They aijain cited P°P^- the i^ope, that eitlicr he should come himself unto the council or send 2«ihLv.D. ambassadors, under the like penalty. For this cause the ambassadors H3r.j Q^ Albert, king of the Romans, and of the other princes of Germany, with the orators of the council of Basil, and the cardinal Julian, assembled together, first at Nuremberg, to appease the dissension between the council and the pope ; and when they could determine nothing there, they agreed to assemble again at Frankfort, on the calends of March ; for it was thought that the electors of the empire might best assemble and meet in that place. In the mean time the emperor's ambassadors, and the ambassadors of the electors, went unto Basil, and having conference with the ambassadors of the other princes who were there, and sending for the cardinal of St. Peter (an excel- lent man, who at that time tarried at Constance, to see the end and issue of things), they did earnestly exhort the fathers of the council, that they would embrace and receive the means of concord which they Avould offer. The request of the princes was, that the fathers would translate the council, and go unto another place; the which only thing pope Eugene seemed always to seek and desire, that thereby he might either divide the fixthers of the council, or take away their liberty. The pre- Notwithstanding, this sacred synod thought good neither to deny the'^^coun- the princes' request, nor to grant that which pope Eugene required, the''^'^'"^ During this doubt, the emperor's ambassadors, the bishops of Passau pope's and Augsburg, with John Eich, a famous lawyer, repaired to the em- request. p^^^^j.^ -^^^ j^j.^^ (being much rcquircd and stiiTcd thereunto) appointed a noble and valiant baron called Conrad de Winsperg, by the royal commandment, to be protector and defender of the council and the fathers. "Whereby, as the enemies perceived the emperor's mind to be alienate from the pope, so the fathers of the council understood his good-will towards them ; forsomuch as he would not have sent ihcm a protector, if he had not judged it a lawful council, neither again would he have judged it to be a council at Basil, if he had given credit to pope Eugene. But the assembly that should have been holden at Frankfort, bv reason of a great pestilence which broke out there, was translated unto JNIcntz. The ambassadors of the princes also thought good to go thither, if they might find any means of unity, whereby they might unite and knit the pope again unto the council. The Tlic assembly was very famous, for there were present the arch-
^a^sem- ^^ishops of Mou'tz, Cologne, and Treves, electors of the sacred empire, l^'l.^.' .. and the ambassadors of all the other electors. Notwithstanding, the archbishop of Cologne was the chief favourer of the council in this assembly, who, with all his labour and diligence, went about to bring
Mentz, to
make
unity.
the matter unto a good end. Rabanus, the archbishop of Treves showed himself somewhat more rough. The sacred synod also thought good to send thither their ambassadors, and appointed out the patriarch of Aquileia, the bishop of Vich, and the bishop of Argos ; * John
(1) Seethe Aiipeinlix.— Ed.
|
mr,ry VI. |
|
AD. 14.19. |
POPE EUGEXE A HEUETIC. 60'
de Segovia, and Thomas de Corsellis, divines; with divers lawyers. There was no man there present, who would name himself the ambas- sador of Eugene ; albeit there were many of his favourers and friends come thither, both from the council and also from Florence, who, albeit they had sworn to the contrary, yet favoured they more Eugene than the council, whose sect William, a lawyer of Constance, afterwards called the grisled sect.^ But the chief Hercules of all theEugenians was Nicholas Cusanus, a man singularly well learned, and of great expe- rience. After divers consultations had, the electors of the empire, and the ambassadors of the other princes of Germany, thought good to give out commandment throughout their whole nation and country, that the decrees of the council of Basil should be received and observed.
Whilst these things were thus debated at Mentz, there sprang a ccrta'n very doubtful question amongst the divines who remained at Basil, whether or not Eugene might be called a heretic, who had so rebelliously contemned the commandments of the church. Hereupon they gathered themselves together, disputing among themselves by the space of six days in the forenoons and afternoons, some affirming the proposition, and others holding the negative part. Upon this Thrfe their disputation there arose three several opinions, some affirming lli^^^^^„ that he was a heretic; other some not only a heretic, but also a liie pop?, relapse ; the third sort would neither grant him to be heretic, nor a relapse. Amongst these divines, the chief and principal both in learn- ing and authority were the bishop of Ebrnn,* ambassador of the most noble king of Castile, and a certain Scottish abbot ; who, as two most valiant champions, subdued all their enemies, so that all the rest did either consent unto their arguments, or give place unto them ; so that their determination took place, and Eugene was pronounced both a heretic and a relapse. Eight conclusions were there deter- mined and allowed amongst the divines, which they called ' verities,"" the copy whereof thev did divulgate throughout all Christendom.
When the ambassadors of the council were returned from Mentz, Theam- and certain report was made of the allowing of their decrees, the r^tu^n"" fathers of the council thouijht good to discuss the conclusions of the from divines more at large. Whereupon, by the commandment of the deputations, all the masters and doctors of civil and canon law were ^^^ called together, with the prelates, into the chapter-house of the great pope's church, tliere openly to dispute and discuss Eugene''s heresy : which discuss- thing sore grieved the archbishop of Milan, fearing lest this disputation ^^^^ ^^^^^ should work the deprivation of Eugene, the which, as he said, he had bishop of always opposed for fear of schism. Wherefore he ceased not, by all taketh manner of ways, to labour to stop and trouble the matter, exhorting p^j-ffi^r^ them that were absent by his letters, and encouraging those that were fear of a present by his words, to the defence of Eugene. But, at the last, there was a great assembly in the chapter-house, some coming thither to dispute, and other some to hear. This disputation continued six days, both forenoon and afternoon. Cardinal Louis, archbishop of Aries, as being neutral on the question, was appointed moderator and arbiter of the whole disputation ; who, beside many other notable virtues, was both valiant and constant. Nicliolas Amici, who was a proctor of the faith, a famous man amongst the divines of Paris, was to demand of every man what his opinion was. John Dienle-
(1) Seethe Appendix.— Ed. (2) Ihid.
608 THE COUN'CIL OF BASIL.
Henry fist, pultlic notarj, was to write down every man's sentence and ___!Zl_ judgment. The conclusions of tlie divines, wliich were tlie ground A. D. and foundation of their disputation, were these here following : 1439.
■ '- The Conclusions of the Disputation.
I. It is a verity of tlie catholic faith, that a sacred general council hath power over the pope, and any other person.
II. The pope cannot by his own authority, either dissolve, translate, or pro- rogue a general council lawfully congregate, without the consent of the council
I itself: and this is of like verity.
V III. He who doth obstinately resist these verities, is to be counted a heretic.
• \ IV. Pope Eugene IV. resisted these verities, when at the first he attempted
by the plenitude of his apostolic power to dissolve or to translate the council of
Basil.
V. Eugene, being admonished by the sacred council, did revoke the errors repugnant to these verities.
VI. The dissolution or translation of the council, attempted the second time by Eugene, is against the aforesaid verities, and containeth an inexcusable error touching the faith.
VII. Eugene, in going about to dissolve and translate the council again, is fallen into his before-revoked errors.
VIII. Eugene, being warned by the synod that he should revoke the disso- lution or translation the second time attempted, persevering in his rebellion after that his contumacy was declared, and erecting a council at Ferrara, showeth himself thereby obstinate.
These were the conclusions which were read in the chapter-house "before the fathers of the council : upon the which when they were desired to speak their minds, they almost all confirmed and allowed them. Notwithstanding, the archbishop of Palermo, commonly called Panormitane,^ disputed much against them, as did the bishop of Burgos, and the king of Arragon's almoner. Yet did they not gainsay the three first conclusions, but only those wherein pope Eugene was touched. This Panormitane, as he was subtle, so did he subtlely dispute against the last conclusions, endeavouring to show that Eugene was not relapsed ; and had great contention with the bishop of Argos, John de Segovia, and Francis dc Foix, divines.
The Argument of Panormitane for the Pope. Articles He divided articles of faith into three sorts ; those strictly such, as those divided '" ^''^ Creed ; general, as the declarations made by tlie church ; most general into three of all, as in those things which arise of the premises : allirming that Eugene did sort!.. jjy „Q nicans violate his fiiith in his first dissolution that he made, because it is not contained in the Creed, neither yet in the determinations of the church, that tlie pope cannot dissolve any councils ; and that it seemed not unto him to rise of determinations before made, but rather of the decrees of the council of Constance. And further, that this, as a case omitted, is reserved for the pope to be discussed, forsomuch as in the chapter beginning ' Frequens ' it appcareth that the place where the council should bekeptouglit to be chosen by the pope, the council allowing the same, and nothing at all is spoken on this matter. And if, peradventure, Eugene had ofTtMulcd in the first dissolution, notwith- standing, he ought to be liolden excused, because he did it in conjunction with Panormi- the council of cardinals, who represented the church of Rome ; whose authority ferret'ir ^^^ aflirmed to be such, that the judgment thereof should be preferred before all thejudg- t^"2 world, a doctrine supported (he said) by a singular gloss. Neither was ment of the sacrcd council found to have ever proceeded against Eugene as a heretic ; naLs^be-'' ^"'^ '-'^''*^ ^^''"'^ "" evident sign that the council had not thought him to have fore aU swerved from the faith. Neither did it have any weight with him what was Uieworld. gaid concerning his adhesion, and his errors revoked ; for that he himself had read the whole text of the adhesion, and that the pope did not therein revoke the dissolution as contrary unto the faith, but as breeding offence. Also that
(1) See on Panormitane infrA, vol. vl. p. COO, Note (2).
DISPUTATIONS IN THE COUNCIL. 609
the last dissolution had nothing of the sort in it, forsonmch as that likewise was Henry made with the advice of the cardinals, and for the uniting of the Greeks, and ^'^■ tiiat he might not be compelled in a criminal cause to answer by his proctor, . ^ when he, being letted by sickness, could not come personally. And so, foras- i .'r-q"
much as by the first dissolution Eugene had fallen into uo error of faith, he " ' '_
could not be persuaded that he was to be called a relapse, forsomuch as neither The pope in the first, neither yet in tlie secoud, dissolutiou did he violate the faith. e[h*u"e
Tliis oration of Panormitane was by all praised rather than allowed, ""j""^ Notwithstanding this effect it wrought, that afterward the word Greeks, " relapse " was taken out of the conclusions, and instead thereof the meanetu word "prolapse''' put in. Neither durst Panormitane himself alto- f]"ini'f'^ gether excuse Eugene of heresy, but defended the first dissolution Thepope, more than the second : yet departed he not Avithout answer ; for lapse, but John de Segovia, an expert divine, rising up, answered him reverently p''"'^''^'^- and courteously, as was comely toward so great a prelate.
The Answer of John de Segovia.
He said, he granted that which Panormitane had spoken touching the divi- sion of articles of faith into three sorts, and that it made for his purpose. For if those things are to be holden for articles of faith, said he, which may be gathered of tlie determinations of tlie church, it was manifest that the conclu- sions in question redounded and came of the determinations of the church, that is to say, of tlie council of Constance ; for if therein the pope were made subject unto a general council, who is it that will say that the pope hath power over a • council which is above him, and that Eugene ought to remain pope? because he could not dissolve a council which is above him, without the consent thereof: which article undoubtedly he hath violated and broken. And if any man will say that in the first dissolution this article was not violated because tiiere was no declaration as yet made thereof, let him who so thinketh under- stand, tliat the bishop of Rome ought not only to know the plain and manifest, hut also the secret and hidden, things of the faith ; for he, being the vicar of Ciirist, and tlie head of all others, hath to instruct and teach all men. But if so be he get out of that dilemma, he shall still he convicted, because he per- sisted in the dissolution long after the declaration of the coimcil was made^ neither did consent unto the determination of the church ; and therefore, if peradventure he did not err in the faith in dissolving of the council, yet did he err in persevering in the same, as manifestly appeareth by the saying of Clement, oftentimes alleged by Panormitane, wherein it is said, ' That he who Thepope liveth rebelliously, and neglecteth to do good, is rather a member of the devil neglect than of Christ, and rather an infidel than a believer;'* so that Eugene, as dis- '"S '".do obeying the church, may not unreasonably be called an infidel. Neither is it n°eui'ber,* true that the pope hath not offended in a matter of faith ; forasmuch as, both in not of that answer which beginneih ' Cogitanti,' and also in the answer which beginneth i,u"of'tiie
Sperant,' made unto the pope's ambassadors, these words are manifest : ' This devil, article concerneth faith, and we had rather die, than cowardly give place.' By the wliich saying it was evident that the council sufficiently admonished the pope that he went against the faith ; and therefore it seemed that afterward, wiien Eugene by the act of adhesion revoked the dissolution, he also revoked an error of faith contained in the same. The offence also, whereof mention was made, had arisen because of an error in faith : for some said that the pope is under tlie council, other some denied it, and this diversity of doctrine brought offence. Also in the pope's adhesion it was expressly declared, tiiat the pope did revoke the assertions made in his name against the autlicrity of the council. And albeit in such revocations the style and order of judgments were not ob- served, notwithstanding, it sufficed what was usually done when a council pro- ceeded against a pope, in which case the only thing requisite was, that truth be observed : neither was a council subject to any positive law, that it must Councils observe the judicial terms or style. bound to
Also he Sdid that he utterly contemned that same smgular gloss which did "ive^iaw. prefer the church of Rome before all the world : that it was well called singular, which decreed such foolish and fond things, and was unworthy to be followed (1) Dihtinetion 38, rap. IC— Ed.
VOL. I if. K R
610 THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
JTfnry of any man ; and that he did much marvel at Panormitane, and other doctors
^^- of those days, wlio, whilst they went about to extol the authority of the glosses,
. Tx do abase the same by adding their siuf^uiarities tliereto ; for that gloss is singii-
\.i-xq' ^^^' wliich is alone. But who would not niore esteem a gloss which should
! — !_ throughout breathe the same doctrine and speak consistently with itself, than
one which only in one place should assert any thing, wliich may seem without
doubt to be an error. But as regarded the point of doctrine in this case,
[Hieron. St. Jerome, a most sound doctor, was contrary to this gloss, who * doubtetli
ad Kva- nothing at all, but that the world, as touching authority, is greater than the
City itself,' that is to say, Rome.
Scfjoviiis could not finish this his oration without interruption ; for Panormitane oftentimes interrupting him, went about to confute now^ this assertion, and now that. Whereupon the bishop of Argos rising up, a man not only eloquent, but also of a stout courage, troubled Panormitane in his reasons and arguments, and put him from his purpose. In truth they proceeded so fir, that they passed the bounds of disputation, and did not abstain from opprobrious taunts. The bishop of Argos indeed afterward begged pardon, though perhaps the least in error of the two ; but inferiors must succumb.
The bishop of Argos having chanced to say, that the bishop of
Rome was the servant of the church, Panormitane could not suffer
that ; insomuch that he so forgot himself that day, and his knowledge
Panormi- (which Otherwise was very great) did so fail him, that he was not
pointeth ashamed to affirm, that "the pope was lord of the church. \\'hom
loi^o?^ Segovius answered thus :
Mark, said he, O Panormitane, what thou sayest; for that is the most
honourable title of the bishop of Rome, whereby he calleth himself ' the servant
of the servants of God.' Which title is gathered from what Christ said imto
his disciples, when they demanded of him which of them was the greatest :
The yu know he answered them, ' The princes of the nations have lordship over
pope and them ; but you shall not do so,' <i'c. ; wherein he did nlterlv prohibit lordship.
detiredo^ And Peter, who was the first vicar of Christ, said: 'Feed the flock of God
minion, which is committed unto you, providing for them not by compulsion, but wil-
rTh^"^^ lingly :' and immediately after he saith, ' not as lords over the clergy.' But
Scrip- if Cln-ist the Son of God came not to be ministered unto, but to minister, how
tures. then can his vicar have any lordship, or be called 'lord,' as you, Panormitane,
insist? fbrsomiich ' as the disciple is not above his master, nor the servant above
his lord.' And the Lord himself saith ; ' Be ye not called masters, forsomuch
as one is your master, that is Christ ; and he who is the greatest among you,
shall be your servant.'
Panormitane being somewhat disquieted with this answer, the coimcil brake up and departed.
The next day there was a general congregation, and they returned all again unto the chapter-house after dinner, where the arclibishoj) of Lyons, his king's orator, being required to speak his mind, after he had by divers and sundry reasons proved Eugene to be a heretic, he bitterly complained, strongly censuring the negligence and weakness of those that had ])referred such a man unto the papacy, and so moved all their hearts who were present, that they all, as well as himself, did bewail the calamities of the universal church. The Then the bishop of Burgos, one of the orators for Spain, divided
BurgSs!*' the conclusions into two parts, calling some general, and other some personal, and disputed very excellently as touching the three first conclusions ; afHrming, that he did not doubt their truth, save that
the cliurch.
The French kind's ambassa- dor
against Eugene.
A GENERAL COUNCIL ABOVE THE POPE. 61
Uie addition, which made mention of the faith, seemed to him to be doubtful. But upon this point he dwelt much, namely, that the
council was above the pope; which, after he had sufficiently proved A.D. both by divine and human law, he taught also by natural reason, ^'^•^^- alleging Aristotle for witness, who saith that in every well ordered kingdom it should especially be provided, that the whole realm should be of more power than the king ; and that if it happened contrary, it were not to be called a kingdom, but a tyranny. So The " likewise did he think of the church, that it ought to be of more powei' ai'mve the than the prince thereof, that is to say, the pope. Which his oration ^"^^■ he uttered so eloquently and pleasantly, so learnedly and truly, that all men hung on his lips, and (what is not very usual) desired rather to liave him continue his oration, than to make an end thereof.
But when he entered into the other conclusions and tried to impugn them, he seemed to have lost himself, and to be no more the same man that he was ; for neither was there the same eloquence in liis words, nor weight in argument, nor cheerfulness of countenance ; so that if he could have seen himself, he would peradventure greatly have marvelled at himself. Every man before might well perceive a certain power and force of truth,^ which ministered copy^ of matter and words unto him, so long as he spake in her defence : but when he began once to speak against her, she took away even his natural power of speech from him.' Notwithstanding, Panormitane and the bishop of Burgos showed this example of modesty, that albeit they would not confess or grant the last conclusions to be verities of faith, yet they would not that any man should follow or lean unto their opinion, seeing they were but mean divines ; but rather unto the opinions of the divines. But the king of Arragon's almoner, being a subtle and crafty man, did not directly dispute upon the conclu- sions, but picking out here and there certain arguments, sought to perplex the council. Against these the Scottish abbot, a man of an excellent wit, disputed very much ; also Thomas de Corsellis, a flimous divine, than whom no one more stoutly defended the decrees of the sacred council, through a certain extreme bashfulness always keeping his eyes on the ground, did largely and luminously dispute in defence of the conclusions.
The Chief Arguments of the Disputation, as summed up by ^Encas Sylvius,
But now, to avoid tediousness, I will only proceed to declare the arguments whereby the conclusions were finally confirmed, not referring at ail to the five last conclusions, which concern the person of Eugene, but only to the three first. According, then, to probable arguments which I gathered out of the disputation of the fathers — In the first conclusion is the greatest force, and it is the first First con- to be discussed: touching which, two things are to be inquired and examined ; '^l^^i""- the one, whether a general council have authority over the pope, the other, whether the catholic faith command it to be believed. As touching that the pope is subject to a general council, it is excellently well proved by the reason before alleged by the bishop of Burgos. For the pope is in the chiu-ch, as a king in his kingdom ; and for a king to be of more authority than his kingdom, it were too absurd : ergo, neither ought the pope to be above the
(1) " The force of truth" appeareth also in jEneas, the writer hereof; although afterwards, wlien he was pope, ne denied the same.
(2) " Copy, " i.e. " abundance," from the Latin " copia :" an obsolete use of the word. Todd's Johnson. — Ed.
(3) Note what it is for a man to labour against his knowledge.
R K 2
A.D.
1439.-
61g THE COUXriL OF BASH-
ffenry church. For like as oftentimes kings, who do wickedly govern the common- f'l- wealth, and exercise cruelty, are deprived of their kingdoms ; even so it is not to be doubted, but that the bishops of Rome may be deposed by the church, that is to say, by the general councils.
Neither do I herein allow those who attribute such ample and large authority
A king unto kings, that they will not have them bound under any laws ; for such as so ""„' "^ do say, b'e but flatterers, who do talk otherwise than they think. For albeit that thortty"" they do say, that the moderation of the law is alway in the prince's power;' than his jj^jit ^\^y J ^j^ns understand, that when reason shall persuade, he ought to digresa kingdom. ^^^^^ ^j^^ rigour of the law. For he is called a king, who careth and provideth for the commonwoaltli, takcth pleasure in the commodity and profit of his subjects, and in all his doings hath respect to the connnodity of tliose over whom he ruleth ; which if he do not, he is not to be counted a king, but a What a tyrant, wliose property it is, only to seek his own profit; for in this point a king is. i^i„g diflereth from a tyrant, tluU the one seeheth the connnodity and profit of , those whom he ruleth, and the other only his own ; the which to make more manifest, tlie cause is also to be alleged wlierefore kings were ordained. The in- At tlie beginning (as Cicero in his Offices saith) it is certain, that there stitution ^yas a certain time when the people lived without kings. But afterwards, when '"''''■ lands and possessions began to be divided according to the custom of every nation, then were kings ordained for no other cause, but only to exercise justice. For when, at the beginning, the common people were oppressed by rich and mighty men, they ran by-and-by to some good and virtuous man, who should defend the poor from nijury, and ordain laws whereby the inch and poor might dwell together. But when as yet, under the rule of kings, the ])()or were often- times oppressed, laws were ordained and instituted, which should judge neither for hatred nor favour, and give like ear unto the poor as unto tlie rich. Whereby we do understand and know, not only the people, but also the king to be subject to tlie laws. And if we do see a king to contemn and despise the laws, violently rob and spoil his subjects, defile virgins, dishonour matrons, and do all things licentiously and temerariously ; do not the nobles of the kingdom assemble together, deposing him from his kingdom, and set up another in his place, who shall swear to rule and govern uprightly, and be obedient unto the laws? The pope Verily, as reason doth persuade, even so doth the use thereof also teach us. It besui)/e'rt secmeth also agreeable unto reason, that the same should be done in the church, that is to say, in the council, which is done in any kingdom. And so is this sufficiently apparent, which we have before said, that the pope is subject unto the council.
CO line
Petrus' expoun ed.
But now, to pass unto the arguments of divinity, tlie foundation of the matter which we do treat upon, is the words of our Saviour Jesus Christ in divers places, Tues but especially where he speaketh unto Peter: ' Tu es Petrus, et super banc petram aedificabo ecclesiam nieam, et portne inferi non prrevalebunt adversus earn;' that is, ' Thou art Peter, and u])on this rock will I build my church, and the gates of liell shall not prevail against it.' Upon which words it secmetli good to begin this disputation, forsomuch as some were wont to allege these words, to extol the authority of the bishop of Rome. But (as it shall by-and-by appear) the words of Christ had another sense and meaning than divers of them do think; for he saith, 'And the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.' Verily this is a great promise, and these words of the Lord are of great import- ance. For what greater word could there have been spoken, tlum that the gates Sins are of hell should not prevail against the church ? These gales of hell, as St. Jerome of hull'^^ saith, do signify sins. Wlierefore, if sins cannot prevail against the church, neither can any malign spirits prevail against the same, which have no power at all over mankind, but only through sin. And for that cause, whereas it is said in Job, that llu-re is no power upon the earlli that may be compared unto the power of the malign spirit; thereby it fblloweth, that the power of the church is above all otlier power. Afiainst We may, also, upon tlie same saying, reason after another sort : forscnnuli pists''^opi- '*" ^^^^ gates of hell, that is to say, sins, cannot prevail against the churcli, the •jion.that cliuich theiehy is declared to be without sin ; the which cannot be spoken of tlie
(1) These kind of flattoreis come now, in our days.
THE CHURCH ONE FLESH WITH CHRIST. 613
pope, who is a mortal man, forsomuch as it is written, ' Seven times in the day iienry
the just man doth offend.' If the church be without spot because it cannot be ^'l-
defiled with sin, who is it that will prefer a sinful man before an undefiled . ,
church? Neither let us give ear unto those who will not refer these words of ,,'00' Christ unto the church, where he saith, ' Oravi pro te Petre, ut non deficiat
fides tua;' that is to say, ' Peter ! I have prayed for thee, that thy faith should the pope not fiiil thee.' For, as St. Augustine saith in the exposition of the Psalms : p^^'""' ' Certain things are spoken as though they seemed properly to pertain unto tlie Q^^y.^ apostle Peter, notwithstanding they have no evident sense, but when they are pro te, referred unto the church, the person whereof he is understood figuratively to i''^'''^'' is represent.' Whereupon in another place, in the questions of the New and Old of the Testament, upon the words, ' Rogavi pro te Petre;' ' I have prayed for thee, church Peter!' what is doubted? Did he pray for Peter, and did he not pray for James and John, besides the rest? It is manifest, that under the name of Peter all others are contained. For in another place of St. John, he saith : * I pray for them whom thou hast given me, and I will that wheresoever I am, they shall be also with me.' Whereupon we do oftentimes by the name of Peter under- stand the church, which we do nothing at all doubt to be done in this place ; otherwise the truth could not consist, forsomuch as within a while after, the faith of Peter failed for a time, by the denial of Christ ; but the faith of the church, whose person Peter did represent, did always persevere inviolate.
As touching the bishops of Rome, if time would suffer us, v/e could rehearse Bishops many examples, how that they either have been heretics, or replenished with °^ Rome other vices. Neither are we ignorant, how Marcellinus, at the emperor's com- i\^^_ mandment, did sacrifice unto idols, and that another (which is more horrible) did attain unto the papacy by a devilish fraud and deceit. ' Notwithstanding, the testimony of Paul to the Hebrews shall suffice us at this time, who saith that ' every bishop is compassed in with infirmity,' that is to say, with wicked- ness and sin. Also the testimonies of Christ himself do approve that the church The remaineth always without sin ; for in Matthew he saith, ' I am with you even church unto the end of the world.' Which words v/ere not only spoken to the apostles ^n/and (for they continued not unto the end of the world), but also unto their succes- tiie pope sors ; neither would Christ then signify that he was God, dispersed throughout ^^^ ^'"" all the world, as he is also perceived to be amongst sinnei-s, but would declare a certain gift of grace through his assistance, whereby he would preserve the holy church, consisting amongst his apostles and their successors, always im- maculate and undefiled.
And again in another place, ' I,' saith he, ' will pray, and he shall give you another comforter, that he may remain with you for ever, even the Spirit of truth, whom the world cannot receive, because the world seeth him not, neither knoweth him ; but you shall know him, because he shall remain with you.' Which words being spoken unto the disciples of Jesus, are also understood to be spoken unto their successors, and so consequently unto the church. And if the Spirit of truth be continually in the church, no man can deny but that the cTiurch ought to continue undefiled. By tlie same authority also that Christ is called the spouse of the churcli, who seeth not but that the church is undefiled ? ♦ For the husband and the wife,' as the apostle saitli, 'are two in one flesh,' and, as he doth also add, ' no man hateth his own flesh.' Thereby it cometh to pass. The that Christ cannot hate the church, forsomuch as she is his spouse, and one flesh chuu-h is with him, and no man can hate himself; ergo, the church doth not sin ; for if °'|j,j "^^ it did sin, it should be hated, for sinners the Lord doth hate. Which authorities Christ, being gathered together, we ought with the apostle to confess that the church of God hath neither spot nor wrinkle.- Also writing unto Timothy, he affirmeth the church to be the pillar and foundation of the truth ; whereupon, in this song of tlie spouse, it is said : ' My friend, thou art altogether fair and beautiful, neither is there any spot in thee.' These words, peradventure, may abash some, that I do go about to prove the church to be without sin. For as the church doth contain all men who are called Christians, who also do agree and come together in one belief of faith, and participation of the sacraments, I do fear lest some men will think, tlvat I do affirui all men to be without sin; which is so far
(1) He raeanetii Silvester II. [See Appendix.]
(2) The church is witlibut spot or sin, ii to he understood not by nature, but only by '"a- putation.
614
THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
Ufvry ■ VI.
A.D. 1439.
Tlie church ■without Eiii, how to be under- stood. An error
time of Christ's passion.
from my meaning, that I do verily think the contrary to be most trne. For I suppose, that there is no man in tlie church, beino: clothed in this mortal flesh, witiiout sin. Neither do these things vary or dissent among themselves ; for the chmch hath this gift, that albeit every part and member thereof may sin, yet the whole body cannot sin. For there be always good men in the church, who, albeit they be subject unto human fragility, notwithstanding they have so perfect a gift of sincere and pure virtue, tliat, subduing all carnal desires and affections, they keep themselves a pleasant and acceptable sacrifice imto God. Neither do I consent or agree unto the opinion of divers,* who affirm that the Virgin Mary only persevered in faith at the Lord's passion. \Vhereupon divers have not been ashamed to say, that the faith was so debilitated and weakened, theVi'nr'in ^^^^^ '*- Seemed to be returned to one only old woman ; whose opinion, rr rather Mar>- did madness, St. Paul seemeth openly to reject, writing thus unto the Romans : persevere^ < J)q yg ^qj know,' saith he, 'what the Scripture writeth of F-lias, how inces- at the" ' santly he called upon God against the children of Israel, saying, O Lord, they have slain thy prophets, and digged down thine altars, and I alone am left, and they seek after my soul: but what answer received he of God? I have left unto myself yet seven thousand men, which have not bowed their knees unto Baal.' What other thing doth this answer of God declare, than that it is a foolish opinion of those who think the church of God to be brought unto so small a number ? We ought to believe the words of Christ, which are altogether reptignant imto those men, who affirm, that the Virgin only did persevere in faith. For Jesus said unto his Father : ' O holy Father ! save them in thy name whom thou hast given me, that they may be one as we are one. When I was with them, I kept them in thy name : I have kept them that thou gavest unto me, and none of them perished, but only the son of perdition:' And, ' I do not desire that thou shouldest take them out of the world, but that thou sliouidest preserve them from evil.'
Behold, Christ prayeth that his disciples should not fall, but should be pre- served from evil, although they were still living in the world ; and he, so praj-- ing, without doubt is heard; for he saith in anotlur place : ' I know that thou hearest me.' But how is he heard, if all those for whom he prayeth, swerved at the time of his passion ? As for example, by what means did Christ, hanging upon the cross, commend his dearly beloved mother unto John, if so be he were either then swerved, or shoidd by-and-by after have swerved from the faith ? Moreover, did not the centurion by-and-by cry out and say : ' Truly this is the Son of God?' The Jews also, who at that time were far distant from Jerusalem, might both be called faithful, and also be saved by their faith ; seeing that (as the apostle saith) men are bound unto the gospel (even wlien they swerve from it), after it is once known and revealed unto them. But let us leave these men, and speak of that which is more likely, and let us judge that there hath been, and is, a great number of good men in the church ; and heiideth by them, as by the more worthy part, let us name the church holy and imma- evii'and p"^^**^' "^^'"ch doth comprehend as well the evil as the good. Fo'r the church good*" is compared unto a net which is cast into the sea, and gathereth together all kind of fishes [Matt. xx.].
And again, it is compared unto a king, which made a marriage for his son, and sent forth his servants to call those which were bidden unto the wedding, and they gathered together good and evil, as many as they could find. Where- fore their o])inion is erroneous, who affirm, that only good men be compre- hended in the church ; which, if it were true, it wo'idd confomul all things, neither could we understand or know where the church were. But forsomuch as the Scripture saith : ' No man knoweth whether he be worthy of love or hatred,'^ their opinion is more to be allowed and truer, who include all the faithful in the church ; of whom, although a great part be given to voluptuousness and avarice, yet some, notwithstanding, are clean from deadly sin; which ])art, as it is the most worthy, it giveth the name unto the cliiirdi, to be called most holy ; which is so often done, that we are commanded to sing in our creed, ' imam sanctam, catholicam, et apostolicam ecclesiam,' to say, 'one holy catholic and apostolic church;' which article
The
church
compre-
that
(1) See Appendix.
(2) This saying ofEcclesiasfes is not so to 1 here meant.
translated, and also serveth to another
sense xiuw is
THE POPE iVIAY KllR. 6*15
tlie synod of Constantinople added unto the rest. Wherefore (to return to our nenru former purpose) if the church be holy, it is also williout sin. Tiiis word yi- ' sanctum,' (as Macrobius, alleging Trebatius, affirmeth), sometimes signifieth a t\ ' holy,' and sometimes religious, and sometimes clean and uncorrupt. And 1430*
• after the same manner, we call the church holy, which tlie apostle Peter calleth 1-
immaculate, as we read in the famous epistle of Clement.
To this end also tendeth that which is spoken by St. Paul, that ' Christ is the Head of the church;' for if the whole church should sin, she should not agree with her Head, Ciirist, who is ia no point defiled. This also Christ himself would signify unto us in Matthew, when he commendetli the house which was builded upon the strong rock, against which, neither the winds, neither the Christ the storms, could prevail. ' The house of God,' saith the apostle, 'which is the ^l"^^- church, is builded upon the strong Rock,' ' which Rock,' as the apostle declareth, ^pmrtue ' is Christ.' Who then is so unshamefaced, that he will affirm the church, which diurch is is founded upon Christ, to be subject to sin? and will not rather cry out with '^"''^'^'i- the prophet and say, ' Domine dilexi decorem donius tuEe ;' that is to say, 'O Lord! I have loved the beauty of thy house.' Whereupon wrote John Cliry- sostome this golden sentence ; ' The church never ceaseth to be assaulted, never ceaseth to be laid in wait for; but in the name of Christ it hath always the upper hand, and overcometh. And albeit others do lie in wait for it, or that the floods do beat against it, yet the foundation which is laid upon the Rock is not sliaken.' St. Hilary also saith: 'That it is the property of the church to van- quish when it is hurt, to understand when it is reproved, to be in safety when it is forsaken, and to obtain victory when it seemeth almost overcome.' Thus, by many reasons and testimonies it is proved that the church doth not err ; which is not spoken or affirmed of the bishops of Rome, so that this reason doth make the pope subject unto the church ; for it is convenient, that the less perfect be subject unto the more perfect. There be also many other testimonies and reasons, whereof we will now speak more at large.
If authority be sought for, St. Jerome saith (for I willingly occupy myself He prov-- in his sentences, as in a most fertile field), ' the world is greater than a city.' ^"J,'^^.. What then, I pray you, Jerome ! is the pope mighty because he is the head of the the pope ' church of Rome ? His authority is great ; notwithstanding the universal church -0 ^<^ is greater, which doth not only comprehend one city, but also the whole world. coundL'* Hereupon it followeth, that if the church be the mother of all the faithful, if the then she hath the bishop of Rome for her son ; otherwise, as St. Augustine church be saith, ' he can never ^have God for his Father, who will not acknowledge the Jhe™t"he church for his mother;' which thing Anacletus understanding, called the pupe universal church his mother, as the writers of the canons do know. And ™"*' '^^ Calixtus saith, ' As a Son he came to do the will of his Father ; so we do the will of our mother, which is the church.' Whereby it appeareth, that by how much the son is inferior to the mother, by so much the church is superior, or above, the bishop of Rome.
Also we have said before, that the church was the spouse of Christ, and the The pope we know to be a vicar; but no man doth so ordain a vicar, that he f''."*'^'\. maketh his spouse subject unto him, but that the spouse is always thought to spouse, be of more authority than the vicar ; forsomuch as she is one body with her the pope husband, but the vicar is not so. Neither will I here pass over the words of [,^'^1^°' ^® St. Paul unto the Romans: 'Let every soul,' saith he, 'be subject unto the thereof, higher powers.' Neither doth he herein except the pope. For albeit that he but he be above all other men, yet it seemeth necessary that he should be subject to bc^heaV the church. Neither let him think himself hereby exempt, because it was said of Christ, rmto Peter by Christ: 'Whatsoever thou bindest,' &c. In this place, as we will hereafter declare, he represented the person of the church, for we find it spoken afterwards unto him : * Quodcunque ligaveritis super terram, ligatum Exposi- erit in coelis;' that is, 'Whatsoever ye shall bind upon earth, shall be also bound I'°" °f in heaven.' And furthermore, if all power be given of Christ, as the apostle cunque v/riteth unto the Corinthians, it is given for the edifying of the churchy and not ligaveri- for the destruction thereof; why then may not the church correct the pope, if'"' he abuse the keys, and bring all things to ruin ?
Add hereunto also another argument. A man in this life is less than tlie angels, for we read in Matthew of John Baptist, that he which is lotist in tlie
GIG THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
limnj kingdom of heaven isgreater than he. Notwithstanding Christ saith, in another
y^I- place, that amongst the children of women, there was not a greater than John
~T~Tr Baptist. But to proceed. ^len are forced, by the example of Zacharias, to give
.. ■ _■ credit unto angels, lest, through their misbelief, they be stricken blind as he
LL!_ was. What more ? the bishop of Rome is a man : ergo, he is less than the
angels, and is bound to give credit to the angyls. But the angels learn of the
church, and do reverently accord unto her doctrine, as the apostle wnteth imto
the Ephesians ; ergo, the pope is bound to do the same, who is less than the
The' angels, and less than the church; whose authority is such, that worthily it is
church, compared by St. Augustine unto the sun ; that like as the sun, by his light, ana not , ,' .' »i i i- i i i i • i n i , • J
the pope, tlotli surmoimt all other lights, so the church is above all other authority and compared power. Whereupon St. Augustine writeth thus : ' I would not believe the Kuii gospel,' saith he, 'if the authority of the church did not move me thereunto:'
which is not in any jilace found to be spoken of the bishop of Rome, who, repre- senting the church, and being minister thereof, is not to be thought greater or equal to his Lord and Master. Notwithstanding, the words of our Saviour Christ do especially prove the bishop of Rome to be subject to the chiu-ch ; as we will hereafter declare. For he, sending Peter to preach unto the church, Baid, ' Go, and say unto the church.' To the confirmation of whose authority these words do also pertain ; ' He that heareth you, heareth me ;' which words are not only spoken unto the apostles, but also unto then- successors, and unto the whole church. Tlie Whereupon it followeth, that if the pope do not hearken and give ear unto
pope, if tije church, he doth not give ear unto Christ, and consequently he is to be hearken counted as an ethnic antl publican. For, as St. Augustine atiirmcth, when the to tlie church doth excommunicate, he who is so excommunicated is bound in heaven, i^s^a^eth- ^^^^ when the church looseth, he is loosed. Likewise, if he be a heretic who nic and taketh away the supremacy of the church of Rome, as the decrees of the council publican, of Constance do determine, how much more is he to be counted a heretic, who taketh away the authority from the universal church, wherein the church of Rome and all others are contained ? ' Wherefore, it is now evident, that it is the opinion of all men before our days (if it may be called an opinion, which is confirmed by grave authors), that the pope is subject unto the universal church. But this is Is tlie called into question, whether he ought also to ])e judged of a general council. judcea ^^ For there are some, who (whether it be for desire of vain glory, or that, through by the their flattery, they look iov some great reward) have begun to teach new and council? strange doctrines, and to exempt the bishop of Rome from the jiu'isdiction of a general council. Ambition hath blinded them, whereof not only this present schism, but also all other schisms, even imto tliis day, have had their original. For as in times past, the greedy desire and ambition of the papacy brought in that pestiferous beast, which through Anus then first crejit out of hell into the church ; even so they do especially nourish and maintain this present heresy who are not ashamed to beg.^ Of which number, some ciy out and say, the works of the subjects ought to be judged by the })0])e, but the pope to be reserved only unto the judgment of God. Others say, that no man ought to judge the liigh and principal seat, and that it can be judged neither by the emperor, nor Diversity by the clergy, nor by any king or people. Others aliirm, that the Lord hath "\Jn\f' ^^^^'^'^''^^ to himself the deposition of the chief bishop. Others are not ashamed towciiinf,' to affirm, that the bishop of Rome, although he carry souls in never so great the pope, number unto hell, yet he is not subject to any correction or rebuke.
And because these their words are easily resolved, they run straightways unto the gospel, and interjiret the words of Christ, not according to the sense and meaning of the Holy Ghost, but according to their own will and disposition. They do greatly esteem and regard this which was spoken unto Peter, ' Tu vocaberis Cephas;' that is, 'Thou shalt be called Cephas:' by which word they make him the head of the church. Also, ' I will-give thee tlie keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind upon the earth,' S:c. ' I have prayed for thee, Peter, that thy faith shovUd not fail.' And again, 'Feed my shocj) ;' ' Cast thy net into the deep ;' ' Be not afraid, for from henceforth thou shalt be a fisher of men :' Also that Christ commanded Peter, as the
(1) It is to be feared lest the church hath had many such popes.
(2) Thekc are the canons, and the school divines, and the bogging friars.
THE CHURCH TAKEX FOR THE GENERAT. COUNCII-. 617
prince of the apostles, to pay toll for tliem both ; and that Peter drew the net Henry unto tlie land full of great fishes ; and that only Peter drew his sword for ^I- the defence of Christ. All which places these men do greatly extol, alto- ~I~~rj gether neglecting the expositions of the fathers, which if (as reason were) \j,r>n
they wonld consider, they should manifestly perceive by the authorities afore- L_I_
said, that the pope is not above them, when they are gathered togetiier in council, but when they are separated and divided.^
But these things being passed over, forsomuch as answer shall appear by that which hereafter shall follow, we will now declare what was reasoned of by the learned men upon this question. But first we would have it known, that all men wjio are of any name or estimation, do agree that the pope is subject to a council ; and, for the proof thereof, they repeat, in a manner, all tiiose things wliich were before spoken of the church; for they suppose all that which is spoken of the church, to serve for a general council. And first of Things all they allege this saying of the gospel, ' Die ecclesiee,' ' Tell it unto the chui-ch,' ^S"^*^" in which place jt is convenient to understand, that Christ spake unto Peter, in- church, stnicting him what he should do as touching the coi-rection of his brother. He serve saith, ' If thy brother offend or sin against thee, rebuke him between thee and aaene- him alone. If he give ear unto thee, thou hast won thy brother; but if he do ral coun- not give ear unto thee, take with thee one or two, that in the mouth of two or '^^^■ three witnesses all trutli may stand : if then he will not give ear unto thee, ' Die ecclesia;,' ' Tell it unto the chvuxh.' What shall we understand by the church in that place? Shall we say that it is the multitude of the faithful, dis- persed throughout the whole world? ' My yoke is pleasant,' saith the Lord, ' and my burden is light.' But how is it light, if Christ command us to do that which is impossible to be done ? for how could Peter speak unto the church which was dispersed, or seek out every Christian scattered in every town or city ? But the meaning of these words is far otherwise, and they must be otherwise interpreted; for which cause, it is necessary that we i-emember the double person Peter which Peter represented, as the person of the chief pontiff, and a private man. serngjij The sense and meaning of his words are so evident and plain of themselves, a double that they need no supplement or alteration. We must first mark and see what person, this word ' ecclesia' signifieth, which we do find to be but only twice spoken of nameth by Christ ; once in this place, and again when he said unto Peter, * Tu es Petrus, the et super hanc petram redificabo ecclesiam meam;' that is, 'Thou art Peter, and ^'^f'^J; upon this rock will I build my church.' Wherefore the church signifieth the convocation or congregation of the multitude. ' Die ecclesia?,' ' Tell it unto the interpre- church ;' that is to say, 'Tell it unto the congregation of the faithful;' which, tation of forsomuch as they are not accustomed to come together but in a general council, cJe^iE^.^" this interpretation shall seem very good : ' Die ecclesise,' ' Tell it unto the church,' that is to say, 'Die generali concilio,' ' Tell it unto a general council.'
In this case I would gladly hear if there be any man who doth think these words to be more properly expressed of any prelate, than of a council, when they must put one man for the multitude ; which if it be admitted in the Scrip- tures, we shall from henceforth find no firm or stable thing therein ? But if any man do marvel at our interpretation, let him search the old writers, and he shall find that this is no new or strange interpretation, but the interpretation of the holy fathers and old doctors, who have first illuminated and given light unto the church ; as pope Gregory witnesseth (a man worthy of remembrance, both for the holiness of his life, and his singular learning), whose words to the bishop of Constantinople (as found in his Register) are these : ' And we,' saith he, ' against whom so great an oif'ence is committed through temerarious boklness, do observe and keep that which the Truth doth command us, saying, Si peccaverit in te frater; that is. If thy brother do ofiend against thee, &c.' And afterwards he addeth moreover, ' If my rebukes and corrections be despised, it remaineth that I do seek help of the church.' Which words do manifestly xhe take the term church for a general 'council. Neither did Gregory say, eiiurrh that he would seek help of the church that is dispersed abroad in every place, f^^ a" but of that which is gathered togctlier, that is to say, a general council ; for <;enerai that which is dispersed abroad cannot be used, except it be gathered together, '•■ounc-ii.
(1) IIow foolishly the church of Rome cloth wrest the Scriptures, neglecting the expositions of tlie fatliers.
618
THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
A. D.
ij;39.
Tlie ciiuiicil of Con- stance decreeth the pope to l)u un- der the council.
Acts of tlie Apo- stles. Council of Nice. Title of the coun- cil.
popes, not the laws of
By the church a coun-
Simon's obedience neiessary in the hishops of Home.
Favour- ers of the pope go about to , maintain the pro- fit of one
common commo- ■ dity.
Also pope Nicholas, reproving Lotharius the king for advoutry, said, ' If thou dost not amend the same, take heed that wc tell it not unto the hol\' church.* In which saying pope Nicholas did not say, that he would go throughout the world to certify every one, man by man ; but that he would call the church together, that is to say, a general council, and there would publish and declare the offence of Lotharius, that he who had contemned the pope's commandments, should fear the reverence of the general council.
I could recite an infinite number of witnesses for the same purpose, who all tend unto one end, but this one testimony of the council of Constance shall suUice for them all ; *for in that place wliere sentence is given against Peter de Luna, these words are mentioneu : ' Eaque in generali concilio locimi habere dicuntur;' that is to say, 'These things arc said to have place in the general council ': by which words we understand,* that not only the pope, in the correc- tion of his brother, is remitted unto the coimcii, when he cannot coirect him of himself; but also when any thing is done as touching the correction of the pope himself, the matter ought to be referred to the council. AVhereby our in- terpretation appeareth to be most true, which doth expound the church to us of a general council. Hereupon, in the Acts of the Apostles, the congregations winch were then holden were called the church. Also in the council of Nice, and in other coimcils, when any man should be excommunicated, always, in a manner, this sentence was adjoined : ' Hiuic cxcommunicat catholica et apostolica ecclesia;' that is, 'The catholic and apostolic church doth excom- numicate this man.' And hereupon that title is given unto the councils, whereby we do say, that a general council doth represent the imiversal church. Where- fore the laws aiul decrees of the council are called the laws of the church, for that the church doth not set forth any laws in any other place, but in a general council ; except we will call the pope's constitutions the laws of the church, which cannot be properly said but of a council : whereas, albeit all those who are of the church do not assemble and come together, yet the most part of them are accustomed to be there present, and in those who come, the whole power of the clnn-ch doth consist. Whereupon wc read in the Acts of the Apostles, ' It pleased the apostles and elders with all the church.' For albeit that all the faithful were not there present (because a great mnnber of them remained at Antioch), yet, notwithstanding, it was called the whole church, because the whole power of the church consisted in the council. Thus, for this present, it is sufficient that we understand by the church, a general council.
And now to return unto our purpose, let us hear what our Saviour saith unto Peter; 'If thy brother do otfend against thee;' unto this text following, 'Tell it unto the church;' and let us imderstand a council by the church. AVhich is greater in this place, he who is sent unto the council, or the coimcil whereiuito Peter is sent? The Verity doth remit the bishop of Rome unto a general council. And why so ? verily because the bishop of Rome should not disdain to acknowledge some power in earth to be above him, which he should consult withal in matters of importance, and agree unto the determinations thereof. Whereupon Peter is also called by another name, ' Simon;' which, as Rabanus in his homihes writeth, is interpreted in the Hebrew tongue, ' obedient :' that all men might understand obedience to be necessary even in the bishop of Rome.
The authority of the council of Constance might suffice us in this point ; Imt we think it good to stay a little upon this matter, and to leave no place open for our adversaries ; who, while they go about to maintain the unsatiable wil- fulness of one man, preferring a private wealth before a common commodity, it is incredible how great errors they do stir up. Against which, besides many others, Zacharias bishop of Chalcedon, a man both fanums and eloquent, did earnestly strive ; who, in the great and sacred synod of Chalcedon, when the sentence of the bishop of Rome was objected unto him, that the canon of pope Nicholas and other patriarchs was above the coimcil, he replied against it. And Zosimus, the pope, saith thus, as touching the decrees of a general council : 'The authority of this see cannot make or alter any thing contrary to the de- crees of the fathers." Neither doth he here speak of the decrees of the fathers who are dispersed abroad in cities or wildernesses, for they do not bind the pope ; but of those which arc made and published by the fathers in a general council:
THE POPE AN ENEMY TO GENERAL COUNCILS. 619
for the more manifest declaration whereof, the words of pope Leo, the most ji^nry eloquent of all the bishops of Rome, ai-e here to be annexed, who wrote unto J^'i- Anathoiius, that the decrees of the council of Nice were in no part to be violate . .. and broken : thereby (as it were) excluding himself and the chief patriarch. i/'jo'
The authority also of Damasus upon this sentence is more manifest, writing *" ' unto Aurelius the archbishop, as Isidorus declareth in the Book of Councils; whose worthy saying, as touching the authority of the synod, is this : ' They who are not compelled of necessity, but of their own will either frowardly do any thing, or presume to do any thing, or willingly consent unto those who would do any thing, contrary and against the sacred canons, they are worthily thought and judged to blaspheme the Holy Ghost.' Of the which blasphemy whether Uabriel, xhe pope who calleth himself Eugene, be presently partaker, let them judge, who have cannot heard him say, ' That, it is so far from his office and duty to obey general L,\'e^ai councils, that he doth then best merit and deserve, when he contemneth the councUs. decrees of the council.' Damasus addeth yet moreover, ' For this purpose,' saith he, ' the rule of the sacred canons, which are consecrated by the Spirit of God and the reverence of the whole world, is faithfully to be known and un- derstand of us, and diligently looked upon, that by no means, without a ne- cessity which cannot be eschewed (which God forbid), we do transgress the decrees of the holy fathers.' Notwithstanding, we dail)' see in all the pope's bulls and letters these words, ' Non obstante,' that is to say, 'notwithstanding;' which .jjop no other necessity hath brought in, than only insatiable desire of gathering of obstante' money. But let them take heed to these things, who be the authors thereof. k^V^*^ •
But now, to return again unto Damasus ; mention is made in the epistles of Ambrose, archbishop of Milan, of a certain epistle, which is said to be written by Damasus unto the judges deputed by the council of Capua, where he de- The clareth that it is not his office to meddle with any matter wherein a council had council been beforehand. By which saying he doth manifestly reprove all those who pope. affirm and say, that the bishop of Rome is above the council : the which if it were true, Damasus might have taken into his hands the cause of Bonosius, the bishop, to determine, which was before begun by the council ; but forsomuch as the council is above the pope, Damasus knew himself to be prohibited. Whereupon Hilary also, acknowledging a synod to be above him, would have his decrees confirmed by the council. Also the famous doctor, St. Augustine, in his epistle which he did write uuto Glorius, and Eleusius, and Felix the gram- marian, declareth the case. Cecilianus, the bishop, was accused by Donatus, with others. Melchiades, the pope, with certain other bishops, absolved Ceci- lian, and confirmed him in his bishopric. They, being moved with those doings, made a schism in tlie parts of Africa; St. Augustine reproveth tliem, who having another remedy against the sentence of the pope, did raise a schism, and doth inveigh against them in this manner : * Behold, let us think those bishops who gave judgment at Rome, not to have been good judges : there remained yet the judgment of the universal church, where the cause might have been pleaded even with the judges themselves ; so that if they were convicted not to have given just judgment, their sentence might have been broken.' Whereby it appeareth, that not only the sentence of the pope alone, but also that of the pope with his bishops joined with him, might be made frustrate by a council; for the full judgment of the universal church is not found elsewhere but in a general council. Nor let it move any man, that St. Augustine seemeth here jj^g ^^jj only to speak of bishops ; for if the text of his epistle be read over, he shall judsment find the bishop of Rouie to be comprehended amongst the other bishops. It "^''^^j was also prohibited by the councils of Africa, that the bishops of Rome should ^e found receive or hear the appeals of any who did appeal from a council; which i" a altogether declareth the superiority of a council. And this appeareth more j^?o'appeal plainly in the Acts of the Apostles, chap, xi., where Peter is rebuked by the to be congregation of the apostles, because he went in unto Cornehus, a heathen man, J??^''^^ as if it had not been lawful for him to attempt any greater matter without the council to knowledge of the congregation : and yet it was said unto him, as well as others, the pope. ' Ite etbaptizate,' &c. ' Go and baptize.' But this seemeth to make more unto ^'-'^'^^ the purpose, which St. Paul writeth unto the Galatians, where he saith, that he strained ' resisted Peter even imto his face, because he did not walk according to the to obey verity of the gospel,' Gal. ii. Which words, if they be well understand, signify g^ngr^i none other thing by ' the verity of the gospel, ' than the canon of the council decreed council.
620 THE couxcii of basil.
jj^nry amongst tlie apotlcs : for the disciples being gathered together, had so deter- '^- mined it. Wliereiipon St. Paul doth show, that Peter ouglit to have obeyed . I J the general council.
""^' But now, to finish this disjjiitation, we will here adjoin the determination of the council of Constance, wiiich council aforesaid, wiihng to cut off all ambi- guity and doubts, and to provide a certain order of living, declared by a Decree of solemn decree, that all men, of what estate or condition soever they were, yea, ""^ although that they were popes themselves, be bound under the obedience and
cou.^ci 0 m.jj,^j^,^j.pg Qf jj^g sacred general councils. And although there be a certain re- Htance. straint, where it is said, ' In such things as pertain unto the faith, Uie extirpa- '^n'*e *^'"" °* schism, and the reformation of the church, as well in the head as in the bound to members;' notwithstanding, this amplificative clause, which is adjoined, is to obey it. ^g noted, 'Et in pertinentibus ad ea ;' that is to say, ' With all the appurtenants.' Wliich addition is so large, that it containeth all things in it which may be Divers imagined or tliought. For the Lord said thus unto his apostles, ' Go ye forth hearsed*^ and teach all people.' He did not say in three points only, but teach them ' to foraiitu'o- observe and keep all things, whatsoever I have connnanded you.' And in rity of another place he saith, not this or that, but 'whatsoever' 3'e shall bind, &:c., church which all together are alleged for tlie authority of the church and general and coun- councils. For the exaltation whereof these places also come in: * He tl>at tl''* ^'"h"'^ heareth you, heareth me.' And again, ' It is given unto you to know the mys- ' teries of God.' Also, ' Wliere two or three be gatliered in my name,' Arc. Again, * Wlialsoevcr ye shall ask,' &c. ' O holy Fatlier ! keep them whom thou hast given me,' &'c. And, ' I am with you even unto the end of the world.' Also out of St. Paul these places are gathered : ' We are helpers of God,' &c. ' Which hath made us apt ministers of the New Testament,' &c. ' And he ap- •pointed some apostles, and some prophets,' &c. In all which places, both Christ and the apostle spake of the authority of many, and all of them are alleged for the authority of the universal church.
But forsonmch as that church, being dispersed and scattered abroad, cannot decree or ordain anything, therefore, of necessity it is to be said, that the chief and principal authority of the church doth reside in general councils, while they ^Vci!;llty are assembled together. And therefore it was observed in the primitive church, m-Mers that difficult and weijihty matters were not intreated upon, but only in general ouivin ° councils and congregations. The same is also found to be observed afterward, ptiieral for, wlieu the churches were divided in opinion, general councils were holden. councils. ,^jjj jij j^j^g council of Nice we do find the heresy of Arius condemned; in the council of Constantinople, the heresy of Macedonius ; in the council of Ephesus, the heresy of Nestorius ; in the council of Clialcedon, the heresy of Eiityches Tlie was also condemned ; forsomuch as they thought the judgment of the bishop
Kuii'iVii-n't "* Home not to stdfice to so great and weighty matters; and also they thought u< juiUc the sentence of the council to be of greater force and efficacy than the sentence lureucs: (jf (.]^g pope, forsomuch as he might err as a man. But the council, wherein so i-yr. many men were gathered together, being guided by the Holy Ghost, could not
err. Also- it is a very excellent saying of Martianus, the emperor, which serveth for that purpose, whose words are these : ' Truly he is to be coimted a wicked and sacrilegious person, who, after the sentence of so many good aiul holy men, will stick to withdraw any part of his opinion. For it is a point of mere mad- ness, at the noontime and fair daylight to seek for a feigned light; for he who having found the truth, seeketh to discuss any thing further, seeketh but after vanities and lies.'
Now I think it is evident enough unto all men, that the bisliop of Rome is Whether under the council. Notwithstanding some do yet still doubt, whether he may iiic pope also be dejiosed b}^ the council or not; for, albeit it be proved that he is under (i!po.si-d '-'''' council, yet, for all that, will they not grant that he may be also deposed by by tlie the council. Wherefore, it shall be no digressing at all from our purpose, some- council, ^vhat to say upon that matter; and, first of all, to speak of these railers who are yet so earnest for the defence of the l)ishop of Rome, who, being vancpiished in one battle, still renew another, and contend rather of obstinacy than of ignorance. They would have here recited again that which we have before spoken, as touching the pre-eminence of the bishop of Rome, or the patriarch. And, as the.e are many of them more full of words than eluijucnce, they stay much on
THE pope's GUrilEMACY UKrUTED. 621
tliis point, where Christ said unto Peter, ' Tibi daho c.laves regni crelorum ;' Hrnry ' I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt f^^- bind upon earth shall be bound in heaven ;' as though by those words he should ^ j-j be made head over the others. And again, they do amplify it by this, ' Pasce 1430' oves meas,' ' Feed my sheep,' which they do not find to be spoken to any other -^_ — ^ of the apostles. And, because it is said that Peter was the chief and the mouth pi'^^" ^^"^^ of the apostles, therefore they judge it well spoken, that no man shall judge the regni chief and principal see ; being all of this opinion with Boniface, who said, that coelomm;' the pope ought to be judged for no cause, except he l)e perceived or known to oves^'^'^ swerve from the faith, although he do carry innumerable people with him head- meas;' long into hell, there to be perpetually tormented ; as though he could not open ™ j^,^ ^^°~ the kingdom of heaven to others, if any other could shut it against him; neither the pone's that he could feed others, if he himself lacked pasture. suprema-
But we count these, as things of no force or ditHculty. For St. Augustine, in *^^' the sermon on the nativity of Peter and Paid, saith in this wise : ' Our Lord Jesus Christ, before his passion, chose his disciples, as ye know, whom he called brethren. Amongst those Peter alone, almost in every place, represented the Peter re- person of the church. And therefore it was said imto him, Tibi dabo claves t'l'^^'^p''* regni coelorum ; that is to say, Unto thee will I give the keys of the kingdom son of the of heaven. These keys did he not receive, as one man, but, as one, he re- church, ceived them for the church. And in another place, where he writeth of the christian agony, he saith ; ' The keys of the kingdom of heaven were given unto The keys the church, when they were given unto Peter. And when it was spoken unto ^'ven him, Amas me? Pasce oves meas; that is to say, Lovest thou me? Feed my clmrch, slieep ; it was spoken unto tliem all.' And St. Ambrose, in the beginning of and not to his Pastoral, saith : ' Which sheep and which flock the blessed apostle St. Peter °"^ '^^^• took no charge of alone, but together with us, and we altogether with him.' By which words the foundation and principal arguments of those flatterers are utterly subverted and overthi-own ; for, if Peter represented the person of the church, pope bo- we ought not to ascribe the force of these words unto Peter, but unto the church, niface Neither do I see how that can stand which Boniface doth atiirm, for it is far '^"'^'"• distant from the truth, except it be understand otherwise than it is spoken.
But it may, peradventure, seem a great thing unto some, that the bishop of Rome is said to be the head of the militant church ; for, as in the body of man, physicians do never give counsel to cut ofl" the head for any manner of sickness and disease, although it be ever so full of ulcers, or infected; so, in this mysti- cal body of the church the head ought always to be kept : and, albeit it be ever so wicked, yet it is to be suffered and borne withal. But now conveii; this argu- ment. If it were possible, in the body of man, when one head is taken away, to find another to put in its place, as we see it may be done in the church ; should not heads then be oftentimes changed for divers diseases ? Moreover, if we will thus reason, that the head of the church should be, in respect of his body, as the head of man in respect of the body of man ; then doth it necessarily follow, that the head being dead, the body must also die, as is manifest in the body of man. So should it grow into an absurdity to confess, that the pope being dead, the church also should be dead ; which how far it dissenteth from The tlie trntli, it is most manifest. Therefore, whatsoever other men say, I am '>ishop of not of opinion with them v/ho afiirm the bishop of Rome to be head of the pr?,pjr™* church, except, peradventure, they do make him the ministerial head: for we do called the read t'aat Christ is the head of the church, and not the pope ; and that he is the ^^^^^^ °^ true liead, immutable, perpetual, and everlasting; and the church is his body, church. whereof the pope himself is also a member, and the vicar of Christ ; not to the destruction, but to the maintenance and edifying of the same body of Christ. Wherefore, if he be found a damnable destroyer of the church, he may be de- posed and cast out, because he doth not that he was ordained to do ; ' and we ought, as pope \,eo saith, to be mindful of the commandment given us in the gospel : that if our eye, our foot, or our right hand do olFend us, it should be cut ofl' from the body. For tlie Lord saith in another place, ' Every tree which bringeth not forth fruit, shall be cut down and cast into the fire.' And in another place also it is said unto us, ' Take away all evil and wickedness from among you.' It is very just and true which is "written in the epistle of Clement unto
(1) They dote -who say that the pope cannot be deposed for any other cause than for heresy.
to be cut
oir.
622 THE coL'xciL of basil.
H,'nry James the brother of our Lord, that lie who will be saved, ought to be separate
^^- from them wlio will not be saved. ^ T) But, for the more manifest declaration hereof, we must have recourse to that
li:;9 ■^^■^'ch is spoken by the Lord in the ofospel of John ; ' I am the true vine,' saith
'—^ the Lord, ' and my Father is the husbandman, and ye are the branches ; every
Fruitless branch tiierefore that bringeth not forth fruit in me, my Father will cut otf.' iiranches Tliese Words were spoken unto the apostles, among whom also Peter was present, whom the Lord would have cut otf, if He brought not forth his fruit. Also St. Jeroiue, upon these words of Matthew, ' Unsavoury salt is profitable for notliing, but to be cast forth and trodden of swine,' thereupon in the person of Peter arul Paul saith thus: ' It is no easy matter to stand in the place of Peter aiul Paul, and to keep the chair of them who reign with Christ. 'Phis unsavoury salt (that is to say, a foolish prelate,* unsavoury in preaching, and foolish in offending) is good for nothing but to be cast forth, that is to say, deposed, and to be trodden of swine, that is, of wicked spirits, which have dominion over the wicked and naughty prelates, as their own flock and herd.' Behold this testimony of Jerome is plain and evident; 'Let him be cast out,' saith he. He expoundeth and speaketh this of the prelate who usurpeth the jilace of Peter, and so consequentlv of the bishop of Rome, who, being unsavoury in preaching, and foolish in offend- ing, ought to be deposed (as Jerome atHrmeth) from his degree and dignity.* Neither, as some do dream, is he to be deposed for heresy only. Isidore, in the Book of Councils, rehearseth a certain epistle of Clement, the successor of Peter, Tlie written unto James the apostle, where the said Clement, repeating the words of
Pef^'i"^ I'eter unto himself, saith thus: ' If thou be occupied with worldly cares, thou Cieinent. shalt both deceive thyself, and those who shall give ear unto thee ; for thou canst not fully distribute unto every man those things which pertain ui'to salvation : whereby it shall come to pass, that thou, for not teacliing those things which periain unto huiuan salvation, shalt be deposed, and thy disciples shall jierisli through ignorance.' Notwithstanding, in another place, instead of this word ' deposed,' it is found, ' thou shalt be punished ;' which two words, if they be well understand, do not much differ, for deposition is oftentimes used in the place of punishiuent. The cpi- But peradventure some will here object, that this epistle is not to be judged cieinent Clement's, because it is said to be written unto James, who, as the Historia Scho- to James, lastica^ atiirmeth, was dead before Peter was put to death. But Clement nu'giit doubted, think that James was alive, when he wrote ; wiio were far distant asunder, and tidings of the Christians came not easily unto Rome. Moreover, there is men- tion made of tiiis epistle in divers places of the decretals as most true, and there- fore it sh;ill be nothing from the purpose to rehearse other sayings out of the same epistle ; where he saith, ' Tliat he who liveth rebelliously, and refuseth both to learn and to do good, is rather a member of the devil than of Christ, and doth show himself rather to be an infidel than a faithful Christian.' Upon which words, the gloss which Panormitane calleth singular and doth much approve * Tl.e pope saith, that if the crime or offence of the bishop of Rome be notorious, whereby to lie both the church is offended, if he be incorrigible, he may he accused thereof. If then amr'pu- ^^^ """^y '^"^ accused, ergo, also, he may be punished, and, according to the e.xi- nishud. gency of the fault, deposed; otherwise he should be accused in vain.
Now is there no more any ])lace of defence left for our adversaries, but that the pope may be deposed; which argument being now brought to an end, not- withstanding it is not yet evident whether he may oe deposed by the council or ■Whether no ; which we now take in hand to discourse. And, first of all,' the adversaries deposed'!^ ^^^'^ S''^"'' ''"'^ ^"^'° "'^ ; ^''''t ^^^s bishop of Rome may be deposed by the church, forasnuich as the pope being the vicar of the church, no man dmibteth but that a lord uuiy put out his vicar at his will and pleasure : neither is it to be doubted "V* ^"'^ ^^•''^*^ *^^''^ ^'"^"^ '^ '"'^^^ *^"'^ called the vicar of the church than of Christ. be'caTled ■^"^' '^ '^'^, churcli may depose the jiope, ergo, the council also may do the the vicar same. 'For,' as it is before declared, the universal church doth ordain or cbnreh '^^^'"'^^ nothing, but when it is congregated or gathered together in general ti.VmVf councils. Then, albeit they be not all present, it is sufficient that they be all Christ. called, whom reason retiuireth to have present.
(1) If the pope he unsavoury salt, he is to be cast away.
(2) A note for all naughty prelates. (.i) See Appendix.
(•I) See p. G08. -Ed. (:,) hee Edition 1JG3, p. 295.— Ed.
WHEN COUNCILS MAY 13K LAWFULLY HOLDEN. 623
But here, of one doubt riseth also another; for, whereas the church doth Jic-nry comprehend, as well the laity, as the clergy, a question seemeth to be demanded ''^• why only the clergy do hold the councils, or that the laity are not present and . ^ have a voice in the councils. Some one also may suppose that which is spoken, , j^oq' ' the churc^i cannot err,' to be referred imto both states, and both kinds of men ______
and women, that, albeit the clergy do err, the laity might remain firm and con- stant. And again, if the men happen to err, some women might remain in the faitli ; but it is erroneous so to think. For we ought to consider the church to be understood two manner of ways : the one, which containeth both the laity and tlie clergy ; the other, which containeth the clergy alone. And to this second church it pertaineth to teach, purge, illuminate, direct, correct, feed, and to make perfect, the first part. Wherefore we do affirm the universal church, which comprehendeth all faithful Christians, to have all manner of authority and power granted unto it : and therefore, that the bishop of Rome is subject thereunto, and maybe deposed, cast out, and excommunicated, if he do not rule and govern well.
Whei-efore, whensoever the faitliful Christians are gathered together in the Holy Ghost, to celebrate a council, albeit they be not all there present, yet, because they are lawfully called, the fulness of the power doth consist no more in the pope, but in the council: and immediately as the council is begun, it is straightways above the pope. Wherefore thus we conclude, that whatsoever is granted or permitted to the universal church, the same is also granted unto a general council.
Whereupon, if the universal church (as no man can deny) may depose the pope, a general council may also do the same.* Also the gloss, wliich Panormitane in his writing doth so greatly commend, hath this sentence, ' Tliat a general council is judge over the pope in all cases.' Likewise the most sacred s3-nod of Constantinople, which is allowed of all men, doth appoint the bishops of Rome to be under the judgment of a council; and the council to judge and determine of every doubtfid matter or question that doth arise con- cerning the bishop of Rome. Neither let it move any man that this word ' deposition' is not mentioned; for it is said ' of every doubtful matter or question :' for, if the synod do judge of every doubt, ergo, it shall also judge whether the pope shall be deposed or not ; for that may also come in doubt. And because we will not seek examples far oft", John XXIII., whom all the world did reverence as pope, was deposed of his papacy by the council of Con- stance : neither yet was he condemned for any heresy ; but, because he did john de- ofFend the church by his manifold crimes, the sacred synod thought good to posed, depose him ; and ever since, continually, the church hath proceeded by like jJ pj. ^^ example, that their opinion might cease, who affirm that the pope cannot be lieresy. deposed, but only for heresy.
But here is yet one thing not to be omitted, that certain men do affirm the Whether general councils to be of no effect, except the pope do call and appoint them, eoi'^^'is and his authority remain with them. Whereupon they say, that Dioscorus did con'pre- rebuke Paschasius the bishop of Sicily, and legate of pope Leo, because that gated he did enterprise, without the authority of the apostolic see, to call a council at J^g ^°^_ Ephesus. They also allege another testimony of the synod of Chalcedon ; thority of where, when mention was made of the council of Ephesus, all the bishops cried '^'^ 1^°P^- out, saying, ' We ought not to call it a council, because it was neither gathered by the apostolic authority, nor rightly kept.' By which authorities, they wlio say that the councils cannot be holden without the consent of the pope, do think themselves marvellously armed. Whose sentence and opinion, if it take place and prevail as they desire, it shall bring with it the great ruin and decay of the church. For what remedy shall we find, if a wicked poj^e do disturb the whole church, destroy souls, seduce the people by his evil example ; if, finally, he preach contrary unto the faith, and fill the people full of heresies, shall we pro- vide no stay or stop for him ? shall we suffer all things to run to ruin and decay with him?i Who would think that the bishop of Rome would congregate a council for his own correction or deposition ? for as men are prone unto sin, so would they also sin without punishment. But when I do peruse ancient histo- ries, and the Acts of the Apostles, I do not find this order, that councils should be gathered only at the will of the pope ; for the first council of all, after Mat- (1) JIark wherefore the popes will have no general councils.
6'i4> THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
Iir-»ry tliias was substituted in the place of Judas, was not congregated at the coni- ''^- mandmcnt of Peter, hut at the commandment of Christ, who commanded the
A Q apostles that they sliould not depart from Jerusalem, but look for the promise
1 A-ici of the Father.
L ■_ Tjie second council, as touching the election of the deacons, Peter alone did
The first not congregate, but the twelve apostles ; for it is written, ' The twelve apostles, the'S-"^ calling together the multitude,' &c.
sties The third council, which was holden as touching the taking away of circum-
The se- cision and other ceremonies of the law, was gathered togcilier by a general coiid. inspiration : for it is written, 'The apostles and eldtrs came together,' &:c. i^iird '^"^'^ fourth council, wliere certain things contained in the law are ])C'nnitttd,
Xhe seemetli to have been gathei-ed by James. And so, discoursing throughout all,
fourth. tliere can nothing be found in tlie primitive clnucli, wliereby it should appear that the authority of congregating of councils should pertain only unto bishops Councils, of Rome. Neither afterwards in the time of Conslantine the Great, and other 111 times emperors, was the consent of the bishops of Rome greatly required to the con- gregated gregating of councils; and therefore the synod of Chalcedon speaketh thus of by empe- jtstlf: ' The sacred -ind universal synod gathered together at Chalcedon, the by'popes. chief city of the province of Bithynia, according to the grace of God, and tlie sanctions of the most godly and christian emperors, Valentinian and Martian.' The synod doih not make any mention here of the bishop of Rome, although When a his corsent were there. Wherefore, if the pope would resist, nnd would have no
council council consre^ated, vet, if the greater part of the prelates do iudj'e it necessary maybe , ^ "■, i -^ -i , .11., 1 -n
holdeii. to have a council, the council may be congregated wnetliertlie pope will or no.
*For 1 when the prelates be gcncrallj' inspired, the judgment of one man nmst needs give place, although he be the successor of Peter.
Neither do I perceive it to have been alwa3's observed, that there should be no council holden without the authority of the pope.* For the council holden at Pisa, was not congregate by tlic authority and consent of any ])ope, when Gregory' did condemn it, and Benedict cursed it. The same also may be said of the council of Constance, v.-hich was assembled by the authority of pope John, who in respect of the vSpaniards was no true pope. And,'if the council of Pisa were no true council, pope Jonn was no true pope ; whereupon his consent to the congregating of the council of Constance was of no effect. Moreover, it is more than folly to affirm, that when the pope hath once given his consent, if it should be called back, the council should then cease, for then it is no more in his power to revoke his consent. And of neces- sity he must be obedient unto the council whereof he is a member, and give How the place unto the greater part : and if he separate himself from the consent of the schiV^ * gi-eater part, and depart from the unity of the chvn-ch, he maketh himself a matic. schismatic.
He can- Now, to come unto the second conclusion : if it be true, as it is indeed, that not dis- the pope is under the council, how can the pope then dissolve, alter, and trans- councfl P^t the comicil, against the will of the same ? for with what countenance can against we sav, that the inferior hath power over the superior ? How can the synod the will of correct the pope, if the pope may dissolve the synod contrary to the will thereof.' the same, ^j^^^j^ ^j^^ ^^^^^^^ j^^ libidinous, covetous, a sowe'r of war and discord, and a most mortal enemy unto the church and the name of Christ, how can the council reprove him, "if he have authority to dissolve the council ? For as soon as ever the bishop of Rome shall understand, that in the council they do treat or talk of his correction or punishment, straightways he will seek remedy by dissolving S.iying of the council. For, as Macrobius saith, he that hath liberty to do more than is Macro- fit or necessary, will oftentimes do more than is lawful. If so be that the **'"*• bishop of Rome mav exempt himself from correction by dissolving or trans- porting the council, it followeth that the council is not above him. Therefore we must either denvthat which is before said, that the pope is under the coun- cil, or else deny tha"t the pope hatli power to dissolve the council, contrary to the will and determination of the council. Whether And, as the first conclusion is most tnic, so are all other conclusions false, the pope vhich seem to impugn the same. Wherefore the second conclusion of the Bohx'a^' divines is also manifest, albeit some do admit it in certain cases, and, in others, council, exclude it again. For, if we do admit, that for certain causes the pope may
(1) See Edition 15C3, p. 29fi.— Ed.
DEFINITION OF THE CATHOLIC FAITH. 625
dissolve the coxincil contrary to the will and determination thereof, that is to Uenry say, to make the pope judge of the council, it were clean contrary unto the first ^^- conchision. . t\
Now it is proved that the council is above the pope, and cannot be dissolved -iVoq"
by the pope without consent thereof. Now we must further see, whether it be 1-
an article of our faith to believe it ; which matter hath respect unto the third conclusion. For there have been many, who, albeit they did confess these two conclusions to be true, yet they doubted whether it were a verity of the catholic faith or no. Therefore this second part must be confirmed, and we must see whether it be an article of faith that the pope be under the council ; which being proved, it shall also appear to be an article of faith, that the pope cannot dissolve the council without the consent thereof: which consequent none of tlie contrary part hath refuted. First of all therefore we must inquire what faith itself is, that we may thereby the better understand what pertaincth thereunto.
Faith, as the divines do define it, is a firm and steadfast cleaving unto things Defini- believed on the authority of him that speaketh. If then we believe, as is afore- ti?" of said, that the pope of Home is under the council, some authority doth move us ''"^ thereunto : so is there faith in him that believeth it. But the question is not whether it be an article of faith only, but whether it be an article of the catlio- lic faith. Wherefore we must again inquire, what the catholic faith is. Tliis Defini- word Catholic is a Greek word, and signifieth Universal. The catholic faith, '[»" "'' that is to say, the universal faith, is not so called because every man holdeth it, c/uholic but because every man ought to believe it. For all men do not believe that faitk God is incarnate, but every man ought so to believe. And albeit many be against this faith, yet doth it not cease to be universal. For what wi'iteth the apostle unto the Romans ? ' If some of them have not believed, doth their mis- behef make the faith of God vain 1 God forbid. Verily God is true, but every man is a liar.' Rom. iii. Therefore to believe that the pope is under the council, what is is a point of the catholic faith, although some think the contrary : for we are catiiolic. bound to believe it, forsomuch as it is taken out of the gospel. For we are not boimd only to believe those things that are noted to us in the Creed, but also all those things that are contained in the holy Scriptures, whereof we may not deny one iota. And those things which we allege for the superiority of a general council, are gathered out of the sayings of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and the epistles of Saint Paul : ergo, we are all bound to believe it. And to prove that these things are taken out of the gospel, the council of Constance doth witness, which groundetli its authority upon these words, ' Die ecclesioe ;' tliat is to say, ' Tell it unto the church;' and, ' Where two or three are gathered together in my name,' &c. ; and, ' Whatsoever ye shall bind,' &c., with other such like texts.
* And 1 Saint Austin saith : ' Quod evangelio non crederet, ni autoritas ecclesije se commoveret;' that is to say, that he would not give any credit unto the gospel, except the authority of the ch\irch did move him thereunto : in this place, naming the church for the general council. For the church, which was dis- persed in everyplace, did not ordain the receiving of the Gospels and Scriptures ; but the church which was congregated and gathered together in the general council. And, thereby, it may come to pass, that, like as the council did bind us to the believing of them, so may it also set forth other things unto us, to be believed.*
Whereupon pope Martin V., being yet at Constance, under the license of the council sent out his bulls, which do reckon up the articles, whereupon they ought to be examined who had fallen into any heresy ; amongst which articles he putteth this article : — Whether he doth believe a sacred general council to have power immediately from God, and that the ordinances thereof are to be received of all faithful Christians ; which if any man would deny, he should be counted a heretic. Wherefore, when the sacred synod of Constance doth set forth this verity, as touching the superiority of a general council, what shoidd let, but that we also should confess the same to be a verity of the catholic faith ? For the catholic church, being congregate at Constance, received that faith ; that is to say, believed it by the authority of him who spake it ; that is, Christ and his saints.
(l)S2e Ed. 1563. p. 297. -Ed. VOL. III. S S
626 THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
Henry To this purpose also sen'e very well the words of the s}Tiod of Clial-
^'^- ccdon, written in this manner : — "It is not lawful to name him ' bishop,' that
A. D. is condemned \)y the wiiole synod. The determination pleasetli all men.
1439. This is the faith of the fathers. He that holdeth any opinion contrary imto
~ this, is a heretic. And again, it is a nile, that it is not lawful to appeal from
words of t'>6 elect and chosen synod. He that holdeth any opinion contrary to this, is a
the heretic."
^"k","?^!.' °^ Mark the manifest witness of this most sacred synod, which said, that he is doii. a heretic, who lioldeth any opinion contrary unto the council. But he is no
heretic, except he refuse the catholic faith : ergo, it was the catholic faith to believe that it was not lawful to appeal from the sacred council. But how was the same any point of the catholic faith? Verily, forsomuch as tlie sacred synod, perusing over the holy Scriptures, hath received this conclusion out of the words of Christ and other holy fathers. And, like as the synod of Clialcedon took their conclusions out of the holy Scriptures, so likewise did the council of Constance tliis which we now reason upon. And like as the one is an article of the catholic faith, so is the other also. And he who holdeth any opinion contrary to either or both, is a heretic. Panor- Furthermore they seem unto me to dream and dote, who, confessing them to
mitane ^g verities, will not confess them to be verities of faith. For if they be verities, nipped by I P^'iy you whereof are they verities? Truly not of grammar, much less of his own logic ; and from astronomy and physic they are far distant : neither is there any tioif"*'' other man but a divine, that will grant this verity, whom Scripture doth force unto it of necessity, if he do believe Christ, or his apostles. Therefore this is a verity of the catholic faith, which all men ought to embrace ; and he who obstinately resisteth against the same, is to be judged a heretic, as the third conclusion doth affirm. Neither let any man think it hard or cruel, that he should be called a heretic, who goeth about to derogate any thing from the power of a general council, whicn is confirmed by so many testinionies and authorities, *when he also is counted a heretic, wlio taketh away the supremacy from the clun-ch of Rome, which is one of the Cirecks' heresies that are con- demned.* Also Panormitane allegeth St. Jerome, saying, ' He who under- standeth the Scripture otlierwise than the sense of the Holy Ghost doth re- quire, albeit he do not depart from the church, may be called a heretic'
Whereupon it followeth, that he, who, upon tlie words of Clirist, saying unto
Peter, ' Die ecclesite,' i. e. ' Tell it unto tiie church,' doth not understand by
' the church' a general council, understandeth it otherwise than the sense of
Tellthe the Holy Ghost dolh require, and thereby may be noted as a heretic. And
thaHs'to ^^^^^ ^'^^ sense of the Holy Ghost is otherwise than he doth judge it, the council
say, a of Constance doth declare ; the which interpreting those words ' Die ecclesia?,'
general that is, ' Tell it mito the church,' spoken by the Holy Ghost, understandetli
them to be spoken of a general council.
For these and many other weighty reasons the three aforesaid conclusions seemed true unto the divines, and through them they also allowed the residue. Now have we sufficiently said, as touching that which was before promised ; neither do I think any man now can be in doubt about the three first con- clusions.
Now, to return again unto our story ; it is our purpose to declare those things wliicli happened after tlie conclusion of the divines ; for many of them arc worthy of remembrance, and may haply be profit- able unto posterity.
*\\'hcn' the matter was allowed by the divines, it came to the Arp/'iuix. examination of the deputations, whereof three, without much ado, con- sented with the divines. The fourth, which was named the Common deputation, admitting the three first conclusions, seemed to hesitate about the residue. George, bishop of Vich, was a great stop to this matter; who, being newly returned from INIcntz, and not being pre- sent at the disputation holden at the chapter-house, could not be
(1) Edition 1563, p. 298.— Ed.
PANOEMITANE REFUTED. 627
persuaded, that Eugene could without a new convocation be declared Henry
a heretic. Amedeus, archbishop of Lyons, favoured him very much ; _„
not for his opinion (for he had o])enly, in the disputation of the chapter- A. D. house, declared Eugene a lieretic and relapse), but because he feared _ll?£i. that the deposition of the pope would be the next step.
There were, in this deputation, many who not only now, but always had favoured Eugene's part. This deputation, lest, accord- ing to the old custom of the council, the matter should be concluded by three deputations, did suspend all deliberation ; for by that sus- pension they brought a greater stop and let than they should have done by denying, and so protracted the matter a long time. For this cause messengers were sent from the other deputations, through whose exhortation the Common deputation did revoke their sus- pension upon the three conclusions. And now Friday was come, on which day they were accustomed to have a general congregation, and a final conclusion of their business.*
Meanwhile, the archbishop of Milan and Panonnitane, with tlie residue of their fellow ambassadors of the king of Arragon and the duke of Milan, armed themselves with all their power to let the matter, exhorting all men of their faction to withstand it with stout and valiant stomachs ; *and' by their letters and messengers they called back others, who were gone away for fear of the plague. The cardinal of Tarragona, who then sojourned at ^oleure, was sent for ; gj^j,,:, likewise was Louis, the prothonotary of Rome, who was gone unto the baths, not so much for his health's sake, as to avoid being com- pelled to defend Eugene contrary to his real mind. There were many of the bishops of the Arragons sent for beside, who all came back again the day before the congregation should be holden, ex- cepting the cardinal, who returned after the congregation.
As soon as the time was come for the congregation to begin, the ambassadors of the princes were present, and, as though they had before conspired together, all unanimously agreed to hinder the con- clusion as much as in them lay,*
And first of all, the bishop of Burgos, a man distinguished for The wisdom and eloquence, exhorted them to defer the conclusion, and to Bm-gos!^ tarry for the other ambassadors of the princes, who would shortly return from Mentz.
After him Panormitane, a man of singidar talent and learning, and chief ambassador of his king, with a grave and rhetorical oration spake, in a manner, as followeth.
The Oration of Panormitane.^
I have, said he, had a commandment by the prophet, to cry without ceasing ; which prophet said, ' Cry out, cease not, hftup thy voice as a trumpet.' If that in any matter at any time before it were proper to cry, this matter specially, which was now in hand, lacked crying and roaring out, when the state of the universal church was treated upon, either to be preserved, or utterly over- thrown ; and that he had cried so much in this manner, that he doubted not but the saying of David was fulfilled in him, where he saith, — ' Laboravi da- mans, raucae sunt factge fauces meas ;' — ' I have laboured, crying out, that jiiy jaws are become hoarse.'
(1) Edition 1563, pp. 298, 299.— Ed. (2) Ed. 15S3, p. 677.— Ed.
628 IHE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
Henry Notwithstanding, that he would, both now and as often as need should re-
''^- quire, without ceasing stdl cry out, and especially now in this most diificult and
• ^ weighty matter; wherein he required the sacred council gently to liear both him,
^ ,■„ ■ and the ambassadors of otlier princes ; adding, moreover, four tilings to be
!ijL considered, in all requests made of any man; which he also required the fathers
Four now presently to mark and consider : who it is that maketh the request? what tilings to jg required? why it should be required ? and what effect would come by the re- sideredin quest either granted or denied? As touching the first point he said; the most every noble kings and excellent princes with their prelates, were of great power. And requi'b . t]^p,^]^e reckoned up the king of Castile, the king of Arragon, the duke of Milan, and the bishops of the same princes; rehearsing also the merits and good deeds of the said kings, and also of the duke of Milan. But when he came to make men- tion of the prelates, he could not refrain himself, but began to wax somewhat liot, saying, that the greatest number of prelates were on his part. For if the bishops and abbots were counted, it were not to be doubted but the greatest part of them would have this present matter deferred ; and, forsomuch as the whole power of the council doth consist in the bishops, it is not to be suffered, that they being neglected and contemned, that should be concluded, which pleased the greater part of the inferiors. For the keys, said he, were given to the apostles, and to their successors, who are the bishops: also that there arc three kinds of synods, episcopal, provincial, and general, and none of all these without bishops. Panormi- Wherefore the manner and order of the present council seemed indecent, where 'vould things were not weighed according as men excel in dignity, but by most voices : liave dig- notwithstanding, according to the most famous epistle of Clement, the bishops nity to be were the pillars and keys of heaven, and the inferiors had no determining voice, e'r^no" ^"t only a consultative voice with them. Wherefore there would be a great voices. offence in this behalf, if a matter of faith should be determined without the bishops ; in which matter not only the bishops, but also the secular princes ought to be admitted. And, forsomuch as they, in the name of their princes, desired to be admitted to the examination of this present matter, and would examine the matter more fully, he complained gi'eatly how unwortliy a thing it was, that they should be contemned or despised. He seem- After many things spoken to this end and effect, he passed over to the second dtl.i\°the ^^^^ "^ '"^ oration, declaring what it was that he required ; not gold, nor silver, process neither precious stones, neither provinces nor kingdoms, neither a thing hard to sgaiiist be done ; but only that the delay of the sacred council was required, and that e pope, jj^g fathers would stay in the process against the pope, and in the conclusion and determination of matters which were then in hand. Is' either should the delay be long, but only until the return of the ambassadors from Mentz, who, he knew well, would return very shortly. That this was but a small matter, and needed but small entreaty, because there was no danger in it. .And also it should seem injurious, not to tarry for the ambassadors of the princes who were then at Mentz, when tliey were not absent for their own private commodity, but about the affairs of the commonwealth, and the commodity of i)eace ; neither had he forgotten, that at their departure they had desired", that during their absence there should be nothing renewed concerning the matters of Eugene. Tlic third Then, immediately adjoining the third part of his oration, wherefore this orai'ion.'"" 'l^'^y was required, he concluded, that it was not required for the private com- modity of any one man, but for the common weal; not to perturb or trouble any thing, but for the better examination of the matter, that all things might pass with peace and quietness ; and that the matter might be so much the more firm and stable, by how much it is ratified and allowed by the consent of many. And so he proceeded to the last part of his argument, requiring the fathers that they would consider, and weigh in their minds, the efllcct that would follow, if they should grant or deny this request. ' For,' saith he, ' if ye shall deny this small petition of the princes, they all will be aggrieved therewith, and take this Hisjier- repidse in ill part. They will say, they are contemned of yon, neither will they suaMuiis. Ijp obedient unto you, or receive your decrees. In vain shall ye make laws, except the jjrinces do execute the'm, and all your decrees shall' be but vain : yet would 1 think this to be borne withal, if I did not fear greater matters to ensue. What if they should join themselves with Eugene, who desireth to spoil you, not only of your livings, but also of your lives ? Alas ! what slaughter and murder do the eyes of my mind behold and see ! Would to God my
THE PRAISE OF LOUIS. 629
opinion were but vain ! But if you do grant and consent unto their petitions, Henry they will think themselves bound unto you ; they will receive and embrace your ^'^• decrees, and whatsoever you shall require of them shall be obtained. They will forsake your adversary ; they will speak evil of him and abhor him ; but A^'.; you they will commend and praise ; you they will reverence ; unto you they will wholly submit themselves ; and then shall follow that most excellent fruit of reformation and tranquillity of the church.' And thus he required the matter to be respited on all parts. At the last he said. That except the ambassadors of the princes were heard, he had a protestation written, which he would command to be read before them all.
When Panormitane had made an end of his oration, Louis, the pro- The thonotary of Rome, rose up, a man of such singular wit and memory, loui^s tifn that he was thought not to be inferior unto any of the famous men of Pg^^*''°"° oklen time ; for he had always in memory whatsoever he had heard or read, and never forgat any thing that he had seen ; *and when he was Arpe7idix. arguing, he did not merely quote laws by their first words, as other lawyers do, but repeated the law itself as fluently as if he had been reading it from a book.*
The Oration of Louis the Protlionotary.
This man, first commending Panormitane, said, That he came but the day before from the baths, and that it seemed unto him a strange thing which was now brought in question ; wherein he desired to hear other men's minds, and also to be heard of others ; and that those prelates who were at iVIentz should be tarried for, to be present at the discussing of this matter, in the name and behalf of their pi'inces, which prelates were men of great estimation, and the orators of most mighty princes.
He allowed, also, the saying of Panormitane, touching the voices of the infe- Bishops riors, and said that it seemed not to him to be against the truth, that only bishops ""'^ '" should have a determining voice in councils. And, albeit some in this dispu- detern.in- tation did think that which is written in Acts xv. to be their fort or defence; ingvoi. e notwithstanding, he was nothing moved therewith, nor took it to be of any force "ys"""" or moment, albeit it was said, * It seemed good unto the Holy Ghost and to us,' where both the apostles and the elders were gathered together: whereby it appeared, that the others had a deciding voice with the apostles. For he said, that there was no argument to be gathered of the acts of the Apostles, whose examples were more feo be marvelled at than to be imitated ; and that it doth not appear there, that the apostles called the elders of duty, but it is only declared that they were there present; whereupon nothing could be inferred; and that it seemed unto him, that the inferiors in the council of Basil would be admitted to determine with the bishops but of grace and favour only, because the bishops may communicate their authority unto others; *notwithstanding, in these matters which are graces, if one say the contrary, nothing can be done.* He alleged for testimony the bishop of Cuen9a, a man of great authority, who woidd not suffer any incorporation or fellowship of the meaner sort, and tliere- fore neither any inferior, not even himself (who as yet was not made bishop), to have any deciding voice in the council. Wherefore, forsomuch as the matter was weighty which was now in hand, and that the bishops spake against it, he begged the council that, making a virtue of necessity, they would stay for the ambassadors of the princes coming from Mentz.
His oration' was so much the more grievous, in that many were touched with his words : what gave special offence was, that he said the apostles were not to be imitated ; for that, all men did impugn as a blasphemy. But here a man may marvel, that a man of such excel- lency alleged no more or better matter. But it was not the man's
( 1 ) It is no marvel why he alleged no more or hetter matter ; for of naughty leather no man can make a good shoe. And note here how God withdraweth his gifts, when men dissemble and cloak the truth.
630
THE COUNCIL OF BASH..
ji.nry mcmory wliicli was in fault : the fact is, he did not speak heartily in '. — this matter, and desired nothing so much, as not to obtain that which
A.D. lie entreated for.
^'^'^^- *After' him the bishops of Catania and Bosa,- who were also the king's ambassadors, spoke in a few words in favour of the opinion of Panormitane. At that time the archbishop of Milan, a man of prompt and ready wit and learning, who was there alone ambassador for the duke of Milan (for the bishop of Albcnga, and Francis Barbavaria, were not yet returned from Mentz); he, beingafollowcr of St. Jerome, alleging many authorities out of the said doctor, exhorted earnestly to have the matter deferred, abhorring all haste, which, he said, was enemy unto the council, and by his countenance and gesture declaring himself to be greatly against the present proceedings. At the last he said, that except he were fully heard, he would make protestation in the name of himself and all his countrymen. After him followed the Asfe'dix. l^ishops of Tortosa and Girona, and a divine of Segorbc, abbot-elect of Mount Arragon, and some other men of that rank, who altogether approved the sentence and determination of Panormitane. The bishop of Parma agreed with the archbishop of Milan ; also the king's almoner, who afterward, flying from Basil because of the plague unto Zoffingen, died in a town of the Swiizers, between Lucerne and Basil. These, with Martinus de Vera, another ambassador of the king of Arragon, did confirm and stay themselves upon the saying of their fellow Panormitane. Then the other Arragons and Catalonians, Avishing to speak every one for himself, said that they did all agree to the desire of their king. The matter seemed to be craftily contrived, that they should spend the time and defer the conclusion. AV'hen a great number had spoken their minds, and a long succession of Catalo- nians had made an end,* Louis, the cardinal Arelatensis, a man of marvellous constancy and born for the governance of general coun- cils, gathered together the words of all the orators ; and turning himself first to the Castilians, he spake much of their devotion to the sacred council ; in like wise he spake of the Catalonians and Lom- bards : afterward, he, entering upon the matter, spake in this wise :
The Oration of the Cardinal Arelatensis.
Most reverend fathers ! tins is now no new or strange business, nor begun to- day or yesterday. For it is now many weeks ago since the conchisions were disputed upon amongst the divines, and sent unto JNIentz, and into all other parts of tiie world. After this they were disputed upon six successive days in the chapter-house of this church, and fully discussed, and after that, not without Truth great delay, approved by the deputations ; and as the truth sceketli no corners, steketh so all things were done publicly and openly, neither can any man pretend igno- rance ; neither were the prelates or princes passed over, for we invited all that were then at Basil, and exhorted them all to be present. And forsomuch as men- tion is made of the most noble king of Castile, who is ignorant that the king's own orators were there present, the bisho])s of liurgos and Ebrmi, men of singular learning and eloquence? And you also Panormitane yourself, who here repre- sent the person of the most famous king of Arragon, were twice present yourself in the chapter-house, and disputed twice most subtiiely, and twice declared your mind, what you tliought in that matter. Why do you desire more delay? Also out of the territory of the duke of Milan there was present the archbishop of Milan, who albeit he be no ambassador, yet how famous a prelate he is, you arc nut ignorant. (1) See Edition 15C3, p. 510.— Id. (2) Bosa, a city and sinport in Sardinia.— Ed.
' cor- ners.
WHO HAVE DETERMINING VOICES IN COUNCILS. 631
When he had spoken these words, the archbishop of Milan, being Henry somewhat moved, said unto him, " My lord cardinal, you supply the _ijL_ room of a president no more than I do the place of the duke's A. D. orator ;" and began to taunt him with many words. But the cardi- ^^^^' nal (as he was a most patient man, and would not be provoked to anger by any means), said as followeth :
The Oration of the Cardinal Archbishop of Aries continued.
That is just what I wanted. For if the archbishop be an ambassador, then hath the duke no cause to complain, who had his orator present at the discuss- ing of those matters. I pass over other princes, because they do not complain. Notwithstanding, the most christian king of France had there the archbishop of Lyons, a grave and sober man, as his ambassador at tlie disputation. As for other princes, I see no cause why they should be tarried for, who, knowing the council to be congregated for such matters as pertain unto faith, do not think it absurd that the doubtful matters of faith should be determined in the council ; whereat, if they had wished to be present, they would have come or this.
* Besides 1 that, it is not true what Panormitane saith, that secular princes ought to be admitted to any matter of faith, if he understand their coming to be in order to determine. And, albeit that Martianus the emperor doth say, ' Nos ad fidem confirmandam volumus interesse synodo;' that is, ' We will be present at the council for the confirmation of the faith ;' which words Panormi- tane doth so often allege, yet that must be added, which he himself doth add, that we may have the perfect understanding of his words, for he saith ; ' Nos ad fidem confirmandam, non potentiam exercendam, volumus interesse synodo;' that is, ' we will be present at the council, not to exercise our power and autho- rity, but for the confirmation of the faith ;' speaking it to this intent, that, thereby he might specially take away all fear from those, who thought that his presence would frustrate the council : which thing if our princes now-a-da3's would do, the matter were at an end. But our princes in these days, when by reason of their absence they cannot themselves threaten, yet will they put men in fear by their ambassadors. But God will look vipon such doings.*
Why tiiis matter should need so much discussing as some will have, I do not understand ; for if I rightly remember, Panormitane and also Louis have oftentimes affirmed in this place even the very same thing wliich the con- clusions signify. And if any of them now will go about to gainsay it, it will Didimus happen inUo them as it did unto Didimus, * than whom, as Quintilian saith, repie- 'No man at any time wrote more,'* to whom, when on a time he repugned ^J.^j^t'^was against a certain history as vain and frivolous, his own book was delivered unto in hisown him, wherein the same was written : so likewise these two men, 2 although they ^°°''* be excellently learned, and eloquent, yet may they be confuted by their own writings. Besides this, there are synodal epistles and decrees of this covmcil, which are full of such conclusions. What is it then whereupon any difficulty can be raised ? what is it that may be impugned ? Shall we now bring that again in doubt, which hath so often been declared, affirmed, and decreed? ' But,' say they, ' the princes and ambassadors are absent, who are bishops, by whose pre- sence the decrees should be of more authority.' Well, not only are they absent who are gone to Mentz, but almost an infinite number of others, dispersed throughout the whole world, whom if we should tarry to look for, nothing at any time should be decreed. They are all called unto the council ; they might have come if they would. To those that are present power is given, and they ought to debate tliese matters. If any man will say, that they who are absent are about the afiliirs of the commonwealth, truly we sent them not thither, but they went rather against the will of the council, than with the consent thereof.
And admit that they had been sent by the council, yet were not our power so niucli restrained but that we might reform the church, for, otherwise, there
(1) Ed. 1563, pp. 301, 302.— Ed. - ■
(2) He meaneth Panormitane and Ludovicus the prothonotary.
nS2 THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
Hffiry should never any thing be done in the council ; forsomuch as always some are sent
''^- out by the council, and some are always to be looked and tarried for; and there-
A T^ fore we must either do nothing at all, or send out no prelates from the council.
-lAon Whereas he said that prelates, and esj)ccially bishops, are contemned, that is
'-LL. most far from the truth, for they have the chief and first places. They speak
first, and give their voices first of all, unto all things ; and, if so be they do speak learnedly and truly, all the inferiors, without any gainsaying, do soon follow their mind.
Neither, peradventure, shall it seem dissonant from the truth, to say, that there was never any synod which did more amplify the power and authority of bishops, than this. For what have the bishops been in our days, but only shadows? Might they not well have been called shepherds without the sheep ? What had they more than their mitre and their staff, when they could deter- mine nothing over their subjects? Verily, in the primitive church, the bishops had the greatest power and authority ;1 but now is it come to that point that they do only exceed the common sort of priests in their habit and revenues. But we have restored them again to their old estate; we have reduced the collation of benefices again unto them ; we have restored unto them the con- firmation of elections ; we have brought again into their hands the causes of the subjects to be heard, and have made them bishops who were none before. What cause is there then, that the bishops should say they are contemned of the council, or what injurious thing have we at any time done unto them ?
But Panormitane saith, that forsomuch as most bishops are on his part, and few against him, the conclusion is not to be determined by the multitude of the inferiors. But let Panormitane remember himself, that this is no new kind of proceeding. This order of proceeding the council ordained from the beginning, neither hath it been changed at any time since. And this order, Panormitane ! in times past hath pleased you well enough, when the multitude did follow your mind.^ But now, because "they do not follow your mind, they do displease you. But the decrees of the council are not so mutable as the wills of men. Know ye, moreover, that the very same bishops who do consent with you in word, do not consent with you in mind, neither speak the same secretly, which they now do openly. They do fear that which, you told them at home in their country, that except they would follow your mind they should displease the king. They fear the power of the prince, and to be S])oiled of their temporalties ; neither have they free liberty to speak as is requisite in councils. Albeit, if they were true bishops, and tnie pastors of souls, they would not doubt to put their lives in venture for their sheep, neither be afraid to shed their blood for their mother the church. Mark But at this present (the more is the pity) it is rare to find a prelate in this
woddly '^^'orl'l) who doth not prefer his temporalities before his spiritualties ; with the pomp, love whereof they are so withdrawn, that they stiidy rather to please princes and""^' ^^'^" ^"'^ ' ^"'^ confess God in corners, "but princes they will openly confess. w"altli, ^f whom the Lord speaketh in his Gospel; ' Every one,' saith he, ' that con- liad fesseth me before men, I will confess him before my Father which is in hea-
the"pre' ^'en.'^ And, contrariwise, the Lord will not confess him before his Father lates to in who is afeard to confess the Lord before men. Neither is that true which tiiose Panormitane saith, that most bishops are on his part ; for here are many bishops' proctors whom he doth not reckon, because they are not of his opi- nion. Neither is the dignity of the fathers to be respected in the coiuicil, as lie saith, but only reason ; nor any thing more to be looked for than the truth ; neither will I, for my part, prefer a lie of any bishop, be he never so rich, before Truth a verity or truth of a poor priest. Neither ouglit a bishop to disdain, if he be rude or unlearned, that the multitude doth not follow him, or that tlie voice of
(hvelicth a poor learned and eloquent priest should be preferred before his. For wisdom under the dwelleth oftener under a bare and ragged cloak than in rich ornaments and cloaks. apparel.
Wherefore, I pray you, my lord bishops! do not so much contcnuj your
(1) Mark, O ye bishops, the council of Basil contendeth for you, and ye will not under- stand it.
(2) This was a true cardinal, out of whose mouth the verity did speak, who feared not the threatening^ of princes, neither .sought any worldly glory or dignity.
(3) Note liere the great godliness and most christian saying of this good bishop.
I43n.
THE namf:s of priests axd elders explained. 6S3
inferiors ; for the first who died for Christ, who also opened unto all others the ijenry way of martyrdom, was no bishop but only a Levite. As for that which Ludo- vi. vicus and Panormitane do allege, touching the voices of bishops, I know not where they have it ; wherefore I desire them that they would tell me where they have found it. But if we repeat the examples of old councils, we shall find that the inferiors were always present with the bishops. And, albeit Lu- dovicus do forbid us the examples of the apostles, I stay myself most upon their doings : for what is more comely for us to follow, than the doctrine and customs of the primitive church ? ' It is said, therefore, in the fifteenth chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, ' It seemed good unto the Holy Ghost, and to us ;' which words, 'to us,' are referred unto them who are before named, the apo- stles and elders. Neither this word, ' it seemed good,' signifieth in this place consultation, but decision and determination ; whereby it appeareth that others beside tlie bishops had determining voices. In another place also of the Acts, when the apostles should treat upon a weighty matter, they durst not deter- mine by themselves, but the twelve called together the multitude.
Here Ludovicus saith, that it doth not appear the apostles called others of necessity. — But I say unto him, how knowest thou, that they did not call them of necessity? But, forsomuch as both parts are uncertain, nothing doth pro- hibit us to follow the apostles. For, seeing that all things are written for our learning, it appeareth that the apostles would give us example, that in weighty matters we should admit our inferiors. And, therefore, in all councils which were celebrated and holden afterwards, we find that priests were also present ; as in the council of Nice, which of all other was most famous, Athanasius, Athana- being then but only a priest, withstood the Arians and infringed their argu- ^ius, ments, albeit there were also other priests. And, albeit mention be made of ^^'"1,^"' three hundred and twenty-two bishops, yet it is not denied but tliat the inferiors vanquisV, were there, whom I think to be omitted for this cause, for that they were '^^ ?" almost innumerable ; for, as you know well enough, the denomination for llie bishop, most part is taken of the most worthy.
In the synod of Chalcedon, which was counted one of the four principal The name synods, it is said that there wei-e there present six hundred priests; which "f priests name is common both unto bishops and presbyters. In other councils tlie names common both of bishops and priests are omitted, and mention is made of fathers only, both to which hath the same signification that this word 'elders' hath in the Acts of '''^''"l*^ the Apostles. We have also a testimony of ecclesiastical history, how that priests. there was a council gathered at Rome of sixty bishops, and as many priests and deacons, against the Novatians, who called themselves Cathari. Also, when Paul, 2 the bishop of Antioch, in the time of Galienus the emperor, preached Paul, hi- that Christ was a man of common nature, the council assembled against ^'"^P "'' him in Antioch ; whereunto there came bishops out of Cesarea, Cappadocia, """'^ '• out of Pontus, Asia, and from Jerusalem, and many other bishops, priests, and deacons; and it is said, that for that matter the council was often holden. And at the last, in the same place, under Aurelius the emperor, Paul was con- Paul tiie demned by all christian churches which were under heaven ; neither was there ''"etic any man who did more confound the said Paul, than Malchion, a priest of gj. '^^'"" Antioch, who taught rhetoric in Antioch. *But^ to what purpose do I stand so long in this matter? these are the words of the fifth council holden at Toledo:* ' After all the bishops be entered in and set, let the priests be called, who are allowed by the cause to enter in. Let no deacon put in himself amongst them, but let such as are allowed enter in afterwards, whom the order of council requireth to be present. And then the bishops being set round in a ring toge- ther, let the priests sit behind them, except such as the metropolitan shall choose to sit with him, who, also, may judge and determine any thing together with him.' There is no man who will aifirm this to have been but only a pro- vincial council. For the council speaking of itself, saith : ' quoniam generale concilium agimus,' 'forsomuch as we do hold a general council.' And there were also present sixty bishops out of Spain, and France. But, peradventure, the words of the councU of Chalcedon do move Panormitane and Ludovicus ;
'I) Note the sincerity of this good bishop, who stayed himself upon the examples of the primi- tive church, and not upon customs and popes.
(2) A. D. 260.— Ed.
(3) Edition 1563, p. 304.-ED. (4) gee the Appendix.-Er.
()34 THE COUXCIL OF BASH..
ii.iiry wlicre the bishops, speaking of a certain congregation, wliich deposed Fla-
^''- vianiis and certain otliers, said: 'The soldiers did depose them rather than we ;
~A .V for whatsoever we did, we were compelled by fear to do it, and the clergy
{a-,q tliemselves subscribed first;' wlierefore they cried out that ' it was a synod of
L bishops and not of clerks;' the which words, ii' they be well understand, do
not exclude the inferiors.
For two things the bishops complained of: the one, that they had no liberty in Constantinople; and the other, that the clergy subscribed first: both which were evil examples. Wherefore, if it be said that it was not a council, only called a synod of bishops, and not of clerks, yet this did not exclude all the inferiors, but only such as had taken Benet and Collet ; ' whom we also do exclude, observing the order, which the council of Toledo commanded to be appointed; twelve men for the examination of such as should be incorporated in the council. Moreover, it is not said in that place, these are the words of the council, but of some of the bishops who spake there, as Panormitane and Ludo- vicus do here.* But, to make no long digression from the matter, we have ■ most evident testimonies for the defence of inferiors; for the chief and principal St. All- Aristotle amongst all the divines, St. Augustine, upon the words of Matthew, upon'this where Christ saith to Peter, ' I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of hca- senteiice, veu,' saith, That by those words the judicial power was given not only unto bo clav!,^ Peter, but also to the other apostles, and to the whole church, the bishops and regni c<jc- priests. If, then, priests have a judicial power in the church, what should let lonim.' that they have not also a determining voice in the councils 1 The famous doc- tor, St. Jerome, doth also agree with St. Augustine, whose words are these upon the Epistle of Paul unto Titus: 'Before difference was made in religion by the instigation of the devil, or that it was spoken amongst the peo])le, 'I hold of Paul, I of Apollos, and I of Cephas,' the churches were governed by the com- mon consent and council of the priests ; for a priest is the very same that a How bi- bishop is.' Wherefore all bishops ought to understand, that they are of greater" of^'rcater P^^^^^" t^^'^" priests rather by custom, than by the dispensation of the truth of power tiod, and that they ought to rule the church together. Also the said Jerome, than in liis epistle unto Damasus upon the ecclesiastical degrees, saith : ' The Lord is
hT * represented in the bishops, and the apostles in the priests.' And this we do j„,',i also gather out of Paul unto Titus, who maketh so much concordance between
iiriestn bishops and priests, that oftentimes he calleth priests bishops ; whereby it doth ruie''t'oge- evidently appear, that priests arc not to be excluded from the conventions of ther. bishops, and determinations of matters. Albeit, as St. Jerome writeth that bishops are only by custom preferred before priests, it may bo that a contrary custom may take away that custom. For if priests ought to rule the church together with the bishops, it is evident that it also jjcrtaineth unto them to decide and determine the doubtful matters of the church.
Wherefore the testimony of St. Paul is evident ; for as he, writing unto the Ephesians, saith, ' If Christ instituted his apostles, prophets, pastors, and teachers to the work of the ministry, for the edifying of his church, imtil such time as we should meet him, for this puq)()se, that there should be no doubt in the diversity of doctrine : who doubteth then, but that the governance of the church is conunitted unto others together with the apostles ? Let these our champions now hold their peace, and seem to be no wiser than they ought to be. The memorial of the council of Constance is yet fresh in memory, where divers of us were present, and I myself also, who was neither cardinal nor bishop, but only a doctor; where I did see, without any manner of doubt or difiiculty, the inferiors to be admitted with the bishops, to the deciding of hard and doubtful matters. Neither ought we to be ashamed to follow the example of that most sacred and great council, which also followed the examples of the council of Pisa, and the great coimcil at Lateran, wherein it is not to be doubted, but that the priests did jointly judge toijether with the bishops. Abbots Moreover, if abbots, as we do see it observed in all councils, have a deter-
not iiisti- mining voice, who, notwithstanding, were not instituted by Christ, why should Ch'rist'.'^ not priests have tlie same, whose order Christ ordained by his apostles? Here- upon also, if only bishops should have a determining voice, nothing else should be done but what pleased the Italian nation, the which alone doth exceed all
;i) " Qui solius prirax tonsura: siuit clerici." JEn. Sylv. See Appendix. — E».
THE BISHOPS OF THE rRIMITlVE CHURCH POOR MEN. 635
other nations, or at the least is equal with them, in number of bishops. And Henry howsoever it be, I judge it in this behalf to be a work of God, tliat the inferiors ^'^- should be admitted to the determinations ; for God hath now revealed that ^ j^ unto little ones, which he hath hidden from the wise. li;50
Behold you do see the zeal, constancy, uprightness, and magnanimity of '-^
these inferiors. Where should the council now be, if only bishops and cardinals should have their voice? Where should the authority of the councils be? Where should the catholic faith be ? Where should the decrees and reforma- l*^'y ^ur- tion be? For all things have now a long time been under the will of Eugene, aiTna-*^' ' and he had now obtained his wicked and naughty purpose, except these infe- tions in riors, whom ye now contemn, had withstand him. These are they who have [Jj^j^g'i^J "' contemned the privation made by Eugene. These, I say, are they who have not regarded his threatenings, spoil and persecution. These are they who, being taken, imprisoned, and tormented, have not feared to defend the truth of the council ; yea, even these are they, who, albeit they were by Eugene de- livered over a prey, yet would they still continue in the sacred council, and feared not to suffer war, famine, and most cruel pestilence.^ And, finally, what thing is it, ihat these men have not willingly suffered for the right and equity of the council ? You might have heard this inferior sort, even in the midst of their tribulations, with a loud voice cry out and say, ' Albeit that all men be- come obedient unto that subverter of the church, Eugene, and that every man do depart from the vei'ity of the faith and constitutions of the fathers, consenting wnto the commandments of Eugene, yet we and our brethren will be constant, O zeal of and doubt not to die for the truth and traditions of the holy fathers ;' the which (^o^/j, indeed tliey have done. Neither could they be feared with threatenings, or the crown altered witli any spoils, neither could any fear or hope turn them from their ofmartyr- most blessed purpose. And to speak somewhat of mine own order, whether any cardinals have done the like or no, that judge you.
As for the bishops, whom Panormitane alone would have to determine, you Eccles. see how few of them are on our part; and even those who are here present, are "^"• not able by virtue to oveixome iniquity : they fear the terrene power, and commit offence with their haste. *Have ye not heard this day the voices of the prelates?* &c. Have ye not heard how they all said, they would consent The bi unto the king's will and pleasure ? But these inferiors are they who have had tJJgP^^rt,^!^ truth, righteousness, and God himself, before their eyes, and they are greatly ly power, to be commended for showing themselves such men unto the church of Gcd. but no But why do I defend the cause of these inferiors, when some will also exclude those bishops, who are but bishops by name and title and have no possession of the church, from our company, not understanding that while they go about to put back those men, they do condemn Peter and the other apostles, who, as it is evident, were long without any great flock ; neither was Rome unto Peter, nor Jerusalem unto James, at any time wholly obedient; for at that time no great number of people, but a small flock believed in Christ.
For, I pray you, what is that we should require of these bishops ? They have The no flock ; but that is not their fault. They have no revenues ; but money maketh ^^^'^'^^ "* not a bishop ; and, as the Lord saith, ' Beati pauperes spiritu,' that is, ' Blessed primitive are the poor in spirit.' Neither were there any rich bishops in the primitive church church ; neither did the ancient council reject Dionysius, bishop of Milan, Euse- pgo^men. bins, bishop of Vercelli, or Hilary, bishop of Poictiers, although they were never so poor, and banished without a flock. But, if we will grant the truth, the poor are more apt to give judgment, than the rich ; because riches bring fear, and their poverty causeth liberty. For the poor men do not fear tyranny as our xiie rich men do, who, being given over unto all kind of vanities, idleness, and sloth, bishops will rather deny Christ, than lack their accustomed ple-asures ; whom not their !^" of the flock, but their revenues make bishops, delighting so much in riches, that they church, judge all poor men unhappy. But, as Cicero saith, 'Nothing can happen better what they unto a wise man, than mediocrity of substance.' Whereupon it is written in the gospel, ' It is easier for a camel to pass through a needle's eye, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven.'
But now, to return to a more full declaration of Panonnitane's words, I deter-
(1) Note the terrible persecution of those days, and the great constancy of the godly, for the truth's sake.
636
A.D. 14;? 9.
In mat- ters of faith and reliKion, tliere ou^lit to be no delays.
THE COUNCIL OF BASH,.
mine to pass over two points which he propounded in the beginning of hU oration, that is, 'Qui petant,' and 'cur petant;' that is, 'Who make tlie peti- tion, and for what cause they make their petition.' We grant that they are great men, and men of power, and, as he doth affirm, tliat they have deserved good of tlie church ; neither do I doubt but that tliey are moved thereunto with a sincere affection. But whether it be a small matter that is required, or that the same effects would rise thereupon which he spake of, it is now to be inquired. * A delay,' saith he, 'is required; a delay for a few days ; a small matter; a matter of no importance ; a matter easy to be granted.' Notwithstanding, let Panormitane here mark well, that he requireth a delay in a matter of faith. The verities are already declared : they be already discussed and determined. If now there should be but a httle delay, it would grow to a long delay ; for oftentimes the delay of one moment, is the loss of a whole year : hereof we have many examples. Hannibal, when he had obtained his victory at Cannae, if he had gone straight unto Rome, by all men's judgments he had taken the citj-. But forsomuch as he did defer it until the next day, the Romans having reco- vered their force again, he was shut out, and deserved to hear this opprobry :
' Vincere scis Hanibal, uti victoria nescis.'
The
..ighth
year of
tlie co\m-
cil of
Basil.
How
subtilely
they
sou-ht
delays.
' Hannibal ! thou knowest victory to get, But how to use it, thou know'st not yet.'
Likewise the Gauls, after they had taken Rome and besieged the Capitol, while they greedily sought to have great sums of money, and delayed the time in making of their truce, Camillus, coming upon them, did most shamefully drive them out again. But what need I to rehearse old stories, when our own exam- ples are sufficient for us ? Ye know yourselves, how often these delays liave been hurtful imto you, and how often the delay of a few days hath grown to a long tract of time. For now this is the eighth year that you have spent in delays ; and you have seen, that always, of one delay, another hath sprung and risen. Wherefore, I do require that Panormitane should consider, that the con- clusion being this day disturbed, we know not whether it will be brought to pass hereafter again or no; many impediments or lets may arise and spring. Neither doth Pauonnitane say, that this delay being obtained, he would afterwards con- sent with his fellows unto the conclusions, — for he denieth that he hath any commandment thereunto ; and (which is more to be considered) he saith that the ambassadors, at their return from Mentz, may bring such news, whereby these conclusions may be omitted : as though any thing were more excellent than the truth. This thing doth manifestl)' declare, that they do not seek delays for the better examination of the matter, but to impugn the conclusions the more strongly.
Nor do I agree with Panormitane, as touching the effects wliich, he said, should arise either of the denial, or granting of the requests ; for 1 see no cause why the princes should greatly require any delay. There are no letters of any prince come unto us touching such request, neither is there any man lately come from them, neitlier is it greatly material unto them, but that the matters of faith should be determined. But this is a most pernicious conclusion which Panor- mitane hath made, and not to be looked for at the hands of those most godly princes; where he saith, if we do please them, they will take our part. If, con- trariwise, they will decline \uito Eugene, and wholly resist and rebel against us. This is a marvellous word, and a wonderful conclusion, altogether unworthy Decrees to be spoken of such a man. The decrees of the council of Constance are, that "f ""> all manner of men, of what state or condition soever they be, are bound to the Con. ordiiuuices and decrees of general councils. But Panormitane's words do not
stance. tend to that effect, for he would not have the princes obedient unto the coun- cil, but the council to be obedient unto the princes.
Alas! most reverend fathers, alas! what times and days, what manners and conditions are these ! i Into what misery arc we now brought! How shall we at any time bring to pass, that the pope, being Christ's vicar, and (as they say) another Christ on earth, should be subject unto the council of the Christians, if the coimcil itself ought to obey worldly princes? But I pray you look for no (I) If these tilings sccra so untolerable, what sliall we say, when they make the pTe a fiort.
A CHRISTIAN EXHOKTATION TO CONSTANCY AN'D MARTYRDOM. 637
sucli things at the princes' hands. Do not believe that they veill forsake their jj^„rg mother the ciuirch. Do not think them so far alienate from the truth, that they vi- would liave justice suppressed. .
The conclusions whereupon the controversy is, are most true, most holy, most /^oq* allowable. If the princes do refuse them, they will not resist against us, but '^ against the holy Scriptures, yea, and against Christ himself: the which you ought neither to believe, neither was it comely for Panormitane so to say. Panormitane ! (by your license be it spoken) you have uttered most cruel words, neither do you seem to go about any other matter than to inculcate terror and fear into the minds of tlie fathers ; for you have rehearsed great perils and dan- gers, except we submit ourselves unto tlie princes.
But you, niosi reverend fathers ! shall not be afeard of them that kill the body but the soul cannot kill, neither shall ye forsake the truth, although you should shed your blood for the same.' Neither ought we to be any whit more slack in the quarrel of our mother church, and the catholic faith, than those most holy martyrs, who liave established the church with their blood. For why should it be any grievous matter unto us to sufter for Christ, who, for our sakes, hath suffered such cruel and grievous death ? who, when he was the immortal God, void of all passions, took upon him the shape of a mortal man, and feared not, for our redemption, to suffer torments upon the cross. Set before your A cliris- eyes, Peter the prince of the apostles, also Paul, Andrew, James, and Bartholo- f,'o"ta*tfo„ mew, and (not to speak only of bishops) mark what Stephen, Laurence, Sebas- to cou- tian, and Fabian did. Some were hanged, some beheaded, some stoned to death, stancy others burned, and others, tormented with most cruel and grievous torments, fyrdom."^' suffered for Christ's sake."'' I pray you, for God's sake, let us follow the example of these men. If we will be bishops and succeed in honour, let us not fear martyrdom. Alas ! what effeminate hearts have we ; alas ! what a faint hearted people are we. They, in times past, by the contempt of death, con- verted the whole v/orld, which was full of Gentility and idolatry ; and we, through our sluggishness and desire of life, do bring the christian rehgion out of the whole world into one corner ; and I fear greatly, lest the little also which is left we shall lose through our cowardliness, if, by following Panormitane's mind, we do commit the whole governance and defence of the church unto the princes. But now play the stout and valiant men in this time of tribulation, and fear not to suffer death for the church, which Curtius feared not to do for the city of Rome ; which Menoeceus for Thebes, and Codrus for Athens, willingly took upon them.
Not only the martyrs, but also the Gentiles might move and stir us to cast off Exam- all the fear of the death. What is to be said of Theramenes the Athenian? with P!f„y,nj.o how joyful heart and mind, and pleasant countenance, did he drink the poison ? dying for What say you unto Socrates, that most excellent philosopher? Did he either 'heir weep or sigh, when he supped up the poison? They hoped for that which we '^°"" ^^' are most certain of: not by dying to die, but to change this present life for a better. Truly we ought to be ashamed, being admonished by so many examples, instructed with so great learning, yea and redeemed with the precious blood of Christ, so greatly to fear death.
Cato writeth not of one or two men, but of whole legions, which have cheer- fully and courageously gone unto those places f\-om whence they knew they should not return. With like courage did the Lacedemonians give themselves to death at Thermopylae, of whom Simonides writeth thus :
' Die hospes, Spartanos te hie vidisse jacentes, Dum Sanctis patriae legibus obsequimur.'
' Report thou, stranger ! the Spartans here to lie, Whiles that their country's laws they obeyed willingly.'
Neither judge the contrary, but that the Lacedemonians went even of purpose The noble unto death ; unto whom their captain Leonidas said, * O ye Lacedemonians ! Lacede- go forward courageously, for this day we shall sup together with the infernal gods.' But I, most reverend fathers ! do not invite you unto the infernals, as
(1) They -who teach this doctrine, are heretics and schismatics : but blessed are those heretics, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven.
(2) This came so topa^s twenty-three years after, when Christendom lost Constantinople and all the East parts, unto the Turks.
030 THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
Henry lie did his Lacedemonians, but unto the celestial and everlasting joys of paradise,
^^- if that you can suffer death for the truth's sake, and patiently abide the threaten-
• J-. ings of these princes, if there be any threatenings at all. 1 call you unto that
,1„ ■ eternal glory, where there is no alteration of state, notliing decayeth or fadeth ;
- where all good things do perpetually abound ; where no man wanteth, no man
envieth another, no man stealeth from another, no man violently taketh from
another, no man banisheth, no man murdereth ; and, finall}-, no man dietli.
.j^g Where all men are blessed and happy, all are of one mind and one accord, all
blessed are immortal, all are of like estate ; and what all men have, ever}' man hath,
state of ji„(] ^vhat every man hath, all men have. Which things if we well consider,
to"to'rae. 'W'e shall truly answer Panormitane, as Theodore of Cyrene is said to have
The answered Lysimachus the king, when he threatened to hang liim, who said : ' I
worthy pray you threaten these horrible things unto your courtiers ; as for Theodore,
cfTlieo- ^^ maketh no matter whether he rot above the ground, or under the ground.'
dorus. So likewise let us answer unto the princes, if there be any that do threaten us,
and let us not fear their torments.
No death What doth a longer life prevail to help us ? No man hath lived too short a
J" ''^, , time, wlio hath obtained the perfect gift of virtue. And, if the death wliich
Christ's a ni'in suffereth in the quaiTcl of his country, seemeth not only to be glorious
church, amongst the rhetoricians, but also happy and blessed ; what shall we say for
these deaths which are sustained for the country of all countries, the church ?
Truly, most reverend fathers ! it is too much that our adversaries do persuade
themselves of you, for they judge you fearful, sluggish, and faint-hearted ; and,
therefore, they do object princes unto you, because they think tliat you will not
Example suffer hunger, thirst, exile, in the quarrel and defence of the church. But I
ofniari- think you will esteem it no hard matter, for the obtaining of everlasting life, to
hunters, 'lo the same which ship-men do for the obtaining of transitory riches : to put
themselves in danger of the sea and wind, and suffer most cruel storms. The
lumters lie abroad in the nights in the snow, in the hills and woods, and are
tormented with cold ; yet have they none other reward, but some wild beast of
no value or price. I pray you what ought you then to do, whose reward shall
be paradise ? I am ashamed of your ignavy, when I read that women, yea
even young maidens, have violently obtained heaven through their martyrdom,
and we are made afraid only with the name of death. This river RJiine, Mhich
Example runneth alongst the city, in tim.es past hath carried eleven thousand virgins
of the ,j„tQ martyrdom.* In India, as Cicero writeth, when any man is dead, his
thousand wives (for there they have many wives) come into contention who should be
virgins, burned with him; and she whom he loved best, having vanquished the others
(all the rest joyfully following her), is cast into the fire with the dead carcase
of lier husband, and burned. The other, who are overcome, depart full of
heaviness and sorrow, wishing rather to have died than live.
The which courage we now taking upon us for Christ's sake, will answer Panor- mitane even as the Lacedemonians answered Philip, who, when by his letters he threatened them tliat he would stop all that which they went about, they asked liim whether he would also stop them from dying ! Therefore, as you are excellent men, so use your virtue, which is always free, and remaineth always invincible. For you do know tliat power is given of the Lord, and strength from the Most High; who will take account of your works, and examine your tiioughts ; unto whom ye should be carefid to render a good account, judging rightly, and keeping the law of righteousness, and in all things walking accord- ing to the will of God, and not according to the will of men.
And whereas the ambassadors of Eugene do openly preach and declare a new doctrine, extolling the bishop of Rome above the universal church : to the end that ignorant souls be not snared, ye shall not cease or leave to publisli the three first conclusions ; following the example of the apostle Paul, who would in no point give place unto Peter, when he walked not according to the gospel. As for the other matters which do only respect the person of Eugene (because Panormitane and the other ambassadors of the princes shall not say that we do pass our bounds), ye shall defer them for this present.
Ap^'ud.x. When cardinal Arclatcnsis liad made an end of his oration, *^tlicre was at first a dead silence, all fixing tlicir eyes on him for admiration :
(1) See note supra, p. 209, and vol. i. p. 312.— Ed. (2) Edition 1563, p. 308.— Ed.
GREAT UFllOAKS AMONGST THE FATHERS. 639
gradually they began to praise, some liis memory, some liis doctrine ; Henry • other some saying, that lie was without exception the best of presi- ^^- dents, seeing lie both knew how to confute objections, and, as it A.D. became a president, kept his temper under taunts and reproaches, ^li^ But the Catalonians, when they saw that all delay was denied them, sought by great noise and brawling to hinder the conclusion of the twelve men from being read, and used all their endeavour that the protest which Panormitane had drawn up, should be read before the conclusion.
This matter was not done Avithout violence, for the president's commandments were not regarded, neither was the accustomed order observed ; for* on every part there was noise, crying out, and brawl- ing ; sometimes they spake unto Panormitane, sometimes unto Louis ; no man was suffered to speak, but in haste ; the bishops brawled with bishops, and the inferiors with their fellows ; and all was contention and debate. Which when Louis, the patriarch of Lewis, Aqnileia, perceived (a man of no less courage and stomach, than of JJf J^qil-,'' nobility and birth, for he was a duke), for the zeal that he bare unto 'eja, duka the universal church, turning himself unto Panormitane and Louis, in swa- the prothonotary, he said, " Do not think the matter shall so pass ; ^'^" you know not yet the manners of the Germans ; for if you go for- ward on this fashion, it will not be allowed you to depart this country without broken heads." With which words Panormitane, Louis, and the archbishop of Milan, being struck, as it were, with lightning from heaven, rose up, and said, " Is our liberty taken from us ? What mcaneth it that the patriarch doth threaten us, that our heads should be broken ? " And, turning themselves unto John, carl of Dicrn- Theeari stein, who then supplied the protector's place, they demanded of him, "[eki'""' whether he would defend the council, and maintain them all in their liberty, or no ?
The members, also, of the town senate were present, to provide The that no offence should rise ; for the citizens always observed the the'dti"-^ custom of being present in all affairs which they supposed would zi^"*: of breed dissension ; and took every precaution, that no tumults should rise, otherwise than with words : and they are a people of such wisdom and strict principle, that no man unto this day could have any cause to complain against them for having violated their promise. Wherefore, if at any time any citizens have deserved well at the hands of the church, surely this praise is to be given unto the Basi- lians. These men, together with John, earl of Diernstein, being ^p^^'j,,. present in the assembly of the fathers, intimated that their liberty should be maintained. The earl (albeit he was moved at the strange- ness of the matter, for he would not have thought so great contentions could have risen amongst wise men) answered by his interpreter, That they should all be of good cheer, for the emperor's safe-conduct should be observed and kept even to the uttermost ; neither should the patriarch, nor any other, be so hardy once to violate the liberty, or take away the assurance, granted by the emperor. Notwithstand- ing, he desired the patriarch that he would call back his words again, and not speak any more in such sort. But that famous f^xther, in all his affairs and business declaring the nobility of his stock, being nothing at all moved or troubled, committed the explanation of his
640 THE COUNCIL OF B^\SIL.
Henry real meaning to Jolin Baclienstein, auditor of the chamber, a man ^^' both grave and eloquent, whose assistance the council had used in A D- divers ambassadcs ; wlio affirmed that it was not the patriarch's ^^^^- intention to threaten any man, or disturb the liberty of the council, but to move the fathers unto constancy, that they should be mindful of the reformation which they had promised unto the whole world, and not sav one thing to-day, and another to-morrow ; for, if they would so do, it were to be feared, lest the laity, seeing themselves deluded, and despairing of reformation, should rise against the clergy. There- fore he did admonish the fathers to foresee and provide for the peril, that they should not depart from the council without anything being determined or done ; and, finally, he desired pardon, if in his words he had offended either against the council, Panormitanc, or any other man. Whereby he proved the truth of that which is commonly said, Humility " That Humility is the sister of Nobility :" both which did very nobility, excellently appear in this man. Yet, for all this, could not the humility of the patriarch stop or stay their noise or cries ; for, as often as mention was made of reading the ' Concordatum,"" great noise and rumours were still made to stop the same.
Then Amedeus, archbishop of Lyons, and primate of all France, a man of great reverence and authority, being touched with zeal for the faith, which he saw there to be stopped and suppressed, said :
The Oration of Amedeus, Archbishop of Lyons.
Most reverend fathers ! I have now a great occasion to speak, for it is now
seven years or more that I have been amongst you, yet have I never seen any
thing like unto a miracle, as now ; but now I do behold stupendous signs of
miracles : for is it no small matter that the lame do walk, the dumb do speak.
Bishops ^"^ t'la'' poo'' "IP" preach the gospel? Whereupon, I pray you, cometh tills
that Heat sudden change ? how happeneth it that those who lay lurking at home, are now
have'' suddenly start up? who hath given hearing to the deaf, and speech to the
tongues dumb ? who iiath taught the poor to preach the gospel ? I do see here a new
to speak sort of prelates come in, who, unto this present, have kept silence, but now
pope.'^ begin to speak. Is not this like a miracle ? I would to God, however, they
came to defend the truth, and not to impugn justice.
But this is more to be marvelled at than any miracle, mat I do see the best
learned men of all impugn our conclusions, which are certain and most true,
and were in times past allowed by the very persons who now reprove them.
We have not yet forgotten, how that Louis, the prothonotarj', preached these
verities at Louvaiiie and at Cologne, and brought them from thence, confirmed
with the authorities of those universities.' But, albeit he be now changed, yet
Constancy is the truth in no point altered. And, therefore, I desire and beseech you ail,
lacked in that ye will not give ear unto these men, who, albeit they are most excellently
thiscoun- ''"arned, yet have not that constancy in them, which doth adorn all other
cil. virtues.
AVlien he had ended his oration, Louis, the prothonotary, rising up, said, " It is most true that I brought those verities ; but you do call them verities of faith, the which addition scemeth to me rather doubtful." When he had spoken these words, cardinal Arclatcnsis required that the ' Concordatum ' of the twelve men should be read, and many whispered him in the car, that he should go forward, and not alter his pur|iose.
Then Panormitane, as soon as the 'Concordatum' began to be read, rising up with his colleagues and the Arragons, cried out with
(1) >fark how they are turned back who sonjetime favoured the truth, and are now become liars and llatterers.
GRKAT UPROAR AMONGST THE FATHKUS. 641
a lou J voice, sayincr, " You fatliers do contemn our requests, you con- He«ry temn kings and princes, and despise prelates ; but take heed lest, wliiles - ^^ that ye despise all men, you be not despised of all men. You would A.D. conclude, but it is not your part to conclude. We are the greater ^"^'^9- part of the prelates ; we make the council ; and it is our part to con- Panormi- clude ; and I, in the name of the prelates do conclude, that the ifke'^huii-* matter is to be deferred." At this word there sprang as great a noise *^'^" in the council, as is accustomed to be heard in battle with the sound of trumpets and noise of horsemen, when two armies join ; some execrating that which Panormitane had done, other some allowing the same ; so that diversity of minds made divers contentions.
Then Nicholas Amici, the divine of Paris, in virtue of his office, Nicholas said, " Panormitane ! I appeal from this your conclusion, to the ^I'vine Jf judgment of the council here present; neither do I affirm any thing Paris. to be ratified which you have done; as I am ready to prove, if it shall seem good."
The adverse part seemed now to be in the better place, for they had already concluded. The other part had neither concluded, neither was it seen how they could conclude amongst so great cries and uproars. Notwithstanding, amongst all this troublous noise, John de Segovia, tlie eminent divine of the university of Salamanca, gained an audience, for the wliole council was desirous to hear him ; wherefore all men, as soon as he rose up, kept silence, and he, per- ceiving that they were desirous to hear liim speak, began in this sort:
The Oration of Segovius.
Most reverend fathers ! the zeal and love of the house of God forceth me now to speak : and I would to God that I had been either blind this day, not to have seen those things which have happened, or that I had been deaf, that I should not have heard those words which have been spoken. Who is there so stony or hardhearted, that he can abstain fioin tears, when the authority of the church is so impaired, liberty taken away both from us and the council, and that there is no place given unto truth 1 O sweet Jesu ! why hast thou so forsaken thy spouse ! Behold and look upon thy people, and help us, if our requests are just ! We come hitlier to provide for the necessitj' of the clunch ; we ask notliing for ourselves, and our desire is only that truth might appear.
We trusted now to have concluded upon the verities, which have been already allowed in the sacred deputations. The orators of the princes are pre- sent, and require the conclusions to be deferred. But we be not unmindful of those things which Ambrose wrote unto the emperor Valentinian, in th's manner: ' If we peruse the declarations of the holy Scripture and the senti- Ambros. ments of past ages, who is it that will deny but that in a matter of faith (I say, adValen. in a matter of faith), the bishops ought to judge upon christian emperors, and num' not emperors upon bishops?' We cannot admit their petition, and that for the How far most urgent reasons. Notwithstanding, we heard them patiently and willingly, bishops whiles that they did speak, even so long as they would. But now, if any on our f^^fo•e em- part would speak, by-and-by he is interrupted, troubled, and letted. What perors. honesty is this? what modesty or gravity? Is it lawful so to do in a council? What hath now become of the decree of the council of Toledo ? Where are our 4pf/,^d,x. decrees, which do not only prohibit tumults, but also the least talking together? They say, it is because we contemn them ; but it is they, who not only contemn the council, but also resist the same. The patriarch spake but one small word He excu- against them, and that of no evil intent or purpose, and by-and-by they com- ''^^j^j^r^jj^ plained that their liberty was broken : but they, when they do enforce the council, when they forbid the president to speak, and will not suffer the ordi- nances to be read, do not judge that they at all go contrary to the liberty of the council. They say, they are the council themselves, and yet the}' entreat the council. These things do not I understand; for if they be the council, why do
vol.. I!I. T T
642 THE COUN'CIT. OF BASIL.
^g„ry they entreat themselves ? If they be not the council, why do they not suffer yi. the council to speak I Why do they not looli for an answer of him to whom
tliey make their petitions 1 Truly tliis is too much violence, and, certes, our
•^_ ■ patience is also too much, to suffer such excess even in the face of the church.
^'^''"' 'We' are they, from whom the liberty is taken.
He show- ^"'' ^'^^y ^^y^ '^'^^ '^''^ inferiors ought not to judge any thing, and that we
eth the ought not to transact any matter with a minority of bishops on our side, albeit
argu- yf.Q ije t]jg majority of the council. The which if it were true, many of your
the"ad-° own decrees should be of no force, and specially that which ye have promul-
versaries gated as touching provincial and episcopal synods; which since it did not please
own'co'^- '■'^^ prelates, the cardinal of St. Angelo, then president (with scarcely five
fession. bishops and the majority of the inferiors on his side), did conclude, albeit that
many bishops were against him ; which decree, notwithstanding, you do
account of great force and strength : the like also hath happened almost in all
decrees, which do bridle the pomp or ambition of the bishops. Moreover, 'y*
s« iiave for example, that on the arrival of Alexander, abbot of Vczelai, who was the
Api.c7,d,i. ^^^^ ^j^^j. ^jjj^g jjj j^jjjg pij^gg^ ti^g council comipenced, when there was no bishop as
yet come, as Eugene doth confess in his act of adhesion: wherefore that which
these men say, is to no other purpose, but only utterly to subvert the council.
Moveth l^iit that point is sufficiently answered by the cardinal Arelatensis. Notwith-
the bi- standing tliis one thing I would desire to obtain at the bishops' hands ; that if
the'ex'^^ they would have us grant that they succeed the apostles and have the keys of
ample of the kingdom of heaven, that they would themselves grant that which is spoken
Paul. by x\\Q apostle : That Christ, when he ascended into heaven, did institute some
apostles, some prophets, some evangelists, some pastors and teachers, to the
work of the ministry and the edification of his church. And, as the bishops do
succeed the apostles, so we divines do succeed the doctors, and the presbyters
the pastors; and all other in their degrees: and our Saviour would have
his church governed jointly by them all. Wherefore, it seemeth vain, that
which these men speak, as touching the excluding of the inferiors.*
But this doth most of all grieve me, and this do 1 most marvel at, that Panor- mitane, a man of singular wit and learning, did conclude without any discussing of the deputations, and without the examination of the twelve men, and any scrutiny or order ; which, except mine eyes had beheld and seen, 1 would scarcely believe, if any other man had reported it unto me of him. Neither do I yet know whether I can credit my own testimony, the matter seemeth so horrible; for I do not see by what authority his conclusion doth stand, except it be by the authority of his king, who, he saith, 'will have it so.' But you, most reverend fathers! take heed that ye bring in no such custom; for so it shall come to pass, that in all matters, a few froward prelates shall have one to conclude for theni.^ • For^ it is more dangerous than the pernicious decree which ye are wont to call ' Parvum,' which the legates of the apostolic see, and others their accomplices, did propound in the deputations, having a certain number of votes, knowing who were with them, and who would be against them. But this is done in confusion, which, if it pass unpunished, it will cause greater offence than that did; and it shall come to pass that, in all matters, a few froward prelates shall have one to conclude for them. Ye know, moreover, that it is only the president's part to conclude; and that, but in one case only, the conclusion devolveth unto another, that is, when those who are presidents will not conclude according to the will of three or four deputations, or the concord- ance of twelve men ; which, whether it have now happened, you yourselves do see, and Panormitane himself, who hath made the conclusion, very well knoweth.*
And, albeit Panormitane hath proved (as he thinketh) by strong reasons, that the verities ought to be deferred, yet, notwithstanding, I do require you, most Paul reverend fathers ! to follow the example of the apostle, who, as Arelatensis hath •would very well declared, would not give place tor one hour unto Peter, when he give Pe- swerved from the truth of the gospel. The faith is speedily to be relieved and pp.te holpen ; neither doth any thing sustain more danger by delays, than faith doth, wh-nhe For all heresies, except they be rooted out at the first, when they are full a\vry "^ grown, are hard to take away. Wherefore, I desire you speedily to help: — " Ferte cito auxilium, date vela, inipellite remos. "
(1) Edition lSr.3, p. .310, col. 2.— Ed.
(2) He ineaneth Panormitane ; who did conclude witliout the examination of twelve men. (3J Edition ISIS, p. 311, col. 1.— Ed.
AK EXHORTATION TO COXSTAXCY. 643
i.e. < Speedily help and aid, lioise up your sails, and launch out your oars.' Henry
Why should we tarry looking for either the prelates or the princes ? *There i ^l- is none other power or authority to he sought for, where the Divine Majesty is
present. They of Eugene's sect preach heresies in every place: yet is there ■■ -'oq' no man who sayeth unto them, that they should stay or leave off. But against
you, who do intend to publish and set forth the truth, a thousand do murmur The Eu- that you should hold your peace ; which is a great sign and token of your K^"'*"^ soundness. heresies
It is reported, that in "times past Benedict, a holy monk, did visit a certain without monastery of holy men, and did see there an infinite number of devils contend- ^®*" ing with the holy fathers, and striving to perturb their good works. By-and-by he saw one devil alone, all sad and heavy, going unto a fair, where were a great many people buying and selling; whereat Benedict greatly marvelling, that tlie holy place, appointed for prayer, should be so full of devils, and the place that was occupied only with sin and perjury should be kept but with one devil, ad- jured him to tell him the cause thereof. The devil answered, that the holy place needed more the assaults of devils,* than that place where men sinned of their own wills ; for there, there was no great need of devilish deceit.
The like thereof seemeth unto me to be happened unto the Eugenians.* You Anexhor- are now in conflict ; I only desire that you would hasten unto the victory, tation to Regard not the threatenings of those princes, neither the opprobries of those cy_ contumelious persons : ' For you are blessed,' saith the Lord, ' when men curse you and persecute you, speaking all evil against you, making lies and slanders upon you for my sake ; rejoice and be glad, for great is j'our reward in heaven.' Why is it, I pray you, that the princes are made such a formidable objection? Is not our Lord God able to take us out of the furnace of hot burning fire, and deliver us out of the hands of those princes 1 I beseech you, most reverend fathers and loving brethren ! have no less hope in Jesu Christ, than Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego had, who feared not that old king Nebuchadnezzar; and let the princes know. That the most highest ruleth over the kingdoms of men, and giveth them unto whom he pleaseth.^ God beholdeth all things from above. He is, I say, in the midst amongst us. — Wherefore are ye then afraid? Be of good courage, and show yourselves as a strong wall for the church of God. Suffer not the faith to perish under your hands. Tlie Almighty God is present witli you. He is present that will defend you. Fear not those who seek only to kill the body. Do justice and equity, and be assured that he will not deliver you over into the hands of the backbiter and slanderer. Again I say unto you, siiow yourselves valiant and stout ; defend your mother the churcli ! And unto thee, O thou president ! I say, that thou oughtest rather to please God than man ; for if thou depart hence without a final conclusion, know assuredly that thou shalt render account in the strait judgment of God.
And thus, without any more words, he sat down in liis place. In tlie mean time, many grave and ancient men had exhorted Panormitane that he should give over his conclusion. The bishop of Burgos was The very instant and earnest with him, that he should make unity and \)^"^^,f concord amongst the fathers, and went about to make peace amongst seeketh all men. But neither were the fathers of the council disposed to depart without a conclusion ; neither was Panormitane minded to alter his intent and purpose.
*During^ this contention, the archbishop of Lyons, having gotten The arch- opportunity to be heard, said that Panormitane's conclusion was of no Lyon^'s"*^ force, neither needed any revocation, because it was of no force; not- "J^ation. withstanding, he thought a delay would be profitable, if peradventure tliat, as the bishop of Burgos had said, a concord might be arranged amongst the fathers. His oration was not very acceptable unto Panor- mitane's companions, who as soon as they heard their conclusion to be nothing regarded, they contrariwise affinncd, that it was of force, and
(1) Edition 1563, p. 311, cols. 1 and 2.— Ed.
(2) Mark the great crnstancy and christian zeal of this roan. '
(3) Edition 15o3, p. 312.— Ed.
T T 2
614 TIIK COUXCII. OF JIASII..
Hennj tliat tlicj iTiade the council : wlicrcupon there was so ercat a noise and ^^' crv, that nolhinir couhl be heard that was read. On tliat (hiv there was
A.D. crreat terror and fear of all good men, lest that the adversaries should
^'^'^9- prevail, more tlian the council. The matter seemed to be in great
Good men danger, lest the adversaries, persevering in their obstinacy, should prolong
th^'^uie their talk until night ; which thing alone they seemed to go about,
would ^^^^^ therebv they might have the victory that day : but God did help
prevail lijg cliurch, and wouhl not suffer that Eugene should more prevail in
chrTs!. the council than the council itself.* All things were disturbed, neither
did the prelates sit in their seats, as they were accustomed, but as every
man's affection led him. Some went to the cardinal Arelatensis,
some unto Panormitane, and exhorted them as if they had been princes
or rulers of armies. *Now * it drew toward night, and the bishop of
Lausanne, a wise and circumspect marh and Nicholas bishop of Gros-
setto, a man who had the welfare of the council at heart more than
his own, went unto the cardinal Arelatensis, threatening him, in case
he should rise without a final conclusion. Also Francis de Foix,
Ap^Zix. and Andrew Escobar, commonly called ' the Spaniard," divines of the
Franciscan order, were ever and anon whispering in the cars of the
cardinal, and would suffer him to take no pause ; also Laurence de
Rocella was importunate upon him, saying, " W\\\' stoppest thou, now,
president ? where is thy mind ? where are thy wits ? what fearest
tliou ? what dreamest thou ?" * But he, knowing the matter to be
in danger, and that there was no ready way to make a conclusion,
How men thought to use some policy to appease the tumult. " ^lost reverend
tohear^ fathers !" said he, " we have received new letters out of France, which
n««»- declare unto me marvellous things; there are incredible mischiefs
sprung up there, which, if you will kindly give me audience, I will
The godly declare unto you." Bv this means there was a sudden silence through-
t'h"car*di- out the whole council, and by this marvellous policy he made all men
"*■• attentive to hear. When he saw he had free liberty to speak, he
revealed the contents of the said letters, whether real or jirctended,
and, with all the address of an orator, came by little and little to the
principal point, saying. That Eugene's messengers filled all France,
preaching a new doctrine, and extolling the authority of the bishop
of Rome above general councils; against Avhom except speedy remedy
were found, it would come to pass that many would give credit unto
them : and, therefore, the sacred council ought of necessity to provide
remedy, and of necessity to conclude upon the verities which were
examined, that thereby the temerity of the Eugenians might be
repressed ; Avhich verities, albeit they were eight in number, yet was
it not the fathers' intent to conclude upon them all, but only u])on the
three first : " even as I also," saith lie, " here do conclude, in the
name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost."
When he had finished his oration, with a cheerful and merry coun- tenance rising up, he departed, greatly commended and praised of all his partakers : some of them kissed him, and some of them kissed the GhosV°'^ skirts of his garments. A great number ibllowcd him, and greatly «-orking commended his wisdom, that, being a Frenchman born, he had that day ihc'pope. vanquished the Italians, who were men of consummate tnct. Howbeit
(1) Edition 15C3. p. 312. -Kd.
SORROW OF PAXORMITANE FOR 1A1PUG>}ING THE TRUTH. 64!0
tliis was all men's opinion, that it was clone rather by the operation ^_^nry of the Holy Ghost, than by the cardinars own power. The otli
of the contrary faction, as men bereft of their minds, hanging down A.D. their heads, departed every man to his lodging. They went not _11^ together, neither saluted one another, so that their countenances de- The sor- clared unto every man that they were defeated. Something more also Panomi is reported of Panormitane, that when he came to his lodging, and was Imp^ugnf gone unto his chamber, he complained with himself upon his king, j"^!^^ ■who had compelled him to strive against the truth, and put hirh in danger of losing both his soul and good name ; and that in the midst of his tears and complaints he fell asleep, and did eat no meat until late in the evening, for very sorrow for that he had neither ignorantly, Appf,'dix. neither willingly, impugned the truth.
After this there was great consultation amongst the Eugenians, what were best to be done in this matter. *The ' same day the cardinal of The car- Tarragona returned to Basil, a man of excellent wisdom and learning, Ta"na°^ wlio, at the time the bands of Armagnac came, had gone away a s^"^'^ distance of two days'" journey, and, forsomuch as he could ncit be present at the general congregation, the Catalonians and Lombards Avent straightway to him, devising and counselling many things Avith him.* Some thought good to depart and leave the council, other some thought it meeter to tarry, and withal endeavour to prevent any thing further being done against Eugene : and this opinion they adopted.
The next day, being Saturday, the twenty-fifth day of April, the The archbishop of Lyons and the bishop of Burgos, calling together the oJ^'Lvons prelates in the chapter-house of the great church, began many things and'Bur- as touching peace. The bishop of Burgos advised, that there should " be deputations appointed that day, unto whom the archbishop of Lyons should give power to make an agreement. Unto whom answer w'as Justan- made, as they thought — very roughly, but as others judged- — gently, thecoun- but notwithstanding justly and truly ; for the fathers of the council '^^• said, There could be no concord before the adversaries confessed their ftiult, and asked pardon there-for.
On the day following, being Sunday, the said bishop of Burgos, with the Lombards and, Catalonians, went unto the Germans, and from thence unto the senate of the city, urging them much, if possible, to prevent a schism. The Germans, as I did afterward understand, declared they should abide by what the deputations should determine. The senate of the city (as they were men of great wisdom, who would Answer do nothing without diligent counsel and deliberation) answered: That senate, the matter belonged not unto them, but unto the council, the fathers whereof Avere most Avise men, and were not ignorant Avhat pertained unto the christian faith ; and if there Avere any danger to Avard against, it should be declared unto the council, and not to the senate. For they believed that the elders of the council, if they were premonished, Avould foresee that there should no hurt happen : as for the senate of the city, it was their duty only to defend the fathers, and to preserve the public faith of the city. — With this answer the bishop of Burgos departed.
In the mean time the fathers of the council had draAvn out a form
(1) Eclilion 1563, p. 312.— Ed.
C46 THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
Hcrtry of a clccrcc iipon tlic former conclusions, and liad had the same
approved in the sacred deputations ; only the Common deputation
A. 1). thought the decree might be improved. By this time the princes"' Ho9. orators had all returned from the assembly at jNIentz, and, taking
Former counsel amongst themselves, had determined to hinder the decree, creeap- On Saturday, the ninth day of May, there was a general convocation proved, jjoj^^n, wliercunto all men resorted, either part addressing itself to the conflict.
The princes'" ambassadors were called by the bishop of Lubeclc and Conrad de Winsperg, the protector, into the quire, and there kept ; wjiere they intrcated of a unity, and by what means it might be had. And there they tarried longer than one would have thought; which circumstance, unexpectedly, gave a happy issue to the whole business. For, the form of the decree must needs be concluded that day : Policy of wherefore, as soon as cardinal Arelatensis perceived the congregation iiaUreia- ^^ ^^ ^^'"' ^^^'^ ^''''^^ ^■''^ twclvc mcu had agreed, and that all were tensu. waiting in silent expectation, he thought good not to delay, for fear of tumult ; but commanded by-and-by the public concordances to be read, wherein this was also contained, that the cardinal Arelatensis might appoint a session whensoever he would. Which being read, he, being desired by the promoters, concluded in the usual manner, the ambassadors (jf the princes being yet in the quire ; who as soon as they understood how the matter was disposed of, being very much vexed, they brake off their talk, imputing all the blame to the bishop of Lubeck, as though he of purpose had kept them in the quire and had spun out the talk. Whereupon, they, entering into the congregation, filled the church full of complaints.
First of all, however, the bishop of Lubeck complained both in his own name and in the name of the protector and of all, as touching the conclusion, and required that the council should revoke the same. If that might be granted, he promised to intreat a peace, and to be a protector between the council and the ambassadors of the princes. The arch- But tlic arclibisliop of Tours said. That it seemed unto him, that Tours'.'* every man should have free liberty to speak against that law which was to be promulgated, until the session; since then the canons wouhl be consecrated and receive their force, when the bishops in their copes, after the reading of the decree in the session, had answeretl thereto 'Placet:' otherwise, the demand which was made by the promoters in the session was but vain. And for that the conclusions were not yet allowed in the session, therefore, he said that he might, without rebuke, speak somewhat as touching the same ; and that it was a great and hard matter, and not to be knit up in such a short time, and that he had but just then obtained any knowledge of them ; whereas he, being an archbishoji, ought to have a perfect knowledge of the matter, that at his return home, he might inform the king, and also instruct those who were under him ; and that he and his fellows Avished, before any session should be, both to hear and be heard of others. Neither did it seem proper to him, that the session should be holden, before report were made of those things which the am- bassadors of the princes had done at Mentz, which would peradventure bi.shopof be such as might alter the minds of the fathers. • uenca. 'fhcn the bishop of Cuen9a, ambassador of the king of Castile, who
CONDUCT OF THE POPES FRIENDS THEREIN. 617
was aho lately returned from Mentz, a man of great understanding, iienry but lacking utterance, grievously complained that the prelates Avere '^'
contemned. " Neither had it been,'' said he, " any great matter if they A. D. had been tarried for; who had been to Mentz, not Avithout great danger ^^•^^- and expense, not for their own pleasure, but of necessity." And afterward, smiling, he said : " How mad am I, that Avould have the prelates to be tarried for until they returned from Mentz, when they are not tarried for, whiles they can come out of the quire of the church ! Do tiierefore as ye list. If there rise any offence or mischief hereupon, neither are we, the ambassadors of Castile, to be blamed, neither can any man, of right, impute any thing to our most noble king."
Here Avere it long to repeat, Avith Avhat rebukes and taunts they jiark inveighed against the cardinal Arelatensis ; but especially the arch- truth ''^^ bishop of Milan railed most cruelly upon him, saying. That he fostered '"'i?'^ and maintained a rabble of copists and pedagogues,* and that he s^j had concluded in matters of faith Avith them ; calling him also another ^p'""'''' Catiline, Avith Avhom all desperate and naughty persons took refuge : that he was their prince, and ruled the church. Avith them ; and that he Avould not give ear unto the ambassadors of the most noble princes, or to the most famous prelates, in this most weighty matter. The bishop of Albenga, likewise, a man of great nobility, descended of the emperor's blood, albeit he never had his mind alienate before from the council, yet, lest he should seem to dissent from the other ambassadors of the princes, made the like complaint touching the contempt of the prelates. After this it came unto Panormitane to The fa- speak, Avho, as he had a greater vehemency in speaking, so also he thrco°un- did declare a more angry stomach and mind; for, in the beginning S^'^lfV" 01 his oration, he seemed not to go about, according to the precept Panornu- of orators, to get the good-Avill of the hearers, but rather their hatred. For he said, " Our Saviour showed four signs in the gospel, whereby Four Ave should knoAV the good from the reprobate; for, ' He Avhich is of ^low'the God,' saith he, ' heareth the Avords of God ; but ye hear not the good from Avords of God, because ye are not of God ;"■ and again, ' He that doth evil hateth the light ;' and, in another place also, ' By their fruits ye shall know them ;' and ' A good tree cannot bring forth evil fruit.' All which sayings he Avrested against the fathers of the council, that they Avould not hear the Avords of God, that is to say, the Avords of peace Avhich the ambassadors had spoken ; that they fled from the light, concluding privily and in the absence of the ambassa- dors ; and that, in their deputation, they had not kept the holy day,^ but had concluded thereupon ; also that they had the upper hand in the aforesaid conclusion, not by reason, but by deceit. As touching fruits, he said, That the fathers themselves should meditate and consider how that, if their fruits were not good, they also them- selves Avere not good ; and that he did see another council at hand, Avhere he feared lest these conclusions should be revoked, as the fruit of an evil tree ; and, therefore, that they ought not so suddenly to proceed in so weighty matters ; and that he Avould be yet more fully wiiat is heard before the session, as Avell in his OAvn name, because he was an amilition
(1) O marvellous despite and contumely in a bishop ! for if Arelatensis had kept whores or con- ^"^' not cubines, he would have praised him : but to maintain learned men was a great offence. °o/
(2) Look if it be not spoken of them in the gospel, where mention is made of the beast which is fallen into the ditch.
GIS TliE COUNCIL OF SAi
archbishop, as in the name of his prince, who reii,aiecl not over one kingdom alone, Ijut over many. Also he said, 'i'liat he, heretofore,
A.U. by his words, deeds, and writings, had extolled the authority of the ^^''^^' council ; and that he feared, lest, by these means, the authority thereof should be subverted. Finally, he begged pardon if he offended the fathers of the council, forsomuch as very sorrow and grief forced him to speak so. Abbot of Then the abbot of Vezelai would have made answer to those things e^eai. ^^.j||g]j panormitane had touched, concerning his deputation ; but Arelatensis thought good that all the contrary part should speak first, Louis the amongst whom, last of all, Louis, the prothonotary, the Homer of tan'?°a"-°" lawyers, rose up. And albeit that he spake unwillingly, yet when he touring J^ad bcguu, lie could not restrain his words. And whiles he went about learned, to sccm Icamcd and eloquent, he utterly forgat to be good. He said, be^good" That the council ought to take heed, not to intreat any matter ol faith against the will of the j)relatcs, lest any offence should follow ; Theapo- for that soiiie would say, it were a matter of no force or effect. For, I'.rfnci- filbeit that Christ chose twelve apostles and seventy disciples, not- ^''"h ' rt ^^'if-hstanding, in the setting forth of the Creed only the apostles were thecreed. present; thereby, as it were, giving example that matters of faith did pertain only unto the apostles, and so consequently unto bishops : neither that they ought hastily to proceed in a matter of faith, Avhioli ought to be clearly distinct, forsomuch as Peter affirmeth the trial of faith to be much more precious than gold, which is tried by the fire : and, if the bishops be contemned, who arc called the pillars and kevs of heaven, the faith cannot seem to be well proved or examined. But at length he confessed that the inferiors might determine with the bishops, but denied that the least part of the bisho|)S with the most part of the inferiors might determine any thing. From thence passing to the matter of faith, he said. That the verities in question would be articles of faith, if they were verities of faith. And, forso- much as every man was bound ti believe articles of faith, therefore all would be bound to believe those verities, and therefore he wished to be better instructed and taught in that matter which he was to believe as an article of faith ; neither would it be comely for the council to deny him his request, which, according to the rule of the a))ostle, ought to be ready to give account unto every man who shall ask a reason of the faith which it holdeth. Oration After cvcry man had made an end of speaking, the cardinal cardinal Arelatcusis, Collecting himself, made an oration, wherein he answered ^slo't'jl^e "<^^^ ^''^ ""e, and now the other. And, first of all, lie commended imperial the dcsires of the imi)erial ambassadors, who offered to intreat a peace
a'nbassa- . . ! . ' . , ' • ,
dors. and unity ; but neitiier necessity required, nor iionesty, lie said, would suffer, that what had been concluded should be revoked. He
To the answered also, That the petition of the ambassadors of France was
dors of most just, in that they required to be instructed touching the faith ;
France, j^^^ ^|j^{. j^j^^ council would grant their request, and send unto them certain divines, who should instruct them at home at their lodgings. But the matter was already concluded, and could no more be brought into question; that the session was onlv holden, rather to beautify the matter, than to confuni the same. And, as touching that which
THE ARTICLES OF THK APOSTLES CREED. (549
the bishop of Cuencja so greatly complained of, he did not much Henry marvel ; for he could not know the process of the matter, when he
■was absent ; who, being better instructed, he supposed would speak A. D. no more anj^uch words, forsoniuch as a just man would require no ^'^'^^' uniust thina:. Also, that there was no harm in his protestation; and To the
11 11 1 • • 1 • 1 , 1 • 1 • 1 • bishop of
that he would not have it imputed either unto him, or unto his king, cuenfa. if any offence should rise upon the conclusions. Notwithstanding, it Avas not to be feared, that any evil would spring of good works. But, unto the archbishop of Milan he Avould answer nothing, because he saw him so moved and troubled, for fear of multiplying more grievous and heinous words. As for Panormitane, he reserved him unto the last; but unto Louis the prothonotary, who desired to be To Louis, instructed, he said. He willed him to be satisfied with the words which were spoken unto the archbishop of Tours.
Notwithstanding, he left not that untouched which Louis had spoken concerning the Apostles' Creed : "• For, albeit that in the setting forth of the Creed the apostles be only named, yet it doth not follow," saith he, " that they only were present at the setting forth thereof: for it happeneth oftentimes, that princes are commended and praised as chief authors and doers of things, when, notwithstanding, they had other helpers ; as it appeareth in battles, which although they are fought with the force of all the soldiers, yet the victory thereof is imputed but unto a few. As in these our days they do ascribe all things which the army doth either fortunately or "wisely, unto Nico- Nicolas of las of Picenum, that most excellent captain, who hath obtained so Fife'";.'"
o ■ • 11-1 c • 1 1 1 1 an Itahaii
many famous victories ; albeit that, oftentimes, otliers have been tlie general. inventors of the policy, and workers of the feat. And, therefore, Louis Articles ought to know and understand, that not only are they articles of faith cree t u .t which are contained in the Creed, but also all other determinations ^''p^'^ "' made by general councils touching faith. Neither is he ignorant, that aposti^s. there be some articles of that Creed which we now use in the church, that were not put in by the apostles, but afterward by general councils ; as that part, wherein mention is made of the procession of the Holy Article Ghost, which the council of Lyons did add ; in which council, also, f^^^^ it is not to be doubted, but that the inferiors did decide together with G^'^^'^t, the bishops." But, forsomuch as he had sufficiently declared that by the matter in the congregation before passed, he would dwell no longer lj"""^ °^ thereupon : but coming unto Panormitane, he rehearsed his words, " Qui ex Deo est, verba Dei audit ;" " He that is of God, heareth God's words ;"" which was well cited out of the gospel, he said, but Panormi- not well applied unto the council ; for he firmly believed what ^''"unded the ancient fathers supposed, viz. that the Holy Ghost was present in ^l^^^^^ councils ; and that, therefore, the words of the councils were the darts. words of the Holy Ghost, which if any man did reject, he denied himself to be of God. Neither did the council " hate the light," seeing it did all things publicly and openly, and that its congregations were open unto all men ; neither did it, as some conventicles of the adversaries, admit some, and exclude others. Moreover, the thing which was now in hand began to be intreated of two months ago ; and, first, the conclusions were largely disputed upon in the divinity schools, and afterward sent unto jNJentz and other parls of the world. After all this (the cardinal proceeded) the fathers were called into
50 THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
icnry the chapter-house of the great church, to the number of a hundrcd- and-twenty; amongst wliom Panormitane, who now complaineth.
A.D. was also present, and, according to liis custom, did learnedly and
^'^'^^' subtilely dispute, and had liberty to speak what he wouHI. Likewise
again in the deputations every man spake his mind freely ; and in
that deputation where ]*anormitane was, the matter was three davs
discussed. After this the twelve men did agree upon it, and tlie
general congregation did conclude it: neither had there been, at any
time, any thing more ripely or diligently handled ; every thing, too,
had been done openly, without any fraud or deceit. And as for the
deputation having sat upon a holy day, there was no harm in that ;
neither was it any new or strange thing, forsomuch as they had often
holden their sessions on Sundays and other holy days, when the
matter required haste, and especially forsomuch as a matter of faith
Arciaten- hath uo lioly days. And further he said. That he did not conclude
eluded craftily and deceitfully in the congregation aforesaid, as Panormitane
aniiere- ^'^'^ asscrtcd, but publicly and openly, at the request of the promoters :
quest of neither had any man any iust cause to complain of him, forsomuch
the pro- , - - 1-1 1 11 1
nioters. as When lie was made presKlent, he was sworn, that always, wlien the four or only three deputations did agree, he would conclude thereupon.* And, forsomuch as he had already concluded in divers causes touching the pope, he saw no cause why he should not con- clude in a matter of iaith ; for that he was a cardinal, and did wear his red hat as a token, that he should even shed his blood in the defence of the faith.* Neither had he done any thing n&tr against the pope, for that, omitting the five conclusions touching Eugene, he had concluded only on the three general ones ; which except he had done, the fathers who had chosen him their president in confidence of his honour and integrity would have just cause of complaint against liim, if they should now be forsaken by him in this most important He cause of faith. And, turning himself unto the multitude, he desired
(o'the'' tlie fothers to be of good comfort, forsomuch as he would never for- councii. ^^^^ them, yea, although he should suffer death ; for he had given his faith and fidelity unto the council, which he would observe and keep ; neither should any man's threats or entreaties put him from his purpose : that he would be always ready to do whatsoever the coun- cil should command him, and never by any means leave the corn- append.*, mandments of the deputations unperformed. As touching that Panormitane had extolled the authority of the council, he said, that he was greatly to be thanked. But yet, he ought to understand and know the authority of the council to be such as could not be in- creased by any man's praises, or be diminished by any man''s opprobry or slander. These things thus premised, he commanded the form of the decree to be read.
Then Panormitane, and those who took his part, would needs have a certain protestation to be first read, and for some time there was nothing but u]Koar on all sides. Notwithstanding, at last Arelatensis prevailed, and the form of the decree was read unto this word ' De- cernimus ;"" that is to say, * We decree.' Then Panormitane, rising
(1) These four deputations were four sorts of chosen men, who did discuss and determine tliose things which the fathers did conclude upon.
(2) Verily this is no Babylonical cardinal, but of the immaculate spouse, Jesus Christ.
HOW GOD WORKETH BY OCCASION. 651
up, would not suffer it to be heard any further : and the bishop of Henry Catania cried out, sayinij, That it was uncomelv that Arelatensis, with ^^' .
a few other bisliops (and those mostly titulars) should conclude the A. D. matter. The like did also all those who favoured Panormitane. The ^'^'^^- cardinal of Tarragona, also (who until that time had liolden his Every peace), did grievously rebuke his party, for that, as if they had been "etermfne asleep or dreaming, tb.ey did not read the protestation; and com- "'"'^^ith, mantled by-and-by one of his familiars to read it. But, like as the the scnp- adversaries before did disturb the reading of the concordances, so hirpart. would not the fathers of the council now give place to the reading of ["."^^'f'^^' the protestation. Which when the bishop of Albenga did consider, tiiecouu he commanded the writing to be brought unto him for to read, and as ^ he began to speak, suddenly Arelatensis rose up, with a great number of the flithcrs, to depart ; which thing pleased the cardinal of Tar- ragona and Panormitane very well, for they hoped that they alone, with their adherents, should remain in the church. They exhorted Arelatensis to revoke the conclusion, and to make another.
Tliere was in the congregation, in his place, one George, the pro- th.onotary of Bardaxina, sitting somewhat beneath his uncle, the cardinal of Tarragona ; a man but young of age, but grave in wisdom, and noble in humanity, who, as soon as he saw the cardinal Arelatensis rise, determined also to depart, and when his uncle called him, com- manding him to tarry, he said, " God forbid, father, that I should tarrv in your conventicle, or do any thing contrary to the oath which I have taken." By which words he declared his excellent virtue and nobility, and admonished our men who remained, what coarse they ought to follow. His voice was the voice of the Holy Ghost, andHowood no words can be conceived more in season. For if he had not spoken ^y occL- that word, the fathers of the council had, perad venture, departed, and »'<"»• gone their way ; and the others remaining in the church had made another conclusion, which they would have affirmed to have been of force, because they would say the last conclusion was to be received. But many, being warned by the words of the prothonotary, and calling to remem- brance the like chance of other councils before, called back again the multitude who were departing, and cried out upon the cardinal and the patriarch to sit down again, and that they should not leave the church free and quiet for their adversaries. Whereupon, suddenly, all the whole multitude sat down, and the gates were shut again.
In the mean time Matthew, the bishop of Albenga, read the pro- me testation to none else but to himself, for it could not be heard for noise ; Aib'eTf which being ended, the Lombards and the Catalonians confirmed the readeth protestation. AVhen the cardinal of Tarragona said, That he did lestaZu. agree to their dissension, they marvelled at that saying ; and when coiw""" some smiled and laughed at him, " What," said he, " ye fools ! do hearium. ye mock me ? do not the ambassadors of my king dissent from you ? why do you marvel then, if I do say I consent unto their dissension?" And with these words he, and almost all the Arragons, Lombards, and Castilians, departed ; all the others tarried still. And albeit it ,,pp?„d«. was somewhat late (for it was past two in the afternoon), Arelatensis, Theaf- seeingthe congregation quiet, commanded the affairs of private persons the'eoun- to be read, as the manner is; which being ended, he commanded also the ^^^^^« public affairs to be read, and willed the conclusions and the form of the decree to be read g^ain. There remained in the congregation the ambas-
652 THE COUNCIL OK BASIL.
Henry sadors of tlic oiiipire and r,f France, talking together of their affairs. Notwitlistandiny, the arclibishop of Tours licard mentioninade of tlie
moters,
See Appendix.
A.D. conclusions, and turning liiuisolf to the bishop of Lubeck, said, '' L( ^'^^^' the matters of faith are now in hand again ; let us go hence, I pray you, that we be not an offence unto others, or that we be not said to dissent from the other ambassadors." 'J'o whom the bishop of Lubeck an- swered, "Tarry, father! tarry here; are not the conclusions most true? Why arc you afraid to be here for the truth ?" These words were not heard by many, for they spake them softly between themselves. Notwithstanding P heard them, for I, sitting at their feet, did dili- gently observe what they said. Arelatensis, after all things were read Areiaten- wluch he tliouglit neccssarv, at the request of the promoters con- cluded eluded; and so, making an end, dismissed the congregation. Thus \^em^ ^^'^ cardinal twice (as we have seen) concluded, Avith great difficulty, also be- forsoiiuich as neither the matter, nor the form, could be concluded without* without dissension ; and either conclusion was miraculous,' and past quesTof ^^ men's hope ; but was obtained by the industry of Arelatensis, or the pro- rather by the special gift of the Holy Ghost. *And' thereibre it is reported that Panormitane afterwards, going out of the church, turning himself unto his friends said both in Latin and in Italian, " And twice!" meaning, thereby, that his part had either been twice over- thrown or twice deceived ; for he spake it not without great anger.*
After this, it was determined between the Lombards and the Arragons to abstain from the deputations for a certain time, which they did not long observe; notwithstanding, the deputations were holden very quietly for a certain space, neither was there any thing done worthy of remembrance until the fifteenth day of May; during which time, all means possible were sought to set a concord between the fathers ; but it would not be. When Friday was come, being the Ides of May, Nicholas Amici, proctor of the faith, was called into the congregation, and briefly rehearsed those things which were done the previous days, and explained that Arelatensis could appoint a session. Wherefore he required that, forsomuch as delay in matters of faith was dangerous, a session should be appointed for the morrow after, requiring the cardinal, in regard to his title, which signifieth a Hinge of the Church, and the other bishops, in regard to the promises made at their consecration, that they would not now desert the church in these weighty affairs, and suffer the faith to be oppressed ; but the inferiors he required, upon their oath which they had taken, to show themselves faithful and constant herein. Then, again, there fell a great contention upon these words ; for Arelatensis, as he was required, did appoint a session, and exhorted The all to be there present in their robes. The bishop of Lubeck, rising ' * up, made a protestation in his own name, and also in the name of
the protector : That he would not consent that there should be any session, if it should in any part derogate from the agreement had at Mcntz. Georgius Miles also, his fellow ambassador, concurred in this protestation. When the protector of the council, appointed by
b sliop of Luoeck
Conrad
%Z^T the emperor, understood himself to be named by the bishop of baron! Lubcck, he marvelled awhile what the matter should be. But, being
(1) i^Eneas Sylvius being present, collected this.
(2) A;nea9, you did not »o praise this council alter you were bishop yourself.
(3) Ed. 1.^63, p. 317.— Ed.
REFERENCE TO THE SYNOD •OF CONSTANCE. 653
certified by an interpreter, he answered : That he would in no case iicnry concur in the protestation of tlie bishop of Lubeck, and that he did ^'' not know any thing of their doings at Mentz ; also that he was sent A.D. by the emperor to the sacred council, and had his charge which he J:if"^ did well remember, and would be obedient thereunto. After whom the bishop of Cuenca, according to his accustomed manner, made his protestation : after whom also followed Panormitane ; whose words I will repeat, first desiring that no man would marvel that I make mention so often of Panormitane; for it is necessary to declare the matter, in order, as it was done. And it happeneth in these matters, just as in warlike affairs; for as there, such as are most valiant and strong, and do most worthy feats, obtain most fame, as in the Trojan war did Achilles and Hector ; so, in these spiritual wars and con- ^he tentions, those who most excel in learning and eloquence, or do ^/,']j"'^^ more than others, must needs be oftenest named. For, on the one Euije- part, Panormitane was prince and captain ; and on the other, Arela- "nTthe tensis: but his own will made not the former captain, but only ^^^j^^'""^ necessity, for it behoved him to obey his prince. Notwithstanding, council he was not ignorant on which side the truth lay, neither did he will- ingly fight against it; for I have seen him oftentimes in liis library complain of his prince, that he followed other men's counsel. When Lis turn came to speak, he said, That he did not a little marvel, why a proctor of the faith shoidd require the prelates to have a session, which was nothing pertaining to his office; and that he ought not to usurp the president's place. And again, he complained touching the contempt of the prelates, for the present matter did touch the state of 'the apostolic see, and for that cause the holy see ought to be heard before any session were holden. " Neither is that to be regarded," said he, " which the council of Constance seemeth to have decreed, that it should now be acted upon, forsomuch as pope John was not heard at Constance, neither did any man else speak for the see."'' By which words he seemed both to bring in doubt and to contemn all the decrees of that great and sacred synod of Constance. Therefore there was a great tumult, and all men cried out with one voice, saying, that the synod of Constance was holy, and the autho- rity thereof ought to be inviolate.' But he, being still instant, with a stout and haut courage affirmed, that the matter could not be accomplished without the ambassadors of the princes, and that the princes ought to be heard in a matter of faith. And again, that the ambassadors themselves could not consent, forsomuch as in the diet holden at Mentz they had promised, that they would receive and allow nothing that either the pope had done against the council, or the council against the pope, during the negotiation of peace there handled ; and that he doubted not but that the three first conclu- sions declared Eugene a heretic, insomuch as it was notorious tliat Eugene did obstinately contravene the two first. And therefore, forsomuch as the session was not yet holden, and that it was lawful for every man before the session to speak that would, he intrcated most urgently, that there might be no session as yet holden.
Unto whom Arelatensis answered, That it was not to be doubted
(1) The papists extol that which maketh for tlieir purpose, but the contrary they contemn, whether it be Scripture or profane.
how politicly and sin- cerely he doth cc fute hii adver- snries.
654 THE COl-NCIL OF BASIL.
JJenry but tli.it a proctor of tlic failli, by liis office, miglit call the prelates
^ jj to determine a matter of faitli, and especially forsomucli as tlie depu-
1439. Nation of the faith' and the whole council had so given him in com-
7— — — mandment. As touching the prelates, he said, that albeit, without
Arelaten- n 1 1 1 • 1 1 i 1 • c 1 • • 1 ^■ ■
sis an- all doubt, oisliops had cluer authority, yet, notwithstanding, it was rTnormi- accustouicd in councils not to make any conclusion in the name of ""«• the bishops, but in the name of the whole council ; and the universal church had laid down certain laws for itself in this council which still remained inviolate. Neither should the bishops think the presence of the inferiors grievous unto them, when oftentimes under a bare and torn coat wisdom lay hid, and under rich vestures and ornaments folly lurked. Ijishops ought also to be mindful of the saying of Domitius, avIio (as St. Jerome reporteth)^ said, " Why should I esteem thee as a prince, if thou dost not regard me as a senator 't"" For the bishops ought to esteem priests as priests, if they would liave Mark revcrcnce done unto themselves as bishops. Neither ought the princes to be waited for in order to the deciding of this matter, forsomucli as the church was not congregated in the name of the princes, but in doth con- the name of Christ ; and had not received its power from princes, but immediately from God: in the defence whereof he perceived the inferiors to be no less zealous than the bishops, for that he did well know, that they would not only spend their temporal goods, but also their lives, for the defence thereof. As for some bishops, rather than they will lose any part of their temporalties, they would sell the liberty of the church unto the princes, and make them judges and lords over the council. As touching the acts at Mentz, he did not regard them, because (as the saying is) they had counted without their host. Moreover he said, he did not understand how this could be, that they had decreed neither to obey the pope, nor the council ; the one or the other they must needs obey, for there was no third tribunal whereunto any obedience was due, in those matters which con- cern faith and the salvation of souls. And, finally, that the church would not suffer that their afiairs and matters of faith should be determined by the judgment of princes ; for the Holy Ghost was not subject unto princes, but princes unto Him: and for this con- clusion he would not shrink from the penalty of the loss of his goods. No man or martyrdom. And whereas Panormitane did now show liimself so great a defender of Eugene, he said, that he did not a little marvel ine°pub- ^^ •''' ^'^^ that in times past no man had more published Eugene's errors 'o'r ^''''^^^' ^^''^" ^'^ ' ^7 ^^I'osc Special labour and counsel, both a decree Kunene, luonitorv, and also the suspension, were admitted and set out against no\v'" '^ Eugene. And now, whereupon this sudden change should come, he eth^"*^' ^^^'^ ^"^^'^^ '"^ ^^'^^ utterly ignorant, forsomucli as neither Eugene had altered his life, neither could tlie church stand in so great a schism. Wherefore he desired Panormitane diligently to consider, whether he spake according to his conscience or not : " For," said he, "" the conclusions which now shall be decreed, are most general ; neither is there any mention in them of the pope; and moreover the verity of faith is contained in them : against the which if Eugene do contend, it were more meet that the pope should be corrected than tlie verity
(1) This depiitalion of faitlt, was the company of chosen men which did determine matters of fuilli. (2) St. Jerome unto Nepotianus, de Vita Cle.'itcali.
more than Pan
A.D. 1439.
GREAT UNITY AND COXCORD TifEREIN. 655
omitted." And thus he making an end, all were warned to come the next day unto the session. The protector, also, desired the sacred council, that none should be suffered to bring any weapon to the session ; forsomuch as he was ready to preserve tlie safe-conduct of the emperor, and, together with the senate of the city, to prohibit all quarrellers from doing of injury.
As soon as Saturday was come, being the 16th day of May, all they, to whom the session was agreeable, assembled at the hour. The ambassadors, also, of the princes came together into the quire of the church, to attempt further what they could do ; and, sending the bishops of Lubeck and Cuen9a, and the dean of Tours (an excel- lent learned man), they offered themselves to be present at the session, if that the deposition of Eugene might yet be deferred four months. Who, when they had received a gentle answer of Arela- tensis and the other principals, returning again unto the ambassadors, they found their purpose altered, for now they would only have the first conclusion decreed, and thereupon sent again unto the cardinal : when they received for answer. That the chief force did lie in the two other conclusions, and that the council wished specially to determine upon them. If the ambassadors would not be present, they must understand, that the concord was broken by themselves, seeing they would not observe that which they had offered. With which ansAver The they departed, and the business of the session began. There was no p^rgciahn- prelate of the Arragons, or from any part of Spain, present ; and out ^d. of Italy, only the bishop of Grossetto, and the abbot of Dona, who, inaiiita- for their constancy and steadfast good-will toward the universal WrT'^ church, could not be changed from their purpose : but of doctors and scarcely other inferiors, there were a great number of Arragons, and almost all iates the inferiors of Spain and Italy (for the inferiors feared not the who ' princes, as the bishops did), and then the sterling character of the tiTe^'com- Arragons and Catalonians appeared in the inferior sort, who would modity of not fail and forsake the church in her necessity. Of the two other versai nations, there were only present twenty bishops. The residue lurked fi" s'pl'i,i in their lodgings, holding the faith in their hearts, but not professing tiiere«as it with their mouths. Arelatensis,* guessing what was likely to happen, caused search to be made through the city for the relics of saints, which he appointed to be borne at the session in the hands of priests, and to supply the place (as it were) of the absent bishops : which spectacle greatly increased the fervour of those present, inso- much that at the customary invocation of the Holy Spirit no man could forbear weeping ; but after their prayers made unto Almighty prayers God with tears and lamentations, that he Avould send them his Holy '^^i^" Spirit to aid and assist them, they were greatly comforted and tears. encouraged. This session was very full ; and, albeit that there were not many bishops present, yet all the seats were filled with the bishops' proctors, archdeacons, presidents, priors, priests, and doctors Among of both laws, whom I judged to be in number about four hundred, llZluiol' or more ; amongst whom there was no noise, no chiding, no oppro- '.' y- '"-^^ brious words or contention, but one exhorted another to the profes- sei-t,'"'" sion of the fiiith, and there appeared a full and entire consent of J,'ofone^ them all, to defend the church. The bishop of Marseilles, a noble -■' ""'"'i-
(1) See Appendix.— Ed.
S56 THE COUXf'lL OF HASIL.
jreuT^ man, read the decree, *who' had so great familiarity with tlie bishoji ^^' of Albenga, tliat tliey were called ' the twins ;' for both at home and A.D. also abroad tlicv were always seen together. ^V'hich matter was so _ri39^ much the more to bo marvelled at, in that they appeared so dis- cordant in the matters of the church, forsomuch as the bishop of Albenga read the protestation against the decree, and the bishop of Marseilles read the decree itself; both these readers coming together out of one house : but, as some suppose, there was sincerity in the one, and dissimulation in the other. The reading of the decree was brief, for the decree itself was but brief; but it* was attentively listened unto, and not one word lost. When it was ended, ' Te Deum laudamus"' was sung on the one part, and on the other side ' Te Dominum confitemur;"' and so, by course, the hymn was ended with great joy and gladness ; and so the session was dissolved, being in number the tliirtv-third session, and the most quiet and peaceable of all. The thir- The Friday next following, being the 22d day of May, the princes' ses's^ln'^ ambassadors, beyond all men's expectation, came unto the general The am- congregation, by that their doing at the least giving their assent unto content the scssion before passed ; in the ])roceedings whereof if the fatliers fonner had crrcd, it had not been lawful for the princes' ambassadors to have session, holdcu tlic couucil with those Withers. But it was thought, that they were touched with remorse of conscience, and already detested and abhorred that which they had done ; as was quite plain with regard to the ambassadors of the empire and France. For the bishop of Lubeck said, That the cause of his absence was, that he had been charged by the emperor to intreat a peace : wherefore it would not have been comely for him to be a party to any business, whereby he would be vexed or troubled with whom the peace was to be intreated. Notwithstanding, he did much commend the session before holden, and believed the decree therein promulgated to be most good and holy, and the verities therein contained to be un- doubted ; and said, That he would stick thereunto both now and ever, even to the death. But the archbishop of Tours, a man both learned and eloquent, speaking for himself and his fellows, said. That lie heard how that they were evil s})oken of amongst some, for that in that most sacred session they had not honoured their king, whom it became specially to exalt and to defend the faith ; who also, for that cause, above all other kings was named ' Most Christian.' Notwith- standing, he said, that he had a lawful excuse, in that it was conve- nient that those who were sent to entreat peace, should do nothing Two wherebv thev might frustrate their object. Also there are two kinds uSslice. <)f unrighteousness, said he, whereby either things that should be , «"■, done are not done, or thinfis that should not be done are done. The first do not always bind, because it is proper to have rcs])ect ot time, place, and person. But the last do always bind ; wherein, he said, they were not culpable, l^ut, as touching the first class, they might seem unto some to have erred, because they were not present at the session ; but vet, in this point they had sufficient to answer, forso- much as, if thcv had been present at that session, they should have been unmeet to have entreated a ]ioace with I'lugene. And, there-
(n See F.('.i'i;ii IVt, p. 3:9— Ed.
THE CONGREGATION IS DISSOLVED. 657
fore, albeit they were -wantirig at so holy a business, in that point they i^cnry followed the example of Paul, who, albeit he desired to be dissolved '^'
and to be with Christ, yet, for the further profit and advancement of A.D. the church, was for deferring it for the present. So likewise, he said, ^'^^^- had they now done ; for that they were not absent because they doubted of the conclusions (which they judged to be most true and holy, and wbereunto they would stick, even unto the death), but because they would not be unmeet for the treaty of peace for which they had come : and yet that which they had not done in their own persons, they had fidfillcd, said he, by their servants and household, whom altogether they commanded to reverence that session.
I would that I had been then in the place of some great prelate ; surely they should not have gone unpunished,^ who so thought to play bo-peep. For how could a declaration of the truth hinder the intreaty of peace ? or, if it did, why is not he accounted as great an offender, Behold, who consenteth to him that declareth the truth, as he who doth ^^"r , declare it ? What further need have we of witnesses ? for now the ambas- ambassadors of the princes have declared Eugene to be an enemy dedare unto the truth. But, to pass over these things, it is sufficient that ^^'f^my Eugene wrote afterward unto the king of France, that he did '"the understand the archbishop of Tours to have become his enemy.
After the archbishop of Tours had made an end, cardinal Arelaten- Areiaten- sis gave thanks unto God, who had so defended his church, and after mend™"ii great storms and clouds had sent fair and clear weather ; and, com- J'^*^ ^'?'
T 1-1IP1 111- f>T-( oassadors
mendaig the good-will oi the emperor and the king of France toward the church", he also praised the bishop of Lubeck and the archbishop of Tours, for that oftentimes in the council, and also of late at Mentz, they had defended the authority of the council. But specially he com- mended these their present doings, that they had openly confessed the truth, and had not sequestered themselves from the faith of the church.
Afterward, entering into a narrative of the matter, he said, that he wiiythis w\as at Pisa and at Constance, and never saw a more quiet or devout ^"a""*^^ session than this ; affirming that this decree was most necessary to thered. repress the ambition of the bishops of Rome, who, exalting them- selves above the universal church, thought it lawful for them to do all things after their ov/n pleasure; and that no one man, from thence- forth, would translate a council from one place to another, as Eugene attempted to do, now to Bologna, now to Florence, then again to Bologna, afterward to Ferrara, and after that again to Florence ; and that, hereafter, the pontiffs would withdraw their minds from careful- ness of temporal things, whereas now (as he himself did see) they had no thought at all on spiritual matters. And, therefore, by how much this session was most holy and necessary, by so much more the assent of the ambassadors was most laudable and acceptable to all the fathers. — These words thus spoken, he rose up, and the congregation was dissolved. *Now,^ how the deposition of Eugene did pass, the Book following shall declare at large.
Thus endeth the First Book of the Commentaries of ^neas Sylvius, touching the acts of the council of Basil against Eugene and his adherents.
(1) O ^iieas, you should have used such severity when you were pope.
(2) See Edition 1563, p. 320.— Ed.
658 THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
Ilimry
yi.
A.D.
1439.
THE SECOND BOOK OF THE COMMENTARIES OF ^NEAS SYLVIUS, UPON THE ACTS OF THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.*
The Lord took up Lis armour and sliicld, n.nd rose up to liclp tlic church; and slie, receiving help, being glad, rejoiced in lier Ciod, who clotlicd her \vith the garments of salvation, and arrayed her in the vestures of righteousness as a spouse adorned with a crown and goodly jewels.
It is shown in the first part of these commentaries, to what state the church was brought in these days, which Eugene, the late pope, did vex and trouble like a reed shaken with the wind. Notwithstand- ing, it is always true, which John Chrvsostome hath declared, that t!ie church doth never cease to be impugned, and to be lien in wnit for; but in the name of Christ, it hath always the victory and up])er hand. And, albeit new foes lie in wait for it, and the floods again and again strike against it, notwithstanding, the foundation whicli is laid upon a rock is never shaken. Wherefore iniquity deceived Gabriel, and the Lord destroyed him in his wickedness ; for he, being thrown down headlong out of the apostolic see by the sentence of the council, the Lord became the refuge of the church, and gave a pastor unto his flock, who should visit the desolate places, seek those things which are scattered abroad, and should not eat the flesh of such as are fat, but should wisely and discreetly nourish that which dolli stand and remain : which thing that all Christians may the more plainly understand, I will declare, in this Book which followeth, the order of the election, how that Amedeus, the most wise and discreet duke of Savo}', was chosen bishop of Rome.*
Gabriel Condulmarius being deposed from the bishopric of Rome,
Thecoun as we liavc already declared, the principal fathers of the council, being
deiibe'rate Called together in the chapter-house of the great church, consulted
ui.onthe together whether it were expedient that a new bishop should be cre-
eiection. atcd out-of-haud, or that it be deferred for a time. Such as ihovight
s„ good that the election should be done with speed, showed how dan-
Appendix. gcrous a thing it was for such a congregation to be without a head ;
also, what a pestiferous sickness was in all the city, which not only
consumed young men and children, but also men of middle age and
old men in like manner ; and that this plague came first by strangers
unto the poor of the city, and so had infected the rich, and now was
come unto the fathers of the council : amplifying, moreover, and
increasing the terror thereof, and making the thing worse than it was,
as the manner is. *A11 things did breed fear.* " Ncitlier doth
the decree," said they, " any thing let or hinder, Mhcrcin it is ])ro-
sixtydays vidcd, that there should be delay of sixty days after the see is void ;
delayed ^*^^ ^^at is to be Understand to apply, when the see is void at such
after the' \\xx\q as tlicrc is no council holden : neither ought we to tarry or make
void. any delay, lest the princes, being persuaded by Gabriel, should resist;
unto whom the deposition of Gabriel, and the election of some other,
must be certified all under one message.'"^
(1) Faithfully translated into English by F. W,
(2) Note the christian zeal of these men, who would refuse no danger for God's cause.
A GREAT PLAGUE IN BASIL. 659
The other, M'ho thouglit good that there should be a delay, said, nenry that the council did lack no head, forsomuch as Christ was the head !^_
thereof; neither did lack a ruler, forsomuch as it was governed by A.D. the presidents and other officers: and that no mention should be _21i^-, made of any pestilence in such case, seeing that by stout and valiant men death is not to be feared, neither should any thing fear those who contend for the christian faith. As for that pestilence, which did now increase and grow in the city, forsomuch as judgment was now given, it was to be hoped that it would assuage, which was thought to have come for the neglecting of justice. Also, that in so arduous a matter they ought rather to use the princes against their will, than to neglect them ; and that it was not to be feared, but that, in this case, ' fortune would help those that were stout and valiant.' The matter being thus discussed amongst them, albeit that there were as many minds as there were men, yet all seemed to agree, that it was most profitable to choose the pontiff at once, but more decent to defer it.
Hereupon John de Segovia, a man of excellent learning, said : segovius " Most reverend fathers ! I am diversely drawn, by sundry reasons, to this side and that. But, as I weigh the matter more deeply in my mind, this is my opinion ; that it seemeth good to come to a speedy election, to speak after man's judgment ; but it seemeth much better to delay it for two months, as more consonant to God's will ; for I do not see how that which is so settled by the laws can be rescinded. I do judge, that not only the words, but also the meaning of our decree, ought to be observed. Wherefore, if ye will give any credit Danger- unto me, follow rather honesty with its dangers, than utility with its nesty pW present safety; albeit, in reality, utility cannot be separated from ['^J^TJ;'^^, honesty." This counsel of delay prevailed among the fathers, and secure they decreed to stay for the space of two months. In the mean time, ^ " ^" messengers were sent unto the princes, to declare the deposition of Eugene by the synod, and publish it abroad.
During this time, the corrupt air was nothing at all purged, but the plague daily increasing, many died and more were sick. Where- upon a sudden fear came upon the fathers ; neither were they suf- Ajc'jir. ficiently made up what they should do : for they thought it not to be without danger either to depart or to tarry. Notwithstanding, they thought it good to tarry, and also they caused others to tarry ; that since they had overcome famine, and the assaults of their enemies on earth, they might not seem to shrink, for the persecution of any plague or sickness. But, forsomuch as they could not all be kept there, it was politicly provided, that the council should not seem to be dissolved for any man's departure. And, for the greater security of the matter, there were certain of the fathers chosen, whom they called ' Patres de stabilimento,' whose authority continued long time after. When a great the dog-days were now come, and all herbs withered with heat, the fe'iice m pestilence daily increased more and more, so that it is incredible Basil, how many died. It was to horrible to see the corses hourly carried through the streets, when on every side there was weeping, wailing, and sighing. There was no house void of mourning ; no mirth or laughter in any place ; but matrons bewailing their husbands, and husbands their wives. Men and women went through the streets, and durst not speak one to another. Some tarried at home, and u u 2
660 A GREAT PLAGUE IN BASIL.
iTpnry ollicr soiTic tliat wcnt abroad had perfumes to smell unto, to preserve _ — ^_ tlicm against the plague.
A.D. The common people died without number; and, like as in the
"^'"^- cold autumn the leaves of the trees do fall, even so did the youth of
the city consume and fall away. The violence of the disease was such,
that yc should have met a man hale and hearty in the street now, and
within ten hours have heard that he had been buried. The number
of the dead corses was such also, that they lacked place to bury
AipenJix. them in ; insomuch that all the burial grounds having been dug up and
filled with dead corses, great holes were made iu the church-yards,
where a great number of corses being thrust in together, they covered
them over with earth. For this cause the fathers were so airaid, that
there appeared no blood in their faces ; and specially the sudden
Louis the dcatli of Louis, the prothonotary, did make all men afraid ; who was
u^'cTied' ^ strong man, and flourishing in age, and singularly learned in both
of tji^e ]aws, yet the envious and raging sickness took him away in a few
hours. A little while after, died Louis, the patriarch of Aquileia, a
man of great age, and brought up always in troubles and adversity,
neither could he see the day of the pope's election, which he had long
wished for. Notwithstanding, he took partly a consolation, in that
he had seen Gabriel deposed before his death. This man's death was
grievous unto all the fathers ; for now they said, that two pillars of the
council were decayed and overthrown, meaning the prothonotary and
the patriarch, whereof the one by the law, and the other with his
deeds, defended the verity of the council.
About the same time, also, died the king of Arragon's almoner in Switzerland, a man of excellent learning ; and soon after, the bishop of Evreux at Strasburg. The abbot of Vczelai died at Spires, and John, the bishop of Lubeck, between Vienna and Buda. The ex- Tliesc two last relicarsctl, even at the point of death, did this thing orthlre" worthy of remembrance. When they perceived the hour of their who died, death to ap])roacli, calling unto them certain grave and wise men, they said, " All you that be here present, pray to God that he Mill convert such as acknowledge Gabriel for chief pontiff, for in that slate they cannot be saved ;" and professing themselves that they would die in the The fidth of the council of Basil, ihcy departed to the Lord. In Bohemia, con"^'"'^ also, departed the bishop of Constance, who was ambassador for the stiince council. Tlicrc was great fear and trembling both in and out of the coimcil. There had been also in the council, by a long time, the abbot Theab- ^f Dona, of the diocese of Cuma, a man poor in this world, but rich a't'me""^' to"'''^!"'^ God, whoui ucithcr flatterings nor threatenings could turn away abbot. from his good purpose and intent ; choosing rather to beg, siding with the truth of the fathers, than to abound in riches, with the I'alsc flat- tering adversaries. Whereupon, after the lords were departed who had given him his living, he remaining still, was stricken with the plague and died, bequeathing to his monastery all his property, a soli- tary cow. Likewise Henry, cha))lain of the cardinal of Aries, died within three days. Likewise a great number of the registrars and doc- tors died ; and of such as fell into that disease, very few escaped. One amongst all tlie rest, /T"]ncasSylvius, being stricken with this disease, by ofesc,-.iHd God's help escaped. This man, the next night after that his friend, iianiiy. Juliau Bomainc, wliom he tenderly loved, was buried, felt the sore, and
./Eneas the au- thor h
C0NS1ANCY OF ARELATENSIS. 661
lay three days even at the point of death, all men being in despair of iTenry him : notwithstanding it pleased God to grant him longer life. *But,' ^ '' alas ! how unstable is the order of hmnan things ! or, how deceitful A-t>- is the world ! for iEneas who could not die in his own body, died ^'^''■^- in another man. For within a little while after, he, returning from Trent, found John Pynanus, a man born at Rouen, to be dead of a malignant fever and negligence of the physicians ; with which news he ■was so troubled and ravished in his mind, that he seemed to have half lost his wits, neither was there in him, afterward, the like courage, either unto his study, or the matters of the council, insomuch that a man would scarcely have said that there had been any spirit in him to breathe withal. Notwithstanding, every man must be contented to suffer such fortune ; for no man went untouched, but either he had occasion to bewail his own chance, or some friend of his.*
At that time when the pestilence was at its height, and that daily there died about one hundred, there was great entreaty made unto cardinal Arelatensis, that he would go to some other town or village near at hand ; and these were the words of all his friends and house- hold : " What do you, most reverend father ? At the least void this wane of the moon and save yourself; who being safe, all we shall be also safe : if you die, we all perish. If the plague over- come you, unto whom shall we fly ? Who shall rule us ? or who shall be the guide of this most faithful flock ? The infection hath already invaded your chamber ; your secretary and chamberlain are already dead. Consider the great danger, and save both yourself and us." But neither the entreaty of his household, nor the corses of invinci- tiiose who were dead, could move him, willing rather to preserve 8^^
of the council ; for he did know, that if he should depart, few the cardi- would tarry behind, and that deceit would be wrought in his latensis. absence.
Wherefore, like as in wars the soldiers fear no danger when they see their captain in the midst of their enemies, so the fathers of the council were ashamed to fly from this pestilence, seeing their president to remain with them in the midst of all dangers. Which their doings did utterly subvert the opinion of those who babbled abroad, that the fathers tarried in Basil to seek their own profit and commodity, and not the verity of the faith ; for there is no commodity upon earth, which men would change for their lives ; for all such as do serve the world, do prefer life before all other things. But these our fathers, showing themselves an invincible strong wall for the house of God, vanquishing all the crafty deceits which Gabriel used, and overcoming all difficulties, which this most cruel and letiferous year brought upon them, at length, all desire of life also being set apart, overcame all dangers, and hesitated not, with most constant minds to defend the verity of the council even unto this present.
*The^ time named in the decree after the deposition of Gabriel being passed, it seemed good unto the fathers to proceed to the election
(1) See Edition 1563, p. 322.
(2) Tlie history being more fully given in the first edition, the following pages, distinguished with asterislvs, are substituted for three short paragraphs in later editions. See Edition 15G3, pp. 323 — 327.— Ed.
662 THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
Jiejinj of another poniilT, whereupon they, counselling amongst themselves,
L_ touching the order of proceeding, it vas afterward concluded in the
A.D. deputations and in the whole congregation, that thirty-two fathers ^"*^^' should be chosen out of the body of the council, who, taking an oath ordained by the council, should enter the conclave together with the cardinal Arolatensis, to elect and choose the pope. Notwithstand- ing, the Common deputation thought good, that there should be but only twenty-four chosen for that election besides the cardinal, App^/nd,i. and those also should be priests. But the determination of the three other deputations prevailed : wherefore the decree was made, and the conclave prepared with all speed. Which being done, they proceeded to the nominating of the thirty-two, who, together with the cardinal, should elect and choose the pope. This was about tiic first of October.
The matter at the first was very difficult and hard, some of them preferring one mode of nominating electors, some another. At the last, William, archdeacon of Metz, a clever and learned man, o])cned unto them a certain way and mean : " There are," said he, " in the council, three fathers, whose fidelity the whole council, I think, will follow." These three men he named to be Thomas, abbot of Dun- drain in Galloway, of the diocese of Whitern, commonly called the Scottish abbot ; .tohn do Segovia, archdeacon of Villaviciosa, in the diocese of Oviedo ; and Thomas de Corcellis, canon of Amiens ; all divines : whose sobriety and virtue being commended, he determined that they three should be the principal electors, and that unto them should be committed the election of the other twenty-nine, whom they should privily name among themselves, and not publish till the day before they should enter the conclave. Which thing being allow-ed in the deputation of faith, Francis de Foix, a divine, and iEneas of Sienna, were sent unto the other deputations to persuade them also. But they, suspecting some fraud, would not give ear to any persuasion. But forsomuch as there was no better or readier way found by the other, the deputation of faith prevailed. Certain days after, they appointed the said Francis and /Eneas to go again unto the deputations, with this addition, that if it pleased the otlicr deputations, the three fathers would take unto them another. That •was done for this purpose, lest the German nation should complain, that there was none of their nation with the three fiithcrs : for divers murmured and said, that the Scottish abbot seemed to be more of a Frenchman than a German. After much discussing of the matter, they agreed upon this point : the Three Men aforesaid were appointed and chosen for three of the electors of the bishop of Rome, and full authority was given unto them, to choose and take unto them one, two, or three others, as they should think good ; who, being so elect and chosen, should liave like power and authority with them (through the power, authoritv, and commandment of the sacred council), to nominate and choose the residue of the electors of the bishop of Rome, and other officers necessary for the conclave ; provided that none so named and elected by them should be received, except he were named and elected by the majority of the electors. It was also enjoined them, that they should nominate and choose the residue (^f the electors out of the whole body of the council, having rcsjx^ct, as
CESSATION OF THE PESTILENCE. 66S
mucli as might be, to tlie nations and deputations wliicli were in the ^''•/"i/
council. Whereupon, the Three Men were bound on their oath to _
nominate and choose apt men, having the fear of God, and not to ^P- reveal or disclose those which they had chosen until they should be .
published in a general congregation, or that they were commanded by the council so to do, but to keep their election under their seals, in some safe and sure place, until the day of their publication. All this was done the thirteenth day of October, in a general congregation. It seemed strange unto all men, that a matter of so great importance should be committed to only three men. Notwithstanding, virtue overcame all, and the tried probity of the men excluded every suspi- cion of fraud and deceit.
The matter being thus arranged, Arelatensis, contrary to all men's expectation, seemed k) defer the election. Whereupon some (as the multitude is prone to backbite and slander) did backbite and slander him. Other some, contrary to his mind, sought to hasten the election. Which thing when he understood, contrary to his old accustomed manner, which never used to regard any evil words, he made a com- plaint of these matters unto the deputations, whereby he brought to pass that, purging himself, they were brought into contempt and hatred, who had spoken evil of him, and thereby did so much the more approve and confirm his fidelity towards the council. While these things were tluis doing, there went a bruit throughout all the world, that the pestilence was ceased at Basil, and that the pope's election went forward speedily : whereupon many came out of divers countries to behold and see the matter, amongst whom there were many notable prelates. When the council was now fuller than it was accustomed to be, and that all men almost were returned, who were fled for fear of the pestilence, the Three Men, minding to perform the commission given them by the council, associated unto them Christian de Konig-Gratz, prior of the canons of St. Peter's at Brunn, in the diocese of Olmutz, born in the heart of Germany, master in divinity, ^ppf,'ji^^ and a man of constant mind and sound judgment.
The twenty-eighth day of October, assembling together in the house The eieo- of the friars Minors, they made the nomination committed to them, J°amed\y and, according unto the commandment of the council, kept it sealed. "jeThr-je But before that was done, they talked with divers expert and wise men of every nation, by whose report they learned what were the manners of every man ; and, by a subtle examination, ascertained how every man was esteemed in his own country. Many also came unto them of their own accord, who were desirous either to praise their friend, or to run down their enemy ; whom they, being desirous of the truth, and anxious that they might not be deceived in so weighty a matter, willingly heard : so that there was no wickedtiess committed in the council, but they heard and understood it, beside much that was done abroad. These men, the twenty-ninth day of October, being called upon by the council to report what they had done, came unto the congregation, where the whole body corporate were assembled ; neither was any man absent that could possibly be there. And for- somuch as the Three Men had not declared the matter unto any, by how much the matter was kept secret, by so much the more it was desired of all men.
Then they talked together amongst themselves, and spake much of
66i THE COUNCIL Of BASIL.
Jicnry llic Tlircc Men, ofFcring many guesses as to tlic nomination of the elcc- '''■ tors ; some saying that this man, and other some tliat that man, -would
of Arela tensis
A.D. be an cleetor ; speaking as affection and likelihood did move thcni . 1439^ but, forsomuch as no man knew anything with certainty, every man was the more eager to hear the conclusion. Some had put on their best apparel, other some had hired new servants, some had committed their houses Tmto their friends, because they thought to be of the number of the electors ; for it happcneth, I know not how, that every man over-estimateth his own virtue ; whose ambition is afterward more derided, than fulfilled.
Cardinal Arelatensis, being very careful in this weighty business, and being occupied with other affairs, came somewhat later unto the congregation than time required ; whose long tarrying was not a little marvelled at of all men. When he was set doivn in his seat, having first excused his long tarrying, he said : " This day a weighty matter is intreated, in the nomination of the electors which is about to be straightway opened, Avhereupon the state of the church doth depend. Markuie If the Three Men unto whom you have committed these affairs have airection doue Well, I grant I have tarried too long ; but if they have not done well, I am come too soon :" which words he pronounced with a fearful voice, and a pale countenance, even of the abundance of his lieart. When he had thus spoken, through his sad countenance and gesture he made all men afraid, and showed such a sadness of mind that many wept, who knew the state that he was in by his counte- nance. For this same good flithcr feared lest the Three Men, con- temning the high prelates, had chosen the most part out of the infe- riors ; which thing was the more to be suspected, for that he could never know any thing of their mind. When the Three Men perceived the cardinal so sad, they prepared for whatever might happen, as men after a flash of lightning prepare for a storm. Notwithstanding, all men were greatly afraid, lest the church should be that day divided again, and lest a greater tumult should follow, than that mIucIi arose before by occasion of choosing the place where the council should meet : for every man, according as his affection led him, prepared himself either to the commendation or dispraise of the Three Men. Who, perceiving all this, thought good, before they opened the lists, somewhat to pacify the minds of the audience, and to explain the principles on which they had made their nomination ; knowing that after a wound was once given, no man would willingly hearken. The Scottish abbot spake first, and after him John de Segovia, making this preface aforchand :
The Preface of John de Segovia and his Associates. The pre- No man (thej' said) should think himself contemned, if he were omitted ; th'^Vh ' ^^'^ ^'^'''^ *^''^^' ^'"'^ taken the greatest pains in judging, wliat men they should Men. ^ receive mito the conclave, and whom tliey sho\ild leave out : for that it seemed to them as needful to appoint sober and discreet men without the conclave, as within, who might defend the conclave, and prohibit factions or uproars in the council. This they had learned of the precepts of the most famous philo- sopher Plato, wlio commandeth the governors of cities so to rule the whole body of the common-wealth, that whilst they do defend the one part, they do not for- sake the other. N\ Inch tiling, also, did admonish them to nominate the electors by their provinces, that they miglit not seem to reverence some and neglect other some. And in their election, tlicy had been circumspect to take no bishop who had not a people in charge, and no abbot who had not a monasterv ; but
ORDER IN THE ELECTION OF POPE. 665
in all whom they had nominated they had either found some singular goodness, jjennj or nobility joined with goodness, or else some singular learning joined with both. n The number of bishops, including a cardinal-bishop, was equal to the number ^ ^ of the apostles. They had also nominated seven abbots, five from amongst the ^^,^^- most famous divines, and nine doctors: all these being in the order of priest- — '^_J_ hood. As for the officers whom they had nominated, they were famous for The imm- nobility and virtue : that is to say, one vice-chamberlain, eight keepers of the gfj^jo/^'"'' conclave, two clerks of the ceremonies, two promoters, one proctor-fiscal, and of every: one soldan. In the nomination of these they had also had an eye to the depu- o^dei. tations, as was enjoined them.
With these words they did somewhat pacify the multitude, and then, amid a marvellous silence, opened the lists of the elected ; the which John de Segovia did read, the order of the nations being omitted therein ; for the Triumvirs felt it to be an awkward thing for them to prefer one nation before another : and therefore, as every man did excel in prelacy or dignity, so was he first named.
' For my part' (saith jEneas Sylvius, the historian of these things), ' I shall not hesitate to observe the order of the nations which was observed at Constance ; neither do I fear any ill will, because I shall not be shewing any favour unto those who are put first, nor doing any injury unto those who are placed after : for neither did nobility nor authority bring in this order, but time itself; for, as every nation did first receive the word of God, so is it first preferred. For the early or late conversion of my ancestors is no ground of praise or blame to me, so long as I am myself a Christian : for he hud no more reward in the gospel, who came early in the morning to the vineyard, than he who came late. Notwithstanding, the Roman empire, and the see of Feter, give the Italian nation the priority. Wherefore, for the better under- standing of those who shall read the same, we will observe the order of nations.
' But this must first be considered, that the cardinal Arelatensis came unto the election, not by favour of the Triumvirs' nomination, but in his own right : wherefore I will set him first, out of the order of the nations. The like place also would any other cardinals have had, if, being reconciled unto the church, and, not in the least spotted with Eugene's heresy, they had come in time. The first and principal of all the electors was the cardinal, a man of invincible The elec- constancy and incomparable wisdom, unto whose virtue I may justly ascribe tors, whatsoever was done in the council : for without him the prelates had not per- severed in their purpose, neither could the shadow of any prince so have defended them.'
But now to proceed to the nomination.* Out of the Italian nation there were chosen, William, bishop of Vercelli ; George, bishop of Aosta , John, bishop of Ivrea, in Piedmont ; and Louis, bishop of Turin ; all men of nobility and great wisdom : also Aleran, abbot of the house of St. Benignus at Fructuaria, in the diocese of Ivrea ; and James de Scgusio, abbot of St. Benedict, in the diocese of Turin. Of doctors, friar John de Monte Canuto, master of the house of St. Anthony de Roversio, in the diocese of Turin ; friar Bartholomew de Provanis, master of the house of St, Anthony de Clavacro, in the diocese of Ivrea. These men represented the Italian nation in the election of a new pontiff.
*0f the French nation were elected John, archbishop of Tarantaise,
(1) The following lonjc list of persons and titles has been compared with that printed in Labbe 8 Concilia, torn. xi. col. 635, and revised from thence ; the titles, especially, are given more fullj thai by jEneas Sylvius.— Ed.
6G6 THE coi:n'(;il of basil.
Henry who w.is callcd to that place and dignity against his will ; Francis,
— tishop of Geneva; and Bernard bishop of Acqs, a subtle la^vycr, who,
A.D. for the manifest infirmities of his body and grievous gont excused _Li__l. himself ; in whose ])lace was chosen Louis, bishop of ^Marseilles : also Raymond, abbot of Conquet, in the diocese of Kodcz. Of divines, Nicholas Thibout, penitentiary of the church of Coutanccs, in the province of Rouen, in Normandy ; John de Vellec, rector of the parish Arr^'"'"^. "f Plouneour, in the diocese of Leon, in Bretagne ; and Thomas de Corcellis, who was one of the Triumvirs : of lawyers, A\'illiam Hughes, archdeacon of Metz. All these were chosen, with the car- dinal Arelatensis, to represent France in the election of the pope.
Out of the German nation, which is the greatest of all the rest, were chosen Frederic, bishop of Basil ; Conrad, abbot of Lucella, in the diocese of Basil ; and Thomas de Scotia, who was one of the Triumvii'S. Of doctors, Dctzelaus, archdeacon of Cracow ; John Wylor, dean of Basil ; Henricus de Judeis, of Cologne ; James de Sidtzburg, a canon of Ratisbon ; and Christian de Kcenig-Gratz, who, as is before said, was added to the Triumvirs.
Out of the Spanish nation were chosen for the election of the pope, three bishops ; as Otto, bishop of Tortosa ; George, bishop of Vich ; Louis, bishop of Viseo, wdio was ambassador for the king of Portugal. Also of abbots, Peter, abbot of St. Cucu])has in tlie diocese of liar- cclona ; and Antonio, abbot of Arulro in the diocese of Elnc, in Catalonia. Of doctors; Bernard deBusco, a canon of Lerida; Raymond Albioli, a canon of Tarazona ; and John de Segovia, who was one of the Triumvirs. These were they who were elected to the nominating of the pope, out of the four nations. As for the Englishmen, they were not included, because they were not present, and none could be chosen, but such as were present. The officers to attend on the conclave were as follow : for vice-chamberlain, Louis, bishop of Lau- sanne : for keepers of the conclave, were elected Perccvallus, bishop of Belley ; Nicholas, bishop of Grossctto ; John, abbot of St. Michael de Clusa, in the diocese of Turin ; Francis, abbot of Notre Dame d'Abondancc, in the diocese of Geneva ; Francis de Foix, a divine ; William of Constance, a canon of Spire ; John de Toricella, dean of Segorbe ; and Theodoric Nagel, a canon of Riga: for clerks of the ceremonies were appointed, ^^^neas Piccolomini, of Sienna, a canon of Trent, and Michael Brunout, a canon of Beauvais : for promoters, they were elected who had before, in the council, a long time promoted causes, viz. Hugh Gerardi and John Slitzcnrode : for proctor-fiscal was appointed Robert Magnani ; and Peter de A trio for the soldan, who had filled the same otlice with approbation ever since the council opened.
These men being thus nominated, and the list read by John dc Segovia, as is before said, the cardinal, who until that present was amazed and afraid, because he could not be persuaded that such an election could be accomplished, was relieved and took courage. F,or when he saw that bishops and abbots in great number were elected and chosen, and that the nations were equally honoured in the council, he began to take courage, and his face to recover its accustomed colour; and making an oration with a cheerful countenance, he did
A.D.
1439.
THE DISTEIBUTION OF LOTS. 667
exhilarate tlie wliole congregation, which, he being sad, could not '^f'"-i'
otherwise choose but to be also heavy and sad. After he had spoken '-
some things as touching the election, and greatly commended the industry and diligence of the Triumvirs, which they had at all times showed in that council, but now especially, he dismissed the congre- gation. At night, all the electors were sent for unto the cardinal's chamber ; where they conferred amongst themselves touching the distribution of the chambers ; and, forsomuch as there was great difference in the chambers, the prelates thought that they should be distributed according to their respective dignities ; that as every man was of most age and dignity, so he should enjoy the best and prin cipal place. For they said, it was not to be suffered, that a cardinal or an archbishop should come to a lot with the doctors and inferiors, for that it would be ridiculous, if the cardinal should happen to be placed beneath, and the doctors above. And, forsomuch as the prelates were the greater number and all agreed in this view, it seemed but vain to speak of lots. The doctors, however, thought good to speak for themselves, and said, that the ancient customs ought not to be broken. For it had been always used, in every conclave, that the chambers should be distributed by lot, and that, not only between cardinal and cardinal, but also between cardinals and others : for at Constance, albeit there were many cardinals, yet did they not refuse to cast lots with the bishops and doctors. They said they could not but think the prelates selfish, in that they, being the greater number, sought to have the victory rather by votes, than by reason : and that unless the chambers were distributed by lot, some collusion was to be feared, and schism among the electors, while they who stood beneath, and shivered for cold, fell to envying those who were placed above.
By these reasons the cardinal being persuaded, consented to the mind of the doctors, and after him the good bishop of Tortosa pro- phesied : " If there be any man," said he, "unto whom the lot would be hurtful, it is I, whom the lot will place in the lowest room. Not- withstanding, rather than we should subvert the ancient customs, or incur the ill-will of tlie doctors, I think it good that the matter be settled by lot." And to this opinion they finally agreed.
Immediately there were certain of every sort of the electors sent to the conclave with the cardinal Arelatensis, with the help of the vice-chamberlain to cast lots for the chambers. The electors' names were written, every one on a separate billet, and put into a close basket; and Avhen they came unto the first chamber-door, the cardi- nal, putting his hand into the basket, took out the billet that came next to hand, and reading the same, delivered it unto the vice-cham- berlain, and the vice-chamberlain set it upon the chamber door ; and so throughout the chambers in order ; so that when the electors should enter into the conclave the next day, they should know that cell and chamber to be appointed for them, where they should find their names set up. The dean of Basil had the first place, and the bishop of Tortosa the last, according as he himself had prophesied. The dis- tribution of the lot in this case was very strange, or rather a divine dispensation setting at nought the counsels of man, in that a doctor was placed first, and a bishop last, when the prelates had previously resolved to assign the best chambers to themselves.
668 THK COUN'CIL OF BASIL.
Henry Tlic ncxt dav following, being Friday, the tliirticth of October, there
ri.
was a general congregation liolden, and the deliberations of the last de-
A-D. putations were concluded upon. Immediately after followed a session :
^^■^^- at which the cardinal Arelatcnsis performed divine service ; and after
"^y^ the gospel was sung, Mark, a fiimous divine, made an oration unto the
the miss electors, and reckoning up the manifold crimes of Gabriel who was
ye?abro- dcposcd, hc cndcavourcd himself to persuade the electors to choose
gated. gmjij a j-iijjii as should in all points be contrary unto Gabriel, and
eschew all his vices : that as he through his manifold reproaches was
hateful unto all men, so he who should be chosen should show himself
The vices acceptable unto all men through his righteousness; and as Gabriel
brieh" was covetous and full of rapine, so this man should show himself
moderate.
The church was full of people in every part. The noble matrons of the city stood between the uppermost pillars, beholding the con- gregation, and surveying the process of things not without great devotion. There was present John earl of Tierstein, who supplied the place of the emperor's protector. The consuls of the city were also present, and many other noblemen, to behold and see the same strange matter. Silence w^as kept on all parts, and the citizens were without the church in armour, to prevent there being any uproar made.
There was so great a number of people gathered together to behold this matter, that neither in the church, nor in the streets, was there Theeiec- Toom for them, and there was a great press within the church, ^^'hcn mun^cate the Cardinal Arelatensis had communicated, the other electors, accord- together. j,)g ^Q their order, were called unto the altar to communicate. First, the archbishop of Tarantaise and the ten other bishops did commu- nicate ; after them, the seven abbots ; then, the five divines ; and last of all, the nine lawyers ; who, coming unto the altar and kneeling down, received the sacrament. It was a worthy sight to behold so many reverend bishops, so many famous fathers, showing their hoary head's before the sacrament, some of them praying, and other some pouring out abundant tears. After all this was done, and the general congregation finished, all the prelates put on their robes and vestments, fit for the session. A ^dix Then Louis, the bishop of Lausanne, going up into the pulpit, read three things there by order. First of all the answer of the synod, to the calumnious libel of Gabriel, which beginneth, ' Moses :' Secondly, a certain limitation touching a decree lately set forth by the council about elections : and, thirdly, the nomination of the Triumvirs, which the sacred council allowed. Wiiich being read, the fathers were demanded whether it pleased them or no : whcreunto they answered ' Placet.' The oath Tlicu the bishop of Lausanne required that the form of the oath cLctors. should l)e read, which the electors should take, and that the electors should take their oath, according to the order (f the council. Then the cardinal Arelatensis, opening the book of Decrees, read the form of the oath in the audience of all men, and by-and-by being required so to swear, said,* oath'^(lf'^ " Most reverend fathers ! I promise, swear, and vow, before my Areiaten- Lqj.j j^jgus Clirist (wliosc uiost blcsscd body I, unworthy sinner.
THE CONCLAVE MADE SECURE. 669
have received, unto whom in the last judgment I shall give an account Hmry
of all my deeds), that in this business of election, whereunto now, by '. —
the will of the council, we are sent, I will seek nothing else, but only ^.D. the salvation of the cliristian people and the profit of the universal ^^^' church. And it shall be my whole care and study that the authority of general councils be not contemned, that the catholic faith be not impugned, and that the fathers who remain in the council be not oppressed. This will I seek for ; this shall be my care ; unto this with all my whole force and power will I bend myself; neither will I do any thing in this matter, either for mine own cause, or for any friend, but will regard only God and the profit of the church. With this mind and intent, and with this heart, I take the oath enjoined by the council."
His words were lively and fearful, *moving ' the minds of all those that stood by. After him the other electors took their oaths. Who The other is it, then, that would not think him meet for the popedom, who was fake their allowed by the judgment of so many bishops and priests ? especially o^^t^s. when they had taken their oath, just after receiving the sacrament, Appenj.x. that they vvould choose none, but only such as they should think fit for the dignity. In the same session also the vice-chamberlain, the keepers of the conclave, the clerks of the ceremonies, and the pro- moters, engaged by oath to execute their office without guile. Which done, about three of the clock at afternoon, the people being yet fasting, ' Te Deum ' was sung by all parties. That ended, they went, with all solemnity, to the conclave. When they came thither the electors were received in, and all the rest dismissed and sent away. Their servants also that were appointed unto them were let in, yet Avas not the door of the conclave immediately shut, but stood open until nine of the clock at night, that their friends might bring them such things as were necessary, and one friend to talk with another till that time. When it was dark, the protector with certain citizens went in to see how every man was placed ; taking great pleasure to behold the order and manner thereof. After him went in the bishop of Lausanne, the vice-chamberlain, and the keepers of the conclave, searching every chamber, if they had any person or any thing with them, contrary to the orders ; but, finding nothing, they went their ways. About nine of the clock, as is before said, the gates were shut, both within and without, and strongly barred and chained.
But now to declare the order of the election. In the place where the cardinal and the bishop of Vich were, seats were prepared for the cardinal and the others ; the archbishop of Tarantaise was set on the right hand of the cardinal, and the bishop of Tortosa on the left hand, and so all the other electors were placed according to their degree and order.* Before the cardinal's seat was set a stool, whereupon there stood a bason of silver, into which bason all the electors did cast their billets, which the cardinal, receiving, read one by one ; and four others of the electors wrote as he read them.
The tenor of the billets was as followeth : "I, George, bishop of Vich, do choose such a man, or such a man, for bishop of Rome \ and peradventure named one or two. Every one of the electors
(1) See Edition 15fi3, p. 327 —Ed.
670
THE COUXCIl, OF BASH,
-^^"/•y subscribed liis name unto liis billet, that he nii<jht thereby laiow li
r/.
own, and say 'nay,' if it were written contrary to that wliich he m-Iq' °'"^^^i"cJ '-, wlicreby all deceit was utterly excluded. The first scrutiny
L thus ended, it was found that there were many named to the papacv ;
yet none had sufficient voices, for, that day, there were seventeen of
d^l^or ^'vcrs nations nominated. Notwithstandinfj, Amedcus,duke of Savoy,
Savoy, a man of singular virtue, surmounted them all ; for in the first
scrutiny he had the voice of sixteen electors, who judged him worthy
to govern the church.
After this, at three of the clock in the afternoon, there was diligent inquisition had in the council touching those who were named of the electors, and as every man''s opinion served him, he did either praise or disconnnend those who were nominated. Notwithstanding, there was such report made of Amedeus, that in the next scrutiny, which was holden on the second day of November, the said Amedeus had A,,p/Ziix. nineteen voices, and afterward in the third and fourth scrutinies twenty-one voices. But, forsomuch as there was none found in all the scrutinies to have two-thirds, all the billets were burnt. And forsomuch as there lacked but only one voice to the election of the Prayer cliicf pou tiff, they fell unto prayer, desiring God that he would vouch- ami"con- Safe to direct their minds unanimously to elect one who would <:ord. worthily take the pastoral charge over the flock of God. Forsomuch as Amedeus seemed to be nearer unto the papacy than all others, there was great communication had amongst them touching his life and manners. Some said, that hands ought not so suddenly to be laid on a layman ; and that it would seem to all a monstrous thing, for a secular prince to be called unto the bishopric of Rome ; a step which would derogate from the ecclesiastical state, as though there were none therein meet or worthy for that dignity. Other some said, that a man who was married and had children was unmeet for such a charge. Other some again affirmed, that the bishop of Rome ought to be a doctor of law, and an excellent learned man.
When these words were spoken, other some rising up, spake far otherwise ; that albeit Amedeus was no doctor, yet was he learned and wise, forsomuch as all his whole youth he had bestowed in learn- ing and study, and had sought, not titles but knowledge.
An Oration in favour of the Claims of Amedeus to the Popedom.
Tlicii said another' these words; ' If ye be desirous to be instructed further
Let lying of tliis prince's life, I pray you give ear unto me, who do know him thoroughly.
Eugene 'J'ruly this man, from his youtli upward, and even from his younj; and tender
ashamed J'^^^''^. ^'''^t'l Hved more religiously than secularly, being always ol)edient to his
of his parents and masters, and being always indued witli the fear of (Jod, never given
false in- jq any vanity or wantonness ; neither hath there at any time been any child of
again^sr the house of Savoy, in whom hath appeared greater wit or towardness ; whereby
Amedeus. all those wlio did behold and know this man, judged and foresaw some great
matter in him, neither were they deceived. For, if ye desire to know his rule
and governance, what and how noble it hath been, first, know ye this, that this
man hath reigned, since his father's decease, about forty years; during whose
time, justice, the lady and queen of all other virtues, hath always flourished.
(1) Trobably jEncas Sylvius himself.— Ed.
AMEDEUS, THOUGH MARRIED, COMMENDED AH I'OPE. 6T1
For he, hearing his subjects himself, would never suffer the poor to be oppressed, Henry or the weak to be deceived. He was the defender of the fatherless, the advocate
of the widows, and the protector of the poor. There was no rapine or robbery in ^ £>_ all his territory. The poor and rich lived all under one law, neither was he bur- 1439*
thenous unto his subjects, or importune against strangers, throughout all his
country : there were no grievous exactions of money throughout all his dominion. He thought himself rich enough, if the inhabitants of his dominion did abound and were rich ; knowing that it is the point of a good shepherd to shear his sheep, and not to devour them. In this also was his chief study and care, that his sub- jects might live in peace; and such as bordered upon him might have no occa- sion of grudge. By which policies he did not only quietly govern his father's dominion, but also augmented the same by others, who willingly submitted them- selves unto him. He never made war upon any, and even in resisting such as made war upon him, he studied rather to make peace, than to seek any revenge; desiring rather to overcome his enemies with beneficence, than with the sword.
' He married only one wife, who was a noble virgin, and of singular beauty and chastity. He would have all his family to keep their hands and eyes chaste and continent, and throughout all his house honesty and integrity of manners were observed ; insomuch that even in a secular palace, the religion used in cloisters was observed and kept. When the partner of his bed had exchanged this life for com- another, and that he perceived his duchy to be established, and that it should come menda- without any controversy unto his posterity, he declared his mind, which was always ^mede- religious and dedicate unto God, and showed what will and affection he had long us, pope- borne in his heart; for he, contemning the pomp and state of this world, calling ^l'^'^*- unto him his dear friends, departed and went into a wilderness ; where, building a goodly abbey, he addicted himself wholly to the service of God, and, taking his cross upon him, followed Christ. In which place he being conversant by the space of many years, showed forth great example of holiness, wearing no other garments but such as could withstand the cold, neither using any kind of dainty fare, but only to resist hunger; watching and praying the most part of the night. Wherefore this prince is not newly come unto the church, as some do suppose, but, being a Christian, born of progenitors who were Christians during a thou- sand years and more, doth now serve God in a monastery.
' But, as touching that, also, which is spoken concerning a wife, I do not Having regard it; when not he only who hath had a wife, but he also who hath a wife, wife, is no may be elected and chosen pope. For why do the doctors dispute, whether g^ood^nian a married man, being chosen pope, ought to perform his duty towards his wife, to be but only because a married man might be received and chosen ? For, as you ^^'^\ know well enough, there have been popes that had wives; and Peter, also, was have been not without a wife. But why do we stand about this? for peradventure, it had married. been better that more priests had been married ; for many should be saved through marriage, who are now damned through their single life.* But hereof we will,' saitli he, ' speak in another place. But this seemeth unto me rather to be laughed at, than worthy any answer, which is objected touching his cliildren ; for in what can children (especially being of ripe age) be impediment or let lujto the pope, being their father? Doth not the Scripture say. Wo be unto Eccles.iv. him that is alone; for if he fall, he hath none to help him up again? Tliis cannot be imputed unto the prince, for he hath two sons, both comely and wise, whereof the one is prince of Piedmont, the other earl of Geneva. These men will rule the country of Savoy in the absence of tlieir father, and will help him, if he have need ; for they have already learned to rule over that peo[)Ie. I [iray you, what hurt is it for a bishop of Rome to have valiant children, who nuiy help their father against tyrants ?
' O most reverend fathers ! the more I do behold the storm of this most per- verse and froward time, the more I do consider the vexations and troubles which the church is now tormented withal, I do so much the more think it profitable, yea and necessary, that this man should be chosen prince and head; and I shall think that God hath showed his mercy upon us, if I may see him have the governance over this ship. I pray you consider into what straits we are now driven, with what perils we are now vexed and tossed. What prince is it that is obedient unto this council? for some will not confess that the council is here, neither receive oiu- decrees; other some confess it in their words, but by their deeds they declare it to be at Florence. For, albeit that by their words and
(1) Read the fifth epistle of Ignatius, and you shall see that the apostles had wives ; and Baptista Mantuanus maketh mention, how that Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, had a wife. [See Appendix. Ed.
672
lUnry VI.
A.D. 1-139.
Schism in the Cliurch.
Good it were, that tem- poral ilomi-
wore di- vided from the church.
AMEDEUS, DUKE OF SAVOY, CHOSEN' POPE.
letters they do not deny that the church is liere, yet do they procure promo- tions at tlie hands of Gabriel, who is deposed.
' This is the state of the church ; witli these storms and tempests the ship is shaken and bruised. Wicked children have risen up against their mother, who, being unmindful of their mother's labours and kindness towards them, despise her, contemn her, and beat her. What is to be done herein ? Shall we choose a bare man, who shall rather be derided of our princes, than had in reverence ? The days are not now, that men have respect only unto virtue, for, as the sati- rical poet writeth, " Probitas laudatur et alget," Goodness is praised, but neg- lected. A poor man speaketh, and they ask. What is he ? Truly virtue is good, but for our purpose it must be marked and looked upon, whether it be in a rich man, or a poor man : you must choose a governor, who may rule the ship not only by counsel, but by power also. The wind is great; wherefore, except the counsel be good, and the power strong, the ship shall be wrecked, and all put in danger. The memorial, however, is yet fresh before our eyes, that the princes do neglect authority which is devoid of power. Is there not great valiantness showed in this point, in that you, fearing no peril nor danger, neither of life nor goods, have so long contended for the truth of Christ? 'i'he princes ought therefore to kiss the ground on which you had trodden. Yet because the powerful prelates and the famous Cardinals have left you, you see what the princes likewise have done. But the most mighty and high God looketh down from on high, and will resist this their pride.
' I have often consented unto their opinion who said, it was expedient that tcm])oral dominion should be divided from the ecclesiastical state; for I did think that the priests should thereby be made more apt to the divine ministry, and secular princes more obedient to the clergy. But now 1 have learnt that virtue without power is laughed at, and that the Roman pontiff without the church's patrimony would only be the slave of kings and princes; which Con- stantine foreseeing, did piously endow the church. But, forsomuch as, at this present, the lands of the church are possessed, partly by Eugene, and partly by other tyrants, we must provide that we choose such a one. who may recover again the patrimony of the church, and in whom the office of Christ's vicar may not be contemned ; through the shield of whose power their contumacy may be suppressed, who contemn both verity and reason. Whereunto no man seemeth unto me more apt or meet than Amedeus, duke of Savoy, who holdeth the one part of his possessions in Italy, and the other in France ; unto whom all chris- tian princes are allied either by consanguinity, or joined by amity and friendship, and whose virtue, how famous it is, I have already declared.
' Why do we tlien stay or doubt to choose him, than whom Gabriel feareth no man more ? Let him, therefore, perish with the sword, wherewithal he hath stricken. There is no man who can more pacify the church than he. Do ye require devotion in a bishop? there is no man more devout than he. Do you require prudence? now ye understand by his former life, what manner of man he is. If ye seek for justice, his people are a witness thereof; so that whether you seek for virtue or power, all are here present before you. Whereupon do ye stay? Go to, I pray you, choose this man. He will augment the faith, he will reform manners, and preserve the authority of the church. Have ye not heard these troubles of the chm-ch to have been before spoken of, and that the fortieth year, being the year now present, should be an end of all troubles ? Have ye not heard that about this time there should a pope be chosen, who sliould comfort Sion, and set all things in peace ? and who, I pray you, should he be that Ar^dir. could fulfil these things, except we choose this man? Believe me, the Scriptures must be fuKillcd, and I trust that God will move your minds, however unwilling. Notwithstanding, do ye rather willingly whatsoever is right and holy.'
Ame- Wlicn lie had spoken these words, the greatest number of the
duke of electors seemed to consent unto him, and his words took such efTcct, chosen that in the next scrutiny the matter was finished. *For on the pope!" iionesofNoveml)cr,aboutten of tlieclock in the forenoon,* the scrutiny being opened and the numbers compared, it was found that Amedeus, the most devout duke of Savoy, acc(jrding to the decree of the coun- cil was chosen pope, * twenty-six voices consenting and agreeing upon him.* Wherefore suddenly, there was great joy and gladncs-
THE COUONATION OF AMEDEUS, AS POPE FELIX V. G73
amongst them, and all men biglily commended their doings. * Where- Henry fore/ the notaries and witnesses being called in, a great indenture ^' . was made concerning the election. Which thing finished, and the A.D. witnesses being sent away, about one of the clock in the afternoon ^'^'^^y there was a rush made to the windows which were toward the street, and the casements thereof broken with axes. And when the people gathered together in great number, marvelling at the ctrange noise, there was a cross of silver showed unto them.
The whole city was now in the street, and looking up to the win- dow desired to know the name of him that was chosen.* Then the cardinal Arelatensis published unto them the name of the bishop elect. After this, about three of the clock, all the prelates in their copes and mitres, and all the clergy of the city, coming unto the conclave, brought back the electors, being likewise adorned, unto the great church ; where, after great thanks given unto God, and the election again declared unto the people, a hymn being sung for joy, the congregation was dissolved.
This Amedeus aforesaid was a man of reverent age, of comely stature, of grave and discreet behaviour; also before married. Who thus being elected for pope the seventeenth day of November, was called Felix V., and was crowned in the city of Basil, in the twenty- Pope fourth day of July following. There were present at his coronation Louis, duke of Savoy; Philip, earl of Geneva; Louis, marquis of Saluzzo ; the marquis of Rotelen ; Conrad of Winsperg, chamber- lain of the empire ; the earl of Ticrstein ; the ambassadors of tlie cities of Strasburgh, Berne, Friburg, Soleure, with a great multitude of other beside, to the view of fifty thousand persons. At this Thenum- coronation, the pope's two sons did serve and minister to their father, plopieat The cardinal Arelatensis (being appointed thereto by the council Jjj.tionof instead of the bishop of Ostia, to whom it properly pertained) did P"P.e set on his head the pontifical diadem, which was esteemed at thirty thousand crowns. It were long here to recite the whole order and solemnity of the processioii, or the pope's riding about the city. First proceeded the pope, under his canopy of cloth of gold, having on his head a triple crown, and blessing the people as he went. By him went the marquis of Rotelen, and Conrad of Winsperg, leading his horse by the bridle. The following day, the whole city went to an entertainment, which lasted four full hours, being excessively sumptuous ; where the pope's two sons were butlers to his cup, the marquis of Saluzzo was the steward, &c.
Of this Felix thus writeth Volateran in the third book of his Geography, That he, being desired of certain of the ambassadors, if he had any dogs or hounds, to show them, willed them the next day to repair unto him, and he would show unto them such as he had. When the ambassadors, according to the appointment, were come, he slioweth unto them a great number of poor people and beggars, sitting at his tables at meat, declaring that those were his hounds, which he every day used to feed, hunting with them (he trusted) for the glory of heaven to come.^
And thus you have heard the state of this council hitherto, which council endured a long season, the space of twelve years. App^nx
(1) See Edition l.)63, p. 330.— En.
(2} A note for our gentlemen and lords, to learn how to hunt, and what do^^s to keep.
VOL. iir. X X
€74 DKATIIS OF THE EMPEIIORS SIGISMUXU AND AI,IU:UT.
jienry About tlic sixtli vcar of the council, Sigismund tlie emperor died, leaving but one daughter to succeed him in his kingdoms, ^vllom he
A.D. had married to Albert the Second, duke of Austria, who first suc- H39- ceeded in the kingdom of Hungary and Bohemia, being a sore adver- Deathof sary to the Bohemians, and afterward was made emperor, a.d. 14.38, mumi. and reigned emperor but two years, leaving his wife, who was Sigis- Aibertii. iimnd's daughter, great with child. After which Albert succeeded rVrnls. his brother Frederic the Third, duke of Austria, in the empire, &c., iben."' whereof more, Christ willing, hereafter.
In the mean time, Eugene, hearing of the death of Sigismund above recited, began to work the dissolution of tlie council of liasil, and to transfer it to Ferrara, pretending the coming of the Grecians. Notwithstanding, the council of Basil, through the disposition of God and the worthiness of cardinal Arclatensis, constantly endured. Albeit, in the said council were many stops and ))ractices to impeach The the same, beside the sore plague of pestilence which fell in the city Ba^tn' tluring the said council ; in the time of which plague, besides the death the time of mauy wortliy mcn, yEneas Sylvius also himself, the writer and council, compiler of the whole history of that council, sitting at the feet of the syiivTus archbishop of Tours and the bishop of Lubeck, lay sick three days of sick of w^Q same sore, as is above touched, and never th(5ught to escape. They plague in that died, departed with this exhortation, desiring men to pray to ^ ■ God, that he would convert the hearts of them that stuck to Eugene ns pope, against that council, as partly is before noted, and now repeated stant'^zeai again, for the better marking. Arelatensis, being most instantly ex- tlntiTto hortcd by his friends to fly that danger, could by no means be entreated the truth. \^q avoid, fearing more the danger of the church, than of his own life. Beside these so great difficulties and obstacles to stay and hinder this council, strange it was to behold the mutation of men's mind.s of whom such as first seemed to favour the council, afterwards did impugn it ; and such as before were against it, in the end .showed themselves most friends unto the same. The chief cardinals and prelates, the more they had to lose, the sooner they slipped away, or else lurked in houses or towns near, and absented themselves for fear; so that the stay of the council most rested upon their proctors, doc- tors, archdeacon?, deans, provosts, priors, and such other of the in- ferior sort. Whereof zEneas Sylvius, in his one hundred and eighty- third epistle, maketh this relation, where one Gaspar Schlick, the emperor's chancellor, writeth to the cardinal Julian in these words: The " Those cardinals," saith he, " who so long a time magnified so highly prda'tes, thc authority of the church, and of general councils, seeming as truth'! "' though they "were ready to spend their lives for the same, now, at thc sijde' siglit of one letter from their king (wherein yet no death was from the threatened, but only loss of their promotions), slipt away from Basil."" council, j^^^ jj^ ^^^ g^j^^^ epistle, he deridingly commendeth them as wise men, that had rather lose their faith than their flock. " Albeit,'"
' Fide quam
carere saith lic, " thcv departed not fir awav, but remained about Soleure,
nialunt.' - - ' - . - . . . ...
Promo-" waiting for other commandments from their prince, whereby it may choke appear how they did not shrink away willingly : but the burse," ""-' quoth he, " bindeth faster than true honour; '" Quid enim salvis in-
^^^^^' fliinia nummis .''"'"' that is to say, " What matter maketh the name of man, so his money be safe ?''''
, (1) ^ncas Sylvias, epist. 183.
THE HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS RESUMED. 675
Moreover, in one of the sessions of the said council, the worthy car- Kmy dinal Arelatensis' is said thus to have reported, That Christ was sold
for thirty pieces of silver : " But I," said he, " was sold much more A. D. dear; for Gabriel, otherwise called pope Eugene, offered threescore ^'*'^^"
thousand crowns of gold, whoso would take me, and present me unto sixty him." And they that took the said cardinal, afterwards excused their crowns"'' fact by another colour, pretending as the cause, that the cardinal's offered by brother, Avhat time the Armagnacs wasted Alsace, had brought great gene, for" damage to the inhabitants there ; and therefore they thought (said they) {[ayf^g of that they might lawfully lay hands upon a Frenchman, wheresoever Areiaten- they might take him. At length, by the bishop of Strasburg, Rupert, is taken and the said city, the matter was taken up, and he rescued ; wherein, rescued. no doubt, appeared the hand of God, in defending his life from. the de°fence pestilent danger of the pope, his adversary. \ toward
And thus far having proceeded in the matters of tliis aforesaid vamT' council until the election of Amedeus, called pope Felix V., before we prosecute the rest tliat remaineth thereof to be spoken, the order and course of times requireth to intermix withal the residue pertain- ing to the matters concluded between this council and the Bohemians, declaring the whole circumstances of the ambassade, their articles, disputations, and answers, winch they had first in the said council, then in their own country with the counciFs ambassadors ; also with their petitions and answers unto the same.
Touching the story of the Bohemians, how they, being sent for, Jf't'JieBo!; came up to the council of Basil, and how they appeared, and what 'J^"^^^"^ was there concluded and agreed, partly before hath been expressed, cuted. Now, as leisure serveth,from other matters to return again unto the same, it remaineth to prosecute the rest that lacketh, so far as both brevity may be observed, and yet the reader not defrauded of such things principally worthy in the same to be noted and known.
A FURTHER CONTINUATION OF
C^e jaemocabic l^i.^torp of tfie 2Bo[)emian^,
BEING A BRIEF EPITOME, SHOWING HOW THEY WERE CALLED AND BROUGHT UNTO THE COUNCIL OF BASIL;
Briefly collected and gathered out of the Commentaries of iEneas Sylvius.
*Forsomuch as the Bohemians, as is before said, being incensed for the death of John Huss and Jerome of Prague, persevered still in the maintaining of their opinions, Julian, cardinal of St. Angelo, was sent ambassador into Germany to make preparation against them ; for the bishop of Rome thought that nation would have easily been vanquished by the Germans. But the matter came far other- wise to pass; for the Germans, being often put to flight, as is afore- said, they put such a terror into the hearts of all the borderers, that Germany desired nothing more than peace.*
The Bohemians then, as is before declared, having always the upper hand, albeit they were accursed by the new pope Eugene, yet
(1) See Appendix. (2) Ex Paralip. Abbat. Ursperg. (3) See Edition 15G3, p. 3;!5.— Ed.
X X 2
57'^ THE HISTORY OF THE BOHEMIANS RESUMED.
ihnrtj it was tliouglit good tliat tlicy should be called unto Basil, where the ^^- council was a])pointed. Whereupon cardinal Julian sent thither A. I), before John Polemar, doctor of the law, and John de Ragnsa, a 1 lol. divine; who coming unto Basil in the month of August, a.d. 1131, called by their letters unto the council John, abbot of ISIulbrun, and John Gethusius, monk of the same cloister ; which men. for dexterity of their wit, and experience, and knowledge of countries, were very meet and necessary for ambassades. The Bo- Within a few days after, Julian also came thither, as he had pro- i^nvUeTto niised, and immediately sent out John Gethusius, and Hanian come to Offenbourgh, a senator of Basil, first, unto the emperor Sigismund, cii. being at Feldkirch, and afterward unto Frederic, duke of Austria,
for the appeasing of the wars between him and Philip, duke of Bur- gundy. This was done, to the intent that peace being had, not only the ecclesiastical prelates, but also the merchants, might have safe access unto Basil, and so bring in all things necessary for sustentati(m.
They, going on this ambassade, received letters from the synod to be delivered unto the emperor Sigismund, whereby the Bohemians and Moravians were called unto the council. These letters he by- and-by caused to be carried unto Bohemia. But, forsomuch as he himself went into Italy, to receive the imperial cro\vn of the pontiff, he left William, duke of Bavaria, as his deputy, to be protector unto Ar>v"dix. the council. Furthermore, when the synod understood that our men would take a peace with the Bohemians after their most shameful flight, they sent John Nider, a divine, and John Gethusius, to com- fort tlie people who joined upon Bohemia, and earnestly to move the Moravians and Bohemians, who were before called, to come unto the council.
They, departing from Basil the thirtieth of October, took their journey toward Munich, a town of Bavaria ; where, after they had saluted \\'illiam, duke of Bavaria, and his brother Ernest, and Albert, the son of Ernest, and had declared the commission of their ambas- sade, and had showed unto duke \\'illiam, how that, as soon as he should come unto Basil, the protection of the coimcil should be com- mitted unto him by the emperor; they exhorted Frederic, marquis of ]5randenburgh, and John, cluke of Bavaria, the senate of Nuremberg, and other princes and lords, partly by the letters of the council, and partly by word of mouth, that they should by no means take any truce with the Bohemians, for that it might be hurtful unto the church ; and said, they should have aid out of hand. They desired them also, in the name of the council, That if the Bohemians would send their ambassadors unto Basil, they would guide them, every man through his country, in safety ; which they promised to do. It is incredible how all men rejoiced that the Bohemians were sent for.
After this, when they counselled with the senate of Nuremberg, touching the sending of the couneifs letters into Bohemia, it seemed best first of all to inquire of the rulers of ]*]gra, whether the Bohe- mians had made any answer to the former letters of the council which they had sent. The rulers of Egra, being advertised by these letters, sent him who carried the councirs letters into Bohemia unto Nurem-
TERMS ON WHICH THEY OFFER TO APPEAR BEFORE THE COUNCIL. 677
berg. He reported how reverently the council of the greater city of Henry Prague received tlie letters, and how he was rewarded ; whereupon ^^'
they conceived great hope of the good success of the ambassade. A. D. Therefore the ambassadors, using the counsel of the senate of Nu- 1432.
reniberg and divers others, sent the messenger back again unto Egra, The bo- with their own private letters, and Avith letters of the council : for arTia"^ there was no better mean to send the letters to Bohemia. Much •'""■''^'^ *» travail was taken by them of Egra, Frederic, marquis of Branden- the coun- biirgli, and John, duke of Bavaria, in this matter ; for that they were '''" very desirous that peace might be had amongst Christians. The copy of those letters, whereby the synod did call the Bohemians unto the council, and other letters exhortatory of the ambassadors, and the Bohemians' answer unto the same, for brevity''s cause we have here pretermitted. The Bohemians, not in all points trusting unto the ambassadors, required by their letters that the council's ambassadors, with the other princes, would come unto Egra, where their ambassa- dors should be also present, to intreat upon the safe-conduct and other matters.
The day appointed for the meeting was the Sunday after Easter, The am- ■which was the 27 th day of April. Then came the ambassadors of the arEg'a" council unto Egra, with the noble princes, Frederic, marquis of Bran- denburgh, and John, duke of Bavaria, with other nobles, and almost to the number of two hundred and fifty horse.* But none of the Bo- hemians were present, because the inhabitants of Pilsen, and the lord of Swanberg, had not sent their safe-conduct. When they understood this by their letters, they brought it to pass, that the ambassadors of the Bohemians, Nicholas Humpolz, secretary of the greater city of Prague, and Matthias Clompezan, president of Piesta, should be brought forth by them of Egra and of Elnbogen ; and so they came Ap^^dix. unto Egra with nineteen horse, the eighth day of May. The next day after, Henry Token received the Bohemian ambassadors before the marquis with an eloquent oration, taking this part of the gospel for his theme, " Pax vobis," that is, " Peace be Avith you." Then they propounded what great injuries they had hitherto received at their hands, which was the cause of so many great slaughters on either party, and tliat tliey were glad that yet now, at the length, there was some hope that they should be heard.
After this they conferred as touching the safe-conduct. The The bo Bohemians required pledges, and that, not of the common sort, but re^quir"^ princes and nobles. Which thing forsomuch as it did not content P^'^'^ses the ambassadors, and so the matter should be put off, the common people of Egra began to cry out. That it was long of the ecclesiastics and princes that a concord was not made with the Bohemians. Then Frederic, marquis of Brandenburgh, and John, duke of Bavaria, Princes bound themselves of their own good-will ; the like also did William, {"h™ bI)-"' duke of Bavaria, at the request of the council ; likewise also did hemians. the council and the emperor Sigismund. Furthermore, promise was The Bo- made, That all the princes and cities should do the like, through it^li^^ wiiose dominion they should come, and the city of Basil also; the ^[;^ J^^f^^ copy of which safe-conduct was afterward sent unto Prag^ve. This also present.
(1) Fifty-two horse, Edition I5G3, p. 336.— Ed.
678 THE mStORV of the BOHEMIANS RESUMED.
Henry •\vas rccjuired by the Boliemians, That if it were possible the emperor should be present at the council
A.D- This convention at Egra continued twenty-one days. But the ■^'*'^ Bohemians, albeit they heard the council's ambassadors make great
The Bo- promises, yet did they not fully give credit unto tlicui. Whereupon
send two they cliosc out two ambassadors, Nicholas Humpolz, and John of
ambassa- ii^^^^^^ ^^jj^ ghould go to Basil and diligently inquire out all things.
These men Conrad, bishop of Ratisbon, and Conrad Scglawer,
Arp/ndix. ^^^^" ^^ Eichstadt, brought unto Cadolzburg, where the marquis of
Brandenburgh dwelt, being sent out by the synod a little before, to
inquire whether the Bohemian ambassadors would come or not. When
they were come to Biberack, one being over curious, inquired of one
of the Bohemian ambassadors, of what country he was. He answered
Good jus- that he was of Saatz. "There," said he, "are most execrable
a'liander- hcrctics and naughty men," &c. ; who, for that slanderous word, as a
cTenUe-^'' breaker of the truce, was straightway carried to prison, and there
iiessof ' should have suffered more punishment, if the Bohemian ambassadors,
heniian and the abbot of Eberbach, had not entreated for him. When they
ambassa- ^^^^ ^^ Basil, they were honourably received with wine and fish :
they tarried there five days and a half. The tenth day of October they
came unto the synod, which was assembled at the friars Augustine.
bl'staXrs 1'liese ambassadors, when they were returned home with the
oftiieiio- charter of flie synod, and declared those things which they had seen,
return"^ and that the matter was earnestly handled without fraud or deceit ;
home. there were ambassadors chosen to be sent unto the council, both for
the kingdom of Bohemia, and the marquisdom of Moravia; who
coming unto Tauss, were brought from thence with thirty-two
The Ho- horse, and divers noblemen, unto Cham. From thence they came to
send up Bchwaudorf, and so unto Nuremberg, where, beside their cntertain-
kmnani-^^nt of winc and fish, twenty-two horsemen accompanied them imto
bassa- Ulm ; froui thence they of Ulm brought them unto Biberack and
Saulgau, where James Truchses de Walpurg, a knight, receiving them,
brought them to Stockach, and from thence the bands of "NVilliam,
duke of Bavaria, brought them unto SchafFhausen. There they taking
ship, on the 4th day of January came to liasil. What were the names
of these ambassadors of the Bohemians, who were brought up with three
hundred horse, and how they were received at Basil, mention is made
oraUonof before.' When they came before the svnod the 9th day of the same
the cardi- , i- i t i- i • ' rtn i
naiju- month, cardinal Julian made an oration, 1 liat whatsoever was in any ^""^ place in doubt, the same ought to be determined by the authority of the council, forsomuchas all men were bound to submit themselves to the judgment of the holy church, which the general council did repre- sent.— \Vhich oration was not allowed of all the Bohemians. Three ai-. Then Rocliczauus made an oration, requiring to have a day ap- the^Bo- pointed when they should be heard, which was appointed the IGtli hemians. ^^y ^f ^j^g game mouth ; upou wliicli day John Rochezanus, having made his preface, began to propound the first article, touching the communion to be ministered under both kinds, and disputed upon the same by tlic space of three days, always before noon. Then one Nicolas, a Taborite, disputed u])ou the second article, touching the correction and punishing of sin, by the space of two days.
(1) See above, p. 577.— Ed.
TIIKIR ARTICLES DEBATED. G79
After whom Ulderic, priest of the Orphans, propounded and dis- ne>inj puted upon the third article by the space of two days, touching the
free preaching of the word of God. ^^^^•
Last of all Peter Paine, an Englishman, disputed three days upon L
the fourth article, touching the civil dominion of the clergy : and J^^^^^^ ^^ afterward they gave copies of their disputations in writing unto the tide. council, with hearty thanks that they were heard. The three last did somewhat inveigh against the council, commending John Huss and John WicklifF for evangelical doctors. Whereupon John de AppeZux. Ragusa, the divine, rising up, desired that he might have leave to answer in his own name, to the first article of the Bohemians. The council consented thereunto ; so that by the space of eight days in the forenoon he disputed thereupon. But, before he began to answer, oration John, the abbot of Citeaux, made an oration unto the Bohemians, "[.I'l^fof that they should submit themselves to the determination of holy citeaux. church, which this council (said he) doth represent. This matter did not a little offend the Bohemians. John Ragusinus, the divine, after scholars'' fashion, in his answer spake often of heresies and heretics. Procopius could not suffer it, but, rising up with an angry stomach, complained openly to the council of this injury. " This our countryman," saith he, " doth us great injury, calling us often- times heretics." Whereunto Ragusinus answered, "forasmuch asjoimRa- I am your countryman both by tongue and nation, I do the more fe"piieth desire to reduce you arain unto the church." He was a Dalmatian fs^*"^' born, and it appcareth that the Dalmatians, going into Bohemia, article. took their name from the country which they possessed. It came almost to this point, that through this offence the Bohemians would depart from Basil, and could scarcely be appeased. Certain of the Bohemians would not hear Ragusinus finish his disputation.
After him a fiunous divine, one Giles Charlier, dean of the church Giles of Cambray, answered unto the second article, by the space of four tothe"^' days. To the third article answered one Henry, surnamed Kalteisen, ^<^"'"^- three days together. Last of all John Polemar, before-mentioned, Kaiteiseu master of the requests of the palace, answered unto the fourth ["^ii.'^! article likewise, by the space of three days, so that the long time J-Poie- which they used in disputations seemed tedious imto the Bohemians, fomtu. ' Notwithstanding this answer, the Bohemians still defended their articles, and especially the first, insomuch that John Rochczanus did strongly impugn Ragusinus' answer by the space of six days. But, forsomuch as one disputation bred another, and it was not perceived how that by this means any concord could be made, the prince William, duke of Bavaria, protector of the council, attempted another remedy, that all disputations being set apart, the matter should be friendly debated.
There Avere certain appointed on either part to treat upon the certain concord ; who coming together the 11th day of March, those who were bot^fsWes appointed for the council, were demanded to say their minds. " It J^'^ij'Jft'hg seemeth good," said they, " if these men would be united unto us, matter. and be made one body Avith us, that this body might then accord, declare, and determine, all manner of diversities of opinions and sects, what is to be believed or done in them."
The Bohemians, when they had awhile paused, said, " This way
680 THE COUXCII. OF BASIL,
seemed not apt enough, except, first of all, the four articles were exactly discussed, so that either we should agree with them, or they
^P', with us; for, otherwise, it would be but a frivolous matter, if they
^^1-^ being now united, again disagree in the deciding of the articles.""
Here answer was made to the Bohemians, TJiat if they ^vere rightly
united, and the aid of the Holy Ghost called for, they should not
err in the deciding of the matter, forsomuch as every Christian ought
to believe that determination ; which if they would do, it Avould
breed a most firm and strong concord and anuty on either part. —
But this answer satisfied them not, insomuch that the other three
rose up, and disputed against the answers which were given. At
that time cardinal Julian, president of the council, made this oration
unto the Bohemian ambassadors.
Oration " Tliis sacrcd synod," saith he, " hath now, by the space of ten
ofcardi- Jays, patiently heard the propositions of your four articles;"" and
Julian, afterwards he annexed, " You have propounded,"*"" saith he, " four
articles ; but we understand that, beside these four, you have many
other strange doctrines, wherein ye dissent from us. Wherefore it
is necessary, if a perfect unity and fraternity shall follow between us,
that all these things be declared in the council, to the end that by
the grace of the Holy Ghost, who is tlie author of peace and truth,
due provision may be made therein. For we have not gathered
these things of light conjectm-es, but have heard them of credible
persons, and partly here are some present who have seen them with
their own eyes in Bohemia, and partly we do gather it by your own
Master report : for ^Master Nicholas, who was the second that did pro-
diarged^ pouud, auiougst otlicr things alleged, that John WicldifF was an
^y t^« , evangelical doctor. If ye believe him to be a true doctor, it fol-
for com- loweth that you must repute his works as authentic ; if ye do not so
of'^john^ think, it is reason that it should be opened unto us. Wherefore we
Wickiiir. (Jesij.g you^ ^hat you Avill certify us upon these and certain other
points, what you do believe, or what credit you do give unto them.
But we do not require, that you should now declare your reasons ;
but it shall satisfy us, if you will answer unto every article by this
■word, ' credimus"* or, ' non credimus ;"* that is, ' we believe,' or,
'we believe not."* Which if you will do (as we trust you Avill),
then we shall manifestly perceive that you desire, that we should
conceive a good estimation of you. If there be any thing whereof
you would be certified by us, ask it boldly, and we will give you an
answer out of hand ; for we are ready, according to the doctrine of
St. Peter, to render account unto every man who shall require it,
touching tiic faith which we hold.""
crudcnt Hcrcuuto the Bohemian ambassadors answered in few words,
cardiimi" that tlicy caiue only to propound those four articles, not in their
Julian, ^^^y■^^ name, but in the name of the whole kingdom of Bohemia ;
— and spake no more. Whereupon William, the noble protector of
g,^ the council, calling unto him four men on cither part, treated touching
App.ndiT. tiie pacifying the matter; by whose advice the council decreed to send
The am- a fauious auibassadc with the Bohemian ambassadors unto Prague,
Kturn"" ^^'licre the people should assemble upon Trinity Sunday. But they
&RKe^^ would not receive these conditions of peace which were offered, but
ment. made haste to depart. AN'licrcupon, on the }-th dav of April, tlicre
THE COMING OF THE LEGATF.S TO PRAGUE. 68 1
■were ten chosen out of the council, to go with the Bohemian ambas- Ucnr,, sadors unto Prague. '. .
It were too long here to declare what honour was done unto these A. I), ambassadors all the way in their journey, and especially when they ^ ^•^•''\ came into Bohemia, by the citizens of Prague, when a great number of Bohemians were assembled at Prague at the day appointed, both of the clergy, nobility, and common people.
After the coming of those ambassadors, much contention began to xbe rise between the parties. First began John Rochezanus, who speak- the"""" ing in the public person of the commonalty, laboured to commend p^^l^ue'" and prefer the four verities of the Bohemians before propounded ; charging also the prelates and priests, for their slanderous obtrccta- tions and undeserved contumelies, wherewith they did infame tlie noble kingdom of Bohemia ; complaining also that they would not receive those christian verities, left and allowed by their king Wen- ceslaus now departed. Wherefore he required them in the behalf of the whole nation, that they would leave off hereafter to oppress them in such sort, that they would restore to them again their Joseph's vesture ; that is, the ornament of their good fame and name, whereof their brethren, theii- enemies, had spoiled them, &c.
To this Polemar maketh answer again, with a long and curious oration, exhorting them to peace and unity of the church, which if they would embrace, all other obstacles and impediments (said he) should be soon removed : promising also, that this their vesture of honour and fame should be amply restored again ; and that after- wards, if there Avere any doubtful matters, they might and should be the better discussed.
But all this pleased not the Bohemians, unless they might first have a declaration of their four articles, which if they might obtain, they promised then to embrace peace and concord ; which peace (said they) began first to be broken by themselves, in that the council of Constance, by their unjust condemnation, burned John Huss and Jerome of Prague, and also, by their cruel bulls and censures, raised up first excommunication, then war, against the whole kingdom of Bohemia.
Hereunto Polemar, reclaiming again, began to advance and magnify the honour and dignity of general councils. To conclude, as much as the said Polemar did extol the authority of the councils, so much did the answer of the Bohemians extenuate the same; saying, That the later councils, which are not expressed in the law of God, General have erred, and might err, not only in faith, but also in manners, ma" err, For that which hath chanced to the green wood, may also chance errtd.^^* unto the dry. But of others, the most strong pillars of the militant church, the apostles I mean, seem all to have erred, and the catholic faith to have remained three days sound and uncorrupt only in the Virgin Mary. No christian man, therefore, ought to be compelled to stand to the determination of the pope or the council, except it be in that which is plainly expressed in the law of God. For it is evident, that all the general councils which have been of long time, have reformed very few things as touching the faith, peace and man- ners of the church, but have always, both in their life and decrees, notoriously swerved, and have not established themselves upon the
682^ THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
Henry foundation, which is Clirist. Wherefore the said Bohemians pro- tested, that they woukl not simply and phiinly (God being their good
1433
A.D. Lord) yiehl themselves to their doctrine, nor to such rush and hasty decrees ; lest, through that their hasty and uncircumspect submission, they should bind their faith and life contrary to the wholesome and sound doctrine of oiu- Lord Christ Jesus. In short, in no case would they enter into any agreement of peace, except their four articles, which they counted for evangelical verities, were first accepted and approved. Which being obtained (said they), if they would conde- scend with them in the verity of the gospel, so would they join together, and be made one with them in the Lord, &c.'
When the ambassadors saw the matter would not otherwise be brought to pass, they required to have those articles delivered unto
The am- bassadors and Bo- . . - .
hemians tlicm in a Certain form, which thev sent unto the council by three
cannot t» i • i i *' •'
agree. isoheuiian ambassadors.
Afterwards the council sent a declaration into Bohemia, to be published unto the people in the common assemblies of the king- dom by the ambassadors, who were commanded to report unto the Bohemians, in the name of the council, that if they would receive the declaration of those tliree articles, and the unity of the church, there should be a mean found whereby the matter touching the first article, of the communion under both kinds, should be passed with peace and quietness.
They propounded in Prague, in an open assembly of the nobles and commons, the declaration of the three articles in form following :
A Declaration of the Covincil of Basil touching the three last Articles of the Bohemians, already alleged.
Forsomucli as touching tlie doctrine of the verity, we ought to proceed soberly and warily, that the truth may be declared with words so orderly conceived and iitt'&red, that tliere be no offence given to any man, wliereby he should fall to take occasion of error, and (to use the words of Isidore) that nothing by obscu- rity be left doubtful : wliereas you have propounded touching the inhibition and The se- correction of sins in these words, ' All mortal sins, and especially open oflences, *^'"_"' ""'" ought to be rooted out, punished, and inhibited, by them whose duty it is so to Bohemi- do, reasonably and according to the law of God ;' here it is to be marked and iins, with understand, that these words, ' whose duty it is,' are too general, and may be an rafionVf offence ; and according to the meaning of tlie Scripture, we ouglU not to lay any the coun- stumbling stock before the blind, and the ditches are to be closed up, that our '^''' neighbour's ox do not fall therein : all occasion of offence is to be taken away.
Therefore we say, that according to the meaning of tlie holy Scrijiture, and the doctrine of the holy doctors, it is thus universally to be holden, tiiat all mortal Punish- ^'"^' especially public offences, are to be rooted out, corrected, and inhibited, as ing of reasonably as may be, according to the law of God, and the institutions of the j)ublic of- fathers. The ])ower to punish these olfendcrs doth not pertain unto any private how and person, but only unto those who have jurisdiction of the law over them, the dis- bywhom. tinction of law and justice being orderly observed.'''
The third As touching the preaching of the word of God, which article you have alleged f["Bohe- "* *^'"'' form, ' That the word of Clod should be freely and faithfully preached by mians, the fit and apt ministers of the Lord:' lest by this word ' freely' occasion might with the be taken of disordered liberty (which, as you have often said, you do not mean), Uon ofthe *^'^ circiunstance thereof is to be understand ; and we say, that (according to council the meaning of the holy Scripture, and doctrine of tlie holy fathers) it is thus of preach^ Universally to be believed : That the word of God ought freely, but not every li'g. where, but faithfidly and orderly, to be preached by the priests and Lcvitcs ofthe
(1) Ex Cochleo, hist. lib. vii. (2) Note here tlie pope's addition.
DECLARATIONS OF THE COUNCIL.
Lord, being allowed and sent by their superiors unto wlioni that office apper- Henry
taineth ; the authority of the bishop always reserved, who is the provider of ail ^^-
things, according to the institution of the holy Fathers. ^ jy
As concerning the last article, expressed under these words, ' It is not law- 14*30* ful for the christian clergy, in the time of the law of grace, to have dominion
over temporal goods;' we remember that in the solemn disputation holden in the The sacred council, he who was appointed by the council to dispute, propounded fourth ar- two conclusions in this sort : the'Bcf-
First, tliat such of the clergy as were not religious, and had not bound them - hemians. selves thereunto by a vow, might lawfully have and possess any temporal goods ; Temporal as the inheritance of his father or any other, if it be left unto him; or any other sions in goods justly gotten by means of any gift, or other lawful contract, or else some the cier- fawful'art/' ^ _ ^S • .„-s
The second conclusion, ' The church may lawfully have and possess temporal goods, moveable andunmoveable, houses, lands, towns and villages, castles and cities; and in them have a private and civil dominion.' Your ambassador who dis- puted against him, granted those conclusions, saying. That they did not impugn the sense of this article being well understand, forsomuch as he understandeth this article of civil dominion, formally meant. Whereby, and also by other things, it may be understand, that those woi-ds, ' to have secular dominion,' expressed in the afoi-esaid article, seem to be referred to some special manner or kind o/ dominion. But forsomuch as the doctrine of the church is not to be intreated The pa- upon by any ambiguous or doubtful words, but fully and plainly ; therefore we Pi'^'s have thought good more plainly to express that, which according to the law of ^ard for God, and the doctrine of the holy doctors, is universally to be believed; that is their tem- to say, the two aforesaid conclusions to be true. And also, that the clergy ought fj'/j''hins faithfully to distribute the goods of the Chmxh, whose administrators they are, according to the decrees of the holy Fathers ; and that the usurpation of the ad- ministration of the church goods, done by any other than by them, unto whom the administration is cauonically committed, cannot be without gvult of sacrilege.
* Thus the sacred council,' said they, ' hath diligently gone about, according to the verity of the gospel, all ambiguity set apart, to expound the true sense of the three aforesaid articles. Wherefore, if there do yet remain any doubt, according to the information which we have received in the sacred council, we are ready, by God's help, who is the principal Verity, to declare the truth unto yo\x. If ye do receive and embrace the declaration of the said three articles, which is grounded upon the verity of the holy Scripture, as you are bound, and will effectually have a pure, simple, and perfect unity ; touching the liberty of the communion imder both kinds, which you desire and require, which also you cannot lawfully have without the license of holy church, we have authority from the general council by certain means to intreat and conclude^with you, trusting that you will show yourselves as you will continue.'
These things thus declared, after the Bohemians had taken de- The Bo- liberation, they said, That they would give no answer unto the pre- taklla de- mises, before they understood what should be offered them as touching upon^JJi^e" the communion. Wherefore it shall be necessary to declare the first arti- matter, as it was written in form followiniG: :
A Declaration of the Council of Basil touching the first Article of the Communion.
In the name of God and our Saviour Jesus Christ, upon the sacrament of whose most blessed Last Supper we are about to intreat, that He who hath instituted this most blessed sacrament of unity and peace, may work this effect in us, and make us that we may be one in the said Lord Jesu our Head, and that he may subvert all the subtleties of the devil ; who, through his envious craftiness, hath made the sacrament of peace and unity an occasion of war and discord, that, whilst Christians do contend touching the manner of communi- cating, they may be deprived of the fruit of the communion. Wherefore
6S4« THE COUKCIL OF BASIL.
Jhnry St. Augustine in his Sermon upon Infants, cited in the Decrees ' De consecrat. '^- Distinct. 2. ' Quia passus,' saith thus : ' So the Lord Jesus Christ sanctified us, A 13 and willed that we should appertain unto him, and consecrated the mystery of our 14'j'? pciicc and unity uj)on tlie tabic. He that rccciveth the mystery of unity, and . doth not keep the bond of peace, doth not receive a mystery for himself, but a
testimony against himself.' This we thought good above all things to be pre- mised, that the general custom of tlie church, which your fathers and you also s« . in times jiast have observed, hath a long time had and still usoth, that they wlio pptn IX. j^ ^^^^ consecrate, communicate only under tlie kind of bread. Which custom This is to being lawfully brought in by the chm-cli and holy fathers, and now a long time Bet up the observed, it is not lawful to reject, or to change at your will and pleasure, with- ahove the "Ht the authority of the church. Therefore, to change the custom of the cluireh, Scrip- and to take in hand to communicate unto the people under both kinds, witliout '"''^' the authority of holy church, is altogether unlawful; but holy church, upon reasonable occasions, may grant liberty to communicate unto the peo])le under both kinds. And every coiumunion, which, being attempted without the autho- rity and license of the church, should be unlawful, when it is done with the authority of holy church, shall be lawful, if other tilings let it not : we say ' if other things let it not,' because, as the apostle saith, ' He that eateth and drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh his own damnation.' Tlicholy Whereupon St. Isidore, as cited in Distinct. 2. ' De consecratione,' cap. ' Qui com- scelerate,' writeth thus : ' They who live wickedly, and cease not daily to comniu- imiiiion jiicate in the church, thinking thereby to be cleansed, let them learn that it doth amend- nothing at all profit them to the cleansing of their sins.' And St. Augustine, in ment of the same distinction, cap. ' Et sancta,' saith, ' Holy things may hurt the evil, for ®" unto the good they are salvation, but unto the evil damnation.' There are
Holy beside this many other authorities. The apostle Judas was amongst those who things JiJ f^rst communicate, but forsomucli as he received unworthily, having the sin profit'lhe ^f treason in his heart, it did profit him nothing ; but the devil by-and-by ■wicked, exercised the more power and authority over him. This is declared by a great reason. Which of you is it, that, if you should receive your lord into your house, The reve- would not with all diligence and care study to make clean and adorn his house, rend re- that he may receive his lord honestly ? Much more he that shall receive his [he sacra- I'O'"'^ and Saviour into the house of his soul, ought diligently to make clean and ments. deck his soul ; to cleanse it by the sacrament of penance, with sorrow and con- trition of heart, humbly, purely, and truly confessing his sins, and making due satisfaction and penance ; to adorn and deck the same with the purple or rich array of devotion, that the heart being so purged and adorned with fervent desire, he may come to that most holy sacrament, whereby God reconciletli all the world unto him.
Wherefore the most sacred synod admonishcth, exhorteth, and commandeth, that all priests should diligently exhort and admonish the people, and that they should use all their care and endeavour, that no man come to that most blessed sacrament, except lie be duly prepared with great reverence and devotion, lest that which is received for the salvation of the soul, redound to its condemna- tion, through the unworthy receiving thereof. Receiv- JNIoreovcr, doctors do say, tliat the custom of communicating unto tlie peojile ing un- only under the kind of bread was reasonably introduced by the church and ktnd""fo ^^^^y f''tl"^''s for reasonable causes, especially for the avoithng of two perils — avoiding error and irreverence. Of error, as to think that the one part of Christ's body two wQic in the bread, and the other part in the cup ; which were a great error.
j"ror' Of irreverence, forsoniuch as many things may happen, as well on the jiart of Krounded the minister, as on the part of the receiver : as it is said, that it happened when "!'"" a certain priest carried the sacrament of the cup unto a sick man, when he Causes should have ministered, he found nothing in the cup, being all spilt by the way, why to with many other sucli like chances. We have heard, moreover, that it hath undir'one often hapjiened, that tlie sacrament consecrated in the cup hath not been sufli- kind. cient for the number of communicants, whereby a new consecration must be made, which is not agreeable to the doctrine of the holy fathers; and, also, that oftentimes they do minister wine unconsecrated for consecrate wine, which is a great jieril. By this means then, it shall he brought to pass, tliat if you will eilectually receive the unity and peace of the church, in all otlicr things besides the use of the communion under both kinds, conforming yourselves to the faith
RECEIVING IN BOTH KINDS 1>ERMITTEL> TO THE BOHEMIANS. 685
and order of the universal church, you that have that ur,e and custom, shall Henrtf communicate still, by the authority of the church, under both kinds ; and this ^'i- article shall be discussed ftdly in the sacred council, wliere you shall see what, . as touching tliis article, is to be holden as a universal verity, and is to be done - ' . ' for tlie profit and salvation of the christian people : and all things being thus •
tliroughly handled, then, if you persevere in your desire, and your ambassadors do require it, the sacred council will grant license in the Lord unto your mini- stei's, to communicate unto the people under both kinds ; that is to say, to such Receiv- as be of lawful years and discretion, and shall reverently and devoutly require [,„[)"' the same : this always observed, that the ministers shall say unto those who kinds, shall commimicate, that they ought firmly to believe, not the flesh only to be permitted contained under the form of bread, and the blood only under the wine, but i"emiTins° under each kind to be whole and perfect Christ.
^ See
Appendix,
Thus, hitherto, we have declared the decree of the council. As Doui>ts touching the other doubts and questions which were afterwards moved uous nV by the masters and priests of Bohemia, the ambassadors of the n'^f^m'^'^' council answered thus :
First they said, That it was not the meaning of the sacred council, Answer. to suffer the communion under both kinds by toleration, or as the sion'of libel of divorcement was permitted to the Jews ; forsomuch as the J^?*'^^ council, intending even to open the bowels of motherly charity and granted pity unto the Bohemians and IMoravians, doth not mean to suffer it hlm^ilns",' with such kind of sufferance, which should not exclude sin, but so to ferlme?^" grant it, that by the authority of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of his {.'"^ ^y true spouse the church, it may be lawful, profitable, and healthful, unto thorlty. those who worthily receive the same.
Also, as touching that which was spoken by the said Bohemians, of Pnnish- the punishing of offences, that it is in the Scriptures, how that God oftlnces oftentimes stirreth up the hearts of private persons to the correcting ^^"S"^«^r- and punishing of sins, and so it should seem lawful unto the inferiors to correct and punish their superiors : they answered, alleging the text of St. Augustine in the thirty-third decree, " He that striketh wicked how and men in that they are wicked, and hath cause of death against them, offender's is the minister of God : but he who, without any public administra- ""^''i' tion or office, murdereth or niairaeth any wicked thief, sacrilegious, punisiied. adulterous, or perjured person, or any other offender, shall be judged GodUm- as a homicide ; and so much the more sharply, in that he feared not j^'^'J,'^.^^';'.'' to abuse and usurp the power not granted him of God." And truly ence.and this city would take it much more grievously, if any private man should though attempt to punish an offender, and set up a gallows in the street and ^i^^^^ylf' there hang him, than if one man should kill another in brawl or n^'iy- quarrel. They alleged, also, other texts of St. Ambrose and St. Jerome, agreeable to the same. They said that no man doubteth that the law of God is duly and holily appointed, and therein is simply Avritten, " Thou shalt not steal ;" and, notv/ithstanding, by the commandment of God, the children of Israel carried away the goods of the Egyptians, The which they had borrowed of them. Also, in the same law it is plainly J-d'TieL? written, " Thou shalt do no murder." Whereupon St. Augustine, ^°™ "^'^ m his first book ' De Civitate Dei,' proveth that it is not lawful for tiaiis any man to kill himself; and when he maketh example of Samson, sjti!'^""* he answereth with these words : " When God commandeth, and doth ^f]^j°" affirm himself to command, without any doubt, who is he that will i.imseif call obedience sin ? or who will accuse the obedience to God .?" Here, sin/"'^
686 THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
TTenry in tlils proposition, you have tlie words of St. Augustine for answer.
^^" But let every man well foresee, if God do command, or that he do
A.D. intimate the commandment witliout any circumstances, and let him
^ ^^■^3. prove the spirits, -whether they be of God. ]5ut in such cases there
are no laws to be given, neither are they much to be talked of; for
thereby there should easily arise occasion to make sedition, and for
o/dtMry' the inferiors to rise against the superiors. For, when any man liad
nia^d- stolen any thing, or killed any man, he would say that he was moved
ment no thcrcuuto by the Spirit of God : but without manifest proof thereof,
laws to be he sliould be punished.
oi/ection Again, they said that there were certain cases wherein the laity had Answer, powcr ovcr the clergy. It was answered, That there were certain laity hai^h ^^^^^ "'^ ^^^^ ^''^^^' '^^'^'crcin the laity had power ovcr the clergy, and
wer er the
and
power oftentimes over cardinals. For if, the pope being dead, the cardinals cWgy,"^ would not enter the conclave to elect a new pope, the king, prince, 'cr lord or secular powcr, may compel them: but, in these cases, Thepope lie is now uo private person, but useth his jurisdiction by the autho- judfjed rity of the law. The like is to be understand of all other cases ownUw. expressed in the law.
Objection. They said further. That no common law hath any right or justice, Answer, cxccpt God's law do allow the same. It was answered, That no com- mon law hath right or justice, if it be against the law of God; because the law of God is the rule of all other laws. But great jpp'^riir. cunning is requisite in applying the rule to that which is to be ruled ; for oftentimes it scemeth that there is crookedness in the thing ruled, when there is none indeed ; but the default is in the applying, because the rule is not duly applied to the thing ruled. Objection. As touching the article of preaching the word of God, it was moved that oftentimes some prelates, through their own envy and malice, with- out any reasonable cause, did inhibit a good and meet preacher that Answer, prcaclicth catliolicly and well. Answer was made, how that they un- Abuseof derstood well enough that the abuse of certain prelates, who did Fnhibiting inordinately behave themselves, gave a great occasion of those trou- preachers ^^^^' ■'^"*'' ^^'^^ ^^'^^ ucvcr hcaixl of any such complaints as to their country, but that the prelates did favour good preachers, and stir them Remedy up to prcacli by entreaty, favour, and promotion. In all such cases of appeal, ^jj^j.^ ^.^^^ remedies already provided by the law ; for, when any man was so prohibited to use his right, he had remedy to appeal : and if he did trust his appeal to be just, he might use his right, all violence both of the spiritual and secular powcr set apart ; for the end of the matter wotild declare, if he had just cause to appeal. 'JMicn would it be declared that the superior had done evil in ])ro- liibiting and the appellant justly in doing, and the superior for his unjust prohibition should be punished. But if he had been justly prohibited, and that through his temerity he did contemn the just comniandiuent of his superior, he was worthy to be punished with condign punishment. Objection. Whcrc it was moved concerning the fourth article, AVhether it were Answer, l.iwful for thc ccclcsiastical prelates to exercise in their projicr person secuia'r tlic acts of sccular dominion : hereunto it was answcretl, 'J'liat if by foTe'^x" these words, " acts cf sccular dominion," are understand acts whicli trcisedof a sccular lord may do or exercise, then is it to be said, that a prolate
THE ARTICLES OF THE BOHEMIANS TREATED UPOK. 687
may lawfully exercise some such acts in his proper person, as to sell, iiryy to pawn or pledge, to enfeoff by manner and form ordained by law : but
there are some acts which it is not lawful for them to exercise in their A. D. proper person, but they ought to have, afterward, a vice-gerent or ^^•^^^ proctor to do the same: whereupon there is prohibition made in "'^^^J^^^';^ the law in the rubric, " Ne Clerus vel Monachus secularibus negotiis double*^' se immisccat, et in aliis rebus." s'^efper se
It was also moved, whether that coactive power, which ought to be l^}^^^^\ exercised by a steward &c., be in the hands of an ecclesiastical pre- objection. late. Whereupon John Polemar answered. That this question coacUvc pre-supposed another, whereof there were divers opinions amongst ^^^^l;^^ the doctors, In whose power the dominion of the churcli is : and it be- furthermore, whether the actions be in the person of the tutor ortrtfe* proctor ; or, albeit they be not in their person, they be notwithstanding ^Jf^Y^^. in them by virtue of their appointment of agent or proctor, whose exercising of those actions they themselves authorize ; with other intricacies, whereof it is not needful to speak at this present. But forsomuch as he was urged to say his opinion, he said, that to such as had either leisure or pleasure in disputation, and would argue against him, he would be contented to give the choice, to take which part he would : but his opinion was rather that the dominion of church matters is in the power of Christ ; and that the prelates, with the other clergy, are but canonical administrators in manner of tutors : but they have more power and administration than tutors: and by ap- pointing a steward or vice-gerent, the appointment being duly made, the steward or vice-gerent hatli the same coactive power and exercise of jurisdiction.
Also, as touching the fourth article, for the declaration of the first conclusion, it was agreed that these words, "juste acquisita," i.e. " justly gotten," alleged therein, included all things contained under that definition.
Also, as touching the second conclusion, whereas the sacred canons The and holy doctors speak thus : " The goods of the church, the sub- If'l'H stance of the church, and the possessions of the church ;" and seeing ?^"^''[j|^;g there were divers opinions amongst the doctors, in vihose power the posses- dominion thereof should be, as it is noted in the Gloss on cap. " Ex- brpro'*^^ pcdit," V£ Qusest. 1 ; they did not intend to constrain any man to p^''^^- any of those opinions ; neither to exclude any of them ; but that every man should have liberty probably to maintain which of them he might think best.
Moreover the Bohemians said. That they did believe that the Tiie clergy are but administrators of the temporalties of the church, and a>fmh,i''^ not lords thereof, according to the manner of speaking of the Scrip- ^^l^f^^JX tures, holy doctors, and canons. Also the Bohemians said, That on all cf tiie occasions which should hereafter arise, they would wholly stand to the raities determination of the judge agreed upon by all parties at Egra. In chilli., this manner did the ambassadors make answer unto the Bohemians.
At the last, after much communication had to-and-fro, a concord and unity was concluded and confirmed by setting-to of their hands. The Bohemians promised to receive the peace and unity of the church,' and the declaration of the three articles. This was done ^p^^^,^ A.D. 1434, p.bout the feast of St. Martin. It was afterward agreed, a.d.1434.
CSS
A.D. 1438.
The
Mion in both kinds to be gene- rally granted.
, THE COUNCIL OF BASIL.
both by the ambassadors of the council and those of Bohemia, that
- whatsoever remained should be determined and agreed upon, first at Ratisbon, afterward at Brunn, in the diocese of Ohuulz; then at
- Stuhl-\Veissenburg in Hungary, before the emperor Sigismund. But . the matter could not be ended in no place.
At the last, the concord was confirmed by writing with their seals at Iglau, a city of Moravia, the fifth day of July, in the presence of the emperor.
Certain Petitions which the Bohemians put up, last of all, in the sacred Council of Basil, a.d. 1438, in the Month of November.
Unto the most reverend fathers in Christ, and our most gracious lords : We, the amhassadors of the kingdom of Bohemia, do most humbly and heartily require you, that for the perpetual preservation of peace and concord, and for the firm preservation of all things contained in the composition, you will vouch- safe of your clemency to give and grant unto us, all and singidar our requests hereunder written, with effectual execution of the same.
First, And above all things, we desire and require you, for the extirpation of divers dissensions and controversies which will undoubtedly follow amongst our people under the diversity of the communion, and for the abolishing of infinite evils which we are not able to express as we have conceived them, that you will gently vouchsafe, of your goodness and liberalitj', to give, grant, and command, unto our kingdom of Bohemia, and marquisdom of Moravia, one uniform order of the communion unto all men, under both kinds ; that is to say, unto the archbishop of Prague, the bishops of Lythomysl and Ohnutz, and other pre- lates of the kingdom and marquisdom, having cure of souls, and to their vicars, and also to their flocks and subjects : and that according to tliose things which are contained in tlie bull of the ambassadors, and in the compositions made in tiie name of the whole council, written in the chapter, ' Pro firmitate,' where it ia thus said, ' And all other things shall be done, which shall be meet a:id neces- sary for the preservation of the peace and unity.' For this done, by your benefit the whole kingdom shall be comforted above measure, and estabHshed in brotherly love; whereby a uniform subjection and obedience shall be perpe- tually attributed unto the holy church.
Item, We require and desire, as before, for the avoiding of all false suspicion and doubtfulness of many, who suppose that the sacred coimcil hath granted the said communion under both kinds unto us, but for a time, as neither profitable nor wholesome, but as the libel of divorcement ; that you will vouchsafe (ac- cording to this chapter alleged in the compositions ; ' First they said, tliat it was not the intent of the sacred council,' &c.) wholesomely and speedily to provide for our safety, and, with your grant in this behalf, and with the bulls of your letters, to confirm that chapter, together with the other pertaining to the office
To have a good and law- ful pastor and bishop.
Free com- niunioa under both kinds to be per- mitted to all princes.
of your ambassadors. Iten
We beseech you, as before, that for the confirmation of obedience, and for the discipline of all the clergy, and for the final defence and observation of all things determined and agreed upon, and for the good order in spiritualties, ye will vouchsafe effectually to provide for us a good and lawful pastor, arcli- bishops, and bishops, who shall seem unto us most meet and acceptable for our kingdom, to execute those offices and duties.
Item, We require you, as aforesaid, tliat your fatherly reverences will vouch- safe, for the defence of the worthy fame of the kingdom and marquisdom, to declare and show our innocency, in that they have communicated, do and hereafter shall communicate, under both kinds ; to give out, ordain, and direct the letters of the sacred council, in manner and form most apt and meet for such declaration, imto all princes, as well secular as spiritual, cities and com- monalties, according to the compositions, and as the lords the ambassadors are bound unto us to do.
Item, We desire you that in the discussing of the matter for the comnuuiion under both kinds, and of tlie commandment thereof given unto all the faithful, ye will not proceed otherwise than according to the Concordatum agreed upon at Egra : tluit is to say, according to the law of God, the order of Christ and
THE PETITIONS OF THE BOHEMIANS. 689
liis apostles, the general councils, and the minds of tlie holy doctors, truly Henry grounded upon the law of God. ^I-
Item, We desire that your fatherly reverences, considering the great affection * p of our people, will give us the desired liherty to communicate unto the younger ji.)/ sort the sacrament of the supper. For if this use of communicating shoidd be . taken away, which our kingdom, being godly moved by the writings of most , , og
great and holy doctors, and brought in by example, hath received as catholic, '—
and exercised now a long time ; verily it should raise up an intolerable ofience amongst the people, and their minds would be grievously vexed and troubled. „.
Item, We require you, as before, that, for like causes, your fatherly reve- spds^aml reuces would vouchsafe to permit at least the gospels, epistles, and creed, to be epistles k) sung and read in the church in our vulgar tongue, before the people, to move tite'^vui'i^ar them unto devotion ; for in our Sclavonic language it hath been used of old in the toiijjuer church, and likewise in our kingdom.
Item, We require you, in the name of the said kingdom, and of the famous Incorpo- university of Prague, that your fatherly reverences would vouchsafe to show fie'l^ant-" such diligence and care toward the desired reformation of that university, that ed to uni- according to the manner and form of other universities reformed by the church, ^'^''^^/'j'^*'. prebends, and collations of certain benefices of cathedral and parish churches, fui re- may be annexed and incorporated unto the said university, that thereby it may quest, be increased and pi-eferred.
Item, We desire you, as before, as heartily as we may, and also (saving A request always your fatherly revei'ences) require you, and by the former compositions '"'' '"^^es- we most instantly admonish you, that with your whole minds and endeavours, formation and with all care and study, your reverences will watch and seek for that long ami dis- dcsired and most necessary reformation of the church and christian religion, and '^^^' '"*^' effectually labour for the rooting out of all public evils, as well in the head as in the members, as you have often promised to do in our kingdom, in the com- positions; and as our fourth article, touching the avoiding of all public evils, doth exact and require.
There were certain answers provided by the council to these pe- titions of tlie Bohemians, which were not delivered unto them, but kept back, for what purpose and intent we know not. Wherefore, because we thought them not gi-eatly necessary for this phice, and also to avoid prolixity, we have judged it meet at this present to omit them. Thus have ye heard compendiously the chief and principal matters treated of and done in this famous council of Basil. And here, to conclude withal, we have thought good to declare unto you, for the aid and help of the ignorant people (who judge many things to be of longer time and continuance than indeed they be ; and, thereupon, have established a great part of their opinions), how that, towards the latter end of this council, that is to say, in the thirty- sixth session of the same, holden tlie 17th of September, a.d. a. p. 1439. 1439, the feast of the Conception of our Lady was ordained to be Jg'^'ii'o^of holden and celebrated yearly on the Sth of December.^ In like case, our Lad/ also, in the forty-fourth session of the same council, holden the 1st into the day of July, a.d. 14-i' I, it was ordained that the feast of the Visitation xhe'^.'^visi- of our Lady should be celebrate and holden yearly on the second of 'ationof July. We have also thought it good, before we do end the story of brought ,_ the council of Basil, to annex hereunto a certain brief decree, profit- '"" ably and wholesomely ordained in the thirty-first session of the said council, against the inordinate giving of the ecclesiastical benefices and livings by the pope, with certain other constitutions also, fruitful for the behalf and edification of the church.
During the time that the general council at Basil was so diligent vowsom and careful about the reformation of the church, this one thing seemed tices"^e" good unto them to be prosecute and followed with an earnest care ^°''^-
(1) See tlie Appendix.— Ed.
vn?.. in. V Y
690 THE C0UNCI7- OF BASIL.
Jienry and diligcncc : tliat throughout every church, apt and meet ministers
, ^^' might be ap])ointed, -svho miglit shine in virtue and knowledge, to tlie
A. D. glory of Christ, and the healthlul edifying of the christian people ;
1431 -vvhereunto the multitude of expcctative graces have been a great im-
^^^gg pediment and let, in that they have been found to have brought grievous troubles, divers disorders, and many dangers upon the eccle-
vild, de-^ siastical state. For hereby, oftentimes, scarcely apt or meet ministers tl^^co ^^ ^^^^^ been ap])ointed for the churches, who are neither known nor cii; which examined; and this expectation of void benefices, as the old laws do are"^here Avitucss, doth givc occasiou to dcsirc another man's death, which is •^Expec- greatly prejudicial unto salvation : besides that innumerable quarrels tative and contentions are moved amongst the servants of God ; rancour Jnconve- and malicc nourished ; the ambition and greedy desire of pluralities thtrarise of bencficcs maintained ; and the ridies and substance of kingdoms ^ln7of ' ""^^ provinces marvellously consumed. Poor men suffer innumerable uiic(:ces. vcxatious by running unto the court of Rome. They are oftentimes spoiled and robbed by the Avay, troubled and afflicted Avitli divers plagues, and having spent their patrimony and substance, left them l)y their parents, they are constrained to live in extreme poverty. JNIany do challenge benefices, who, -without any just title (yea such, indeed, as ought not to have them), obtain and get the same ; such, I say, as have most craft and subtlety to deceive their neighbour, or have greatest substance to contend in the law. It hap]-ieneth often- times, that under the intrication of prerogatives, antelations, and other concomitants of these expectative graces, much craft and deceit is found. Also, oftentimes, young men are let from their studies and ministry, while by reason of these graces they are set running to-and-fro, and by the excitement of these struggles they are vexed and troubled. The ordinary givers, moreover, are deprived of their functions ; the ecclesiastical order is confounded, while every man's authority and jurisdiction is not preserved ; and the bishops of Rome, also, by challenging and taking upon them too much the office of the inferiors, are withdrawn from more weighty and fruitful matters; neither do they diligently attend to the guiding and correction of the inferiors, as the public utility doth require. All which things do bring a great confusion unto the clergy and ecclesiastical state, to the great prejudice and hinderance of God's true worship, and public salvation. Respect- In the same council, also, divers other constitutions Tverc made.
troversies to be
^ and disorders brouirht in, especiallv bv the bishop of Rome: as
broupht , . 1111 111 p
to Rome, touclung causcs not to be brought up and translated to the court ot Apper'dix. Rome : wherein it Avas decreed, that no actions nor controversies should be brought from other countries to be j)leadcd at l^ome, which ■were beyond fom- days' journey distant fr<nn the said court of Rome, a few principal matters only excepted. Also, that no frivolous a]> peals should be made to the po])e liereafter. It was, moreover, in the same council decreed, for the number, age, and condition, of the cardili;.is, that they should not exceed the nund)er of four and twenty, including them that were already; and tliat they should be freely taken out of all countries ; and that they should not be of kin to the bishop of Rome, or to the cardinals, nor yet blemishttd with any spot or crime. Also for ' annates' or first fruits, or half fruits, it was there
I
CERTAIN CONSTITUTIONS OF THE COUNCIL. 691
f>rovlded that no such annates, nor confirmation of elections, nor col- iienry ation of benefices, should be paid or reserved any more to the pope, '■ —
for the first year's voidance. All which things, there agreed and A. D. concluded by them, were afterwards confirmed and ratified by the ■
French king, Charles VII., with the full consent of all his prelates, 1439^ in his high court of parliament in Bourges, and there called ' Prag- X~;;^ matica sanctio,' a. d. 1438; whereupon great utility ensued after- th^ pope's wards to the kingdom of France. Albeit in process of time divers fruits. friars there were, who wrote against the same.*
Amongst many decrees of the said council of Basil, in the nine- Appfndi^. teenth session there was also a decree made touching the converting of Jews, and young novices in religion, imto the christian faith.
Also, that all ordinaries should yearly, at appointed times, provide Act for certain men well learned in the holy Scriptures, in such places where vers^onot Jews and other infidels did dwell, to declare to them the truth of the ""^ •'''^*- catholic faith, that they, acknowledging their error, might forsake the same ; unto which preaching the said ministers should compel them to resort, and to hear, under pain of excluding them from occupying any more in that place ; provided that the said diocesans and preachers should behave themselves towards them mercifully and with all charity, whereby they might win them to Christ, not only by the declaring of the verity, but also by exhibiting other offices of humanity.
And, to the intent their preaching might be the more fmitful, and For stu- that the preachers might be the better instructed in the tongues, it Hebr^ewJ* was also, in the same council, provided and commanded, that the. ^^^^'"' constitution made before in the council of Vienne, for learning the ciiauiee. Hebrew, Chaldee, Arabic, and Greek tongues, should, by all means, be observed and kept, and ordinary stipends provided for them that should teach the same tongues.
Another decree, moreover, in the twentieth session was enacted, that whosoever was known or publicly noted to be a keeper of cou- cubines, should be sequestered from all fruits of his benefices for the space of three months, which fruits should be converted by the ordi- nary to the reparations, or some other utility of the church ; and, if he did not so amend, it was by the synod decreed, that he should be clearly deposed from all his benefices.
Furthermore the said synod did greatly inveigh against those, wlio, having the jurisdiction of the church, did not shame to suffer such offenders, for bribes and money, still to continue in their filthi- ness, &c.
By these decrees of the council above specified, it is to be seen, what corruption had been then frequented in the church of God, through the bishop, and court of Rome. For the more express de- claration whereof, we thought it not much impertinent here to infer the words of one Martin Meyre, writing to iEneas Sylvius, touching and noting the said corruptions ; the tenor of whose epistle here ensucth.
(1) Ex lib. Pragm. Sanctionis.
MARTIN MEVllK TO CAKLINAL JE'SKAis.
An E])istlc of Martin Mcyre to y^Encas Sylvius, translated into English, the Latin whereof is extant in the former Edition of this Book.'
Unto the reverend father, the lord iEneas, cardinal of Sienna, Martin Mcyre, chancellor to the bishop of Mentz, wisheth health.
I have understand, by certain of my friends' letters, that you are created cardinal. I am glad for your part, that you have received so worthy rewards for your virtues. 1 rejoice, also, for mine own part, that my finend hath attained unto such a dignity, wherein he may, in time to come, both help me and my friends : but this is a grief unto me, that you have happened upon those days, which seem to be troublesome unto the apostolic see. For there are many complaints made unto my lord the archbishop upon the pope, that he will neither keep the decrees of the council of Constance, neither of Basil, neither yet thinketh himself bound to the covenants of his predecessors, and seemeth utterly to contenui our nation, and to seek the utter ruin thereof. For it is evident that the election of prelates is every where rejected; benefices and dig^ nities, of what sort soever they be, are reserved for the cardinals, and chief notaries ; and you yourself have obtained the reservation of three provinces of Genuany, imdersuch a form as hath not been accustomed or heard of. Advowsons or gifts of benefices are granted without number; }Tarl3' stipends and half thi revenues are exacted without delay ; and it is evident that there is more extorte 1 than is due. The regimerit of churches is not committed unto such as best deserve them, but unto such as offer most money for them ; and new pardons are granted out daily to scrape and gather together money. Tithes are com- manded to be exacted without the consent of our prelates, for the Turkish war^ and those matters which were accustomed to be debated and determined at The cor- home, are now carried unto the apostolic see of Rome. A thousand ways are "^f th°" invented and devised, how the see of Rome may, by subtlety and craft, extort church of ^iid get gold and treasure from us, even as it were of the Turks or barbarians ; Koniu de- whereby our nation, which was sometime famous and valiant, which by their ^^"^^ ■ power and blood conquered the Roman empire, and was op.ce the lady and queen of all the world, now, being brought unto poverty, is made a hand-maid, and become tributary; and being now in extreme misery, hath of long time bewailed her cruel fortune and poverty. But now our nobles, being, as it were, awakened out of their sleep, have begun to consider and devise with themselves, by what means they might withstand this calamity, and utterly shake off this yoke and bondage, and have determined with themselves to chrdlonge again their former liberty. This will be no small loss imto the court of Rome, if the princes of Germany bring to pass tliat which they have devised. Wherefore, as much as I do rejoice of j-our late obtained dignity, so much also am I moved and grieved that these things happen in your days. But peradventure God's determination is otherwise, and his will shall surely take place. You, in the mean time, be of good cheer, and devise according to your wisdom, by what means'^ the vehemency of these floods may be stayed. Thus, fare ye well. From Haschaffenberg, the last day of August.
Tiie au- Concerning the authority of this sfcncral conncil of Basil, what is ti!rcoun- *•" ^^ esteemed of it, by the acts and fruits thereof may be undcr- ^'0/ stood of all good men. Neither was it of any man doubted in the first beginning, so long as the pope agreed and consented unto it. But, after the pope began to draw back, many others followed, espe- cially of the richer sort of jn-elates, who had any thing to lose ; ■whereof sufficiently hath been said by Arelatensis, the cardinal, before. In the number of these inconstant prelates, besides many others, was first, cardinal Julian, the first collector of this council, and
(1) Ex Orth. Grat.
(2) " By what means," S:o. ; " by what means the flames of fire may be resisted. " See F.JiCon 16ii3, p. .S4G. " Quilnis reim-julis timninis impetus coerceri possit." lb. p. 315. The date H57 is Rtta'-hcd both to the Laiin and English cojiy of this letter in the above edition. — Ed.
LETTER OF CARDIX.^]. JULIAX TO POPE EUGEXE. 693
vicegerent of the pope, as by liis fervent and vehement letter, written to pope Eugene in defence of tliis council, may Avell appear ; wherein he most earnestly doth expostulate Avith the foresaid pope Eugene, for seeking to dissolve the council, and declareth in the same many causes, why he should rather rejoice, and give God thanks for the godly proceedings and joyfi-d agreement between the council and the Bohemians; and so exhorteth him, with manifold persuasions, to resort to the council himself, and not to seek the dissolution of the same. The copy and tenor of Julian''s epistle to the pope, if any be disposed to peruse the same, we thought here good to set down to be seen.
The Copy of an Epistle which Julian, Cardinal of St. Angelo, and Appe'd,x. the Pope''s Ambassador into Germany, Avrote marvellous boldly and freely unto Eugene, Bishop of Rome, for that he went about to dissolve the Council of Basil.
Most blessed father ! after the devout kisses of yoiu* blessed feet.
Now shall the whole world understand and know, whether your holiness have in you the bowels of fatherly love and charity, and the zeal of the house of God ; whether you be sent to make peace or discord, to congregate or dis- perse ; or whether you be that good shepherd that giveth his life for his sheep. Behold the door beginneth now to be opened, whereby the lost sheep may return again unto their own fold ; now is there good hope even at hand of the reconciliation of the Bohemians. If your holiness, as it is your duty, do help and further the same, you shall obtain great glory both in heaven and earth. But if, peradventm-e, you go about to let the same (which is not to be expected at your hands), all men will reprove you of impiety ; heaven and earth will conspire against you ; all men will forsake you. For how is he to be followed, who, with one word, may restore peace and quietness to the church, and re- fuseth to do it? But 1 conceive a better hope of you, how that your holiness, without any excxise, will, with your whole heart and mind, favour this most sacred council, and give thanks unto Almighty God for his great goodness, that this congregation hath not departed. Behold the ambassadors of this sacred The am- council are returned with gi-eat joy and gladness from Egra, reporting how that, ijassadorj through the grace of the Holy Ghost, they have firmly concluded with the am- council bassadors of the Bohemians (that is to say, of the Pragueians, Orphans, and are re- Taborites, amongst whom were also present the captains of their armies, and f^"J^®^ specially Procopius), that a solemn ambassade of all the estates of the realm Egia. should come unto the council of Basil, after a safe conduct has been sent unto them by the said council in form conditioned, which shall be done with speed. This sacred congregation is marvellously exhilarate and joyful, for those our ambassadors affirm, that all things were handled with such charity at Egra, and that they did see such things amongst the Bohemians, that, not without cause, they do conceive great hope of their I'econciliation.
And at last, gently embracing one another, even with tears of gladness, they departed from Egra; the Bohemians requiring our ambassadors, that the matter might be ended with all expedition. They report also, that many things happened in that treaty, which, if any man heard, and did not weep for joy, he might well think himself to be but smally afiectioned unto Christ. As for three of the four articles, they seem not to make any great difliculty upon them. As touching the fourth, that is, of the communion under both kinds, there is good hope that they will follow the judgment of the council. Who is it, then, that dare counsel your holiness to persevere any longer in the purpose of dissolu- tion? for, if the council had not been appointed before, for so great hope and necessity as this it ought to be now appointed in this place. How worthy of praise and commendation should your holiness act, if you would leave Italy and all other affairs, and come hither in your own person ; although you should need to be carried in a waggon or litter. The keeping and defence of the temporal patrimony of the churcli may be managed very well by legates and vicars.
GDI CARDINAL JULIAN EXHORTETH POPE EUGENE
llcnry This is the tnie patrimony of the churcli, to win soul.^ ; for the church is not a
^^- heap of" stones and walls. Christ hath not made you a keeper of castles and
^ Pj forts, but a pastor of souls. Therefore you should do that in your own person,
143'^" ^^'^'''^^^ ^^ "^''^' necessary and acceptable unto Christ, and all other things by
your substitutes. For so did the apostles, who, to the intent tliey might the
MTiat the more freely intend to the preaching of the word of God, did institute seven to c lurc IS. gg^yg j]jg tjibies, and for the ministration of other inferior tilings. I hear that, by the grace of God, your holiness doth daily recover and amend ; and, if so he, as it is said, you do visit some churches on foot, ye may also come hither on horseback ; for you cannot enterprise any thing more profitable or concordant to your ofJice, than to go unto a place where it is expected innumerable benefits may spring. Let your holiness understand and consider wherein Christ, whose vicar you are, and St. Peter, whose successor you are, and the apostles and holy bishops, did exercise and occupy themselves; and, as you do succeed them in office, so succeed them in manners. But if, peradventure, your holiness can- not come hither, I do counsel j'oii, that, for so great a benefit, you would send the chief part of the reverend lord-cardinals of the court of Rome, and command all other prelates to come hither. Do not let or hinder those that are willing to come, as it is reported you do, but rather allure them to come hither.
Your holiness may believe nie, that only charity movcfh me to counsel you in this sort ; do not separate from your members ; nourish your children as the hen doth her chickens under her wings. And if so be that you will do nothing else, yet speak this only word ' Placet,' that is to say, that it pleaseth you that the council of Basil should go forward. For a few days past news have come liither, for the which your holiness ought altogether to cease from your dissolution. The reverend father, the archbishop of Lyons, hath written unto the council, and unto me also, how that the prelates of France have assembled together in the city of Bourges, and there, after long and exact examination, have concluded, that the council is lawfully congregate in this place ; and that it is necessary that it should be celebrate both here and at tliis present; and that the prelates of France ought to come to it. He also sent hither the causes Avliich moved them so to conclude, the copy whereof I suppose is sent unto your holiness by some other. Whereupon, then, doth your holiness stay? You have gone al)out as much as in you lay, by your messengers, letters, and divers mejins, to draw back the prelates, and have laboured with all your endeavour to dissolve the council ; yet, notwithstanding, as you do see, it is increased day by day; and the more it is forbidden, the more are all men's minds inflamed to the contrary. Is not this, then, to resist the will of (Jod ? Eugene Why do ye provoke the church to anger? Why do ye stir up the christian provok- people? Vouchsafe I pray you so to do, that ye may get the love and favour cluu-ch °^ ^'''^ people, and not the hatred; for all nations are greatly offended, wlien they hear these your doings. Let not your holiness be seduced by any man, who, peradventure, doth inculcate fear unlo you (whereas there is nothing at all to be feared), or that doth persuade you that this is no lawful council. I know I should ollend your holiness if I should go about to prove the con- trary, but it is better that I do offend you a little in words, and profit you in my deeds; for a physician applies a burning cautery unto a sick man, and liealeth the sore ; and a medicine cannot profit, except it be sharp and bitter in taste. Under this hope and confidence, I will not fear to declare the (ruth ; that, it being known, your holiness may the better provide both for yourself and the church. It dependeth upon the council of Constance, whether tiiis council be lawful or not. If that were a true council, so is this also. No man seemeth to doubt whether that council was lawful, and likewise whatsoever was there A strong decreed, to be lawful ; for, if any man will say, that the decrees of that council argument are not of force, he must needs grant that the deprivation of pope John, which Eugene. ^''^ done by the force of those decrees, was of no eflTect. If that deprivation were not of effect, neither was the election of pope Martin of any force, which was made in John's life-time. If Martin were no true pope, neither is your holiness, who was chosen by the cardinals that he made : wherefore, it con- cerneth no man more, to defend the decrees of that council, than your holiness ; for, if any decree of that council bo called into doubt, by like means may all the rest of the decrees be revoked. And by like means shall tlie decrees of any other couucil be of no force and effect ; for, by like reason, as the faith of one
NOT TO DISSOLVE THK COUNCIL OF BASIL. 695
council is weakened, all the rest shall also be weakened, according to St. Augus- mnry tine's saying, in the 9th Distinct, capitulo, ' Si ad saripturas :' " Then," saith he, ^'^- *' both the faith and all tlie sacraments shall be put in doubt, if there be once any . ,-. doubt made of the force and power of any council lawfully congregate." There i ioo'
was a decree made in the council of Constance, intituled ' Frequens,' whereby it "IL-
was ordained that the first council after that should be holden in five years, and another in seven years after that again. The council of Constance being ended, and the five years passed, the council of Pavia or Sienna was holden, after which, seven years being also run over, this council is begun to be celebrate. To what end then is it expressed in the bull of the dissolution, amongst other causes, that the seventh year is already past, when as of necessity it ought to be passed before the council can be celebrate ? For these words, in seven years or five years, signify, according to the laws, that all parts of the time should be passed, and the last day thereof waited for. Wherefore it behoved that the seven years should be fully complete, before this council of Basil should begin ; like as five years were fully expired, before that the council of Pavia did begin. But, peradventure, some man will say, that it ought to have begun the first day after the seventh year was expired; for, otherwise, the term of the council is passed. But hereunto we may answer, that it is not contained in the chapter ' Frequens,' that except it were holden the first day, it should not be holden at all ; neither can it be gathered either by the words or meaning. For it is only required that it should be holden after seven years are expired ; but whether it be the second or third daj^, or the third or fourth month, after the seventh year, it doth satisfy the chapter ' Frequens.' For, when the first day is come, then beginneth the power and liberty to celebrate the council, but not afore ; but it is not prohibited to celebrate it after. Neither doth this word, ' immediate sequens,' that is to say, 'next following,' which is added to ' quinquennium 'in the chapter 'Frequens,' and seemeth to be repeated also for the seven years, stand in our way; for it does not mean that the council must be held precisely on the first day after the seven years, but only to distinguish it from any subse- quent seven years. Not that such an addition was necessary, but only for greater clearness. Besides, even had there followed after ' immediate sequens,' any of the words ' statirn,' 'mox,' ' incontinenter,' or 'confestim,' or such like words, yet ought they to be understand with a certain modification of time, that is, as soon as might be convenient, as these words are expounded by the lawyers and doctors ; for they are enlai'ged and restrained according to the sub- ject and divers circumstances of the matters and affairs. For it is not by any means likely, considering the long journeys to be taken, and the difficulty of preparing such aftairs, and also the manifold impediments which may arise, that it was the intention of those who framed the decree to limit a precise time, even the first day, so that if the council were not then opened, it should not be holden at all ; for by such nice interpretation, it should also be holden even in the first moment and very instant after the seven years have expired. But, forsomuch as words are to be understand reasonably, this sense or understand- ing is quite absurd. Again, if any man will say, " Then there was a prorogation, a thing which is forbidden in the chapter 'Frequens,'" he that doth so argue, doth not understand himself nor the value of words. It is not a prorogation, if it be begun the second or third month ; but it is rather a continuation or execution of that which was in their power. For, if it were a prorogation, then, forsomuch as a prorogation doth savour of the nature of the first appointment, it could not be begun *before the time named in the prorogation: but this hap- peneth not in our case ; for, albeit it were not begun* in the first month, but in the second or third, it is not thereby concluded that it could not be begun in the first : but, if there had been any prorogation made till the second month, then it could not have been begun in the first. As for example, I promise to give Titius a hundred pounds after Easter ; afore Easter it cannot be required ; but, by-and-by after Easter it may be required : and, albeit that I be not urged for it, notwithstanding I do not cease to be bound ; and, if so be I be demanded it in the second or third month after, it is not thereby understand that there is any prorogation made ; neither doth it follow, but that it might have been demanded in the beginning, which could not have been, if that there had been any prorogation made. Also, it is the nature of prorogation, to be made before the
ii;32.
OyO CAUDIXAL JULIAN EXHORTETII I'OPE EUGENE
iienrii first term be passed ; but afterward is no prorogation, but a new appoint- ^^- ment. It may be said, that then it ma)' be too long delayed : it is answered, . jj that in this point we must stand unto the judgment of the church, which, considering the divers circumstances, is to settle the time meet; for the liberty of celebrating councils, was instituted for the profit and favour of the church. What if it sliould happen that when the time cometh, in the place wliere a council should be kept, there be a great plague or some siege, which shoidd continue for the space of three or four months, and the pope, in the mean time, doth not change the jilace, according to the form of the chapter ' Fre- quens,' and that, through such impediments, the prelates did not come the first day unto the place, or, if any were coming, that they were taken by the waj% wjio, if they had not been taken, had been present at the first day in the place appointed: is it therefore to be said that the power of tlie council is past? or that the impediment ceasing, and the prelates coming thither, the council can- not he holden ? That truly were absurd and exceedingly prejudicial to the church of God. But, in this our case, the cause is probable why the prelates did defer to come at the beginning of the time appointed ; forsonuich as when Cause of the time drew near, pope Martin died the 20th day of Februai-y : tor which cause tlieloriR j]je prelates might well doubt upon some impcdhnent of the council. Also they tlie pre- tarried looking that some should come thither in tiie name of the pope, be- lates. cause they would not tarry in that place in vain without a president. As for the legate who was appointed for the council, whose presence all men tarried for, until he would prepare himself for that journej', he came not at the time appointed unto the council, but went unto Nuremberg to persecute the Bohe- mians, according to the commandment of Pope Martin, who had enjoined him to go first thither, before he went unto Basil.
And the same legate, being oftentimes required by the emperor at Nuremberg, that he should go to Basil to hold the council, answered, that he would not go before he had the consent of the new pontifl^". This was the cause of the prelates' delay ; neither is it greatly to be imputed unto the prelates, who suspected that pope Martin woiild not have the council holden, and feared to ■Council of bring themselves into trouble : and good cause had they so to fear, from what bienna. ],^jj happened in the council of Sienna. There were many things, also, said at the time, which caused great suspicion. It was reported unto me, that many had said, that I came into Germany to disturb the council.
Also this was pope Martin's mind and intent, that, albeit the council was not begun at the beginning of March, notwithstanding, the authority of holding the council should not be void. For he, when the time of the council approached, willed me that 1 should first go unto Bohemia, before I went unto the council ; whereof, also, mention is made in the bull of the consistorial dissolution.
But what need we any other proof, than the letters of your holiness? In which your letters, dated the 2d of the calends of June, and therefore long after the term, and not delivered unto me for three months more, you do command me, that, my business being done in Boliemia, I should take my way unto Basil to hold the council, and there foresee unto all things, as it was enjoined me and ord;uned in the council of Constance. The same also you repeat in the bull of the dissolution brought unto me by the lord bishop of Trent; the words whereof are these : ' Since your going into Germany no prelates have assembled in Basil for the celebrating of tlie council : wherefore, we give it in command- ment to your circumspection that, in the mean time, you be diligent about the expedition against the Bohemian heretics, which is committed to your charge, and afterward come unto Basil, the place appointed for the council, and there preside in our name and that of the church.' What can be more clear than this? If there were any doubt, by the tenor of these letters it were evi- dently taken away. If any man would say, tliat neither pope Martin, nor Eugene, could confirm the council by writing of such letters, because there was a proro- gation whicii is proliibited by the chapter 'Frequens:' it is answered, that there is no prorogation, but execution of that which was in their power, or a declaration that it is not necessary to hold the council precisely even at the beginning. Also it is no prorogation, for a prorogation is made before the term is expired, and not after ; for after, it is rather called a new indiction or appoint- ment. And if any man will say that there can be no new indiction made, therj
XOT TO DISSOLVE THE COUNCIL OF BASIL. 097
may this be objected : how could the council of Bologna be newly appointed ? ^„,ry If they will answer, that the appointment of the council of Bologna was of ^i- force, because the council of Basil was dissolved by your holiness, then I have . ..^ niY intent; for, if it were dissolved, ergo, it was a council before, because the -ilo.^'
objection presupposeth it to have been held. If it were a council before, then, , II-
as'hereafter shall be proved, it could not be dissolved without the consent of the council. What more can be answered hereunto? For the greater declaration and evidence of the matter, the abbot of Vezelai, even upon tlie very day of the time appointed, or afore, gathering together the clergy of tlie great church and certain other prelates and notable men, made a solemn protestation, how the time was come to hold the council, and that he was come unto Basil for the very purpose; requiring them that they would confer and intreat together upon masters touching the council : and there is extant a public instrument to that efi'ect.
Within a month after, the ambassadors of the university of Paris came thither, and began to intreat of matters touching the council, writing also unto the em- peror and to the other princes of GermanVi that they should send unto the council; which letters [ myself did see. Neither doth the small number of men let; for, where authority is, a great number is not required, according to the saying of Christ, ' Where two or three are gathered together in my name, I am in the midst of them :' upon the which authority the councils are grounded. Now, therefore, your holiness doth manifestly see the said objection to be but frivolous. And to what end should any dissolution be made, if it had not been a council? Wherefore, it is not to be doubted but that it was a lawful council, and canoni- cally congregate. And, perhaps, it is nowhere to be found that any council hath been confirmed by so many authorities as this; that is to say, by the two councils which preceded, of Constance and of Sienna, and that by two bishops of Rome.
Besides this, I have heard that some do report at Rome, that I could not call the prelates unto the council, because that clause was not added in the bull of pope Martin. I greatly marvel why this should be objected, specially seeing that not I alone have called theui, but I, together with the rest who had here assembled in the council. It is a marvellous matter: pope Martin gave me authority, by the advice of the council, to root out heresies, to pacify kingdoms, to reform the manners of every state of Christendom, and yet they will say that I cannot cite them. Power is given me to judge and to condemn, and have I not also power to cite ? The law doth say ; unto whom any power or jurisdic- tion is committed, all things seem to be committed unto him, without the which he cannot exercise his jurisdiction. But how could all the premises be done, if the prelates or othei-s siiould not come hither ? Also, why is it said in the chap- ter " Ego," tit. 21, 'Dejurejurando,' "I will come unto the synod if I be called," if he cannot be called? B}^ whom, then, is it presupposed that he should be called, but only by the council, or by him who ruleth the council ? Also the whole eighteenth distinction treateth of no otlier matter, but that the bishops being called unto the council, if they come not, may be excommunicate and suspended. Let these men read the Book of Councils of St. Isidore, and they shall find how that in many councils the prel.-ites have been called by the synod.
Now it remaineth, that we should declare, whether the dissolution be of force or no. Wherein I do again fear to move your holiness unto anger, but charity forceth me thereunto ; for, peradventure, your holiness doth think the dissolu- tion to be vaUvi, and therefore doth persevere in it; whereby forsonmch as many offences may arise, my conscience doth move me not to hold my peace. First of all, the chapter ' Frequens' declareth that it is of no force ; for if proroga- tion be forbidden and prohibited, which is a small matter, much more is disso- lution, which is a greater, for it is a greater matter to take away than to defer ; for by proroguing a thing is but deferred, and by dissoWing it is utterly taken away. Also these men say, that the said constitution in the chapter ' Frequens ' may be made void, for that as soon as the council is begun, it may be dissolved without any thing done, as is said to have been done at Sienna ; and now they say also, that your holiness hath been perversely informed touching the dissolution. They say also, that the said dissolution doth manifestly tend to the subversion of faith, the ruin of the chiuxh, and the trouble of the christian people : therefore it cannot be done, neither obeyed.
698 CARDINAL JULIAN EXHORTETII POPE EUGENE, kc.
Henry They S3y, moreover, that the said dissolution could not be made by reason ''^- of a certain decree of the council of Constance in tliat behalf provided ; tbat . p. in such matters as pertain unto faith, the extirpation of schism, and rcformatou ■ * of the churcli in the iiead and in the members, all men, of what estate or con- ''"' dition soever they be, yea the pope himself, should be bound to obey the statutes, precepts, and ordinances, of every general council ; and, except they did obey, the council had power to punish them. Mark how these things — to have power to determine upon any man, to command him, and punish him, if he be not obedient — are signs of superiority, in a party wiio doth so decree, command, or punish ; and, to be bound to obedience, to be subject and obey the same, are signs of inferiority in the said cases. Ergo, in the aforesaid cases, seeing that the pope, as they say, is under the council (wliich also hath been proved by the fact; in that for one of the said three cases the council did deprive John, and for another Benedict), the pope could never dissolve the council, because he that is inferior cannot bind or compel the superior, as is shewn in the chapter ' Cum inferior :' otherwise it should contain in it a contradiction, that he is bound to obey, and is not bound to obey, because he may dissolve ; for how should he be obedient unto tlie ordinance and decree of the council, if he may annihilate and take away the same ordinance and decree ? This council is congregated for the rooting out of heresies, for the making of peace, and for the reformation of manners ; and in the first session it did ordain, that their whole intent and respect should be thereunto, and that he who should procure to let the council, to prorogue or alter it, should be pmiished, and have process against him, as against a common disturber of the peace, S:c. If it may be dissolved, it is evident that they do not obey the said ordinance ; whereby this, also, must of necessity be granted, that if it may be dissolved, the decree of the council of Constance is of no force.
This is also proved by another reason. No man donbteth hut if any con- troversy of heresy should be moved against any bishop of Rome, that he could not dissolve the council : for, if he might dissolve the council, he could not be judged, which were contrary to the chapter ' Si Papa,' 40 dist. Ergo, like as it is in heresy, so is it in the two other cases; for these three were pacified by the council of Constance : for thus speaketh the council, as it is in the chapter, ' Si Papa in illo uno.' And, as I have before said, the council of Constance allowed this decree, through which they deprived Peter de Luna, for making a schism, and pope John, for the deformity of his life.
And albeit there be cprtain laws that say. The principal seat cannot be judged of any man; and again, no man judgeth the chief seat; and, no man saith unto him, why doest thou so? it is to be understand in these three cases, first, that there was proviso made fur the faitli in tlie chapter 'Si Papa;' and for the other two points by the decree of Constance. Otherwise it should be under- stand, without any exception, that the first seat, &c., and then the chapter 'Si Papa, 40 dist., and the said decree of Constance should be false. If the chapter ' Si Papa' had added causes of heresies, no man would have doubted upon these two cases, touching the said sentence ; so, likewise, no man ought to doubt of the decree of the council, that it was made by the authority of the pope, and represcntcth the universal church. And, if any man would say, that in all coimcils the autiiority of the pope is excepted : I answer, that is true, when the
f)erson of the pope is not specially included. But, if he be specially included, le cannot be excepted, because it should savour of contradiction. Alost blessed father ! God is my witness, that I have spoken these things with great anguish and sorrow of mind ; but I am forced so to speak, that your holiness may cease from the said dissolution, lest there might happen infinite evils in the'church of God. If your holiness did see my pure mind, my upright conscience, and entire afil^ction towards you, whereby I am moved to write these thiuffs, even for very love you would embrace and kiss me, and, without doubt, love me as your own son. I have often said, and now do say, and protest before God and man, that you will be the cause of schism and infinite mischiefs, if you do not alter and change your mind and purpose. Almighty God preserve your holiness in the prosperity of a virtuous man ! unto whose feet I do most humbly recom- mend me.
From Basil, the fifth day of June. [a.o. 1132.]
EPISTLE OF ^NEAS SYLVIUS. 699
Tims endeth the epistle of cardinal Julian, written imto pope Hnny
Euo-ene ; wlierein, fortomuch as mention is made how the Bohemians 1
had promised to send their ambassadors unto the council, and, as A. D. before is partly touched in the Bohemian story, of their coming- into ^'^^^ Basil and propounding of certain articles, wherein they dissented from i^^c)^
the pope ; we thought it not any thing differing from our purpose, to
have annexed a brief epitome, declaring the whole circumstance of their ambassade, their articles, disputations, and answers, which they had at the said council of Basil, with their petitions and answers unto the same: faithfully translated out of Latin by F. W.
In like manner ^neas Sylvius also, with his own hand-writing, not only gave testimony to the authority of this council, but also bestowed his labour and travail in setting forth the whole story thereof. Notwithstanding the same Sylvius afterwards, being made pope, with liis new honour, did alter and change his old sentence. The epistle of Avhicli ^neas, touching the commendation of the said council, because it is but short, and will occupy but little room, I thought hereunder, for the more satisfying of the reader''s mind, to insert.
An Epistle of jEneas Sylvius to the Rector of the University of Cologne, in defence of the Council of Basil.
To a christian man wlio will be a true Christian indeed, nothing ought to be more desired, than that the sincerity and pm-eness of faith, given to us of Christ ])y our forefathers, be kept of all men immaculate : and, if at any time any thing be wrought or attempted against the true doctrine of the gospel, the people ought with one consent to provide lawful remedy, and every man to bring with him some water to quench the general fire ; neither must we fear how we be hated or envied, so we bring the truth. We must resist every man to his face, whether he be Paul or Peter, if he walk not directly to the truth of the gospel : which thing I am glad, and so are we all, to hear what your university hath done in this council of Basil. For a certain treatise of j'ours is brought hither unto us, wherein you reprehend the rudeness, or rather the rashness of such, as do deny the bishop of Rome, and the consistory of his judgment, to be subject unto the general council ; and that the supreme tribunal seat of judgment The tri- standeth in the church, and in no one bishop. Such men as deny this, you so ^""''' ^'^^ confound with lively reasons and truth of the Scriptures, that they are neither noTiiu able to slide away Hke slippery eels, neither to cavil or bring any objection bishop, agaiiist you.
These be the words of Sylvius. — *But,' as our common proverb sayeth " Honours change manners," so it happened with this Sylvius, who, after he came once to be pope, was much altered from that he was before. For whereas before, he preferred general councils before the pope, now, being pope, he did decree that no man should appeal from the high bishop of Rome to any general council.
And likewise for priests' marriages ; whereas before he thought it best to have their wives restored, likewise he altered his mind other- wise : insomuch that in his book treating of Germany, and there speaking of the noble city of Augsburg, by occasion he inveigheth against a certain epistle of Huldericke,^ a bishop of the said city, Avritten against the constitution of the single life of priests. Wherebv it appeareth how the mind of this Sylvius, then pope Pius, was altered from what it was before.*
Furthermore, as touching the authority and approbation of the
(1) See Edition 1563, p. 3St.— Ed. (2) For this epistle of Hulderickc, see vol. ii. p. 8.— Ed. '
111 Olio
700 TIIK COUKCIL or BASIL DISSOLVKD.
Henry aforesaid council this is to be noted, tliat during the life of Sigismund, the emperor, no man resisted this council. Also, during the time
A.D. of Charles VII., the French king, the said council of Basil was i'ully
^•^^^^ and wholly received through all France. IJiit, after the death of
The au- Sigisuiuud, wlicn EuQfcne was deposed, and Felix, duke of Savov, was
thoritvof 1° , 1 .^^• 1 * 1 , • - ' ,
the conn- clectcd popc, grcat discords arose, and much practice was wrought, siimafn- ^^^ espcciallv ou Eugene's part; who, being now excommunicate tained. bv tlic couucil of Basil, to Hiakc his party more stronor made eighteen
1 he prac- •' i- i riii i i • "^ i /-i ^ i , •
ticeof new cardinals, ilien he sent Ins orators unto the Grermans, labouring llenefo" ^Y ^^^ pcrsuasions to dissolve the council of Basil. The Geriuans, undo the ^t that time, were so divided, that some of them did liold with Felix
council. , -ip-n-i 1 •IT"
stirreth ^"d tlic couucu 01 Basil ; otliersome with Eugene and the council of
up war. Ferrara ; and some were neuters. After tliis, about a.d. 14i4, the
Appendix, pope beginneth a new practice, after the old guise of Home, to excite,
as is supposed, the dauphin of France, who was afterwards king
Louis XI., by force of arms to dissipate that council collected against
him. Who, leading an army of fifteen thousand men into Alsace,
did cruelly waste and spoil the country, and after that laid siege unto
Basil, to expel and drive out the prelates of the council. But the
The Switzers, most stoutly meeting their enemies, with a small power did
ddven'" vanquish tlie Frenchmen, and put them to sword and flight ; like as
TilV^^ the Lacedemonians, with only three hundred, did suppress and scatter
Germans, all the mighty army of Xerxes at Thcrmopyla?.
Although Basil by the valiantness of the Switzers was thus
defended, yet notwithstanding, the council through these tumults
could not continue by reason of the princes' ambassadors, who shrunk
away and would not tarry ; so that at length Eugene brought to pass,
partly through the help of Frederic (being not yet emperor, but
labouring for the empire), partly by his orators (in the number of
Dissoiu- whom was iEneas Sylvius, above mentioned) amongst the Germans,
coun°u of that they were content to give over both the council of Basil, and
Basu. their neutrality,
Frederic Tliis Frcdcrlc of Austria being not yet emperor, but looking to-
tria, great wards tlic cmpirc, brought also to pass, that Felix, who was chosen of
faThel- to ^''^ council of Basil to be pope, was contented to renounce and resign
dinan" ^^'^ papacy to Nicholas V., successor to Eugene, of the which Nicholas
the said Frederic was confirmed at Rome to be emperor, and there
crowned, ad, M5L
The As these things were doing at Basil, in the mean season pope
oTthe' Eugene brought to pass, in his convocation at Florence, that tlie
^onde-' emperor and the patriarch of Constantinople, with the rest of the
trthe*""^** Greeks there present, were persuaded to receive the sentence of the
pope's church of Rome, concerning the proceeding of the Holy Ghost ; also
to receive the communion in unleavened bread, to admit purgatory,
and to yield themselves to the authority of the Romish bishop.
The Whereunto, notwithstanding, the other churches of Greece would in
churches Tio wisc asscut, at their coming hoiue ; insonuieh that Mith a public
pm«'s"'^ execration they did condemn, afterward, all those legates who had
doctrine, couscntcd to tiicsc articles, that none of them should be buried iu
christian burial : which was, a,1). 1 loD.'
( 1 ) Ex Ca.^ji. Pcuccr.
CRUEL COMUUCT OF MAINAKDUS. 701
And thus endetJi the story, both of the council of Basil, and of ni-mtf tlie council of Florence ; also, of the emperor Sigismund, and of the ^ ^' schism between pope Eugene and pope P^elix, and also of the Bo- A. D. hemiaus ; which Bohemians, notwithstanding all these troubles and ^"^^^^ tumults above-said, did right well, and were strong enough against all ^^^Jf^"";. their enemies, till at length, through discord, partly between the two ency of preachers of the old and new city of Prague, partly also through the ^^'^^^ ' discord of the messengers and captains taking sides one against the other, they made their enemies strong, and enfeebled themselves. Albeit afterwards, in process of time, they so defended the cause of their religion, not by sword, but by argument and disputation, that the bishop of Rome could never yet to this day remove the Taborites and city of Prague from the communion of both kinds, nor could ever cause them to keep the conditions, which, in the beginning of the council, were enjoined their priests to observe ; as testifieth Cochleus •} with him also accordeth Antoninus, who saith, that the doctrine of the Bohemians (which he termeth by the name of Zizania), did take such deep root with them, and grew so fast, that afterwards, neither by fire nor sword, it could be extinguished.^
Concerning wliich Bohemians, briefly and in a general sum to re- capitulate their whole acts and doings, here is to be noted: that they, in their own defence, and in the quarrel of John Huss and Jerome of Prague, provoked by their catholic adversaries to war, fighting under Zisca their captain, had eleven battles with the pope''s side, and ever went away victors.^ Moreover, in the History of Peucer it is testified that pope Martin V., sending for the bishop of Winchester, then cardinal, had levied three main armies, intending to overrun all the Bohemians ; one army of the Saxons under the prince elector ; the second of the Francones, under the marquis of Brandenburg; the third of Rhenates, Bavarians, and Switzers, under 0 the, archbishop of Treves.* With these, Sigismund also, the emperor, and cardinal Julian, the pope''s legate (who at last was slain in war, and being- spoiled of all his attire, was left naked in the field), joined all their force ; who, joining together five times (saith the story), with five sunchy battles, assailed and invaded the Bohemians ; at every such Marvei- battle, five times the said adversaries, stricken and daunted with a fallen"''' sudden fear, ran away out of the field, leaving their tents with all "^°".J'*^ their implements and furniture behind them, before any stroke was army. given ;^ whereby it may appear that the holy angels of God do fight for them who embrace the sincere doctrine of Christ''s gospel.
Thus the Bohemians, through the mighty protection of Almighty God, continued a long time invincible, during all the life of Zisca, and also of Procopius, till, at length, through discord growing between them and their captains Procopius and Mainardus, they were subdued unto their enemies.
And here by the way is not to be omitted the wicked and cruel cruelty fact of JMainardus, who, after the death of Procopius, thinking to anfus'"' purge the realm of Bohemia of those chief and principal soldiers, j^i^g ^f,' who had been long expert and trained up in wars, found means for a hemiaus
(1) F,x Cochlffii Hist. Hiissit. lib. vi;i. (2) Anton, iii. part. hist. tit. 22, cap. 10.
(.3) Ex Paral. Abb. Ursp. in Kpitaphio Joan. T\^r. (!) Ex hi^t. Cas.ari Peucer. lib. v. (5) God's Jioly angels pitch the.r tents about tiieni that fear hiu;, Pia. xx.xiv.
A.D. 1440.
("OS UICIIAUD WICIIK liURXKD.
Henry proclaination to be made, as thougli he would war against otlior countries of tlieir enemies bordering about them, craftily to train all those who were disposed to take wages, into certain barns or hovels prepared for the same purpose ; and so, shutting the doors upon them, the wicked dissembler set fire upon them, and burnt of tliem divers thousands, and so brought the rest, by that means, under sub- jection to the emperor during his lifetime, which, after that continued Thou- not long;* which soldiers if they had fought as much for the catholic \\"e%o- liberties of the pope and his church, as they had fought against him, hemian [^ {^ marvcl if the pope had not dignified them all for holy martvrs. burnt. But thcv that kill with the sword (saitli Christ) shall perish with the sword. Notwithstanding, the cruel deceit of JSlainardus is worthy of all men to be detested.^
England Duriug this busiucss among the bishops beyond the sea, in the
cruelty""^ mean time our bishops here also in England were not unoccupied.
Whether it be the nature of the country that so giveth, or whether
the great livings and wealthy promotions of the clergy do draw with
them a more insensible untowardness in God''s religion, hard it is to
Burning Say : tliis is manifest to all them who will read and mark our stories
fnffin^*' fi'""* time to time, that in England is more burning and slaying for
England, religion and for all other matters ; more bloodshed among us, than in
any other land or nation in Christendom besides.
^BicIjacD !©icl)e, ^uz^t, jaartpr.
After the burning of Richard Hovcden, and Nicholas Canon', and Thomas Bagley, priest, above recorded, whom the bishops condemned to death, a.d. 1431, not long after, about the year of our Lord 1439, which was the eighteenth of the reign of" king Henry VI., they had another poor man by the back, named Richard Wiche, priest, mentioned both in Robert Fabian, and also in another old English chronicle borrowed of one Pcrminger. What his opinions Avere, they do not express. This thoy record, that this Richard W'ichc was first degraded, then burnt at Tower-hill for heresy. Some do affirm, that he, before his death, revolted ; but that scemeth, by his burning, not to be true.*
It is also testified of him, that before his death he spake (as prophe- sying) that the jiostcm of the Tower shouhl sink; which, also, afterwards came, as he saith, to pass : wherefore of many of the peoj)le he was wirhe, counted for a holy man ; insomuch that, as it is affirmed, they came deatV" to the place where he was burnt, and there made their oblations and (.aiiued. prayers, and upreared a great heap of stones, and set up a cross there by night ; so that, by this means, a great clamour ran upon the church- men, and especially upon such as put him to death. Then, to cease the rumour, the king gave commandment to punish such as went thither on pilgrimage : the copy whereof is here to be seen as followeth.
(1) Ex y"Enea Svlv. [Hist. IJoh. cap. 02.] (2) lb. lib. de hist. Bohem. cap. .'.I.
(3) See Appendix. (i) Ki 1 ibia. par. 7. Ex antiquo alio Chronico.
THE KIXG S WRIT.
ro3
The King s Writ, prohibiting Pilgrimage to the Tomb of Richard ■K^'.^s'
Wiche. —
A.D. Rex Vicecomitibus London et Midd. salutem. Albeit Richard Wiche, late 1440.
clerk, who heretofore long since heretically did hold, teach, and publicly
preach, certain heresies and erroneous opinions in many places within our realm of Enoland, and for the same many years now past being judicially convicted, did, before a judge, in that behalf sufficient, abjure all heresy generally, and afterwards, as a dog returning to his vomit, did presume to maintain, teach, and publicly preach, his former errors and heresies, so that he was worthily ad- judged a relapse : and again, being impeached for the same before the reverend father in God, Robert, bishop of London, his lawful ordinary, was called forth to judgment; and being before him, did judicially confess his errors and heresies. For which cause the reverend father, upon mature deliberation by him, the said reverend father, first had, with the advice of the learned in the law, his assistants, lawfully proceeding against the said Richard, did, by his sentence definitive, pronounce and adjudge him to be a relapse, and did degrade him from the order and dignity of priesthood, and took from him all priestly ornaments, and de- prived him of all priestly function and privilege (according to justice), and, last of all, turned him over to the secular power as the manner is ; and afterwards you, by our princely commandment and warrant, did, according to the law of our realm, for his last punishment, consume the body of the said Richard to ashes, being a relapse, convict, and degi-aded, as a notorious traitor, not only against God, but also against us and our crown and dignity ; all which notwithstanding, certain our subjects (as we have been sundry times informed) being pricked forward with a diabolical spirit, practising, of all likeHhood, not only sedition, but also idolatry, within our realm, are not afraid publicly to affirm, that the said Richard was altogether innocent of heretical pravity. Nay rather they do most shamefully, with their vain devices, and wickedly conceived im.aginations, blaze abroad, that he was, and died, a good, a just, and a holy man, and that he doth many miracles : whereas indeed no such miracles be done by him. Which disordinate persons we may well, and upon probable causes, repute and deem culpable, not only of heretical pravity, but also of high treason, and as rebels to our person, majesty, and violaters of the peace and dignity of our realm, as withal, breakers and trespassers against the sacred canons of the church, who dare so presumptuously adventure to worsliip the said Richard as a saint, whereas it is not lawful to worship any manner of person, be he ever so holy, before he be canonized by the authority of the bishop of Rome : We, therefore, being very careful for the good presei-vation of our peace, and desirous to abolish from out of all the coasts of the same all manner of idolatry, do charge and com- mand you, that, in certain places within your liberties, where you shall think most convenient, you cause, forthwith, proclamations to be made on our behalf, straitly charging that no person from henceforth presume to resort to the place where the said Richard was executed, under colour of a pilgrim, or for any other cause of devotion whatsoever ; nor send any ofiering thither, nor worship him hereafter openly or secretly, or adjudge, esteem, repute, name, or talk of him as otherwise justified or innocent, than such as the said reverend father, by his definitive sentence, hath pronounced him to be : upon pain and penalty to be taken and reputed for a heretic or a favourer of heretics, and to receive condign punish- ment provided for heretics. And that you arrest all and every person whom you shall find to do any thing contrary to this our proclamation, and the same, so arrested, commit to our prison ; there to remain until we shall think good to Bend countermand for their deliverance.
Witness the king at his manor of Easthampstead, the fifteenth day of July, in the eighteenth year of his reign.
Per ipsum Regem.
Like writs, and to the same effect, were directed to all the shcriflFs through all the realm, bearing all one and the same date ; by virtue of which letters, the mayor and sheriffs did use such diligence, that shortly after, that concourse and seeking of the people was left off.
abolish
PriErau. niri fa-
704 AN AXSWER TO ALAXUS COPUS, THE SYCOl'lIAXT.
Henry After tlie burning of this man, which was about the month of Ju)ie,
\ in tlie same year, about November, a convocation was called by Henr}-,
A. D. archbishop of Canterbury, wherein was projiounded among the c^'^rgy, ^'^'^^^ to consult with themselves what way were best to be taken fcv the The removing away the law of ' Proemuniri fiieias ;"' ' for so were the hearts '" uit to then of the temporalty set against the ecclesiastical sort, that where [ any vantage might be given them by the law, they did nothing spare ; by reason whereof the church-men at that time were greatlv molested by the said law of ' Prsemuniri,'' and by the king's writs, and other in- dictments, to their no small annoyance. By long consultation and good advisement, at last this way was taken: that a petition or supplication should be drawn and presented to the king, for the abolishing of the aforesaid law of 'Prsemuniri facias;*" and, also, for the restraining of other briefs, writs, and indictments, which seemed then to lie heavy upon the clergy. This bill or supplication being contrived and exhi- bited, by the archbishops of Canterbury and of York, imto the king, standing in need at the same time of a subsidy to be collected of the clergy, this answer was given to their supplication, on the king's behalf: that, forasmuch as the time of Christmas then drew near, whereby h(> had, as yet, no sufficient leisure to advise upon the matter, he would take therein a farther pause. In the mean time, as one tendering their quiet, he would send to all his officers and ministers within his realm, that no such brief of ' Prasmuniri' should pass against them or any of them, from the said time of Christmas, till the next parliament, a. d. 1439.2
The king's ari'
A brief
A BFvIEF ANSWER TO THE CAVILLATIONS OF AI,AX COPE S COX- CERXING LADY ELEANOR COEIIAM.
In my former edition of Acts and Monuments,' so hastily rashed up
at that present, in such shortness of time, as in the said book thou
mayest see, gentle reader ! declared and signified ; among many other
matters therein contained, there is a short note made of one Eleanor
CoT"^ n° Cobham, duchess of Gloucester, and of sir- Roger Only, knight (priest^
cerning it should havc bccu printed), which two persons, about a. d. 1440, or
no/cJ)b^' the next year following, were condemned, the one to death, the other
^'""- to perpetual prison. Of this little short matter Master Cope, the
pope's scout, lying in privy wait to spy faults in all men's works,
wheresoever any may appear, taketh pepper in the nose, and falleth
again unto his old barking against me, for placing these aforesaid per-
(1) Ex Regist. Henr. Chichesley. (2) Ex Rcgist. Cant.
(3) The quotation fiom the first edition of the Acts and Monuments to whlcli Foxe alhidos, is subjoined :— " Within short time after, sir Roger Onley followed the lord Cobliam and sir Kogir Acton, being a knight of like nobility and order; and so likewise partaker of the like cause and quarrel ; a man endowed with like valiantness and godliness, whom we do read in certain annals to be hanged for the truth's sake in the year of our Lord, Mil. And lest that this rage of persecution should not wrap in all and every sect and kind, or sl'ould not sufliciently fulfil all points of cruelty, as though it had l)een but a small mutter hitherto to have murdered so many men, they began now to execute their cruelty upon women. Of the which sort although there have been many who have followed their spouse Christ, by torments, banishments, and death, yet the first in this number which cometh unto our hands, is Eleanor Cobliam, a woman nothingat all degene- rating from her stock, kindred, and name received of her ancestors, albeit that we can find or understand none other thing of her, but that for suspicion of heresy; that is to say, for the love and desire of the truth, she was by the papists banished into the Isle of Man ; as Harding and Fabian do write. Whom a few years after, there followed a woman, who, for her obstinacy and virtue, was greatly to be commended and prai.sed, being called the mother of a certain lady, 8urn.imed Young, she persevering even unto the fire, with a stout and manly cour.tg?. for the confession of the gosiiel was burned in the year of our Lord, HyO." See Edition 15(;.!, p. 371. — Ed.
AN ANSWER TO ALANUS COPUS, THE SYCOPHANT. 705
sons in my ' Book of Martyrs;"' but, especially, he thinketli to have great Henry vantage against me, for that in the same story I do join withal, one ^'' Margaret Jourdeman, the witch of Eye, condemned also with them A. I), at the same time, and burned for practising the king's death by an ^'^'^' image of wax, &c.
To answer hereunto. First, I say, as I before said, that I profess xo the no such title to write of Martyrs, but, in general, to write of Acts and objection. Monuments passed in the church and realm of England ; wherein, why should I be restrained from the free walk of a story writer, more than others that have gone before me ?
Secondly, Touching my commendation of sir Roger Only, and the lady Eleanor ; if Master Alan be therewith oifended, I answer, that I commended them for savouring and favouring of the truth of Christ's doctrine : for their fault, if any such were in them, I do not commend ApX-ti':. them. And although 1 did commend them, yet neither did I it with any long tanymg upon it, nor yet altogether upon mine own head, without some sufficient warrant of authority. For, why may not I as well believe John Bale, as Master Alan believe Mr. Fabian ? espe- cially seeing I do know, and was privy, that the said John, in recognising his Centuries, followed altogether the history of Leland ' De Catalogo virorum illustrium f which book, being borrowed of Master Cheke, I myself did see in the hands of the aforesaid John Bale, what time we were both together, dwelling in the house of the noble lady the duchess of Richmond. Wherefore, if he think me so lewd to speak without mine authors, he is deceived. And if he think mine authors not to be believed, then let this Nomothetes, or jolly Dictator, come forth and prescribe us a law, what authors he would have us to take, and what to refuse. For else, why is it not as free for me to credit John Bale and Leland, as for him to credit Robert Fabian and Edward Hall ? especially, seeing they had seen liis books and works left be- hind him, whereupon they might better judge ; and so did never these.
Thirdly, For the name of Roger Only ; if Cope deny that there was any such name in stories mentioned, but that there was one called Roger Bolingbroke, &c., hereby it may appear, that either his prompter out of England deceived him, or else that he, going no further but to Fabian and Hall, lacketh no good will in him, but only a little matter, to make a perfect sycophant. And, admit the said name of ' Only' could not be found in those writers, yet it were not impossible for a man to have two names, especially if he were a religious man ; to bear the name of the town where he was born, besides his own proper sur- name. But now, what if I, Master Cope ! can avouch and bring forth to you the name of Roger Only out of sufficient record, which you seem not to have yet read ? Have ye then done well and properly, think you, so bitterly to flee in my face, and to bark so eagerly all this while at moonshine in the water, having no more cause almost against me, than against the man in the moon ? And now (lest you should think me so much unprovided of just authority for my de- fence, as I see you unprovided of modesty and patience), write you to your prompter or suborner, wheresoever he lurketh here in England, to send you over unto Louvain the book of John Harding, a chronicler, more ancient than either Fabian or Hall, printed in the house of
VOL. III. Z 2
706 AN ANSWER 10 ALANUS COPUS. THE SYCOPHANT,
irmry Richard Grafton, a. d. 1543 ; Avlierc turn to tlic fol,223, fac. b., line
- ^'' 19, and there you shall find and read these words. A. D.
1440. " Again, the church and the king cursedly,
By help of one Master Roger Only," &c.
By which words you must necessarily confess Roger Only to be the name of the man, or else must ye needs deny the author. For otherwise, that Master Roger Bolingbroke was the only helper to the duchess in that fact, by no wise it can stand with the story of these authors, who say, that four others, besides him, were condemned for the same crime, he} And, moreover, though the said sir Roger Only was no knight (as I have said in my former edition), yet this ye cannot deny, by the testimony of them that have seen his works, but that he was a priest, which you will grant to be a knight''s fellow. And thus much for the name and condition of Master Roger Only.
Fourthly, As concerning Margaret Jourdeman, whom ye call the witch of Eye, ye ofFer me herein great wrong, to say that I make her a martyr, who was a witch ; when I here profess, confess, and ascer- tain,^ both you, and all Englishmen, both present, and all posterity hereafter to come, that of this Margaret Jourdeman 1 never spake, never thought, never dreamed, nor did ever hear, before you named her in your book yourself. So flir is it off that I, either with my will, or against my will, made any martyr of her. Cope Furthermore, I profess and denounce in like manner, that neither
without ^^^'^ )'°^^ ^^y •i'^'^^*' ^^^ congruc' occasion in my book so to judge, much less to rail on me. For where, in express words, I do speak of the mother of the lady Young, what occasion have you thereby to slander me and my book with Margaret Jourdeman ? which Margaret whether she was a witch or not, I leave her to the Lord. As for me, neither did I know of her then, nor did I mean of her now. But, ' be- cause I couple her in the same story,' you say. To this I say, because she was the mother of a lady, I thought to join her with another ladv in the same story, as in one pew together, although in one cause I will not say. And yet, notwithstanding, I do so couple the said mother with the duchess, in such distinct difference of years, that you. Master Cope ! might easily have understood, or, beside you, no man else would have thought the contrary, but that Margaret Jourdeman was neither here in my book, nor yet in my Memento. For the words of my story are plain, where the condemnation of the lady Eleanor, and of the mother of lady Young, being referred to tlie year of our Lord, 14-il, I do also, in the same story* (through the occasion of that lady), infer mention of the mother of the lady Young, declaring in express words, that she followed certain years after, and, in the end of that chapter, do name also the year of her burning to be 1490, which was fifty years after the death of Only and Margaret Jourdeman ; by the computation of which years it is plain, that no other woman could be noted in that place, but only the lady Young's mother.
But Master Cope, continuing still in his wrangling mood, objecteth again, for that in my calendar, the said lady Young's mother hatli
(1) Vid. Centur. 8. Bal. cap. 4. (2) " Ascertain," assure.— En.
(3) " Coiigrue," convenient.— Ed. (4) The former eilition, p. 3?)
a cause.
AK ANSWEIl TO ALAXL'S COPUS, THE SYCOPHANT. 707
the day, in the catalogue, next after the death of Roger Only ; which fienrp day pertaineth properly to Margaret Jourdeman, who was burned ^^' the same day in Smithfield, and not to the lady's mother, &c. A.D.
What order was taken in placing the names and days, what is ^^'^Q- that to me ? If he who had the disposing of the catalogue, did place them so in months, as he saw them joined in chapters, not perusing peradventure, nor advising the chapters, that doth nothing ])rejudice the truth of my story, which sufficiently doth clear itself in distinguishing them rightly in names, and also in years, as is before declared.
Fifthly and lastly : Having thus sufficiently answered to your The circumstances of persons, names, and times, Master Cope ! I will temir^" now enter to encounter with you concerning the flict and crime '?,'? = objected to the lady duchess, and to the rest ; with this protes- Eleanor tation before premised unto the reader : that, if the fact be true, duthcss and so done as is reported in the histories of Fabian, Hall, and ^^.'^bie "r Harding, I desire the reader then so to take me, as though I did trea&on not deal here-withal, nor speak of the matter, but utterly to have the'ki'ng pretermitted, and dispuncted the same. But, forasmuch as the deed and offence laid and given forth against these parties, may be a matter made, and of evil-will compacted, rather than true indeed ; therefore, I do but only move a question by way of history, not as defending, nor commending, nor commemorating the thing, if it be true, but only moving the question, whether it is to be judged true, or suspected rather to be false and forged ; and so, having briefly propoimded certain conjectural suspicions or supposals con- cerning that matter, I will pass it over, neither meddling on the one side nor on the other.
The first conjecture, why it may be possible that this act of treason, ccriain laid to the charge of the cluchess and Roger Only, against the king, turisVhat may be untrue, is this : that the said Only (otherwise named Boling- f'e broke) took it upon his death, tliat they never intended any such was'^not thing as they were condemned for. ^'^'^'
The second conjecture: for that the lady Eleanor and Only seemed then to favour and savour of that religion set forth by Wickliff ; and therefore it is like enough that they were hated of the clergy. Further- more, what hatred and practices of papists can do, it is not unknown.
The third conjecture : for that the said Master Roger Only, falsely noted and accused of necromancy, wrote a book in purgation of himself, entitled, ' De Innocentia sua ;'' also another book entitled, 'Contra vulgi superstitiones,'' recorded in Centur. 8. Bale, cap. 4: whereupon it is not credible, that he who wrote professedly against the superstitions of the people, was overtaken with that filth of necro' mancy himself.
The fourth conjecture : because this accusation against the duchess of Gloucester, duke Humphrey''s wife, began not before, but after the grudge kindled between the cardinal of Winchester, and duke Humphrey, her husband.
Another conjecture may be hereof, for that if the duchess had intended any such heinous treason against the king's life, as by burn- ing of a wax-candle to consume him, it is not likely, neither was there any such need, that she would have made so many privy to zz 2 "
708 AN AKSAVER TO ALANUS COPUS, THE SYCOPHAXT.
Henry such a pemicious counsel, as the witch of Eye, Master Roger Boling-
^'^' broke, Master Thomas Southwell, and Jolin Hume. A.D. Sixthly, It is not to be supposed, if any such high treason liad 1-^'^P- been wrought or pretended against the king's person by these, that cither the duchess should so escape with bearing a taper and banish- ment, or that John Hume should be pardoned his life; the fact being so heinous, that neither any durst ask his pardon, nor, if it had been asked, had it been likely to be granted.
To these we may also add another supposal, rising upon the words and form of their accusation, as it standcth in Harding, Polychroni- con, and others besides, wherein they were accused for working sor- cery and enchantments against the church and the king. Now, what sorcery can be wrought against the church, that is, the whole multi- tude of Christians, let the reader judge ; and, by the truth of this, consider also the truth of the other, which was against the king. Furthermore, if, by this church, is meant the cardinal of Winchester, as like it is, then it may be conjectured, that all this matter rose of that cardinal, who was then a mortal enemy to the house of Glou- cester, &c.
Eighthly, And, that all this was done and wrought by the said cardinal of Winchester, the witch of Eye maketh the matter the more suspicious, seeing that the town of Eye, as Fabian witncsscth, was near beside Winchester, and in the see of that bishop.
Moreover, forsomuch as Polydore Virgil, among other story authors, being a man (as may be supposed) rather favouring tlie cardinal's part than the duke's, made no mention at all touching this treason, his silence, therefore, may minister matter not only to nuise, but also to conjecture that he had found something Avhich made him to mistrust the matter. Otherwise it is unlikely that he would have so mewed up the matter, and passed it over without some mention.
Finally, and briefly, the frequent practices and examples of other times may make this also more doubtful, considering how many subtle pretences, after the like sort, have been sought, and wrongful accusations brought, against many innocent persons. For, not to repeat the like forgeries against the lord Cobham, and sir Roger Acton, &c., why may not this accusation of the duchess and Only be as false, as that in the time of king Edward V., which was laid to the charge of the queen and Shore's wife, by the protector, for enchanting and bewitching his withered arm ? which to be false, all the Avorld doth know, and but a quarrel made, only to oppress the life of the lord Hastings, and the lord Stanley. And thus mayest thou see, gentle reader! according to the wise man's saying, ' Nihil novum esse sub sole; nihilque dictum, quod non sit dictum prius,' &c. Although these, with many more conjectures, may be alleged as some part of the defence of this duchess, and of her chaplains and priests, yet, because it may still not be impossible for the matter laid against them to be true, 1 leave it therefore at large, as 1 find it ; saying, as I said before, that if tliat be true which the stories say in this matter, think, 1 beseech thee, gentle reader ! that I have said nothing hereof. Only, because the matter may be disputable, and not impossible to be false, I have but moved thereof a question, and brought my conjectures, leaving the determination and judgment
AllTIChES AGAINST THE CARDINAL OF WINCHESTER. 709
hereof to thy indifferent and free arbitrement. And, if Master Uenry Cope be so highly offended with me, because in my fu-st edition ^^' of Acts and Monuments I durst name the lady Eleanor Cobliam, A.D. and Roger Only ; let him take this for a short answer, because my 1440. leisure serveth not to make long brawls with him : that if I had a brief thought no imperfections to have passed in my former edition before. Master '" I would never have taken in hand the recognition thereof now the ^avuiL second time, whereby to spunge away such motes, as I thought would "ons, seem great stumbling blocks in such men's walks, who walk with no hirduke charity to edify, but with malice to carp and reprehend, neither "hrey's admonishing what they see amiss in others, neither tarrying while '^^'f^- other men reform themselves ; and, finally, finding quai-rels where no great cause is justly given. And here an end with Master Cope for this time.
THE CONTENTION BETWEEN THE RICH CARDINAL OF WINCHES- TER,' AND HUMPHREY, THE GOOD DUKE OF GLOUCESTER.
Forasmuch as in the process before, mention was touched con- cerning the grudge between the cardinal, called the rich cardinal of Winchester, and the good duke Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, the king''s uncle and protector of the realm, order of story now requireth to open some part of that matter more at large ; wherein this, first, is to be understood, that, long before, great flames of grudge and discord did burst out between these two : for, as the noble heart of the duke could not abide the proud doings of the cardinal, so much again the cardinal, in like manner, sorely envied and disdained at the rule of the duke of Gloucester. Notwithstanding that by means of the duke of Bedford, the brasting out between them was before ap- peased and cured ; yet not so, but that under imperfect amity, privy hatred (as sparkles under the embers) did still remain : so that the cardinal, joining with the archbishop of York, attempted many things of their own presumption, contrary to the consent, not only of the king, being then under age, but also of the protector and governor of the realm. Wherewith the duke, like a true hearted prince, being not without just cause offended, declared in writing to the king certain complaints contained in twenty-one articles, wherein the car- dinal and archbishop had transgressed, both against the king, and his laws ; the tenor whereof, more at large, is in other stories expressed. The brief abstract thereof foUoweth in a short summary here to be seen.^
Certain Points or Articles objected by Duke Hmnphrey against the Cardinal of Winchester.
First, To his sovereign prince, his right redoubted lord, complaineth duke winches- Humphrey, his uncle and protector of the realm, That the bishop of Winchester, ter pre- in the days of his father, king Henry V., took upon him the state of a cardinal, ^umeth to being denied by the king, saying, that he had as lief set his own crown beside nal''''' '" him, as see him wear a cardinal's hat ; and that in parhaments, he, not being against contented with the place of a bishop among the spiritual persons, presumed oflhe""^ above his order : which the said duke desired to be redressed. king.
II. Item, Whereas he, being made a cardinal, was voided of his bishopric of, tl) Henry Beaufort.-Eo. <2) Ex Polychion.
710 ARTICLES AGAIXST THE CARDINAL OF WIKCHESTEE.
Henry Winchester, he procured from Rome the pope's bull, unknown to the king ; ^i- whereby he took again his bishopric, contrary to the common law of this realm, A Yi incurring thereby the case of Prousion, and forfeiting all his goods to the king, 1440 ^y *^^ ''^" °^ ' I'raemuniri facias.'
L. III. Item, He complained that the said cardinal, with the archbishop of
Intrud- York, iritruded tlicmselves to have the governance of the king, and the doing, seif'tob under the king, of temporal matters: excluding the king's uncle, and other tem- the king's poral lords of the king's kin, from having knowledge of any great matter, governor. jv_ Item, Whcrcas the king had borrowed of the cardinal four thousand ^h'^th"'^ pounds, upon certain jewels, and afterwards had his money ready at the day to king of quit his jewels ; the cardinal caused the treasurer to convert that money to the li's payment of another army, to keep the jewels still to his own use and gain,
jewels. y^ Item, He being then bishop of Winchester, and chancellor of England,
eth'tte" delivered the king of Scots upon his own authority, contrary to the act of par- king of liament, wedding his niece afterwards to the said king. Also, where the said ^'^'"^' king of Scots should have paid to the king forty thousand pounds, the cardinal procured ten thousand marks thereof to be remitted, and yet the rest very slenderly paid. Playeth VI. Item, The said cardinal, for lending notable sums to the king, had the chant^^' Pi'ofi*^ of the port of Hampton, where he, setting his servants to be tlie cus- tomers, wool, and other merchandise, were, under that cloak, exported, not so much to his singular advantage, being the chief merchant, as to the great pre- judice of the king, and detriment to his subjects.
VII. Item, The cardinal, in lending out great sums to the king, yet so
deferred and delayed the loan thereof, that, coming out of season, the same did
the king little pleasure, but rather hinderance.
A de- VIII. Item, Where jewels and plate were prized at eleven thousand pounds
the'kfn"^^" weight, of the said cardinal forfeited to the king; the cardinal, for loan of a
'"^' little piece, got him a restoremcnt thereof, to the king's great damage, who
better might have spared the commons, if the sum had remained to him clear.
IX. Item, Where the king's fatlier had given Elizabeth Beauchanip three
hundred marks of livelode, with this condition, If she wedded within a year ;
the cardinal, notwithstanding she was man-ied two or three years after, yet gave
her the same, to the king's great hiu-t, and diminishing of his inheritance.
Taketh X. Item, TThe cardinal, having no authority nor interest in the crown, pre-
like'a'"™ sumed, notwithstanding, to call before him like a king : to the king's high
king. derogation.
XI. Item, That the cardinal sued a pardon from Rome, to be freed from all disms, due to the king by the church of Winchester: giving thereby example to the clergy, to withdraw their disms likewise, and lay all the charge only upon the temporalty and poor commons.
XII. XIII. Item, By the procuring of the said car-linal and archbishop of York, great goods of the king's were lost and dispended upon needless ambas- sades, Hrst to Arras, then to Calais.
XIV. Item, It was laid to the charge of the said cardinal and archbishop, that, by their means, going to Calais, the two enemies of the king, the duke of Orleans and duke of Burgundy, were reduced together in accord and alliance ; who, being at war before between themselves, and now confederated together again, joined both together against the king's towns and countries over the sea: to the great danger of Normandy, and destruction of the king's people. A traitor XV. Item, By the archbishop of York and the cardinal, persuasions were to tho moved openly in the king's presence, with allurements and inducements, that crown. ^j^^ j^.^^^ should leave his right, his title, and the honour of his crown, in nomi- nating him king of France, during certain years ; and that he should utterly abstain, and be content, in writing, with ' Rex Angliae ' only : to the great note and infamy of the king, and all his progenitors.
XVI. XVII. Item, Tlu'ough the sleight and subtlety of the said cardinal and his mate, a new convention was intended between the king and certain adver- saries of France ; also the deliverance of the duke of Orleans was appointed in such sort, as thereby great dis-worship and inconvenience were likely to fail, ■^1 P'"'" . rather on the king's side, tlian on the other.
tliekjng's XVllI. Item, That the cardinal had jjurchascd great lands and Uvelodes of lands. ttie king, the duke being on the other side of the sea occupied in wars, which
TMOUBLES OF HUMPHREY, THE GOOD DUKE OF ULOUCESTEK. Til
redounded little to the worship and profit of the king ; and, moreover, he had iTemy
the king bound to make him, by Easter next, as siure estate of all those lands, ^'^■ could be devised by any learned counsel, or else that the said cardinal should
A.D. 1443.
have, and enjoy, to him and his heirs for ever, the lands of the duchy of Lan- caster in Norfolk, to the value of seven or eight hundred marks by the year.
XIX. Item, Whereas the duke, the king's uncle, had often offered his ser- Perverse vice for the defence of the i-ealm of France, and the duchy of Normandy; the counsel of cardinal ever laboured to the contrary, in preferring othei-s, after his singular aiual?' affection : whereby a great part of Normandy hath been lost.
XX. Item, Seeing the cardinal was risen to such riches and treasiu-e, The car- which could grow to him, neither by his church, nor by inhei'itance (which he '•'"'''! ^ then had), it was of necessity to be thought, that it came by his great deceits, orthe^^"^ in deceiving both the king and his subjects, in selling offices, preferments, live- king, and lodes, captainships, both here, and in the realm of France, and in Normandy : ^ '"^iber. so that what hath been there lost, he hath been the greatest causer thereof.
XXI. Furthermore, when the said cardinal had forfeited all his goods by He pur- tlie statute of Provision, he, having the ride of the king, and of other matters of chasetu a the realm, piu'chased from the pope a charter of pardon, not only to the de- ^IJ'^f "" feating of the laws of the realm, but also to the defrauding of the king, who, his^prs- otherwise, might and should have had wherewith to sustain his wars, without niunirL any tallage of his poor people, &c.
When the king heard these accusations, he committed the hearing prelates thereof to his council, whereof the most part were spiritual persons. ^}'^ ""«= So, what for fear, and what for favour, the matter was winked at, and other.' dallied out, and nothing said thereunto ; and a fair countenance was made to the duke, as though no displeasure had been taken, nor malice borne in these spiritual stomachs. But, shortly after, the smoke hereof, not able to keep in any longer within the spiritual breasts of these charitable churchmen, bm-st out in flames of mischief. Malice For, upon the neck of this matter, as witnesseth Fabian, Polychroni- ^""' ""'' con, and Hall, who followeth Polychronicon, first ensued the con- demnation of lady Eleanor, the duchess, and her cliaplains, as ye have heard before : whereby the said duchess may appear, more of malice than of any just cause thus to have been troubled. Also, within six years after, followed the lamentable destruction of the duke himself, as hereafter more is to be declared.
About this time, or not long after, a.d. 1443, the steeple of Paul's paui-s was set on fire by lightning, and at last, by diligent labour of helpers, sero/nire the fixe was quenched. ^y ^'s'''-
And after the condemnation of lady Eleanor, the duchess afore- ""'^' said, 'within few years, a. d. 1445, followed the death of Henry a.d.his. Chichesley, archbishop of Canterbury, by whom she was condemned The death in St. Stephen's chapel at Westminster, for penance, to bear a taper chidies^-^ through Cheapside three sundry times, and afterwards outlawed to the {fi^j,o'^'|,'j Isle of Man, under the custody of sir John Standly, knight. This canter- Henry Chichesley builded in his time two colleges in the university of ^"'^*" Oxford, the one called All-Souls' College, the other named Barnard College.
THE STORY AND DEATH OF HUMPHREY, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER.
Proceeding now to the year wherein suffered Humphrey, that good duke of Gloucester, which was a.d. 1447, first we mil begin in few a.d.im?. words to trcaf of his life and conversation ; and then of the manner
Dulce Hum- phrey
learning.
712 THE TROUBLES OF DUKE HUMPHREY.
Henry aiui causc of liis (Icatli. As toucliinpr the offspring and descent of ^''- this duke, first, he was the son of Henry IV., brotlier to king A.D. Henry V., and uncle to king Henry VI., ass^igned to be the governor ^'^47. and protector of his person. Of manners he seemed meek and gentle, loving the commonwealth, a supporter of the poor commons, of wit and wisdom, discreet and studious, well affected to religion, and a friend to verity ; and no less enemy to pride and ambition, especially in haughty prelates, which was his undoing in this present evil Avorld. And, which is seldom and rare in such princes of that calling, he was both learned himself, and no less given to study, and ^°^- also a singular favourer and patron to those who were studious and fJr his learned. And, that my commendation of him may have the more credit, I will produce the testimony of learned wTiters, who, living in his time, not only do commend his fiimous knowledge, and ripeness of learning in him, but also committed and submitted their works to his judgment, to be examined. Of which writers, one is Petrus de Monte, writing, " De virtutum et vitionim differentia ;" who, in his epistle dedicatory, beginneth with the singular commendation of this duke ; and afterwards, speaking " De optimarum artium libera- liumque scientiarum peritia,"" saith thus : " Cui tu quidem omni conatu, omni ingenio, atque studio ineumbis ; adeo ut nihil tibi sine librorum lectione jucundum, gratum aut certe delectabile videatur,'"' &c. And in further process of his work, thus he further declarcth, saying, " Delectaris autem non una tantum arte aut scientia, quan- •quam et id quidem esset satis, verum fere omnibus; earumque 'codices magna quadam aviditate legisti," &c. Besides this Petrus dc Monte, let us hear also the judgment of another writer of the same age, named Lapis-castellius, who, likewise, dedicating to the said duke Humphrey his book, entitled " Comparatio studiorum et rei militaris," amongst divers other words commendatory, hath these which follow: "Ad tc potissimum mitto, quod horum te optimum, et sapientissimmn judicem fore existimo, qui,ut ex integcmmo patre domino Zenone Bajoccnsi Episcopo, lioniine ture laudis cupidissimo, acccpi, ita in his humanitatis studiis invigilares, ut nullus toto terraruni orbe princeps nee doctrina, nee eloquentia, ncc humanitate tecum comparandus sit," &c. Many other arguments and places may be brought to declare, what is to be esteemed of the learning and studious wit of this noble prince.
Furthermore, as the learning of this prince was rare and memo- rable, so was the discreet wisdom and singular prudence in him no less to be considered ; as, for the more manifest proof thereof, I thought here good, amongst many other his godly doings, to recite one example, reported as well by the pen of sir Thomas More, as also by Master William Tindal, the true apostle of these our later days, to the intent to see and note, not only the crafty working of false miracles in the clergy, but also that the prudent discretion of this high and mighty prince, the aforesaid duke Humphrey, may give us the better to understand what man he was. The story lieth thus :
In the young days of this king Henry VI., being yet under the governance of this duke Humphrey, his protector, there came to St. Alban's a certain beggar with his wife, and was walking there
THE TROUBLES OF DUKE HUMPHREY. 713
about the town begging five or six days before the king's coming Henry thither ; saying, that he was born blind, and never saw in his life, and '^'
■was warned in his dream, that he should come out of Berwick, where A. D. he said he had ever dwelled, to seek St. Alban ; and that he had ^^^^- been at his shrine, and had not been holpen, and therefore he would Af^'^e go and seek him at some other place ; for he had heard some say, espiedf since he came, that St. Alban''s body should be at Cologne : and indeed such a contention hath there been ; but of a truth, as I am surely informed, he lieth here, at St. Alban's, saving some relics of him, which they there show shrined. But, to tell you forth, when the king was comen and the town full, suddenly this blind man at St. Alban's shrine had his sight again, and a miracle solemnly rongen, and ' Te Deum' songen ; so that nothing was talked of in all the town, but this miracle. So happened it then, that duke Humphrey of Gloucester, a man no less wise than also well learned, having great joy to see such a miracle, called the poor man unto him ; and first, showing himself joyous of God's glory so showed in the getting of his sight, and exhorting him to meekness, and to no ascribing of any part of the worship to himself, nor to be proud of the people's praise, ■who would call him a good and godly man thereby ; at last, he looked well upon his eyen, and asked whether -he could see nothing at all in all his life before. And when his Avife, as well as himself, affirmed fastly "no," then he looked advisedly upon his eyen again, Appendix. and said, " I believe you very well, for me thinketh ye cannot see well yet." " Yea, sir," quod he, " I thank God and his holy martyr, I can see now as well as any man." " Yea can .''" quod the duke, " What colour is my gown ?" Then anon the beggar told him. " What colour,*' quod he, " is this man's gown .?" He told him also, and so forth : without any sticking he told him the names of all the colours that could be showed him. And when the duke saw that, he bade him " Walk, faitour," and made him to be set openly in tlie stocks : for though he could have seen suddenly, by miracle, the oissimu- difFerence between divers colours ; yet could he not, by the sight, so jTiliu'shed.' suddenly tell the names of all these colours, except he had known them before, no more than the names of all the men, that he should suddenly see.
By this may it be seen, how duke Humphrey had not only a head, to discern and dissever truth from forged and feigned hypocrisy ; but study also, and diligence, likewise, was in him, to reform that which was amiss.
And thus much, hitherto, for the noble prowess and virtues, joined commen- with the like ornaments of knowledge and literature, shining in this Jjuke"-"^ princely duke : for which as he was both loved of the poor commons, hu and well spoken of, of all men, and no less deserving the same, being called the ' good' duke of Gloucester ; so neither yet wanted he his enemies and privy enviers, whether it was through the fatal and un- fortunate luck of the name of that house, which is but a vain and frivolous observation of Polydore, and Hall,' who followeth him, bringing in the examples of Hugh Spenser ; of Thomas of Wood- stock, son of king Edward HI. ; of this duke Humphrey ; and, after, of king Richard HI., duke likewise of Gloucester. Or whether it
(l)_Polyd._Hi8t. lib. xxiii. HaU in 25 Hen. VI,.
lum- phrey.
714 THE TROUHLES OF DUKE KUMPHIIEY.
nenry was, tliat tlic natuTC of true virtue is commonly such, tliat, as tlie flame
'. ever beareth his smoke, and the body his shadow, so the brightness of
A. D. virtue never blazeth, but hath some disdain or envy waiting upon it :
^'*'*^- or else, whether it was rather for some divorcement from liis wife, or
for some other vice or trespass done (as seemeth most like truth),
which God, as well in dukes' houses correcteth, as in other inferior
persons ; especially where he loveth.
But, howsoever the cause is to us unknown, this good duke of Gloucester, albeit being both the king''s sole uncle, and having so many well-willcrs through the whole realm, yet lacked nt)t he his Satan, Hisene- lacked uot he liis sccrct maligncrs. Of whom, specially, was Henry ""'^*" Beaufort, cardinal, bishop of Winchester, and chancellor of England ; Avho, of long time disdaining and envying the rule and authority of this duke, first had disposed and appointed himself to remove the king''s person from Eltham unto AVindsor, out of the duke''s hands, The ma- and there to put in such governors as him listed. After that, intcnd- wo'rking ing the duke''s death, he set men of arms and archers at the end of "*' *l'*^ London-bridge, and fore-barring the liighway with a draw-chain, set against men in chambers, cellars, and windows, with bows and arrows, and ^""' other weapons, to the purposed destruction both of the duke and his retinue, if God had not so disposed to turn his journey another way. Beside other manifold injuries and molestations, the ambitious car- dinal, seeking by all means to be pope, procured such trouble against him, that great division was thereby in the whole realm ; insomuch that all the shops within the city of London were shut, for fear of the favourers of these two great personages : for each part had assembled no small number of people. For the pacifying whereof, the arch- bishop of Canterbury, and the duke of C'oimbra, called the prince of Portugal, rode seven times in one day, between those two adver- saries. Such were then the troubles of this tunudtuous division within the realm, and all by the excitation of this unquiet cardinal. William Over and beside this cardinal afore-mentioned, another ca])ital ene- duke^o'f''' ™y ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ '^'^'^^ ^^^^ William de la Pole, first carl, then manjuis, suifoik, at last duke of Suffolk ; a man very ill reported of in stories, to be not uc^cause ^^|^ ^|^^^ organ and instrument of this good man's death, but also to G^ouces- ^^ ^^^^ annoyance of the commonwealth, and ruin of the realm. For, ter's by him, and his only device, was first concluded the unprofitable and unVofit- unhonourable marriage between the king and lady Marg-arct, daughter ri'age™^'^ of the dukc of Anjou ; whereas the king had concluded and contracteil between ^ niarriagc, before, with tlie daughter of the earl of Armagnac, upon Henry couditious SO uiuch luorc profitable and honourable, as more convenient Margaret! it is for a priucc to marry a wife with riches and friends, than to take a maid with nothing, and disinherit himself and his realm of old rights and ancient inheritance : which so came to pass. And all this the good duke did well foresee, and declared no less : but his counsel would not be taken. Whereupon followed first, the giving away the duchy of Anjou, and the city of Maine, with the whole country of Maine, to Rene, duke of Anjou, and father of the damsel, called then king of Sicily and of Jerusalem, having thereof no penny profit, but only a vain name to play withal.
Another sore enemy and mortal plague to this duke was the queen herself, lately before married to the king; who, being of haughty
THE TROUBLES OF DUKE HUMPHREY. 715
stomach, and all set upon glory, of wit and wiliness lacking nothing, Henn, and perceiving her husband to be simple of wit, and easy to be ruled, ^^'
took upon her to rule and govern both the king and kingdom. And A.D. because the advice and counsel of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, ^HZi. was somewhat a stay that her authority and regiment could not so ''^'^^ fully proceed ; and, partly, because the said duke before did disagree enemy to from that marriage, this manly woman and courageous queen ceased '^"^ '*"'^®' not, by all imaginations and practices possible, to set forward his The ma- destruction, having also for her helper herein the duke of Bucking- woman? ham, &c.
These being his principal enemies and mortal foes, fearing lest some commotion might arise, if such a prince, so near the king''s blood, and so dear to the people, and of all men so beloved, should be openly executed and put to death, they devised how to entrap him, and circumvent him unknowing and unprovided : for the more a snare speedy furtherance whereof a parliament was summoned to be kept the inno- at Bury, a.d. 1447, far from the citizens of London, as William pj^"!:^^ Tindal in his Book of Practice writeth ; where resorted all the peers ment at of the realm, and amongst them the duke of Gloucester, thinking no "'^^' harm to any man, and less to himself. Who, on the second day of the session was, by the lord Beaumond, high constable then of England, accompanied with the duke of Buckingham and others, arrested, apprehended, and put in ward, and, upon the same, all his servants discharged and put from him ; of whom thirty-two of the principal, being also under arrest, were dispersed into divers prisons, to the great murmuring and grievances of the people. After this arrest thus done, and the duke put into ward, the night after (saith Hall ; six nights after, saith Fabian and Polychron.), he was found dead in cruei his bed, the 24th of February, and his body showed to the lords and mm-tyr"-'^ commons, as though he had been taken naturally with some sudden dom^of disease. And although no wound in his body could be seen, yet to duke of all indifferent persons it might well be judged, that he died of no '^Ir?'^''^' natural pang, but of some violent hand. Some suspected him to be strangled, some that a whole spit was privily forced into his body ; some affirm that he was stifled between two feather beds. After the death of this duke, and his body being interred at St. Alban's, after he had politicly, by the space of twenty-five years, governed this realm, five of his household, to wit, one knight, three esquires, and a yeoman, were arraigned, and convicted to be hanged, drawn, and quartered. Who, being hanged and cut down half alive, the marquis of Suffolk, there present, showed the charter of the king's pardon, and so they were delivered. Notwithstanding, all this could not appease the grudge of the people, saying, That the saving of the servants was no amends for the murdering of the master.
In this cruel fact of these persons, who did so conspire and consent Judg-
ment of
pon
to the death of this noble man, and who thought thereby to work God u their own safety, the marvellous works of God's judgment appear ^^°^%^^° herein to be noted ; who, as in all other like cruel policies of man, so ed the in this also, turned all their policies clean contrary ; so that where the queen thought most to preserve her husband in honour, and herself in state, thereby both she lost her husband, her husband lost his realm, the realm lost Anjou, Normandy, the duchy of Aquitaine, with all
"16 DEATH OF THE CARDINAL OF WINCHESTER.
He^'ry hcr parts beyond the sea, Calais only excepted ; as, in the sequel of the . matter, whoso will read the stories, shall riirht well understand.
A.D. The next year following, it followed also that the cardinal, who was • the principal artificer and ringleader of all this mischief, was suffered
Thedeath of God uo longer to live. Of whose wicked conditions, being more
of the ^ ' o
cardiiia!. hirgclv sct fortli iu Edward Hall, I omit here to speak. What he
Beauiort. jjiu^gpjf gpake on his death-bed, for example to others, I thought not
best to pretermit ; who, hearing that he should die, and that there
was no remedy, murmured and grudged, wherefore he should die
His words having so much riches, saying. That if the whole realm would save
death, ^is life, he was able either by policy to get it, or by riches to buy it ;
adding and saying moreover, " Fie," quoth he, " will not death be
hired ? will money do nothing ? When my nephew of Bedford died,
I thought myself half up the wheel, but when I saw mine other
nephew of Gloucester deceased, then I thought myself able to be
equal with kings, and so thought to increase my treasure, in hope to
have worn the triple crown," &c.' And thus is the rich bishop of
AVinchester with all his pomp and riches gone ; with which riches he
was able, not only to build schools, colleges, and universities, but also
Mas able to sustain the king's armies in Mar (as is specified in stories)
Avithout any taxing of the commons.
M-iiiiam In whose scat next succeeded William Wanfleet, preferred to the
blJholTof bishopric of Winchester ; M'ho, though he had less substance, yet liav-
Minches- jj^g ^ miud uiore godly disposed, did found and erect the college of
Magda- Mary JSlagdalen, in Oxford ; for which foundation as there have been,
lege''"'' and be yet, many students bound to yield grateful thanks unto God,
builded.
so
I must needs confess myself to be one, except I M-ill be unkind.
Among the other mischievous adversaries who sought and wrought the death of Humphrey duke of Gloucester, next to the cardinal of Winchester (M'ho,as is said, died the next year folloMing),Mas "William God;s de la Pole, marquis of Suffolk, M'ho also lived not long after, nor long ment ' escapcd unpunished. For, although he M-as highly exalted, by the ma°quis^ means of the queen (whose man-iage he only procured), unto the favour ofsuffoik. of the king, and M'as made duke of Suffolk, and magnified of the people, and bare the whole SMay in the realm, mIiosc acts and facts his vain glorious head caused also, by the assent of the commons, tf) be recorded, and substantially to be registered in the rolls of the parlia- ment, for a perpetual renown to him and all his posterity for ever ; The vain y^t, uotM'ithstanding, the hand of God's judgment still hanging over manV^ him, hc enjoyed not long this his triumphant victory : for, Mithin heart for thrcc ycars after the death and ruin of the cardinal, the voices of the ?^ ""?- uliole commons of England Mere utterly turned aijainst him, accus-
imseLi
The duke '"p ^1""' "^ the parliament at the Black-Friars, for delivery of the
accused.
duchy of Anjou, and the earldom of Maine ; also for the death of the com-'^ noble prince Humphrey, duke of Gloucester. They imputed, more- mons. QSQi_^ to him the loss of all Normandy, lapng unto him, that he Mas a swalloM'er-up and consumer of the king's treasure, the expeller of all good and virtuous counsellors from the king, and advancer of vicious persons, apparent adversaries to the public Mcalth; so that he Mas cjdled in every man's mouth, a traitor, a murderer, and a robber of the king's treasure.
(1) Ex Ed war. Hallo.
DEATH OF THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK. 717
The queen, albeit she tenderly loved the duke, yet, to appease the i^'-nry exclamation of the commons, was forced to commit him to the Tower : L_
where he, with as much pleasure and liberty as could be, remained for A. D. a month, which being expired, he was delivered and restored again ^^-^Q- unto his old place, and former favour with the king ; whereat the people more grudged than before. It happened by the occasion of a commotion then beginning amongst the rude people, by one whom they called Bluebeard, that the parliament was for that time adjourned to Leicester, the queen thinking by force and rigour of law to repress, there, the malice and evil-will conceived against the duke. But at that place few of the nobility would appear : wherefore it was again rejourned unto London, and kept at Westminster, where was a whole company, and a full appearance with the king and queen, and with them the duke of Suffolk, as chief counsellor. The commons, not forgetting their old grudge, renewed again their former articles and accusations against the said duke, against the bishop of Salisbury, and The duke sir James Fynies., lord Say, and others. When the king perceived that accused. no glossing nor dissimulation would serve to appease the continual clamour of the importunate commons, to make some quiet pacification, first, he sequestered from him the lord Say, treasurer of England, and other the duke's adherents from their offices. Then he put in exile the duke of Suffolk for a term of five years ; supposing, by that space, the furious rage of the people would assuage. But the hand of God Example would not suffer the guiltless blood of Humphrey duke of Glou- "[^g"'^* cester to be unrevenged, or that flagitious person further to continue. "J- b'/jod"* For when he was shipped in Suffolk, intending to be transported into revenged. France, he w\as encountered with a ship of war belonging to the Tower, ^dtcad-''* whereby he was taken, and brought into Dover-roads, and there, on the ^d. side of a ship-boat, one struck off his head : which was a. d. l-iSO.
And thus have ye heard the full story and discourse of duke Hum- phrey, and of all his adversaries ; also of God's condign punishment upon them for their bloody cruelty. But before I remove from the said story of the aforesaid duke, and of the proud cardinal his enemy, I will here annex, by the way, a certain instrument, by the king and advice of his council, made against the said cardinal, talcing upon him to enter into this realm as legate from the pope, contrary to the old laws and customs of this realm ; as by the words of the said instrument hereunder in Latin may well appear.' The sum and effect whereof in English is this :
(1) " In Dei nomine, amen. Per pr£Esens publicum instrumentum cunctis appareat evideiiter, quod A. D. 1428, indictione septima pontificatus sanct. in Christo patris, et D. nostri D. Martini, etc.
" Ego Richardus Candry, procurator et nomine procuratorio christianissimi principis domini Hen rici, Dei gratia regis Angliae et Franciae, et domini Hiberniae, domini mei supremi, de assensu pari, ter et advisaraento Ulustris et potentis principis Humfredi ducis Glocestrias, comitis Pembrochia?, protectoris et defensoris regni Anglias et ecclesiae Anglicanoe, et ca;terorum dominonim meoruni de consilio suae regiae celsitudinis ac consilium ejusdem facientium et hac vice repraesentantium, dico, allego, et in his scriptis propono, quod dictus christianissimus princeps, dominus meus su- premus, suique inclytissimi progenitores diet! regni AnglieO reges fuerunt et sunt, tam special! privilegio, quam consuetudine laudabili legitimeque praescripta, necnon a tempore et per tempus (cujus contrarii memoria hominum nonexistit)pacifice et inconcusse observata, sulRcienter dotati, legitimeque muniti, quod nuUus apostollcae sedis legatus venire debeat in regnum suura Angliae, aut alias suas terras et dominia, nisi ad regis Angliae pro tempore existentis vocationem, petitio- nem, requisitionem, invitationem, seu rogatum : Fueruntque et sunt dicti christianissimus prin- ceps dominus meus supremus ac sui inclyti progenitores, hujusmodi reges Angliae, in possessione quasi juris et facti privilegii, et consuetudinis praedictorum, absque interruptione quacunque, toto et omni tempore supradicto, pacitice et quiete Romanis pontificibus, per totum tempus supradic- tum, praemissa omnia et singula scientibus, tolerantibus, et iisdem consentientibus tam tacite quam eapresse, ac extra omnem et omHimodam possessionem, quasi juris et facti, legatum hujus- luodi (ut prffifertur) in regnum Angliae aut alias suas terras et dominia raittendi, nisi ad vocatio- nem, petitionem, requisitionem, et rogatum regis Angliae pro tempore existentis. Et quia
718 THE BENEFIT AND IXVEKTION OF rUINTING.
ifenry g^|Jg(_J^J^(>g (jf ^Ijp King'^s Writ against admitting the Pope's Legate.
■^•^- In the year of our Lord 1128, as the king, with duke Humphrey lord pro- ^"^50. tector, and the rest of the council, were in the duke's house in the parish of St. Bennet's by Paul's-wharf, one Richard Candray, procurator, in the king's name and behalf, did protest and denounce, by this public instrument : that whereas the king and all his progenitors, kings before liim of this realm of England, have been heretofore possessed, time out of mind, with special privilege and custom used and observed in tliis realm from time to time, that no legate from the apostolic see should enter into this land or any of the king's dominions, without the calling, petition, request, invitement, or desire of the king; and forasmuch as Henry, bishop of Winchester, and cardinal of St. Euscbius, hath presumed so to enter as legate from the pope, being neither called, sent for, required, nor desired by the king ; therefore the said Richard Candray, in the king's name, doth protest by this instrument, that it standeth not with the king's mind or intent, by the advice of his council, to admit, approve, or ratify the coming of the said legate in any wise, in derogation of the rights, customs and laws of this his realm ; or to recognise, or assent to, any exercise of this his authority legatine, or to any acts, attempts, or hereafter by him to be attempted in this respect, contrary to the foresaid laws, rights, customs, and liberties of this realm, by these presents, &c.
And thus much as an appendix, annexed to the story of dulic Hum- phrey, and the cardinal of Winchester, extracted out of an okl v.rittcn volume, remaining in the hands of Master William Bowyer.
€:[)e SJnbention and 2Bene|it of ^nntln0,'
In following the course and order of years, -vvc find this aforesaid year of our Lord 1450, to be litmous and memorable, for the divine and miraculous invention of printing. Nauclerus, and Wim- phelingus following him, refer the invention thereof to the year 1440. In Paralipomena,^ it is recorded this facidty to be found, A.D. 1446. Aventinus and Zicglerus do say, a.d. 1450. The first inventor thereof (as most agree) is thought to be a German, dwelling first in Strasburg, afterwards citizen of Mentz, named John Faiistus, a goldsmith. The occasion of this invention first was by engraving the letters of the alphabet in metal ; who then, laying black ink upon the metal, gave the form of letters in paper. The man being indus- trious and active, perceiving that, thought to proceed further, and to prove whether it would frame as well in words, and in whole sen- tences, as it did in letters. "Which when he perceived to come well to pass, he made certain others of his counsel, one John Guttein- bcrg and Peter SchafFerd, binding them by their oath to keep silence for a season. After ten years John Guttemberg, copartner with John Faustus, began then first to broach the matter at Strasburg.
reveretidis. in Cliristo Patri, et D. D. Henricus Dei gratia, etc. sancti Euscbii presbyter, cardi ■ nalis saiicta; eedis Romaiia;, legatum se airimians, wore legati, iiisigniis apostolira; di^Miitalis uteris, abiiiiuc vocatione, petitioiie, requisitionc, invitatione, aur ropatu christiaiiissimi dumini nostri repis prsEdicti, inclytum regnum Anglix de facto est iniyressus, protector igitur p.-ilBm, ct publico in his scriptis nomine et vice quibus supra ac omnium ipsius doniini nostri reps subdito- rum, quod non fuit, aut est intentionis prmfati cbristianiss. prinripis, domini mei suprcmi, ac dictorum dominoruni meorura de consilio, in derof;ationem lepum, jurium, consuetudinuni, libur- tatum ct privilegiorum dicti D. nostri regis ac regni, ingressum luijusmodi dicti revcrendiss. patris, ut legati in Angliam, authoritate ratificare, vel approbare, scu ipsum ut Icpatum sedis apostoliciE in Angliam, contra leges, jura, consuetudines, libertates et privilegia pra-dicta quovis- modo admiltcre scu recognoscere ; aut excrcitio legationis, seu hujusmodi, aliquibusvc per ipsum ut legatura sedis apost. actis, seu agcndis, attentatis, seu attentandis advcrsus pva^raissa, lepes Jura, consuetudines, libertates, et privilegia, in aliquo consentirc, sed disscntire; sicque dissc:i{i( dJctus dominus nosier rex, alqne disscntiuiit dicti domini niei de consilio, per prasentes," etc.
(1) ICx typographia? [invention"] per Mattha-uni Judicem. [Copcnhngii, 15C6, p. H ; or in IVoii . Monuiiienta Typofc-raph. i. 85.] (2) Paralip. Abbatis Ursp.
THE BENEFIT AND INVENTION OF PRINTING. 719
The art, being yet but rude, in process of time was set forward by u^nry inventive wits, adding more and more to the perfection thereof ; in the
number of Avhom, John Mentel, John Prus, and Adolphus Ruschius, A. D. were great helpers. Ulricas Han, in Latin called Gallus, first brought ^'*^Q- it to Rome ; whereof the epigram was made :
" Anser Tarpeii ciistos, vigilando quod alis Appendix.
Constreperes, Gallus decidit. Ultor adest. Ulricus Gallus, ne quern poscantiir iu usum,
Edocuit pennis nil opus esse tuis."'
Notwithstanding, Avhat man soever was the instrument, without all Printing doubt God himself was the ordainer and disposer tliereof; no other- G(™!'° wise than he was of the gift of tongues, and that for a singular pur- pose. And well may this gift of printing be resembled to the Likened gift of tongues : for like as God then spake with many tongues, and ^"ff Jfj yet all that would not turn the Jews ; so now, when the Holy Ghost tongues. speaketh to the adversaries in innumerable sorts of books, yet they will not be converted, nor turn to the gospel.
Now, to consider to what end and purpose the Lord hath given this gift of printing to the earth, and to what gieat utility and necessity it serveth, it is not hard to judge, whoso wisely perpendeth both the time of the sending, and the sequel which thereof ensueth.
And first, touching the time of this faculty given to the use of The time man, this is to be marked, that when the bishop of Rome, with all ed"when the whole and full consent of the cardinals, patriarchs, archbishops, priming bishops, abbots, priors, lawyers, doctors, provosts, deans, archdeacons, found. assembled together in the council of Constance, had condemned poor John Huss and Jerome of Prague to death for heresy, notwithstand- ing they were no heretics ; and after they had subdued the Bohemians and all the whole world under the supreme authority of the Romish see ; and had made all christian people obedienciaries and vassals unto the same, having (as one would say) all the world at their will, so that the matter now was past, not only the power of all men, but the hope also of any man to be recovered : in this very time so dan- gerous and desperate, where man''s power could do no more, there the blessed wisdom and omnipotent power of the Lord began to work for his church ; not with sword and target to subdue his exalted adver- sary, but with printing, ■wiiting, and reading: to convince darkness by light, error by truth, ignorance by learning. So that by this means of printing, the secret operation of God hath heaped upon that proud kingdom a double confusion. For whereas the bishop of Rome had Double burned John Huss before, and Jerome of Prague, who neither denied ,'",p"J"o,e" his transubstantiation, nor his supremacy, nor yet his popish mass, P"pe by^ but said mass, and heard mass themselves ; neither spake against his purgatory, nor any other great matter of his popish doctrine, but only exclaimed against his excessive and pompous pride, his un- christian or rather antichristian abomination of life : thus, while he could not abide his wickedness only of life to be touched, but made it heresy, or at least matter of death, whatsoever was spoken against his detestable conversation and manners, God, of his secret judgment, seeing time to help his church, hath found a way, by this faculty of printing, not only to confound his life and conversation, which before
(1) Carmen Ant. Campani
720 THE BENEFIT AND IN'VENTIOX OF PRINTING.
Henry he could Hot abide to be touclicd, but also to cast down tlie founda- tion of his standing ; tliat is, to examine, confute, and detect his
A. D. doctrine, laws, and institutions most detestable, in such sort, that ^ "^' though his life were never so pure, yet his doctrine standing as it doth, no man is so blind but he may see, that either the pope is Antichrist, or else that Antichrist is near cousin to the pope; and all this doth and will, hereafter, more and more appear by printing. The reason whereof is this : for that hereby tongues are known, The fruit knowledge groweth, judgment increaseth, books are dispersed, tlui of prmt-' Scripture is seen, the doctors be read, stories be opened, times com- ing- pared, truth discerned, falsehood detected, and with finger pointed, and all (as I said) through the benefit of printing. Wherefore I suppose, that either the pope must abolish printing, or he must seek a new world to reign over : for else, as this world standeth, printing doubtless will abolish him. But the pope, and all his col- lege of cardinals, must this understand : that through the light of printing the world beginneth now to have eyes to see, and heads to judge ; he cannot walk so invisible in a net, but he will be spied. And although, through might, he stopped the mouth of John Huss before, and of Jerome, that they might not preach, thinking to make his kingdom sure; yet, instead of John Huss and others, God hath opened the Press to preach, whose voice the pope is never able to stop with all the puissance of his triple crown. By this printing, as by the gift of tongues, and as by the singular organ of the Holy Ghost, the doctrine of the gospel soundeth to all nations and countries under heaven ; and what God revealeth to one man, is dispersed to many, and what is known in one nation, is opened to all. Good The first and best were for the bishop of Rome, by the benefit of
tn'ttir' printing, to learn and know the truth. If he will not, let him well un- derstand that printing is not set up for nought. To strive against the stream it availeth not. What the pope hath lost, since printing and the press began to preach, let him cast his counters. First, when Erasmus wrote, and Frobenius printed, what a blow thereby was given to all friars and monks in the Avorld .? And who sceth not that the pen of Luther, following after Erasmus, and set forward by writing, hath set the triple crown so awry on the pope*'s head, that it is like never to be set straight again "^
Briefly, if there were no demonstration to lead, yet by this one argument of printing, the bishop of Rome might understand the counsel and purpose of the Lortl to work against him, having pro- vided such a way in earth, that almost how many printing presses there be in the world, so many block-houses there be against the high castle of St. Angelo ; so that either the pope must abolish knowledge and printing, or printing at length will root him out.' For if a man wisely consider the hold and standing of the pope, thus he may re- pute with himself: that as nothing made the pope strong in time past, but lack of knowledge and ignorance of sinii)le Christians ; so, con- trariwise, now nothing doth debilitate and shake the high spire of his papacy so much, as reading, preaching, knowledge, and judgment;
(I) So prcarhod the vicar of Croydon in the days of kiuR Henry VIII., at Paul'i Cross, wyiaB. that cither we must root out printinj^, or else printinp will root uiit us.
pope.
THE BKXEFIT AND INVENTIOK OF I'llINTING. 751
that is to say, the fruit of printing, whereof some experience Ave see /^s"ry
already, and more is like (by the Lord's blessing) to follow. For _-'
although, through outward force and violent cruelty, tongues dare not A. D. speak, yet the hearts of men daily, no doubt, be instructed through this benefit of printing. And though the pope both now by cruelty, and m times past by ignorance, had all under his possession, yet, neither must he think that violence will always continue, ncitlier must he hope for that now which he had then ; forasmuch as in tliose former days books then were scarce, and also of such excessive price, that few could attain to the buying, fewer to the reading and studying thereof; which books now, by means of this art, are made easy unto all men.
* Herein ^ also appeareth the prophecy of the Sibyls to be fulfilled, who, long time before, had prophesied, that flax and line should sub- vert and overthrow Antichrist, God"'s enemy. Wherefore, as God, by his marvellous providence, for the advancement of his glory, gave the understanding of this art or science, for the abolishing of igno- rance and idolatry, so, as in these our days, we may well perceive and see how that the pope, tliat Great Antichrist of Rome, could never have been suppressed, and, being suppressed, could not have been kept under, except this most excellent science of printing had been maintained ; whereby the shameful hypocrisy of the papists is de- tected and discovered unto the whole world, and God's truth and glory manifestly set forth and advanced.*
Ye heard before,^ how Nicholas Belward bought a New Testament in those days for four marks and forty pence, ^^•l^ereas now, the same price will well serve forty persons with so many books.
Moreover, it was before noted and declared by the testimony of Armachanus, how, for defect of books and good authors, both uni- versities were decayed, and good wits kept in ignorance, while begging friars, scraping all the wealth from other priests, heaped up all books that could be gotten, into their own libraries ; where, either they did not diligently apply them, or else did not rightly use them, or at least kept them from such as more fruitfully Avould have perused them. In this then so great rarity, and also dearth of good books, when neither they who could have books would well use them, nor they that would, could have them to use, what marvel if the greediness of a few pre- lates did abuse the blindness of those days, to the advancement of themselves ? Wherefore Almighty God, of his merciful providence, seeing both what lacked in the church, and how also to remedy the same, for the advancement of his glory, gave the understanding of this excellent art or science of printing, Avhereby three singular com- modities at one time came into the world. First, the price of all Triple books is diminished. Secondly, the speedy help of reading is more 1°^^" furthered. And thirdly, the plenty of all good authors is enlarged; printing,, according as Campanus, bishop of Abruzzo, doth truly report :
' Imprimit ille die, quantum non scribitiir anno.'
The Press, in one day, will do in printing, That none, in one year, can do in writing.
By reason whereof, as printing of books ministered matter of read- ing, so reading brought learning, learning showed light, by the bright-
fl) See Edition 1563, p 362 — Ed. (2) See above, p. 597.— Ed.
VOL. III. 3 A
l22 THli I.AMKXTABLE I.OSIXC. OF COXSTANTIXOPI.E.
ii.nry ncss vlRTcot' ])liml ijjnorancc was suppressed, error detected, f.rd '■^ finally, God's ^dory, with truth of his word, advanced. This foculty of
A. D. printing was after the invention of guns, the space of one hundred and
^^■'^•'^- thirty years ; which latter invention was also found in Germany,
"^^'''*" A.D.'l380. And thus much for the worthy commendation of printing.
were first
invented. THE LAMENTABLE LOSING OF COXSTANTIKOPLE.
A.D. 1453, Constantinus Paleologus, being emperor of Constan- tinople, the twenty-ninth day of INlay, the great city of Constantinople was taken by the Turk Mahomet after tlie siege of fifty-four days ; ■which siege began in the beginning of April. Within the city, besides the citizens, were but only six thousand rescuers of the Greeks, and tlu-ee thousand of the Venetians and Genoese. Against these, Mahomet brought an army of four hundred thousand, collected out of the countries and places adjoining near about; as out of Grecia, Illyrica, Wallachia, Dardanis, Triballis, Bulgaria, out of Bithynia, App^ii^r. Galatia, Lydia, Cilicia, and such others; which places liad the name vet of Christians. Thus, one neighbour, for lucre's sake, helped to destroy another.
The citv was compassed of the Turks both by the sea and land. Mahomet the 'J'urk divided his army into three sundry parts, which in three parts of the city so beat the walls and brake them down, that they attempted, by the breaches thereof, to enter the city. But the valiantness of the Christians therein won much commendation ; whose duke Mas called .Tohn .Tustinianus, of Genoa. But forasmuch as the assaults were great, and the number of the christian soldiers daily deci-eased, fighting both at the walls and at the haven against such a multitude of the Turks, they were not able long to hold out. Besides the armies which lay battering at the walls, the Turk had, upon the sea, his navy of two hundred and fifty sail, lying upon the haven of the city, reaching from the one side of the haven's mouth unto the otlier, as if a bridge should be made from the one bank to the other; Avhich haven by the citizens was barred with iron chains, wliercby the 'J\u-ks were kept out a certain space. Against Mhich navy seven slii])s there were of Genoa within the haven, and three of Crete, and certain of Chios, which stood against them. Also the soldiers, issuing out of the city as occasion would serve, did manfully gainstand them, and with wildfire set tlieir ships on fire, that for a certain space they could serve to no use. At length the chains being burst, and a way made, the Turk's navy entered the haven, and assaulted the city ; whereby the Turk began to conceive great hope, and was in forward- Tyranny ness to'obtain the city. The assault and skirmish then waxing more Turk'to- l"^t, Mahomet the tyrant, stood by, upon a hill, with his warriors ward his about luui, cryiug and howling out unto them to scale the walls and *"'"""-'"■ enter the town: otherwise, if any reculed,' he threatened to kill them ; and so he did. Wherefore a great number of his soldiers, in their repulse and retire, were slain by the Tvnk's men, being sent by his commandment to slay them : and so they were justly served, and well payed their hire.
Although this was some comfort to the Christians, to see and behold, out of the city, the Turk's retinue so consumed, yet that
(1) " Ilccule," to recoil or rebel.— Ed.
THE LAMENTABLE LOSING OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 723
hope lasted not long. Shortly after, by rage of war, it happened Uenrs that Justinian, the duke above-named, was hurt ; who, notwithstand- ^^'
ing that he was earnestly desired by Paleologus the emperor, not to A. D. leave his tower which he had to keep, seeing his wound was not deadly ^'*^"^-
Justi- nian.
bloody victory
horrible ramiy
dangerous, yet could he not be entreated to tarry, but left his stand- ^g"^^;^^"" ing, and his fort dis-furnished, setting none in his place to award the duk same. And so this doughty duke, hurt more with his false heart " than with force of weapon, gave over and fled to Chios, where, shortly after, for sorrow, rather than for soreness of his wound, he died. Many of his soldiers, seeing their captain flee, followed after, leaving their fort utterly destitute without defence. The Turks, under- The em- standing that vantage, soon burst into the city : the emperor Paleo- conTtmi- golus seeing no other way but to flee, making toward the gate, either ';"!'pi«^
, . "^ 1 Til -11 1-1 • 1 • 1 slam; tho
was slam, or else trodden down with the multitude ; in which gate city won. eight hundred dead men''s bodies were found and taken up.
The city of Constantinople thus being got, the Turks, sacking and The ranging about the streets, houses, and corners, did put to the sword most unmercifully whomsoever thev found, both aged and younff, 2!"","' matrons, virgins, children and infants, sparing none. The noble \ matrons and virgins were horribly used ; the goods of the city, the treasures in houses, the ornaments in churches were all sacked and spoiled ; the pictures of Christ opprobriously handled, in hatred of Christ. The spoil and havoc of the city lasted three days together, while the barbarous soldiers murdered and rifled Avhat them listed.
These things thus being done, and the tumult ceased, after three Thi days Mahomet the Turk entereth into the city ; and first calling for {^ the heads and ancients of the city, such as he found to be left alive, he commanded them to be mangled and cut in pieces. It is also (saith my author) reported, that in the feasts of the Turks, honest matrons and virgins, and such as were of the king's stock, after other con- tumelies, were hewn and cut in pieces for their disport.
And this was the end of that princely and famous city of Con- constan- stantinople, beginning first with Constantine, and ending also with caih-j^' Constantine, which, for the princely royalty thereof, was named and jj*-"* ever honoured, from the time of the first Constantine, equally with the city of Rome, and called also by the name thereof New Rome, and also continued the space of eleven hundred and twenty years. I pray God that Old Rome may learn of New Rome, to take heed and beware betimes.
'J'liis terrible destruction of the city of Constantinople, the queen a wam- of cities, I thought here to describe, not so much to set forth the c,rHs°te*^i barbarous cruelty of these filthy rake-hells and merciless murderers ; <Jom by as specially for this, that we, being admonished by the doleful ruin tinopie. and misery of these our even christened, may call to mind the plagues and miseries deserved, which seem to hang no less over our own heads, and thereby may learn betimes to iuvocate, and call more earnestly upon, the name of our terrible and merciful God, that he, for his Son's sake, will keep us, and preserve his church among us, and mitigate those plagues and sorrows, which we no less have de- served, than these above minded have done before us. Christ grant it, Amen ! '
(1) Ex Hist. Wittenbergica Peuceri, 3 A %
'J'24 THK HISTORY OF REYNOLD PEACOCK.
• itfje l^i.^tory of fieynolD peacocfe, 2?isljop of C^icfje^tct,
A.D.
1457. AFFLICTED AND TORMENTED BY THE FALSE RISHOPS FOR HIS GODLINESS, AND PROFESSION OF THE GOSPEL.'
*It is not to be marvelled at, if the tyranny of these men did so prevail, and overrun the lay-citizcns and common sort of priests, that neither the mitre, nor the anointing, could make the bishops themselves to live in safety ; so is there no kind of degree or order, in Avhich some fruit, as clusters of the vineyard, doth not spring and grow up unto the Lord ; as amongst priests, monks, friars, lay-men, soldiers, and courtiers, of -whom -sve have somewhat spoken before ; the order of the bishops only was behind, being yet slow and barren in bringing forth fruit. Howbeit it is not to be doubted but that the Lord, even amongst them, hath his remainder, who have not bowed their knees unto Baal, as in times past the Pharisaical people had their Nicodemus and Gamaliel : although that these kind of people are very rare and hard to be found ; and few of them, either for fear of peril, or loss of substance, dare openly profess that -which they do think. Amongst the rest we will bring forth and allege this one" man, Peacock, bishop, first by the title of St. Asaph, if there ■were any such saint, and afterward of Chichester.
This man, after he had received into his heart some sparks of the pure and sincere religion (all be it that he did not greatly attempt any thing against the bishops in this troublous time), foreseeing and providing for his own safe-guard as much as he might, yet could he not so iurk, or lie hidden, but that at length he was perceived. These men have so many marks, so many eyes, so many suspicions, that there can be none so small a thing -which may pass or scape them ; no so high estate or dignity, unto which these men, through their cruel and unshamefaced tyranny, will not give assualt : in so much that now they begin not only to be feared of the common people, but also to be a terror unto kings and princes. Peacock was taken and carried straight unto Lambeth ; 'J'homas Burschere, archbishop of Canterbury, then primate, beaiing all the rule.
Then the doctors and bishops gathered together into the arch- 'bishop's court, in which convocation the duke of Buckingham was present, accompanied with the bishop of Rochester, and the bishop of Lincoln, where, besides many other articles, the presence of the ,bread in the sacrament was laid unto Peacock : insonnich that the knot of amity and concord -which Avas ordained by Christ, to the great comfort of the church, (1 know not by what means.) through the envy of Satan, is turned into a matter of most grievous discord and dissension amongst Christians, hisomuch that there hath in a manner no matter continued so many years more pernicious or hurtful unto men's salvation, than that from whence the chief seed or offspring of mutual consolation and comfort of nun's life, ought to be taken and sought for.
For what other thing doth the communicating of the Lord's body and blood declare unto us, but first of all a testimony and witness of
(1) For this admirable preamble to the history of Reynold 'Peacock, see Edition 1563, pp. 363— 8G7; also the Latin Edition, 1569, pp. lOf— IH.— Lu.
THE BENEFIT OF THE SACRAMENT TO THE SOUL. 725
his benefits towards us, and of our amity and joining with him ? For Henry we do understand by the bread, which is communicate and given unto ^^' every man, that his body once broken was given unto all and every one A.D. of us. So likewise the cup, passing through us all in order, declareth ^^57.^ that the blood once shed for us, not for Himself alone, was, as it were, bestowed for the salvation of all men, Tlierefore, lest any man should think that His passion should be vain, but that it alone should work in all men (as many as do believe or hereafter shall believe) absolute and perfect peace and quietness, and eternal re- freshing of the soul, now languishing with over-long hunger ; there- fore, as a figure and remembrance of that thing, is the bread together with the cup set before us ; which, being received into the outward man, it is easy to be understanded what the sacrifice of his body, applied unto us by faith, worketh in our inward souh For by faith that sacrifice is to be applied, if we will have it profit us any thing at all : for, except the meat be received, it engendereth no nourishing. Therefore we are commanded to eat. Even so, where faith doth not receive Christ, there is no hope of life or quiet- ness of soul ; the body is quickened up with eternal life, by the bread which is received, albeit that the bread alone, without the cup, is not of so great effect ; neither otherwise is the body and blood of Christ as common meat, but mystical and spiritual food, wherewithal our bodies are not fed, but our spiritual parts and mem- bers. For corporal and bodily things are apt and fit for bodies, and spiritual things for the spiritual parts. Therefore I call this, spiritual food or sustenance ; for as much as whatsoever effect corporal food worketh in the sustentation of the body, the same doth Christ w^ork in our spiritual soul. That is to say : he feedeth it, refresheth, quickeneth, maketh it joyful, maintaineth and supporteth it, and re- storeth it unto everlasting life ; giveth peace unto the unquiet con- science, reconcileth the Father''s wrath, pacifieth the displeasure of sin, and giveth all kind of abundance of heavenlv grace ; and, finally, H"y ,
" o . o '^ ■ / 5 Christ 8
whatsoever force and power the meat outwardly received hath in body is the visible body, the like power and strength doth the Son of God "^'^^'' perform in our invisible members, if he be received with faith. Thus, not without cause, he is called food in the mystical Scriptures, where the Lord himself prophesieth, saying : " Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man, and drink his blood, you shall have no life in you ;''"' in which place the bare words are not to be looked upon, but the analogy oi them ; that, like as the Son of God is meat, so our faith should be the mouth and the belly. How the same should be received, it is already declared by the Jews, who, seeking salvation by righteousness of the law, and by works, there- fore fell away from God, because they, being filled and stuffed up. with other meats, have not eaten the flesh of the Son of Man ; that is to say, because they did not believe upon his anointed. The same likewise will happen unto the Turks, whatsoever works they do Avork by the law , as unto us also there is none other way or mean of salvation appointed in any thing, than only by belief in Jesus Christ. There be many kinds of meat, but one only which bringeth forth eternal life; for the Jews have their meats which are unsavoury
<'26 WHAT IT IS THAT DOTH JUSTIFY US.
Jf'nry letters, Avhicli they do yet gnaw \ipon. Tlie Turks also have their
'. — unsavoury meats, which are also feathered tliercupon ; -wliich do
A. I), nothing else but fill and stretch out the belly and bowels, and engen- 1 }■)". (igj. j^p lively juice; and we also, playing in a manner the Jews"' part, have our dishes filled Avith divers and sundry ceremonies, tradi- tions, rites, superstitions, and works. This man trusteth much in long pilgrimages ; another tarricth at home, devoutly ])raying unto saints ; another giveth much unto the high altar, and to building of churches; another getteth him a holy vesture, wherein he thinkcth liimself safe from all evil spirits. There be also some, who think to help themselves much, by often hearing of masses. How much confidence do many put in pardons bought, or in confession of their A^l'dix. sins unto the priest! And as these lets aregatlieredsomewhereelsc, than in the secret gardens of the Scripture ; so were tiiere other accidents more near unto the Scriptures than they, which, notwith- standing, for so much as they are nothing else but, as it Avere, the sauces of that one meat, they are very foolishly taken of many for the meat itself; as fasting, praying, ■watching, alms, and such other like works of charity, and of the law, which being used as sauces, have their sweet savour. For there is but only one meat which is effectual unto everlasting life, unto such as do eat it, which is the flesh of Christ Jesus ; the eating whereof, if we will interpret the allegory, is our faith taking hold of Christ, which alone, without all help, doth only justify us. Where this faith is not present, it is sin, a filthy and vile thing, and a defiled cloth, whatsoever man's holi- ness doth; and it is mere folly, whatsoever the wisdom of man taketh in hand, or goeth about. Finally, the unhappy hunger of the soul can by no other means be remedied or liol})en, but only by this heavenly food, after that Christ came down from heaven, Avho was offered up for us by his death, pacifying all things. Tliey were but vanities before, Avhatsoever man's traditions did show unto us. There "was great study and care had for good works, wherewitluil every man laboured to mitigate and assuage his hunger : but they were all vanities, whatsoever man''s power or the elements of this Avorld did show unto us : the soul was wounded, and could not cure itself; it lacked another kind of medicine. The thirst was great, which might be remedied, but could not be satisfied ; it might be watered or quenched with blood, otherwise it coidd not be assuaged with any liquor of man's invention. Wherefore the Lord doth not unaptly call himself ' meat,' and his blood verily ' drink :' not that it is so in deed, according to the outward sense, but that under the covered sense of this sacrament, he might declare what our fiiith doth work upon him.
Thou, pcradvcnture, believest in Christ, and sayest that he is dead for thee ; wilt thou then understand and know, what effect his death doth work in thee ? Thou comest to this supper, and, first of all, the bread and the wine is set before thee, which doth pass into thv bodv. To what end is that done ? To none other end, but only that thev should nourish thee. Therefore art thou commanded to take and eat.
But what wilt thou eat ? Truly if there were none other thiug meant in it, tlie matter were not of great importance. But. foraj-
THE SACRAMEXT IS BUT A FIGURE. 72^
much as the bare elements are not set afore thee, but under the iremy name of the Lord's body and blood, thou mayest well judge that ._!Z_ there is some mystery contained herein, which may admonish or warn A. D. thee. But what mystery thinkcst thou is contained therein ? What ^'^^'^- other canst thou judge, than that thereby thou mayest behold and see, as it were in a seal, what the body and blood of our Lord, being shed for thee, doth work in thy soul ? even the very same effect that the bread and the drink do work in the external body. Therefore do the bread and wine take the name of the body and blood, that by the one, the power and operation of the other may the better be understood and known : not that the same should be bread according to his substance which is the body of Christ ; but that we, conferring the power and effect of both of them together, may be admonished and warned by the bread, whose memory it is, that we do celebrate by the bread. Wherefore the bread and Christ do wholly differ in the predicament of substance, while that they do understand the quality for the substance, and do not diligently seek out the power and mystery of his passion, only staying themselves upon his passion, and passing over to seek out the power and operation of his death, in which the whole principal point doth consist : in the other part there IS not so great profit or benefit received by them, who either behold or handle the same. Let us also here allege the figures of the old law, and especially such as are compared unto memorials. The people of Israel, what time they were amongst the Egyptians, the same night that they should be delivered, were commanded to kill a lamb, which, without all doubt, did signify that Christ should come. But how ? did it foreshow the same, according to any part of the substance "^ No, verily : for there is no man that will say that Christ Avas a lamb indeed, but according to certain qualities and properties of the same. Therefore were they commanded to take a young lamb, without any si)ot. What is more simple than a lamb ? what is more pure than that which is without spot? and, finally, what can be more like unto Christ ?
And, contrariwise, according to the reason of the substance, what can be more unlike the same ? Likewise may be said of the cow, with other sacrifices and oblations of the Jews, by which Christ was foreshowed by certain marks, very aptly, when, notwithstanding, their substance was greatly repugnant and contrary. Why do we then in these sacraments so greedily seek for the concordance of the sub- stance, when it doth not greatly pertain unto the purpose ? For the mystery doth not lie hid in the matter itself, but rather in more secret notes and marks of things, by which the bread and the body of Christ, the wine and his blood, are correspondent, the one unto the other, by a mutual analogy ; which analogy, when the christian mind doth consider and weigh Avith himself, of necessity he doth thereby get a great confirmation and establishing of his faith, toge- ther Avith great consolation and comfort of his conscience ; and, specially, unto such as be afflicted and troubled in spirit, and do labour, being heavy laden. For what can be more acceptable or more pleasant unto that heart, than, Avhere he doth not only believe, but also seeth plainly set forth, as it Avere, before his eyes, his sins freely to be forgiven him ; his long, great hungc' to be satisfied, as it were
128 THE STUEKGTII AXD POWER OF THE DEATH OF CHRlsT.
Henry at a banquct ; and to be ccniverted into all kind of fulness: all the ^^ tumults and vexations, -wliicli gnaw and trouble the mind, to be at A.D. quietness; all fear of damnation utterly to be avoided; and most ^'^•^^- firm and steadfast hope of salvation to be come in place ; and that he shall now enjoy with his God most joyful peace and quietness ? And that, not by reason of any of his own merits, neither by any works or labours achieved ; not because he had fasted so long, or filled up so many bushels or measures Avith prayers ; not by this or that kind of hurting or tormenting his body, or being clothed in this or that colour, or being conversant in any kind of religion : but freely, tlirough tlie only faith in Christ, who is made the redemption for our sins, that lie alone might worthily be called the bread of our life. Otherwise, if there were any other help or preferment unto salvation but only Christ, then were not he the only bread of life : and, as this bread wliicii came down from heaven is freely given unto us, so is it the only bread, neither doth it require any other food or sustentation ; albeit that all other meats do require bread.
Thus, christian reader, thou seest so great strength and power in this death and passion, which, albeit it be invisible, and cannot be perceived with our bodily senses (howsoever that it may be noted or figured out), yet the Lord could by no means more aptly or plainly set out unto us so secret a mystery, than by this kind of sensible sacrament. What is more familiar or common unto the world, than daily bread and drink, by the continual use whereof the life of man is restored and maintained ? and what thing comes nearer to the declaration of this unspeakable mystery than they, if we do behold the power, strength, and properties thereof, and not the sub- stance. Wherefore, not without great cause and deep consideration, the Lord himself did give unto us bread and wine, which Ave should receive for his body and blood ; not for any necessity in tlie things themselves, but. by this means, providing for ourdulness and slowness, which is accustomed to be led by none other means than by the out- ward senses and eyes ; that thereby he might the more finnly esta- blish our faith, and make our consolation and comfort in him the more full and certain. And whereupon now is this great frowardness sprung up amongst Christians, that they, envying their own so great felicity, that they now convert and tuj-n that into a snare of their own destruction, which is given us by the Lord to be our only comfort and consolation ? Amongst the Greeks, in times past, the celebrating of this communion Avas called ' Eucharistia ;"* in Avhich they received the benefit of salvation, and the Lord again received of them thanks- giving. But Avhere is noAv this love, thanksgiAnng, and charity, become ? Avhen, for our salvation, received of the Lord, we destroy our brother, Ave shed his blood Avhom the Lord redeemed Avith his precious blood ; and for none other occasion, but only for that Avhich ought to teach us all kind of meekness and gentleness toAvards all men. I grant that the purity and sincerity of the doctrine is to be defended ; but what kind of defence call you this, Avhcn men are first slain and put to death, and afterwards Ave seek out and discourse, in the synods, parliaments, universities, and schools, whether the matter and cause be true and certain or not .'* And the matter is yet before the Judge ! David did not deserve to put to his hand or help to
CRUEL TIMES, AND PEACTICES OF THE CHURCir. 729
the building of the temple of God, because he came bloody out of so Henry
many battles and slaughters of men ; albeit that they were most just L_
battles, and that he took them not upon him Avithout the prescribed A. D. commandment of God. Notwithstanding, the business was left ^'^'^^- wholly unto Solomon to be performed and finished, who succeeded his father in peace and quietness. So likewise let us feign the cause here to be just and true ; let us grant that it cannot be proved that Christ's words have any ambiguous sense. Notwithstanding, by mine opinion, it is greatly to be looked upon, and taken heed of, with what lenity and gentleness these christian princes, and tliese holy builders of the Lord's temple, do execute and use their office ; and it is diligently to be marked, lest that thing which is lawful in them, be not likewise allowed of the Lord. How many, before this man Peacock, and how many, since his death, have there been devoured and swallowed up by the bloody bishops ! Yet do I not here dis- course whether the cause were just and true or no. But admit it were most true, yet in mine opinion, it is greatly to be respected and regarded with what hands they do come to the building of the holy temple of God. Besides that, I will here pass over and speak nothing how unjust and false their cause is.
But now I return again unto Peacock, of whom, notwithstanding, I will not rehearse all things, for Ids injurious handling is long, and the circumstances thereof very long. I will only touch the principal points. When the articles were laid against him, and that they had charged this catholic bishop with the grievous and heinous name of heresy, they, by and by, made haste to give judgment. For these are the kinds of disputations which are now used amongst Christians: that if any controversy do rise in the church, or that there be any disputation about any ambiguous sense of the Scripture, straightway it is converted and turned into a matter of judgment; so that learning hath lost her liberty, the schools are changed into courts of judg- ment, where it is not looked for who shall vanquish or win, but whether of them shall live. Instead of the adversary, the judge sitteth ; and, in place of the pen, the sword is drawn ; which, for the most part, doth not fall upon him who is worst or most wicked, but upon the most inferior and weak ; and this may be their liberty which is used in pleading, that, whereas before the face and eyes of the one, death is set; the other, although he be overcome with reason, yet doth he vanquish and overcome by power. How much have we Christians gone astray in these days from the footsteps and examples of the ancient church ! AVhat more cruel time of heresies was there, than even in that age, when St. Jerome did live ? I will not here report with how grievous heresies the church was infected. Yet, notwith- standing, they were not driven unto this severity of judgment, if any did dissent or disagree from the residue : for there was no need of it. For why ? the errors were so manifestly declared and tossed in the books of the doctors, in which the reader might quietly with him- self judge, which was confirmable or agreeable in either part, and what contrariwise. How oftentimes doth St. Jerome, in equal and open contentions, provoke his adversaries to read over his writings, epistles, and apologies, as unto places abundantly discussing such matters ; neither suffering his own liberties to be taken from him,
780
PAPISTS OVEKCOME BY FORCE.
Henry ncithcT talvliiof away others.' " I will not," said he, " that he shoiill.
^ answer me, who by power and ini<,dit iiiay oppress me, but teach me
A.D. cannot."" Notwiihstanding, he did no less prevail in this behalf, ^'^^'' in seeking out the ])eril.s and dangers of opinions, but much more liappily and fortunately satisfied also them who did contend ; and conlirnied and established the others who were in doubt. How little could Helvidins, Jovinianus, and Pelagius, prevail in sowing of their oj)inions and heresies, when that St. .Ierome''s works, being so elo- quently written, were once spread abroad, and read ! AV'hat heresy was it so largely spread over all, which, as soon as St. Augustine's works were once published, did not, by and bv, keep silence, as though the voice or speech thereof had been utterly taken away ; or, •when St. Jerome began to shine in the church, who is no less to be feared in his books, than any judge sitting in the place of judgment. But now we have lost all those learned contentions ; or, more truly to s])eak, we have lost such heads and rulers of the ehmx-h as St. Au- gustine and St. Jerome were, who have knowledge and understanding to dispute Avith learning and eloquence. But, in their place, there is such posterity crept in, as which, with mere power and violence, do for the most part defend that, which they cannot judge or discern, when they are not able to accomplish the matter bv learning. Yet notwithstanding learned men must now, Avill thev, nil they, speak and answer to their unlearned law : or else let them learn, by the peril and danger of this man Peacock, to keep silence and hold their peace.
For how do they vanquish or overcome him with learning, accord- ing to the example of their elders ? Do they overthrow him w iili eloquence, or confound him with writing ? do they subdue him w iih arguments, or subvert him by learning or judgment ? or else do thev, as St. Jerome saith, set foot to foot, conferring together, and bring- to light the secret snares of errors .'' or do they convince th.era, when they are so made manifest, and violently take away the victory from the man, although he do never so much resist .'' Finally, they do either force him to silence, or put him to shame ; so compassing him round about with snares and nets of reasons, that he dare not, not once, open his mouth against them ; but also he cannot, though he would. And with such helps and means, they ought to proceed in such matters, if they Avere learned men. If they be not learned, why have they the rule in determining controversies in the church ? why is the pooreblind sulfered to judge colours .'' If it were a false matter wliich Peacock did sustain, there was no doubt but that he might easily have l)een overcome, if any learnetl man had withstood him with apt and fit arguments, who, by the dexterity of learning, and by the force and power of the Scriptures, might have caused the truth and goodness of the matter to have had the upper hand ; such as in our forefathers' days were wont to root out errois.
But now, it may thus be thought, that amongst them, either thev lacked some fit champions to delend the truth, who might be equal unto him in doing the business ; or else that their matters seemed very doubtful unto them, in which they durst not, in ecpial balance, contend and strive, but that they fly straightway to judgnu^nt, as unto their only fort and defence, where thev do not contend with
THE HISTORY OF REYXOLD PEACOCK. 781
learning, but with tlireatcnings and autliovity ; wlierewitlial it is Henry easy to vanquish and overcome even tlie most wise and learned men. ^ ^' When Peacock was brought before the judges and bishops, althougli he A. I), did nothing prevail, notwithstanding he declared many things worthv ^'^•^^- of a good divine, and armed himself with all kind of armour, both for the defence of his life and cause. They, on the contrary part, with like labour and pain, laboured and travailed for their dignity and gain ; and so much the more earnestly, because they had now gotten such an adversary, whose authority, the higher and greater it was in the church, they supposed it would bring the greater ruin and decay of their tyranny and estimation unto the people. They, fearing this, and the matter being as it were even now brought to hand- strokes, they thought good to use all kind of preparation and to show their power and strength, all that ever they might. Wherefore the most subtle and exquisite sophisters, philosophers, divines, and orators, were called for, besides centurions of lawyers, and decretists, whose use and help in these matters is greatly esteemed.
First of all the matter was attempted with private colloquies, and, by and by after, a terrible form of judgment was appointed, threat- ening present death unto him. To these terrors often were adjoined threatening exhortations, and quarrellings, and oftentimes there lacked no flattering promises, as cups mingled with the venomous enchant- ment of Circe. And, finally, there is no stone left unturned ; they entreat him ; desire him ; they earnestly lay upon him ; they require him with fair means ; they threaten him ; they make him fair pro- mises ; they flatter him. Moreover they grant him a further time to consult and repent, whereby the delay of his death might make his life the sweeter unto him : they bid him speedily to foresee and look unto himself, affirming that there was yet great hope both of having his life and dignity, if he would recant and forsake his opinions.*
After the death of Henry Cliichesley above mentioned, next sue- The story cceded John Stafford, a.d. 14-1'3, who continued nearly nine years, noi.'i Pca- After him came John Kemp, a.d. 1452, who sat but one year and '°'^'^- a half. Then succeeded Thomas Burschere. In the time of which ^pp^'"^- archbishop fell the trouble of Reynold Peacock, bishop of Chichester, afflicted by the pope's prelates for his faith and profession of the gospel. Of this bishop. Hall also, in his Chronology, touchetha little mention, declaring that an overthwart judgment, as he termeth it, was given by the fathers of the spiritualty against him. " This man," saith he, ''began to move questions not privately, but openly in the univer- sities, concerning the Annates or Peter-pence, and other jurisdictions and authorities pertaining to the see of Rome ; and not only put forth the questions, but declared his mind and opinion in the same : wherefore he was for this cause abjured at PauFs Cross." Thus much of him writeth Hall. Of whom also recordeth Polychronicon, but in few words. This bishop, first of St. Asaph, then of Chichester, so long as duke Humphrey lived, by whom he was promoted and much made of, was quiet and safe, and also bold to dispute and to write his mind, and wrote, as Leland recordeth, divers books and treatises. But after that good duke was thus, as ye have heard, made away, this good man, lacking his back-stay, was open to his enemies, arid
732 THE HISTORY 01- REYNOLD PEACOCK.
iirnry matter soon found against liim. Whtreupon he being complained
: of, and accused by privy and malignant promoters unto the arch-
A.D. bishop, letters first were directed down from the archbishop, to cite ^'^^^- all men to appear that could say any thing against hiin. The form of which citation here ensueth.
Copy of the Citation sent by Thomas Bowchcr, alias Burschere, Archbishop of Canterbury.
Thomas, by the pennission of God archbishop of Canterbury, prhiiate of all Eiighiiid, and legate of the apostolic see, to all and singular parsons, vicars, chaplains, curates and not curates, clerks and learned men, whatsoever they be, constituted and ordained in any place throughout our province of Canterbury, health, grace, and benediction.
We have received a grievous complaint of our reverend fellow-brother, Reynold Peacock bishop of Chichester, containing in it : that, albeit our said reverend fellow-brother, the bishop, delivered unto us certain books written by him in the English tongiie, by us and our authority to be examined, corrected, reformed, and allowed : notwithstanding many (the examination and reforma- tion of the said books depending and remaining before us undiscussed) have openly preached and taught at Paul's Cross in London, and in divers other iplaces of our province of Canterbury, that our said fellow-brother the bishop hath propounded, made, and written, or caused to be written, in the said 'books, certain conclusions repugnant to the true faith, and that he doth obsti- nately liold and defend the same ; by the pretence of which preaching and teaching, the state and good name and fame of the lord Reynold the bishop, are grievously offended and hurt, and he and his opinions marvellously bur* "dened. Wherefore we charge you all together, and severally apart do command you, firmly enjoniing you, that openly and generally you do warn, or cause to be warned, all and singular such persons, who will object any thing contrary and against the conclusions of our said reverend fellow-brother the bishop, had or contained in his books or writings ; that the twentieth day after such moni- tion or warning had, they do freely, of their own accord, appear before us and our commissaries in this behalf appointed, wheresoever we shall then be, in our city, diocese, or province of Canterbury, to speak, propound, allege, and aiiirm fully and sufficiently in writing, whatsoever heretical or erroneous matter they will speak, propound, or object, against the said conclusions contained in his said books ; and both to satisfy and receive, whatsoever shall seem meet and right in this behalf Ijy the holy institution and ordinances.
And forasmuch as this matter depending yet undetermined and undiscussed, nothing ought to be attempted or renewed, we charge you that, by tiiis our authority, you inhibit and forbid all and every one so to preach and teach here- after. Unto whom also we, by the tenor of these presents, do likewise forbid, that, during the examination of the conclusions and books aforesaid, depending before us and our commissaries undiscussed, they do not presume by any means, without good advice and judgment, to preach, judge, and affirm, any thing to the prejudice or offence of the said lord Reynold tlie bishop : and if so be you do find any in this behalf gainsaying or not obeying this our inhibition, that you do cite or cause them peremptorily to be cited, to appear before us or our commissaries, in this behalf appointed, the tenth day after their citation, if it be a coiu-t day, or else the next court-day following, wheresoever we shall then be, in our citj', diocese, or province of Canterbury, to make ftu-ther de- claration, by form of law, of the cause of their disobedience, and to receive such punishment as justice and equity shall determine in that behalf; and that by your letters you do duly certify us or our commissaries, what you have done in the premises, at the day and place aforesaid; or that he who hath so executed o\w commandment, do so certify us by his letters.
Dated at our manor of Lambeth, the 22d day of October, a. d. 1-157, and in the fourth year of our translation.
Pt-acork
appcariih Tliis citation being directed, the bisiiop, upon the summons tliereoi; Ktil'. was brought, or rather came, before the judges and bishops unto
PEACOCK APPEAKETH AT LAIMBETH.
Lambeth, where the aforesaid Thomas the archbishop, with his H^nry doctors and lawyers, were gathered together in the archbishop'i
VI.
court ; in which convention also, the duke of Buckingham was A. D. present, accompanied by the bishops of Rochester and Lincoln. ^'^^^- What were the opinions and articles against him objected, after- wards, in his revocation, shall be specified. In his answering for himself, in such a company of the pope's friends, albeit he could not prevail, notwithstanding he, stoutly defending himself, declared many things worthy great commendation of learning, if learning against power could have prevailed.
But they, on the contrary part, with all labour and travail extended Great la- themselves*^ either to reduce him, or else to confound him. As here ^Xce° lacked no blustering words of terror and threatening, so also many J^^^^^^ fair flattering words and gentle persuasions were admixed withal, opinions. Briefly, to make a short narration of a long and busy traverse, here was no stone left unturned, no ways unproved, either by fair means to entreat him, or by terrible menaces to terrify his mind, till at length, he, being vanquished and overcome by the bishops, began to faint, and gave over. Whereupon, by and by, a recantation was put unto him by the bishops, which he should declare before the people. The copy of which his recantation here followeth.
The Form and Manner of the Retractation of Reynold Peacock.
In the name of God, Amen. Before you, the most reverend father in Christ and lord, tlie lord Thomas, by the grace of God archbishop of Canterbury, pri- mate of England and legate of the apostolic see : I Reynold Peacock, unworthy, bishop of Chichester, do purely, willingly, simply, and absolutely confess and acknowledge, that 1, in times past, that is to say, by the space of these twenty years last past and more, have otherwise conceived, holden, taught, and written, as touching the sacraments, and the articles of the faith, than the holy church of Rome, and imiversal church ; and also that I have made, written, published, and set forth, many and divers pernicious doctrines, books, works, writings, heresies, contraiy to and against the true catholic and apostolic faith, containing in them errors contrary to the cathoHc faith, and especially these errors and heresies hereunder written.^
I. First of all. That we are not bound, by the necessity of faith, to beheve Articles that our Lord Jesus Christ, after his death, descended into hell. if M^b"'
II. Item, That it is not necessary to salvation to believe in the holy catholic peacoJk. church.
III. Item, That it is not necessary to salvation to believe the communion of saints.
IV. Item, That it is not necessary to salvation to affirm the body materially in the Sacrament.
V. Item, That the imiversal church may err in matters which pertain unto faith.
VI. Item, That it is not necessary unto salvation to believe that that, which every general council doth universally ordain, approve, or determine, should necessarily, for the help of our faith, and the salvation of souls, be approved and holden of all faithfid Christians,
Wherefore I Reynold Peacock, wretched sinner, who have long walked in darkness, and now, by the merciful disposition and ordinance of God, am re- duced and brought again unto the light and way of truth, and restored unto the unity of our holy mother the church, renounce and forsake all errors and here- sies aforesaid.
Notwithstanding, godly reader, it is not to be believed that Peacock
(1) Ex Regist.
73i THE HISTORY OF KF.YNOLD PKAOOCK.
Ucnry did SO o-ivc ovtT tlicsc opiiiioiis. howsoever tlie words of the rcoantation ])retcnd. For it is a policy and ])l:iy of the bishojjs, tliat wlien they
A.I), do subdue or overcome anv man, they carry him whither they list, as ^ ^'^^- it were a voun^ steer bv the nose, and frame out his words for him beforehand, as it were for a parrot, what he should speak unto the people ; not according to his own will, but after their lust and fantasy. Neither is it to be doubted but that this bishop repented him afterwards of his recantation ; which may easily be judged hereby, because he ■was committed again to prison, and detained captive, where it is un- certain whether he was opj)ressed with privy and secret tyranny, and there obtained the crown of martyrdom, or no. Articles The dictionary of Thomas Gascoigne I have not in my hands at Im±,^' present : but, if credit be to be given to such as have to us alleged the ed^by ""' book, this we may find in the eighth century of John Bale, chapter xi.x. ; Tiiomas tliat the said Thomas Gascoigne, in the third part of his said dictionary, coi-ne. writing of Reynold Peacock, maketh declaration of his articles, con- taining in fhcm matter of sore heresy.' First, saith he, Reynold Pea- cock, at PauFs Cross, preached openly, that the office of a christian ])relate, chiefly, above all other things, is to preach the word of God. That man's reason is not to be prefeiTcd before the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament. That the use of the sacraments, as they be now handled, is worse than the use of the law of nature. That bishops wlio buy their admissions of the bishop of Rome, do sin. That no man is bcmnd to believe and obey the determination of the church of Rome. Also tliat the riches of the bishops, by inheritance, are the goods of the poor. Item, that the apostles themselves, personally, Avere not the makers of the Creed; and that in the same Creed, once, ■was not the article, " He went down to hell."" Item, that of the four senses of the Scripture none is to be taken, but tlic very first and pro- per sense. Also, that he gave little estimation, in some points, to the authority of the old doctors. Item, that he condemned the wilful begging of the friars, as a thing idle and needless. This out of Tho- mas Gascoigne. Leland also, adding this moreover, saith, that he, not contented to follow the catholic sentence of the church, in inter- preting of the Scripture, did not think soundly (as he judged it) of the holy Eucharist, roiirock At length, for these and such other articles, the said Reynold Pca- fn'pri'son. ^"'^^^ ^^''^^ Condemned for a heretic, by the archbishops and by the bishops of Rochester, Lincoln, and Winchester, ■with other divines more. Whereupon he, being driven to his recantation, was notwithstanding detained still in prison ; where some say, that he was privily made aw.iy by death.
Mall addeth, that some say his opinions to be, that spiritual persons, by (iod's law, ought to have no temporal possessions. Others write, that he said, that personal tithes were not due by God's law. But whatsoever the cause was, lie was caused at PauFs Cross to abjure, and all his books burned, and he himself kept in his own house during his I'oiydore natural life. I marvel that Polydore, of this extremity of the bishop's """"'• handling, and of his articles, in liis history maketh no memorial. Be- like it made but little for the hojiesty of his great master the pope.
(1) Ex Tho. Gascoig. lib de Doctrinu Tlieolog. part iil.
THE EMPEROR CROWNED BY THE POPE. 735
From persecution and bm-ning in England, now out of the way to Renry
digress a little, to speak of foreign matters of the church of Rome : '. —
you remember before, in the latter end of the council of Basil, how A. D. Eugene was deposed. . ^^^''..
*The' Germans at that time were so divided, that some of them ^J;;,^,^^ did hold Avith Felix, and the council of Basil ; others with Eugene and the council of Ferrara ; and some with neither. It happened also, at the same time, a. d. l-i^-i', that the dauphin of France, set. on, as it is supposed by some, by the same Eugene, leading an army of twenty-five thousand men into Alsace, laid siege unto Basil to disturb the council, having, there, a great conflict with the Germans, not without great slaughter on both sides ; whereby the council could no longer be kept in Germany for the power of pope Eugene and his adherents, but only in France, through the pragmatical sanction of the French king. At length Eugene brought to pass, partly through the help of Frederic (being not yet emperor, but labouring for the empire), partly by his orators, in the number of whom was iEneas Sylvius above mentioned, amongst the Germans, that they were content to give over, both the council of Basil, and the neutrality.*
Of the conditions and martial affiiirs of Eugene, how he made war Eu<?ene against Sfortia, a famous captain of Italy, and what other wars he Z^luliix raised besides, not only in Italy, but also in Germany, against the city ^fi^rtia and council of Basil, I shall not need to make any long rehearsal, duers After his deposition ye heard also how Felix, duke of Savoy, was ^J^^^' elected pope. Whereupon another great schism followed in the Feiix. church during all the life of Eugene.
After his death, his next successor was pope Nicholas V., who, as you before have heard, brought so to pass with the emperor Frederic Empe- IIT., that Felix was contented to renounce and resign his papacy to b'?i7if[ngs Nicholas, and was therefore of him afterwards received to the room of ^^3^"",,^. cardinal for his submission ; and Frederic, for his working, was con- forL-.they firmed at Rome to be full emperor, and there crowned, a. d. 1451. edbytiie For emperors, before they be confirmed and crowned by the pope, are ^°^'^- no emperors, but only called kings of Romans.
This pope Nicholas here mentioned, to get and gather great sums of money, appointed a jubilee a. d. l-ioO, at which time there resorted a greater number of people unto Rome, than hath at any time before been seen. At which time we read in the story of Platina that to have liappened, which I thought here not unworthy to be noted for the example of the thing.^ As there was a great concourse of people Wniatiy resorting up to the mount Vatican to behold the image of our Saviour, ^""""^ ' which there they had to show to pilgrims, the people being thick going to and fro between the mount and the city, by chance a certain mule, belonging to the cardinal of St. Mark, came by the way, by reason whereof the people not being able to avoid the way, one or two falling upon the mule, there was such a press and throng upon that occasion on the bridge, that to the number of two hundred bodies of men, and three horses were there strangled, and on each side of the bridge many besides fell over into the water, and were drowned. By means of which occasion the pope afterwards caused the small houses to be
(I) See Edit'oi! ISCS, p 3ti9.— Ed. (2) Ex Platina de vitis.
.f.XEAS SYLVIUS THE POPE.
}i<'nry pluclccd dowD, to iHukc tlic wav broadcr. And tliis is the fi-uit that
VI
comcth by idolatry.'
A. D. In the time of this pope one Matthcus Pahiierius wrote a book ^^58. ' De Angelis,"* for defending whereof he was condemned by the pope, and burned at Corna, a. b, 1448.^
After Nicholas V. succeeded Calixtus III., who, amongst divers other things, ordained, both at noon and at evening the bell to toll the avcs, as it was used in the popish time, to help the soldiers that fought against the Turks; for which cause, also, he ordained the feast of the Transfiguration of the Lord, solemnizing it with like pardons and in- dulgences, as was Corpus Christi day. St. Ed- Also this pope, proceeding contrary to the councils of Constance ami CMter-^ Basil, decreed that no man should appeal from the pope to any coun- bury ca- cil. By him also St. Edmund of Canterbury, with divers others, were
nonized. ^ "^ • ,
made samts.
Next after this Calixtus succeeded Pius II., otherwise called .^neas
Sylvius, who Avrote the two books of commentaries upon the council Promo- of Basil before mentioned. This ^neas, at the time of the writing chokeih of thosc liis books, Seemed to be a man of an indifferent and tolerable religion, judgment and doctrine, from which he afterwards, being pope, seemed
to decline and swerve, seeking by all means possible how to deface and
abolish the books which heretofore he had written.
Sentences or Proverbs attributed unto this Pope Pius IT.
Tlie divine nature of God may rather be comprehended by faith, than by disputation.
Cliristian faith is to be considered, not by what reason it is proved, but from whom it procecdeth.
Neither can a covetous man be satisfied with money, nor a learned man witli knowledge.
Learning ought to be to poor men instead of silver, to noblemen instead of gold, and to princes instead of precious stones.
An artificial oration moveth fools, but not wise men.
Suitors in the law be as Ivirds : the court is the bait ; the judges be the nets ■ and the lawyers be the fowlers.
Men are to be given to dignities, and not dignities to men. The ofiice of a bishop is heav}^, but it is blessed to him that doth well bear it Marriage A bishop without learning may be likened to an ass.
of priests ^^ p^:jj physician desti-oyeth bodies, but an unlearned priest destroyeth souls. by^Eneas Marriage was taken from priests not without great reason ; but with muc h Sylvius, greater reason it ought to be restored again.
The like sentence to this last, he uttcreth in his second book of the Council of Basil before specified, saying, " Peradventure it were not the worst, that the most part of priests had their wives, for many should be saved in priestly marriage, who now, in unmarried priest- hood, arc damned." The same l*ius also, as Celius reporteth, dis- solved certain orders of nuns, of the orders of St. Bridget and St. Clare, bidding them to depart out. that they should burn no more, nor cover a harlot under the vesture of religion.
This Pius, if he had brought as much piety and godliness as he brought learning unto his i)()pc(lom, had excelled many popes that went before iiim.
fl) Ex rialina. (2) Ex Tritemio.
LETTER OF POPE PIUS TOUCHING THE PEACE OF THE CHURCH. 737
It shall not be impertinent here to touch, what the said ^Eneas, Hewy called Pius the Pope, writeth touching the peace of the church, unto ^^' Gasper Schlick, the emperor's chancellor, in his 54th epistle. A.D.
1461.
A Letter of Pope Pius, touching the Peace of the Church
All men do abhor and detest schism. The way to remedy this evil Charles, The way the French king, hath showed us both safe and brief ; which is, that princes or '° ''''" their orators should convent and assemble together in some common place, scht'm is where they may conclude upon matters amongst themselves. To bring this to ''>' ^^e pass, it were needful for writings to be sent again to all kings and princes to ''''"'^"'^^°' send their orators to Strasburg, or to Constance, with their full authority, there ^'^'"'^*'" to treat of matters appertaining to the peace of the church. Neither would it require so great expenses ; forasmuch as we see the year before three hundred gilders to be sufficient. Constantine, the emperor, bestowed not much more in the congregation of the council of Nice. And this way could not be stopped • neither could the pope or the council withstand it, or make excuse, as thouo-h this might not easily be done without them. For why 1 The secular princes may convent and assemble together, will they, nill they ; and yet notwithstand- ing unity may there be concluded ; for he shoiUd be an undoubted pope, whom all princes would obey. Neither do I see any of the clergy so constant to death, who will suffer martyrdom either for the one part or the other.' All we lightly hold that faith which our princes hold ; which if they woidd worship idols, we would also do the same, and deny not only the pope, but God also, if the secular power strain us thereunto, for charity is waxed cold, and all faith is gone. Howsoever it be, let us all desire and seek for peace ; which peace, whether it come by a council, or by assembly of princes, call it what you will, I care not, for we stand not upon the term, but upon the matter. Call bread, if you will, a stone, so you give it me to assuage my hunger. Whether you call it a council, or a conventicle, or an assembly, or a congregation, or a synagogue, that is no matter, so that schism may be excluded, and peace established.
Thus much out of the epistle of Pius. Thus again it may appear, of what sentence and mind this Pius was in the time of the council of Basil, before he was made pope.^ For, as our common proverb saith, " Honours change manners ;" so it happened with this Pius, who, after he came once to be pope, was much altered from Avhat he was before. For when before, he preferred general comicils before tiie pope, now, being pope, he did decree that no man should appeal from the high bishop of Rome to any general council.
And likewise for priests' marriage, whereas before he thought it best to have their wives restored, yet afterwards he altered his mind other- wise, insomuch that in his book treating of Germany, and there speak- ing of the noble city of Augsburg, by occasion he inveighed against a certain epistle of Huldericke, once bishop of the said city, written against the constitution of the single life of priests : whereby it appeareth how the mind of this Pius was altered from that it was before.* This epistle of Huldericke is before expressed at laro-e.^
Here also might I touch something concerning the discord betwixt Discord this ^neas Sylvius and Diether, archbishop of Mentz, and what ^'?'"'''^"
T 1 i-*i • r~i 1 1 T-1-, Pms and
discord was stirred up in (iermany upon tlie same between Frederic the arch- palatine of the Rhine, and the duke of Wirteniberg, with others ; by Menu."*^
(1) The pope's clergy will not abide the fire, either for princft, or pope.
(2) The breath of this pestilent seat corrupteth all that sit in it, whatsoever they were before.
(3) jEneas Sylvius, now puffed up with worldly pomp and glory, impugneth the truth which he did before both know and profess.
(4) Vol. ii. paye 8.— Er.
VOL. in. 3 B
•^33 GEORGE, KING OF BOHEMIA, CONDEMNED FOR HERESY.
Henry tlic occasion whereof, besides the slaughter of many, the city of Mentz, ^'- which was free before, lost her freedom and became servile.
A.D. The causes of the discord betwixt pope Pius and Dicther were H57. these: — First, Because that Dietiier would not consent unto him in the imposition of certain tallages and taxes within his country. Se- condly, For that Diethcr would not be bound unto him, requiring that the said Dicther, being prince-elector, should not call the other electors together without his license, that is, without the license of the bishop of Rome. And thirdly, Because Diether would not permit to the pope's legates, to convocate his clergy together after A.D.H58. their own lust. I'his pope Pius began his see about a.d. 14-38.
After this Pius II. succeeded Paul II., a pope wholly set upon his belly and ambition, and not so much void of all learning, as the hater of all learned men. This Paul, who had a daughter begotten in for- nication, because he saw her on that account to be had in reproach, began (as the stories report) to repent him of the law of the single life of priests, and went about to reform the same, had not death prevented him.*
After this Paul, came Sixtus IV., who builded up in Rome stews of both kinds, getting thereby no small revenues and rents unto the church of Romc.^ This pope, amongst his other acts, reduced the Ji'The"^'' year of Jubilee from the fiftieth unto the twenty-fifth. He also vummA instituted the feast of the Conception, and the Preservation of Mary Preserva- and Anna her mother and Joseph. Also he canonized Bonavcnture Lady. °^^ and St, Francis for saints.
Beads By this Sixtus also were beads brought in, and instituted to make
brought ^^^^, Lady's Psalter, through the occasion of one Alanus and his order,
whom Baptista maketh mention of in this verse : " Hi filo insert is
numerant sua murmura baccis ;" that is, " These men, putting their
beads upon a string, number their prayers." This Sixtus the pope
made two and thirty cardinals in his time, of whom Petrus Ruerius
was the first, who, for the time that he was cardinal, which was but
two years, spent in luxurious riot, wasted and consumed, two hundred
thousand florins, and was left sixty thousand in debt. Wesellus
Groningensis, in a certain treatise of his, ' De Indulgentiis Papalibus,'
writing of this pope Sixtus, reporteth this, That at the request of the
aforesaid Peter, cardinal, and of Jerome, his brother, the said pope
Sixtus permitted and granted unto the whole family of the cardinal of
St. Lucy, in the three hot months of summer, June, July, and August,
t a thing too horrible to be spoken ; with this clause, " Fiat ut petitur ;"
that is, " Be it as it is asked."
innocent Ncxt aftcr tliis Sixtus, camc Innocent VIII., as rude, and as far
He con- froiu all Icamiug, as his predecessor was before him. Amongst the
euThmcn noble facts of this pope this was one, that in the town of Poli in the
an^d six Campagna he caused eight men and six women, with the lord of the
forhwe- place, to be apprehended and taken, and judged for heretics, because
^^- that they said none of them was the vicar of Christ who came after
Georg^e, pctcr, but they only who followed the poverty of Christ. Also he
Bohemia, condemned of heresy, George, the king of Bohemia, and deprived
demned. Idui of liis dignity, and also of his kingdom, and procured his whole
(1) Ex Stanisla. Rutheno. Cent. viii. Bal. [Sec Appendix.]
(2) Sec Appendix. (3) Ibid.
T.ON'DON RESCIJKD BY PKINCE EDWAHD. ^B9
stock to be utterly rejected and put down, giving his kingdom to rrt-nrg
Mattliias, king of Pannonia. L_
A.D.
Now from tlie popes to descend to otker estates, it remainetb 1458. likewise somewhat to write of the emperors incident to this time, with matters and grievances of the Germans, and also other princes, first beginning with our troubles and mutations here at home, per- taining to the overthrow of this king Henry and his seat, now follow- ing to be showed. And briefly to contract long process of much Mischiefs tumult and business into a short narration, here is to be remembered, laiid"after which partly before was signified, how, after the death of the duke of the^death Gloucester, mischiefs came in by heaps upon the king and his realm, duke of For, after the giving away of Anjou and Maine to the Frenchmen, by tTr?"*^*^^" the unfortunate marriage of queen Margaret above-mentioned, the said Frenchmen, perceiving now by the death of the duke of Glou- cester, the stay and pillar of this commonwealth to be decayed, and seeing, moreover, the hearts of the nobility amongst themselves to be divided, foreslacked no time, having such an open way into Nor- mandy, that in short time they recovered the same, and also got Lands Gascony, so that no more noAv remained to England of all the parts of'uiY'^^*' beyond the sea, but only Calais. Neither yet did all the calamity of ^ ■'ench- the realm only rest in this : for the king, now having lost his niendly uncle, as the stay and staff of his age, who had brought him up so faithfully from his youth, was now thereby the more open to his ene- mies, and they more emboldened to set upon him ; as appeared first by Jack Cade, the Kentish captain, who, encamping first on Black- jack heath, afterwards aspired to London, and had the spoil thereof, the ^^'^^' king being driven into Warwickshire. After the suppression of Cade, ensued not long after the duke of York, who, being accom- The duke panied with three earls, set upon the king near to St. Alban's, where llJi^^ the king was taken in the field captive, and the duke of York was by ^^^ ^^"s- parliament declared protector ; which was a. d. 1454. After this fol-' Ap^nd.T. lowed long division and mortal war between the two houses of Lan- caster and York, continuing many years. At length about a. d. a.d.hco. 14G0, the duke of York was slain in battle by the queen, near to the town of Wakefield, and with him also his son, the earl of Rutland ; by which queen also, shortly after, in the same year, were discom- fited the earl of Warwick, and the duke of Norfolk, to whom the keeping of the king was committed by the duke of York ; and so the queen again delivered her husband.
After this victory obtained, the northern men, advanced not a The little in pride and courage, began to take upon them great attempts, me'n h[" not only to spoil and rob churches, and religious houses, and villages, \^f^^.^^ but also were fully intended, partly by themselves, partly by the in- version of du cement of their lords and captains, to sack, waste, and utterly to ^°"''°"- subvert the city of London, and to take the spoil thereof; and no doubt (saith my history') would have proceeded in their conceived greedy intent, had not the opportune favour of God provided a speedy remedy. For, as these mischiefs were in brewing, suddenly cometli London the noble prince Edward unto London with a mighty army, the 27th rescued day of February, who was the son and heir to the duke of York Edward?
(I) Ex historia manuscripta, cui titulus, ' Scala Mundi.' 9, Tx 9.
The title of Ed- ward to the crown L-d at
740 THE TITLE OF THE HOUSE OF YORK.
uenry abovc-moTitioned, accompanied vith the oail of Warwick, and divers - — i — more. King Henry, in the mean time, with his victory, went up to A. D. York ; when Edward, being at London, caused there to be pro- claimed certain articles concerning his title to the crown of England, which was the second day of March. Whereupon the next day fol- lowing, the lords both temporal and spiritual being assembled toge- ther, the said articles Avcre propounded, and also well approved. The 4th day of the said month of March, a. d. 1461, after a solemn general procession (according to the blind superstition of those days) the bishop of Exeter made a sermon at PauFs Cross, wherein he com- mended and proved, by manifold evidences, the title of prince Edward proved at ^0 bc just and lawful, answering in the same to all objections which cro"s* might bc made to the contrary. Hetaiceth This matter being thus discussed, prince Edward, accompanied sionofthe ^^^ ^^^ lords Spiritual and temporal, and with much concourse of crown, people, rodc the sanie day to AVestminstcr Hall, and there, by the full consent, as well of the lords, as also by the voice of all the commons, took his possession of the crown, and was called king Edward the Fourth.
These things thus accomplished at London, as to such a matter appertained, and preparation of money sufficiently being ministered of the people and commons, with most ready and willing minds, for the necessary furniture of his Avars ; he, with the duke of Norfolk, and the earl of Warwick, and lord Fauconbridgc, in all speedy wise took his journey toward king Henry, who, now being at York, and for- saken of the Londoners, had all his refuge only reposed in the northern men.
When king Edward with his army had passed over the river Trent, and was come near to Ferrybridge, where also the host of king between JJcnry was not for off, upon Palm Sunday, between Fen-ybridge and and Tadcaster, both the annies of the southern and northern men joined together in battle. And although, at the first beginning, divers horsemen of king Edward"'s side turned their backs, and spoiled the king of carriage and victuals, yet the courageous prince with his cap- tains, little discouraged therewith, fiercely and manfully set on their adversaries : which battle on both sides was so cruelly fought, that in the same conflict were slain to the number, as is reported, of thirty thousand of the poor commons, beside men of name. Notwithstand- ing, the conquest fell on king Edward's part, so that king Henry King having lost all, was forced to flee into Scotland, where also he gave up to the Scots the town of Berwick, after he had reigned eight and thirty years and a half.
Tlie claim and title of the duke of Vork, and after him of Edward liis son, put up to the lords and commons, whereby they challenged the crown to the house of York, is thus, in the story of Scalu Mundi, word for word, as hereunder is contained.
The Title of the House of York to the Crown of England.
Edward the Third, right king of England, had issue, first, prince Edward : secondly, William Hatfield : thirdly, Lionel : fourthly, John of Gaunt, iSvc. Prince Edward had Richard the Second, which died without issue. AN'iUiain Hatfield died without issue. Lionel, duke of Clarence, had issue lawfull) begot,
Fierce and cruel
Henry VI. coU'
THE TITLE OF THE HOUSE OF YORK. 741
Philippa, his only daughter and heir ; the which was lawfully coupled to Edmund Henri, Mortimer, earl of March, and had issue lawfully hegot, Roger Mortimer, earl ^'^- of March, and heir ; which Roger had issue, Edmund earl of March, Roger, ^ y Anne, and Alienor: Edmund and Alienor died without issue, and the said hq]'
Anne, by lawful matrimony was coupled unto Richard earl of Cambridge, the ■ '—
son of Edmund of Langley, who had issue and lawfully bare Richard Plantage- p/'^''?'^'^ net, now duke of York. John of Gaunt gat Henry, who unrightfully entreated agenet. king Richard, then being alive Edmund Mortimer earl of March, son of the said Philippa, daughter to Lionel. To the which Richard, duke of York and son to Anne, daughter to Roger Mortimer earl of March, son and heir to the said Philippa, daughter and heir to the said Lionel, the third son of king Edward the Third, the right and dignity of the crown appertained and belonged, afore any issue of the said John of Gaunt. Notwithstanding the said title of dignity of the said Richard of York, the said Richard desiring the wealth, rest, and pro- sperity of England, agreeth and consenteth that king Henry the Sixth should be had and taken for king of England during his natural life from this time, without hurt of his title.
Wherefore the king, understanding the said title of the said duke to be just, lawful, true, and sufficient, by the advice and assent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and the comn>ons in the parliament, and by the authority of the same parliament, declareth, approveth, ratifieth, confirmeth, and accepteth the said title for just, good, lawfiol and true ; and thereto giveth his assent and agreement of his free will and liberty. And over that, by the said advice and authority declareth, calleth, stablisheth, affirmeth, and reputeth the said Richard of York very true and rightful heir to the crown of England and France ; and that all other statutes and acts made by any of the late Henries, contrary to this advice, be annulled, repelled, damned, cancelled, void, and of no force or effect. The king agreed and consented that the said duke and his heirs shall after his natural life enjoy the crown, &c. Also, that all sayings and doings against the duke of York, shall be high treason, and all acts of parliaments contrary to this principal act be void and of none effect, &c.i
And thus much for the reign of king Henry VI., who now lacked his uncle and protector, duke of Gloucester, about him. But com- monly the lack of such friends is never felt before they be missed.
In the time of this king was budded the house in London, called Ltaiien- Leaden-hall, founded by one Simon Eyre, mayor once of the said sf^"',ianif city of London, a.d. 1445. tiiecon-'
Also the standard in Cheap, builded by John Wells, a.d. 1442 ; Fket-" the conduit in Fleet-street, by William Eastfield, a.d. 1438: item, 'nd New- Newgate, builded by the goods of Richaixl Whittington, a.d. 1422. ^^'f^^g"'^
Moreover the said Henry VI. founded the college of Eton, and or Eaton another house, having then the title of St. Nicholas, in Cambridge, King's. now called King"'s College.^
In the reign of this Henry VI., it is not to be passed over in silence, which we find noted in the parliament rolls, how that Lewis, archbishop of Rouen, after the death of the late bishop of Ely, had granted unto him by the pope's bulls, during his life, all the profits of the said bishopric, by the name of the administrator of the said bishopric. Lewis, the aforesaid archbishop, showed his bulls to the The king king, who utterly rejected his bulls. Notwithstanding, for his service thi^pope's done in France, the king granted to him the administration aforesaid, ^"''*- which, to all intents, at the petition of the said Lewis, should be aflBrmed to be of as great force as though he were bishop, touching profits, liberties, and hability.
Neither agam is here to be overpast a certain tragical act done
(I) Ex Scala Mundi. (2) lb.
of God' rod and judg- ment.
742 KIXG EDWAKD IV. BEGINS HIS IIKIOX.
jienry bctwecii E^asttT and Whitsuntide of a false Briton, a.d. 1427, -hIio
^^' murdered a good widow in lier bed (who had brouglit him up of
A. D. ahiis, without Aldgatc in the suburbs of London) and bare away all
^"^^^- tliat she had, and afterwards he took succour of holy church at St.
George's in Southwark ; but at last he took the cross, and forswore
Example the king's land.' And as he went his way, it happened him to come
by the same place where he had done that cursed deed ; and women
of the same parish came out with stones and channel-dung, and there
made an end of him in the High-street, so that he went no further,
notwithstanding the constables and other men also, who had him
under governance to conduct hun forward ; for there was a great
company of them, so that they were not able to withstand them.
EDWARD THE FOURTH.*
A.D. King Edward, after his conquest and victory achieved against
1461. king Henry,' returned again to London, where, upon the vigil of
~ St. Peter and Paul, being on a Sunday, he Avas crowned king of
England, and reigned twenty-two years, albeit not without great dis-
quietness, and much perturbation in his reign.
Queen QuccH Margaret, hearing how her husband was fled into Scotland,
fleesThe* was also fain to flee the land, and went to her father, duke of Anjou ;
laud. fj.Qj^^ Avhence, the next year following, she returned again, to renew
war against king Edward, Avith small succour and less luck. For
being encountered by the earl of Warwick, about November, she
Avas driven to the seas again, and by tempest of Aveathcr Avas driven
into Scotland.
A.D.1462. In this year Ave read that king EdAvard, in the cause of a certain
widoAv for rape, sat in his OAvn person in Westminster-hall, upon his
own bench, discussing her cause. »
A D.H63. The year following, king Henry, issuing out of Scotland with a
hIh? VI sufficient power of Scots and Frenchmen, came into the north
again re-" couutry to rccovcr the croAvn, unto Avhom the lord Radulph Percy,
tK-^'batric and lord Radulph Gray flying from king Edward, did adjoin them-
Exham. sclvcs : but the Lord so disposing, king Henry with his poAvcr Avas
repulsed in battle at Exham by the lord Mountecute, having then
the rule of the north ; Avhcre the duke of Somerset, lord Hungcrford,
lord Ross, Avith certain others Avere taken. The lord Radulph Percy
Avas slain, the residue fled. Albeit the history of 'Scala Mundi' referreth
this battle to the year 14G4, the 15th day of May : in Avhich month
of May Avere beheaded the duke of Somerset, lord Hungcrford, lord
Ross, lord Philip AVentAvorth, lord Thomas Hussy, lord Thomas
Findern, besides twenty-one others belonging to the retinue and
household of King Henry VL Queen Margaret, finding no resting
place here in England, took her progress again from Avhence she
came, learning in her OAvn country to drink that drink, Avhich she
herself had brewed here in Eng;Iand.
(1) Ex vetusto rod. cui iiiitium, nomina eustodem, &c. Et ex Fabiano. (i) Edition 1583, p. 712.— Ed. (H) Ex Scala Mundi.
THE WARS }?ETWKEN YORK AMD LANCASTER. 743
And not long after, the next year, a.d. 1465, on the day of St. Ed,mrd Peter and Paul, king Henry being found and known in a wood by — {!!_ one Cantlow (as they say), was arrested by the earl of Warwick, and A.D. at last, of a king made prisoner in the Tower of London. | Jl^fl.
In this mean time, king Edward after the motion of marriage kij_'!? for him being made, and first the lady Margaret, sister to James IV., taken, king of Scots, thought upon, but that motion taking no effect, after- and'com- waixls the lady Elizabeth, sister to Henry king of Castile, was ^iji'^'i ''^ intended ; but she being under age, the earl of Warwick turning Tower, then his legation and voyage to the French king, Louis XL, to obtain lady Bona, daughter of the duke of Savoy, and sister to Charlotte the French queen, and having obtained the same, liad cast fiivoiu upon one Elizabeth Grey, widow of sir John Grey, knight, slain before in the battle of St. Alban's, daughter to the duchess of Bed- ford, and lord Rivers ; and first went about to have her to his con- cubine. But she, as being unworthy (as she said) to be the wife of The such a high personage, so thinking herself too good to be his sudden concubine, in such sort won the king's heart, that incontinent, before ™^[''^^® the return of the earl of Warwick, he married her; at which marriage queen were no more than only the duchess of Bedford, two gentlewomen, beth"^ ihe priest, and the clerk. Upon this so hasty and unlucky marriage The first ensued no little trouble to the king, much bloodshed to the realm, ^=^^['^'"8 undoing almost to all her kindred, and finally confusion to king between EdM-ard's two sons, who both were declared afterwards to be bastards, Edward and also deprived of their lives. For the earl of Warwick, who ^1^'^^, 'Jj." had been the faithful friend and chief maintainer before of the king, "'^^^^l''''^^ at the hearing of this marriage, was therewith so grievously moved r°cP^' and chafed in his mind, that he never after sought any thing more, '^fng '' than how to work displeasure to the king, and to put him beside Edward, his cushion. And, although for a time he dissembled his wrath- ful mood, till he might spy a time convenient, and a Avorld to set forward his purpose, at last, finding occasion somewhat serving to his mind, he breaketh his heart to his two brethren, to wit, the marquis Mountecute, and the archbishop of York, conspiring with them how to bring his purpose about. Then thought he also to prove afar off the niind of the duke of Clarence, king Edward's brother, and likewise obtained him, giving also to him his daughter in marriage.
This matter being thus prepared against the king, the first flame of his conspiracy began to appear in the north country. Where the northern men, in short space gathering themselves in open rebel- lion, and finding captains of their wicked purpose, came down from York toward London. Against whom was appointed by the king, William lord Herbert, earl of Pembroke, with the lord Stafford, and certain other captains, to encounter. The Yorkshire men, giving the overthrow first to the lord Stafford, then to the earl of Pem- broke, and his company of Welchmen at Banbury field, at last, joining together with the army of the earl of Warwick, and the 'duke of Clarence, in the dead of the night secretly stealing on the king's field at Wolney by Warwick, killed the watch, and took the king prisoner, who first being in the castle of Warwick, then was conveyed by night to Middlcham castle in Yorkshire, under
744 THE WAKS BETWEEN YORK AN'D LANCASTER.
Edward the custody of the archbisliop of York, where he, having loose
^^' keeping, and liberty to go on hunting, meeting with sir William
A.D. Stanley, sir Thomas of Borough, and other his friends, was too
^'^^^- good tor his keepers, and escaped the hands of his enemies, and
King so came to York, where he was well received ; from thence to
takeif Lancaster, where he met with the lord Hastings, his chamberlain,
byfhr"' '^^'cll accompanied ; by whose help he came safe to London.
^(!'''°5k After this tumult, when reconciliation could not come to perfect
The re- " peacc and unity, although much labour was made by the nobility, the
Lincoln'-" carl of Warwick raiseth up a new war in Lincolnshire, the captain
pressed" "^'liercof was sir Robert Wells, knight, who shortly after, being taken
in battle with his father, and sir Thomas Dunocke, were beheaded.
The residue casting away their coats, ran away and fled, giving the
The earl name of the field, called Loose-coat-field. The earl of Warwick after
wick Md this, put out of comfort and hope to prevail at home, fled out of
o"-''^ England, a.d. 1470, first to Calais, then to Louis, the French king,
renceflee accouipanicd with the duke of Clarence. The fame of the earl of
France. Warwick and of his famous acts was at that time in great admiration
above measure, and so highly fiivoured, that both in England and
France all men were glad to behold his personage. Wherefore the
coming of this earl, and of the duke of Clarence, was not a little
grateful to the French king, and no less opportune to queen ]\Largaret,
king Henry ''s wife, and prince Edward her son, who also came to the
French court to meet and confer together touching their affliirs, where
a league bctv/ecn them was concluded ; and, moreover, a marriage
between Edward prince of Wales, and Anne, the second daughter of
the earl of Warwick, was wrought. Thus all things falling luckily
upon the earl's part, besides the large offers and great promises made
by the French king, in the best manner to set forward their purpose;
the earl having also intelligence by letters, that the hearts almost of
all men went with him, and longed sorely for his presence, so that
there lacked now but only haste, with all speed possible to return ;
he, with the dulce of Clarence, well fortified with the French navy, set
The earl forward toward England : for so was it between them before decreed,
wick^nd that they two should prove the first venture, and then queen Margaret,
of cfa"''^ with prince Edward her son, should follow after. The arrival of the
rence re- earl was no sooucr heard of at Dartmouth in Devonshire, than gi-eat
England, coucoursc of pcoplc, by thousands, went to him from all quarters to
receive and welcome him ; who immediately made proclamation, in
King the name of king Henry the Sixth, charging all men, able to bear
aslin pro- amiour, to prepare themselves to fight against Edward duke of York,
kS^'^'^ usurper of the crown. Here lacked no friends, strength of mei.,
furniture, nor policy convenient for such a matter.
AVhen king Edward (who before not passing for the matter, nor
seeking how either to have stopped his landing, or else straiglitways
to have encountered with him, before the gathering of his friemls,
but passing forth the time in hunting, in hawking, in all pleasure
and dalliance) had knowledge what great resort of multitudes inces-
JoIfstTnt santly repaired more and more daily about the earl and the duke, he
levity^of began now to provide for remedy, when it was too late ; who, trusting
of &^gf ^ too much to his friends and fortune before, did now right well per-
^^^' ceivc what a variable and inconstant thing the people is, and especially
THE WEAK STATE OF KING EDWARD. 745
here of England, whose nature is never to be content long with the Edward
present state, but always delighting in news, seeketh new variety of
changes, either envying that which standeth, or else pitying that A.D. which is fallen. Which inconstant mutability of the light people, ^^'^- changing with the wind, and wavering with the reed, did well appear in the course of this king's story. For he, through the means of the people when he was down, was exalted ; now being exalted, of the same was forsaken. Whereby this is to be noted of all princes, that as there is nothing in fnis mutable world firm and stable ; so there is no trust nor assurance to be made, but only in the favour of God, and in the promises of his word, only in Christ his Son, whose king- dom only shall never have an end, nor is subject to any mutation.
These things thus passing on in England on the earFs side against The king Edward, he, accompanied with the duke of Gloucester his brother, heart^rnd and the lord Hastings, who had married the earl of Warwick's sister, '["'{i "[ and yet was never untrue to the king his master, and the lord Scales, Hastings brother to the queen, sent abroad to all his trusty friends for furniture of able soldiers, for defence of his person, to withstand his enemies. When little rescue and few in effect would come, the king himself. King so destitute, departed to Lincolnshire, where he, perceiving his ene- forsTken mies daily to increase upon him, and all the countries about to be'''"*''^ . in a roar, making fires, and singing songs, crying, " King Henry, his need, king Henry," " a Warwick, a Warwick," and hearing moreover his enemies, the Lancastrians, to be within half a day's journey of him, was advised by his friends to flee over the sea to the duke of Bm- gundy, who not long before had married king Edward's sister.
Here, peradventure, might be thought, by the common judgment whether and policy of man, that king Edward, as he had in his hands the lives l°my\\- of king Henry, his queen, and his prince, so if he had dispatched "^^^IJ^ them out of the way when he might, he had not fallen into this policy be misery : but because he took not the vantage, which time rather than ^ ™"^'''^" godly reason gave him, therefore that sparing pity of his, turned now to his confusion and ruin. And, certes, I suppose no less, but if the same case had fallen in these our pitiless days, in which charity now waxeth utterly cold, and humanity is almost forgotten, the occasion of such a time should not be so neglected. But let us here note and learn, how godly simplicity always, in the end of things, gaineth more than man's policy, forasmuch as man worketh with the one, but God worketh with the other.
And so far is it off, that the event and success of things be governed by man's advised policy, or unadvised affection in this world, that that is judged to be weaker which flourisheth in man, than that which is cast down in the Lord ; as in the double case of both these kings may well appear. And first, let us consider the case of king Edward, The who, being so beset and compassed with evils and distresses on every clteo( side, first was compelled to take the Washes between Lincolnshire J^o^^ings and Lynn, which was no less dangerous to his life, than it was un- consider- seemly for his estate. Being come to Lynn, in what peril was he Kin- there, through the doubtful mutability of the townsmen, if he had t^teth'^ been known to his enemies ? and how could he but be known, if he had ^I'^^jj^^ tarried any space ? But, though men and friends forsook him, yet
746 THE WARS BETWEEN YORK AND LANCASTER.
jidward tlic mercy of God, not forsalcing tlie life of liim who showed mercy ^'^' unto others, so provided, that at tlie same present there was an
A.D. English ship, and two hulks of Holland, ready to their journey. Thus ^ t70. \ung Edward, without provision, without bag or baggage, without God pro- cloth-sack or mail, without store of money, without raiment, save only a])parel for war ; also without all friends, except only his brother Kins the duke of Gloucester, the lord Scales, and lord Hastings, with a few Edward other trustv friends, to the number of seven or eight hundred ijcrsons, shipping, took shipping towards Holland ; at which time he was in no Je^s jeo- pardy almost on the sea, than he was on the land. For certain ]*]aster- lings, having many ships of war, which lay roving the same time on the sea, and had done much damage the year before, as well to the English merchants as to the French nation, spying the king's ship, King with seven or eight gallant ships made sail after the king and his near"* compauy. The king's ship was good of sail, and got some ground, taken of albeit uot mucli, of the Easterlings, that she came to the coast of eriing's!^ Holland before Alckmaer, and there cast anchor : for otherwise, being an ebbing-water, they could not enter the haven. The Easter- lings with their great ships approached as near as they could possibly come for the low water, purposing at the flood to obtain their prey ; and so were like to do, if the Lord had not there also provided Mounsieur de Grounture, governor for duke Charles in Holland, at that season God to be personally present in the town of Alckmaer, who, hearing of proi". the jeopardy of the king being there at anchor, prohibited the ^^^^- Easterlings, on pain of death, to meddle with any Englishmen who
were the duke's friends and allies. King Ed- Tiuis king Edward, well chastised of God for his wantonness, both livered^" by sca and land, but not utterly given over from his protection, Ea™er-* cscapiiig SO many hard chances, was set on land with his com})any ; lings. -^vho, there well refreshed, and newly apparelled, were conducted to
the Hague. ciiaries Dukc Cliarlcs, at the hearing of the unprosperous case and con- Burgun- dition of king Edward, his brother-in-law, was greatly amazed and Edward's perplexed in himself, much casting and doubting what he should do. For being then at war with the French king, he could not well provoke the English nation against him, without his manifest grievance and decay ; neither yet could he, without great shame and obloquy, leave the king his brother in that necessity. Notwithstanding, so he de- meaned himself through fair speech, pretending to the Englishmen to join part with the house of Lancaster, being himself partly de- scended of the same family by his grandmother's side ; that he both was his own friend openly, and the king's friend covertly, pretending that he did not, and doing that he pretended not.
When tidings Avere spread in England of king Edward's flying, innumerable people on all hands resorted to the carl of \Varwick, to take his part against king Edward, a few only excepted of his con- ,„. , „ stant iViends, who took sanctuary. Amongst whom was also Elizal)cth taketii his witc, wlio, dcspcratc almost ot all comrort, took also sanctuary at tuary. Westminster, where she, in great penury forsaken, was delivered of Edward ^ f^'i" son callcd Edward, that without all pomp was baptized like born in another poor woman's child, the godfathers being the abbot and prior tuary. of Wcstniiustcr ; the godmother was the lady Scroope.
brother in-law.
Queen
KING HENRY RESTORED AGAIN TO HIS KINGDOM. 747
To make the story short, the earl of Warwick, having now brought Edward all things to his appetite, upon the twelfth day of October rode to —-i-'l- the Tower, which was then delivered to him, and there took king -^-P* Henry out of the ward, and placed him in the king's lodging. The — — — 2oth day of the same month, the duke of Clarence, accompanied with ?^^"yi^'^- the earls of Warwick, Shrewsbury, and the lord Stanley, with a great out of tua company, brought him, in a long gown of blue velvet, through the but '^'^' high streets of London, first to PauPs church to offer, then to the palace a^a's^^*^'' of the bisliop of London, and there he resumed again the crown royal, to.i"s A.D. 1470, which he did not long enjoy. '"L"'"'
After this followed a parliament, in which king Edward with all '^^'"""''■'• his partakers were judged traitors. Queen Margaret with her son prince Edward, all this while were tarrying for a fair wind, thinking long, belike, till she came to an evil bargain, as it proved after. For king Edward, within six months after his departure out of England unto the duke of Burgundy, whether solicited by letters from his friends, or whether by his adventurous courage incited, made instant suit to duke Charles his brother, to rescue him with such power as he would bestow upon him : for he was fully resolved to defer the matter, and to protract the time, no longer.
The duke, damped in double fear in such a dangerous case, not- Kinsr withstanding overcome by nature and affinity, secretly caused to be ^^'ine^ delivered to him fifty thousand florins, and further caused four CTcat afainimo
1 • 1 • 1 ii 1 • • 1 • r7 1 1 1 • <i England.
ships to be appointed tor him m a haven m Zealand, where it was free for all men to come. Also the same duke had for him hired fourteen ships of the Easteilings well appointed, taking bond of them to serve him truly till he were landed in England, and fifteen days after.
Thus king Edward, being furnished but only with two thousand Kin^ men of war, with more luck than hope to speed, sped his voyage into wuh'^uy England, and landed at Ravenspur, on the coast of Yorkshire, [^^isand Although there was no Avay for the king with such a small company soldiers of soldiers to do any good, yet, to use policy where strength did KTven- lack, first he sent forth certain light horsemen to prove the country Rav^u"^' on every side with persuasions, to see whether the uplandish people po"- would be stirred to take king Edward's part. Perceiving that it dissem- would not be, king Edward flieth to his shifts, dissembling his pur- po]"fy ^f pose to be, not to claim the crown and kingdom, but only to claim ''^^^ ^^ the duchy of York, which was his own title ; and caused the same to be published. This being notified to the people, that he desired no more but only his just patrimony and lineal inheritance, they began to be moved with mercy and compassion towards him, either to favour him, or not to resist him : and so journeying toward York, he came He to Beverley. The marquis Montacute, brother to the earl of War- y^^!'^ '° wick, was then at Pomfret, to whom the earl had sent straight charge, with all expedition to set upon him, or else to stop his passage ; and likewise to the citizens of York and all Yorkshire, to shut their gates and take armour against him. King Edward, being in these straits, proceeded notwithstanding near to York without resistance, where he required of the citizens to be admitted into their city. But so stood ,epeUe<i the case then, that they durst not grant it unto him, but on the con- pftiU'L trary sent him word to approach no nearer, as he loved his own of York.
748 THE WARS OF YOUK AXI> LANCASTER.
Edward safeg^iarcl. The desolate king was here driven to a narrow strait, who
■ ~ neither could retire back, for the opinion of the country and loss of
'r'P' his cause ; neither could go further, for the piesent danger of the
city. W^hercfore, using the same policy as before, with loving words Ed"4rd ^^^ gentle speech he desired the messengers to declare unto the changeth citizeus, that his comini; was not to demand the realm of Enoland,
his title -r
Hisgenl or the title of the same, but only the duchy of York, his old inheri- mt'"'^ tance ; and that he therefore determined to set forward neither with words, army nor weapon. The messengers were not so soon within the gates, but he was at the gates in a manner as soon as they.
The citizens, hearing his courteous answer, and that he intended nothing to the prejudice of the king, nor of the realm, were some- thing mitigated toward him, and began to commune with him from the walls, willing him to withdraw his power to some other place, and they would be the more ready to aid him ; at least he should have no damage by them.
Notwithstanding he again used such lowly language, and delivered so fair speech unto them, entreating them so courteously, and saluting the aldermen by their names, requiring at their hands no more but only his own town, whereof he had the name and title, that at length the citizens, after long talk and debating upon the matter, partly also Two con- enticed with fair and large promises, fell to this convention : That if riitions J^g would swcar to be true to kins: Henry, and ffcntle in entertainino-
put to , . . . .,?.•",." o
Edward, his citizcus, they would receive him into tlie city. King Ed- This being concluded, the next morning at the entering of the ToTiis''"' gate, a priest was ready to say mass, in which, after the receiving the oatii, sacrament, the king received a solemn oath to observe the two Victory, articles before agreed upon. By reason of which oath so rashly perjury, made, and as shortly broken, and not long after punished (as it may at'iength ^^^11 be tliought) in his posterity, he obtained the city of York ; i^n^po.'ite- where he, in short time, forgetting his oath, to make all sure, set in garrisons of armed soldiers. Furthermore, perceiving all things to be quiet, and no stir to be made against him, he thought to fore- slack no opportunity of time, and so made forward toward London, leaving by the way the marquis Mountacute, who lay then with his army at Pomfret, on the right hand, not fully four miles distant from his camp : and so returning to the high-way again, he went King _ forward Avithout any stirring to the town of Nottingham ; where friends * came to him sir William Parre, sir Thomas of Borough, sir Thomas uiiTo him ^lountgomery, and divers else of his assured friends, with their aids, at Not- mIio caused him by a proclamation to stand to his own title of king Edward IV., saying. That they would serve no man but a king. — Re- At the fame hereof being blown abroad, as the citizens of York were the name uot a little offcndcd (and that worthily), so from other towns and ofaking. ^.jj-jpg^ lords and noblemen began to fall unto him, thinking with themselves that the marquis Mountacute either favoured his cause, Lekest'er' ^^ ^^'"^^ afraid to cucounter with the man. Howsoever it was, king Edward, being now more fully furni.shed at all points, came to the town of Leicester, and there hearing that the earl of Warwick, ac- companied with the earl of Oxford, were together at Warwick with a great power, minding to set on the earl, he removed from thence his army, hoping to give him battle. The duke of Clarence in the mean
KIKG HENRY TAKEN PRISONER. 749
time about London had levied a great host coming toward the earl Sdward
of Warwick, as he was by the earl appointed. But wlien the earl
saw the duke to linger the time, lie began to suspect (as it fell out A. D. indeed) that he was altered to his brethren's part. The king, ad- ^^'^- vancing forward his host, came to Warwick, where he found all the King people departed. From thence he moved toward Coventry, where fom'eTtfto the earl was ; unto whom, the next day after, he boldly offered battle. '^\'ai»K'k- But the earl, expecting the duke of Clarence's coming, kept him o/wa'J'- within the walls. All this made for the king. For he, hearing that ^Ji'[o*'^o. his brother the duke of Clarence was not far off, coming towards him ventry. with a great army, raised his camp, and made towards him, either to Jf cia-"^"^* treat or else to encounter with his brother. When each host was in rence co- sight of the other, Richard duke of Gloucester, brother to them wui/a both, as arbiter between them, first rode to the one, then to the ^[.„^^ other. Whether all this was for a face of a matter made, it is un- certain ; but hereby both the brethren, laying all army and weapon concord aside, first lovingly and familiarly communed ; after that, brotherly th^n. and naturally joined together. And that fraternal amity by pro- clamation also was ratified, and put out of all suspicion.
Then was it agreed between the three brethren to attempt the The ear earl of Warwick, if he likewise would be reconciled : but he, crying wickTJ- out shame upon the duke of Clarence, stood at utter defiance. From be^recon"- thence king Edward, so strongly furnished, and daily increasing, ci'ed. taketh his way to London ; where, after it was known that the King] duke of Clarence was come to his brethren, much fear fell upon the ^omeTh Londoners, casting with themselves what was best to do. The |i° ^''"" suddenness of time permitted no long consultation. Tliere was at London at the same time the archbishop of York, brother to the carl of Warwick, and the duke of Somerset, with others of king Henry's council, to whom the earl had sent in commandment a little before, knowing the weakness of the city, that they should keep the city from their enemies two or three days, and he would follow with all possible speed with a puissant army, who, according to their com- mandment, defended the city with all their power ; but yet to little purpose. For the citizens, consulting with themselves most for their London- own indemnity, having no walls to defend them, thought best to pan''with
Ed-
take that way which seemed to them most sure and safe, and there- "^'"s fore concluded to take part with king Edward. This was not so soon known abroad, but the commonalty ran out by heaps to meet King king Edward, and to salute him as their king. Whereupon the duke eotllidf- of Somerset, with others of king Henry's council, hearing thereof, ^^l\y^^ and wondering at the sudden change of the world, to shift for them- Henry selves, fled away and left there king Henry alone ; who, the same ^£^1^ ^^^ dav bein"' caused by the archbisliop of York to ride about London <^'"«- ^
i-i'i- IP •! 1 • 11 1 • 1 mitten to
Jike a kmg, was beiore night made captive, and reduced again to the prison. Tower.
It was not long after these things thus done at London, but the coming of the earl of Warwick was heard of; who, thinking to pre- vent mischiefs with making speed, came a little too late and missed of his purpose. Li the earl's army were John, duke of Exeter, Edmund earl of Somerset, John earl of Oxford, and the marquis Mountacute, the earl's brother. The earl had now passed a great
7')() rilK WAliS OV VOIIK AN'I) I, A NC ASTK.Il.
Hilii'iinl IV.
|)!iiL (iC his jimnicv, wlnii lie, lu>;iriii,i,' lu-ws of (he world so chanijinl,
mid ol" the captivily of Liiiff llfiiry, wiis not a lilll<' Uicroat appaUcd
A.I), ill his mind : whcrcloic he staved with his army at St. Alhan's, to sci'
'•_ what way riirtiicr to hikf. And, forasimich as there was \w other
Tii.M.ml n'liiedy, Imt eilliei- he must > iehl, or one eoiiHiet must linish the
wi.k matter, he removed to llariiet, ten miK's I'ntm St. Alljan's.
Mmm'.l'.''' A^'ainst him set lorth kin,!.,' I'ldward, well appointed, with a stron,«r
army of picked and al»h' persons, with artillery, en;;ines, and instrn-
menls, meet for the purposi- ; hrip.)i;iiin' with him also kinL,' llemy.
'I'lir ( )u I'laster-even hi- eanu- to IJarm-t, and there he emlmltled liim^eir.
I'i'im'n'.' In tlii^ morninif upon l']aster-day the battle lie,i,'aii, ami iicrecly euu-
tinued almost till noon, with murder on each sidi>, much doulilful,
till hotli |):nlies were almost weai'V with li^hliuL; and munhiiiiL;-.
Kin;,' lOdward llnii, desirous to see an entl, oil" or on, wilh a ^rc'it
erew of new iVi-sh S(»ldii'rs si't npoi) his wi-aried enemies, whereby
the earPs men, eiieoura^^'ed with the words ol" their eaptain, stoutly
loULjht : hut they, sore wounded and wearied, eouhi not loii^' liold
•■" ' out. The earl, rushiuo; iuto tlu> mitlst oC his i-nemies, ventured so
,,^ far that he eould not he rescued; where he was stricken down and
'''')" slain, and there lay lu>. 'I'he manpiis Montacnti', Ihinkinsjc to succour
his l»ro||i(>r, whom he saw t(t l»e in threat jeopardy, was likewise oVi-r-
tln..\vu and slam, .\ller that Ivichard Nevil ejirl of Warwick and
his hrothi r were L;oue, the rest lied, and many were taken. The
numhi-r of thiMU who were in this lield slain, are judiicd about ti-n
Ihinisand, as I'olydore \'ir!;il rtH-itcth. l<'abian nmubcrelh id" them
that wer(> slain but lirteen hundn-d. 'I'he duke of Somerset ami the
.•arl of ()\l'ord, thiukiun' t.» lly to Scotland, n'turned to Jasper, earl
of Pendnoke, in NN'ales. The duke of l']xeti>r liardly escapetl to
West minster, and there took sanctuary. l'\ir the death of the earl
of Warwick, the kimj was not so j^lad, as he was sorrv for the mai-
(luis Mounlaculc, wjiom he took to be his friend. 'I'lie corpst-s of
these two witc br.Mi;;ht to the iliurch of rauTs, wln-re they lay open
in two eolVms two days, and then were interred.'
uanr In the narration of this history, Tolydore N'iri^il, whom Mail Ibl-
twopil" h»weth word for word, doth some deal dill'er from Ivobert ['"abian ;
ItlvT "''''•''''■'''* • doubt but both these had their authors by whom they
i.i:m. were directeil, Notwithstandiny; this 1 marvel, that Polvdore,
writini;- of so many thiui;s which he never saw, «loth not vouchsafe to
iv.iv.i.Mo i'iu> unto us lhosi> writiMs of whom he borrowt>d. Ami more do I
imviV " marvel or rather lament, if it be true what I iiavc heard, that he not
"■"' ' oidy namelh no author unto us, but also burned a heap of our
I'hii-lish stories unknown, after the linishinij' of his, in the da\s of
ol w
iiiilii
iiiiiiiii til' iiiir
writ
.i«. kin;^- llemv \'lll. liut now to onr te.xt a^ain.
" r> .;' ~ ..... .._,
Till, rp- All this while Queen Margaret, with youno- prince I'ldward her
um>Vi'/ ^""' ^^"^ scarce come over, beiiiij loni,' h't with contrary winds; who, M«it!i>rft lit 1,-noih, in the month of April, arrived at Wevmouth in Dorset- imiil, ' shire, and hearing- the sorrowful tidings of these thinijfs latelv hap- pened to hi>r Imsbaml, ami to the earl of Warwick and his brother, and (d" the pri>sperons success «>f kintj I'Mward, Wius so dismayeil, dis- tpiieteil, and pit-reed with sorrow, sceins; all things, contrary to her expectation, so to frame a>,niinst her, that she fearcil and took on with
I) Kx IVly.l. et allia
KINO KDVVAItn WAIflll'/l'll ACAIN'ST (illl-KX M A ItC A I! I', T. 751
luM-solP, lanioiiUnn- licr lnisl);ni(l, hcwniliii^ licr son, cursiuo' hn- r,imn;i
0(3nuii<i;, and cry'mn' oni. ol' lurUiiic^ ; as tlioiiuli hliiid rorluiir witi; hIic _ 1_
that _<»ov(M-iii'tli tiiiu'S and tides (ri'\vardin<>- jnst itnnishnu-nts to unjust A. I). dcscrvini;-s of nuMi), and not the Kccrct power and terrihle justice ''^'^ ol' Almighty (Jod. Such was then tlic impatience of that (jueen, Qi„.on l)ein,i>- not able to bear tlie vi-lienieney oC her ])assi()n (who rather ""i',^;",'',^J, shouhl have sorrowed the (h)loro\is death of duke Humphrey, M'hom swoons. heCore slie ne<,deete(l, l)ut now slu^ lacked), tliat her senses I'aih'd, lier spirits were taken, her s])eeeh decayed, and, life ahnost ^'one, she i'ell to tlie ^n-ound, as one tliat woidd ratlier die tiian live.' In this d(\sok-ite case queen Mar<>'aret, leaniin,<>- now to know her iViciuls Irom her foes when it was too late, franiiht full ol' heaviness, without s(>ia,c(^ or ho])c of remedy, she with her son and her cdui- ])any departed for her next refu<j;e, to a monastery of monks c;ille(| J.[\\\'.[[\\ Keauly in Hampshire, there to take sanctuary and privilege of the my. house.
Yd all hearts vven; not sound nor subiliicd in lOns^jland, especially I'^dmund duke of Sonu-rset, with lord .lohn his brother; 'I'lionias (/ourlnev, earl of Devonshire; .lasjXT, earl of l*embrok(> ; lord Wenlock ; John TiOngscrother, being' prior of the kni^hls of St. John in Rhodes. These, licarinj^^ of the (pieen's return, with s])eed re-- MovcI sorted to her; by whom she, beiuL"' sonunvhat quickened in her spirits, (Vi,>illi« to and animated to war, be<>an to take some heart, and to follow their [l^"^'^" counsel ; which was, in all the hot haste, to renew war ag-ainst kinf>' .iKninsf. l*jdward, beiii','' now unprovided, by reason his army was now dis-wi.ni. ' persed, and chiefest of his soldiers wasted. Here oreat ho|)e of vic- tory was showed ; ^nrat promises made. Although the queen''s mind was (being more careful for the young' prince than for herself) to send him over into France, before some ])roof or trial niatle ; yet following' the contrary counsel of them, and partly cut oil" by slnu't- ness of time, which required haste, she began with all e,x|)edition to gather ])ower. Ijikewise Jas|)er, earl of I'cmbrokc, posted into \V;iles to do the same.
King l']d ward, having' intellig^encc of all these doings, first sendeLli Kinpr out certain light horsemen, to espy abroad through the west ])arts wl,n."I!, what ways his enemies did take. In the mean time he, using- all ;'f,''.|.','f' celerity to meet them before they came to London, gathered a ])ower, M,u>;a- such as he could make about lion<lon, and first conu'th to Abingdon, fr(»m theiu'c; to Marl borough, hearing that the <pieen was at Uaili, thiidving to (nu-onnter with them before they diverted into Wales to the carl of l*(Midiroke, whitlua- lu; thought (as they in<leed intended) that they would take. |}nt the (pieen, understanding the king to be so nigh, removeth from liath to liristol, sending^ word in the mean while to the citizens of fJloucester, that they would grant her leave safely to pass by their city. Which when it coidd not be (tbtained, n»('(--n with her army she dc])arted from Bristol to 'I'ewkesbury ; wluirc; the ii.i'.'iu'red duke of Somerset, knowings king' Ivlward to be at hand at his very |';i','"ees. back, willed the; (pu'cn tlu're to stay, and in no wise to fly backwanl, "^■'■• for certain doubts that might be cast. Although this counsel -was against tlu; consent of many oth(>r captains, who thought it best «« rather to draw asi<le, while tlu; earl of JVanbrokc^ with his army were '''*""•
(1) Kx I'olyd. lil). xiv.
752 THE WARS OF YORK AXD LANCASTER.
Edtpard vritli them associated ; yet the mind of tlie duke prevailed, the place
. ^^" was prefixed, the field pitched, the time of battle came, the king was
A.D. looked for; who, being within one mile of Tewkesbury, with like
^'^^^- industry and policy as his enemies had done, disposed his army like-
The bat- -^visc in array. This celerity of the king, taking the time, was to him
Tewkes- great advantage ; who otherwise, if he had deferred till they had con-
^^^^' joined with the earl of Pembroke, had put the matter in great hazard.
Such a matter it is to take a thing in time.
Of this battle Hall thus reporteth, adding more than Polydorc, that the duke of Somerset, although he was strongly intrenched, yet, through the occasion or policy of the duke of Gloucester, who had the fore-ward of the king's part, a little reculing back, followed the chase, supposing that the lord Wenlock, who had the middle-ward, would have followed hard at his back. The duke of Gloucester, whether for shame rather than of policy, espying his advantage, sud- denly turned face to his enemies. Whereupon the contrary part was eftsoons discomfited, and so much the more, because they were separated from their company. The duke of Somerset, not a little aggrieved at this so unfortunate a case, returneth to the middle- ward, where he, seeing the lord AVenlock abiding still, revilcth him, and calleth him traitor, and with his axe striketh the brains out of his head.
This much addeth Hall besides Polydore ; but shoMcth not his
author where he had it. Polydore, writing of this conflict, writeth
no more but this : That the queen's army, being overset with the
number and multitude of their enemies, and she having no fresh
soldiers to furnish the field, was at last overmatched, and the most
Qiiten part were slain or taken. In which battle were named to be slain,
tltlflu the earl of Devonshire, the lord Wenlock, lord John the duke of
^''"'^- Somerset's brother, besides others. Among them that were taken
was queen Margaret, found in her chariot almost dead for sorrow,
prince Edward, Ednmnd duke of Somerset, John, prior of St. John's,
with twenty otlier knights ; all which were beheaded within two days
Prince after, the queen only and the young prince excepted : which prince
brought Edward being then brought to the king's presence, it was demanded
kin'"" **^ ^'"" ^'^^^^' ^^^ fhii'st be so bold to stand in battle against him. To
this Edward Hall addeth more, and saith, that after the field was
finished the king made proclamation. That whosoever would bring
))rince Edward to him, should have an annuity of a hundred ])ounds
during his life, and the prince's life should be saved. AMiereupon
sir Hichard Croftes, not mistrusting the king's promise, brought forth
his prisoner, &c. And so the king demanding of the prince (as is
said) how lie durst so presumptuously enter this realm with his
The stout banner displayed against him, he answered, saying, 1'hat he came to
u.epr'ince recover his father's kingdom and inheritance, from his grandlather
kingf »i^*^ father to him descending; whereat (said l^lydore) the king
with his hand disdainfully thrust him from him. Others say, that
the king struck him on the face with his gauntlet.
Prince At the Speaking of these words were present George duke of Cla-
folTto"'' rcnce, Richard duke of Gloucester, and the earl, lord ^^'illiam
n'rurv Hastings ; who, \ipon tlie same, uncourtcously falling upon the prince,
eiain.' did slay him. Queen Margaret, beirg brought pisoner to London,
THE DTATH AND BUUIAI. OF KIXC HKKRY VI. 753
was afterwards ransomed by her father, the dulce of Anjou, for a Edward
ly.
great sum of money which he borrowed of the French king, and for the payment thereof was fain to yield unto him the title of the king- A.D. dom of Sicily and Naples, &c. King Edward, for these prosperous ^'^'^^ WITS, rendered to God his hearty thanks, and caused publicly, through ^^^^
1-1 ■ 111 1 1 A 1 ^'ar^aret
his realm, solemn processions to be kept three days together. And ransomed thus much, and too much, touching the wars of king Edward IV., grertsum wliich was done, a.d. 1471.' tlZ^^'
The same year, and about the same time, upon Ascension-even, proeessu king Henry, being prisoner in the Tower, departed, after he had °''^' reigned in all thirty-eight years and six months. Polydore, and death of Hall following him, affirm that he was slain with a dagger by Richard HelryVi. duke of Gloucester, the king''s brother, for the more quiet and safe- guard of the king his brother. In the history, entitled, ' Scala Mundi,' I find these words : " Quod in turri, in vigilia ascensionis Dominicse, ibidem feliciter moriens, per Thamesiam navicula usque ad abba- tiam de Chertesey deductus, ibi sepultus est ;" that is, " That king j^j^g Henry, being in the Tower, upon the Ascension-even, there happily Henry or quietly departing, was brought by Thames in a boat to the abbey cuensey. of Chertsey, and there buried.
Polydore, after he hath described the virtues of this king, recordeth Poiy- that king Henry VII. did afterwards translate the corpse of him racTes™'' fi-om Chertsey to Windsor, and addeth, moreover, that by him cer- tain miracles were wrought : For which cause the said king Henry VII. (saith he) laboured with pope Julius, to have him canonized for a saint ; but the death of the king was the let, why that matter proceeded not. Edward Hall, writing of this matter, addeth more, declaring the cause, Avhy king Henry ''s sancting went not forward, to be this : for that the fees for canonizing a king were of so great a a king- quantity at Rome (more than of another, bishop or prelate), that the dearVare said king thought it better to keep the monev in his chests, than, '" *^^
CI o L J ' ' pope s
with the impoverishing of the realm to buy so dear, and pay so much, market. for a new holy-day of St. Henry in the calendar, &c.^ Which if it be true, it might be replied then to pope Julius, that if popes be higher than kings in the earth, and especially in heaven, why then is a pope- saint so cheap in the market-place of Rome, and a king-saint so dear .? Again, if the valuation of things in all markets and burses be accord- ing to the price and dignity of the thing that is bought, what reason is it, seeing the sancting of a king beareth a bigger sale than the sancting of any pope in heaven, but that kings should be above popes also upon the earth "^ Seel extra jocum^ as I do not doubt, but that king Henry was a good and a quiet prince, if he had not otherwise been abused by some ; so, touching the ruin of his house, I think tik not contrar}', but it came not without the just appointment of ^f" the Lord, either for that Henry of Lancaster's house were such J;^ enemies to God's people, and for the burning of the lord Cobham Example and many others ; or else for the unjust displacing of king Richard ^l^^'^^^l II. ; or else, thirdly, for the cruel slaughter of Humphrey, the good of correc- duke of Gloucester, his uncle ; whereof sufficiently hath been said before. ,
During the time of these doings, being about a. d. 14G-i, there
(1) Ex Polyd. at aliis. (2) Ex Edv. Hallo.
VOL. Til. 3 C
examined
Lan- caster house.
754 KIXG EDWARD VANQUISHED IX XIXE BATTLES,
£dward was lictc in England a certain friar Carmelite, who, about the term of ^^' Michael the Archangel, preached at Paul's in London, that our Lord A. D. Jesus Christ, being here in this present world, was in poverty, and ^i''^- did beg. To whose opinion and doctrine the provincial of that order A sore sccmecl also to incline, defending the same both in his reading and ilreached prcachiug, with other doctors more and brethren of the same order ; crors^.^'' unto whom also joined certain of the Jacobites, and stifRy did take (;onten- tlicir parts. On the contrary side, many doctors and also lawyers, \u" '" both in their public lectures and preaching, to the uttermost of their YliieuJei cunning did withstand their assertion, as being a thing most pestiferous ciuist in the church to be heard. Such a bitter contention was among them, I'L-ggar, that the defendant part was driven for a while to keep silence. Much Time's ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^'^ times I might well resemble these our days now present, compar- with our tumultuous contention of forms and fashions of garments, '■"''' But I put myself here in Pythagoras's school, and keep silence with
these friars. Li the story, moreover, it followeth, that this beggarly question of the begging fnars, whether Christ did beg or no, went so far, that at length it came to the pope's ears, Paul IL, who was no beggar ye may be sure ! After that the fame of this doctrine, mount- ing over the Alps, came flying to the court of Rome, which was about the assumption of the Virgin Mary, the year next following, a. d. 1465, it brought with it such an evil smell to the fine noses there, that it was no need to bid them to stir ; for begging to them Avas Avorse than high heresy. Wherefore the holy father pope Paul IL, to repress the sparkles of this doctrine, which otherwise perhajjs might have set hiswholc kitchen onfire,takcth the matter in hand, and eftsoons directeth down his bull into England, insinuating to the prelates here, Td'fe's de- " Tli'it this hcrcsy, Avhich pestiferously doth affirm that Christ did tcrinined opculy bcg, w'as Condemned of old time by the bishop of Rome, and ThM '""' their councils, and that the same ought to be declared in all places for 'vis'iio ^ damned doctrine, and Avorthy to be trodden down under all men's btb'gar. feet," ' &c. This Avas in the same year Avhen prince Ed^vard, king Edward's son, Avas born in the sanctuary at Westminster, A. D. 1465. King Ed- As toucliiug tlic rcst of thc doings and affairs of this king (avIio had qui^lied" vanquished hitherto in nine battles, himself being present), how after- Avards he, through the incitement of Charles duke of Burgundv, his brother-in-law, ventured into France Avith a puissant army, and how lUcsent the duke failed him in his promise ; also how peace betAvcen these two Ht^ttiem lyings Avas at length concluded in a solemn meeting of both the said kings together (which meeting is notified in stories, by a Avhite dove, sitting the same day of meeting upon the top of king Edward's tent) ; also of the marriage promised between the young Dauphin and Eli- zabeth, king Edward's eldest daughter, but aftcrAvards broken off on the French king's part ; moreover as touching the death of the duke of Burgundy slain in war, and of his daughter Mary, niece to king- Edward, being spoiled of her lands and jjossessions Avrongfully by Louis, the Frencli king, and married after to Maximilian : Further- more, as touching thc expedition of king Edward into Scotland, by
(1) " Ilscresim illam pcsHferc asserentewi quod Christus publire mendicavit, esse antiquitus o Uomanis jiontificibiis, ciiin suis coiiciliis damniitnm, ot earn pro damnata undique declainiidam 1 1 conculcandam," &c. Kx JUst. Scala; Mundi, foi. ult.
battl
THE BURXIN(i OF JOHN GOOSE. 755
reason of king James breaking promise in marrying witli Cecilia, tlie ndumrd second daughter of idng Edward, and of his driving out his brother, ^^'
and how the matter was composed there, and of the recovery again of A. D. ]-5erwick ; of these (I say) and such other things more, partly because ^'^T^-
they are described sufficiently in our common English stories, partly ^ing also because they be matters not greatly pertaining to the church, I scotfand omit to speak, making of them a ' supersedeas/ Two things I find fromhis liere, among many others, specially to be remembered. promise
The first is concerning a godly and constant servant of Christ, named riage. John Goose, Avho, in the time of this king, was unjustly condemned ^^^^^^ft and burnt at the Tower-hill, a. D. 1473, in the month of August, ed- Thus had England also its John Huss as well as Bohemia. Wherein ^•^■'^"^ moreover this is to be noted, that since the time of king Richard II., ooise, there is no reign of any king to be assigned hitherto, wherein some john^^' good man or other hath not suffered the pains of fire, for the religion ^°°^? '" and true testimony of Christ Jesus. Of this said John Goose, or John as much Huss, this, moreover, I find in another English monument recorded, Huis'in that the said John being delivered to Robert Belisdon, one of the J^fan"'"^" sheriffs, to see him burnt in the afternoon ; the sheriff, like a chnrit- tongue. able man, had him home to his house, and there exhorted him to deny (saith the story) his errors. But the godly man, after long exhorta- ^ppf'au tion heard, desired the sheriff to be content ; for he was satisfied in his conscience. Notwithstanding this, he desired of the sheriff, for God's sake to give him some meat, saying. That he was very sore hungered. Then the sheriff commanded him meat ; whereof he took John and did eat, as if he had been towards no manner of danger, and said urjth his to such as stood about him, "I eat now a good and competent dinner, bef"ro\e for I shall pass a little sharp shower, ere I go to supper." And when goetii to he had dined, he gave thanks, and required that he might shortly be cumi'.^'" led to the place, where he should yield up his spirit unto God.^
The second thing herein to be noted is the death of George dulce ^?'5.^"" of Clarence, the king"'s second brother ; of whom relation was made death of before, how he assisted king Edward his brother, against the earl of of cfa"'^'^ "Warwick, at Barnet field, and helped him to the crown ; and now, '^^"'^^^• after all these benefits, was at length thus requited, that (for what cause it is uncertain) he Avas apprehended and cast into the Tower, where he, being adjudged for a traitor, was privily drowned in a butt of Malmsey. What the true cause was of his death it cannot certainly T}i^ <iuke be affirmed. Divers conjectures and imaginations there be diversely rence put forth. Some partly imputed it to the queens displeasure. Others liraTut't suppose it came from taking part in the cause of his servant, who was °^ M'i'™- accused and condemned for poisoning, sorcery, or enchantment. Ano- " ther fame there is, which surmiseth the cause hereof to rise upon the vain fear of a foolish prophecy, coming no doubt, if it were true, by the crafty operation of Satan, as it doth many times else happen among The mis- infidels and gentiles, where Christ is not known ; w^here, among high satan"''^' princes and in noble houses, much mischief gi-oweth, first murder and ""^.i^j'^.g' parricide, and thereby ruin of ancient families, and alteration of king- prophe- doms. Tlie effect of this prophecy, as the fimie gocth, was this : that "^''" after king Edward, should one reign whose name should begin M'ith T'le pro- G ; and, because the name of the duke of Clarence, being George, g.
(1) Ex Polychron.
3 c2
7ob FALSE PKOPHECIES NOT TO BE REGAKDFD.
Edward began with a G, therefore he began to be feared, and afterwards privily, — as is before said, was made away with.
A. I).
1473. CERTAIN NOTES UPON FALSE PROPHECIES.
Prophe- .By these experiments and miscliievous ends of such prophecies, and
rfshiy^to also by tlic nature of them, it is soon to be seen from what fountain
neveci or author they proceed ; that is, no doubt, from Satan, the ancient
enemy of mankind, and prince of this worhl ; against whose deceiiiiil
delusions, christian men must be well instructed, neither to marvel
greatly at them, though they seem strange, nor yet to believe them.
Satan can thougli they happen true. For Satan, being tlie prince of this world,
foJa"^" ' in such worldly things can foresee what will follow, and can say truth
en±^^ for a mischievous end ; and yet for all that, is but a Satan. So the
Devilish dream of Astyages, seeing a vine to grow out of his daughter, which
cTei! ai- should cover all Asia, and fearing thereby that by his nephew he should
theyfeii ^^^^ ^^^^ kingdom, proved true in the sequel thereof; and yet notwith-
truth, standing of Satan it came, and caused cruel murder to follow, first of
not to be thc shcphcrd's child, then of the son of Harpagus, whom he set bcf(jre
followed, ijjg Q^^.j^ father to eat.' Likewise Cyrus was prophetically admonishctl
by his dream, to take him for his guide, whom he first met the next
morrow. In that also his dream fell true, and yet was not of God.
In the same number are to be put all the blind oracles of the idolatrous
gentiles, which although they proceed of a lying spirit, yet sometimes
they hit the truth to a mischievous purpose. The like judgment also
Merlin's js to be givcu of Merlin''s prophecies. The sorceress mentioned 1 Sam.
cies. xviii., raising up Samuel, told Saul the truth, yet was it not of God.
In Acts xvi. there was a damsel having thc spirit of Pytho,^ who said
truth of Paul and Silas, calling them the messengers of the high God :
and yet it was a wrong spirit. The unclean spirits, in giving testimony
of Christ, said the truth ; yet because their testimony came not of
God, Christ did not allow it.
Paulus Diaconus recordeth of Valentinian the emperor, that he also liad a blind prophecy, not much unlike to this of king Edward, which was, that one should succeed him in the empire whose name shouhl begin with 6, o, and S. AV'hereupon one Theodorus, trusting upon the prophecy, began rebelliously to hope for the crown, and for his labour felt the pains of a traitor. Notwithstanding the ctFect of the prophecy followed : for, after Valentinian, succeeded Theodosius. Wherefore christian princes and noblemen, and all Christ's faithful peoi)le must beware and learn : Three First, That no man be inquisitive or curious in searching to know
to bT ^^'hat things be to come, or what shall happen, besides those things concern- ^"'7 ^'^''t'^i ^rc promised and expressed in the Word, ing false Sccoudly, To understand what difference there is, and how to dis- c/eT'^" cern the voice of God from the voice of Satan.
Thirdly, How to resist and avoid the danger of false and devilish prophecies.
Many there be, who, not being contented with things present, curi-
(1) Ex /ust. lib. 1.
(2) A sprit of divination, which could guess and loredeem things past, present, iuid to come which knowledge God, many limes, permittcih to the devil.
FALSE PROPHECIES NOT TO BE KEGARDED, 757
ously occupy tlieir Avits to search what is to come, and not giving thanks Edward to God for their life which they have, Avill also know what shall bechance ^^' them, how and when their end will come, how long princes shall reign, A. D. and who, after, shall succeed them ; and for the same get unto them ^^^^- soothsayers, astrologers, sorcerers, conjurers, or familiars. And these are not so much inquisitive to search or ask, but the devil is as ready to answer them, who either falsely doubleth with them to delude them, or else telleth them truth, to work them perpetual care and sorrow. Thus was pope Silvester, the sorcerer, circumvented by the devil, Avho told him, that he should be at Jerusalem before he died, and so it fell out. For as he was saying his mass at a chapel in Rome, called Je- rusalem, there he fell sick, and within three days after died :' to king Henry IV., also, it seemeth it was prophesied, that he should not die before he went to Jerusalem ; who, being brought to the abbofs cham- ber of Westminster, and hearing the name of the chamber to be called Jerusalem, knew his time to be come, and died.
By such deceitful prophecies it cannot be lamented enough to see what inconvenience, both public and private, groweth to the life of men, either causing them ftilsely to trust where they should not, or False else wickedly to perpetrate what they would not ; as may appear both jevnisu by this king, and also divers more. So were Pompey, Crassus, and ppphe- Cj3esar (as writeth Cicero) deceived by the false Chaldees, in declaring to them that they should not die but in their beds, and with worship, and in their old age. Of such false trust rising upon false prophecies, St. Ambrose, in his book of Exameron, writeth, speaking of rain, which being in those parts greatly desired, was promised and prophesied by one certainly to fall upon such a day, which was at the changing of the new moon : but (saith St. Ambrose) there fell no such rain at all, till, at the prayers of the chiurch, the same was obtained. Giving us to understand, that rain cometh not by the word of man, nor by the beginnings of the moon, but by the providence and mercy of our Creator.^
Johannes Picus, earl of Mirandula, in his excellent books Avritten against these vain star-tellers and astrologers,^ writeth of one Ordela- phus, a prince, to whom it was prognosticated by a famous cunning man in that science, called Hieronymus Manfredus, that he should Expert, enjoy long continuance of health, and prosperous life ; who, notwith- f",^^ f^^. standing, the self-same year, and in the first year of his marriage, de- piiecies. ceased ; and, after divers other examples added moreover upon the same, he inferreth also mention, and the name, of a certain rich matron in Rome, named Constantia, who, in like manner, departed the same year in which she received great promises by these soothsayers and astrologers, of a long and happy life, saying to her husband these words . " Behold," saith she, " how true be the prognostications of these sooth-tellers !""
If it were not for noting of those who now are gone, and whose This idm names I would in no case to be blemished with any spot, I could Wsfm- rccite the names of certain, especially one, who, taking his joiu-ney in ^^keV^* a certain place, after diligent calculation and forecasting of the success and and good speed of his journey, was, notwithstanding, in the same into^Eng-
land-
(•1 See vol. U. p 35. (21 Ex Ambros In Examer (3) Lib. li. cap. 9.
(0(5 CERTAIN NOTES TO DISCERN PROI'IIECIES
Edu-ard jouincy apprchendct], and brought where he would not ; and after th;.t
! never enjoying a good day, in a short time he departed. Tn Basil this
A. D. I myself heard, of one who knew and -was conversant with the party, 2_173^ -yvho, having a curious delight in these speculations of chances and events to come, by his calculation noted a certain day, -which he mis- trusted should be fatal unto him, by something which at that dav should flill upon him. Whereupon he determined Avith himself all that day to keep him sure and safe within his chamber : where he, A peril- reaching up his hand to take down a book, the book falling down upon Tcrunl' ^^^^ ^^^^f\ gave him his death's wound : and, shortly after, he died man to he upou tlic sauic. Of thcsc aud sucli likc examples the Avorld is full, times aitd aud yct the curiousness of men's heads will not refrain still to pluck the cotir '° apple of this unlucky and forbidden tree.
Beside all this, what murder and parricide come by the fear of these prophecies, in great bloods and noble houses, I refer it unto them who read and well advise the stories, as well of our kings here in England, as in other kingdoms more, both Christened and Turkish, whereof another place shall serve as well (Christ willing) more largely to treat, and particularly to discourse. To this pertain also the great in- convenience and hindrance that groAv by the fear of such prophecies in the vocation of men, forasmuch as many there be, avIio, fearing some one danger, some another, leave their vocations undone^ and follow inordinate ways. As if one having a blind prophecy, that his destruction should be in the day, would wake and do all his business by night and candle-light ; and so forth in other several cases of men and women, as every one in his own conscience knoweth his own case best.
The se- 'i^l'c sccoud thing to be considered in these prophecies, is rightly to part'; how ^^isccm aud understand, as near as we can, the difference between^ the propiie- prophecies proceeding from God, and the false prophecies counter- to t« (lis- feitcd by Satan. For Satan sometimes playeth God's ape, and trans- cwTifd. fonneth himself into an angel of light ; bearing such a resemblance and colour of truth and religion, that a wise man is scarcely able to discern one from the other, and the most part is beguiled. Concern- ing pro])hecics therefore, to know which be of God, which be not, tlirec things are to be observed :
First, Whether they go simply and plainlv, or whether thev be doubtful and ambiguous : whereof the one seemeth to taste of God's Spirit, such as be the prophecies of the Scripture ; the other to come otherwise, having a double or doubtful interpretation. Although the time of God's prophecies, as also of miracles, is commonly and ordi- narily expired, yet if the Lord in these days now extraordinarily do show any prophecy, by the simpleness and plainness thereof it may partly be discerned.
Secondly, This is to be expended : whether they be private, tending to this family or that family, or public. For, as the Scriptures, so commonly the prophecies of God, have no private interpretation, but general ; forasnuich as the care of God's Holy Spirit is not restrained partially to one person more than to another, but generally, and indif- ferently, respectcth the whole church of his elect in Christ Jesus his Son. Wherefore such prophecies a.v privately are touching the arms of
REMEDIES AGAINST DEVILISH PROPHECIES. 759
houses or names of men, rising or falling of private and particular Edward families, are worthily to be suspected. ^^'
The third note and special argument to descry the true prophecies A. D. of God from the false prophecies of Satan and his false prophets, is ^'^^^- tliis, to consider the matter and the end thereof; that is, whether they be worldly, or whether they be spiritual, or whether they tend to any glory or state of this present world, or whether they tend to the spiri- tual instruction, admonition, or comfort, of the public church.
Now remaineth thirdly, after we know what prophecies be of God, The third and what not, that we be instructed next how to eschew the fear and fo avoM"^ peril of all devilish prophecies, which make against us ; wherein two ^^^ ^^^ special remedies are to be marked of every christian man, whereby ^hii°ter he may be safe and sure against all danger of the enemy. The first S''^" is, that wc set the name of Christ Jesus, the Son of God, against them, through a true faith in him ; knowing this, that the Son of God liath appeared to dissolve the works of the devil. And again, " This is the victory," saith the Scripture, " that overcometh the world, even our faith." Whatsoever then Satan worketh, or can work against us, be it ever so forcible, faith in Christ will vanquish it. Such a majesty is in our faith, believing in the name of the Son of God.
The other remedy is fliithful prayer, which obtaineth, in the name of Christ, all things with the Lord. So that wicked fiend, which had killed before seven husbands of Tobias''s wife, could not hurt him entering his matrimony with earnest prayer : so no more sTiall any sinister prophecy prevail, where prayer out of a faithful heart doth strive against it. Neither am I ignorant, that against such temporal evils and punishments in this life inflicted, a great remedy lieth also in this, when Satan findeth nothing wherein greatly to accuse our conscience. But because such a conscience is hard to be found, the next refuge is to fly to repentance, with amendment of life. For many times where sin doth reign in our mortal bodies, there also the operation of Satan is strong against us, to afflict our outward bodies here ; but as touching our eternal salvation, neither work nor merit hath any place, but only our faith in Christ. And thus much briefly touching the two special remedies, whereby the operation of all devilish prophecies may be avoided and defeated.
Now many there be, who, leaving these remedies aforesaid, and the Man's safe protection Avhich the Lord hath set up in Christ, take other ways ^n'/o of their own, seeking by their own policy how to withstand and escape a^^hlsf such prophecies, either subtilely in eschewing the place and time, or tSe devii. else cruelly, by killing the party whom they fear ; whereof cometh injury, murder, and parricide, with other mischiefs in commonwealths unspeakable. To whom commonly it cometh so to pass, that where- by they think most to save themselves, by the same means they fall most into the snare, being subverted and confounded in their own policy, for that they, trusting to their own device, and not unto the Lord, who only can dissolve the operation of Satan, the Lord so No power turaeth their device into a trap, thereby to take them, whereby they stTndMm think most surely to escape. Examples whereof we see not only in cif^j""^-^ Astyages, king of the Medes aforesaid, and Cyrus ; but in infinite and our other like events, which the trade of the world doth daily offer to our liini.
prophe cies before passed.
760 RKMEDIKS AGAINST DEVILISH niOPIIECIF.S.
Efiwnrd eyes. So queen Margaret thought her then cock-sure, when duke
liumplirey was made away ; when nothing else was her confusion so
A.p. much, as the hjss and lack of that man.
^'^''^- So, if king Richard II. had not exercised such cruelty upon his uncle Thomas, duke of Gloucester, he had not received such wrong by king Henry IV. as he did. Likewise this king Edward IV., if he had suffered his brother George, duke of Clarence, to live, his house had not so gone to wrack by Richard, his other brother, as it did. What bcfcl the student of astrology, in the university of Basil, ye heard before ; who, if he had not mewed himself in his chamber for fear of his divination, had escaped the stroke that fell. Now, in avoiding such prophetical events, which he should not have searched, he fell into that which he did fear. These few examples, for instruc- tion''s sake, I thought by occasion to infer, not as though these were alone ; but by these few to admonish the reader of infinite others, which daily come in practice of life, to the great danger and decay, as well of private houses, as of weals public. A brief Wherefore, briefly to repeat what before simply hath been said of'tirj*^^ touching this matter, seeing that Satan, through such subtle pro- ™o"he°^ phecies, hath yet and doth daily practise so manifold mischiefs in the cies world, setting brother against brother, nephew against the uncle, house against house, and realm against realm ; engendering hatred where love was, and subverting privily tlic simplicity of our christian faith : therefore the first and best thing is for godly men not to busy their brains about such phantasies, neither in delighting in them, nor in hearkening to them, nor in searching for them, either by soothsayer, or by conjuration, or by familiar, or by astrologer; knowing and con- sidering this, that whosoever shall be desirous or ready to search I'or The devil tlicm, the devil is as ready to answer his curiosity therein. For as an^w^er°in oucc, in thc old time of Gentility, he gave his oracles by idols and mattersof priests of that time ; so the same devil, although he worketh not now tion. by idols, yet he craitily can give now answer by astrologers and con- jurers in these our days ; and in so doing, both to say truth, and yet Curiosity to dcceivc mcu, when he hath said. Wherefore, leaving off' such cie'^o be cuHosity, let evcry christian man walk simply in his present vocatiun, avoided, referring hid things, not in the word expressed, unto him who saith in his word, " Non est vestruin scire tempora et momenta temporum,''"' &c. " It is not for you to know the times, and seasons of times, which the Father hath kept in his own power," &c.
Secondly, In this matter of prophecies, requisite it is (as is said) for every christian man to learn, how to discern and distinguish the true prophecies, which proceed of God, and thc false prophecies, which come of Satan. 1'hc difference whereof, as it is not hard to be dis- cerned ; so necessary it is, that every good man do rightly understand the same, to thc intent that he, knowing and flying the danger of the one, may be thc more certain and constant in adhering to the other.
Thirdly, Because it is not sufficient that the deceitful prophecies of thc devil be known, but also that they be resisted, I have also declared, by what means the operation of Satan's works and pro- phecies is to be overcome ; that is, not with strength and policy of man, for that there is nothing in man able to countervail the power of that enemy. Under heaven there la nothing else that can prevail
AFFAIRS OF EUROPE. 761
against liis works, but only the name of the Lord Jesus, the Son of -Erfward
God, not outwardly pronounced only with our lips, or signed on our foreheads with the outward cross, but inwardly apprehended, and ^- ^• dwelling in our hearts by a silent faith, firmly and earnestly trusting ^'^^'^- upon the promises of God, given and sealed unto us in his name. ^^^ For so it hath pleased his fatherly wisdom to set him up, to be both strength our righteousness before himself, and also to be our fortitude against chrLian the enemy, accepting our faith in his Son in no less price than he ™fth'*m accepteth the works and worthiness of the same his Son, in whom we ciuist. do believe.
Such is the strength and effect of faith both in heaven, in earth, and also in hell : in heaven to justify, in earth to preserve, in hell to conquer. And, therefore, when any such prophecy, or any other thing is to us objected, which seemeth to tend against us, let us first consider whether it savour of Satan, or not. If it do, then let us seek our succour, not in ourselves, where it doth not dwell, neither let us kill, nor slay, nor change our vocation there-for, following inordinate ways : but let us run to our Castle of refuge, which is, to the power of the Lord Jesus, remembering the true promise of the oniy ninety-first Psalm : " Qui habitat in adjutorio altissimi, in protectione awe'to Dei coeli commorabitur ;"''' that is, " Whoso putteth his trust in the Jlie'power succour of the Lord, shall have the God of heaven to be his pro- "^ satan. tector." And then shall it afterwards follow, as in the same Psalm : " Ipse liberabit te a laqueo venantium, et a verbo aspero ;" that is, " And he shall deliver him from the snare of the hunter, and fi-om all evil words and prophecies, be they never so sharp or bitter against him," &CC. And thus much, by the occasion of king Edward, of prophecies.
Now, having long tarried at home in describing the tumults and troubles within our own land, we will let out our story more at large, to consider the afflictions and perturbations of other parties and places also of Chrisfs church, as well here in Europe under the pope, as in the east parts under the Turk, first deducing our story from the time of Sigismund, where we before left off; which Sigismund, as sigis- is above recorded, was a great doer in the council of Constance ^"pe'^or'^ against John Huss and Jerome of Prague. This emperor had ever ""prospe evil luck, fighting against the Turks. Twice he warred against them, his wara. and in both the battles was discomfited and put to flight ; once about the city of Nicopolis in Moesia, fighting against Bajazet, the great Turk, A.D. 1395, the second time fighting against Celebine, the son of Bajazet, about the town called Columbacium.* But especially after the council of Constance, Avherein were condemned and burned those two godly martyrs, more unprosperous success did then follow him, fighting against the Bohemians, his own subjects, a.d. 1420, by whom he was repulsed in so many battles, to his great dishonour, during all the life of Zisca and of Procopius, as is before more at large expressed : who was so beaten both of the Turks, and at home of his own people, that he never did encounter with the Turks after. Then followed the council of Basil, after the beginning whereof, within six years, this Sigismund, who was emperor, king of Hungary, and king of Bohemia, died in Moravia [Dec. 9th], a.d. 1437.
(1) Columbetz, near Semendiia, on the Danube. See vol. iv. p. 93, note (4).— Ed.
76!^ ALBKRT AND FREDERIC, EMPERORS OK AUSTRIA.
Edwnrd
IV. ALBERT, THE EMPEROR.
A. D. This Sigismund left behind him one only daughter Elizabeth, who ^^^^' was married to Albert duke of Austria, by reason whereof he was ad- vanced to the empire, and so was both duke of Austria, emperor, king of Hungary, and king also of Bohemia. But this Albert (as is afore declared) being an enemy and a disquieter to the Bohemians, and especially to the good men of Tabor, as he was preparing and setting forth against the Turks, in the mean time died, in the second year of his empire, a. d. 1439, leaving his wife great with child; who lying then in Hungary, and thinking herself to be great with a daughter, called to her the princes and the chieftains of the realms, declaring to them that she was but a woman, and insufficient to the governance of such a state ; and moreover how she thought herself to be but with child of a daughter ; and therefore required them to provide among them such a prince and governor (reserving the right of the kingdom to herself), as Avould be fit and able under her, to have the regiment of TiieTurk the land committed. The Turk, in the mean while, being elevated toTnvaae and encouraged with his prosperous victories against Sigismund aforc- Hungary. ^^^^^ bcgau then more fiercely to invade Hungary, and those parts of Christendom. Wherefore the Hungarians, making the more haste, consulted among themselves to make duke Uladislaus, brother to Cassimir king of Poland, their king. The But while this was in working between the Hungarians and Uladis-
hathl ^^"s ^^6 duke, in the mean space Elizabeth brought forth a son called s""- Ladislaus, who being the lawful heir of the kingdom, the queen called prTnce^oT back again her former word, minding to reserve the kingdom for her Hungary, g,jjj^ being the true heir thereof, and therefore refused marriage Avith the said Uladislaus, which she had before pretended. ]iut Uladislaus, joining with a great part of the Hungarians, persisting still in the con- dition before granted, would not give over ; by reason whereof great Division contention and division kindling among the people of Hungary, Anui- cordln rath, the great Turk, taking his advantage of their discord, and partly Hungary, surprcsscd witli pridc of his former success against Sigismund aforc- Apptndix. said, with his whole main and force invaded the realm of Hungary ; The Turk whcrc Huuiadcs, the Vaivode or prince of Transylvania, joining with agahi^st^ the new king Uladislaus, did both together set against the Turk uiadfs^-"^^' ^'^- ^"^^^f ^^^ there Uladislaus, the new king of Hungary, in the laus slain fourth year of his kingdom, was slain. Elizabeth with her son had fled Turks in the mean while to Frederic the emperor. Of Huniadcs, the noble captain, and of his acts, and also of Ladislaus, (Christ willing) more shall be said hereafter, in his time and place.
FREDERIC THE THIRD, EMPEROR.
After the decease of Albert succeeded in the empire Frederick TH., duke of Austria, a. d. l-iiO ; by whom it was procured (as we have before signified) that pope Felix, elected by the council of Basil, did resign his popedom to pope Nicholas V., upon this condition, that the said pope Nicholas should ratify the acts decreed in the said council of Basil. In the days of this emperor, much war and dissension raged almost through all christian .realms in Austria, Hungary, Poland,
LADISLAUS, THE Y'OUKG KING OF BOHEMIA. 763
France, Burgundy, and also here in England, between king Henry Edward VI. and king Edward IV., as ye have already heard ; whereby it had
been easy for the Turk, with little mastery, to have overrun all the A. D. christian realms in Europe, had not the providence of our merciful ^'^^'^- Lord otherwise provided to keep Amm'ath, the Turk, occupied in other civil wars at home in the mean while. Unto this Frederic came Elizabeth (as is afore said) with Ladislaus her son ; by whom he was nourished and entertained a certain space, till at length, after the death of Uladislaus aforesaid, king of Hungary (who was slain ir battle by the Tm-ks), the men of Austria, through the instigation of Ulric Eizinger, and of Ulric, earl of Cilley, rising up in arms, required of Frederic the emperor, either to give them their young king, or else to stand to his own defence.'
When Frederic heard this, neither would he render to them a sudden answer, neither would tliey abide any longer delay ; and so the matter growing to war, Neustadt was besieged, where many were slain, and much harm done. At length, the emperor's part being the A-eaker, the emperor, through the intervention of certain nobles of Germany, restored Ladislaus unto their hands, who being yet under age committed his three kingdoms to three governors, whereof John cover- Huniades, the worthy captain above-mentioned, had the ruling of Sllnglry Hungary; George Podiebrad had Bohemia; and Ulric, the earl of^^j|^?°' Cilley, had Austria: which Ulric, having the chief custody of the under the king, bare the greatest authority above the rest ; a man as full of am- Auftda. bition and tyranny, as he was hated almost of all the Austrians, and, shortly after by the means of Eizinger was excluded also from the king and the court, but afterward restored again, and Eizinger thrust out. Such is the unstable condition of those, who be next in place about princes. But this contention between them I overpass.
Not long after, Ladislaus, the young king, went to Bohemia, there Ladis- to be crowned, where George Podiebrad (as is said) had the gover- !^un,f nance. But Ladislaus, during all the time of his being there, though p?pis^ being much requested, yet would neither enter into the churches, nor couwnot hear the service of those who did draw after the doctrine of Huss. doc'Irinr Insomuch that when a certain priest was appointed and addressed, after °f ii"ss. the manner of priests, to say service before the king in the castle chapel at Prague, being discovered to hold with John Huss and Ilochezanus, the Idng disdaining at him, commanded him to give place and depart, or else he would send him down headlong from the castle rock : and so the good minister, repulsed by the king, departed. Also another time, the said Ladislaus seeing the sacrament carried by a minister of that side, whom they called then Rochezanians, would do thereunto no reverence.
At length the long abode of the king, although it was not very long, yet seemed to the godly-disposed to be longer than they wished ; and that was not to the king unknown, which made him to make the more haste away : but, before he departed, he thought first to visit the noble city of Breslau in Silesia ; in the which city the aforesaid king Ladislaus, being there in the high church at service, many great princes were about him. Among whom was also George Podie- brad, who then stood nearest to the king, unto whom one Chilianus,
(1) Ex JEn. Sylv. [See the Appendix.— Ed.]
'64 GEOUGK I'ODIEBUAD : HIS SAGE A^'SWER.
Edward IV.
the Icing's * fooP (a term applied to certain persons, who, while they pretend themselves fools, make fools of others), spake in this wise as A.D. followcth: H5G.
' With what countenance you do behold this our service I see right well, but
words of y^^"^ heart I do not see. Say then, doth not the order of this our religion seem
a popish unto you decent and comely? do you not see how many and how great princes,
jester to ygg^ ^\^^Q j^ipg himself, do follow one order and uniformity? and why do you not
brad." tl^^" follow these, rather than your preacher Ilochezana? do you think a few
Bohemians to be more wise than all the church of Christ besides ? why then do
you not forsake that rude and rustical people, and join to these nobles, as you
are a noble man yourself?'
Unto whom thus Podicbrad sagely again answered,
An an- ' If you speak these words of yourself, saith he, you are not the man whom
swer pro- you feign yourself to be ; and so to you I answer, not as to a fool. But if you
ofaliea- speak this by the suggestion of others, then must I satisfy them. Hear therc-
venly fore : As touching the ceremonies of the church, every man hath a conscience
wisdom, ^f |,jg Q^y^^ jQ follow. As for us we use such ceremonies, as we trust do please
God ; neither is it in our arbitrement to believe what we will ourselves. The mind
of man, being persuaded with great reasons, is caplived, will he, nill he ; and
as nature is instructed and taught, so is she drawn, in some one way, and in
some another. As for myself, I am fully persuaded of the religion of my
j)reachers. If I should follow thy religion, I might perchance deceive men,
while going counter to my own conscience; but I cannot deceive God, who seeth
the hearts of all ; neither shall it become me to frame myself to thj' disposition.
That wliich is meet for a jester, is not likewise convenient for a noble num.
And these words either take to thyself, as spoken to thee, if thou be a wise man ;
or else I refer them to those who set thee at work.' '
After the king was retm-ncd fi-om the Bohemians again to Austria, the Hungarians likewise made their petitions to the king, that he would also come unto them. The governor of Hungary (as ye before liavc heard) was John Huniades, whose victorious acts against the uiric Turks are fiimous. Against this Huniades, wicked Ulric, earl of thedea'th Cillcy, did all he could with the king, to bring him to destruction, ade"""'" ^"d therefore caused the king to send for him up to Vienna, and there privily to work his death. But Huniades, having thereof in- telligence, offereth himself, within Hungary, to serve his prince in AppJudi^. ^^' affairs : out of the land where he was, he was not bound (he said) to attend his commands. The earl, being so disappointed, came down with certain nobles of the court to the borders of Hungary, thinking either to apprehend him and bring him to Vienna, or there to dispatch liim. Huniades said he would commune with him abroad in the fields ; within tlie town he would not be brought. After that, another train also was laid for him, that under pretence of the king's safo- Huniades couduct lie sliould mcct the king in the broad fields of Vienna. But h^s^ene- Huuiades, suspcctiug deceit, came indeed to the place appointed, "»y- where he, neither seeing the king to come, nor the earl to have any safe-conduct for him, was moved (and not witliout cause) against the carl, declaring how it was in his power there to slay him, who went about to seek his blood ; but, for the reverence of the king, he would spare him and let him go. Belgrade Not long after this, the Turk with a great power of fighting men, iirtiie^'^ to the number of a hundred and fifty thousand, arrived in Hungary, Turk. ■where he laid siege to the city of Belgrade. But through the merciful
(1) Ex Mn. Sylv., in Hist. Bohem. [cap. 62.]
THE KIMG I'UTTETH A SON OF HUNIADES TO DEATH. 765
Land of God, John Huniades, and Capistranus a certain Minorite, Edward with a good muster of christian soldiers, gave him the repulse and — ~
put him to flight with all his mighty host; whereof more, Christ -A.D. willing, hereafter.' Huniades shortly after this victory deceased. ^^^^- Of whose death when the king and the earl did understand, they came The the more boldly into Hungary ; where, being received by Ladislaus, oTrby"^ Huniades's son, into the city of Belgrade, they viewed the place wl:
ace wnere
means of
the Turks before had pitched their tents. When this Ladislaus heard =i"'i capi- that the king was coming first toward the town, obediently he opened against" to him the gates. Four thousand only of armed soldiers he debarred '^'^ '^"''''• from entering the city.
In the mean time, while the king was there resident in the city, the Debate earl with other nobles did sit in council, requiring also Ladislaus to ^1']^''" resort unto them ; who, first doubting with himself what he should ^?4{;f do, at length putteth on a privy coat of mail, and cometh to them. Kanf' Whether the earl first began with him, or he with the earl, it is not so,i^^ known. The opinion of some is, that Ulric first called him traitor, ujric, for shutting the gates against the king''s soldiers. Howsoever the l^^ll"^ occasion began, this is undoubted, that Ulric, taking his sword from siain. ' his page, let fly at his head. To break the blow, some, putting up their hands, had their fingers cut off. The Hungarians, hearing a noise and tumult within the chamber, brake in upon them, and there incontinent slew Ulric the earl, wounding and cutting him almost all to pieces. The king hearing thereof, although he was not a little discontented thereat in his mind, yet seeing there was then no other remedy, dissembled his grief for a time.
From thence taking his journey again to Buda, accompanied with The cruel the aforesaid Ladislaus, the king, passing by the town where the wife fatTo™of of Huniades was mourning for the death of her husband, seemed i^yf^tijg with many fliir words to comfort her, and after he had there sufficiently ki"g repasted himself, with such pretence of dissembled love, and feigned favour, that they were without all suspicion and fear ; from thence he set forward on his journey, taking with him the two sons of Huniades, nie two Ladislaus and Matthias, who were right ready to wait upon him. Huni*^*^ The king, being come to Buda (whether of his own head, or by ^des, r.a- sinister counsel set on), when he had them at a vantage, caused both and the sons of Huniades, to wit, Ladislaus and Matthias, to be appre- Lalu-"^^' hended. And first was brought forth Ladislaus, the elder son, to the ^^^^^^' place of execution, there to be beheaded ; where meekly he suffered, ades's being charged with no other crime but this, published by the voice nocem- of the crier, saying, " Thus are they to be chastened, who are rebels ),^^p"J '" against their Lord.'' Peucer, writing of his death, addeth this more- a mira- over, that after the hangman had three blows at his neck, yet notwith- token at standing the said Ladislaus, having his hands bound behind him, after of Lldi's- the third stroke rose upright upon his feet, and looking up to heaven ^=»"s- called upon the Lprd, and protested his innocency in that behalf; and so laying down his neck again, at the fourth blow was dispatched.^ Matthias, the other brother, was led captive with the king into Austria. The rest of the captives brake the prison, and escaped.
It was not long after this cruelty was wrought upon Ladislaus (the king being about the age of eighteen years), that talk was n^ade ^p^fZur.
(1) Ex Hist. Bohera. ^n. Sylvi. [cap. 65. SeeinfrA, vol. iv.p. 40.] (2) Ex Peucer. Chron. lib. 5.
766 DESIGN OF LADISLAUS TO DESTBOY THE BOHEMIAXS.
Edward of tlic kifig's marriage witli Magdalen, daiigliter to Charles the French ^^' king. The place of the marriage was a])pointed at Prague, where
A. D. great preparation was for the matter. At tiic first entrance of the king ^'i^^- into the city of Prague, Rochezana, with a company of ministers sucli Prepara- as wcrc favourcrs of John Huss and of sincere religion, came with all th"k^nVs solemnity to receive the king, making there his oration to gratulate Lad'^f"^' ^''^ king's most joyful and prosperous access into the same his own us, tile realm and country of Bohemia. Unto which Rochezana, after he had cehx/tn ended his oration, scarce the king would open his mouth to give thanks A°fier'ce*' ^° ^'"^' ^^ sliow any cheerful countenance unto his company, but enemy secmcd ficrccly to frown upon them. In the next pageant after these, the Hus- came forth the priests of the high minster after the most popish ^'''^'" manner, meeting him with procession and with the sacrament of the altar : for as panacea, among physicians, serveth for all diseases, so the Thesa- sacrauient of the pope"'s altar serveth for all pomps and pageants, on™r' First it must lie upon the altar; then it must be holden up with altar used ],ands : then it must hang in the pix ; it must serve for the quick ;
to many . iiiiii- • • ^ ■ -i ■
purposes, it must also lu'lp tiic dcad ; it must, moreover, visit the sick ; it must walk about the churchyard ; it must go about the streets ; it must be carried about the fields to make the grass to grow ; it must be had to the battle ; it must ride on horseback before the pope : and finally it must welcome kings into cities. Wherein these catholic fathers do seem somewhat to forget themselves. For if the pope, being inferior to the sacrament of the altar, at the coming of kings do use to sit still, while the kings come and kiss his feet, what reason is it that the sacrament of the altar, which is (I trow) above the po])e, should meet kings by the way, and welcome them to the town .' But this by the way of parenthesis : let us now continue the text.
When Ladislaus, this catholic king, who had showed himself before so stout and stern against Rochezana and his company, had seen these catholic priests with their procession, and especially with their blessed sacrament, coming ; with all reverence and much devotion, he lighted down from his horse, he embraced the cross and kissed it, and with cheerful countenance saluted the priests in order. All this while, liis young wife was not yet come out of France, but legates were sent, after most sumptuous Avise to conduct her. Other legates also were sent at the same time to the emperor Frederic, for conclusion of peace. The third legation was directed likewise to pope Calixtus about religion, how to reduce the Bohemians to the church of Rome.' A great The autlior of this story (who was pope Pius II. himself) declarcih ofcatho'- farther the opinion of some to be, that king Ladislaus, the same iiTtender timc, had intended to make a final end and destruction of all that against s^^.^ Jn Bohcmia, which held with the doctrine of John Huss and Jerome, by the assembly and concourse of the catholic princes and popish ])ielatcs, who wcrc appointed there to meet together at that marriage in Prague. For there should be first, the emperor Frederic and the empress, the king's two sisters Elizabeth and Anna, the princes of Saxony, Bavaria, Silesia, Franconia, the Palatine and other princes of the Rhine : many also of the lords of France, besides the pope's cardinals, legates, prelates, and other potestates of the pope's church; who if they had altogether convented in Bohemia, no doubt but
(1) Ex iEuoa Sylvio in hist. Bobem. [cap. G9.]
tlic Hus sites.
THE DOMINIONS OP" KING LADISLAUS. 767
some great mischief had been wrought there against the Hussites, Edward against •whom this Ladislaus, following the steps of Sigismund, his ^^
grandfather, and Albert, his fither, was ever an utter enemy. But A. D. when man hath purposed, yet God disposeth as pleaseth him. ^ ^■'^^-
And therefore truly it is written by -^neas Sylvius in the same place, saying, " De regimine civitatum, de mutatione regnorum, de orbis imperio, minimum est quod homines possunt : magna magnus disponit Deus :" That is, " In regiment of cities, in alteration of kingdoms, in ruling and governing the world, it is less than nothing Govem- tliat man can do ; it is the high God that ruleth high things." ance of AVhereunto then I may well add this moreover, and say : that if amfkhig- tlie governance of worldly kingdoms standeth not in man's power, noun'^ but in the disposition of God, mnch less is it then that man's "'^"'** power can do, in the regiment and governing of religion. Example nuichiess whereof in this purposed device of princes doth evidently appear : verifance for, as this great preparation and solemnity of marriage was in °[Jn^'' doing, and the princes ready to set forth, with a little turn of TUe great God's holy hand all these great purposes were suddenly turned God in and dashed. For in the midst of this business, about midnight, htfpoo"^ the 22nd day of November, a.d. 1458, this great adversary of ^"''"'^'l- Christ's people, king Ladislaus, king of Bohemia and of Hungary, king and prince of Austria, sickened, and within thirty-six hours Itns!' died ; some say of a pestilent sore in his groin, some say of poison. Appendix. But howsoever it was, as it came not without the just judgment of Blood re- God, revenging the innocent blood of Ladislaus, Huniades's son, g'^olf,'^'^^^ wrongfully put to death before ; so, by the opportune death of this king the poor churches of Bohemia were graciously delivered. And this end made Ladislaus, one of the mightiest princes at that time in all Europe ; in whom three mighty kingdoms were conjoined and combined together, Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia ; which countries do lie south east from England, in the farthest parts of all Germany, toward Constantinople and the dominion of the Turks, and contain these principal towns in them.
THE LARGE DOMINIONS OF LADISLAUS.
|
AUSTRIA. 1 |
Kotzo. |
Agria. |
|
Kaba. |
Orszaw. |
|
|
Vienna.2 |
Lindenbnrg. |
Bossen. |
|
Melck. |
Sabaria. |
|
|
Neustadt (nova Civitas). Gretz. |
HUNGARY.3 |
|
|
BOHEMJ/i. |
||
|
St. Hypolit. |
Ofen Cuda. |
|
|
Lintz. |
Strigonium. |
Prague. |
|
Stein. |
Kalacliia. |
Plizen. |
|
H aim burg. |
Varadein. |
Tabor. |
|
Kremsier. |
Nitria. |
Budvveis. |
|
Karolsburg. |
Nicopolis, Nova et |
Kolni, or Koelu. |
|
Teben. |
Vetus. |
Egra. |
(1) CalleJ once Pannonia Superior. To Austria be adjoining also certain provinces and earldoms as, Stiria, Carinthia, Croatia ; provinces. Silesia and Tyrolentz ; earldoms.
(2) Besieged by the Turk, a.d. 1533.
(3) This Hungary was first called Pannonia Inferior, or Pceonia. After the coming of the Huns, '.t was called Hungaria : of whom came Attila, who destroyed Italy, about a.d 440. Through Hungary runneth the Danube, having on the west side, Austria; and IJohemia on the east; Servia, on the south side; Polonia, &c. The most of this Hungary is now under the Turk; which Turk first came into Europe, a.d. 1211.
A.D 1IP2.
768 THE DESCENT OF MAXIMTT.TAX, THE EMIEItOR.
Edward Kuttcubcrg. Austi. Krupa.
^' • Leiiiiiritz. Maut, or Myto. Krumaw.
Laiin. Hof. ' Pardubice.
Racownitz, Jaroniir. Cluimitaum.
Glataw. Dubitz, or Biela. Loket, or Teplitz.
Bern, or Beraun. liaiitzbut. Hanlzburg, or Zbraslau.
Bruck, or Most. Gilgwey. Labes, or Ultawa. Gretz, or Hradetz.
After tlie deatli of Ladislaus, tlie kingrlom of Bolicmia fell to George Podiebrad above mentioned, whom Pope Innocent VIII. did excommunicate and depose for his religion, as is afore declared.
Furthermore the kingdom of Hungary was given to Matthias, son of Huniades, who was in captivity (as is said) with king Jjadislaus, and shoidd have been put to death after his brother, had not the king before been prevented with death, as is above recorded. More- over, here is to be noted that the said king, Ladislaus, thus dying without wife and issue, left behind him two sisters alive, to wit, Elizabeth, Avho was married to Casimir, king of Poland ; and Anna, married to William duke of Saxony ; Elizabeth by her husband Casimir, king of Poland, had Uladishuis, who at length was king of both Bohemia and Hungary. This Uladislaus was firet married to Beatrix, wife before to Matthias. Then, being divorced from her bv the dispensation of pope Alexander, he married a new wife, a countess of France, by whom he had two children, Louis and Anne ; Louis, who was heir of both kingdoms, Bohemia and Hungarv, was slain fighting against the Turks. Anne was married to Ferdinand, by whom he was archduke of Austria, king of Bohemia, &c.
MAXIMILIAN, HOW descended from SIGISMUND.
EtizABExn, — m. to Alrert the Emperor, only dauRliter left by hira.
KiriKof T hi iiiifrary and Bohemia.
f \ 1
Ladislaus, Elizabeth. = m. to Casimir, A^NA. =m. to Wii.r.u
King of HuMf^ary, Bohemia, | King of Poland. Duke of Sa
and Austria.
Beatrice, = ULAni'sLAUs, liis (iist wife.
f ^
I.UnOVirUS, AkSE, r=: m. to FeuDI.N AND.
King of Bolieniia and Hungary.
Maximilian, now Empiror.
Ye heard before, liow, after the decease of Ladii^iaus, the Hun- garians, by their election, preferred Matthias, surnamed Corvinus, i'.'.^(i • "wlio was son of Huniades, to the kingdom of Hungary: for which tlie cause dissension fell between Frederic the emperor and him, (or
emperor. ^^^^ ^^^ ^^jj Frcdcric was both nominated liimself by divers unto that kingdom, and also because lie liad the crown of Hungary then remaining in his hands, which Elizabeth, mother to king Ladislaus, liad brought to the emperor, as was before declared. But this war between them was ce<ised by the intercession of the princes of
War
between
Matthias
GOD DEFENDETH THE RELIGION OF THE BOHEMIANS. 769
Germany, so that Matthias ransomed that crown of Frederic for Edward eiglit thousand florins. ^^"
Not long after, pope Innocent being displeased with George A. D. Podiebrad (or Bqjebracius), king of Bohemia, for favouring of John ^'^'^*- Huss and his religion, that is to say, for playing the part of a George godly prince, did excommunicate and depose him, conferring his brad'by kingdom on Matthias. But, forsomuch as Frederic the emperor depS^ would not thereto consent, and especially after the death of the ^'iTd^'m aforesaid George, when the emperor and the Bohemians, leaving -for out Matthias, did nominate Uladislaus, son of Casirnir king ofoTjThn"^ Poland, and of Elizabeth, to be king of Bohemia, therefore great AUxr't, war and trouble kindled between him and Frederic the emperor ; <'"'^e Jf wherein the emperor had utterly gone to ruin, had not Albert, ^^°^^' duke of Saxony, rescued the emperor, and repressed the vehemency of Matthias.
The noble acts of John Huniadcs, and of this Matthias, his son, The nobis were not only great stays to Hungary, but almost to all Christendom, Sohn^ind in repelling back the Turk. For besides the other victories of John Matthias Huniades, the fither aforementioned, this Matthias also, his son, against succeeding no less in valiantness, than in the name of his father, xurks. did so recover Sirmium, and the confines of Illyrica, from the hands of the Turks, and so vanquished their power, that both Mahomet, and also Bajazet, his son, were enforced to seek for truce.
Over and besides, the same Matthias conducting his army into Ja'fz^ re- Bosnia, which lieth south from Hungary, recovered again Jaitza, the The'^sub- principal town of that kingdom, from the Turks' possession ; who, if twelT other christian princes had joined their helps withal, would have pro- ^'1^^"^*^ ceeded further into Thrace. But behold here the malicious subtlety proceed" of Satan, working by the pope. For while Matthias was thus occu- '"^^' pied in this expedition against the Turks, wherein he should have been set forward and aided by christian princes, and bishops; the bishop of Rome wickedly and sinfully ministereth matter of civil discord between him and Podiebrad aforesaid, in removing him from the right of his kingdom, and transferring the same to Matthias. Whereupon, not only the course of victory against the Turks Avas stopped, but also great war and bloodshed followed in christian realms, as well between this Matthias and Podiebrad, with his two sons Victorinus and Henricus, as also between Casirnir, Uladislaus, and Matthias, warring about Breslau; till at length the matter was taken up by the princes of Germany.
Albeit, for all the execrable excommunication of the pope against The Podiebrad, a great part of Bohemia would not be removed from excom- the obedience of their king, whom the pope had cursed, and de- ^o^j^t" posed : yet Matthias took from him Moravia, and a great portion oV'^>'''^'.''y of Silesia, and adjoined it to his kingdom of Hungary, a. d. Bohemia. 1474.
Here this by the way is to be noted, that the religion in Bohemia, The reii- planted by John Huss, could not be extinguished or suppressed with t^heVohe
and Ladislaus, notwithstanding they, with the popes, did therein ''y 9011 wliat they possibly could ; but still the Lord maintained the same, us ''^"''"*'
VOL. Ill, a u
ded
770 THE pope's dispensation.
Edward ye scc by tliis Poiliebratl, king of Bolieniia, whom tlie pope could
^^' not utterly remove out of the kingdom of Bohemia. A.D. This foremcutioncd Matthias, besides his other memorable aets nf ^'*^^- chivalry, is no less also commended for his singular knowledge, and the four love of Icaniiug and of learned men, whom he with great stipends ^tnces'in procurcd iuto Pannonia ; where, by the means of good letters, and Mauhfas furniture of learned men, he reduced in short s])ace the barbarous a gnat rudcuess of that country into a flourishing commonwealth. More- learning over such a library he did there erect, and replenish with all kind of r"an°ed aulhors, sciences, and histories, which he caused to be translated out his'nobie ^^ Greek into Latin, as the like is not thought to be found, next to librarj-. Italy, in all Europe beside. Out of which library we have received divers fragments of writers, as of Polybius, and Diodorus Siculus, which were not extant before.' commen- The Constant fortitude also of George Podiebrad, king of Bohemia, Podil""^ is not unworthy of commendation; of whom also pope Pius him- brad. self, in ' Dcscriptione Europos," doth honestly report (as a pope may speak of a protestant), in these words writing, " Magnus vir alioqui, et rebus bellicis clarus," &c. : who, although ])ope Innocent God's fa- did execrate him with his chiklren, yet he left not off the profession th"sons of the verity and the knowledge which he had received. Moreover, the brachS^ Lord SO prospered his sons, Victorinus and Henricus, that they sub- dued their enemies, and kept their estate : insomuch that when Frederic the emperor, at Vienna, was in custody enclosed by the citizens, Victorinus did restore, and deliver him out of their hands. Wherefore the emperor afterwards advanced them to be dukes. Also God gave them sometimes prosperous victory against Matthias, as at the city of Glogau, &c. Thedeath After the decease of George Podiebrad, king of Bohemia, hrl^^'"' Frederic the emperor assigned that kingdom, not to ^Latthias, upcm [May22d, -whom the popc had bestowed it before, but to Uladislaus, son of Casimir hVk] king of Poland, and of Elizabeth, daughter of the emperor Albert IL, L'ladis- and sister to Ladislaus. For the which INIatthias being discontented, ta"1rair's and for that the emperor had denied him his daughter Kunegunda, m."(ie y^'^y^^ about to exclude Uladislaus out of Bohemia, and also ])ro- kintiof claimed war against Frederic. But before he accomplished his pur- mgary. ^^^^^ preparation, death prevented him, who without issue dcjiarted, A. D. 1490.
After the death of Matthias, departing without issue, Uladislaus,
son of Casimir king of Poland, and of Elizabeth daughter to
Albert the emperor, and sister to king Ladislaus,.married his wife
uiadis- Beatrix, wliom Matthias left a widow, and with her was elected king
ia"netha of Hungary, with tliis condition made between him and Frederic
dispensa- the cmpcror, that if he died without lawful issue, then the king-
tion from , v. Tr -n i • i i i hi ■ -i-
pope doms of Hungary and Bohemia should return to JSlaximilian, d'e'r.To" son to Frederic. But Uladislaus not long after did repudiate his hi"firsi wife Beatrix, and depriving her of her kingdom, caused the said wife, and Bcatrix to swcar and to consent to his marrying another woman, wlio anoi'her was the daughter of the French king, named Anne, procuring from pope Alexander a dispensation for the same, as is before signiticd. By
(1) Ex Pouc. lib.
DISCORD AXD DISSENSION IN THE CHURCH NOTED. 771
this Anne, Uladi&laus had Louis and Anne, which Anne afterwards was F-hrard married to Ferdinand. . ^' ' ^
Louis succeeding his father, had both the said kingdoms of A. D. Bohemia and Hungary, a. d. 1492, and married Mary, sister to ^'^"^- the emperor Charles the Fifth. Anne as is said, was couuled to Ferdinand, &c.
Of Charles duke of Burgundy somewhat was before touched, who liad married king Edward's sister; and what troubles by him were stirred up in France, partly was before notified. This Charles after war be- lie had besieged the town of Nuys, near to Cologne, the space of a chaiL whole year, went about to alienate the territory of Cologne from the 3"^.^°,^ empire to his own dominion: wherefore war began to be moved dy and between him and Frederic the emperor. At length, through com- thlem-° munication had, peace was concluded, and a marriage a]ipointed '"^'''"'• between Mary the only daughter of Charles, and Maximilian the emperor's son, a. d. 1475. Then from Nuys Charles leadeth his a.d.h75. army towards Switzerland, against Renatus, or Rene, duke of Lor- raine ; then against the Switzers, where he, being thrice overcome, Duke of first at Granson, then at Moratum, or Morat, in the higher part of dj^sLTn Switzerland, at last, at the town of Nancy, was overthrown and slain, *" "^'• A.D. 1477. The procurer of which wars was chiefly Louis XL, the a.d.h??. French king, to the intent he might compass the dominion of Bur- Mary, gundy under his subjection ; which afterward by open wrong and ofCharL's privy fraud he brought about, defrauding Mary, the daughter of°|^j^;^^'- Charles, of her rightful inheritance ; for the which cause the Bur- marrieii gundians were the more willing to join her in marriage with Maxi- miiiau'^'' milian, son of Frederic the emperor: by reason whereof the title of Burgundy was first joined to the house of Austria.
And thus have you the miserable vexations and contentions among warand our christian princes here in Europe described, under the reign of sioT" this emperor Frederic IIL, so that almost no angle or portion of all ^™'.'"? Cliristendom (whether we consider the state of the church, or civil princes. government) was free from discord, tumults, and dissensions. This cankered worm of ambition so mightily creepeth, and every where prevaileth in these latter ends of the world, that it sufFereth neither rest in commonweals, nor peace in the church, nor any sparkle of charity almost to remain in the life of men. And what marvel then xhedis- if the Lord, seeing us so far to degenerate, not only from his pre- chrlsUans cej)ts and coimsels, but almost from the sense and bond of nature, scourged tliat brother with brother, uncle with nephew, blood with blood, can- x^uks. not agree, in striving, killing and fighting for worldly dominions, do send therefore these cruel Turks upon us, so to scourge and devour us ? of whose bloody tyranny and daily spilling of christian blood hereafter, by the grace of Christ, we will discourse more at large, when we come to the peculiar consideration of the Turkish stories. In the mean time this shall be for us to note and observe : not so nnich the scourge how grievous it is, but rather to behold the causes which bring the whip upon us, which are our ow^n miserable ambition and wretched wars among ourselves.
And yet if this christian peace and love, left and commended so Discord heartily unto us by the mouth of the Son of God, being now banished c,',,'!?^^, out of clu'istian realms, and civil governance, might at least find "o'^'i- 3 I) '2
772 THE SF.F, OF ROME HATII NO BOTTOM.
Edward some Tcfugc ill tlic cliurcli, or take sanctuary among men professing — Lj_ notliinof but rcliinon, less cause we had to niouiTi. Now so it is, that
A.D. as wc sec little peace and amity amonfr civil potentates; so less wc ^ ^'^^- find in the spiritual sort of those, wlio chiefly take upon them the ad- ministration of Christ^s church. So that it may well be doubted ■whether the scourge of the Turk, or the civil sword of princes have slain more in the fields, or the pope's keys have burnt more in towns and cities. And albeit such as be professed to the church, do not fight with sword and target for dominions and revenues, as warlike princes Ambition do ; vct this ambition, pride, and avarice, appearcth in them nothing riieof^' inferior unto other worldly potestates ; especially if we behold and church advise the doings and insatiable desires of the court of Rome. Great of Rome, arguments and proof hereof neither are hard to be found, nor far to be sought. What realm almost through all Christendom hath not only seen with their eyes, but have felt in their purses the ambition intolerable, and avarice insatiable of that devouring church, and also have complained upon the grievance thereof, but never could be re- dressed ? What exactions and extortions have been here in England out of bishoprics, monasteries, benefices, deaneries, archdeaconries, and all other ofilces of the church, to fill the popc"'s coffers ? and when they had all done, yet almost every year brought some new in- vention from Rome to fetch in our English money ; and if all the floods in England (yea in all Europe) did run into the sec of Rome, yet Avere that ocean never able to be satisfied.
In France, likewise, what floods of money were swallowed up in this see of Rome ! It was openly complained of in the council of Basil, as is testified by Henry Token, canon and ambassador of the arch- bishop of Magdeburg, written in his book, entitled, ' Rapularium,"' ■where he writeth that in the council of Basil, a. d. 1436, the arch- bishop of Lyons did declare, that in the time of pope Martin there came out of France to the court of Rome, nine millions of gold, which was gathered of the bishops and prelates, besides those which could not be counted of the poor clergy, who daily, without number, ran unto the court of Rome, carrying with them all their whole sul)- Thesee staucc. The arclibishop of Tours said also at Basil, a. «. 143*), rs*^fun?ed ^^^^^ thrcc miUious of gold came unto Rome in his time, within into an ^jjc spacc of fourtccn ycars, from the iirelates and prelacies, whereof
ocean, l i i i i i • i i i i i -1
thathaHi no accouut could uc made, besides the poor clergy wlio daily run to toin°'" that court. Let the man that feareth (lod judge what a devouring gulf this is : a million containeth ten hundred tliousand.
And what made pope Pius II. to labour so earnestly to Louis XL, the French king, who, as is aforesaid, was a great enemy to the house of Burg\indy, that he would, according to his former promise, abolish and utterly extinguish the constitution established bef(»re at conciii- the council of Bourges, by king Charles VIL, his predecessor, called ri™ n^e"" ' Pragmatica Sanctio,' but only the ambition of that see, which had no measure, and their avarice, which had no end ? The story is this : King Charles VIL, the French king, willing to obey and follow the council of Basil, did sumuKm a I'arliament at Bourges; where, by Prafnna- the full conscut of all the states in France, both spiritual and tem- tic«sanc- pQpj^]^ j,^ certain constitution was decreed and published, called * Prag- matica Sanctio ;' wherein was comprehended briefly the pith and
THE GERMANS COMPLAIN OF THE POPe's EXACTIONS. 773
effect of all the canons and decrees concluded in the council of Basil. Edward
Which constitution the said king Charles willed and commanded !_.
through all his realm inviolably to be observed and ratified, for A. D. the honour and increase of the christian religion, for ever. This ^^^^- was A.D. 1438.1
It followed that after the decease of the foresaid Charles VII. PopePius succeeded king Louis XL, who had promised before (being dauphin) that"'^'^' to pope Pius, that if he ever came to the crown the aforesaid ' Sanctio '^^^^^fl Pragmatica' should be abolished. Wherevipon pope Pius, hearing sancUo* him to be crowned, did send unto him John Balveus a cardinal, with abolish- ^ his great letters patent, willing him to be mindful of his promise ^^' made. The king, either willing, or else pretending a will, to perform and accomplish that he had promised, directed the pope's letters patent, with the said cardinal, to the council of Paris ; requiring them to consult upon the cause.
Thus the matter being brought and proposed in the parliament^ house, the king's attorney, named Johannes Romanus, a man well spoken, singularly witted, and well reasoned, stepping forth, with great eloquence, and no less boldness, proved the said sanction to be profitable, holy, and necessary for the wealth of the realm, and in no case to be abolished. Unto whose sentence the university of Paris. Thecoun- adjoining their consent, did appeal from the attempts of the pope to Paris ap- the next general council. The cardinal understanding this, took no ^^o^lf 'he little indignation thereat, fretting and fuming, and threatening many pope to terrible things against them : but, all his minatory words notwith- rafc^u"!!-" standing, he returned again to the king, his purpose not obtained, '^''" A.D. 1466.2
Thus the pope''s purpose in France was disappointed, which also in Germany had come to the like effect, if Frederic the emperor had there done his part likewise toward the Germans ; who, at the same The com- time, bewailing their miserable estate, went about with humble suit the'ce?- to persuade the emperor, that he should no longer be under the sub- JSe"emp8. jection of the popes of Rome, except they had first obtained certain fo^- ^°^ things of them as touching the charter of appeals ; declaring their aid estate to be far worse (although undeserved) than the Frenchmen or the'op- Italians, whose servants (and especially of the Italians) they are wor- ll^^^l^^' thily to be called, except that their estate were altered. The nobles pope. and commonalty of Germany did instantly entreat, with most weighty reasons and examples, both for the utility and profit of the empire, to have the emperor''s aid and help therein, for that which he was bound unto them by an oath ; alleging also the great dishonour and ignominy, in that they alone had not the use of their own laws, de- claring how the French nation had not made their suit unto their king in vain against the exactions of popes, by whom they were defended ; who also provided decrees and ordfnances for the liberty of his people, and caused the same to be observed ; which thing the emperor ought to foresee within his empire, and to provide for his people and states of his empire, as well as other kings do. For what shall come to pass thereby, if that foreign nations, having recom-se unto their kings, being relieved and defended by them from the said exactions, and the Germans, and states of the empire flying unto their
(1) Ex Joan. Mario Delg de Schismat. et Concilio, cap. 24. (2) E.x Joan. Mario.
•774 THE WICKED POLICY OF -ENEAS SYI.Vias.
Edward cmpcTor, bc by him forsaken, or rather betrayed and deprived of their ^^' own laws and decrees ? The emperor, being moved, and partly ovcr- A. D. come by their persuasions, promised that he would provide no less ^'^^7. fQj. them, than the king of France had done for the Frenchmen, and to make decrees in that behalf, liut the grave authority of -^^ncas Sylvius, as Platina writeth in the history of Pius II., brake off the matter; * whose' talk was thus unto the emperor. Mark here the wicked oration of a Avicked and traitorous orator. " Amongst princes," saith he, " albeit there be variance and discord about great and weighty matters, yet peace may sometimes be made again : but between the prince and the common people there is always mortal hatred/"' Wherefore this wicked /Eneas, forasmuch as he should bc shortly the successor of Calixtus, concluded upon this point, saying : That he thought it much better to accord with the pope, than to follow their covetous desires, whose minds are led with covctousness and ap])etite, rather than by reason. Behold by what policy and engine, with what force of impiety and wickedness, that venomous tongue hath suddenly envenomed and enchanted the emperor, that with one word he hath subverted ami ])ut away such evident truth, such exquisite justice, and such manifest utility and necessity of laws and decrees, Avhich iEneas himself was present at the making of, and a long time allowed the same unto the emperor, and put them in exe- cution ; besides the manifold and weighty reasons of the princes and people of Germany, who were admitted, had already taken place and persuaded, but that as yet they Avcre not performed. This, I say, he brought to pass by that his only false, seditious, and venomous oration, that he* did so bewitch the emjicror, that he, contemning the equal, just, and necessary requests of his subjects, chose the said /Eneas to be his ambassador unto Calixtus, then newly chosen pope, to swear unto him in his name, and to promise the absolute obedi- ence of all Germany, as the only country (as they call it) of obedi- ence, neglecting the ordinances and decrees of their countrv, as before he had done unto Eugene IV., being ambassador for the said Frederic, promising that he and all the Germans would be obe- dient unto him from henceforth, in all matters, as well spiritual as temporal.
Thus, twice, Frederic of Austria contemned and derided the Ger- mans, and, frustrating them of their native decrees and ordinances, brought them under subjection and bondage of the pope; which partly was the cause that seven years before his death, he caused his son Maximilian not only to be chosen, but also crowned king of the Romans, and did associate him in the ministration of the empire, imadeVhe ^*^^^ ''^^^'^^ ^^^ death (as it came to pass) the empire should be trans- Gcrnians ported iuto auotlicr family; sus])ecting the Germans, Avhom he had subject twice, contrary to his laws, made subject, and in bondage unto the pope."'" pf^P'-'^s exactions ; first, before he was crowned in the time of Eugene Albert'"' ' ^"^^ again, the second time, after his coronati(m, and the death
and Si- of pope Nicholas V., denying their requests; by whom, afterwards, strWefM in the year of our Lord 14Gj3, he was besieged. ^Vllereupon Ger- dorn'of^*^ many being in this miserable p(nerty and grievous subjection under Austria, the popc's tyranny and pollings, Avith tears and sighs lamenting their
(1) See Editiou 1563, p._370.— Ed.
JOHN, THE NEATHERD OF FEANCONIA, A MARTYE. ^76
estate, continued so almost vxnto Luther's time ; as the histories Edward
hereafter following do testify. '. —
And here ceasing with the story of Frederic, we will now proceed A. D. to the reign of Maximilian, his son, omitting divers things else inci- '• dent in the time of this emperor ; as first, touching the unbrotherly contention and conflicts between this Frederic and Albert his brother, and Sigismund his uncle, for the dukedom of Austria, after the death of Matthias afore-mentioned. Omitting also to speak of the long and cruel war between the Prussians and Poles, with the religious warbe- sect of those who were called ' Teutones fratres sanctro Marise,'' in r^rancis the time of Uladislaus : omitting also the strife and variance for the ^^^^^^^ dukedom of Milan, between Frederic the emperor, Alphonsus, veneti- Charles duke of Orleans, and Francis Sfortia : and how the said MUam""* princedom being after given to Sfortia, great wars were kindled and long continued betvi^cen Sfortia and the Milanese, then between the v.een ^ Milanese and Venetians, and after betAveen the Frenchmen and the French''^ Milanese. All which tumults and commotions, as not pertinent ^he^cif'"^ greatly to the purpose of this story, I refer to other writers, where of Milan they are to be found more amply discoursed.
3BoI)n tfje J^eatfjecD, of JFcanconia, a M^tt^t 5 anD ^actoc Sjofjanne^ De ilDciSaUa.
This, as more properly belonging to the story of the church, I thought good not to pass over, touching such as were condemned, and suffered the pains of fire, for testimony of Christ and his truth ; of whom one was John, a pastor or neatherd, who was a keeper of cattle : the other was Johannes de Wesalia, although not burned, yet persecuted nearly to death, under the reign of this emperor, Frederic III.
And first touching this John, the neatherd, thus writeth Sebastian John, the Munster : That the bishop of Wiirtzburg condemned and burned of Fra"- for a heretic one John, who was a keeper of cattle at a town called marTyr* Nicholas Hansen, in Franconia, because he taught and held that the life of the clergy was ignominious and abominable before God, a.d. 1479.
The other was doctor Johannes de Wesalia, who was complained John de of unto Diethcrus, archbishop of Mentz, by the Thomists, upon cer- pirse-'* tain articles and opinions gathered out of his books. Wherefore the X'd'\'479 said Dietherus, fearing else to be deposed again from his bishopric, directeth forth commission to the universities of Heidelburgh and Cologne, to have the matter in examination ; who, conventing toge- ther the year above mentioned, called this doctor de Wesalia before them, making him to swear that he should present and give up all his treatises, works, and writings, whatsoever he had made or preached. That being done, they divided his books amongst them- selves, severally every man to find out what heresies and errors they could. His articles and opinions are these :
I. That all men be saved freely, and through mere grace, by faith in Christ. His arti-
II. Free-will to be nothing. cles and
III. That we should only believe the word of God, and not the gloss of any °P""°"*- man, or fathei's.
T76 EXAMIXATION OF JOHANXES DE WESALIA.
Biiu-nrd IV. 'Jliat the word of God is to be expounded with the collation of one place if"- with another.
A I) V. That prelates have no authority to make iaws, or to expound the Scrip- , j'-f)" tures, by any pecidiar right given unto them, more than to another. L VI. That men's traditions, as fastings, pardons, feasts, long prayers, pere- grinations, and such like, are to be rejected.
VII. Extreme unction and confiiTnation to be reproved.
VIII. Confession and satisfaction to be reprehended.
IX. The primacy of the pope also he affirmed to be nothing.
Certain other articles also were gathered out of him by his adver- saries, but in such sort, that they may seem rather to follow their own malicious gathering, than any true intelligence of his mind ; whereof more is to be understood in this process hereafter.
Thus when Wesalianus was commanded to appear, there con- vented together first the archbishop, the inquisitor, the doctors of Cologne, and the doctors of Heidelburgh, with the masters of the same, and the rector of the university of Mentz, the dean of faculties, bachelors of divinity, and many other masters of the same university, canons, doctors, Avith the bishop"'s chancellor, and his counsellors ; besides many religious prelates, scholars, with a doctor of Frankfort, the somner, and beadles, who all met together in the gTcat hall of the Minorites, for the examination of this Johannes de Wesalia. Them- Friar Elton, the inquisitor, first sitteth in the highest place; then, •pe^s.' after hmi, others according to their degree. In the beginning of the examination, first the inquisitor beginneth with these words :
' Most reverend father and honourable doctors ! Src. Our reverend father and prince elector hath caused this present convocation to be called, to hear the examination of Master John de Wesalia, in certain suspected articles con- cerning the catholic faith. But something I will say before, that may do him good, and desire that two or three of them that favour him, or some other, will rise up and give him coimsel to forsake and leave his en'ors, to recognise him- self, and to ask pardon : which if he will do, he shall have pardon ; if he wiU not, we will proceed against him without pardon.'
John of And thus Wesalianus, being cited, and brought in the midst be-
brouRht twixt two Minorites, being very aged, and having a staff in his hand
before tli pielates,
before the ^^.^^ g^.^ bcforc tlic iuquisitor : who, beginning to answer for himself
with a long protestation, could not be sutfered to prosecute his oration, but was cut off, and required briefly to make an end, and to tell them in few words, whether he would stand to his opinions, or His an- to thc determination of the church. To this he answered, that he sonaWe!' ncvcr Spake any thing against the determination of the church, but said, that he had written divers and sundry treatises, in which if he had eiTcd, or were found to say otherwise than well, he was contented to revoke and call back the same, and to do all things that were requisite. Then said the inquisitor, " Do you ask then pardon ?"" The other answered : " Why should I ask pardon, when I know no crime or eiTor committed .''" The inquisitor said : " ^Vell, we will call you to thc remembrance thereof, and proceed to thc ex- amination." Thccruei \^ ^j^g nicau time, others called upon him instantly to ask pardon.
proceed- .itir ^■ ll i i i 11 -vt -i' t 1
ing of the Then said Wesalianus : 1 ask pardon. iSotwillistanding the m- inquisi- (^^jg-^^,j. pioccedcd to thc examination, reading there two iustrimicnts,
KXAMIXATION OF JOIIA:<JNES DE WESALIA. 777
declaring tliat he had authority from the apostolic see. After this, Edijrd he cited the said John to appear to his examination. Thirdly, he
commanded him, under pain of disobedience, in the virtue of the ^-P- Holy Ghost, and under pain of excommunication of the greater — — '— curse (from which no man could absolve him, but only the pope, or ^tter the inquisitor, except only at the point of death), to tell plainly the thfpeli truth upon such things as should be demanded of him concerning his pie. fliith, without ambages, and sophistication of words. And so, being demanded first whether he did believe upon his oath taken, that he was bound to tell the truth, although it were against himself or any other : To this he answered, " Scio," that is, " I know." Then the scio. inquisitor biddcth him say, " Credo,"" that is, " I believe." To Otedo. which he answered again, " What need I say, that I believe that thing which I know .?" There the inquisitor something stirred with the matter, as hot as a toast (as they say) cried with a loud voice, " Master Johannes, Master Johannes, Master Johannes, say ' Credo,'' say ' Credo C " then he answered, ' Credo.''
After this, being demanded whether he had written any treatise, concerning the binding of human laws, to one Nicholas of Bohemia ; and whether he had written any treatise on the ecclesiastical power of Indulgences and Pardons, and on Fasting and other treatises ; he answered, That he believed he had so Avritten, and had conferred with divers learned men ; also, that he had sent to the bishop of Worms a certain treatise on Fasting.
Many other interrogatories were ministered unto him, whereof some were vain, some false. Such as were more principal, here avc will briefly touch, leaving out superfluities.
Being demanded whether he was a fautor of the Bohemians, he His opi- said, he was not. Also, being demanded concerning the sacrament "he'sacia- of the holy body and blood of our Lord, whether he thought Christ ™e"'- there to be contained really, or only divinely, and whether he did believe, in the said sacrament, the substance of bread there to remain, or only the form thereof: To this he answered, not denying but the body of Christ was there really contained, and also, that Avith the body of Christ, the substance of bread did remain.
After this, he was demanded his opinion concerning religious His opi- mcn, as monks, nuns, or beguines, whether he thought them to be monkl bound to the vow of chastity, or to the keeping of any other vow, ^^^.~ and whether he said to the friars Minorites any such word in effect, of chas- "■ I cannot save you in this yoiu- state and order." This he con- ' ^" fcssed that he had said, how that " not your religion saveth you, but the grace of God," &c. ; not denying but they might be saved.
Item, Being required whether he believed, or had written, that there is no mortal sin,' but that which is expressed to be mortal in the canon of the holy Bible : to this he answered, that he did so believe as he had written, till he was better informed. Likewise, being required what he thought of the vicar of Christ on earth,^ he answered, That he believed that Christ left no vicar on earth : for the confirmation whereof he alleged and said. That Christ, ascending up to heaven, said " Ecce ego vobiscum sum ;" " Behold I am with
(1) Mortal sin found by the pope, besides that which is expressed to be mortal in the Scripture. •
(2) What is this article, but to make the pope a God ? Christ left no vicar on earth.
778 KXAMINATION OF JOHANNES DK WESALIA.
Edward you C ill wliicli words he plainly declared, that he would substitute nndpr him no vicar here on earth: and he said moreover: "If a
be of no elFect.
Krits is not on earth.
A.J), vicar signify any man who, in the absence of the principal, hath to
^^'^- do the works of the principal, then Christ hath no vicar here on
ear til."
Pardons In lih'c manner, concerning indulgences and pardons, such as the
d'ul'ences cliurcli doth usc to givc, they demanded of him, whether they had
any efficacy, and what he tliouglit thereof: who answei-cd again,
That he had written a certain treatise of that matter, and Avhat he
had written in that treatise he would ])ersist therein, which M'as thus :
Thetrea- That lie bclicved that the treasm-e-box of the merits of saints could
saints' not be distributed of the pope to others, because that treasure is not
left here on earth ; for so it is written in the Apocalypse, " Opera
enim illorum sequuntur illos," &c. that is, " Their works follow
them."
Item, That their merits could not be applied to other men, for the satisfaction of their pain due unto them ; and therefore that the pope and other prelates, cannot distribute that treasm-e to men.
It was objected to him moreover, that in his said treatise he called pardons and indulgences, 'pias fraudes fidelium,"' that is, ' holy frauds and deceits of the faithful.'''
Also, being demanded what he thought of the hallowing and blessing of altars, chalices, vestments, wax-candles, ])alms, herbs, holy water, and other divine things, &c. He answered, That they had no spiritual virtue and power in them to drive away devils, and that holy water hath no more efficacy than other water not hallowed, as concerning remission of venial sins, and driving away devils, and other effects, which the school-doctors do attribute to it.
Item, For degrees of marriage forbidden in the Scriptures, he believeth. That all christian men under deadly sin are bound unto the same.
Item, That he believeth, That God may give grace to a man, having the use of reason, without all motion of free will. Also he thinketh, that St. Paul, in his conversion, did nothing of his own free will for his conversion. He believeth moreover, That God may give such grace to a man having the use of reason, not doing that which in him is.
Item, He affirmed, That nothing is to be believed, which is not contained in the canon of the Bible.
Also, That the elect are saved only by the grace of God.
Besides all these, moreover he was charged with the old opinion of the Greeks, which they did hold contrary to the Koman church, unto the time of the council of Fcrrara above mentioned, concerning the proceeding of the Holy Ghost.
The Wednesday next following, three doctors, the Suffragan, Her- wicus, and .Tacol)us Sprcnger, were sent \mto him, with persuasions to exhort him ; and when he would not stand to their canons, whereby they went about to refute his doctrine, he was then demanded of Herwicus, why he would believe rather the four evangelists, than the gospel of Nicodemus "^ to whom he answered, Because he would.
(1) This saying was taken out ofoneCanlorParisiensif.whowas wont to say, That pardons were holy deserts, because that laymen there were provoked, by naughty deserts, to give good alms.
JOHANNES DE WESALIA REVOKETH. 779
Being asked again, why he believed the four evangelists ? he said, Edicard
IF.
Because he so received of his parents. Then being demanded, Avhy he would not believe the doctors ? Because (said he) their doctrine is A. D. not canonical scripture.' Again, it was to hira objected, why he ^'^'^- would be credited himself when he preached, seeing he would not be- lieve the holy doctors ? to whom he answered in this wise, saying, That he did preach as his duty was ; but whether they gave credit to his words, he did not care.
This examination being ended, after these articles Avere condemned By this by ihe inquisitor and his assistants, then said he after this manner : uol"'^^" " As you do with me, if Christ himself were here, he might be con- ^jj^'^eif demned as a heretic.'" After this they sent divers to him to have migiu be communication with him, and to persuade him, sending also to him, ed? ^™"' with his articles, a form of asking pardon. At length, within three or four days after, he was content to condescend unto them, and to sub- mit himself to their holy mother church, and the information of the doctors. In the book of Orthuinus Gratius, and in Paralipomena, ^^f/^^,^^ adjoined to Abbas Urspergensis, we read these words written of this Johannes de Wesalia:^ 'Except only the article of the proceeding of the Holy Ghost, in other articles it seemeth that he was not to be chastened with so sharp censure, if respite and space had been given him, if good counsellors had been about him, if all they who did ac- cuse and molest him had not been ' de via realium,' as Thomists, that is, of the sect of Thomas ; which Thomists were set at that time Discord against the other sect of the seculars, who were called Nominals, and rJ^u mid therefore they so spited this doctor, because he did not hold with their Nomi- Thomas, against whom otherwise (had it not been for that cause), they would never have been so fierce and malicious in proceeding against him. I take God to witness, who knoweth all things, that this pro- cess which was made against him, for his revoking and burning of his books, did greatly displease Master Engelinc of Brunswick, a great divine, and also blaster John Keisersberg, being both learned and Huuous men ; but namely Master Engeline thought, that too much malice and rashness were showed in handling of that same man, and did not fear to say. That many of his articles, and the gi-cater part thereof, might be holden well enough ; and greatly blamed the mad and fantastical dissension of the Thomists, seeking by all manner of ways how to get the triumph over the secular divines,' &c.^
Although this aged and feeble old man, by weakness, was con- Doctor strained to give over unto the Romish clergy, by outward profession of wJsaiia his mouth ; yet notwithstanding, his opinions and doctrine declared his inward heart, of what judgment he was, if fear of death present, had not enforced him to say otherwise than he did think. Again, although he had revoked after their minds, yet we read no such form of recantation to be prescribed to him to read openly unto the people, as the use is here in England. The story of this man is more fully to be found in the books of Orthuinus Gratius, &c.
As touching the reign of this emperor Frederic, seeing we have comprehended hitherto sufficiently the most principal matters in his
(U The church giveth witness who were the writers of the Scriptures ; but hath no authority above that which is written. (2) Demptosolo articulo de processiono Spiritus Sanctiin aliis videturnon itagiavi cezisura, &c, 3) ExOrth. Grat.
oketh his opi- nions.
780 OUR lady's rosary.
Edward time incuiTcnt, wc will now pass forward, the Lord guiding us, to
. : — JSIaxiniilian, after I have first given a brief memorandum of three
A.D. valiant princes and ca])tains, flourishing in the same time of this Frc- ^'^'^^- deric in Germany, of which, one was Albert duke of Saxony, who for his renowned and famous acts, was called by public voice, ' Dcxtra manus imperii,"' 'the right hand of the empire ;' another was Albert, marquis of Brandenburgh, to whom also the name attributed (named of pope Pius) was Achilles Germanicus; the third was Frederic, carl Palatine, surnamed Victoriosus, who manfully defended the freedom and majesty of the empire, from the fraudulent oppressions of the pope''s tyranny. Theabo- In the year of our Lord 1484, in this empero/s time, died pope of pope Sixtus IV., a little before touched ; rather a monster of nature, than sixtus. jj prelate of the church. Of him writcth Platina, that unjustly he vexed all Italy with war and dissension. Agrippa, writing of him, saith. That among all the bawds of these our latter days, who were builders of brothel-houses, this pope Sixtus IV. surmounted all Appendix, others ; who at Rome erected stews of double abcmiination, not only of women, but also, &c.; whereupon no small gain redounded to his coffers. For every such common harlot in Rome paid to him a July piece, the sum Avhcrcof grew in the year, some Avhile to twenty thousand ; at length to forty thousand ducats.' Whereunto accord- eth right well the epitaph of John Sapidus, which in the end hereof we will annex. Thewar3 John Cariou also, speaking of this bishop, witncsscth him to be a Sixtus man rather born to war than to religion. For he wan-ed against Vitellius Tiphcrnatcs, against the Florentines, the Venetians, whom he excommunicated, and did not absolve till he died; also against Columnensis, against Ferdinand, king of Apulia, and duke of Cala- bria ; also against other nations and princes besides.* A larfje Of the Said pope it is recorded, that he was a special patron and pope°to'"' tutor to all begging friars, gi-anting them to have and enjoy revenues the beg in tliis World, and in the world to come everlastino^ life. Amonfj friars. wliicli fiiars there was one named Alanus de Rupe a black friar, Avho ailthor'of "^'1^^^' ^^'^^ rosary of our lady''s psalter (so they term it) and erected a ourLady's ccvtaiu ucw fraternity upon the same, called Fraternitas Coronariorum, pertaining to the order of the Dominies ; of which order Jacobus Sprenger, one of the condemners of Johannes de Wesalia above-men- tioned, was a great advancer, and especially this pope Sixtus IV,, who gave to the said fraternity large graces and privileges.
Concerning the institution of this rosary, there was a book set forth
Then had about A.D. 1480, iu the beginning whereof is declared. That the
blessed blcsscd Virgin entered into the cell of this Alanus, and was so fami-
Marytwo ^''^1' "^^'ith liiui, that uot ouly shc did espouse him for her husband, but
husbands, also kisscd him with her heavenly mouth, and also, for more familiarity,
opened to him her paps, and poured great plenty of her own milk
An old into his mouth. For the confirmation whereof, the said Alanus, this
lioly babe (saith the story), did swear deeply, cursing himself, if it
were not thus, as he had made relation.
This fabulous figment when I read in the Centuries of John Bale, I began with myself to mistrust the credit thereof, and had thought
(Ij Ex dcclamatiuiic Aj^riiipx ad Lovanicnscs. (2) £x Juan Lazinrdo, lib. hi^t. univers. c. 23i.
EPITAPHS ON POPE SIXTUS IV, 781
not to trouble the reader with such incredible forgeries. But, as the ^<^«ar(f
providence of God worketh in all things, so also it appeared in this. !_
that the very same book came to my hands at the writing hereof, A. D. wherein this self-same narration is contained, wherein I found not ^'^^'^' only this to be true, which in John Bale is expressed, but also found in like manner another wonder, as prodigious as this ; where, in ano- other place not far off, it is storied in the same book, how that about the time of St. Dominic, there was a certain matron in Spain, named Lucia, who, being taken captive by the Saracens, having her husband killed, was carried, great with child, into the Turkish land. When the time of her labom- came, she being left desolate among beasts and hogs, and remembering this twice holy rosary (first instituted, saith the book, by St. Dominic, and afterwards renewed by Alanus), eftsoons the Holy Virgin was ready and stood by her, and received the child at her travail, supplying all the parts of a diligent midwife ; and, tir. de- raoreover, causing a priest suddenly to appear, she gave the child to impiety be christened, calling it after her own name, Marianus. And so was p"eray'*of she wife to Alanus, midwife to Lucia, and godmother to Marianus ! t'^e Which story if it be true, then is the pope's canon by this example fngWu/" to be controlled, which permitteth midwives in time of necessity to ^""da- baptize, seeing the blessed Virgin, playing the part herself of a mid- -em me- wife, durst not baptize this child Avithout a priest. It followeth more fssf ^or- in the story, that by the help of the said blessed Virgin, this Lucia, '^'• our lady's gossip, after her purification, was restored with her child safe to her country again I
This book, being in Latin and printed, beareth this title, ' Rosacea augustissimse Christifer£e Marise corona ;'' and in front it showcth the name of Jodocus Beisselius, a nobleman of Aix-la-Chapelle.^ And this Appe<ljii. by occasion of pope Sixtus; which Sixtus, what a maintainer of blind superstition he was, partly by that before spoken, partly by the end. following, it may be seen. For we read in certain writers, that after this pope had understanding that Hercules Estensis, duke of Ferrara, had joined peace with the Venetians against his will, he was so Death of grieved therewith, that for rancour of mind, within five days after, he tuJ'iv."'' died ; whereunto his epitaph following giveth sufficient record. About "X'th this time also died Platina, a man not unlearned, but yet a shameful Piatina. flatterer and bearer with the wicked lives of the popes.
An Epitaph on Pope Sixtus.
Non potuit sJEvum vis ulla extinguere Sixtum Audito tandem nomine pacis obit.
Another on the same Pope.
Sixte jaces tandem, nostri discordia secli,
Saevisti in superos, nunc Acheronta move. Sixte jaces tandem, deflent tua busta cinaedi,
Scortaque, lenones, alea, vina, veniis.
Another.
Gaude prisce Nero, vincit te crimine Sixtus, Hie scelus omne simul clauditur, et vitium.
(1) Ex Latino Codice impresso, cui titulus, 'Rosacea Maru-c Corona.'
782 RICHARD, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER, MADE PROTECTOR.
Edumrd But Icaviiig licrc pope Sixtus witli liis verses and vices, let us now
proceed, as we before promised, to enter tlie story of Maximilian, ^•^- keeping notwitlistanding, the order of our kings here in England. ' * For a little before the reign of Maximilian, king Edward IV. ceased
king Ed*^ his life, A. D. 1 483, after he had reigned twenty-two years, ward IV. In the time of which king I^]dwavd this also is not to be forgotten, that one Burdet, a merchant dwelling in Cheapsidc, at the sign of the Crown, which is now the sign of the Fleur-de-luce, merrily s])cakingto Jf'ui'e''* his son, said that he would make him inheritor of the crown, meaning realm indeed his own house ; for which words, king Edward causing them strued for to be miscoustrucd, and interpreted as though he had meant the crown prfnce's of the rcalui, within less space than four hours, he was apprehended, pleasure, judged, drawn, and quartered, in Cheauside !
EDWARD THE FIFTH.
A.D Tins king Edward left behind him by his wife Elizabeth, two H83. sons, Edward and Richard, and two daughters, Elizabeth and Cecilia : which two sons, Edward and Richard, forasmuch as they were under age, and not ripe to govern, a consultation was called among the peers, to debate whether the aforesaid young prince aiul king, should be under the government of his mother, or else that Richard, duke of Gloucester, brother to king Edward IV., and uncle to the child, should be governor of the king, and protector of the realm. There hath been, and is, an old adage, the words whereof, rather than the true meaning, wrested out of Solomon [Eccl. x.], " Voe regno cujus rex est puer," &c. ; i. e, " Wo to the kingdom, the king whereof is a child,''"' &c. But if I may find leave herein to thrust in a gloss, I Avould add this, and say: " Vre illi puero, qui sui regni rex non est ;" i. c. " Wo to that child, which is a king in a kingdom unruly and ambitious."
There was, the same season, among other noble peers of the realm,
the duke of Buckingham, a man of great authority, who had marrioil
the sister of king Edward's wife, liccause the duke, being so nearlv
allied to the king, had been unkindly, as he thought, of the king
entreated, having by him no advancement, nor any great Iricndsliij)
showed, according to his expectation, he took part therefore witli
Richard, Richard, duke of Gloucester, both against the queen and her children,
c'iouces- to make the aforesaid duke the chief governor and protector. AVliich
!)'rotrcTor'' thing being brought to pass, by the aid, assistance, and working of
the duke of Buckingham, the queen took sjinctuary with her younger
son ; the elder brother, who was the king, remaining in the custody
yo'lfiiR ^^ t'^^ duke of Gloucester, his uncle ; who, being now in a good
n'i't^'^d"™ towardness to obtain that which he had long looked for, sought all the
iiim.'' means, and soon compassed the matter, by folse colour of dissembled
I'lan^'a*^ words, by perjury, and labour of friends, namely the duke of Buck-
r'"'tiie""^ ingham and the cardinal archbishop of Canterbury, that the other
pioiector. brother also should be committed to his credit.
Thus the ambitious protector and unnatural uncle, having the
THE LORD HASTINGS BEHEADED. 783
possession of his two nephews, and innocent babes, thought himself Edward ahnost up the wheel where he would climb ; although he could not ^' walk in such mists and clouds, but his devised purposes began to be A. espied ; which caused him more covertly to go about to remove from I'lSS. him all suspicion, and to blind the people^s eyes. But before he could Both king accomplish his execrable enterprise, some there were whom he thought children'' first must be rid out of his way, as namely the lord Hastings, and "esdon"of the lord Stanley ; who, as they were sitting together in council within "'e pro- the Tower, the protector (the matter being so appointed before) suddenly rushed in among thcni, and after a few words there com- muned, he suddenly hasted out again (his mind belike, being full of mischief and fury, was not quiet) ; who, within the space of an hour, returned again into the chamber with a stern countenance and a frowning look, and so there sat down in his place. When the lords The were in great marvel and muse at the meaning hereof, then he, out of prot«tor a cankered heart, thus began to bray, asking them : " What are they I'ickeih worthy to have, who go about to imagine the destruction of him being so near to the king's blood, and protector of the realm ?" At which question as the other lords sat musing, the lord Hastings, because he had been more familiar with him, thus answered. That they were worthy of punishment, whatsoever they were : which when the other lords also had affirmed, " That is,"" quoth the protector, " yon- The der sorceress, my brother's Avife,'" meaning the queen and others with anT" her : adding moreover, and saying, " That sorceress, and others of her ^^l^^^'^ council, as Shore's wife, with her affinity, have, by their witchcraft, laiseiyac- thus wasted my body ;" and therewith showed forth his left arm, a turpro- Avearish withered thing, as it was never otherwise, as was well known. |'e\*."td'°
This Shore's wife had been before a concubine to king Edward, '"s arm. and afterwards was kept by the same lord Hastings. Moreover, here is to be noted, that by the consent of the said lord Hastings, the cruel protector had devised, about the same time, the kindred of the jjur^er queen innocently to be beheaded at Pomfret, of mere despite and J"stiy hatred. Wherefore, this punishment not undeservedly, by the just of God" hand of God, fell upon the lord Hastings.
It followeth then more in the story, that Avhen the lord Hastings had heard of these false accusations of the tyrant, which he knew to be untrue ; " Certainly, my lord," said he, *■' if they have so done, they be worthy of heinous punishment." " Why," quoth the protec- tor, " dost thou serve me with if, and Avith and ? I tell thee, they have so done, and that I Avill make good on thy body, traitor ;" and therewith giving a great rap on the board (for a token or a watchword"), one without cried ' treason,' and forthAvith the chamber was full of harnessed men. The protector then, approaching to the lord Hastings, i.ord arrested him as a traitor. Another let fly at the lord Stanley ; Avho, alre'tc'd" to avoid the blow, shrunk under the table, or else his head had been ['"'.^ cleft asunder ; notAvithstanding he received such a wound, that the Lord blood ran about his ears. There were in that council at the same wmmdcd. time the archbishop of York, and doctor Morton, bishop of Ely (by i5isi„,p whose procurement, afterAvards, king Henry VH. Avas sent for into Morton. England, and he made archbishop, after that, of Canterbury) ; these. The ty- with the lord Stanley, divcrsly Avere bestoAved in divers chambers, [jl""?,^.^ Tlie lord Hastings Avas commanded to sper.d and slirieve him apace, t^ctir
784 FRUITLESS ATTEMPT OF THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
Edward for bcforc (linncT, the protector sware by St. Paul, that he should die
! And so incontinently, without farther judgment, liis head was stricken
A. D. off, by wliose counsel the queen"'s kindred were, at the same time and ^^^'^'^- day, beheaded at Pomfret,
After this tyrannous murder accomplished, the mischievous pro- tector, aspiring still to the crown, to set his devices forward, first, through gifts and fair promises, did suborn doctor Shaw, a famous preacher then in London, at PauFs Cross to insinuate to the people, The that neither king Edward with his sons, nor the duke of Clarence were accS lawfully begotten, nor the very children of the duke of York ; but mother" begotten, unlawfully by other persons, in adultery, on the duchess Dr. ■ their mother, and that he alone was the true and only lawful heir of impudent the dukc of York. Moreover, to declare and to signify to the audi- Pau^'s- ''^ cnce, that king Edward was never lawfully married to the queen, but Cross. his wife before was dame Elizabeth Lucy, and so the two children of king Edward to be base and bastards, and therefore the title of the crown most rightly to pertain unto the lord protector. Thus this fjxlse flatterer and loud lying preacher, to serve the protector's humour, shamed not most impudently to abuse that holy place, that reverend Wisd. iv. auditory, and the sacred word of God, taking for his theme, " Adul- terse plantationes non dabunt radices altas," &c., which he most im- Kxampie piously did apply against the innocent children, and right heirs of the ihurering realm. Whereupon such grudge and disdain of the people with worldly pieMhers wondcr followcd him, that for shame of the people crying out of him, ware. in a fcw days after he pined away.
The duke When this sermon would take no effect with the people, the pro- i'ng^iam," tcctor, Unmercifully drowned in ambition, rested not thus, but within nl^n^te ^ ^"^^ ^^^'^ ^^^^'" ^^'^^^^^ ^^^^ ^\\kQ of Buckingham, first to break the for the matter in covert talk to the mayor, and certain heads of the city, picked tor'l'^fnrj-, out for the purpose : that done, to come to the Guildhall, to move foT^he"* the people by all flattering and Ij'ing persuasions to the same, which protector sliamclcss Shaw before had preached at PauFs Cross. This the hall."' duke, with all diligence and helps of eloquence (being a man both learned and well spoken), endeavoured to accomplish, making to the people a long and artificial oration, supposing no less but that the people, allured by his crafty insinuations, would cry, " King Richard !"" " King Richard !" But there was no king Richard in their mouths ; less in their hearts. Whereupon the duke, looking to the lord mayor, and asking what this silence meant, contrary to the promise of the one, and the expectation of the other, it was then answered of the mayor, that the people, peradvcnture, well understood him not : wherefore the duke, reiterating his narration in other words, declared A hard again that he had done before. Likewise the third time he repeated make the ^^'^ oratiou again and again. Then the commons, Avho before stood toiiKue niuto, being now in amaze, seeing this opportunity, began to mutter a!;ainst softlv auioug thcmselvcs, but yet no king Richard could sound in the heart, tlieir lips, savc oulv that in the nether end" of the hall, certain of the duke''s servants, with one Nashficld, and others belonging to the pro- tector, thrusting into the hall among the press, beran suddenly, at
A stolen , , , , " ,. T'- T->- 1 1 11 ,, T'-' -i^- 1 ''i 11 1 • ■
consent men s backs, to cry Knig Richard, " King Richard ; throwing up
in the - - - " - .- -
Guild-
bali.
their caps : whereat the citizens, turning back their heads, marvelled not a little, but said nothing.
RICHARD THE THIRD CROWNED. 785
The duke and the lord mayor witli that side, taking this for suffi- Edward cient testimony, incontinent came, blowing for haste, to the protector ' then lying at Baynard"'s castle ; "where the matter being made A. D. before, was now so contrived, that forsooth humble petition was made, ^^^^^
in the name of the whole commons, and that with three sundry suits, Fye of to the humble and simple protector, That he, although it was utterly sy.^°"'" against his will to take it, yet would, of his humility, stoop so low, as to receive the heavy kingdom of England upon his shoulders. At this their tender request and suit of the lords and commons made (ye must know how), the mild duke, seeing no other remedy, was con- tented at length to yield, although sorely against his will (ye must so ^ilcrisyof imagine), and to submit himself so low, as of a protector to be made *'"= p™:
1 • II- Ti 1 • 1 •111 tfi'^tor de-
kmg : not much herein unlike to our prelates m the popish church, nying the Avho when they have before well compounded for the pope's bulls, yet thdce must they for manner-sake make courtesy, and thrice deny that, for ^Jf^ou,^ which they so long before have gaped, and so sweetly have prayed. take it.
RICHARD THE THIRD, THE USURPER.
And thus Richard duke of Gloucester took upon him to be made A. D. and proclaimed king of England the year aforesaid, a. d. 148S, in the ^^83. month of June : who then coining to the Tower by Avater, first made his son, a child of ten years old, prince of Wales, and John Howard (a man of great industry and service) he advanced to be duke of Nor- folk, and sir Thomas Howard his son, he ordained earl of Surrey. Also William lord Berkley Avas appointed earl of Nottingham. Francis lord Level Avas made viscount Level. Lord Stanley, for fear of his son, was delivered out of the ToAver, and made stcAvard of the king's household : likeAvise the archbishop of York Avas set free. But Mor- ton bishop of Ely, was committed to the duke of Buckingham, by whom AA'as Avrought the first device to bring in Henry earl of Rich- mond into England, and to conjoin marriage betAveen Elizabeth, king Edward's daughter, and him, Avhereby the tAvo houses of York and Lancaster were united together.
After the kingdom of England Avas thus allotted to king Richard King the usurper, as in manner above remembered, he tarried not long for crowned his coronation, which was solemnized the month next ensuing, the sixth day of July.
The triumph and solemnity of this usurped coronation being finish- ed, and all things to the same appertaining, this unquiet tyrant yet could not think himself safe, so long as young EdAvard the right king, and his brother, were alive ; Avherefore the next enterprise Avhich he did set upon Avas this : how to rid those innocent babes out of the way, that he might reign king alone.
In the mean time, Avhile all this ruffling was in hand, what dread and sorrow the tender hearts of these fatherless and friendless children were in, Avhat little joy of themselves, Avhat small joy of life they had, it is not so hard, as dolorous, for tender hearts to understand. As the younger brother lingered in thought and heaviness, so the prince, who
VOL. III. 3 E
786 MURDER REVENGED.
Richard was clevcii years old, was so out of heart, and so fraught with fear, ^^^' that lie never tied his points, nor enjoyed good day, till the traitorous ^■^- impiety of their cruel uncle had delivered them of their wretchedness ; ^'^^'^ which was not long in despatching. For after king Richard, their The truth unclc, had first attempted to compass his devilish device by Robert Brake"' Brakcnbury, constable of the Tower, and could not win him to such a hu^ '° cruel ftict (to die therefore), then he got one James Tyrell, joining with prince. ]jj^-, John Dighton, and ^Iiles Forrest, to perpetrate this heinous nuu- youiiT" der. Which Dighton and Forrest, about midnight entering into their of jlfn^ chamber, so bewrapped and entangled them amongst the clothes, Edward keeping down the feather-bed and pillows hard unto their mouths, Td"' '"^' that within a while they smothered and stifled them piteously in their
bed. The just And thus ended these two young princes their lives, through the mem of "^^TCtched cruclty of these forenamed tormentors, who, for their dctes- God upon table and bloody murder committed, escaped not long unpunished d'rerro'ir by thc just hand of God. For first Miles Forrest, at St. MartinVlc- u^o? Grand, by piece-meal miserably rotted away : John Dighton lived at Calais long after, so disdained and hated, that he was pointed at of all men, and there died in great misery: sir James Tyrell was beheaded Aisoupon at ToAver Hill for treason. Also king Richard himself, within a year Richard, and a half after, was slain in the field, hacked and hewed of his ene- mies'' hands, torn and tugged like a cur-dog. me Furthermore, the said justice of God's hand let not the duke of
nu"'t'J)"f Buckingham escape free, who was a great maintainer and setter-u]) of God upon this butcherly usurper: for less than within a year after, so God of Buck^ wrought, that he was himself beheaded for treason by the said king, inghara. ■y,]^^^y^^ ]^g SO unjustly before had advanced and set up.
In the same catalogue and order of these wicked doers afore recited,
we have also to comprehend two others, as well worthy of memorial
t^oYat- as the best, or rather as the worst. The name of the one was doctor
jTre^h- Shaw above rehearsed ; the other doctor Pinky, provincial of the
*"• Austin friars ; both famous preachers, and both doctors in divinity ;
both of more learning than virtue (saith the story), of more fame than
learning, and yet of more learning than truth. Shaw made»a sermon
in praise of the protector, before his coronation. Pinky preached
after his coronation. Both were so full of tedious flattery, that no
God's good ears could abide them. Pinky, in his sennon, so lost his voice,
i^ff; that he was fain to leave off and come down in the midst. Dr. Shaw
by his sermon lost his honesty, and soon after his life, for very shame
Dr. Shaw, and Dr. Pinky,
tnent upon
preLch"^ of tlic world ; SO that he never durst, after that, show his face again. "*• But as for the friar, he was so far past shame, that the loss thereof did The first little touch him. Mention was made a little before of doctor Morton, j"°ning °^ bishop of Ely, by whose means the device was first broached, for thc hTules*! conjoining of the two houses of York and Lancaster together. This York and dcvicc was first brokcu to the duke of Buckingham, which soon after ^^aiicas- ^^^^ j^.^^ j^.^ j.^,^^ j^^^^ ^^^^^ bishop, uiorc crafty, to save himself, in- together, continent fled into Brittany. Notwithstanding, the device, once broached, was so plausible and took such efliect, that message was sent over the sea to Henry earl of Richmond, by his mother, and by the queen, mother to the lady Elizabeth, that if he would make his return, and promise to marry with thc said lady Elizabeth, king Edwurd's
EOSWORTH FIELD. ^ST
daugliter, he should be received. To make a longer discourse of this nkhard matter which is sufficiently set forth by sir Thomas More, and so ^^^'
ornately, it needeth not. A.D.
Briefly (to contract that in a small compass of words, which was ^'^^^' not so small a thing in doing), after that the earl Henry, with such Eari other banished men as fled out of England at the taking of the duke of maketh Buckingham, had perfect intelligence by his mother, and by the queen ^lonll^' and other friends more out of England, how the case of the realm ^vard Ms stood, and how it was here purposed by his friends, that is, that he should with all convenient speed hasten his return over into England, promising to marry with lady Elizabeth ; he, with all diligence, as time and preparation would serve, advanced forward his journey, being well helped and furnished by Francis duke of Brittany, and so shipped his men. Albeit his first voyage sped not ; for that the winds turning contrary, by force of weather his ships were dispersed, and he repulsed back into France again. His second voyage was Amvai more prosperous, who, taking the seas at Harfleur, in the month of "ar^oP" August, A.D. 1485, accompanied only with two thousand men, and ^'^'^^^ ^^^ a small number of ships, arrived at Milford Haven in Wales, and first waies. came to Dale, then to Haverfordwest, where he was joyfully received, and also, by the coming in of Arnold Butler and the Pembroke men, was in power increased. From thence, he removed by Cardigan to Shrewsbury, and then to Newport, and so to Stafford, from thence to Lichfield, his army still more and more augmenting. Like as a great flood, by coming in of many small rivers, gathereth more abundance of water ; so to this earl, divers noble captains and men of power adjoined themselves, as Richard Griffith, John Morgan, Rice ap Thomas ; then sir George Talbot, with the young earl or Shrewsbury his ward, sir William Stanley, sir Thomas Burchier, and sir Walter Hungerford, knights. At last the said earl, hearing of the king"'s coming, conducted his whole army to Tamworth.
King Richard, first hearing of the arrival of the earl Henry in the King parts of Wales after such a slender sort, did give little or no regard fatuerelh unto it. But after, understanding that he was come to Lichfield ^^"^p""'*' without resistance or incumbrance, he was sore moved, and exceed- counter ingly took on, cursing and crying out against those who had so uemy^^ deceived him ; and in all post speed sent for John duke of Norfolk, Henry earl of Northumberland, Thomas earl of Surrey, with other his friends of special trust. Robert Brakenbury also, lieutenant of the Tower, was sent for, with sir Thomas Burchier, and sir Walter Hungerford, with certain other knights and esquires, of whom he partly misdoubted, or had some suspicious jealousy. Thus king Richard, after most forcible manner well fortified and accompanied, leaving nothing undone that diligence could require, set forward toward his enemies. The earl by this time was come to Tamworth, to whom secretly in the evening resorted sir John Savage, sir Bryan Sanford, sir Simon Digby, and many others ; forsaking the part of king Richard, whom all good men hated, as he no otherwise deserved. The king, having perfect knowledge that the earl was encamped at f 1^^^^^^ Tamworth, embattled himself in a place near to a village called Bos- j^^e^'^^^ worth, not far from Leicester, appointing there to encounter with his of Bos- adversaries. Here the matter lay in great doubt and suspense con- ^'"■">- 3 E 2
788 boswohth field.
Richard cerning the Lord Stanley,^ who was the earfs iather-in-kw, and liad
^^^- married his mother, to what part he Avould incline. For, altliough
A. D. his heart went, no doubt, with the earl, and had secret conference
1485. ^yj^]j jji,^ j.|jg jii^iit before, yet because of his son and heir George,
lord Strange, being then in the hands of king Richard, lest the king
should attempt any prejudicial thing against him, he durst not be
seen openly to go that way where in heart he favoured ; therefore
closely kc])t himself between both, till the push came, that his help
might serve at a pinch.
The number of the earFs part exceeded not the one half of the side of king Richard. When the time and the place Avere appointed, where the two battles should encounter and join together, sore stripes and great blows were given on both sides, and many slain. If number and multitude might govern the success of battle, king Richard had double to the earl. But God is he, not man, that giveth victory, by what means it secmeth to his divine providence best. In what order, and by what occasion this field was won and lost, the certain intclli- The gence we have not certainly expressed, but only the history of Poly- history (jQre Virgil, whom sir Thomas JSIore doth follow word for word ; in Thomas which story it doth appear, that as these two armies were coupling wo°rd'for together, king Richard, understanding by his espials where the earl of TZtn out Richmond was, and how he was but slenderly accompanied, and see- of Poly " ing him to approach more near unto him, rather carried with courage, gi'r '''"' than ruled with reason, set spurs to liis horse, and ranging out of the compass of his ranks, pressed toward the earl, setting upon him so sharply, that first he killed sir ^Villiam Brandon the carFs standard- bearer, father to the lord Charles Brandon duke of Suffolk, then after overthrew sir .John Cheney, thinking likewise to oppress the earl. But, as the Lord by his secret providence disposeth the event of all things, as the earl with his men about him, being overmatched, began to despair of victory, suddenly and opportunely came sir William Stanley with three thousand well appointed able men, whereby king Richard's men were driven back, and he himself, cruelly fighting in delTth of the thick of his enemies, was there slain, and brought to his con- Kichard. fusion and death, which he worthily deserved.
In the mean time the earl of Oxford, who had the guiding of the foreward, discomfited the fore-front of king Richard's host, and put them to flight, in which chase many were slain, of noblemen especially above others: John duke of Norfolk, lord Ferrers, sir Richard Radcliff, and Robert Brakenbury lieutenant of the Tower, &c. Lord Thomas Howard earl of Surrey there submitted himself, and although he was not received at first to grace, but long remained in the Tower, yet at length, for his fidelity, he was delivered and advanced to his recovered honour and dignity again.
This king Richard had but one son, who, shortly after the cruel murder of king Edward's sons, was taken with sickness and died. KJng The wife of the said king Richard (whether by poison or by sickness) Richard ^jg^j j^lso a little bcforc the field of Bosworth, after whose decease, t'"marry the story of Polydorc and of sir Thomas More affirmeth, that he be{h*'his intended himself to marry the lady Elizabeth, his own brother's dlu'hte' fhiughter, and so to prevent the earl of Richmond.
fl) This lord Stanley was he who was hvirt at the Tower, wlien the lord Hastings was arrested.
TRAGTCAI. END OF RICHAHD THE THIRD. 789
Moreover, as touching the Lord Stanley, thus reporteth the story, nichard that king Richard being in Bosworth field, sent for the lord Stanley ^"' by a pursuivant, to advance forward with his company, and come to his ^- ^' presence : otherwise, he sware by Christ's passion, that he would strike -M?^ oif his son's head before dinner. The lord Stanley sent word again, stl'Sey, That if he did, he had more sons alive. Whereupon the king husband immediately commanded the lord Strange to be beheaded ; which 'Henry's was the very time when both the armies were within sight, and were forsakes ready to join together. Wherefore the king's counsellors, pondering ]^'j"|^j(j the time and the case, persuaded the king that it was now time to fight, and not to do execution, advising him to delay the matter till the battle were ended. And so, as God would, king Richard break- ing his oath, or rather keeping his oath, for he himself was slain before The lord dinner, the lord Strange was committed to be kept prisoner within marvir the king's tent ; who then, after the victory gotten, was sought out '°"siy and brought to his joyful father. And thus have ye the tragical life served- and end of this wretched king Richard.
Henry, the earl of Richmond, after hearty thanks given to Almighty God for his glorious victory obtained, proceeded to the town of Leicester, where was brought to him, by the lord Strange, the crown, and put on the earl's head.
In the mean time the dead corpse of king Richard Avas shamefully The carried to the town of Leicester, being naked and despoiled to the toj^s^g^"* skin ; and being trussed behind a pursuivant at arms, was carried like ?f.'^'"8 a hog or a dog, having his head and arms hanging on the one side o. dead^"^ the horse, and the legs on the other side, all sprinkled with mire and '^°'^p^** blood. And thus ended the usurped reign of king Richard, who reigned two years and tw.o months.*
(1) Ex I'olyd. et Thoma More.
APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
Page 3, line 1. " His son's son."'\ — The Latin edition calls Richard "Edvardi ex filio nepos:" the edition of 1563, Edward's "nephew" (see vol. i. p. 89, note 2): the edition of 1570, "his sonne :" the editions of 1576, &c. "his sonnes sonne."
Page 4.] — Foxe has derived the ensuing account of WicklifT, extending to page 24, from several sources (see pp. 5, 8, 13, 19, 20) : most of it, however, ■will be found in Walsingham ; the present page, for example, might be con- sidered as a translation of the following passage : —
" Qui [Wiclevus], ut suam hseresin cautius palliaret, ac sub exquisito colore dilataret latius, congregavit iniquitatem sibi, videlicet, comites atque socios unius sects insimul Oxoniis et alibi commorantes, talaribus indutos vestibus de russeto, in signum perfectionis amplioris, incedentes nudis pedibus, qui suos errores in populo ventilarent et palam ac publice in suis sermonibus praedi- carent. Qui inter csetera ista quidem tenuerunt ad unguem, videlicet, &c." [Then follow the Articles which Foxe here translates: after which Walsingham
proceeds,] " Ista et plura alia asseruerunt et affirmarunt Cum
autem conclusiones istae et deliramenta fuissent exhibita et perlecta coram Papa, viginti tres earum tanquam hereticas et vanas ipse damnavit, dirigens bullas suas archiepiscopo et episcopo Londinensi, utipsarum authoritate dictum Johannem facerent comprehendi, ac supra dictis conclusionibus diligenter examinari. Quo facto, atque habita declaratione super istis, licet ficta et vana, dictus dominus archiepiscopus sibi et omnibus aliis super ilia materia, prsesente duce Lancastrice cum domino Henrico Percy, indixit silentium, prohibens ne de cetero illam materiam quovismodo tangeret aut tractaret, et ne illam permit- teret alios ventilare. Igitur tarn ipse quam sequaces sui aliquandiu siluerunt. Sed tandem contemplatione dominorum temporalium easdem opiniones et alias multo pejores illis postmodum ausi sunt reassumere et laicis spargere, quam sparsere prius. Hi vocabantur a vulgo LoUardi, incedentes nudis pedibus, vestiti pannis vilibus, scilicet de russeto, ut per vitam pcenalem facilius incautos traherent ad sectam suam. Eo vero die quo pra^missa Londoniis erant peracta, propter verbum quoddam injuriosum et insolens a duce Lancastrise episcopo Londinensi proiatum confestim Londonienses unanimiter insurgentes, arreptis armis, ipsum occidere proponebant," &c. (Walsingham's History, edit. 1574, p. 188, and Hypodig. Neust. p. 135.)
There is considerable perplexity, however, about this part of Foxe's narrative. The second half of this page, beginning at the § " In the mean time," &c., is only a repetition of the former half; and yet the second half is made to grow out of the first, as though it were posterior in time. Here is a council at St. Paul's (bottom of page 3), then an injunction of silence, disregarded by WicklifF, and followed by papal interference. This papal interference produces —not, another but — the same citation of WicklifF to appear at St. Paul's, "«s is aforesaid;" where all proceeded "as hath been above recorded," except the addition of the pope's part, which is certainly quite new : and then the same sequel follows — an injunction of silence, disregarded by WicklifF, and papal in- terference in conseque?ice. This manifest incoherency in the narrative would have been avoided, if Foxe, instead of alluding at bottom of page 3 to the council at St. Paul's, had referred to some earlier stage of WicklifF's course; for example, to vol. ii. pp. 799, 800, where WicklifF is stated to have " com- menced in sundry acts and disputations, contrary unto the form and teaching of the pope's church in many things," &c. ; for which " he was deprived, and prohibited to stir any more in those sorts of matters :" then this page would naturally proceed, " Who, notwithstanding," &c. The articles ensuing, called
792 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
in the margin Wickliff's "first articles," would then appear what Walsingham represents them, viz. as tlie substance of liis preaching previous to the council at St. Paul's : and it is observable, that the articles here given as Wickliff's " first articles" coincide exactly with the description given of his preaching at that period, vol. ii. pp. 799, 800.
There is yet anotlier difficulty, however, which requires explanation. The description given in the middle of this page of the origin and proceedings of the council at St. Paul's, is inconsistent with the former narrative, vol. ii. p. 801, where it is described as purely the act of the English prelates, and as followed by no result, not even an injunction of silence on Wicklift': /tere, however, it is represented as summoned purposely to receive the pope's letters, wherein "Wickliff's doctrines were condemned (as Walsingham says) to the 7iumber of twenty-three, or (as Foxe says) by ttvenly-three cardinals; and these letters (it seems) were exhibited; and (according to Walsingham) a declaration made thereon (i.e. by WicklifF), and an injunction of silence, &c. : in short, a deal of solemn business was transacted ; only, through the presence of the two noble- men Wickliff escaped without any personal molestation. The explanation of this inconsistency seems to be, that there was a second council at St. Paul's about February 1378, i.e. a year after the first — that council, in fact, the summons to which is given at p. 12, note (G) ; at which all this might have really happened, and Wickliff might have again escaped through the second inter- vention of the two noblemen, who were yet overawed by the pope's letters to behave with less violence than on the former occasion. Such a second failure at St. Paul's would lead, naturally, to another citation of Wickliff soon after to appear at Lambeth^ where the bishops might hope to have it all their own way; but how Wickliff again escaped through court favour, is told at page 13 Walsingham might easily blunder the two councils into one, if both were held in the same month (February), and if the same two noblemen interposed with like success on both occasions : he would also be glad, for the church's credit, to merge the account of a second defeat at St. Paul's in that at Lambeth. It may be added, that the impassioned state of mind in which the bishops are described (p. 12) as going to the council of Lambeth, would be well accounted for by the supposition of a recent second disappointment at St. Paul's. The hypothesis of this second council would also account for a statement of Foxe in this page, which (as it stands) is not accurate; viz. that "all this," i.e. the proceedings at St. Paul's, "happened in the days and last year of King Edward III. and pope Gregory XI.;" the secow^ council would fall in the "last year" of this pope, who died March 27th, 1378, but the first evidently did not.
Page 4, line 3. " Long frieze goums."'} — See the archbishop's remark to Thorpe, p. 272, line 44.
Page 4, last line but one. " Accordingly, that same year."'] — Foxe says, " In the year following (a.d. 1378)," evidently supposing the pope's bulls to have been issued in that year; at p. 8 he repeats the error, and defends it: the following passage from Walsingham (containing in itself a manifest inconsis- tency) shows how Foxe was betrayed into it: — "Anno dominica? incarnationis millesimo frecentesimo septuagesimo octavo, qui est annus regni regis llichardi Secundi priinns, tenuit idem rex natale apud Windesore. Paucis dicbus ante natale dominicnm, misit dominus papa bullam suam luiiversitati Oxonia?, ministerio magistri Edmundi Stafford," &c. From which it appears, that the five bulls ensuing were not made use o/till the end of 1377, or the beginning of 1378; but they were issued (and probably sent over into England) May 22d, 1377 : the death of Edward III., June 21st following, prevented any immediate use being made of them. It is observable, that the summons to the second council at St. Paul's (p. 12, note (G)) speaks of the bulls as then (Dec. 2Sth, 1377) in the archbishop's possession. It is probable that the bishops were roused into fresh activity at this time, by the reply which Wickliff had just returned to a question proposed to him by Richard's first parliament, which met October 13th, 1377 : see a portion of that reply at p. 54.
Page 5, line 12. " The authors of this story, whom I follow."] — Walsingham says (Hist. p. 200), " Pudet recordationis tantsc imprudenticT, et ideo supersedeo in hujusmodi materia immorari, no materna vidcar ubcra deccrpcrc dentibu.s, qutc dare lac potum scienti.u consuevcrc,"
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 793
Page 6, last line.] — Two lines which follow here in Foxe's text — "and that the king ... or to his doctrine in any wise " — have been transferred to the next page, as belonging to the description of another letter : see the letters themselves, as given in the foot notes.
Page 7, line 7.J — The words in the text — " the one directing . . . within three months" — are put into the text on the authority of the letter in the note.
Page 7, note, line 9 from bottom.] — Walsingham, p. 201, inserts "Johan- nam " before " principissam."
Page 8, note (1).] — Foxe here again falls into the error mentioned in the note on the last line but one of page 4, of supposing the five bulls to have been first issued when they were first used, and defends his error by a false argument, for the 7th year of Gregory began .lanuary 5th, 1377, and his bulls are dated May 22nd following; and Edward III. did not die till June 21st following.
Page 11, line 13.] — See the remarks with which Foxe introduces the 24 Articles at p. 21, and upon his Articles generally at p. 64. Dr. Wordsworth, in his "Eccl. Biog." vol. i. p. 203, edit. 1839, makes some valuable remarks on these Conclusions, "injustice" (as he says) "to the reader and to the memory of this great man." After remarking that several of the Articles will startle the reader, he adds that, " partly it is to be borne in mind, that the Articles come to us from the hands of Wickliff's adversaries ; and partly, we must take them in connexion with the limitations and explanations which he himself has given of them." Dr. Wordsworth then shows, that in regard to some of them he is certainly calumniated.
Page 11, Art. IV.] — The doctrine that dominion is founded in grace, which the pope here tries to fasten on WicklitF, was none of his, but was, in truth, maintained and acted upon to a fearful degree by the Roman Catholics them- selves. See Lewis, pp. 115 — 117,342; and Dr. Wordsworth's note on this Article.
Page 11, Art. VI.] — WicklifF in both his subsequent Expositions of these Articles (see p. 15, and Appendix) disclaims any intention of teaching, that where individuals were dissatisfied with their clergyman, however justly, they should take the law into tlieir own hands : he rather pleaded for better laws and discipline in regard to the clergy, and that proper facilities should be afforded for legal process against such of them as grossly neglected their duties. It is observable that John Huss, while defending this Article of WicklifF, makes a similiar disclaimer at p. 78 : " Notwithstanding, I protest that it is not my intention," &c.
Page 12, Art. XVI.] — This Article may be illustrated by the conduct of Henry III. toward the bishop and chapter of Hereford, as related supra, vol. ii. p. 559.
Page 12, Art. XVII. " Under a condition iinpUed"'\ — See Swinderby's observations on this point at p. 122, line 32; "And as anentes," &c.
Page 12, note (G).] — ^The meeting at Lambeth must have been early in 1378, for Gregory XI. died March 27th; and Walsingham particularly bewails his death, because it put a stop to any further process against WicklifF.
Page 13, middle.] — Dr.Vaughaninsinuatesadoubt,as to how far the document which Walsingham has preserved as WicklifF's exposition of his sentiments, is genuine : certainly Walsingham entertained a bitter hatred toward WicklifF and his opinions, which he takes no pains to conceal ; and occasionally gives a much more unfavourable turn to his history than Walden. (See p. 19, note (1).) Knyghton is open to the same charge, and gives documents as recantations, which are either plainly the reverse or plainly forgeries.
Page 13, note (1)-] — Walsingham says, p. 206, " tanto timore concussi sunt, ut cornibus eos carere putares, factos velut homo non ar.diens, et non habens in ore suo redargutiones : " a citation of Psalm xxxviii. 14.
Page 13, note (3).] — The following is Foxe's translation (somewhat modified) of the second edition of WicklifF's Protestation and Expositions, referred to in the note, and extant in Walden's "Fasciculus" apud Bodleianum, fol. 57 b, and in the Selden MSS. B. 10. Walden speaks of it as addressed to the bishops.
791- APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
but the other copy intitules it as addressed " ad Parliamentum Regis." The paper begins in the Selden MS. with this preface : " lata est protestatio Reverendi Doctoris, una cum ejus conclusionibus qua; ab eo in subscripta forma sunt positg3, quae in consimilibus materiis et dissimilibus formis sunt et fuerunt reportatas et ad curiam Romanam transmissae, et sic in multis minus bene impositse." The paper then proceeds : —
Conclusions, and Expositions thereof, exhibited by John Wickliff to the
Parliament.
" I protest publicly, as I have often before done, that I intend and wish to be entirely a Christian, and as long as breath shall remain in me to profess the law of Christ in word and deed. But if from ignorance or any other cause I shall fail thereof, now as then I revoke and abhor the same, humbly submitting myself to the correction of holy mother church.
I. "The whole human race concurring," &c. This I grant from the Scriptures; forsomuch as before the final judgment all civil polity must cease; for the Apostle speaking in 1 Cor. xv. of the day of judgment, writeth thus: " Then shall tl>' end come, when he shall deliver up his kingdom unto God, his Father; when as he shall have made void all princely rule, power, and dominion." Whosoever then believeth the resurrection of the flesh, believeth also this article, forsomuch as after that there shall be no more exaction or secular conversation. No man, then, hath power to ordain any thing contrary to the decree of the Lord on this behalf.
II. "God cannot give civil dominion to any man," &c. Here it is to be understood. First, that the term " for ever" is taken properly and famously and after the manner of the church, when she prayeth, " Glory be unto the Trinity both now and ever:" Secotidly, I understand that civil dominion is taken formally for that, whereby any man doth civilly govern : and. Thirdly, that the conclusion speaketh of the ordinary power of God : and then this conclusion followeth from the preceding. But speaking of the absolute power of God, it seemeth probable unto many, that God cannot continue eternally the pilgrimage of his spouse, because he would then defraud her of her reward, or would unjustly defer to take that vengeance upon the body of the devil, which he hath deserved.
III. " Charters of human invention," &c. This was spoken by the way unto a certain doctor, who highly commended the writings of men, to the disparage- ment of the Christian Scripture : I said it were best to attend to the defence and exposition of the Scripture, forsomuch as many of these charters are impos- sible. I therefore grant the conclusion, forsomuch as many charters afhrm as touching those wlio are disherited and dead intestate, that certain lordships are given to them for themselves and their heirs for ever: the which thing, forso- much as it is against the divine ordinance, we must not canonize every such charter, thereby contemning the Scriptures.
IV. " Every one existing [or, being] in grace justifying," &c. The which is proved evidently enough from the holy Scripture (Matt. xxiv.). " He will set him over all his goods," &c. ; together with tliat of the apostle in Romans viii., " God spared not his own Son, but gave him for us all; how then (saith he) did he not give us all things with him?" Wherefore i\\e first three conc\\i- sions do print the faith of Christ on the hearts of worldlings, that tliey should not be drowned in the sea of the world, which passeth away with its concu- piscence : and the fourth conclusion allureth men unto the love of the Lord, who hath chosen us to so many true riches.
V. " A man can give any temporal dominion (or eternal, by implication), as well to his natural son, as to his son by adoption, only ministratoriously." Tliis is proved from Luke vi., "They shall give into your bosom a good measure, shaken together, and running over." And, that it is done only ministratoriously is proved from this, that it is not lawful for a man purely to give any thing except as the minister of God, according to the saying of the Apostle (1 Cor. iv.), " Let a man account us as the ministers of Christ." Whence Christ was a true minister of the church, as tlie Apostle saith (Rom. XV.), " I say that Jesus Christ was a minister," &c. Let not his vicar, there- fore, blush to perform the ministry of the church, forsomuch as he is (or at the least, ought to be) the "servant of the servants of God." For any decree
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 795
deviating from the manner of speaking of the holy Scripture, and the pride of secular dominion, with an ambitious worldly style, seemeth to tend too much unto blasphemy and to the advancement of Antichrist; and specially if the verities of tiie Scripture faith are reputed as cockle, something contrary to the christian faith, by the chief captains themselves, who presume that all contro- versies of the faith should stand in their determination, albeit they be never so ignorant of the faith of the Scriptures. For so they might come together to the Court [of Rome] to purchase a condemnation of holy Scripture as heretical, and a determination against the articles of our christian faith.
VI. " If God is, temporal lords can lawfully," &c. Here it is to be under- stood that we use the expression " can " according as the authentic Scripture saith most truly and excellently (Matt, iii.), "God ca7i even of these stones raise up children unto Abraham." Wherefore I grant the conclusion as correlative unto the first article of our faith : for if God be, he is omnipotent ; and if he be omnipotent, he can give unto the secular lords such power ; and so, by consequence, they can meritoriously and lawfully use such a power. But lest this conclusion should seem far fetched and inconsequential, I have shown that the temporal lords have power to take away their alms bestowed upon a church, if that she abuse the same, and that such taking away might, percase, be a spiritual work of mercy, saving the soul from hell-fire, and obtaining for both parties blessedness ; and such alms bestowed upon the church, although beyond, yea, against the religion which Christ instituted, doth relieve the body from temporal misery as well as a corporal alms. And as it seemeth that giving may be an occasion of blessedness, so more likely taking away. Yet not- withstanding, I have said it v/as not lawful to do this but by the authority of the church, and in lack of a spiritual ruler, and in case that the ecclesiastical ruler shall himself need to be rebuked by persons worthy of that trust.
VII. " We know that it is not possible that the vicar of Christ," 8zc. This is proved from the Scripture, according to which the church doth fully believe that the enabling of any man must first proceed from the Lord. But no vicar of Christ hath any power in this matter, except as vicar in the name of the Lord, to notify unto the church whom God hath enabled. Therefore if he do any thing not as vicar and in the name of the Lord, whom he is to recognise in his work and account as the author thereof, it is presumption worthy of Lucifer, since in 2 Cor. iii. Christ saith by his apostle, " All your sufficiency is of the Lord."
VIII. " It is not possible that a man should be excommvmicated to his damage," &c. This appeareth, in that every such excommunication doth tend unto the damaging of him who is excommunicated. But no man, according to St. Chrysostora and the holy Scripture, can be endamaged, except he be hurt by sin, the which must take its first original from him who committeth the sin. For the merited suspension of a man from the sacraments and from entrance into the church, is no excommunication but in name only. And as touching the desert itself, it proceedeth first from him which is excommunicated, not from the vicar of Christ, who only giveth the sentence against him. For no man is damnified, except through sin the divine help were withdrawn from him ; as is proved by Isaiah lix., " Your iniquities have separated between you and your God."
IX. " No body ought to excommunicate," &c. This is proved from the circumstance, that no man ought to seek vengeance but in the cause of justice: but every cause of justice is the cause of God, since he is himself the fountain of justice : Ergo, &c. For inasmuch as all such punishment hath its original in sin, and that all sin is against God, according to the saying, Psalm li. " Against thee only have I sinned," thereby it is evident that no man ought to proceed to such punishment but only in respect to take vengeance for the injury done to God. For according unto the Scripture, no man ought to take vengeance but only on the account of injury being done to his Lord, remitting all account of personal injury; as is plain from the commandment of Christ (Matt, xviii.), " If thy brother have sinned against thee, forgive him even unto seventy times seven."
X. " Cursing or excommunication doth not bind simply [or, absolutely], but only in so far as it is pronounced against the adversary of God's law." This is proved thus. Every such curse doth not bind as touching God, except
'yb APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
that he who is so bound do offend against his law : but it doth not bind except so far as it bound touching God : Ergo, &:c. "For if God do justify, who is he tliat can condemn ?" and God is not offended at any time, except it be for resistance of his law. And these articles of faith do further and help, both that the law of Christ sliould be the more loved, for tliat it ought to be the rule to direct us in e%'ery lawful process, and also that the Scripture doctrine written in Romans xii. should be the better impressed, where it is said, " Dearly be- loved, avenge not yourselves, but give place to wrath, for it is written, Venge- ance is mine, and I will repay."
XI. "There is no power exemplified [or, granted] by Christ," &c. This is proved from the fact, that Christ teacheth, that the honour of God and the profit of the church are to be thought of before any personal commodity or the denial of temporalities. The second part is proved from Luke ix., where Christ for- bade his disciples, when they would have had fire to come down from heaven, to excommunicate theunbelievers, unjustly keeping back their goods from Christ and his disciples. "Ye know not," said he, " what spirit you are of; for the Son of man is come, not to destroy men's lives, but to save them." Whence it is concluded generallj', that it is not lawful for Christ's vicar to excommuni- cate his neighbour but only for love, wherewithal he must be more affected than with [the desire of] all tlie temporal goods in the world. The negative con- clusion is also proved inductively, and by reducing us to an impossibility which otherwise should have been in Christ, namely, a "yea" and a "nay."
XII. " The disciples of Christ have no power," &c. This is proved from the apostles and the other of Christ's disciples until the time that the church was endowed with possessions ; for in how great necessity soever the faithful then were, they did never exercise any such kind of power, but exhorted men accord- ing to the law of God and from devotedness to his service to suitable benefac- tions of voluntary alms. But after that tlie church was endowed, then were tliese cloaked censures and secular exactions brought in. Nay, it is proved by Luke xxii., that civil possessions were prohibited unto Clirist's disciples.
XIII. " It is not possible by the absolute power of God,"&c. Tliis is proved from tlie fact, that every Christian might err in this matter so as to disagree with the church triumphant; but in that case he would not hind or loose as he doth pretend to do; wherefore it cannot be, that albeit he do pretend to bind and loose, that he necessarily doth so. Whereupon it secmeth unto me, that he that doth usurp that power unto himself should be that Man of Sin, of whom it is written in 2 Thess. ii. that "he sitteth in the temple of God, and sheweth liimself as though he were God."
XIV. " We ought to believe, that then only the vicar of Christ," &c. This is proved from the fact, that all the power of Christ's vicar is then only lawful in effect, when it is regulated and governed by the good pleasure of the Head of the church.
XV. " This ought universally to be believed, that any priest rightly ordered according unto the law of grace, hath a power, according to which he may minister the sacraments, and, by consequence, absolve any man who confesseth to him from any sin whatever, he being contrite for the same." This is proved by the fact, that the powers of orders in all christian priests are equal; as Hugo in his second book 'on the Sacraments ' doth declare. Notwithstanding, the powers of orders in some, though substantially equal to those of others, are reasonably restrained, and yet may again be loosed for the work of the ministry, as the conclusion sailh.
XVI. " It is lawful for kings, in cases limited by the law, to take away the temporalities from ecclesiastics habitually abusing the same." This is proved by the principle laid down in the fitth conclusion ; for to the works of greatest merit, and at the same time most easy to the temporal lords, the said lords are most bound: but it might, percase, be a greater alms, as well as an easier thing for tiie temporal lord, to take away his alms from one who is building unto damnation tiu-ough the abuse thereof, than to bestow the said alms for mere corporal succour: Ergo, &c. Whence this opinion is specified according to a tiireefold law : The first is the civil law, " de Capitulis Corradi," col. 10. " ' If
(1) Thepa^saRC referred to will be found in the Corpus Juris Civilis, torn. ii. amons the "Consti- tutioncs I'eudorum," lib. ii. tit. ^0: tliese Con.stitutiones are printed iniinediatily after tlie Aulhcnticae Collationcs, or Novella; of Justinian, of which Collationes there are nine, and these
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 797
a cleric," saith that law, "as a bishop or an abbot, having a benefice given by the king, not only to liis own person but also to the church, through his own default should lose the same, during his life let it pertain to the king; but after the death of the cleric let it revert to his successor." The second is the canon law, [Causa] 16, qu£est. 7, where it is thus decreed touching sons, that" it shall be lawful for the sons, nephews, and the most respectable of the kindred of him who either builded or endowed any church, to have this foresight, that if they perceive any priest to mis-apply any portion of the property bestowed upon him, they should either admonish liim by honest communication, or else report to the bisljop or judge the matters needing correction: but if the bishop shall be negligent in doing of his office, let it be told unto the metropolitan : and thirdly, in case of his neglect, it ought (as saith the canon) to be intimated to the king." But I cannot imagine any end in so complaining to the king, but only that he should himself apply correction ; neither is there any doubt, but that the cor- rection most suitable for the king and most advantageous in this behalf would be, the taking away of the goods (whereof he is lord in capite) in proportion to the quality of the fault. The third is the law of the gospel, 2 Thess. iii., where the apostle writeth thus ; " When we were with you, this we declared unto you, that if any would not work neither should he eat." The law of nature also doth allow, that such as have the governance of kingdoms should rectify such abuses of the temporalities, as would prove the chief destruction of their kingdoms.
XVII. " Whether they be temporal lords, or any others, who have endowed," &c. This is proved from the fact, that the condition consequent upon the gift of any goods unto the church is, that God should be honoured and the church edified thereby ; which condition, if it fail through the opposite result taking place, provetli that the title of the gift is lost, and that, by consequence, the lord who gave the gift ought to correct the fault. But excommunication ought not to stop the full execution of justice, for otherwise the clergy might by their excommunications get the whole world into their hands.
XVIII. "An ecclesiastical minister, even the Roman pontiff," &c. The first part is proved by the fact, that every such ecclesiastic is our peccable brother, and is consequently under the law of brotherly correction; wherefore, according to Matt, xviii., if he do offend in any point, any body having any possible opportunity ought to rebuke him; and so likewise, if that he obsti- nately continue in the maintenance of any heretical opinion or other grievous offence tending to the spiritual damage of the church, in that case he ought to be complained on to his superiors, to the intent that through his correction the danger to the church may be avoided. For so was Peter rebuked by St. Paul (Gal. ii.); and many unruly popes have been deposed by the emperors, as Cestrensis in the fifth book of his Polychroniconi doth declare. For the church is above the pontiff, and therefore to say that he ought not to be rebuked of man but only of the Lord, what oflence soever he hath committed, seemeth to me to imply that he is above the church, the spouse of Christ, and that, after the manner of Antichrist, he is exalted higher even than Christ. For Christ himself, albeit that he was without sin, yet chose to be subject to princes, even in the taking away of his temporahties, as appeareth in Matt. xvii. This is a sort of rejoinder to the buU.^ These conclusions I would describe as the pure wheat of faith separated from the chaff; whereby is to be burned the intrusive cockle, which, after it hath brought out the scarlet and unsavoury blossom of vengeance, provideth food for Antichrist against the holy Scriptures: of whose coming it is an infallible sign, that there should reign among the clergy the venom of Lucifer, namely, pride, consisting in the lust of domination, whose wife, namely, covetous desire of earthly things, should bring forth children of the devil, the children of evangelical poverty being extinguished. But some judgment may be formed of the vigorous growth of this plant from the fact, that many even of the children of poverty, having degenerated, do maintain by their
" Constitutiones Feudorum" are sometimes (as here) called the tenth Collatio. Cujacius "de Feudis," lib. iv. tit. 49, says that Frederic II., not Conrad, was the real author of this consti- tution.— Ed.
(1) Lewis would here read " Polycratica." — Ed.
(2) " Haec est aliqualis responsio ad buUam." These words are in the Latin Selden MS. but they are not in Walden, or in Foxe's Latin edition, nor is there anything corresponding to them in Foxe's translation. The bull referred to is no doubt that addressed to the University of Oxford, translated at p. 5 of this volume. — Ed.
798 APPENDIX TO VOL. HI.
words, or at the least by their silence, the part of Lucifer, not being able, or at the least not daring, because of the seed of the man of sin which is sown in their hearts, or else for the slavish dread of losing their temporahties, to stand to the defence of evangelical poverty."
Then follow these words in the Selden MS. : " Hse sunt Conclusiones quas vult etiam usque ad mortem defendere, ut per hoc valeat mores ecclesice reformare."
Foxe then proceeds: —
" These were the chief conclusions which "WicklifT, at that present, exhibited unto tlie bishops, which being eitlier not thoroughly read, or at least not well understood, (I cannot tell by what means) suddenly tliey waxed very meek and gentle, and granted him free liberty to depart." — See Latin Edition, Basle, 1559, pp. 8 — 12. Edition 1563, London, pp. 91 — 95. See these conclusions also, in Lewis's Life of Wicklifi", p. 318, and Vaughan's Life of Wickliff (Appendix to vol. i.), copied from MSS. Seldeni Archi. B. 10.
About the same time, as Lewis thinks (p. 320), or rather later according to Dr. Vaughan, Wickliff wrote an answer in Latin under a feigned name to a certain doctor, whom he calls a medley divine (" mixtns theologus"), who had asserted the papal supremacy and infallibility; it is extant in MSS. Seldeni, Archi. B. 10. Lewis and Vaughan give an abstract of it.
Dr. Lingard has inverted the chronological order of these three apologies by Wickliff, and represents him as gradually qualifying his assertions ; whereas internal evidence seems to prove their order to be as above staled, and con- sequently that Wickliff grew bolder and more distinct in the avowal of his sen- timents.— Milner in his Church History speaks of the explanations as evasive, and inconsistent with that boldness with which Wickliff has spoken against the pope in his other writings: Dr. Vaughan, however, triumphantly vindicates the Reformer against this charge, by showing that those other writings were of a posterior date; and that Wickliff in reality increased in boldness, as he became more distinct in his views of the errors and abominations of popery. In fact, W^ickliff took the 18 Articles as he found them, frained by his enemies, and therefore likely enough to be distortions, if not falsifications, of his real sentiments: yet even at such a disadvantage, he chose rather to face his ad- versaries than appear timidly to abandon the cause which he had undertaken. His feeling in writing these Expositions was donl)tless the same as that, with which John Huss afterwards undertook the defence of some of the most ob- noxious Articles: "I protest that it is not my intention, like as it is not the
intention of the University, to persuade, &c But it is our intention
diligently to search o\it whether this Article may have in it a true sense, in which it may be defended without reproof." (See p. 78 of this vol.)
Page 17, note (3).] — Foxe considers the schism as terminating when the council of Constance deposed Benedict XII 1., July 1417, which would make it thirty-nine years in duration. Sir H. Nicolas however observes, that on the death of Benedict XIII. in 1424, another pope was chosen as Clement VIII., who however abdicated July 1429, thus terminating a schism of fifty-one years.
Wickliff himself refers to this schism in his writings. Among other advan- tages which he gained from it, one was, that of leisure from controversy for carry- ing on iiis translation of the Scriptures, wliich Walsingham does not notice; this may account for Foxe's silence on that point.
Page 17, note (4).] — It should have been stated in this note, that several erroneous dates in the text have been corrected.
Page 18, line 13.] — " The bishop of Aquilonensis," Foxe. Stephen, bishop of Aquila, in Apulia, is the individual here meant.
Page 18, line 15 from bottom.] — The first edition (1563) reads "route out."
Page 18, note (1).] — Theodoric, of Niem in Germany, and (according to some) bishop of Verden, was private secretary to several popes. He wrote a history of the schism, from the death of Gregory XI. to the election of Alexander v., i.e. from a.d. 1378 to a.d. 1410, in three books; which is here referred to. See Cave's " Hist. Lit.," and Illyricus's " Cat. Test.," which gives extracts.
Page 18, note (2).] — The following is Bcrton's Process against \\'icklifl',
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 799
copied from Walden's "Fasciculus," folio 28 6, and collated with the copy in the " Sudbury Register," folio 76b, Wilkins, iii. p. 170, Foxe misdates this pro- cess " A.D. 1380," though he begins his next paragraph, "The next year after (a. d. 1382) : " Walden places it in or after the year 1381, which year is inserted in the text.
" Diffinitio facta per Cancellarium et Doctores Universitatis Oxonige de Sacra- mento Altaris contra opiniones Wycliffianas: alias, Sententia Willielmi Cancel- larii Oxon. contra opiniones WyclifF.
" Willielmus de Berton, Cancellarius Universitatis Oxon. omnibus dictee Universitatis iiliis ad quos prsesens nostrum mandatum pervenerit, salutem et niandatis nostris firmiter obedire. Ad nostrum non sine grandi displicentia pervenit auditum, quod, cum omnes heresium inventores, defensores,seu fautores, cum eorum perniciosis dogmatibus, sint per sacros canones sententia majoris excommunicationis damnabiliter involuti, et sic a cunctis catholicis rationabi- liter evitandi; nonnuUi tamen maligni Spiritus repleti consilio, in insaniam mentis producti, molientes tunicam Domini scilicet Sanctse Ecclesia; scitidere unitatem, quasdam htBreses olim ab Ecclesia solemniter condemnatas his diebus (proh dolor!) innovant, et tam in universitate ista quam extra publice dogma- tizant; duo inter alia sua documenta pestifera asserentes; Primo, in sacramento altaris substantiam panis materialis et vini, qujB prius fuerunt ante consecra- tionem, post consecrationem realiter remanere ; Secundo, quod execrabilius est auditu, in illo venerabili sacramento non esse corpus Ciiristi et sanguinem essentialiter, nee substantialiter, nee etiam corporaliter, sed figurative seu tropice, sic quod Christus non sitibi veraciterin sua propria Prsesentia corporali. Ex quibus documentis fides catholica periclitatur, devotio populi minoratur, et hsec Universitas mater nostra non mediocriter diffamatur. Nos igitur advert- entes quod assertiones hujusmodi per tempus se deteriores haberent, si diutius in hac Universitate sic conniventibus oculis tolerentur, convocavimus plures sacrse theologise doctores et juris canonici professoi-es quos peritioi-es credidi- mus, et, praemissis assertionibus in eorum prsesentia patenter expositis ac dili- genter discussis, tandem finaliter est compertum et eorum judicio declaraUim, ipsas esse erroneas atque determinationibus ecclesise repugnantes, contradicto- riasque earundem esse veritates catholicas, et ex dictis sanctorum et determi- nationibus ecclesije manifeste sequentes; videlicet quod per verba sacramentalia a sacerdote rite prolata panis et vinum in altari in verum corpus Christi et sanguinem transubstantiantur seu substantialiter convertuntur, sic quod post consecrationem non remanent in iilo venerabili sacramento panis materialis et vinum quae prius, secundum suas substantias seu naturas, sed solum species eorundem: sub quibus speciebus verum corpus Christi et sanguis realiter conti- nentur, non solum figurative seu tropice, sed essentialiter, substantialiter ac corporaliter, sic quod Christus est ibi veraciter in sua propria prsesentia corpo- rali. Hoc credendum, hoc docendum, hoc contra contradicentes viriliter defend- endum. Hortamur igitur in Domino, et auctoritate nostra monemus primb, stcundo, et tertib, ac districtiiis inliibemus, pro prima monitione assignando unum diem, pro secunda alium diem, et pro tertia monitione canonica ac pe- remptoria unum alium diem, nequis de cetero, cujuscunque gradus status aut condilionis existat, prgcmissas duas assertiones erroneas, aut earum alteram, in scholis vel extra scholas in hac Universitate publice teneat, doceat, seu defendat, sub poena incarcei-ationis et snspensionis ab omni actu scholastico, ac etiam sub poena excommunicationis majoris, quam in omnes et singulos in hac parte rebelles et nostris monitionibus non parentes, lapsis ipsis tribus diebus pro monitione canonica assignatis, mora, culpa, et offensa precedentibus et id fieri meiiib exigentibus, fcrimus in his scriptis, quorum omnium absolutiones et absolvendi potestatem, praterquam in mortis articulo, nobis et successoribus nostris specialiter reservamus.
" Insuper ut homines, quamvis non propter timorem lata; sententise, saltem propter defectum audientiaj, a talibus doctrinis illicitis retrahantur, et eorum opiniones erronese sopiantur, eadem auctoritate qua prius monemus, primb, secundo, tertib, ac districtiiis inhibemus, ne quis de cetero aliquem publice docentem, tenentem, seu defendentem prsemissas duas assertiones erroneas, aut earum alteram, in scholis vel extra scholas in hac Universitate quovismodo audiat vel auscultet, sed statim sic docentem tanquam serpentem venenum pestiferum emittentem fugiat et abacedat, sub poena excommunicationis majoris
800 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
in omnes et singulos contravenientes non immeritb fulminandse et sub poenis aliis superius annotatis.
"Nomina autem Doctorum qui prasenti decreto specialiter afluerunt, et eidem unanimiter cousenserunt, sunt ha^c : —
*' Magister Joliaiines Lawndryiie, sacrai paginrc professor ct secularis.
" Magister Henricua Cronipe, Albus Monachus.
" Magister Johannes Chessham, de ordine Pra?dicatorum.
" Magister Willielmus Bruscombe, de eodem ordine.
" Magister Johannes Schipton, de ordine Augustinensiuni,
" Magister Johannes Tissington, de ordine Minorum.
" Magister Johannes Loveye, de ordine Carmelitarum.
" Magister Johannes Welles, monachus de Ramesey.
" Magister Johannes Wolvertoii, de ordine Praedicatorum.
" Magister Robertus Rygge, S. paginas professor et secularis.
" Magister Johannes ^ioubray, Doctor in utroque Jure.
" Magister Johannes Gascoigne, Doctor in Decretis.
" Convocatis igitur praefatis Docloribus, ut dictum est, in eorum domum, et plena deliberatione habita de prsemissis, ex omnium iwstrorum unanimi con- silio et assensu praesens niandatum emanare dccrevimus. In quorum omnium singulorum testimonium, sigillum officii nostri fecimus his apponi."
Page 19, note (1).] — The following is from Walden's "Fasciculus" apud Bodleianum, whence it is printed by Spelman. It is also in Wilkins, iii. ]>. 171, where it pieces on to the Process given in the note preceding this. It is also printed by Lewis, p. 271. Dr. Vaughan is mistaken in saying that it is in the " Sudbury Register."
" Ista prscdicta condemnatio promulgata est publice in scholis Augustinen- sium, ipso Magistro Joanne sedente in catlicdra et determinante contrariuni: sed confusus est ista audita condemnatione. Sed tamen dixit quod nee Canccl- larius nee aliquis de suis complicibus poterat suam sententiam infringere, se in lioc ostendens hereticum pertinacem. Sed post, ad suae hcresis majorem mani- festationem et suce pertinaciae ostentationem, alias publice a condemnatione Cancellarii et judicio prgedicto appellavit, non ad Papam, vol ad Episcopum, vel ad Ordinariuni Ecclesiasticum: sed hereticus, adherens seculari potestati in defensionem sui erroris et heresis, appellavit ad Regem Ricardum, volens per hoc se protegere rcgali potestate, quod non puniretur vel emcndaretur eccle- siastica potestate. Et post appellationem advenit nobilis dominus, dux cgregius et miles strenuus sapiensque Consiliarius, dux Lancaslrise, Sacra; Ecclesise filius fidelis, prohibcns magistro praedicto Johanni quod de cetero non loqueretur de ista materia. Sed nee ipse obtemperans suo ordinario, Cancellario, nee etiam tarn strenuo domino, incepit confessionem quandam facere, in qua continebatur omnis error pristinus, sed secretins sub velamine vario verborum, in qua dixit suum conceptum, et nisus est suam sententiam probarc. Sed velut liereticus pertinax refutavit omnes Docfores de Secundo Millenario in materia de Sacramento Altaris, et dixit omnes illos errasse prater Berengarium, cujus opinio damnatur Distinct. 2''» ' de Consecratione,' cap. ' Ego Berengarius,' et ipsum et suos complices; dixit palam Sathanam solutum et poteslatem habere in Magistro Sententiarum et in omnibus qui fidem catholicam pisedicaverunt." WiclifF is stated by Wood (Ant. Oxon. I. p. 189) to have read a Confession on the Sacrament in Latin at Oxford before certain bishops and an assembled multitude, in which he retracted his opinions. Lewis gives a Latin Confession in his Appendix No. *1G; together with the ensuing one in English, from Kynghton, col. 2649. One can only wonder how either of them should be con- sidered a recantation. See the note in this Appendix, on p. -19, note (1).
"We beleve as Crist and his Apostolus ban taugt us, that the Sacrament of the Auter white and ronde, and lyk tyl oure Brede or ost unsacrede is verray Goddus Body in fourme of Brede, and if it be broken in thre Parties os the Kirke uses, or cllcs in a Thousand, everylk one of these Parties is the same Goddus Body, and ryth so as the Persone of Crist is vevay God and verray Man, verray Godhcdc, and verray ftLnnhede, ryth so, as holy Kirke many hundrith wynter has trowyde, the same Sacrament is verray Goddus Body and verray Brede: As it is Forme of Godus Body and Forme'of Brede as techiih Crist and his Apostolus. And therefore Seynt Poule nemeth it never but
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 801
when he callus it Brede, and he be our beleve tok his wit of God in this: And the Argument of Heretj'kus agayne this Sentens, lyth to a Cristene Man for to assolve. And right as it is Heresie [to belive that Crist is a Spirit and no Body : So it is Heresie] for to trowe that this Sacrament is Goddus Body and no Brede; for it is both togednr. But the most Heresie that God sufferyde come tyl his Kirke is to trowe that this Sacrament is an accident withouten a Substance, and may on no wyse be Goddus Body : for Crist sayde be wit- nesse of John, that this Brede is my Body. And if the say that be this skylle that holy Kyrke hat bene in Heresy many Hundred Wynter, sothe it is, specially sythen the Fende was lousede that was be witnesse of Angele to John Evangeliste after a Thousande Wynter that Crist was stenenyde to Heven. But it is to suppose that many Seyntes that dyedein themene tyme before her Death were purede of this Erroure. Owe howe grete diversitie is betwene us that trowes that this Sacrament is verray Brede in his Kynde, and betwene Heretykus that tell us that this is an Accident withouten a Sujet. For before that the Fende Father of Lesyngus was lowside, was never this gabbyng contryvede. And howe grete diversitie is betwene us that trowes that this Sacrament tliat in his Kinde is veray Brede and sacramentally Goddus Body, and betwene Heretykes that trowes and telles that tliis Sacrament may on none wyse be Goddus Body. For I dare surly say that gif this were soth Crist and his Seynts dyede Heretykus, and the more partye of holy Kyrke belevyth nowe Heresye, and before devout Men supposene that this Counsayle of Freres in London was with the Herydene.* For they put an Heresie upon Crist and Seynts in Hevyne, wherefore the Erth tremblide. Fay land maynnus Voice answeryde for God als it did in tyme of his Passione, whan he was dampnyde to bodely Deth. Crist and his Modur that in gronde had destroyde all Heresies kep his Kyrke in right Belefe of this Sacrament, and move the King and his Rewme to aske sharply of his Clerkus this Offis that all his Possessioneres on pain of lesing ail her Temporaltes telle the King and his Rewme with sufficient grownding what is this Sacrament; and all the Orders of Freres on payne of lesing her Legians telle the King and his Rewme with gode grounding what is the Sacrament; for I am certaine of the thridde Partie of Clergie that defendus thise Doutes that is heresaid, tliat they will defende it on paine of her Lyfe."
Page 19, note (3).] — This anecdote respecting the earthquake is told by Walden, who says expressly, " In die S. Dunstani post prandium apud Prsedi- catores London." (" Fasciculus Zizaniorum Wiclevi," apud Bodleianum, fol. 63.) St. Dunstan's day was May 19th. (Nicolas's Chronol. of History.)
Tlie Preaching Friars were Dominicans, and also called Black Friars : their priory stood in the parish near St. Paul's, which is still called, from them, St. Anne's Black-friars. The Grey Friars were of the Franciscan order; and their priory was where Ciirist's Hospital now stands. (Tanner's Notitia Monastica.)
Page 20, line 9. " Reported by John Husss enemies."^ — See p. 455.
Page 20, note (3).]— The short paragraph in the text is put in by the Editor, in lieu of the following words which stand in Foxe's text : " The mandate of the archbishop, William Courtney, sent abroad for the conventing together of this council, here followeth underwritten, truly copied out of his own register." Instead of a " Mandate for the conventing of the council," it is a Process con- sequent upon the council : it is so called in the Register (Wilkins, Cone. iii. p. 157), and internal evidence proves it such. In conformity with this correc- tion, the whole previous paragraph — " Here is not to be passed over
nature and infirmity" — which contains some account of the council itself, but which in Foxe stands after the Process, is in this edition placed before it. The marginal note to that paragraph — " Determination upon the Articles of WiclifF" — in the edition of 1570 was slipped down and made, in that and all subsequent editions, the head line of a paragraph relating to a totally different matter (see the note in this Appendix, on page 24, note (2) ). The whole of the ensuing Process, Articles, and Mandates, to p. 24, have been collated with the original in Wilkins, and revised, or rather retranslated. (I) " Herydene," earthquake. — Ed. VOL. III. 3 F
802 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
Page 21, line 27. " The articles of John WicMiff," &c.]— The manner in which Foxe here cautions his readers against receiving these twenty-four Articles too implicitly as a fair exhibition of Wicklifi "s sentiments, accords with what has been already said on tliis subject in reference to the eighteen Articles above, p. 11. The need of this caution is illustrated in the foot-notes, with regard to several of the ensuing Articles; several more illustrations shall be added here.
Page 21, note (1).] — See the explanation of Huss at p. 454. In fact, Wickliff himself says expressly: "Sophisters slmlden know well, that a cursed man doth fulli/ the sacraments, though it be to his damning ; for they ben not autliors of these sacraments, but God keepcth that divinity to himself." (Lewis, p. 96. See also Swinderby's answer on this point at p. 117, Art. IV.)
Page 21, note (2).] — Wickliff in a Defence of his opinions, written after this council, takes notice of this Article thus: "Such things they do invent of Catholic men tliat they may blacken tlieir reputation, as if they held this heresy. That God is the devil, or any other open heresy; being consequently prepared by false witnesses to impose such heresies on true men, as if they were the false inventors of them." (Lewis, p. 9G.)
Page 22, Art. XVIIL " That tithes are pure almose," &c.]— Wickliff does not appear to have held this Article, in its absolute sense. See the note on Article VI. at p. 11, and Dr. Wordsworth's note in his Ecclesiastical Biography, vol. i. p. 326. Lewis (pp. 119 — 124) maintains that he only taught (wliat was the fact) that the tithes were held by the tenure called franlc-aImoi(jne, i. e. exempt from secular burdens, being originally given " in liberam, puram, et perpetuam eleemosynam, ad Deo soh et ecclesise serviendum :" and that, consequently, when these implied ends were not accomplished by the clergy, it was the duty of the supreme authority in the realm to rectify the abuse, by transferring their benefices to those who would carry out the pious intentions of the donors. This is no more than was actually done at the period of the Reformation, when the tithes were transferred by the State from the papal clergy to the clergy of the Reformed church. Dr. Wordsworth, indeed, cites (Eccl. Biog. 1839, vol. i. p. 329) an awkward passage from Wickliff himself, proposing, that " when the new bishops came successively before the king to do homage, he should in all cases refuse to make restitution of the temporalities, seize them into his own hands, and dispose of them to whatever uses he might be advised to think good." (Trialogus, p. 239.) Still it may be doubted whether Wickliff meant anything more by this proposal than what is hinted above, viz. a transfer by legal authority of the church endowments to those who would accomplish their ends. It is likely, however, that some of Wickliff's dis- ciples were tempted by the desperate corruption of the church in that age to go a step further, and maintain that "tithes were pure alms," in the sense that the payment of them was optional. (See Thorpe's Examination, pp. 269, &-c.) But the expression "perpetua elcemosyna," as Dr. Wordsworth well shows, makes the payment of tithes obligatory, and precludes the notion of pureli/ spontaneous gift, which Thorpe and others seem to contend for, except in the case oT the original donors ; and the State, in securing the payment of the tithes and other church dues, is only executing a sacred trust placed in its hands by those original donors.
Page 22, note (1).]— Foxe refers to Huss's defence of this article at pp. 70 — 76. Neither Wickliff nor Huss, however, would have denied the right of ecclesiastical rulers to regul ite the ministrations of the clergy so as should most tend to general edification, lior the general duty of the clergy to render canonical obedience to such regulations. Wickliff says, that " though the priestly power is not more or less sufficient in its essence, still the powers of inferior priests are at times reasonably restrained, and at other times relaxed." (See p. 16, Art. XV.) But Huss argues, that the cliurch in all ages had expected all clergymen to preach the word of God as the essential business of their calling, and that the ordination vows of a clergyman involved as much ; and that consequently any regulations which went to prevent such exercise of their function, were unlawful, and not entitled to obedience. The reasoning of Swin- derby and Thorpe goes to the same point. (See pp. 123,260.) If there be some danger attending such a doctrine, there is no less danger attending
APPENDIX TO VOL. in. 803
the opposite doctrine of unqualified submission to the authority of the church. There are cases in which we must "obey God rather than man ;" and the case of the Reformers was surely one of tliem. (See Bilney's apology in his last moments for some irregularity of proceeding, infra, vol. iv. p. 654.) What would have become of the Reformation, if its early champions had sub- mitted to the repeated injunctions of silence, or to such a constitution as that of archbishop Arundel at p. 243, which went virtually to silence the witnesses for Christ, while it left the mendicant friars in undisturbed possession of their privilege of preaching where, and when, and how they pleased. Often as those friars interfered with the province of the parochial clergy, so as to produce the most unseemly bickerings and heart-burnings, they were shortly after secured in the enjoyment of their privileges by a special declaration of archbishop Arundel, published the same year with his Constitutions (Wilkins, iii. p. 324). Hence, as Thorpe observes in his Testament at p. 284, " Hermits and par- doners, anchorites and strange beggars, are licensed and admitted by prelates and priests to beguile the people with flatterings and leasings slanderously against all good reason and true belief; and so to increase divers vices in them- selves, and also among all them that accept them or consent imto them." We cannot wonder that the Reformers felt their " spirit stirred within them " at the sight of such things, and stoutly maintained the right and duty of rightly ordained clergymen to preach " the everlasting gospel" of Christ.
Some persons may think, that these good men would have acted in a more straightforward manner, had they seceded openly from a church the proceed- ings of which they deemed unscriptural. But they entertained a laudable dread of schism, and rather than incur that charge they preferred asserting the constitutional liberties of the church by the Scriptures, by her own canons, and by the writings of her most eminent fathers, though at the risk of appearing contumacious. The notion, moreover, had for ages prevailed, that the chuixh of Rome was the only true church; and most, if not all, of the early Reformers appear to have died in her communion, though protesting against her errors; and they must be allowed t])e praise of having made the experiment (to many of them a most dreadful one), what might be done to reclaim her from her un- scriptural dogmas and proceedings. This experiment failing, men began to inquire into the grounds on which Rome claimed the supremacy, when it was perceived to be founded altogether on fable and usurpation. Whereupon an indignant nation arose, and emancipated both herself and her church from the unrighteous tyranny.
Page 22, note (4).] — The correcting and retaining of the passage in the text from the edition of 1563, besides filling up the narrative here, makes it har- monize with the subsequent narrative at p. 25, where it is expressly stated, that *' the doing of this matter was committed to Peter Stokes, friar," &c.
Page 23, line 5.] — Knyghton (col. 2651) gives a letter of John, bishop of Lincoln, to his diocese, dated Stowe-park, 12th July, 1382, including a letter to himself from Robert, bishop of London, dated London, July 5th, 1382, and communicating this mandate of the archbishop, dated Otteford, penult, die Mali.
Page 24, note (2).] — Foxe derived the ensuing account of Ry gge, Hereford, Reppyngdon, and Ashton (extending to page 48) immediately from Walden's " Fasciculus Zizaniorum Wiclevi." The documentary portions of it were not introduced by Foxe before the edition of 1570, and are distinguished in this edition from the rest of the narrative by being printed in smaller type. Tlie whole has been collated with Walden's " Fasciculus," and with the archbishop's Registers as printed in Wilkins's Concilia, tom. iii. p. 157; some errors have been thence corrected in the narrative, and the documents have been retranslated. A new arrangement also of the whole has been found absolutely necessary, to render the account consistent and intelligible. Foxe appears to have become fairly puzzled amidst the numerous facts and documents before him ; and for want of accurately considering their dates, and their mutual relation, he lost the thread of the story, and of course perplexed his narrative. By a new arrangement of his own materials, however, and the occasional introduction of a few connecting words, order has been restored. These first four pages, for example, would stand, according to Foxe's arrangement, immediately before the king's letter in
3f2
804 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
favour of Henry Crompe, at p. 43 : and instead of the proper commencement of the narrative, as it stands in this present edition — " ^Iatters incident of Robert Rygge, &c." — we liave liere, according to Foxe's text — " Determina- tion upon the Articles of WickHff. Item, the twelfth day of June, A.D. 1382, in tiie chamber of the friars preachers, the aforesaid Master Robert Rigges, &c." — whereas no mention whatever had been made of Robert Rigges. Tiiis proves incidentally, tliat the arrangement now adopted was that which Foxe originally intended. He afterwards resolved to connect the proceedings at RIack-friars against Rygge with those at the same place against WickliS ia the preceding month. Hence he brought down a side-note which had originally related to the ])roceedings against Wickliff (see note on p. 20, note (3) ), and made it the title to these proceedings against Rygge. Foxe was led so strangely to dislocate his materials, partly, through his misunderstanding a passage in Walden, which will be brought forward in a note on p. 31, note (1). A large extract from Walden, extending to eight folios, and embracing most of this affair, is among the Cotton MSS. Cleopatra E. Anthony a Wood also gives the history in his " Hist, et Antiq. Oxon.," i. p. 190, on the authority of the " Fasciculus," referring to the folios as they stand in the copy preserved in the Bodleian, formerly the property of bishop Bale, and which has been referred to by the present Fditor.
Page 21.] — With respect to the mode of writing the proper names concerned in this process — "Ryggaeus," "Rygge," and "Rigges," are the readings in the several editions of Foxe: " Rygge" is retained, as the spelling in the archbishop's Registers. " Hereford " is " Herford " and " Harford " in Foxe, but " Hereford " at p. 188, " Hereford " in the Registers, and " Herefordiensis" in Walden and Wood. Foxe uses " Repyngdonus," " Rapyndon," " Rep- pington," " Repington :" in the Registers it is always " Reppyngdon," except twice, when it is " Rappyngdon :" probably it was always pronounced " Kap- pyngdon," just as "Derby" (in which county Repton stands) is pronounced Darby: and this pronunciation would the more easily suggest the nickname " Rampyngdon," which was afterwards applied to this man (see pp. 46, 2oS).
Lastly, Rygge is called by Foxe " chancellor," " vice-chancellor," and " commissary," of Oxford, for which he is criticized by Wood. He is always called " chancellor " in the Registers, which designation is adopted in the text, to preserve the identity of the individual.
Page 25, line 14.] — " His first degree unto doctorship," i.e. he was already bachelor of divinity.
Page 25, line 17. "But through the great and notable dexterity of his wit," &c.]— Foxe's original Latin here seems to have been penned rather with aii eye to Reppyngdon's subsequent apostasy, and to imply that he had never been sincere in the cause: " Krat hie canonicus Leicestrensis, jamque primum gradum fecerat ad Doctoratum : quo tempore concionem ad Braclenses quandani liabuit; ob quam Pharisseis invisus suspectusque reddebatur. Ca'terum ob ingenii niveum quendam quem omnibus ubique pra; se tulit, cum pari comi- taUun modestia, candorem, vel superavit vel temperavit certe banc Nemesin; moxque in Doctoratum cum publica theatri approbatione adoptatus est. Qui simul atque jam sumpta doctoris persona in scenam tandem fabulam saltaturus prodiit, coepit protinus bene celatum ac dissimtdatum ingenium prodere, publico attestatus, Wiclevum se in omni materia morali defensurum : De re vero sacramentaria Pythagorisare velle, donee Dominus afflasset cleri animos." (Lat. Ed. p. 19.)
Page 25, line 3 from the bottom.]— The words " as is before declared " have been added to Foxe's text, to show that this narrative synchronizes with that in page 22.
Page 25, note (2). lirac/dey.']— The Latin edition says " ad Braclcn?cs;" the edition of 15G3 "at Bracle;" all the subsequent editions '^ at Broad- gates," a hall for law-students at Oxford, now merged in Queen's College : Walden says " Bracle," and Wood (Ant. Oxon. i.) says " Bracleia in^ agro Northampton :" " Doctoratum hoc anno adcptus in Theologia Wichlho ad- dictum sese ostendit; quod semel tantum antohac fecerat, nempe cum Brac- leije in bto Northampton concionem hubens doctrinam ejus de sacramento
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 805
altaris enunciavit." As there seems to be no authority for " Broadgates," Foxe's original text is retained: there can be no doubt that the place meant was Brackley Hall, which formerly stood near Baliol College (see Peshall'a Oxford, p. 241), and not, as Wood conjectures, Brackley in Northamptonshire.
Page 25, note (3).] — Lewis gives this letter in his Appendix, with marginal corrections of certain alleged errors in the MS. ; but the Editor is able to state, on the authority of the Rev. Mr. Coxe, sub-librarian of the Bodleian, that Lewis's collator mis-read the MS., except in the two instances noticed in the present copy.
Page 26, line 1.] — The retaining of this passage from the Edition 1563 is important, as it explains what is said in the next page about the chancellor being " accused for the contempt of the archbishop's letters."
Page 27, line 19.] — On Bright well's recantation, see the note infra, on p. 257, line 7. He seems to have been rewarded with the Deanery of the New College at Leicester ; see Lewis, p. 338. He is, nevertheless, honourably mentioned by Foxe infra, p. 96.
Page 27, note (2).] — The whole of these seven " Evidentiae " are given at length from Walden by Wood (Hist, et Antiq. Oxon. i. 191).
Page 27, note (3). " The Tuesday after "'\ — Foxe says, " three days after." Walden's words are, " Sabbato autem proximo [i.e. Saturday next following his sermon, which was on Thursdaj', June 5th, see margin, p. 25] dixit Philippus publice in scholis inter cetera, quod ordo suus, &c. Feria autem tertia proxima frater Petrus praedictus determinavit contra eum publice in scholis in materia recommendationis," &c. "Feria" means a day nf the week (see vol. ii. p. 209, note (1) ) ; " tertia feria " therefore is Tuesday : Wood, not understand- ing this, says " tertio abhinc festo," which conveys no distinct meaning. Ac- cording to Walden, the archbishop's letter summoning Stokes to London was delivered to him before he had left the schools; and both he and the chancellor appeared next day (Wednesday, June 11th) before the archbishop in London, when the matter was remanded to the "feria quinta [Thursday, June 12th] proximb sequens," i. e. the morrow ; at which point the archbishop's Register takes up the matter next page.
Page 28, line 6 from the bottom. " Bedeman."'] — Foxe reads " Redman " both here and at p. 9Q, which reading he derived from Walden (" Fasciculus," fol. 70) ; but the Register reads " Bedeman" (Wilkins, iii. p. 160), and in one place " Laurentius Stephyns, alias Bedeman." (Ibid, p. 168.)
Page 28, note (1).] — The words " For confirmation of the foregoing history hereunder follow" have been put into the text for the sake of clearness. It has been already explained (see the note in this Appendix on page 24, note (2) ), that the foregoing narrative respecting Rygge, Hereford, and Reppyngdon, would not be introduced according to Foxe's arrangement till page 43 ; i.e. after the story had been told from the archbishop's Register, it is partly told again some pages after, to the utter confounding of the reader. This confusion is obviated on the plan here adopted, by which the Register is brought in to confirm the previous narrative ; conformably to Foxe's own example at p. 342, where he brings in a long epistle of archbishop Arundel from the Registers, " for confirmation" of the previous account of Lord Cobham's prosecution.
Page 29, line 25. "After thin, the same day and place," &c.] — Foxe here says, "After this, within a few days, the aforesaid archbishop William Courtney directed down his letters monitory," &c. But the Register expressly says, " Postmodum, eisdcm die et loco, dictus Dominus Cantuariensis archiepiscopus Cancellarium preedictum monuit sub eo qui sequitur tenore verborum."
Page 30, line 21. " Were offended and in the tops of the friars," &c.] — " At- qni religiosis potissimum infensi infestique omnes reddebantur," &c. (Lat. Ed. p. 15.) The phrase " to be in the top of" is similarly used at p. 24, line 5 from the bottom.
Page 30, line 31.] — Henry Crompe was a Cistercian monk of Baltinglass, diocese of Meath, in Ireland. Wood states from Walden (Hist. Oxon. i. p. 196),
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that Crompe after this returned to Ireland and preached the doctrines of WicklifF, for which lie was called to account by William Andrew, bishop of Meath, and after steadil}' refusing to recant was declared a heretic, a.d. 1385: after this lie returned to Oxford, and preached there the doctrines of Wickliff, for which he was suspended from all his Acts, cited up to the king's council, March 21st, 15 Rich. II. (a.d. 1392), and compelled to recant at Stamford, May 28th : he subsequently renewed his profession of Wickliffite doctrines at Oxford, and was somewhat protected against the cliancellor and others by a letter of the arch- bishop, dated October 21st, a.d. 1392. (Walden's " Fasciculus," fol. 77 b.) Foxe, following Walden, at once introduces a letter of the king's in his favour here : it has been postponed in this edition to page 43, that the reader may the better perceive the chronological order of the events. That letter supports Foxe's statements in this paragraph.
Page 30, line 1 7 from the bottom. " He called the heretics ' Lollards.' "] — Foxe, in using the term " heretics," is only translating his authority: " Suspen- ditur Henricus Crompe, magister in theologia, ab actibus suis publice in ecclesia bcata; Virginis, et imponunt sibi perturbationem pacis, quia vocavii hareticos Lollardos," (Walden, fol, 70 h). Wood appears to have caught the true sense of the passage, when he says, " Quod Ilaereticorum stigmate Lollardos voca- verat." " Lollard " was the nickname for supposed heretics, from lolle?i to sing.
Page 30, note (2).] — The fact that Rygge returned to Oxford on Saturday is stated by Walden in a passage which shall be quoted presently.
Page 31, note (1). " On Monday. "~\ — This appears from Walden, who says " feria ii," i.e. " the second day of the week." It may be well here to quote the passage of Walden, on which this part of the narrative is founded, because Foxe has evidently misunderstood the passage. Walden, after mentioning Crompe's affair, and Ilygge's seco?j(/ citation up to London, and the king's sub- sequent letter in Crompe's favour, dated July 14th, proceeds thus : — " Sed et cancellarius prasdictus postquam feria quinta habuit mandatum pricdictum ab archiepiscopo et praeceptum concilii regni, venit (ut dictum est) Oxonium sabbato proximo; qui intimavit Philippo et Nicolao suas suspensiones ; qui stalim feria ii proxima London, venerunt, qurerentes dominum ducem Lancas- triae Johannem. Quo invento apud Totenhale juxta London, &c. ... In cras- tino [i.e. Tuesday] plures doctores pontificii . . . Tandem prrecepit eis [dux Lancastrise] utstarent ordinationidomini archiepiscopi, qui eis assignavit feriara sextam proximam [i.e. Friday, June 20th] ad respondendum London, in con- ventu praedicatorum : qui comparuerunt, et petierunt tempus deliberandi, et datum est usque ad 12 Kalend, Julii [i.e. Friday, June 20th], et tum venerunt," &c. It is obvious that Walden has made a mistake in calling the first day of their appearance " feriam sextam," as it should have been "quartam," i.e. Wednesday, June 18th, the day presently named in the Registers: he probably mis-read, or it was mis-written, in some MS. "feriam vi" for " feriam iv;" or he was thinking of the day on which they were eventually brought to their answer.
Walden, in the foregoing passage, clearly intended to resume the thread of his narrative — interrupted by the anticipative introduction of Crompe's affair and tlie king's letter in his favour dated July 14th — and informs us that Rygge, having on the Thursday [June 12th] received the commands of the archbishop and the council, returned, as before staled, to Oxford on the Saturday following [June 11 til], when he informed his friends Hereford and Rcj)pyngdon of their suspension: they on the Monday following [June IGth] fled to the duke of Lancaster, who received them kindly, but next day [June 17th] being solicited by some doctors of the other party changed his mind, and desired them to go and submit to the archbishop's award. Foxe was quite aware that this was the general drift of the passage ; but in an evil hour confounded this flight of Hereford and Rcppyngdon from Oxford to the duke with their subsequent absconding from London while their trial was pending, between June 27th and July 1st; for he follows up this paragraph on which we are now commenting by the following : " In the mean time, while they were thus fled to the duke, great search and inquisition was made for them, to cite and to apprehend them wheresoever they might be found," &c. The Latin edition (page 15) makes it still plainer that this was his notion' " l^nde iterum arcessitus cancellarius
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 807
cum procuratoribus, regis etconcilii nomine sed pontificis instinctu, nova accepit man data ad investigandos persequendosque hereticos. Ibi Philipp. Repyng- toiius et Nic. Herfordus clam admoniti per cancellarium, ilico ad D. Johan. Lancastrise ducem se receperunt." It is curious that Anthony h Wood has likewise stumbled at the above passage of Walden, and supposes it to describe events altogether subsequent to July 14th: for he interprets Walden's "feria quinta" by " quinto abhinc die," which makes his narrative as confused and incoherent as Foxe's. To Foxe's misunderstanding of this passage of Walden we are to trace his dislocation of these proceedings against the Oxford reformers.
Page 31, note (3). " From the hall to the kitchen."'] — Here ends the portion which, according to Foxe's arrangement, would have stood at page 43. (See note on p. 24.) — The reader will find the English proverb used by Foxe again at p. 377, line 29, only in an inverse order. — That this occurred on the Tuesday appears from Walden, as cited in the last note.
Page 31. " Examination of N. Hereford," &c.] — These proceedings, taken by Walden (fol. 70) from the archbishop's Register, show that the alleged recantation of Hereford given by Knyghton (coL 2G55), dated June 19th, must be a forgery.
Page 32, line 35.] — Foxe reads " Si Dudum " for the first words of this Clementine, both here and at p. 34 : he misunderstood Walden's abbreviation, " Si Dnm." (" Fasciculus," fol. 72, 73.)
Page 34, line 15 from the bottom. " The nineteenth conclusion."] — Both Walden and the Register here call this the " twentieth" conclusion: but 12 lines lower they call it " decimam nonam," which Foxe's text translates " tenth ninth," as if it were not certain whether two Articles were not referred to, the 10th and the 9th. It is the 19th in p. 33, and is therefore so numbered here.
Page 35, line 27. " The same day se' nnight."] — Foxe's text reads, " eight days' space;" the Register says, " praefixit et assignavit praefatis Nicolao et Philippo diem eundem ad 8 dies, videlicet 27 diem dicti niensis." ( Wilkins, iii. p. 163.)
Page 35, line 4 from the bottom. " Uttered frivolous and opprobrious con- tumelies" &:c.] — The reader will observe that this is the statement of the arch- bishop's Register, which Foxe gives just as he found it : " Clamando verba frivola opprobriosa et contumeliosa . . . . ut videbatur." (Wilkins, iii. p. 164.)
Page 36, line 32. " That day se'nnight, that is to say, the twenty-seventh of the said month."] — Here again Foxe misapprehends the date : " Prjefixit et assignavit dictum diem octavum, videlicet 27 diem dicti mensis " (Wilkins, iii. p. 164); whence Foxe says, "assigned .... eight days after, that is to say, the twenty-eighth of the said month ;" and 11 lines lower down he says, " the twenty-eighth of June," whereas the Register says, " Subsequenter die Veneris dicto, videlicet vicesimo septimo die mensis Junii."
Page 36, note (1).] — Foxe mis-read the MS. of Walden here, and translates, " Saying oftentimes and expressly, as Luke said ;" which is not sense. " To believe as the church believes," i.e. as the priest teaches, is a principle sedu- lously inculcated on the laity of the Romish church to this day. — Several of the early Reformers seem to have used a prudent reserve on the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. Reppyngdon above (p. 25) had said, " De materia sacramenti aharis pyt/iayorisare velle, donee Dominus afflasset cleri animos ;" and Purvey recommends his friends a particular course to be taken, when they were catechized on the subject of the Lord's Supper : " Therefore, when Anti-Christ,
&c as true martyrs of Jesus Christ." (See the note in this Appendix
on p. 287.) The conduct of Ashton seems to have been regulated on this occasion by the foregoing maxim.
Page 37, line 1. " The archbishop, yet not contented with this," &c.] — Another transposition is here made of Foxe's materials; for the three pages extending from hence to the bottom of p. 39 would, according to the original text, come in at p. 42, before the paragraph, " The young king also, moved. &c." The new arrangement preserves the chronological order of events, and seems in the present case very important. (See page 39, foot-note (3).)
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Page 37, line 3. " Hitherto . ... no public law or statute of thi.'s land to proceed unto death against any person whatsoever in case of religion, but only by the usurped tyranny and example of the court of Home."] — Foxe could hardly mean that the ensuing " bastard statute," as he terms it, would authorize putting to death for heresy, real or pretended ; it was only meant as a stepping- stone to that dreadful climax, and for the present only authorized the imprison- ment of persons suspected of heresy, on a certificate being sent by the diocesan to the king's chancellor of their being so suspected. Hitherto heretics (real or pretended) had been burnt by the Common Law.
. Page 37, note (1).] — The above statute has been collated with and revised by Cotton's Abridgment and the Statutes at Large. The date is put in from Sir E. Coke : see tlie next note but one. The repeal of this statute in next page is printed in Cotton's Abridgment of the Parliamentary Rolls, vol. iii, p. 141, from which Foxe's translation has been revised;
Page 39, line 15.] — This royal letter is printed in Wilkins, iii. p. 150, "ex autographo " in the Ely Register, dated July 12th, 6 R. IL
Page 39, note (2).] — Sir Edward Coke, in chap. 5 of the third part of his " Institutions," explains this affair thus. He says, that of ancient time, when Acts of Parliament had been passed, in order to their being published (espe- cially before the use of printing) the Acts were engrossed on parchment, and sent in a bundle to the sheriff of each county, accompanied by a writ in the king's name and imder the great seal, ordering the sheriff to publish the said Acts within his bailiwic. Now Robert Braybrook, bishop of London and lord chancellor of England at the time, caused the said ordinance of the king and lords to be inserted in the writ for proclamation, and to be proclaimed among the Acts of Parliament ; which writ Sir E. Coke says he had seen, dated " Teste Rege apud Westm. 26 May, anno regni Regis R. 2, 5." But in the parlia- mentary proclamation of the Acts passed 6 R. 2, the Act of 6 R. 2, whereby the aforesaid supposed Act of 5 R. 2 was declared void, is omitted ; and after- wards the said supposed Act of 5 R. 2 was continually printed, and the other Act of G R. 2 hath by the prelates from time to time been kept from the print. Bishop Gibson, however, in his Codex, takes a different view of the subject, and defends the genuineness of the statute.
Page 41. " This archbishop, moreover, the said year," &'C.] — This paragraph in Foxe follows, instead of precedes, the ensuing " Mandate," which Foxe calls a "Citation." The paragraph itself, moreover, is clipped here of a small piece, " Whereby may appear," &c., which has been transferred to a more appropriate ])lace, at the bottom of p. 44, where the archbishop, having failed to discover his prey by means of Rygge, writes a similar mandate to all the bishops of England.
Page 42. " I'he young king also," &c.] — This paragraph is a description of the ensuing royal letter: in Foxe's text, however, the royal letter is placed first, and the paragraph then begins, " Besides these letters-patent, the said young king, &c sendeth, moreover, another special letter, &c. :" and after de- scribing the contents of the letter at the conclusion of the paragraph, he says that it bore date "July Vlth," as though it were a totally different letter from that last given, and written the day following.
Page 43, line 28. "And tve give in charge unto the sheriff. "1 — " Et damns Vic. et Majori Oxon. pro temp, existent, ac universis ac singulis Vicecomitibus, Majoribus, et Ballivis, et subditis nostris," &c. (Wilkins, iii. p. 1G6.) Foxe, though he had intituled the letter itself as addressed to "the Vice-Chancellor and Proctors of Oxford," takes " Vic." to mean " Vice-Cancellario," instead of " Vice-Comiti."
Page 43. " Besides these letters-patent," &c.] — This paragraph is put in by the Editor to introduce the ensuing letter, which in Foxe's text is introduced by the paragraph at p. 30, ending, "the words of which letter hereafter follow." See the note on p. 30, line 31.
Page 4 1, line 23. " Unto the aforesaid letters."] — This refers to the arch- bishop's mandate to Rygge, at p. 41. Foxe has confused his narrative by mis- translating the opening of the ensuing Utter from Rygge to the archbishop. The letter says: — " Litcras veslias iiiihi dircctas mensis Junii die dccinio
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 809
quarto reverenter recepi" (VVilkins, iii. p. 168) — where Jiinii is plainly an error for Julii Foxe mistranslates, " Your letters bearing the date of the fourteenth of July I have received." See the next note to this.
Page 44, last paragraph. " In the mean time."'\ — Foxe adds, " while they were thus fled to the duke." These words have been dropped, because Foxe here laboured under a mistaken impression, pointed out in the note on p. 31, note (1 ) ; viz. that their present flight from the archbishop's judgment, betv/een June 27th and July 1st, was identical with their former flight from Oxford to the duke, June 16th. The reader will bear in mind, that according to Foxe'a arrangement, the last paragraph at p. 30. "Mention was made before," &c. would immediately precede this paragraph; but the words, " while they were thus fled to the duke," lose their meaning under the new arrangement.
Another change in this paragraph requires notice. Foxe says that " the archbishop of Canterbury, William Courtney, directed his letters first to the vice-chancellor of Oxford, then to the bishop of London, named Robert Bray- broke, charging them not only to excommunicate the said Nicholas and Philip within their jurisdiction, and the said excommunication to be denounced, hkewise, throughout all the diocese of his suffragans, but also, moreover, that diligent search and watch should be laid for them, both in Oxford and in London, that they might be apprehended; requiring, moreover, by them to be certified again, wliat they had done in the premises. And this was written the fourteenth day of July, a. d. 1382." But the archbishop's letter to Rygge has already been given at p. 41, dated July 13th; and Rygge's reply, given in this page, dated July 25th, was received before the archbishop's letter to the bishop of London was sent, which is given in the note, dated July 30th. Rygge's reply to the archbishop, which is placed by Foxe after this last paragraph, has for the above reason been placed before it. The last sentence, also, of this ])aragraph, " Whereby may appear," &c. has been brought from a previous page. See the note on p. 41.
Page 45, line 15.] — The restoration of Laurence Stephyns, alias Bedeman, is dated October 18th, 1382 (Wilkins, iii. p. 168); that of Reppyngdon, October 23d (ibid. p. 169); and that of Ashton, November 27th (ibid.).
Page 46, line 10 from the bottom. '^Became at length the most hitter per- seaitor."'\ — That this was no slander against Reppyngdon, will appear from the character given of him by abp. Arundel in 1407, at p. 258. The following notices of his course subsequent to this period may be acceptable to the reader: — He became abbot of Leicester, according to Thorpe, p. 258; he became chancellor of Oxford in 1400; was consecrated bishop of Lincoln, March 29th, 1405; made by Gregory XII. cardinal of St. Nereus and Achilles, Sept. 18th, 1408; resigned his bishopric, October 10th, 1419 ; ceased his spiritual functions, Feb. 1st, 1420; Regist. Repynd. (Godwin) ; was yet living, 1 Hen. VI. Regist. Chich. (Richardson apud Godwin.)
Page 47, line 13; " (1382)."]— This date is calculated to mislead: the above particulars about Ashton are perhaps told in the Chronicle by anticipa- tion under that year; but Arundel did not become archbishop till the year 1397. This error is repeated at p. 285.
Page 49, line 12. "And thus far concerning Nicholas Hereford, and the other aforesaid."'] — The following notices have been collected of the subse- quent fortunes of these Reformers. Knyghton (col. 2657) states that Here- ford went to Rome in 1382, and there pleaded his cause before the pope, who imprisoned him ; but that he escaped from prison by occasion of a riot of the citizens ; and that returning to England he resumed his preaching, and was again imprisoned by the archbishop, lu 1387 he was reckoned a Lollard, for Wilkins (iii. 203) gives a mandate of the bishop of Worcester, dated August 10th, 1387, against Lollard preachers in his diocese, and naming N. Hereford, J. Ashton, John Purvey, John Parker, and Robert Swinderby; and in 1392 he sought and obtained the protection of the court against the machinations of his enemies, who supposed him to be a disciple of Wickliff. (Vaughan, ii. p. 89.) Yet we find him, at p. 187, sitting on his countryman Walter Brute in 1393; and a letter from some Lollard, reproaching him with apostacy, is given at p. 188. Thorpe, at pp. 257, 258, speaks of Hereford and others as having then (1407) recanted their Lollard doctrines,
810 APPENDIX TO VOL. UI.
and as bringing much scandal on their profession by their vacillation ; while he speaks with the greatest respect of WicklifFand Ashton, the latter of whom, he says, "died as he had lived." (See p. 258.)
Page 49, line 22.]— This letter is by Walden dated 1384.
Page 49, note (1).] — Whatever became of Wickliff after his appearance at the Black-friars, it is certain that (as Foxe says at p. 53) he "again within short space repaired to his parish of Lutterworth, where he was parson ; " for Dr. Vaughan gives us a passage from one of his parochial homilies, in which he probably adverts to the process pending against Hereford, Ashton, &c. He is speaking of the entombment of Christ, and of the abortive attempts of the priesthood to prevent his resurrection; and these he produces as illus- trating the attempts of the prelates to suppress the revival of the Gospel of Christ: " Even thus do our high priests; lest God's law, after all they have done, should be quickened. Therefore make they statutes, stable as a rock ; and they obtain grace of knights to confirm them ; and this they well mark with the witness of lords: and all lest the truth of God's law, hid in the sepulchre, sliould break out, to the knowing of the common people. O Christ, thy law is hidden thus; when wilt thou send thine angel to remove the stone, and shew thy truth unto thy flock ? Well I know that knights have taken gold in this case to help that thy law may be thus hid, and thine ordinances consumed : but well I know, that at the day of doom it shall be made manifest, and even before, when thou arisest against all thine enemies." Dr. Vaughan also gives an extract from another of his parochial expositions, referring to the same process, wherein he attributes the persecution principally to the zeal of Courtney, whom he describes as the "great bishop of England," and as deeply incensed " because God's law is written in English to lewd men." "He pursueth a certain priest, because he writeth to men this English, and summoneth him, and traveleth him so that it is hard for him to bear it. And thus he pursueth another priest by the lielp of Pharisees, because he preacheth Christ's gospel freely and without fables. Oli! men who are on Christ's behalf, help ye now against Antichrist, for the perilous times are come which Christ and Paul foretold." MS. Hom. BiV). Reg. cited by Dr. Vaughan, vol. ii. pp. 87, 90, edit. 1831. The former of the two priests here alluded to was probably Hereford, who much assisted Wickliff in translating the Testament (see the Preface to Bagster's English Hexapla, pp. 18, 24); and the latter well describes Ashton, who was famous as an itinerant preacher.
Mr. Le-Bas (Life of Wiclif, p. 2G7) conjectures that he was protected during this period by the appeal which he had made to the crown ; which he further followed up in November by an " Appeal and Complaint to the king and parliament." Soon after which the Commons entered their protest against the statute of 5 Rich. II. (see p. 38). Wickliff was cited before the Convocation at Oxford to answer respecting the opinions expressed in the Articles of his " Complaint;" after which he published the two confessions of his belief touching the Eucharist, mentioned in the note on p. 19, note (1). After this he was by a royal ordinance expelled the university of Oxford, whence he retired to Lutterworth for the rest of his life.
There is no reason to believe that Wickliff retired into comparative privacy in order to slum the crown of martyrdom, for it was during his retirement that some of his most spirited attacks on popery were penned; particularly his "Trialogus" and his "Objections to the Freres." 'I'hat he was also aware of the danger attendant upon bis unsparing exposure of errors and corruptions in the Church, Mr. Le-Bas' thinks to be clear from various passages of his writings, and more especially of his "Trialogus," which was produced after his banishment from Oxford, and in which it is plainly intimated, that a multitude of the friars, and of others who were called Christians, were then compassing his death by every variety of machination.^ That he had fully counted the cost of his warfare, is further evident from the language in which he contends for the necessity of constant preparation for martyrdom. "It is a satanical e.xcuse," he says in the same treatise, " made by modern hypocrites, that it is
(l)LifeofWicUi(r, p. 291.
(2) " Trialogus," lib. iv. c. 4, 17, 39. Sec Lewis, c. \ii. p. 12.-). Turner's Hist, of Englaad, ft. iv. li. 12-!.
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 811
not necessary now to suffer martyrdom, as it was in the primitive Church, because now all, or the greatest part of living men, are believers, and there are no tyrants who put Christians to death. This excuse is suggested by the devil; for if the faithful would now stand firm for the law of Christ, and, as his soldiers, endure bravely any sufferings, they might tell the pope, the cardinals, the bishops, and other prelates, how, departing from the faith of the Gospel, they minister unfitly to God, and what perilous injury they commit against his people." And he adds, " Instead of visiting pagans, to convert them by martyrdom, let us preach constantly the law of Christ to princely prelates : martyrdom will then meet us, speedily enough, if we persevere in faith and patience."*
Page 49, note (2).]— Dr. Wordsworth observes rightly, that the Latin should have been thus rendered in the text above : " And that Christ, who did give this same gospel, I believe to be very God and very man; and in this I believe tlie gospel law to surpass all other parts of Scripture." The expression, three lines from the bottom, " If I could labour," is thought by Lewis (p. 284) to imply, that Wickliff pleaded his paralysis as an excuse for not appearing before the pope. (See the note on p. 53, note (1).)
Page 51.] — In the Appendix to Dr. Hickes's Jpologelical Vindication of the Church of England, Lond. 1706, are contained several records relating to the schism between Urban VI. and Clement VII. The bishop of Norwich, Knyghton tells us (Hist. Aug. scripp. x. col. 2671), "collected an innumerable and incre- dible sum for his expedition, in silver, gold, jewels, bracelets, spoons, rings, &c. especially from the ladies and other women, who gave liberally, and many of them above their ability, to procure the benefit of absolution for themselves and their friends. For Urban had furnished him with wonderful indulgences for all who would assist him, or contribute towards the Crusado, with power to absolve a fcena et culpa ; and some of his commissioners, who were all priests, told the people that at their command the angels came down from heaven, and delivered souls out of purgatory. Among the crimes for which Master John de Aston was then censured, it was not the least that he preached at Gloucester against this bloody crusado (Knyghton, col. 2660), telling the people, that of all the facts that ever were, he thought that the most wicked ; that they were all thieves who promoted it ; and that the encouragers of it tempted Christians to contribute to the murder of men." — Preface to Vind,
Page 52, line 19.]— Walsingham (Hist. p. 321, edit. 1574) states, that the bishop came to Canterbury " circa festum Trinitatis, quod advenit hoc anno in medio mensis Maii [May 17]," and that he was lodged "ad manerium abbatis Sti. Augustini vocatum Northbourne."
Page 52, note (1).] — Walsingham says: "Talibus monitis animata juventus vires colligit et hostes acrius invadendo czedit, retro-cedere cogit, donee rarus super muros defensor appareret. Occupant idcirco muros nostri viriliter," &c. Walsingham, Hist. p. 322.
Page 53, note (1).] — Wickliff died of paralysis. There is in Vaughan's Life of Wickliff, vol. i. p. 346, an extract from the Bokyngham (Lincoln) Register, proving that he died the last day of December, 1384. Walsingham's Hypod. Neust. and the Teinmouth Chronicle state that he was struck with palsy on Thomas Becket's day, December 29th, and died St. Sylvester's day, December 31. Walsingham (Hist. p. 312) mentions a report as current, that Wickliff was struck the very day he was preparing to blaspheme the holy martyr Becket. John Home, however, who was cm-ate to Wickliff at Lutterworth during his last two years, attests that Wickliff was struck on Holy Innocents, the day before the feast of Thomas Becket. Home further states, that he was a para- lytic for two whole years before his death; which statement appears the more probable, because it accounts for our hearing no more of Wickliff in a public capacity: his inability also for active exertions delivered his enemies from any further dread of him, and saved them the odium of persecuting so popular a man. (See Lewis's Appendix, No. 19.) It is stated on the same authority, that he was hearing mass in the church at the time when he was struck for death; and this circumstance has been noticed both by friends and
(1) " Tnalogus," cited by Turner, pt. iv. p. 42+.
812 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
enemies as an inconsistency with liis former profession. It nowliere appears, bowever, tliat he entertained any scruples on tlie subject of tlie mass; and it has been already observed on p. 22, that the early Reformers strove to main- tain communion with the Church of Rome. Supplement to "Earlij Notices of different iVtjdiffes" at pp. 939 — 944 o/" vol. ii.
1. Tiie Wycliffe Pedigree at the College of Arms, and Whitaker's Rich- mondshire, supply the following notices: —
Robert de Wycliffe, by Kirby's inquest in 1272, G Ed. I., held 12 carrucates of land in Wyclif,
Thorp, and Girlington. Roger de Wyclif was living in 1319, Ed. II. Roger de Wyclif, the same or more probably his = Catharine' his wife.
son, lies buried at Wyclif Church under a
brass,' with John Wyclif of Wyclif, Esq.* by an inquisition William Wyclif of = Frances, daughter of
post mortem, in 13G7, is said to have held Wyclif, Esq mar- Sir Robert Bela-
by military service 3 carrucates of land in ried syse, Knt.
Thorp-super-Teese. John Wyclif, armiger, of Wyclif, In co. York, = Anne, alibi Agnes, daughter of Sir Thomas
3 Dec. 1 Hen. VI. (1422) : living in 22 Hen. Rokesby of Rokesby, KnU
VI. (1444).
After which the Pedigree is perfect.
2. The Abbotsley documents at Baliol show that the Society consisted of " discreti viri Magister Johannes de \Vykclytfe (Wycliffe, WyclyfT, or Wyclift ) domini Hugo de VVakfeld, Johannes de Hugate, Johannes de Prestvvold, Kogerus de Grisburgh, Willielmus Alayn, Tliomas de Lincolnia, Willielmus de Wykclyffe (or Wycliff ), Ricardus de Assevvell, Johannes Bridd, et Hugo de Felton, clerici Universitatis Oxon'. Eboracensis, Lincoln'. London'. Dunelm'. dioc." who appointed " dilectum sibi in Christo Magistrtim Johannem de Wykclyffe magistrum sive custodem Collegii predicti " as " procuratorem suum verum et legitimum," to take possession of Abbotsley in the name of the College, April 7th, 1361 (Wednesday); and that he did take possession of it, as vacant " per mortem Wiliielmi de Kyngeston ultimi rectoris," April Sth and 9th.
3. The distinction between Magister and Dominus in the above extract refers to tlie ALA. and B. A. degrees; and suggests a pretty decisive proof, hitherio unnoticed, that the Warden of Canterbury Hall was a different individual from the vicar of ALiyfield. For the Warden in his appointment by Islep, in his removal by Langham, and in the Papal Process, is always styled Magister, save that his opponents in the suit cunningly drop the prefix, knowing that friar Wodehull's want of the M.A. degree disqualified him for the Wardenship according to the University Statutes. Whereas, Johannes de Wiiyteclyve, vicar of Mayfield, in all the four archiepiscopal Registers in which he is mentioned, is invariably styled dominus to his dying day, and even in the probate of liis will; which proves that he never attained the M.A. degree, if ever he took any academic degree at all. He was an ordinary man, who owed his promotion to some accident, as hinted at vol. ii. p. 943.
4. It seems, therefore, pretty certain that the Merton " Wyklif" was the Re- former, and not the vicar of Mayfield : the spelling of the name, and the connexion with lienger at Merton, point to this conclusion. Wood, Wharton, Tanner, and Barlow, all say that the Reformer began his studies at Merton. Having been a fellow of Islep's College, he would be well known to Islep, and his ap- pointment to the archbishop's New Hall at once appears natural.
5. Tiie suggestion at vol. ii. p. 94 I, of a third contemporary John WyclifTe, rector of Lekebamstede, in Bucks, in 1371, must be retracted; for the Bokyng- ham Register sliows, that John de Barton was instituted rector of Lekebam- stede, Oct. 1, 13()1, on Hugh Cbastillon's presentation, and exchanged it for Bcrnoldby, co. Lincoln, 1375 : also that Jolni D' Autre was instituted to tlie rectory of Lekebamstede, .fuly 2d, 137.'), on John Barton's resignation, on the presentation of Sir Hugh Chastillon, Knt. Tlie archdeacon of Northampton,
(1) See the Inscription in Whitaker's Richniondshire.
(2) The same who as relict of Roger presented Robert de Wycliffe to the rectory, August 1362, and died soon after. (Sec vol. ii. p. 939.)
(3) The same who presented Dominus William de Wycliffe to the rectory, August 1363; and Dominus Henry Hugate, August 1369. (See vol. ii. p. 939.) This William de Wycliffe was no doubt the Scholar of Baliol when John de Wycliffe was Master. (See § 2.)
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 813
from whose testament the proof of John Wickliffe's rectorship is brought, seems, when he made it, to have been near his end ; for he was then (Nov. lltli) in London, where tlie will was pi-oved Dec. 20th; and we can easily imagine him to have dictated Lekehamstede by a momentary inadvertence or failure of memory. The party drawing the will wrote as he was instructed, without even a suspicion of error ; but it is singular that there is a tick in the margin of the Lambeth Register against " Lekehamstede," apparently hinting some error. The will, however, in this state was sent to Stowe-park, and proved there Jan. 5th following, and is so entered in the Bokyngham Register, folio 101.
Page 54, line 7. " As ^.neas Sylvius writethT'l — Hlstoria Bohemica, cap. 35.
Page 54, note (4).] — John Cochlseus, a native of Nuremberg, wrote, " His- torise Hussitarum Libri Duodecim per Joannem Cochloeum, .'^rtium ac sacrai theologiee magistrum, canonicum Uratislaviensem : operose collecti ex variis et antiquis tum Bohemorum turn aliorum codicibus, anted nunquam excusis;" printed " apud S. Victorem prope Moguntiam mdxlix." He died a.d. 1552. (Hoffman.) Like Walsingham, he entertained and expressed a bitter hatred towards John Wickliif and his followers, and says of his name, " quod est Anglice interpretatum Joannes Impiae Vitae." (Hist. p. 7.) The passage here referred to is at p. 8 of the " Historia."
Page 56, note (1).] — Walden states, that the above question and reply were made in the first parliament of Richard IL, which met October 13th, 1377; and they probably led to the renewal of the proceedings against WicklifF, as remarked in the note on page 4, last line but one. The last paragraph of the reply, " And moreover, as far as I remember," &c. is printed in all the English editions of Foxe in the large type of the text ; which occasions Dr. Vaughan to complain, that the reader can scarcely make out where Wickliff ends and Foxe begins again. The Latin edition is not open to this objection, which after this last paragraph says, " Hac Wiclevus, prjeter multa id genus similia, quEe hie brevitatis necessitate prsecidimus." (Lat. ed. p. 18.)
Page 59, line 10 from the bottom. " This seemeth also false" &c.] — This sentence appears in Foxe's text in large type, as if it were Foxe's remark ; whereas it is a continuation of Huss's " Testimonial;" as well as the next sen- tence, which the Editor has put in from the original, but does not appear in Foxe at all.
Page 63, article 3.] — " Ego Berengarius " is the beginning of a Confession put into the hands of Berengarius by pope Nicholas IL, at a council held at Rome A.D. 1059.
Page 64, note (1).] — In the "Fasciculus" of Orthuinus Gratius is a treatise by William Wideford, dedicated to Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, written at his command, and intituled at its conclusion — " Tractatus Magistri VVillielmi Widefordi, de Ordine Minorum, contra errores Wiclephi in Trialogo, qui dam- natus est in concilio provinciali London, sub domino Thoma Cantuariensi archiepiscopo. Anno Domini MCCCXCVI." — Its opening describes it to contain, "Causas condemnationis articulorum per vos nuper danmatorum, ac etiam responsiones adargumenta per ad versarium pro arliculis facta." It is accompanied with a copy of these eighteen articles, whence a few corrections are introduced in this translation.
Page 64, line 5 from the bottom. ''The fourteenth article of Wir.kliff."} — This is numbered according to the original in " Hist, et Mon. Job. Huss," and as it stands among the 45 Articles of WicklifF supra p. 22, and as Huss numbers it next page, and Foxe himself only eight lines above ; here, however, he miscalls it the " thirteenth."
Page 65, line 34. " Augustine, in his book ' De Baptismo contra Donatistas,' lib. ii. cap. 3."] — Foxe and his authority both refer here erroneously to the " De Unico Baptismo," which consists of only 07ie book, in which this passage does not occur.
Page 67, line 20 from the bottom.]— St. Rusticus, fifth archbishop of Nar- bonne, born in 394, embraced the monastic life about 411. St. Jerome wrote his 95th Epistle to him, to confirm him in his holy vows. He became arch- bishop of Narbonne427 or 430, and died October 26th, 461.— Gallia Christiana, on the Archbishops of Narbonne.
814 APPENDIX TO VOL. Ul.
Page 81, line 10 from the bottom.]—" Beatus Gregorius in Registro, libro 7, cap. 9 " — is the reading in " Hist, et Mon. J. Huss." But in a 3 vol. collection of Epistolse Decretales, RomiE 1591, we find tliis letter (to Brunichilda, the French queen) as the 64th letter of the 9th book of Gregory's Register.
Page 84, line Ifi.]— The author here cited as " Hostiensis " is Henry de Susa or Segusio, a celebrated canonist of the 13th century, of such repute as to have been called " the source and splendour of the law." He was first created archbishop of Enibrun, then cardinal-bishop of Ostia in 12G2, whence he is often called " Ostiensis," or " Hostiensis." Hostiensis is perpetually quoted in the Notes on the Decretals as a commentator; and in the 3d book of all Decretals this heading is to be found, " De Decimis, Primitiis, et Oblationibus." The author of Paraleipomena Urspergensis (p. 2.j2) about the death of Frederic 11. A,D. 1250, mentions " Compostellanus et Hostiensis, Decretalium illustratores," as then flourishing.
Page 85, line 3. " Eighteen wore."]— Foxe says " twenty :" but in " Hist, et Mon, Job. Huss " the reasons go on to the number of 43 in all ; so that, as Foxe has given 25 of them, there remain but 18 more.— The rest of this paragraph needed much revision fiom the Latin.
Page 85, line 9. " Lincolniensis " means Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, of whom so interesting an account is given by Foxe supra, vol. ii. pp. 523 — 534. He wrote 128 Epistles, which are collected into one volume, furnished with a good index: 101 of his Letters are printed in Browne's Appendix to the " Fasciculus" of Orth. Gratius. The reference here, in "Hist, et Mon." fol. 121, is to " Lincolnien. Epist. 71."
Page 85, line 5 from the bottom.] — This saying of pope Leo IV. is men- tioned supra, vol. i. p. 25.
Page 85, note (1).] — This 42d reason in the margin of " Hist, et Mon." is called " Optima ratio," which perhaps induced Foxe to give it.
Page 86, line 23.] — Eugene III. was pope a. d. 1 145 — 1 153, and this council of Treves was held a.d. 1147, (Nicolas's Tables.)
Page 88, line 14.] — Hugo de St. Victor, abbot of the Augustine monastery of St. Victor at Paris, flourished 1120, died February 11th, 1140,44 years old. (Cave's Hist. Lit.)
Page 89, line 16. " To redeem the captive."'} — This sixth, though given in the original, Foxe has omitted.
Page 90, note (1).] — A Dominican friar, named Johannes Januenis, i.e. of Genoa, published a dictionary, called " Summa seu Caiholicon," compiled fi-om the two older dictionaries of Papias and Ugution, with additions of his own. He himself states at the conclusion, that he finished it on the Nones of March, 1280. Erasmus thought meanly of its Latinity. It has been several times printed; first at Mentz 1460, and afterwards, with successive additions, at Venice 1487, and Lyons 1514. See Preface to Ducange's Glossary, cap. 47.
Page 94, note (1).] — WicklifF died the last day of the year a.d. 1381, and this decree is dated May 4, 1415. There was, therefore, an interval of 30 years and 4 months. The decree, however, was not executed till 1424, by Richard Fleming, bishop of Lincoln, by order of the council of Sienna. Richardson (in a note on Godwin de praesulibus) quotes the authority of Lyndwood, for its not liaving been done till 1428. Fleming was bishop from 1420 to 1430.
Page 96, line 12 from the bottom. " Bedinan."'\— Foxe reads " Redman," but " Bednamus" in the Latin edition: see note on p. 28, line 6 from the bottom.
Page 97, line 8.] — Peter Paine was vice-principal of St. Edmund Hall from 1410 to 1415, as may be seen by reference to the list of vice-principals in the Oxford Calendar and Wood's History of Oxford. He was born at Haugh or Hough, three miles from Grantham. He was a delegate from the Bohemians to the council of Basil, 1433, and in that character we find him introduced at ]). 079 : he is supposed to have died at Prague in 1455. He is called Peter Clerk at p. 538.
Page 97, line 35. " There chanced at that time a certain student of the
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 815
country of Bohemia to he at Oxford, of a wealthy house, and also of a noble stock."] — Foxe probably bad tbe following passage of Cocblasus before him : — " Quidam ex discipulis ejus, nomine Petrus Payne, Angliis, Pragam cum libris illius pro- fiigit, regnante Wenceslao: ea forsitan occasione permotus, quod ante eum Bohemus quidam genere nobilis, ex domo quam ' Putridi Piscis ' vocant, apud Oxonium in literari studio constitutus, libros Wiclevi quibus titulus est ' de Universalibusrealibus' inde in patriam secum retulit, velut pretiosum tbesaurum. Commodavit verb libros illos iis potissimum qui Teutonicorum (uti refert jEneas) odio tenebantur, ut illi, per nova dogmata vexati, Academiam Pragensem in qua praevalebant Bohemis regendam discedentes relinquerent." (Cocblaei Hist, p. 8). L'Enfant, " Hist. Hussit. et Concilii Basil," says that " Faulfish " was the surname of the Bohemian nobleman.
Page 97, line 10 from the bottom. " Finding."'] — I.e. maintaining : so infra, vol. iv. p. 660, line 17.
Page 99, line 5. ^'■Improved."'] — I.e. disproved. See Home Tooke's "Diver- sions of Purley." (P. 86, edit. 1840.)
Page 105, line 11 from the bottom. "Prophecy of Jerome Savonarola."] — He is out of his place in this part of the history, having flourished about 1490. A number of his sermons, which were printed in the earlier part of the 16th century, both in Latin and in his own language, Italian, are included in the Trent Index of Prohibited Books, till expurgated. His prophecies and their supposed fulfilment will be found in Flaciiis Illyr. Cat. 2'esfi/im Feritatis, col. 1914, edit, folio, 1608. See more in Dupin's Ecclesiastical History, cent. 15, ch. 4, p. 102. — It is rather singular that John Huss, on the contrary, at pp. 72 — 75, has been arguing that miracles were a sign of Antichrist.
Page 105, note (3). " Fluentiiis Antistes." (Lat. ed. p. 57).] — "Fluentius" is probably only another form for Florentinus, the title, not the name, of the bishop : see Hoffman, v. Fluentius, and the Index to Carolus Molina?us's Works,
Page 106, note (4).] — Guy of Perpignan was bishop of Elne in Roussillon, and inquisitor against the Waldenses. He flourished, and some say died, a.d. 1330. A portion of the prophecies of the Jbbot Joachim is quoted at the end of Bale's " Brefe Chronycle," " Ex Compendiario Guidonis Perpiniani de Here- sibus," the first sentence of which is, " In the latter da3's shall appear a law of liberty."
Page 107.] — One Robert Swinderby was known as a preacher of Wickliff's doctrines in the diocese of Worcester, in the year 1387. (See the note in tiiis Appendix on p. 49, line 12.) The present account of William Swinderby is first introduced into the edition of 1570, the notices of him in the previous Latin and English editions being very short. Several corrections of the punc- tuation and references liave been made.
Page 108, line 20. " The church of St. Mary, Newarks."]— h. church so called at Leicester; of which the following account is taken from Tanner's " Notitia Monastica : " — " There was a district in Leicester, near the castle, called the ' Liberty of Newark ' or ' the Newarks ; ' in which a hospital was founded, 1330, by Henry earl of Leicester and Lancaster, to the honour of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary; this was so enlarged by his son, Heni-y duke of Lancaster, that about 1355 it was turned into a noble college, called the ' New Work ' or ' Nev/ark ' or ' Collegium Novi Operis,' or St. Mary's the Greater. It was finished by the son of the last named Henry, viz. John of Gaunt." Foxe both here and at p. 200 reads, " Our Lady's churches at Newark." — The three places presently mentioned, " Helhoughton," &c. are, Houghton-on-the-Hill, 6 miles S.E. of Leicester, Market IJarborough, and Loughborough.
Page 109.]— The bishop of Hereford's name is " Tresnant " in Foxe : " Tref- nant " is put in on the authority of Godwin's " De Prsesulibus," which says that Johannes Trevenant, al. Trefant, was "in Romana Curia Auditor Rota;," and instituted to the bishopric of Hereford October 9th, 1389. Henry IV. sent him as his ambassador to Boniface IX. He sat fourteen years and a half, and died about April, 1404.
Page 111, note (1). " ConcomUanter."] — Foxe reads "communicant:" the
816 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
other is put in .'is tlie true reading on the audioiity of Art. IX. p. 134, with which this article is identical.
Page 112, line 7. ^^ Have not their power of binding and loosing mediately from the pope," &c.] — The reading " mediately " of the editions of 1570 and 1576, is corrupted into " immediately " in that of l."jS.3 and all subsequent editions. In Article XIII. p. 1.34, which is identical with this, all the editions correctly read "mediately," and refer to this passage.
Page 1 14, line 20. " That it were inedefull and leefull" &c.] — This sentence has been made more intelligible than in Foxe, by a better punctuation.
Page 119, line 13 from the bottom. " Mamnelrie."'] — "We charge the prelatical clergy with popery to make them odious, though we know they are guilty of no sucli thing; just as heretofore they called images ' Mammets,' and the adoration of images ' Mammetry,' i.e. ^Iahomets and Mahometry : odious names, when all the world knows that Turks are forbidden images by their religion." Selden's Table Talk, article Popery. (Wordsworth's Eccl. Biog. vol. i. p. 368.) See p. 327, line 18.
Page 119, line 12 from the bottom.] — Wickliff and his followers did not oppose the setting up of images in churches as laymen's books. See p. 327, line 14.
Pag€ 120.] — The names of places in this Process all appear in Carlisle's Topographical Dictionary, whence one or two corrections are made; thus Foxe reads (line 17), "and Monmouth Clifford," whereas these are two places.
Page 122, line 23. " It were medefuU and leefull" &c.] — See this sentence better punctuated at p. 114.
Page 128, line 30.] — On "to," for "till," see Appendix to vol. viii. note on p. 304.
Page 130, note (1).] — The edition of 1583 alters "disperple" into "disperkle," but retains " disperpcl." According to Phillips's Dictionarj' of New Words, " Disperpled " or " Di^sparpled " (in Heraldry) means loosely scattered, or shooting itself into several parts. In Wimbledon's Sermon, at p. 304, we have " disparkled into all the world." " Disperple" is used by Rogers infra, vol. vi. p. 609, line 10.
Page 130, note (2).] — There are some proceedings against " William Skin- derby" in Wilkins's Concilia, sub anno 1391.
Page 130, note (3).] — The Latin edition here says: " Exacto itaque anno Domini supra millesimum quadringentesimo primo, post Wiclevi verb obitum 13, principante apud Anglos Henrico 4, cum jam Hichardus e fastigio rcgia? subli- niitatis in turrim ahreptus occubuisset, factum est Londini parliamentum, in quo edictum est ut manibus injectis prehenderentur," &c. (Lat. ed. p. 59.) Richard resigned the crown September 29th, a.d. 1399, but he lived till the following year (as Foxe states at p. 221), and died February 1400. (Rapin.) The person who translated the above passage from Fnxe's Latin (and the first English edition of Foxe, 1563, was little else but a translation of the Latin by other hands), not aware, perhaps, of these facts, introduced into the text the inaccuracy of making Henry IV. to "invade the kingdom of England" first in 1401 : this date indeed might be retained, if we were to say " at which time, king Richard, having been wrongfully deposed, Henry IV. had invaded the kingdom of Eng- land;" and to omit the clause " during the time of king Richard II.," because Richard's influence in this, as in every other matter, of course ceased when he resigned the crown in 1399. This, on the whole, would be the preferable way of amending the text, because Foxe in his Latin evidently meant to direct attention to the statute of 2 Henry IV., as the limit to Swinderby's safety.
Page 131, line 3. " 2'his law (.^aith the story) brought a certain priest to punishment the same year .... it appeareth unto me that his name was Swin- derby."^ — No doubt the " piece of an old story," whence Vo\e says he derived this account, meant William Sautrc by the nameless priest; for Walsingham in the following passage states the same fact, and names Sautre as the suflerer. " Anno Domini mcccci. (qui est aniuis regni regis Henrici a conquestu quart! secundus) post Epiphaniani factum est parliamentum Londoniis, in quo statutum
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 817
fuit editum de Lollardis, ut ubicunque deprehenderentur suam pravam doc- trinam amplexantes caperentur et diocesano episcopo Iraderentur. Qui si perseverarent pertinaciter opiniones suas defendere, degradarentur, et juris- dictioni seculari committereiitur: practizataque fuit lisec lex in pseudo-pres- byterum, qui apud Smithfeld (multis aspectantibus) est combustus." _ (Hist, p. 405.) It is a mistake, however, to represent Sautre as at all the victini of the statute " Ex Officio," for he was burnt under the king's writ. Foxe being aware of this, for this very reason suggests that the nameless priest was Swin- derby. It is most probable, however, that both the "old story" and Wal- singham were mistaken ; and that neither Swinderby nor any other person was burnt after Sautre till Badby suffered nine years later, and even he not by this statute. (See the notes on pp. 234, 239.)
Page 131 . " The story and process against Walter 5r«!'e."]— Contemporary references (or anything approaching it) to such characters are so rare, that it may be worth noticing the mention of this m.in in the Creed of Piers Plowman, v. 1305; in Mr. Wright's edition, p. 489. Lond. 1842.
" Byliold upon Walter Brut Whom bisiliche thei pursueden. For he seid hem the sothe."
Page 132, line 25.]— According to Godwin (edit. Richardson), John Gilbert ■was made bishop of Hereford a.d. 1375, and translated from Hereford to St. David's by a bull dated May 5th, 12th of Urban VI. A. D. 1389, and was succeeded at Hereford by John Trefnant, who held this Process.
Page 132, line 10 from bottom. " Whereas cj late" &c.] — Swinderby was condemned October Sd, 1391 (p. 126), and this appearance is October 15th i'ollowing.
Page 135, line 1. "1391, the indiction 14."]— Foxe's text has here "the indiction fifteen," which must be incorrect; for the indiction is found by adding 3 to the year and dividing the sum by 15, the remainder is the indiction, which in this case would be 14: the indiction of 1391 is again, lower in the page, said to be "fifteen ;" but in that instance 1391 means 1392 : see note (2). The year of indiction was reckoned from January 1st, as appears from p. 235, where 1408 [i.e. 1409] is said to be the second indiction, which suits 1409, not 1408.
Page 173, line C.]— Foxe's text has here " Gregory IX." and 3 lines lower " Honorius III.;" but tlsese two popes should change places, and the text has been corrected accordingly. The allusions in this paragraph have been supported by references in the foot of the page to the foregoing history.
Page 177, line 29. " But ' Sermo' (that is the word)," &e.]— The translator lias no doubt bungled here; the whole paragraph is evidently a citation of Heb. vii. 25—28.
Page ISl, line 29. " With which agreeth that of Jerome in the Decretum."] — Foxe's text reads absurdly, " With which agreeth the writing of Jerome upon the decretals."
Page 187, line 1.] — To this place belongs the letter of king Richard II., dated September 22d, a.d. 1393, given at pp. 196, 197.
Page 187, last paragraph] — The treatise of W. Wideford against Wickliff"s articles is mentioned in the note on p. 63, as published in the " Fasciculus " of Orthuinus Gratius. In that ti'eatise, under Art. 11, he uses this expression: " Ut diffuse alias declaravi in epistola missa domino Erfordensi contra libellum Waltheri Britt^ : " and again, under Art. 12, he speaks of " historia directa domino episcopo Erfordensi contra Walterum Britte."
Page 189, line 23 from bottom. " The four chief doctors."'\ — These were Austin, Jerome, Ambrose, and Gregory.
Page 190, note (1).] — Wolfius, in his " Lectiones Memorabiles," torn. i. p.G54 [or 540], has published a copy of the Latin Letter, ascribing it to Nicholas Orem, whose sermon before pope Urban (translated by Foxe supra, vol. if. p. 767) he had just given. Fabricius, " De Scriptoribus Mediae et Infims Latinitatis,"
VOL. III. 3 G
818 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
ascribes a letter opening with the very same words to Henry of Hesse, and cites Bernard I'ezius (p. 79) for his authority. A different letter by Henry of Hesse is mentioned by I-'oxc from lilyricus at p. 11*3. Toward the end, Foxe's version is sliglitly amplified from the Latin copy in Wolfius.
Page 192, last line. " The foregoing letter."^ — Foxe says, " Divers other writings of like argument, botii before and since, have been devised; as one bearing the title ' Luciferi,' " &c. He is evidently translating lilyricus in the whole of the ensuing page, and lilyricus makes the said letter " Luciferi," &c. the same with that of which Foxe has just given the translation. lilyricus says that he printed this letter himself at Magdeburg in the year 1.519, and that he afterwards met with a copy of it printed at Paris in 1507, with the " De Collatione Beneficiorum" of William bishop of Paris, and that a still older impression of it had been published about 1490. The error in Foxe's text has been corrected.
Page 195. " The king's commission. "~\ — This commission is erroneously represented by its position as the effect of the preceding papal bull, whereas it is dated three and a half years earlier. It belongs to p. l.'iO suprii, where see note (2). This is a specimen of the commission! referred to supra p. 39, line 0. The general commission spoken of in the beginning of this document is given at p. 39.
Page 19G.] — This letter of the king against Brute belongs to p. 187 supra; the feast of St. Thomas of Hereford (bottom of this page) was October 2d ; the day of appearance was tlierefore October 3d, which was a Friday, and this agrees with the dates in p. 187.
Page 197, note (1).] — This account of the visitation at Leicester is given in Wilkins, iii. p. 208, A.D. 1389, where it begins thus : — " In quo quidem mona- sterio praefato, ultimo die dicti mensis Octobris. ..." No monaster)', however, is mentioned till toward the end (see p. 199), where the register says, " In- jungens abbati monasterii de Pratis praadicti." Tiie house referred to is the nunnery of St, Mary Pre — or "de Pratis juxta Leicester, extra portam aqui- lonarcm Legecestris" — founded in the reign of Stephen for nuns of the Cluniao order (Tanner, Dugdale). Wilkins reads, " Dominus Waytstach capellanus" — "Harry" — and " Parchmener."
Page 198, line 26. " The said monastei-g."'\ — None has been mentioned, but see the ensuing page, line 9, and the note preceding this.
Page 198, note (1).] — The second article in Wilkins is as follows: — " Item, quod decimae non dehent solvi rectoribus vel vicariis quamdiu sunt in peccato mortal!." This is omitted by Foxe.
Page 198, note (2).] — " Quod quoBdam mulier Mathildis anchorita in quodam inclusorio infra ccemeterium St. Petri .... reclusa, 8:c." — Wilkins.
Page 199, line G. " Tlie monasterg of St. James at Norihnmpfon.^' -The Austin abbey of St. James was an abbey of black canons in the extreme part of the west suburb of Northampton, founded in the year 1112 to the honour of St. James. — Tanner's Not. Man.
Page 199, note (1).] — The original Latin of the text is as follows: — " Quod ostiiun, in quo ipsa Mathildis reclusa fuerit, aperiri et usque ad ejus reditum honeste et secure facerct custodiri." (Wilkins, ut supra.) After this passage, Wilkins gives an edict of the archbishop concerning the Lollards, dated Tow- cester, Nov. 7th, A.D. 1389, " translationis nostrse 9:" and next to that the king's Process ensuing. William Courtney was translated July 1381. (See p. 579.) Nov. 7th in 1389 was a Sunday. ' (Nicolas's Tables.)
Page 199, note (2).] — The Benedictine nunnery of St. Mary and St. Rade- gimd was founded in 1130 or IIGO, and converted into Jusus College in 1-197. (Tanner.) John Fordham was bishop of Ely A.D. I'dSS— 1126.— (todwin.
Page 200, line 5. " The collegiate church of St. Mary Neii-arlcs."'\ — ■ " Decano ecclesia; collegiatae B. Marite Novi Operis Leycestr." (Wilkins, iii. p. 217.) "The cathedral church of our Lady of Leicester," says Foxe. For an explanation of what is meant by St. Mary Newarks, Leicester, see the note in this Appendix on p. 108. The ensuing letter of the archbishop is retranslated.
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 819
Page 202, line 27. " Who was married to king Richard about the fifth, some say the sixth, year of his reign."'\ — They were married at the Chapel Royal, Westminster, January 14tli, A.D. 1382 (Tyrrel, Rymer's Foed.), and, conse- quently, in the fifth year of Richard II. (Nicolas's Tables.) The queen died at Shene, in Surrey, June 7th, A.D. 1394, and was buried at "Westminster August 3d (Rymer), i.e. she lived nearly twelve years and a half with her husband.
Page 203, line 15. " The next year."'\ — Foxe says "the same year" [i.e. 1394] : the king, no doubt, went over to Ireland in September of that year; but it was the next year (1395) that he was fetched as described, in consequence of the proceedings in parliament presently detailed. Hence another altera- tion is made in Foxe's text, 12 lines lower. "The occasion of which complaint was," i.s put in by the Editor for Foxe's " In the meantime, in the beginning of the year following." (See Rapin, Henry, &c.)
Page 203, note (3).] — Bale sa)'s that these "Conclusions" were drawn up by Lord Cobham (Preface to the " Brefe Chronicle," &c. fol. 7, and Conclu- sion, fol. 50, edition 1544) : they are found in Latin in Foxe's Latin edition, p. 76; in AVilkins's Concilia, torn. iii. p. 221, ex MSS. Cotton. Cleopatra, E. 2, fol. 210 ; and in Lewis's Life of WiclifF, p. 298. These different copies slightly vary in a few passages. Tiiey were exhibited by Sir Thomas Latimer and Sir Richard Stury to the parliament which was held at Westminster Jan. 29th, A.D. 1394-5, by Edward Duke of York, who was left Regent when the king went to Ireland. (Rapin.)
Page 204, note (1).] — The following are the words of Foxe's Latin Edition (p. 76) : " Quia ipsi dant coronas in characteribus loco alborum cervorum ; et hie character est Antichristi introductum in sanctam ecclesiam ad coloran- dam ociositatem." The copies in Wilkins and in Lewis both read " corvorum" instead of " cervorum ; " Foxe's, however, is probably the true reading. The " hart " was often used as a figure of spiritual persons by the divines of the middle ages. The index to torn. v. of Bernard Pezius's " Thesaurus Anec- dotorum," v. " Cervus," will show that it is used as a figure of Christ, of the patri- archs and prophets, the apostles, the devout soul, the sinner, and of spiritual persons.
Page 205, note (1).] — Foxe reads "spiritual," and all the Latin copies " spiritualis." The argument, however, and the context, which uses " specialis " three times, require that we here also read " special."
Page 205, note (2).] — "Qui sunt populus strenuus ad operandum et inser- viendum toti regno, jam retentus in otio," is Foxe's Latin : the other copies read, "Qui sunt populo magni operis toti regno manutentus in ociositate," which Lewis judges to be corrupt.
Page 206. " Certain verses."'\ — Bale gives an inferior translation of these verses in the Conclusion of his "Brefe Cin-onicle," fol. 50, ed. 1544; and adds, that "when the Conclusions themselves would not help towards any reformation, but were laughed to scorn of the bishops, then were these verses copied out liy divers men, and set upon their windows, gates, and doors, which were then known for obstinate hypocrites and fleshly livers, and this made the prelates mad. And this is the great insurrection that Walden, tlien the king's confessor, complaineth of to Pope Martin V., and afterwards Poiydorus, the pope's collector, and other papists more, wherein never a one man was hurt."
Page 206, note (1).] — The following corollary, wanting in Foxe, is given in the other Latin copies. " Corelarium est, quod ex quo Sanctus Paulus dicit, Habentes victum et vestitiim his contenti simus, videtur nobis quod aurifabri et armatores et omnimodEe artes non necessarise homini secundum Apostolum destruerentur pro incremento virtutis ; quia licet istae dus artes nominatse erant multum necessariag in antiqua lege, Novum Testamentum evacuat istas et multas alias."
Page 213, line 17.] — The words — "consecrated bishop of Durham . . . the miracle of St. Cuthbert was" — have dropped out of edition 1583 and those which follow : tlie particulars here restored to the text are not mentioned in Malmesbury or M. Paris, but are in the Chronicle of Simeon of Durham.
3g2
820 APPENDIX TO VOL. iir.
Page 213.] — Foxe's " Notes of certain Parliaments" have, like those at the close of vol. ii., been collated with the originals printed in Cotton's Abridge- ment, and many inaccuracies corrected.
Page 214, line 1 ] — It was this enactment which occasioned the valuation of benefices mentioned vol. ii. p. 809. See the note in the Appendix on that passage.
Page 214, line 9. "A certain neiu grant."'] — The grant was, for justices of the peace to be competent to see tlie execution of the statute of provisors, and to inquire into cases of clerical extortion, without waiting for the justices of assize. See the Records.
Page 215, line 9. " Then termed shifts."] — " Et I'appellent chevance." — Records. See explanation of Chevantia by Corrie, Latimer's Works, Vol. II., p. 400, P. S.
Page 21G, line 11. " Within six weeks," &c.] — " De la Vendredi en la Veille d-el Fest de Saint Michel a sys semaines prochein ensuites." — Records.
Page 217, line 32.] — This parliament, called the Merciless, sat from Fe- bruary 3d, 1388, to June 4th.
Page 218, note (3).] — Maitland's History of London gives
John Ilynde . . . Mayor, Nov. 1391— Nov. 1392. John Shadworth ) g,^^^..g. q^^ i39i_Oct. 1392. Henry V amere ) and all these displaced by a decree of Richard II. in Rymer, dated Nottingham Castle, June 25th, 1392, and appointing Edward Dalyngrugge Gustos. Anotlicr decree of Richard in Rymer, dated Windsor Castle, July 22nd, appoints Sir Baldwin de Radyngton Gustos. (See the note in the Appendix on vol. ii. p. 342, note (3).) In Rymer, there is an act of pardon for the city functionaries, dated Woodstock," September 19th, 1392. Tiie decree for removing the courts to York is given in Rymer, dated Stamford, March 30th, to take effect the morrow after St. John Baptist's day, i.e. June 25th.
Page 219, line 6.] — Froissart states that it was the castle of Pleshey where the duke of Gloucester lay. He was strangled in September. His body was brought over from Calais by an order of the king's, dated October 4th. (Rym. Feed.) John Hall, servant of Thomas Mowbray, duke of Norfolk, captain of Calais, confessed his share in the murder, and was executed for it in 1400. — See Gotten.
Page 219, note (1).] — These Cartes-Blanches or Ragmans (as they were called) were demanded of the richer gentlemen and bm-gesses by the king as a penalty for joining the rebellion of the duke of Gloucester, and were pecu- liarly unjust and hateful, because the parliament of 13SS had pardoned all his adherents. They were afterwards burnt by order of Henry IV. (Rymer.) John of Gaunt died about Feb. 2d, 1399.
Page 221, note (3).] — The following process against William Sautre is taken from the archbishop's Registers, and is printed in Wilkins's Cone. iii. pp. 2.54 — 260, where it is stated that the convocation met "in Crastino Conversionis S. Pauli," i. e. Jan. 2(3th, and adjourned " in dietii Sahbati post festum S. Sclio- lasticEe virginis" (which feast is on Fub. 10th) "proximo futnrum, viz. 12 Feb." The year mentioned in the Register (as in Foxe) is A.D. 1400 ; but that is "juxta supputationem ecclesiie Anglicana>," wliich made the year com- mence at March 25th. Hence it was really A.D. 1401, in which year Feb. 12th fell on a Saturday; and all the subsequent notes of time concur to prove that it was A.D. 1401.
Page 221, line G from the bottom.] — Foxe says " the twenty-fourth." But the Register, as quoted in Wilkins, says " 23 Feb.," which fell on a Wednesday in the year 1401.
Page 225, line G.] — Both North and South Elmham were formerly manorial residences of the bisliops of Norwicli. "And of Tilney" (line 10) is put in from the Register. Tilney is between five and six miles south-west of Lynn.
Page 22C, line 1 7.]— Fo-xe says " the 22d of February : " but the Register, as
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 821
printed m Wilkins, says " Et subsequenter, dicto 23 die mensis Feb. A.D. 1400," ■which is correct, and " 23rd" is put into the text.
Page 227, line 6. " Upon Saturday, being the 26th of February y'] — "Wilkins says " 24 die Feb." whicli must be a mistake.
Page 228. " Thus William Sautre^l — In Wilkins it is stated, that after the "degradation" the council adjourned "in diem lunaa proxime sequenfem [which would be Feb. 28th] viz. ejusdem mensis Feb. ultimo di? :" another proof that this was A.D. 1401 according to modern computation, /or A.D. 1400 was a leap year, and Feb. 28 would not be the last day of February in that year, (See Nicolas's Tables.)
Page 229, note (3). " Roger Clarendoti"'] — Foxe says "John," but Wal- singham says " Roger," also Foxe at p. 232. — There was a priory of Augustine canons at Launde, or Lodington, in Leicestershire, founded in the time of Henry I. — Tanner.
Page 234, note (1).] — In the Latin and first English editions this part of the history, though more scanty, was more chronologically arranged; there was Sautre's martyrdom, iinmediately followed by the statute " Ex Officio ; " then a nameless priest, supposed by Foxe to be Swinderby, a victim thereof; then mention of Crompe and others; then the History and Testament of Thorpe; and lastly, Badby's martyrdom. In the edition of 1570 and all sub- sequent, Foxe has brought back the martyrdom of Badby to stand next after that of Sautre and next before the statute "Ex Officio." Foxe might wish to make it clearer (what was really the fact) that Badby was no more a victim of the statute "Ex Officio" than Sautre had been, for, like Sautre, he was burnt under a king's writ. (See the note on p. 239.)
Page 235, line 1.] — The ensuing process against John Eadby is printed from the archbishop's Registers (see Wiikins's Concilia, iii. p. 324), with which Foxe's text has been collated. Several errors have been thence corrected in this paragraph. Foxe says, " In the year of our Lord 1409, on Sunday, being the first day of March, &c." The ecclesiastical year then commenced at March 25th, consequently this was A.D. 1410 according to modern computation. The Register also says, "in die Sabbati," which means Saturday, and would be March 1st in A.D. 1410, by Nicolas's Tables ; see also the course of the dates in Wiikins's Concilia, iii. pp. 324, 325. A few lines lower, Foxe says, that the bishop of "Oxford" was one of the assessors on the trial: the Register says " Exon." not " Oxon.": the bishopric of Oxford was not created till the reign of Henry VIII. The Register calls Badby "scissor," which Foxe sometimes renders "shearman:" Collier calls him "a smith," on the amhority of Walsingham's " Faber." In the writ for his burning he is called " Johannes Badby de Evesham in comitatu Wigornias." In the document below, Foxe mis-numbers the pope "Gregory XI.," though at p. 308 he calls liim correctly " Gregory XII.:" he was elected Nov. 30th, A.D. 1406, and deposed June 5th, A.D. 1409. Lower down, Foxe says, " In the chapel Caruarice of St. Thomas the Martyr;" the Register says, "In capella carnariae S. Thomae Martyris;" i.e. "The chapel of' the Carnaria or charnel-house, dedicated to St. Thomas Becket." There were several chapels in the cathedral of Worcester, as in most cathedrals, and this was one of them. See Green's History of Worcester Cathedral, vol. i. p. dG.
Page 236, line 24.] — The names in this paragraph slightly vary from those in Wilkins, who reads " Malverne," "Dudeley," "monk and sub-prior," " Hawley," " Pentyngs," " Swippeden," " Gerbryg," " Wyche," " Wyble," " Pevereil," " Wolstan," and " Wesseborne."
Page 237, line 12 from the bottom. " Wednesday arrived, being the fifth daii of Mug."] — Foxe says the " fifteenth ; " but Wilkins, " Adveniente prsefato die Mercurii viz. dicti mensis Martii die 5 ; " whicli is correct.
Page 238, note (1).] — Edition 1563, p. 172, says, "for so muche as Cherillus Bui was not then in ure:" the Latin also has "Cherillus," which is not altered into " Perillus" till edition 1596. "Ure" was an old form, or rather a cor- ruption, of "use." "Sustentation" (last line) is corrupted in all editions after the first (1563) into "contentation."
82.2 APPENDIX TO VOL. HI.
Page 239, line 17. " This (jodly martyr Badly" Src] — The parliament of 11 Ilcn. IV., referred to in this paragraph, met in January 1410, and the Commons then presented two petitions: 1. That given at p. 318; 2. For the repeal of the statute of 2 Hen. IV. against heretics. The king rejected both these petitions (see Cotton's Abridgement), and so virtually (as Foxe here says) "granted to the said parliament a statute called 'Ex Officio' to be observed." Foxe has reserved his description of the statute till the time was arrived for its becoming operative : previously it was a dead letter. The archbishop's Register takes the same course; for under the year 1410 it gives the statute, but in a very brief and imperfect form (Wilkin?, iii. p. 252); but after relating Badbys martyrdom the Register says : " Et interim a dicto die Lunaj usque in diem Martis et deinde de die in diem usque ad diem Lunae 10 diem ejusdem mensis Martii in domo capitulari, qua supra, con- tinuata fuit convocatio. Quo die adveniente exhibitum fuit quoddam statutum regium," &c. (Wilkins, iii. p. 328.) Then follows the statute, in the same forin as that which Foxe has given. The reader, then, is only to bear in mind that he is not here reading i\\e first enactinent of the statute in the 2d year of Hen. IV., but its confirmation in the 11th year of Hen. IV., previous to which it had never been operative, (See above, p. 130, last five lines.)
Page 241, line 25. "Furtltermore, for the more fortification of this statute of the king aforesaid, concurreth also another constitution of archbishop Arundel."^ — The reader must here forget the concluding sentence of the last note, and suppose he had been reading a history of the first enactment of the statute " Ex Officio," in 2 Hen. IV. or A.D. 1401. The " Constitution," or " Constitutions," of archbishop Arundel are given in Wilkins, iii. pp. 314 — 319: who also adds (p. 320) a mandate from the archbishop to the bishop of London for the pub- lication thereof, dated the castle of Queenborough, Ap. 13th, A.D. 1409, the thirteenth year of his translation. From this mandate we learn, that the " Constitutions" were first agreed on at a provincial synod held at Oxford, and afterwards confirmed at a full convocation of the province of Canterbury, held at St. Paul's, Jan. 14th, A.D. 1408, the thirteenth of his translation, a full year before the martyrdom of John Badby.
Page 214, note (1).] — The original says: — "Prseterea nullus clericus aut populus cujuscunque parochiae aut loci nostra3 Cantuariensis provinciae."
Page 248, line 2G. ^'Albeit, some there were that did shrink," &c.] — And then Foxe proceeds to specify divers persons who were induced to recant by the "laws and constitutions "just described; and yet, with only one exception, that of Purvey, the instances which he gives all occurred previous to the " law " of 1401 and the " constitutions " of 1409.
Page 248, line 28. "John Purvey. "'\ — Purvey evidently recanted twice: 1st, at Paul's Cro.ss, June 1st, A.D. 1401 ; 2dly, at Saltwood, before archbishop Arundel, A.D. 1421. (See pp. 248, 257, 285, 292.) Foxe says, " of whom more followeth (the Lord willing) to be said in 1421 ;" but nothing is said of Purvey under that year: what is told at p. 285, &c. relates to his recantation in 1401. By enlarging the parenthesis, and changing 1421 into 1401, the difficulty is obviated.
Page 248, line 3 from the bottom. " To change the purpose."] — " Ad mutandum propositum dicti Johannis, substantiam . . . esse . . ." — IVilldns.
Page 248, note (2).] — John Purvey recanted at Paul's Cross, Sunday, Marcii Gth, A.D. 1401, (Wilkins, iii. p. 2(32): John Edward recanted at Norwich Palm Sunday, April 12th, A.D. 1405, (lb. p. 282): John Becket, of Padswick in the diocese of London, recanted at Sleyden June 10th, A.D. 1400, (lb. p. 247) : John Seynons, parish priest of Dounton, Lincolnshire, recanted at Christ Cliurch Canterbury, April 19th, A.D. 1401.
Page 218, note (3).] — The articles on this page are given in the singular number by Wilkins, iii. p. 249, and as those recanted by John Seynons, who is meant by " John " in article 6. Wilkins improperly places them under the year a.d. 1400, as they refer to Sautre's martyrdom.
Page 249, line 1.] — The whole of the ensuing batch of articles is given by Wilkins, iii. p. 282, as recanted by John Edward de Bryngtoii, chaplain, of the
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 823
diocese of Lincoln, at Norwich, Palm Sunday, April 12th, A.D. 1405, William Appelby, mayoi-, and John Skye, John Sampson, sheriffs, in a garden contiguous to the north side of the cathedral called the Greneyard. The five first of them are also given by Wilkins, iii. p. 208, A.D. 1389, as a part of tlie errors of the Leicester Lollards, Dexter, Tailor, Parchmenear, &c. (See p. 198.)
Page 249, line 10 from the bottom.] — Whitehead was in 1552 recom- mended by Cranmer for "his good knowledge, special honestie, fervent zeal, and politick wisdom," to the archbishopric of Armagh. It is said that on the accession of Elizabeth he was solicited to accept of the see of Canterbury. George Constantine is supposed by Sir Thomas More to have been the first editor of Thorpe's Examinations. Foxe's text of the first Edition has been followed, and many valuable readings have thus been restored, which were corrupted in subsequent Editions. There is a contemporary MS. in the Bod- leian of great value. (Bodl. MS. Recent. 1030.) It once belonged to the Cottonian Collection.
Page 252, line 21.] — Lammas-Day, or the Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula, was August 1st, which in 1407 fell on a Monday; so that this examination took place August 7th.
Page 253, line 13. " Concluded thefeend."'] — i. e. silenced. Pierce Plough- man thus versifies a part of our Saviour's promises to his apostles: " Though ye come before kings and clarkes of the law. Be not abashed, for I shall be in your mouthes. And gyve you wytte & will, & conning to conclud Them all that agaynst you of Christendom disputen." Dr. Wordsworth gives this and other examples of the use of the word. Eccl. Biog. i. p. 266, edit. 1839.
Page 253, line 25.] — "Comone forth," i.e. communicate: very often used of the sacrament, as in Thorpe's Testament, at p. 284, line 19 from the bottom.
Page 253, line 33.] — " Blow," to discolour and disfigure. " File" for defile, or make vile. " The visage which was moost fayre of all other membres is fijled, bespytte, and mute with the thornes of the J ewes." " The vysage which aimgels desyre to se, the Jewes with theyr spyttyng have defyled; with theyr handes have smytten." — Golden Legend, fol. 16, b, cited by Dr. Wordsworth.
Page 253, line 35.] — " To dinge," to beat or knock.
Page 253, line 15 from the bottom. " To make a bl'md knight."'] — According to some of the old writers, the soldier who pierced the side of Christ with his spear on Calvary was physically blind when he did it ; and touching his eyes afterwards with his own bloody hands, he instantly recovered his sight. Hence he was canonized as St, Longius (Aoy;^;^). — See Golden Legend, fol, 98, b, and Pierce Ploughman's Vision, fol. 98.
Page 254, line 15.] — "Buxome," obedient. (Johnson's Diet.) See vol, ii. p. 747, line 8, for this use of it in the " Ploughman's Complaint."
Page 254, line 13 from the bottom. "To tvhat entent? to swear there- li/?"] — A note of interrogation should be inserted after "entent." The Latin edition (p. 81) puts this matter thus: "Sed unum hoc abs te, Domine Archiprsesul, scire expeto, cur manum libro apponerem ? Archepiscopus. Ut fidei juramentum prtestes."
Page 255, line 17. " Hotv Susan saide," &c.] — See the Hist, of Susanna, V. 22.
Page 255, line 20.] — An "appealer," according to Foxe, was a name given to thieves, who, to screen themselves, accused innocent persons (supra, p. 56, line 28) ; but according to Blount's Law Dictionary, it means one who impeaches and betrays an accomplice, and this seems to be its meaning here : the Latin edition (p. 81) says, " Merito totius Angliae exp orator proditorque videri possem, quovis Juda sceleratior."
Page 255, line 33. " This office [i. e. of appealer or spy'] that ye would now infeaffe me with."] — It was perpetually enjoined on Lollards in the edicts against
824 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
them, that they sliould turn informers against their party. See the dreadful effects of this injunction in the diocese of Lincoln, infra, vol. iv. pp. 221 — 240.
Page 255, line 4 from the bottom. " And as I considered."^ — Dr. Words- worth suggests "ah;" i.e. also, for "as."
Page 25G, line 2. " For that there was no audience of secular men hy."'] — See Dr. Wordsworth's note.
Page 256, line 25.] — " Or" for " ere," i. e. before. So at p. 257, line 1 1 from bottom, "or we depart;" p. 264, line 8 from the bottom, "or that I leave thee ; " and p. 293, note (9). So in Daniel, vi. 24 : " Or ever they came at the bottom of the den."
Page 256, line 44.] — The words "or displeasure " are restored from the first Edition,
Page 257, line 7. " H., I. P., and ZJ."] — Dr. Wordsworth conjectures these initials to denote Hereford, John Purvey, and Bccket. On the recantation of these three individuals, see pp. 27, 49, 248, and the notes. The adver- sary alludes to the first two by name at p. 279, still disguising the third under his initial "B." But both in this and that passage the Latin edition
names "Brightwell" (see supra, p. 27) as the person indicated by "B ."
"Satis me exempla imbecillium quorundam decent, pra2cipue N. Ilerfordi, I. Purvci, Tlio. Brightwelli, ac hujus potissinnim llepingtoni, quid mihi hie niultisque aliis metuendum " (Lat. Ed. p. 82): " Simulque tecum cogita, quani eruditi fuerint Lincolniensis jam prresul, Herfordus, et Purveus : Brituellus quoque, vir hand vulgariter peritus." (Ibid. p. 95.) One Stephen Bell is mentioned at p. 195. The Bodleian MS. reads here: "But, Syr, bi ensaum- ple chicfli of Nycol Ilerforde, of Joon Purveye, of Robert Bowland, and also bi the present doynge of Filip Repingtoun, that is now bicome liischop of Lyncolne, I am now lerned as many olher ben," ^'C, And at p. 279; "for the sclaundres revoking at the cros of Poulis of Ilertforde {sic), Purve3'e and of Bowland, and liow Filip of Ilepinton pursueth now cristen peple," &c.
Page 257, line 12 from the bottom. "A false harlot."^ — A very common expression in the old writers: see Foxe's account of the origin of the word 'harlot' supra, vol. ii. pp.559, 560. The Latin Edition (p. 82) says, "Si Purveus versipellis ac callidus fuerit."
Page 258, line 7. "Dan Geffrey of Pickering, tnonlce of Byland," Src] — Foxe says " David Cotraie of Pakring : " but the Latin Edition (p. 83) makes " Packring" the name of a person; " David Gottrreus, et Pakryngus monachus Bylandensis ac theologioe candidatus, et Joannes Purveius, cum aliis quam plurimis." Tiie true reading is no doubt that furnished by the contemporary Bodleian MS. above referred to : " Also Filip of Repintoue, whilis he was a Chanoun of Leycetre, Nycol Ilerforde, Dane Geffrey of Pikeringe, monke of Biland and a niaistir of dyvynyte, and Joon Purveye, and many other," Src. Dane or Dan was a term peculiai'ly applied to monks. (See Nares's Glossary.) Foxe seems to have misread "Dane" for "Davie," and his printer mistook " Goffraeus " for " Gottrseus," whence was hatched " Cotraie"
Page 258, line 34.] — " Philippo Repyngtono, Leicestriensi olim canonico et abbati, accessit dies ille festivus, cujus tam diu jejunavit vigiliam." (Lat. Ed. p. S3.) See the note on p. 46.
Page 258, line 22 from the bottom. " Wherefore tariest thou me thus here u'ith nuch fables ?"'\ — "Tarry" here means "delay," transitively: the Latin edition (p. 83) says, " Quare his nugis tam diu nos detines?" Anotlicr example occurs at p. 274, line 15 from the bottom: "Wilt thou tarrie my lord no lenger?" where the Latin edition (p. 92) says, "Quinage: ne quid amplius ntoreris dominum Archiepiscoj)um, apposita iibro manu, spondeas te illius et ecclcsire ordinationibus assensurum." Another example occurs p. 278, last line but one : " Tarrie thou me no lenger."
Page 259, line 8. " To suffer open jouresse"']—l!\\Q Latin edition (p. 84) says, irpos rh TraXivwdt'iv : to abjuration.
Page 260, line 4.] — See the note in this Appendix, on p. 22, note (1). Page 260, line 35.] — " Subject " and " sovereign," were often used of inferior
APPENDIX TO TOL. III. 825
minister and prelate, or o^ layman and cleric : in tliis ecclesiastical sense (as Dr. Wordsworth remarks) Thorpe here applies St, Paul's words.
Page 261, line 23 from the bottom. " Deserveth meed."'\ — On the doctrine of unqualified submission to the church here, and generally to this day, taught by the Roman church, and the awful consequences to which it leads, see Dr. Wordsworth's valuable note on this passage.
Page 261, line 17 from the bottom. " 7n the dec7-ees"'] — See Corpus Juris Canon, i. 2,306.
Page 261, line 15 from the bottom. " Lefull and lawfull."] — The former of these two words, which are used together at page 273, line 25, Dr. Wordsworth interprets as quasi "leave-full," i.e. allowable, permissible; and cites " leve- full" from a passage of Wicklifi's works. The Latin edition (p. 85) says, " Praeterquam in honestis et licitis."
Page 262, line 22. " Saith Lincolne."'\ — i. e. Robert Grostead, bishop of Lincoln : see the note on p. 85, line 9.
Page 263, line 1. " Therefore, sir, appose you him now," &c.] — " Interro- getur, itaque, quid de objectis articulis sentiat." (Latin edit. p. 86.) See the note on p. 273, line 8,
Page 263, line 25.]— See the note on p. 36, note (1).
Page 263, line 12 from the bottom. " Th'e hoiires of the moste blessed Vir- gin."^— The Latin edition (p. 86) gives the words, thus :— " Memento, salutis auctor, Quod nostri quondam corporis Ex illibata virgine Nascendo /or?«aOT sumpseris." Page 263, last line but one, " That the ordinance of men," &c.] — i. e. that the determinations of men living under obligations of obedience to the articles of the Christian faith, should be elevated to equal authority with those articles. The Latin edition (p. 86) says, " Antehac non audivi humanas traditiones sub fidei Tocabulo venire,"
Page 264, line 15. *^ An ententife doctor."'\ — i.e. "busie, earnest, intentive," Cotgrave, cited by Dr. Wordsworth. The Latin edition (p. 86) says, " Et hujus opinionis est Fulgentius, doctor non aspernandus,"
Page 264, line 19. ^^ Secret of the mid masse on Christ7nase daies."'\ — The Latin edition (p. 87) says, " In secreto missas Christi nativitatis in Auroia,"
Page 264, line 21. " The fourth ferie ^ quatuor temporum Septemhris.' "] — The " quatuor tempora," or four quarter fasts, called now ^Ewier weeks : the service in the Breviary for the Wednesday ne.xt after September 14th is here denoted.
Page 264, line 12 from the bottom. See the note on p. 263, line 25.
Page 234, note (2).] — The text says " friar Thomas againe" in every one of the English editions of Foxe : " Aquine " is put in on Dr, Wordsworth's suggestion. The place cited is in " Sunima Theolog." part. 3, quest. 75, art. 5: The Latin edition (p. 87) says here, " Quae vero deinceps, post Satanam ab angelo solutum, per fratrem Thomam ejusque farinte sophistas invecta sunt in ecclesiam (veluti accidens sine subjecto, atque id genus nugae), his ego neuti- quam assentiendum arbitror : ex hujus fratris emendicata aliunde sententia fidei articulum non constituam. De me videat agatque Dominus pro sancto arbritratu suo."
Page 265, line 4. " God worshippeth."'] i. e. honoureth : " With my body I thee worship." (Marriage Service.)
Page 265, line 16.] — See Dr. Wordsworth's note on the worshipping of images.
Page 265, line 25. " Do off their caps to these letters."] — See Dr. Words- worth's note for illustrations of this passage.
Page 266, line 5. " Boolces and calenders."'] — See Dr. Wordsworth's note.
826 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
Page 266, line 17 from the bottom.]— Towards the great north door of St. Paul's was a crucifix, to which pilgrimages and offerings were often made, of ■which tlie dean and canons had the benefit. (Uugdale's Hist, of St. Paul's.) The Latin edition (p. 88) .says, "Londini apud Sanctum Paulum ad valvas aquilonares," and " de diva virgine Parathalassia."
Page 267, line 3. " The fiend hath great power," &c.] — See the dialogue between IJilney and friar Erusierd infra, vol. iv. bottom of p. GoO.
Page 267, line 11.] — On these representations of the Ueit)-, Dr. Wordsworth refers to Lewis's Life of Bishop Peacock, p. 85, and Taylor's Dissuasive from Popery.
Pago 267, line 25 from the bottom.] — "The seven deadly sins " were pride, envy, wrath, sloth, covetousness, gluttony, and lewdness. See Lewis, p. 136. (Ed. 1820.)
Page 268, line 12.] — On the gross ignorance of the people in religion at this period, see Dr. Wordsworth's note.
Page 2GS, line 1 7 from the bottom. " Sing wanton songs "'\ — See Dr. Words- worth's notes.
Page 269, line 20.] — On the corruptions in church music, and the scandal •which this subject occasioned, not only to Lollards, but Romanists, and Erasmus hunself, see Dr. Wordsworth's note.
Page 269, line 22 from the bottom. ''No title to tithes."'] — See the note on p. 22, Art. xviii.
Page 269, line 15 from the bottom. ''And that they are accursed."] — Alluding to a general sentence pronounced four times a year. See Dr. Words- worth's note.
Page 270, line 24.] — This is an error of Thorpe and the old writers, for Gregory's ordinance only respected tithes which had not been previously con- veyed. The payment of tithes to the parish priest was fully settled in the Saxon times.
Page 271, line 12. " To depart."] — To divide. See Nares's Glossary ; also the Ploughman's Complaint supra, vol. ii, p. 746, line 6 from the bottom. Originally our Marriage Service read, "till death lis depart; " altered at the Savoy Conference in 1661 to " do part." — On the doctrine of poverty of ministers here advocated, see the opinion of Nicholas Orem snpia, vol. ii. p. 771, line 7 from the bottom. The same doctrine has been sometimes alleged to have been held by WicklifF, but both his practice and writings show that he was in favour of a more generous mode of living among clergymen than Thorpe here seems to advocate.
Page 273, line 8. " The lenger that ye appose him."] — " Quo magis inler- rogus, hoc videtur praefractior." (Lat. ed. p. 91.) See note on p. 263, line 1.
Page 273, line 16.] It seems doubtful whether the Lollards held this doc- trine absolutely. Dr. Wordworth observes, that the statement tliat they did so may have originated from two causes: 1st, their protesting against the profane swearing then so common ; and, 2dly, a scruple as to the mode of taking an oath. See Swinderby's view of this subject supra, p. 119, art. 14.
Page 274, line 15 from the bottom.] — See on "tarrie," the note on p. 258, line 22 from the bottom.
Page276, line20 from the bottom. "Evil apayd."] — Ill-satisfied, ill-contented. See the word supra, vol. ii. p. 359, line 9; and "apayd," ib. p. 360, line 21 from the bottom.
Page 278, last line but one. " Tarrie."] — See the note on p. 274.
Page 279, line 11 from the bottom. " Dethinkc thee, how great clerlces," &c.] — See the note on p. 257, line 7.
Page 280, line 3 from the bottom. " Thomas Purvey."] — No doubt "Thomas" is a mistake for "John." Tiie Latin edition (p. 95; only says " Purvcus," omitting the Christian name, and therefore clearly referring to the same Purvey elsewhere mentioned in this Examination as "John."
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 827
Page 281, line 1.] — Archbishop Arundel was tried on a charge of treason in 1397, and banished; but in about two years was restored.
Page 281, line 23. " Rotvned wifk h'nn."'\ — To roiune or round a. person in the ear, is to whisper to him. See Dr. Wordsworth's note.
Page 285, line 16, " Jgain, neither is it found that he was burned."^ — The Latin edition, however, says (p. 96), " Sunt qui testantur eum eodem anno Domini 1407 in Augusto exustum : sed locum non designant: ex quo atque aliis colligendum," &c.
Page 285, line 27. "1382."] — On the error in this date, see the note on p. 47.
Page 286. "Articles of John Purvey. "1 — These articles, with Purvey 's recantation of each seriatim, are given by Wilkins, from the archbishop's Register. (Cone. iii. pp. 260 — 262.) The first appearanceof Purvey before the council is there dated " die Lunse : viz. ultimo die ejnsdem mensis Feb. in domo capitulari ; " i. e. Feb. 28th, a. d. 1401, the next meeting after the degra- dation of Sautre. He is called PMrwey in Wilkins; and " capellanus Lincoln, dicecesis." The recantation is dated at " Paul's Cross, Sunday, March 6th, 1401."
Page 286, line 13, "A certain whispering."] — " Quaedam auriculatio." (Wilkins.)
Page 286, Art. 3. " Yet is he a true priest before God."] — The Register says here, " Est verus presbyter et sacerdos, ordinatus a Deo ad ministrandum omnia sacramenta necessaria hominibusad salutem;" adding, as the first-born were natural priests, and Moses before Aaron. (Wilkins.) See Purvey 's doc- trine more fully drawn out by Foxe at the middle of p. 288.
Page 286, Art. 4. "Have not the keys of the kingdom of heaven, but rather of hell."] — Foxe translates erroneously, "Either of the kingdom of heaven, or yet of hell:" "sed claves inferni" (Wilkins). The sense is correctly given by Foxe at p. 289, line 18, and margin.
Page 286.] — Articles 5 and 6 change places with each other in Wilkins.
Page 286, Art. 7.] — "In the general council of Lyons" is put in from Wilkins. "A proper priest " (proprio sacerdoti) means "their own parish- priest."
Page 287, line 36. " Therefore when Antichrist, or any of his shavelings" &c.] — This maxim of Purvey 's seems to have been pretty generally acted upon by the Lollards : see the examples of Reppyngdon, p. 25 ; Hereford and Reppyngdon, p. 34; Ashton, p.36; Swinderby, pp. 117, 124; Thorpe, p. 263 ; lord Cobham, p. 328. Walter Brute is explicit, p. 1 73, &c. William Sautre attempted to evade the question, but was forced honestly to avow his opinion, p. 224. Tliis prudent reserve or evasion is ridiculed in Barlowe's "Dialogue concerning Lutheran Factions," signat. 1 1, 1 2, Edition 1553. Wickliff also seems to have disapproved of it: see the note on p. 49, note (1).
Page 288, line 9. " To remain contimiing his life in the wars."] — The original imports just the contrary — " militiiB cingulo careat."
Page 292, line 34. "At Saltwood." ] — The recantation before archbishop Arundel was at St. Paid's; and that at Saltwood was before Archbishop Chi- chesley. See pp. 248, 285, 286, and the notes.
Page 292, line 9 from the bottom. "Being then, as ii seemeth, William. Courtenay."] — See the table of archbishops given at p. 579.
Page 292, line 6 from the bottom.] — Foxe here reads "anno 1389," though in his text, a few lines above, he says 1388. This must be the true year, if tlie statement be correct at p. 304, that when this sermon was preached, there wanted "not fully twelve years and a halfe" of the year 1400, for 1387| + 12i r:= 1400, so that this would make the sermon preached a little after Mid- summer 1388. In accordance with this, it may be remarked, that the text is in the Gospel for the 9th Sunday after Trinity, which in the year 1388 fell on July 26!h. On the other hand, this does not well accord with the statement
828 APPENDIX TO VOL. lU.
that it was preached on Quinqiiagesima Sunda}', which in 13S8 fell on Feb. Dtl), and in 1389 on Feb. 28th (see Nicolas's Tables). It is remarkable, that in tlie edition of 15(J3 the words "and a halfe " are wanting; "not fully twelve yeares" were "lacking" of 1400: this would suit Quinqiiagesima, but would make the year 1389. Perhaps the sermon was first composed or preached July 26lh, 1388, {'^ made in the year of our Lord m.ccclxxxvih. :" Edition of 1563J, and re-preached Quinquagesima 1389; and so the words "and a halfe" are retained or omitted accordingly.
Page 293, line 22. " Priesthood, kmjtiiode, and laborers."'] — See the note on p. 324, line 13 from the bottom.
Page 304, line 36. " Disparkled."'] — See note on p. 130, note (1).
Page 307, note (4).] — Foxe's text reads, "which was about the year 1409;" this for the sake of precision is altered into, " which last was in the year 1410." — Four lines lower, Foxe says in all the old editions, the schism endured " this space of XXIX. years;" at the same time referring to the passage at p. 17, where they all read plainly and properly "xxxix. :" "thirty-nine" is therefore put into the text here. — He also mis-numbers the pope " Urban V."
Page 307, note (5). — Boniface IX. was elected Not. 2d, and crowned Nov. 9th, A.D.1389: died Oct. 1st, a.d. 1404.
Page 308, line 11.] — The process of Gregory's election is given, confirming Foxe's account of it, in Wilkins's Concilia, iii. p. 286 — 288, from archbishop Arundel's Register. He was elected unanimously Nov. 30th, a.d. 1406. (Nicolas.)
Page 308, line 22.]— There is a letter in Wilkins from Benedict XIII. to Gregory, dated 11 Cal. Feb. in the 13th year of his pontificate, i.e. January 22, a.d! 1407.
Page 308, line 29. " T/ie Cardinal of Bordeaux."] — Foxe, following Wal- singham, says, "the Cardinal Bituriensis" (of Bourges) : we should here read " Burdegalensis:" the individual meant was Francesco Hugociono, a very able canonist, who was made archbishop of Bourdeaux in 1389, and cardinal Quatuor Sanctorum Coronatorum by Innocent VII. in 1405; he died at Florence, Aug. 14th, 1412. He was very zealous in striving to persuade Gregory to fulfil iiis engagements (Gallia Christiana, torn. ii. p. 839). lie is mentioned in a public document of archbishop Arundel given in Wilkins's Cone. iii. ]). 311, as having come over to England between July 23d and Nov. 30th, A.D. 140S. He is also mentioned in a letter of the cardinal's to Henry IV., given in Wilkins, as a particular favourite of the king's. It seems from Moreri's Diet. v. Cardinal, that there was not a cardinal of Boitrcjes at this time. — Foxe misdates the let- ters ensuing A.D. 1409, as he had the election of pope Gregory XII. above, A.D. 1407.
Page 309, line 19.] — The council of Pisa sat ]\Iarch 25th to August 7th, A.D. 1409.
Page 309, line 34.] — " Within the twelvemontli " is more correct than Foxe's "within the same year;" for Alexander V. was elected in June, A.D. 1409, and crowned soon after: he died May 3d, A.D. 1410. (Nicolas.)
Page 309, note (4).] — Foxe's narrative, from hence to the top of p. 311, is taken accurately from Cochla^us : Foxe repeats a portion of it at p. 405, pro- fessedly from the same authority, but not so accurately. (See the note on p. 405.) Foxe (after Cochl^BUs) calls the archbishop "Swinco;" and sometimes strangely confounds his name and his title, calling him archbishop of "Swinco" instead of " Prague ; " for which Cochlacus gives no foundation. He has already been mentioned supra, at p. 54.
Page 311. " A ^fandafe of Thomas Arundel."] — This is given in Wilkins's Cone. iii. p. 246, from the Register of Braybrooke, bishop of London. It is headed " Mandatum Arundelli . . . pro veneratione Sanctae Dei genetricis ad pulsationem in Aurora sicut ad pulsationcm ignitegii." Foxe heads it, "A Alandate of 'I'homas Arundel, directed to the bishop of London, to warn men to say certain prayers at the tolling of the ' A ves ' or ringing of Curfew ; " which is a very vague description of it. Several expressions of the original, badly translated by Foxe, have been better rendered — "mystico inspiramine," "inter
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 829
cultores vineae," " ad ipsius domini nostri regis specialem rogatum." The con- cluding sentence, "and when before day," &c. is rather obscurely expressed in the original : but the heading of the letter explains it.
Page 312, note (5).] — Foxe misdates the mandate "anno transl. 9, a.d. 1405," when no "Robert" was bishop of London. The date in Wilkins is " Anno Domini mcccxcix., et nostr.-e translationis anno quarto," which is inserted in tlie text: Robert Braybrooke was bishop of London January 5th, A.D, 1381 to August 27th, a.d. 1404 (Godwin, edit, Richardson); and as Arundel became archbishop towards the close of 1396, his fourth year would begin toward the close of a.d. 1399: it is evident, therefore, that the 1399 of Wilkins here means the 1400 of modern computation.
Page 313. "A commission directed to the Somner," &c.] — On the subject of ringing bells, see Brand's Pop. Ant. vol. ii. p. 135, note, and infra, vol. vi. p. 562. Latimer, in his Sixth Sermon before Edward VL, alludes to these interdicts for not ringing the bells.
Page 315.] — As Chichesley became archbishop A.D. 1414, his twelfth year would end in A.D. 1426, which year is clearly meant by the " 1425 " of the Register.
Page 316.] — These "parliamentary notes," and the references in the notes, are revised from the original printed in Cotton's Abridgement, as in similar cases at p. 213, and vol. ii. p. 783. The note relating to tlie "eleventh" year of the reign, at the bottom of p. 317, Foxe places, in p. 316, to the " second year of the said king," no doubt owing to his having misunderstood " 11 " for ii. instead of xi.
Page 316, note (1).] — This Latin penance is corrected by the Register.
Page 318, last line but one.] — Foxe, by mistake, reads "thirteenth" instead of " fourteenth."
Page 318, note (1).] — The whole of this page has been collated with Wal- sing'nain and Fabian, where tlie matter will be found ; some corrections have thence been made: in the list of abbeys, " Osiis " (Fabian) is for " Osyth's : " ill this form we trace the origin of " Size Lane " in London, where formerly stood St. Osyth's Church. The clause "in the see of Durham," &c. omitted by Foxe, is put in from Fabian : without it the calculation at the end would not be correct.
Page 319, line 17 from the bottom, " Then called Passion Sunday."] — The fifth Sunday of Lent is so called, because the Gospel for the day is John viii. 46, &c., where the Jews take up stones to cast at Jesus, and this the Festival (fol. 25) says, was the beginning of Christ's passion.
Page 319, line 8 from the bottom. " In holy kitchen — in holy church, I would say."} — This is a species of wit common (as Dr. Maitland remarks) among the writers of that age, when, having said a saucy thing, they affect to catch themselves up and correct a pretended mistake.
Page 320. " The trouble and persecution of Sir John Oldcastle, knight, lord Cobham."'] — Most of the ensuing narrative is taken from John Bale's " Brefe Chronycle concernyng the Examinacyon and Death of the Blessed Martyr of Christ Sir Johan Oldecastell the Lorde" Cobham : " first printed August 16ih, A.D. 1544. The source from which Bale derived it (as he informs us in his preface) was chiefly the account drawn up at archbishop Arundel's com- mand expressly for distribution through the realm, and now extant in his Register, This is called "The Great Process of Thomas Arundell," &c. Walden's " Fasciculus Zizaniorum Wiclevi " embodies this Process, together with some other matters relating to the subject: Walden's first epistle to Martin V., his "Sermo de funere regis," and his first and second books " adversus Wiclevistas," have also contributed something. Several important passages which were omitted by Foxe after the edition of 1563 are here retained, especially the account of lord Cobham's death.
Page 320, line 3 from the bottom.] — Foxe, from Walden, reads inaccurately 1387 for 1381.
Page 321, line 26, " Tliere resorted unto them the ttvelve inquisitors of
830 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
heresies; whom they had appointed at Oxford the year before," &c.] — Foxe is here stiictly following Waldeu and Bale; the accuracy of the statement, how- ever, seems doubtful, for Wilkins (iii. p. 339, sub anno 1412, " the year before" this process) gives — " Ex MSS. Cotton, Faustina C. 7" — An Epistle of the Uni- versity of O.rford, reporting the opinion of the xii. judges appointed to examine Wicklifl's writings, and giving 267 conclusions which they had picked out of his works and pronounced heretical : but the names of the xii. judges are not mentioned. Wilkins afterwards (p. 350) gives a letter (ex eodem MS.) of archbishop Arundel to pope John. But Wilkins had before (at p. 171) given precisely the same epistle of the university of Oxford, sub anno 1381, "ex Registro Sudbury, fol 76." This early copy of the Epistle of the University has the names of the xii. judges appended to their opinion, and they are the very same as those given here ; but no conclusions are there specified as heretical. Now, it seems rather improbable that the very same xii. judges should have been appointed in 1381 and 1412, to make the same investigation, and report afresh in the very same words: it is most likely, that that epistle and decision of 1381 were reproduced before the council of 1412, not the judges themselves.
Page 321, note (3). " Two hundred and sixty-six conclusions."'] — The edition of 1563, p. 261, says "two hundreth and Ixvi.," which is corrupted in the next edition of 1570, p. 664, into two hundreth and xlvi." Walden and Bale both say " two hundred and Ixvi.," and they are printed in Wilkins (iii, p. 339) to the number of 267.
Page 322, line 1. "Proctors of the clergy" is put in from Wilkins; both Foxe and Bale read "general proctors," and Foxe in his edition of 1563 adds from Bale, "yea rather betrayers of Christ in his faithful members."
Page 322, line 22. '^ At Kennington."'\ — Both Bale and Foxe omit to men- tion wiiat the Register states (Wilkins, iii. p. 357) to have been the immediate matter of complaint against lord Cobham. A volume in quires ("in quater- nis") tending, as the Register states, to the subversion of tlie faith and of holy church, was discovered at a limner's in Paternoster Row, where it was awaiting the process of illumination. The artist, being apprehended, confessed that the book was lord Cobham's. Certain extracts from it were read at Kenniiigton, before the king, who is said to have ex]iressed his abhorrence of them. Lord Cobham, being questioned by the king, allowed that this and similar books had been condemned justly, and denied that he had read more than two or three leaves.
Page 322, line 25.] — For "prelates," the edition of 1563, copying Bale, reads " ravenours."
Page 322, line 30.] — " Not" is improperly foisted in before " contended " in all the editions till 1583.
Page 323, line 7.] — Cowling Castle is said, at p. 343, to have been a little more than three miles from Rochester Cathedral.
Pas:e 323, line 27.] — Ledes Castle is five miles south-east from Maidstone. (Carlisle's Top. Die.)
Page 323, line 9 from the bottom.] — St. ISfatthew's day is Sept. 21?t, which in A.u. 1413 (by Nicolas's Tables) fell on a Thursday ; the Saturday following would be Sept. 23d. Both Bale and Foxe, here and at p. 326, say erroneously, " the Saturday before the feast of St. Matthew." The Register is correct. (Wilkins, iii. p. 354.) See also p. 344, line 5.
Page 324, line 13 from the bottom. " This latter congregation" Sec.'] — The reader will find a similar triple division of the church militant into " priestliood, knvthode, and laborers," in Wimbledon's Sermon supra, p. 293. Lewis also (p. 125) cities a similar division from one of Wickliff's writings.
Page 324, line 4 from the bottom. "In knighthood.^'] — It was the custom in some countries for the nobles to draw their swords at the recital of the Creed or the Gospel. See Archbishop Griudall's works (Parker See. p. 56), and Dr. Wordsworth's note on this place.
Page 325, line 8 from the bottom. " lie offered himscf, after the law of
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 831
armn, to fight."'] — This was according to the notions of the times. The trial by- battle, in cases where the question could not be determined by legal proof or testimony, continued to disgrace the law of England till June 22d, 1819, when an Act was passed to abolish tlie practice. See Dr. Wordsworth's note on this place, which states that in 1352 the bishop of Bath and Wells ordered his clergy to exhort their people to pray for the success of Henry duke of Lan- caster, in an intended trial by battle with the duke of Brunswick for some reproaciiful words.
Page 326, line 8.] — "Nild" is a contraction of " ne willed," which occurs uncontracted in the Ploughman's Complaint supra, vol. ii. p. 732: "God that is endlesse in mercy saith, that he ne will not a sinful! man's death, but that he be turned from his sin and liven." In Wimbledon's Sermon supra, p. 295, we find " nis" for " ne is:" " What sinne, I pray you, will the fiend have now on men, that nis now used?" " Nought " and " never " for " ne ought " and " ne ever," are familiar to us. (Wordsworth.)
Page 326, line 24, " The Saturday after," &c.]— See the note on p. 323, line 9 from the bottom.
Page 327, line 14. " Calenders to lewd men {laymeiii]!'] — See the note on p. 119, line 12 from the bottom.
Page 327, line 18.]— See the note on p. 119, line 13 from the bottom.
Page 327, line 25. " To Canterbury."'] — See Dr. Wordsworth's note on this shrine.
Page 327, line 16 from the bottom. " Remaineth material bread, or not?"] — See the note on p. 287.
Page 331, line 14 from the bottom. " Ifhebelieved not in the determination of the church?"] — See Dr. Wordsworth's note on the distinction between ^'■believing" and "believing ?«." Bishop Bonner himself held, "Concerning the Catholiqne churche, we must believe it, that is to say, geve credite to it, but not beleve in it, for to beleve in it, were to make it God." — Profitable and Necessary Doctrine, signal. I. 46, A. D. 1555.
Page 333, line 7. " For then cried an angell."] — Bale in his margin refers to Ranulphus Cestrensis in Polychron. lib. iv, cap. 26. The endowment of tlie church by Constantine is the event referred to. — See Dr. Wordsworth's note.
Page 333, line 18.] — " Pilled," shaven, "pilis defectus, pilatus."
Page 334, last line but one.] — Antiochus, a monk of Saba, in Palestine, who wrote in tlie seventh century, deplores the loss of the real cross, which he says was carried away into Persia after the defeat of the emperor Heraclius by Chosroes in the year 614. — See Fabricius, Bibl. Graeca. (Wordsworth.)
Page 335, line 6. " This is a very cross."] — See what Thorpe says at the top of p. 265. Also the language of Margery Backster, at p. 594, and John Edmunds infra, vol. iv. p. 238, cited by Dr. Wordsworth, with a passage from Dr. Barnes's works.
Page 335, line 15. "Honour to the holy cross."] — See Dr. Wordsworth's note.
Page 336, last line. " Do him thereupon to death."] — These words not being in the original, but Bale's exposition of the undoubted meaning of "delivery to the secular power," are put in brackets. See Dr. Wordsworth's note. This writ is dated in Wilkins (iii. p. 357) Oct. 10th, 1413.
Page 337, line 13.] — " Process" is corrupted into " excess," after the edition of 1570.
Page 341, line 11.]— This parliament was called at Leicester, April 30th, A.D. 1414. 1 Pari. Hist. 324.
Page 341, line 16. " J bill was put in there," &c.] — Fabian, sub an. 2 Hen. V. speaks of this bill, as the revival of the former one of 11 Hen. IV., which he mentions in its place, but makes no specific allusion to tluit in 18 Ric. II. Shakespeare opens his Henry V. with allusion to thp two bills of 11 Hen. IV. and 2 Hen. V.
Lord Cobbam was banished soon after the first bill of 11 Hen. TV., and pre^
832 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
senteJ a remonstrance in his own name alone with the second in 2 Hen. V. See Rapin, vol. iv. pp. 59, 17G, notes.
Page 341, line 17. " Twice hefore" &c.] — Foxe mentions the bill presented by the Commons in 11 Hen. IV. (or A.D. 1410) supra, p. 318, and the other in 18 Ric. II. at p. 203.
Page 341, line 18. "By the procurement of the said lord Cobham."] — This is from Bale; who likewise attributes (Brefe Chron. Ed. 1544, folios 7, 51) to Cobham the Articles at p. 203, &c.
Page 341, note (4).] — Foxe reads "synod," in this reference: Bale, fol. 47, reads " sy-done," divided between two lines. This is probably a misprint for " sermone," for Bale in his Preface to the Chron. fol. G, mentioning this same matter, refers in his margin to " Waldenus in ser-mone de funere regis," " ser- mone " being similarly divided ; and at the end of the Preface refers to the same ■work thus, " Waldenus in Sermone."
Page 344, line 13. " The twenty-third day of September."^ — Wilkins (iii. p. 354) reads correctly "23," and so do the editions of 1563 and 1570. See notes above on pp. 323, 326.
Page 353. " The words and contentofthe statute," &c.] — Tlie original French is in Wilkins (iii. p. 358), with which Foxe's translation has been collated, and the first 33 lines much improved.
Page 356, note (1).] — The extracts from the statute 2 Hen. IV., given in the text, have been strictly conformed to the original.
Page 357, note (1).] — The reader will find some remarks by the Rev. Dr. Maitland, in his volume on the Dark Ages, tending to correct the repre- sentations of some writers respecting " the feast of the ass." Professor Edgar is not quite exact in representing the ass as "taught to kneel;" he derived this notion from a stage-direction in the margin.
Page 361, line 6. " In the time of king Henry III."'] — This passage as it stands in Foxe is most incorrect: "In the time of king Henry III., Simon Montfort earl of Gloucester, Gilbert Clare earl of I.,cicester, Humfrey Rone earl of Ferrence," &c. ; the alterations made in the text will be borne out by the references at the foot of the page. The large portions of English history given by Foxe in vol. ii. are here turned to account.
Page 375, note (2).] — The incorrectness of Polydore appears thus: Henry IV. became king Sept. 30th, 1399, and died Marcli '20th, 14113, so that he reigned 13 years 6 months, minus 10 days. (Nicolas.)
Page 376, note (4).] — Foxe alludes to Psalm li. 7 ; " Purge me with hyssop and I shall be clean, wash me and I shall be whiter than snow;" which stands in the Vulgate, " Asperges me hyssopo, et mundabor; lavabis me, et super nivem dealbabor."
Page 381. ]• — The numerous references at tlie foot of this and several following pages are added by the present Editor.
Page 381, line 19. " //•■>■ llieronymus Marias doth credibly witness."'} — Eusebius Captivus, pp. 43 — 46. But a much better reference may be made to Georgi's Imperatorum totiusque Nationis Germanicae Gravamina adv. sedem Romanam, &c. (Francof. 1725, pp.180 — 188); who takes his account from Aventinus, Cuspinian, and others. He concludes the chapter with, — " Tandem A. 1347, V. Id. Octobr. cum venatum exivisset [Ludovicus] de equo prze- cipitatus, apoplexia, vel veneno periit. Avent. p. 182, Edit. Fr. et p. 028, edit. Basil. Cus])inianus, p. 378, imprimis p. 380, ubi aftirmat vencnum accepisse, neque ulla alia de causa venatum exiisse, quam ut motu atqne labore sibi con- suleret, quae spes hac vice ilium fefellit. Contrarium ta.men defendit Bur- gundus, p. 180."
Page 393, line 12 from the bottom. "In canons of the Apostles," &c.] — " Daille affirms that the canons claim for themselves an apostohc origin. De la Roque is of tlie same opinion , and Gibcrt reasons in a similar manner : but bishop Bevcridge has demonstrated that in each of four instances whicli maybe adduced, interpolation has taken place. In the xxix Canon (according to 13everidge) we find vn' e/jov Uirpov, a me Pelro ; whereas the version by
APPENDIX TO VOL. HI. 833
Dionysius Exiguus, and after him the Excerptions from Egbert, contain only a Petro. Again, in Canon I. Dionysius has non enhn dixit nobis Dominus ; but this important word is either spurious, or rather has arisen from reading r]}iiv for ruiwv. Moreover, in Canons 82 and 85 the pronouns ■qfierepos and ■qfiaiv have been introduced by some unknown falsifier." Gibbings' Roman i'orgcries and Falsifications (Dublin, 1842), pp. 85, 86.
Page 393, line 10 from the bottom. " Cogging in a false canon to the council of Nice."'] — See vol. i. of Foxe, p. 32, and Appendix, p. 392, for an account of this " cogging in." "To wipe off this scandal, Binius and Baronius stickle vehem.ently, and try all their art to get St. Peter's ship off from these rocks. The former publishes long notes (in Labbe, tom. ii. col. 1599) ; the latter falls from writing to disputing (Annal. ad an. 419) : but all in vain ; for Binius, after he had falsely told us that it was the ancient custom for bishops and priests to appeal to Rome, and for the Africans to desire their sentences to be confirmed by the pope, confesses that the pope's legates cited tjie canons oi Sardica under the name of those of Nice, and that they were not to be found in the originals of the council of Nice, kept in the other patriarchal sees." Comber's Roman For- geries in Councils, part iii. p. 36. See also Richier's Historia Concill. Generall. (edit. Colon. 1683, tom. i. pp. 114 — 121) for a detailed reply to Bellarmine's arguments on this matter of appeals.
Page 404, line 31. " Ni7ie and twenty years."'\ — Foxe says " five and twenty," both here and at p. 530 ; but see the table at p. 579, note. From hence to p. 416 Foxe follows Cochla;us, pp. 19 — 68; whence Foxe's text is considerably corrected.
Page 405, line 31. " 31ea?ix."'\ — Foxe, from Fabian, reads " Meldune or Melione :" " de Vincennes " has been added to Foxe's " Bois," as the more usual mode cf designating the place.
Page 406, line 22.] —The cardinal Colonna here mentioned was Otlio de Colonna, a Roman, created cardinal-deacon of St. George in Velabro in 1405 ; afterward pope IMartin V. (Moreri, v. Cardinal.)
Page 406, last line but one.] — The cardinal of Aquileia was Antoine Pan- cerino, a native of Friiili, patriarch of Aquileia, made cardinal-priest of St. Susanna and bishop of Frascati by pope John XXIII. in 141 1 ; died 1431. The cardinal of Venice was Francis Lando, a Venetian, made patriarch of Grado in 1408, and afterward of Constantinople: created cardinal of the Holy Cross at Jerusalem in 1411, and died 1427. (Moreri, Diet. v. Cardinal.)
Page 406, note (1).] — The sentence in the text is not exactly according to Cochlseus, the author to whom Foxe here refers us : thus, tlie pope's citation of John Huss is put too late, for Cochlaeus (Hist. p. 19) says, that when he was cited, he refused to obey the summons ; whereupon the pope wrote to archbishop Sbinco, &c. '' Scripsit Hague Alexander Papa V. Suinconi Archiepiscopo, ut autoritate Apostolica prohiberet, ne per aliquos (etiamsi essent super hoc Apostolico seu quovis alio indulto muniti) praedicationes aut sermones ad po- pulum fierent, nisi in cathedralibus, coUegiatis, parochialibus, aut monasteri- orum ecclesiis, seu earum cimiteriis," &c. The foregoing extract also shows, that the object of the papal letters is not quite correctly stated by Foxe. He has stated the whole matter more correctly from the same passage of Cochlaeus at jjp. 309, 310 of this volume.
Page 407, line 27.] — See Cochlaeus, pp. 24, 25, where the document is said to have been dated Bethlehem Chapel, Prague, A. D. 141 2^ March 3d, second year of the Pontificate of John XXIII. The treatise " De tribus dubiis" is printed in the " Historia et Monumenta Johan. liuss," fol. 169.
Page 407, line 3 from the bottom. " Of the human race destroyed by the deluge."] — This clause is put in from Coclilasus.
Page 408, line 9. " Conrad bishop of Olmutz," &'c.] — This sentence is con- siderably modified from Cochlseus, p. 29. Foxe reads thus : —
" It foUoweth, moreover, after the death of the archbishop Swinco above- mentioned, that one named Conrad was placed by the pope there to be chief general, wliich Conrad, conferring with the divines and doctors of the university
VOL. in. 3 H
834 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
of Prague, required their advices and counsels, what way they might best take to assuage the dissensions and discords between the clergy and the people; whereupon a certain council was devised to beholden after tliis sort and manner, as followeth." The words of Cochlaeus (p. 29) are these: — "Ne autem Ecclesia ilia iMetropolitana, rectore Icgitimo carens, orphana atque omnino Acephaia videretur, datus est ei a sede Apostolica Administrator Conradus Episcopus Oloinucensis, Qui a theologis studii Pragensis petiit exemplum iliius Consilii quod Swinconi scriptum dederunt, ab eo requisiti, quonam pacto possint haec mala, discordia cleri, plebisque motus ac varia in fide et religione populorum dissidia et scandala, de medio tolli, atq\ie redintegrata pace sedari, Cujus sane Consilii haec quas sequuntur, fuere capitula."
Foxe correctly, in the very next page, calls Conrad " administrator," and even '■• the aforesaid administrator," which renders the change made in his text necessary. Cochlaeus intitules the ensuing document, " Consilium facultatis theological studii Pragensis." Foxe miscalls it the " Coimcil of the Prelates of Prague against the Gospellers."
Page 408, Art. VIII.] — This Article is explained by what Cochlasus says (Hist. p. 18), viz. — " Libris vero combustis, Joannes Hus, ut Archiepiscopo injuriam rependeret, ita et odiosum et contemptibilem eum suis detractionibus populo reddidit, ut plerique partium suarum Laici vidgares et ironicas in opti- mum patrem cantiones confiiigerent ac decantarent in publico, Suinick Kraschy spalil, propter earn librorura combustionem."
Page 409, line 10,] — In Cochlaeus (p. 32) is a 12th article added, as follows: "XII. Item ex istis omnibus claret, quod in nobis non deficit inire concor- diam, sed in eis; ex quo nolunt ad ista rationabilia et praetacta consentire. Quilibet enim compos rationis intelligere potest ex hoc consilio, quod non propriam laudem nee aliquorum confusionem, sed gloriam Dei, honorem domini regis et sui regni, vellemus libenter procurare. Quia ad omnia supra- scripla nos ipsos subjicimus, et parati sumus hsc eadem facere inchoando. ipsi autem, nolentes ad ista particularia descendere, nimis reddunt in materia fidei se suspectos."
Page 409, line 15.] — Cochlaeus (p. 32) says, that this "Consilium" was "datum et exhibitum in congregatione cleri in die S. Dorotheae A.D. 1413." St. Dorothea's day was Feb. Gth or March 28th. (Nicolas's Chronology of History.) The first three of the ensuing Articles are revised from the original in Cochlaeus.
Page 410, line 11. "Was ravaghig."] — " Infestabat," Cochlaeus; "had besieged," Foxe.
Page 410, line 27. " Artisans " is put here for Foxe's word " Captains."
Page 410, line 28.] — " Johanne, Martino, et Stascone," Cochlaeus (p. 38). In " Histor. et Mon. Joh. IIuss," &c. fol. 245 (margin), it is stated, that at the chapel of Bethlehem a parchment book, called " Passionale," was preserved, in the margin of which (at the chap, de Adriano sub Maximiniano passo) was written with John Huss's own hand : " A.D. 1412, feria ante festum apostolorum Petri et Pauli sic voluerunt multi decoUari, flectentes sub gladio tortoris ; quando decollabantur Martinus, et Johannes, et Stassek, ex eo quod contradixerunt praedicantibus quod licitum est bellare, et quod in papam credendum, et quod quicunque dederint papae pecuniam ad helium est absolutus a poena et a culpa." This shows that John is a distinct individual from Martin. See note infra, on p. 483, note (2), where it appears that Huss in his text, at the place just referred to, calls the three martyrs by the same names as Cochlaeus and Foxe.
Page 410, last line. " The sum of eighteen nr/ic/c,?."]— This does not appear from CochlcEus, p. 44, where the " Consilium doctorum contra lueresim Pragie exortam " is not given in the form of Articles. Foxe probably inferred what he says, from the Ubjections in reply being eighteen in number.
Page 410, note (1).] — Foxe, in stating that " John Huss preached at the funeral " of the throe artisans of Prague, states that with which Huss was undoubtedly charged by his enemies at liis trial ; but lie as undoubtedly denied that he was even present at the funeral (see p. 483, line 12,'of this volume,
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 835
and the note thereon in tliis Appendix). Cochlaeus himself, whom Foxe pro- fesses here to follow, does not say that Huss did preach at the funeral : the following are Cochlsus's words : — " At Hus cum suis occurrens interemptorum corpora rapuit, et aureo circumvoluta panno per omnes (ut ait iEneas) urbis ecclesias detulit, cantantibus sectse suoe sacerdotibus, ' Isti sunt sancti qui pro testamento Dei sua corpora tradiderunt,' &c. Exin cadavera in sacrario Beth- lehem reposita, quasi martyrum reliquiae aromatibus condita fuerunt, De quibus ipse Hus in libro suo ' de Ecclesia' hiscripto sic habet et gloriatur (cap. 21), &c." Cochlaeus then quotes an account of the affair by Stephen Paletz, in which these words occur : " Accessisti siquidem, et jacentium rebellium corpora sub Mediastino sustilisti, et cum ea quae tibi videbatur summa reverentia ad cathedram tuae superbiae capellam dictam Bethlehem detulisti, tui ipsius et scholarium tuse societatis, sanctse obedientias contrariis, clamorosis et altissimis vocibus usque ad inferni novissima concrepantibus, Isti sunt sancti, &c. Quibus sic inductis per te in Capellam illam, tantum fecisti popularis tui favoris concursum, ut non solum illorum sic juste decoUatorum sanguinem lin- tels maxime Beginae tuae et quidam alii abstergerent, sed quasi prae illorum sanctitate et potius pertusa saccitate lamberent. Ita ut te largiente et te do- nante locus ille tuas cathedra; summus, non tarn Bethlehem, sed ad Tres Sanctos per te et tuos complices vocaretur." (Cochlaei Hist. pp. 38, 40.) Dubravius says expressly that Huss did not preach; but only that some of the clergy of their party followed their corpses, singing the words just recorded, " ad templum Bethlehem, ubi Hus concionatorem agebat [i.e. was the stated and habitual preacher]. Ac illo quidem die Huss condone ahstinuit, sed posfea non cessavit mortem illorum deplorare, invidia majori quam ut illam sedare possent sena- tores " (Hist. Boiem. lib. xxiii. Hanov. 1602, p. 194). It is clear, therefore, that Foxe has not correctly gathered the import of Cochlaeus's words, and that what he represents Huss as doing at the funeral, Huss really did afterwards, especially in his treatise "De Ecclesia,"cap. 21. (See Hist, et Mon. Joh. Huss. tom. i. fol. 245.)
Page 411, line 3.]— Cochlaeus, in his margin, says that Stanislaus de Znoyma was a Moravian, and a chief doctor at Prague. Cochlaeus (p. 50) gives this list of names from Huss's "Liber de Ecclesia," cap, 11. The concluding sentence of the paragraph — " John Huss," &c. — is from p. 62 of Cochlaeus. Who is meant by " the lord of the soil " appears at p. 548 of this volume.
Page 411, hne 15.] — The ensuing Articles are revised from Cochlaeus, p. 50.
Page 411, Art. IV. " Whereas no man hioweih" &c.] — Huss here refers to some of the opinions attributed to WicklifF: see Art. IV. VIII. XVI. at pp. 21, 22, of this volume.
Page 412, Art. X, " Wrilten under the name and authority of Jerome, in Causa 24, q, 1, cap, 14, ^ Hac est fides, Papa beatissime.' "] — Cochlaeus (p. 51) says in his margin at this Article, "Verba Hieron. non ad August, sed ad Damasum scripta sunt." The same remark is made by the Romish Doctors in their reply to these objections of Huss, (Cochl. pp. 50, 51.) The editor of the Decretals of Gregoiy IX. held the same opinion. And Huss was not ignorant of this circumstance; for in his " De Ecclesia," cap. 16, he argues against the inference which the papists di-aw from the passage, on the suppo- sition of its being written (as the canon law represents) to pope Damasus : at cap, 21, however, of the same treatise he says, " Ad dictum beati Hieronymi de explanatione fidei dictum est cap. 16, supponendo quod fuisset locutus ad Damasum Papam ; sed multis libris antiquis conspectis comperimus, quod scripsit ad beatum Augustinum, quem sjepius vocat Papam in suis Epistolis," (Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. 243.)
Subsequent critics, however, have decided that the letter here quoted is incorrectly assigned to Jerome, and belongs really to Pelagius; who wrote " Libellus fidei ejus Romam missus ad Innocentium, de quo Angus, de Gratia Christi, cap. 30, 32, et 33." (Riveti Crit. Sac. lib. iv. cap. 7.) " Pelagio hgeresi- archae velut legitimo parenti omnium virorum erud. suffragio jam adjudicatur : cui deserte illam tribuunt S. Aug. de peccaio orig. c. 21, et Zosimus, epist. 2 ad Africanos Episc. in causa Pelagii." (Natalis Alexandri Hist. Eccles. saec. Lv. tom. vii. p. 327, edit. Bingae, 1787.) The objection of Huss, though thus losing its strength in this instance, may however be supported from other cases: 3 h2
83G APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
see Archbp. Usher's " Religion of the Ancient Irish," chap. 7, end ; and more especially Bingham's "Christian Antiquities," book xi. chap. 2, § 7.
Page '114, line 20.] — Cochlseus (Hist. p. 63) says: "At omnium miserrime vexabatur clerus Catholicus, intus et foris, a laicis et a clericis, qui evangelicos sese vocabant : quin etiam a mulierculis et a pueris, ex obedientiae enim lege cogebantur servare interdictum, ubicunque prsesens erat Hus."
Page 415, line 1.] — This letter of pope Jolin is in Cochlasus, pp. 22, 23, whence some corrections have been made in the translation.
Page 41.5, last paragraph.] — Tliis story is found in Nicholas de Clemangis, " Disputatio super materia Concilii Generalis," and is printed in the "Fasci- culus rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum," fol. 201, whence Foxe no doubt took it.
Page 416, line 30. " The space, already, of thirty-six years."'] — Foxe says, "The space, as I said, of twenty-nine years," and refers to the passage at p. 17 of this volume; where, however, all the editions read correctly "xxxi.x:" see also p. 778 of vol. ii. Cochlasus (whom Foxe seems still to have before him, p. 68) says, that the schism already " xxx annis pias fidelium nientes male vexaverat," when the council of Pisa was called to put an end to it : the council of Constance came six years later, whence the emendation of Foxe's text.
Page 416, line 38. " 7'hree years and Jive months " — is put in for Foxe's " four years:" the council opened Nov. 16th, 1414, and ended April 22d, 1418.
Page 416, line 43.] — It is a mistake of Foxe to represent the same four presi- dents as acting during the whole council: the list here given will be found in Labbe's Concilia, torn. xii. col. 61, as presiding over the tenth session.
Page 416, note (2).]— The edition of 15G3, p. 183, reads 3940, and " Philip and Cheiny," &c. This last expression seems a satirical allusion to the motley assemblage represented as having resorted to the council ; see p. 423, and the note thereon in this Appendix. The phrase is used by Becon (vol. iii. p. 276, Parker Society Ed.):—
" They pray for Philippe and Chenye More than a good meany [sort]." The phrase seems equivalent to "Tag, Rag, and Bobtail:" Philip was a pet name for a sparrow, and Cheiny, perhaps, for a dog. See Nares's Glossary.
Page 418, line 6.] — Foxe reads "four years:" see the note on p. 416, line 38.
Page 418, note (1).] — A similar recapitulation by Binius is printed In Labbe's Concilia, xii. cols. 289—294, with the dates of the different sessions: some very important corrections are thence made in Foxe's text.
Page 419, note (1).] — A very large collection of documents relative to the Council of Constance was made by Hermann Von Dcr Hardt, professor of Oriental Languages at Helmstadt, and printed at Frankfort, 1697, 6 torn, in 3 vols, fol., intituled "llistoria Gicumenici Concilii Constantiensis, de Universali Ecclesiasticae Disciplinje Reformatione :" several useful hints are introduced from Hardt's work in the ensuing notes. The Decree referred to in the note is in Hardt, tom. iii. p. 522, and Labbe xii. sess. 19 : — " Prresens sancta synodus ex quovis salvoconductu per imperatorem, reges, et alios saeculi principes, haereticis vel de hreresi diffamatis, putantes eosdem sic a suis erroribus revocare (quo- cunque vinculo se adstrinxerint), concesso nullum fidei catholica; vel jurisdic- tioni ecclesiasticos pra>judicium generari vel impedimentum pra^stari posse seu debere dcclarat; quo minfis (dicto salvoconductu non obstante) liceat judici competenti ecclesiastico de hujusmodi personarum erroribus inquirere et alias contra eos debit6 procedere, eosdemque punire quantum justitia suadebit, si SU08 errores revocare pertinaciter recusaverint, etiamsi de salvoconductu con- lisi ad locum venerint judicii (alias non venturi), [Lips, et Goth, add] nee sic promittentem, ctlm alias fecerit quod in ipso est, ex hoc in aliquo remansisse obligatum."
Page 419, note (2.)]— See Labbe xii. col. 273.
Page 420. " 7he ttveuty-fifth session." — John bishop of Lithomyssel was put in commendam of the diocese of Olinutz, vacant by the death of Wences-
APPE2^DIX TO VOL. III. 837
laus, patriarch of Antioch, till the appointment of a new pope. This Wenceslaus is mentioned by Huss at p, 445.
Page 422, line 11. " These things thus prepared" &c.]— Tliis paragvapli is very inaccurate as it stands in Foxe : it is corrected from Labbe's Concilia, xii. cols. 251, 252. The emperor is said to have walked "in magno-luto." (MS. Vindobonense, cited by Von der Hardt, torn. iii. p. 1490.)
Page 422, line 3 from the bottom. "John, bishop of Catania."'\ — In Von der Hardt this person is called "Johannes de Podiomiris, Episcopus Cathamensis, frater ordinis Praedicatorum, sacras theologias professor."
Page 423, note (2).] — The account in the text of the motley assemblage at the council of Constance will be found in the Paralipomena Urspergensis Chronici, p. 291. Cochlseus, p. 69, says that there were 30,000 hoi-ses at Constance at one time, 4 patriarchs, 29 cardinals, 47 archbishops, IGO bishops, and a vast number of abbots, priors, and clergy ; besides secular princes in crowds.
Page 423, note (3).] — From this place to p. 530 Foxe follows the " Historia et Monumenta Johannis Huss," &c.
Page 424, note (1).] — This safe-conduct is so often referred to, that a copy of the original is given : it may be well to mention, that in Rymer's Foedera, tom. V. pp. 352, 392, will be found two papal bulls, directing that faith was not to be kept with heretics, dated a.d. 1378, 3 and 4 Rich. II.
The following is the Latin safe-conduct given to Huss : — " Sigismundus Dei gratia Romanorum Rex, semper Augustus, et Htmgarise, Dalmatiae, Croatife, &c. Rex, universis et singulis Principibus ecclesiasticis et secularibus, Ducibus et Marchionibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Nobilibus, Proceribus, Militaribus, Militibus, Clientibus, Capitaneis, Potestatibus, Gubernatoribus, Prsesidibus, Publicanis, OfHcialibus quibuscunque Civitatum, Oppidorum, villarum, et loco- rum communitatibus, ac Rectoribus eorundem, cseterisque nostris et sacri Imperii subditis et fidelibus, ad quos prsesentes literse pervenerint, gratiam Regiam et onine bonum,
" Venerabiles, Illustres, nobiles et fideles dilecti, honorabilem Magistrum Joannem Hus, Sacrse Theologiae Baccalauteum et Artium Magistrum, praesen- tium ostensorem, de regno Bohemise ad Concilium generale in civitate Constan- tienai celebrandum in proximo ti-anseuntem, quem etiam in nostram et sacri Imperii protectionem recepimus et tutelam, vobis omnibus et Testrum cuilibet pleno recommendamus aflFectu ; desiderantes quatemis ipsum, cum ad vos per- vencrit, grate suscipere, favorabiliter tractare, atque in his quje ad celeritatem et securitatem itineris ipsius pertinent, tarn per terram, quam per aquam, pro- motivam sibi velitis et debeatis ostendere voluntatem, nee non ipsum cum fanmlis, equis, et aliis rebus suis singulis, per quoscunque passus, portus, ponteis, terras, dominia, jurisdictiones, civitates, oppida, castra, villas, et quaslibet alia loca vestra, sine ulla solutione tributi, telonii, aut alio quovis solutionis onere, omnique prorsus impedimento rcmoto, transire, stare, morari, et redire libere permittatis, sibique et suis, cum opus fuerit, de securo et salvo velitis et debeatis providere conductu, ad honorem et reverentiam nostras Majestatis. Datum Spira?, anno Domini M.CCCCXIV. die Octobris IS, Regnorum nostrorum Anno Hungarias, &c. 33, Romanorum verb Quinto.
" Ad man datum Domini Regis, Michael de Pacest, Canonicus Vratisla- viensis."
Page 426, line 32.] — "Fama hujusmodi " — "Sine mea culpa," Latin.
Page 427, line 9. " Approved.'"'\ — "Compi-obavit," Latin; i.e. "certified,"
Page 427, line 33.] — "Quae sunt in eo," Latin.
Page 427, line 11 from the bottom.] — The corrections of names and dates in this paragraph and in the ensuing document are derived from the " Hist, et Mon." tom. i. fol. 4.
Page 428, line 5.J — " Baccalaurei formati in sacra theologia," Latin.
Page 430, line 6. "The public Procuration."'] — See Hist, et Mon. fol. 3, 4 ; where it is " procuratione " in the original; but this is an evident mistake for " congregatione," which occurs a few lines below in the instrument. It is
838 APPENDIX TO VOL. HI.
called "convocation," next page, in the "letter which Huss fixed on the public places of the cities on his way to Constance:" the Latin there is "conventu," which would be better rendered by "congregation."
Page 431, top.]— The list of names is revised from the original, in "Hist, et Mon."
Page 431, last paragraph. "In all cities as he passed by," &c.]— " In omni- bus itaque civitatibus, niaxime verb cum in Germaniam venisset, ingens ad eum multitudo confluxit. Ah ipsis verb hospitibus per omneis Germaniae civitates, a civibus, et nonnunquam ab ipsis etiam Parochis summa humanitate et liberalitate acceptus est, adco ut ipse .loannfs IIus in quadam epistola fatea- tur, se nusquam majores inimicilias quam in Bohemia expertum esse," (Hist, et Mon. torn. i. fol. 4.)
Page 432, note (4). " The mines of gold in Gilowy, which were peruhed and lost."^ — Foxe says " Gilor)'," following the Latin, which says, " Aurifodinaa in Giloroy, quae perierant." Buschiiig, however, in his Geography, iv. p. 80, says: "Gilowey, Eylau, Eule, or Giiovia, a royal mine-town, near which gold was formerly dug, in the circle of Kaurzim, Bohemia."
Page 432, line 11. " The twentieth day after," &c.]— Cochlaeus (Hist. lib. ii. p. SiJ says that Huss left Prague the Thursday before St. Gall's Day (which feast was October 16th, and fell on a Tuesday in 1414) ; and that he arrived at Constance the Saturday after the feast of All Saints (which feast was No- vember 1, and fell on a Thursday, in 1414); and that he lodged "in Platea S. Pauli:" all this agrees with Foxe's text, except the place of residence.
Page 432, line 31. " Who was the first and bitterest accuser of the said John Ilitss."] — " Michaele de Causis, primo Joannis Hus et acerrimo accusatore." (Hist, et Mon. lorn. i. fol. 4.) Foxe merely says : "Who had before falsely accused and blamed the said John Huss."
Page 432, note (2). — "Ex apostematis dolore niortuus est." (Hist, et Mon.)
Page 433, line 29. " The borough-master of the town of Constance ," &c.] — " Cum consule Constantiensi Henrico de Ulm, et quodam nobili viro," Von der Hardt, iii. p. 22; who also, at j). 11, mentions Fredericus Grafeneck as bishop of Augsburg.
Page 435, line 10.] — " Didacus" is the Latin for the Spanish name " Diego."
Page 435, line 33. *' Provost of the Roman court."'\ — He is called by Hardt, tom. iii. p. 22, " Episcopus Lausanensis Camerae Apostolicae regens."
Page 43G, line 2. "After this, the said John Huss," &c.] — "Qui postea in Cantoris Constantiensis Ecclcsiae domum ductus, per satellites in octavum usque diem ibi sub custodia fuit, inde in monasterium Priedicatorum ad Rhenuni perductus, et carceri ejus monasterii, ipsi lalrina^ proximo, niandatus est." (Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. 5.) "Jacobites" was one term for the Preaching or Dominican friars: friar Wideford (Gratius's "Fasciculus," fol. 133) says: " Fratres Praedicatores non dicebantur Jacobitse in principio sed posteriiis valde casualiter : quia Parisiis morabantur juxta porfam Sancti Jacobi." But Matth. Westm., sub anno 1198, speaking of Innocent III., says : " Ejusfavore exortum est in Italia novum genus ordinis Pnedicatorum qui Jacobitae voluerunt appel- lari, quia vitam apostolicam videbantur imitari."
Page 430, line 4.] — Von der Hardt says (iii. p. 22), that Huss was taken to the house of the prajcentor of Constance November 28th : he also, at p. 32, gives a letter of the Bohemians to the Council, reproaching them for the first impri- sonment of Huss ; he adds, that Paletz made a handle of this letter for getting Huss removed to worse and severer confinement in the Dominican monastery, January 3d, 1415. Hardt adds, at p. 33, anotlier letter of the Bohemian lords, in consequence of this removal. Either Foxe and his author are wrong as to the " 8 days," or they omit the first prison.
Page 430, line 15, "-These articles here under written."] — The original is in Hist, et Mon. fol. 0, whence considerable improvements have been introduced into Foxe's translation.
Page 438, last line.] — "Patriarcha Constantinopolitanus, Episcopus Castellae, et Episcopus iv Libuss." (Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. 7.) Lcbus is mentioned
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 839
supra, vol. ii. pp. 488, 492. Darcher, in his list of those present at the council of Constance, includes "Johannes episcopus de Lebus in Marchia." The bishop of Castel-a-Mare was " Marinus de Sancta Agatha, canon de Ferma;" he was bishop A.D. 1402 — 1421 (Richard and Giraud, Bibliotheque Sacr6e). In Von der Hardt (torn. iii. p. 33) we read, that on Friday, January 4th, 1415, a general congregation was held, where John Dominici, cardinal of Ragusa, and John, patriarch of Constantinople, were admitted to the council as ambassadors of pope Gregory XII. ; p. 37, we read at January 22 of Dominus Johannes Elec- tus Constantinopolitanus. It is curious that Hardt, at torn. iv. p. 1474, mentions John as Pat. Const.; but at the election of Martin V. (p. 1479) names Francis Lando, Venetus, as patriarch of Constantinople. Moreri says Lando was patriarch of Grado, and afterwards of Constantinople.
Page 439, line 25.] — Foxe does not mention the removal of Huss to this third prison ; but Von der Hardt says he was removed from the Dominican to the Franciscan convent "Dominica Oculi," i.e. the third Sunday in Lent, March 3d, 1415. Nicolas's Tables show that Palm Sunday in 1415 fell on March 24th, and Von der Hardt shows that John XXIII. fled March 21st.
Page 439, line 18 from the bottom. "Abominable forfeits."'] — Chaucer, Gower, and -the early writers generally, use the verb to forfeit in its primary sense of committing a transgression : in French, forfaire has the same signi- fication. See Mr. Way's note in Promp. Parv. 172.
Page 439, line 12 from the bottom.] — Darcher 's list gives " Marchio Comes Otto de Hochberg," and Gallia Christiana " Otho de Hochber et Rottel," as bishop of Constance from 1411 to about 1433,
Page 440, line 4. " The deputies of the four nations," &e.] — "Quatuor na- tionum, . . . deputatis." (Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. 7.)
Page 440, line 30.] — For " 1409," Foxe has " 1410;" wherein, however, he follows his author ; for the " Hist, et Mon." reads " MCCCC.X," where an I has clearly dropped out before X ; the council of Pisa sat March 25th^August 7th, 1409. (Nicolas.)
Page 441, line 21.] — " John of Prague" was bishop of Lythomysl in Moravia.
Page 441, lines 27, 31. " The sixteenth day of May."'] — Foxe says "the seven- teenth." Whitsunday, 1415, fell on May 19th ; and the fourth day before would be May 16th, which was Thursday, and the reply of the Bohemian lords made on Saturday 'pridie Pent.' (p. 442) is said to be two days after tliis meeting, and refers to this as held on Thursday. Foxe has, however, followed his copy in his false date; for Von der Hardt, iii. p. 188 and 208, has several times to correct this error in Crispin, Theobald, and some very old writers whom he cites.
Page 441, last paragraph.] — From hence to p. 449 Foxe'a translations of the documents have been considerably corrected from the original Latin in " His- toria et Monumenta Job. Huss," &c.
Page 444, line 13. " The rival popes."'] — " CoUudentes de papatu " (Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. 9), meaning Gregory XII. and Benedict Xlll., who were declared schismatics, heretics, and perjurers, by the council of Pisa, June 5th, 1409, and deposed. (See Nicolas's Chron. of History.)
Page 448, last line but two.] — One John Vitalis was patriarch of Antioch.
Page 450, line 4. " The fifth day of June."'] — This day Huss was brought up from the prison at Gottlieben, and lodged again for his last month in the Fran- ciscan convent. (Hardt, tom. iii. p. 306.)
Page 451, line 15. "Through their advice" &c.] — This and the following sentences are corrected from the Latin original, which says : — " Ex istorum itaque consilio senatus dimissus, et judicium in perendianum diem iterum est con- stitutum. Eo igitur die, qui erat septimus Junii, horam circiter septiniam, cum paulb ante totalis pene Solis Eclypsis visa esset, iteium in refectorium fratrum niinorum iidem qui antea convenerunt, et Joannem Hus magna turba arma- torum militum cinctum coram eis sisti mandarunt." (Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. xii.) The table of eclipses in L'Art de Ver. des Dates states this echpse to have happened at 7 a.m. June 7th, a.d. 1415,
840 APPENDIX TO VOL. in.
Page 451, line 6 from the bottom. " The cardinal of Camhratj"\ — was Peter d'Ailly, formerly bishop of Cambray, created presbyter-cardinal of St. Chryso- gon by John XXIII. in 1411 ; he died in 1425. (Moreri's Diet. v. Cardinal.)
Page 451, line 4 from the bottom. "Do you prove," 8:c.']— See Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. 12.
Page 453, line 4. "The cardinal of Florence"'] — was Francesco Zabarella, a Paduan, archbishop of Florence, created presbyter-cardinal of St. Cosmo and St, Damian by John XXIII.; he died in 1417. (Moreri's Diet. v. Cardinal.)
Page 453, line 23. " Then said the cardinal again unto him."] — This would imply the cardinal of Florence : the Latin (Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. 13) says "Tum cardinalis;" and the margin adds " Cameracen,"
Page 453, line 31. " Ilalh craftily and deceitfully drawn" &c.] — " Eiim- que insidiose articulos quosdam ex libris tuis, qui post proferentur, excerpsisse." (Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. 13.)
Page 453, line G from the bottom. "Did withstand," &c.] — " Restitisse condemnationi articulorum Wicleff, quae primum in Romano concilio facta est." (Hist et Mon. tom. i. fol. 13.)
Page 454, line G. " This article," said IIuss, " I have thus limited,'" Src] — " Hunc articuium, inquit, limitavi, ita ut dicerem, eum indigne consecrare et baptizare, quia tunc, cum est in peccato mortali, sit indignus minister sacra- mentorum Dei," &c. (Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. 13.)
Paga 454, line 25. "An archbishop of England."] — As neither Canterbury nor York was there, this, most probably, was the bishop of Salisbury, who is mentioned perpetually in Von der Hardt's vol. iii. and iv., and always as " archi- episcopus Salisburiensis." Thus his arrival at the council is announced, vol. iii. January 31, and his death toward the end of the council, tom. iv. See the note in this Appendix on p. 515, line 6 from the bottom.
Page 45G, line 11 from the bottom. "Neither take part," &c.] — "Ut neque Gregorio Romano pontifici adhaereret, neque Benedicto XII., Avincensi ponti- fici, qui etiam papae titulum habebat, ut in Chronicis videre licet," (Hist, et Mon, tom. i, fol, 14.)
Page 456, line 5 from the bottom. "Saint Wejiceslaiis."] — "Divi Wences- lai," Latin; "the lord Wenceslaus," Foxc.
Page 457, line 2.] — In Davcher's list we have among the auditors of the Rota, " Nicholas Naso, decretorum doctor."
Page 457, line 20, "Deprived of part," &c,] — " Ibi Germani indigne ferentes se parte suffragiorum, qus tria habuerant, fraudatos esse," (Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. 14.)
Page 457, line 28. " Dean of the facidty of arts."] — " Deacon of the faculties," Foxe ; "Albertus Warentrapius, qui tum erat decanus facultatis artium," (Hist, et Mon, i. fol. 14.)
Page 458, line 10. " Bigensis."] — This person is called by Von der Ilardt "Johannes a Wallenrod" (vol, iii, p, 23), and by Darcher, in his list of prelates at the council, "Johannes VValdrod."
Page 459, line 14, " Unto whom John ITuss," Sec] — "Ad quem Joannes Hms: Primum, inquit, Clemcntiae tuie, rex sercnissime, de literis publica? fidei ago gratias immortulcs. Atquc hie interpellatus cum non excusaret se de crimine pertinacia), admonitus a domino Joanne de Chlum." (Hist, et Mon. tom. i, fol. 15.)
Page 4G1, note (1).] — Foxe erroneously sa)'S, "this bishop of Cambray," The cardinal of Cambray, I'eter d'.'^illy, resigned his bishopric when he became cardinal; and we find, accordingly, in Darcher's list of the prelates at the council (in Von der Hardt), " Johannes Lidberkken, episcopus Cameracensis in Francia,"
Page 46G, line 39, " The audience i'] — i.e. some of IIuss's hearers at his public lectures and sermons. In explanation of this it is to be observed, that Cochlaeus (Hist. Hussit, p. IIG) states, that Vitalis Valcntini, bishop of Toulon, in Provence, and Alan, bishop of Leon, in France, were sent to Prague bv tlie Fathers of the Council, to collect evidence against John Huss on tiie spot, from those who had heard his lectures and sermons.
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 841
Page 472, middle. "In the time of Agnes . . . lived "2 — "without ahead" is added from the Latin, and as needed for the argument. By "Agnes," is intended Pope Joan. See Huss's own treatise De Ecclesia, cap. 7; and L'Enfant's Hist, de la Papesse Jeane, torn. i. 288, Edit. 1758.
Page 477, lines 1, 11.] — Foxe, misled by the Latin (Hist, et Men. torn. i. foJ. 22), reads " Canonicals " for " Canticles."
Page 480, line 2.] — Huss, in his " De ecclesia" cap. 21, observes, that eight circumstances were held to be necessary to make an action virtuous, which were comprised in this verse : —
" Quis, quid, ubi, quantum, quot, cur, quomodo, quando ;" where for "cur" we should, probably, read "quare." (Hist, et Mon. torn. i. fol. 246.)
Page 483, line 12. " Whereas I was not even present."'] — It is remarkable that Foxe omits this clause, though the original is quite distinct ; " Cum ego ne adfuerim quidem." (Hist, et Mon. torn. i. fol. 24.) See the note on p. 410, note (1).
Page 483, line 24. "In those three laymen."'] — "In illis tribus laicis." (Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. 25.) Foxe erroneously reads "two."
Page 483, line 38. " The copy of a certain epistle.'"] — This testimonial is given in Wilkins (vol. iii. p. 302), dated " Oxonii, in domo nostras congrega- tionis, quinto die mensis Octobris 1406 :" ex MS. Cotton. Faust, c. 7. See the translation of it by Foxe, sup. pp. 57, 58, and a note upon it.
Page 483, note (2).] — Li the passage in question Huss is expounding Daniel xi. 31 — 33, and applies it thus: " Illius textus intelligentiam exponit facti experientia, quia docti per gratiam Dei simplices laici et sacerdotes docent plurimos vitas bonse exemplo, et contradicentes publice Antichristi mendaci verbo ruunt in gladio. Ut patet de laicis, Joanne, Martino et Stascone, qui contradicentes Antichristi discipulis mendacibus in gladio corruerunt." (Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. 245.) See the note supra, on p. 410, line 28.
Page 486, line 12. " 7'Ae bishop of Lodi."] — The same person as is men- tioned at p. 419. Foxe here calls his title "Londe;" Cochljsus says, "epi- scopus Londoniensis :" L'Enfant, in his History of tlie council of Constance, calls him the bishop of " London." The bishop of London at this time was Richard Clifford, whom Godwin (de Praes.), on L'Enfant's authority, states to have been at Con,stance, and to have preached before the emperor and council. The above statement, however, does not seem correct; for in the recapitulation of the acts of the council (supra, p. 419), which is given by Labbe, vol. xii. col. 289, he is distinctly called "Jacobus Laudensis episcopus," i.e. of Lodi. The historical narrative near the end of " Hist, et Mon. Job. Huss," &c. fol. 345, says that the surname of this bishop of Lodi was Monachus, or Monk. See the note on p. 523.
Page 489, line 23. " Qubd sit quarta persona Divinitatis futurus."] — (Hist, et Mon. tom. i. fol. 27.) Milner takes this to mean, that Huss thought "he himself should become a fourth person in the Deity."
Page 491, line 4 from the bottom.] — The "seven bishops" were, the arch- bishop of Milan, and the bishops of Feltri, Asti, Alexandria, Bangor, and Lavaur (Cochlasus, p. Ill) ; and a Leipsic MS. adds, the two suffragans of the bishops of Constance and Bangor. (Hardt, tom. iii. p. 437.)
Page 495, line 14.] — Concerning John Przibram, see Cochlasus, lib. ii. pp. 74, 75 ; whence it appears as if this account of Huss were taken out of the treatise of Przibram " De non remanentia panis, contra Wiclevistas."
Page 501, note (1).] — Von der Hardt interprets "supreme cardinal" to mean the bishop of Ostia, who presided (iii. p. 307).
Page 511, line 5 from the bottom. " The tragical . , . history of . . . Master Jerome of Prague."] — The ensuing narrative Foxe has derived from the same work as that which furnished the account of John Huss: " Johannis Huss et Hieronymi Pragensis, confessorum Christ!, Historia et Monumenta: Noribergse, 1558." Two accounts of Jerome are given in this work, the first at tom. ii. fol. 349, and another at folio 354. Foxe has chiefly made use of the first of
842 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
these accounts ; some corrections of the text, and additional notices of events, have been derived from thence by the Editor.
Page 511, last line but one.] — This preamble from the edition of 1563 is a translation of the first Latin account. Hist, et Mon. torn. ii. fol. 349.
Page 512, line 19. " The memory of this most worthy vian may, by favour of the author of truth," &c.] — "Acta ipsius Magistri Hieronymi decrevi ... in unum redigere, pro ipsius venerandi magistri vivaci memoria, veritatis authore et ejus cont'essorum praemiatore donante" (Latin). Foxe's text absurdly says, " That the memory of this most worthy man, being the author of truth, may hereafter be the more famously celebrate and remembered."
Page 512, line 31. "On the fourth day o/ ^/jn/."]— Cochlaeus (Hist, p. 71) says, on the authority of Ulricus Reichental, a professed eye-witness, that Jerome came to Constance " feria secunda post festum Paschte," i.e. Monday, April 1st: but both accounts in "Hist, et Mon." say, that it was on the feast of St. Ambrose, and the first adds " feria quinta [j. e. Thursday], quarta die Aprilis."
Page 513, line 4. " The intimation," &c.] — This is given in Von der Hardt, under Session 5, dated April 7th, a.d. 1415.
Page 513, line 16 from the bottom. "Jerome returned again into Bohemia."] — Von der Hardt (tom.iii. p. 103) states, that Jerome adopted the resolution of returning on Tuesday, April 9th ; and (at p. 685) he gives a copy of the Testi- monial of the Bohemian nobles, dated '* feria tertia post octavas Paschae, a.d. 1415," i. e. Tuesday, April 9th.
Page 514, line 20 from the bottom. " Sent Master Jerome bound unto the Council."] — Foxe reads "brouglit;" but the Latin (folio 350) has "destinavit" and "misit" (folio 355). See also the context. Jerome reached Constance again May 23d. (Von der Hardt, iii. p. 481.)
Page 514, last line.]— Von der Hardt states, that what follows occurred in tlie 17th Session, Friday, July 19th. (iii. p. 481.)
Page 514, note (1).] — This "duke John, son of Clement " (as he is called in both the accounts in " Plist. et Mon.") is by Cuchlaeus (p. 71) called "Praefectus Vici." Foxe a few lines later calls him brotlier to duke Louis, who is called by his authority " alter filius dementis." (Hist, et Mon. torn. ii. fol. 355.)
Page 515, line 28. " The master of the university of Cologne."] — The second account says merely " Magister Coloniensis, nescio quis." (Hist et Mon. torn. ii. fol. 355.)
Page 515, line 6 from the bottom. "The archbishop of Saltzburg."] — We should probably read "Salisbury ;" for the first account (folio 350) says, "archiepiscopus Salisburgensis;" and the second (folio 355) says, " archiepi- scopus Anglia?:"this confirms, and is confirmed by, the conjecture thrown out in the note on p. 454, line 25.
Page 516, line 3. "Looking in at a window of the refectory''] — "Circa fenestram refectorii foris dixit." (" Hist, et Mon." torn. ii. fol. 350.) The " refec- torium fratrum minorum in Constantia " had been previously mentioned as the place where the council assembled to see Jerome on liis return to Constance, and where the foregoing proceedings had been going on : he is stated to have been hitherto lodging with tiie duke Louis "filius dementis." (Lat. fol. 355.) This Hussite came to the window of the refectory, while Jerome was waiting after the proceedings were over " ut do vespere in captivitatem ducatur."
Page 516, line 13 from the bottom. " Then Master Peter asked" &c.]— " Et Petrus rogabat, quatenus eidem [i. e. Hieronymo] cibaria permittant dari, quia copiam illoruin M. Hieronymo vellet procurare." (Latin, folio 351.)
Page 51G, line 3 from the bottom. " Jboul the feast of Mary the J'irgin."] — That feast was Sept. 8tii, and Jerome was brought forward both on the 8th and the 11th of September. (Von der Hardt.)
Page 517, line 1. " They forced him to abjure."] — According to Von der Hardt (iii. pp. 497, 499) Jerome recanted twice: first. Sept lllh; secondly.
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 843
on Monday, Sept. 23d. He says that the abjuration presently given by Foxe was the second, and contains in its last paragraph but one a reference to the first abjuration.
Page 517, line 9. " The forced abjuration" &c.] — This is printed in Labbe's Conciha, xii. col. 164.
Page 517, line 32. " And I, the said Jerome" &c.] — Two or three changes in this paragraph are made on the authority of the Latin account.
Page 518, line 8 from the bottom. " The cardi7ial de Ursinis."'\ — Jourdain des Ursins, a Roman, archbishop of Naples, presbyter-cardinal of St. Martin of the Mountains, bishop of Albano and Sabine, grand penitentiary of the Roman church, and legate in Spain, France, Hungary, Bohemia, and to the Council of Basil ; created cardinal by Innocent VII. in 1405, died 1439. (Moreri's Diet. V. Cardinal.)
Page 519, line 12. *• The patriarch of Constantinople and a German doc- tor."']— " Johannes patriarcha Constantinop. et venerabilis vir, Nicholaus de Dinckelsphuel, doctor in sacra pagina," had been previously appointed at a general session " commissarii in re fidei" to examine into Jerome's cause ; and on Monday, April 27th, a.d. 1416, produced their articles against liim, and were directed to communicate them to him in prison. (Von der Hardt, iii. p. 751.)
Page 519, line 15.] — The connexion between the patriarch of Constantinople and Huss may be seen supra, pp. 438, 460.
Page 519, line 22. " The twenty-third day of May. ""l — Foxe says " twenty- fifth," following the Latin "die xxv. mensis Maii" (fol. 352) : it is plain, however, from Nicolas's Tables that Saturday fell on the 23d May, in 1416: see also Von der Hardt, torn. iii. p. 748. See the note next following this.
Page 519, line 12 from the bottom. " The Tuesday after."'\ — Foxe says "the third day after," mis-translating " feriam tertiam ante Ascensionem Domini, post dictum Sabbathum immediate sequentem." This incidentally proves that the Saturday preceding was the 23d of May (see the last note) ; for, by Nicolas's Tables, Ascension day in 1416 fell on May 28th.
Page 519, last line but one. " As ivhen one of them had demanded" &c.]— Hist, et Mon. tom. ii. fol. 356.
Page 520, line 17. '^Another then was" &c.] — From hence to " inhumanity towards him " (p. 522) is taken by Foxe from the letter of Poggius to Aretin. (Hist, et Mon. tom. ii. fol. 358.)
Page 520, line 18 from the bottom. "Socrates, Boethius, Maro, Seneca, Plato ; et midti alii."'] — (Von der Hardt, p. 758.)
Page 522, line 12 from the bottom. " Their inhumanity towards him."'\ — " Adversus se inhumanitatem " (Hist, et Mon. tom. ii. fol. 358), which Foxe's text uncouthly renders " their unkind humanity towards him."
Page 522, line 11 from the bottom. " Whe7i he had spoken these" &c.] — (Hist, et Mon. tom. ii. fol. 352.)
Page 522, line 5 from the bottom. ' " The Saturday next after the Ascension day."^ — " Sabbatho autem post Ascensionem Domini " (Hist, et Mon. tom. ii. fol. 352) ; Foxe says, "Tlte Saturday next before the Ascension day," in which he is borne out by the other Latin account, " Tandem die Saturni ante ferias Ascensionis" (Hist, et Mon. tom. ii. fol. 356); but this is wrong: see Von der Hardt, tom. iii. p. 768. Ascension day fell on May 28th, and Jerome was mar- tyred "3 Cal. Junias," i.e. May 30th (see the letter of Poggius to Aretin. Hist, et Mon. tom. ii. fol. 359).
Page 523, line 16. " The bishop of Lodi."~\ —The same person as preached at Huss's condemnation: he is rightly called " Laudensis episcopus " (Hist, et Mon. tom. ii. fol. 352), but incorrectly " Lugdunensis," at fol. 356 : he is termed " Jacobus episcopus Laudensis" by Cochlseus (p. 132), who gives the sermon itself. See the note, supra, on p. 486.
Page 530, line 11 from the bottom. "Twenty-nine i/ear^."]— Foxe saj;?,- " twenty-five :" see note on p. 404.
844 APPENDIX TO VOL. UI.
Page 531, note.] — This history of Claydon is in Wilkins's Concilia, iii. pp. 371 — 375. Thomas Fauconer is there mentioned as the mayor of London at the time.
Page 532, line 22. ^' David Beard," &c.] — are mentioned in Wilkins as three of Claydon 's servants.
Page 532, line 27.] — " Quo die Lunae, videlicet decimo nono die dicti men- sis" (Wilkins). Foxe wrongly calls it "the twentietli."
Page 536, line 7.] — In Wilkins, iii. 377, is an account of a convocation which met April 1st, Hlfi, and was afterward adjourned to November 9th; and on November 23d, John Barton, who had been defamed of heresy, "juramento se purgavit."
Page 537, line 15 from the bottom.] — The submission of William James is given in Wilkins, iii. p. 397, and stated to have been made on Palm Sunday, "ultimo die Martii, 1420, indictione decima tertia, pontif. Martini tertio."
Page 537, line 8 from the bottom.] — The process against Jourdelay and Dertford is in Wilkins, iii. p. 493, "die Jovis, 15 Julii, 1428."
Page 538, line 6. "At the same sitting . . . Master Eobert."'] — See Wilkins, iii. p. 493, July 20th.
Page 538, line IG. "Richard, bishop of Lincoln."] — This was Richard Fleming, bishop from May 24th, a.d. 1420, to January 25lh, a. d. 1430. (Richardson's Godwin.)
Page 538, line 18. "William Ilervey."] — Foxe miscalls him "William Henry." His appearance on Wednesday, July 2 1st, 1420, and of "Johannes Calle" with him, is mentioned in Wilkins, iii. p. 494.
Page 538, line 30. " One Radulph Mungin."~\ — Wilkins introduces Radulphus Mungyn, tom. iii. p. 497, November 26th, 1428 : he is again examined Die Jovis, December 2d ; again next day, December 3d, In the course of this last day's examination it appears that he was a friend of Monk, Cornmongcr, Hooper, Garenter, and one Shadworth. December 4th, the proceedings against him are reviewed, from whence it seems that he was first cited before a court which sat at St. Michael Bassishaw, July 27th, 1428, and next day at St. Paul's chapter-house, when he refused to own hintself a heretic, and was committed to prison till he was produced again November 2Gth, four months after. On this December 4th he was once more offered to abjure, but refused, and was sentenced to perpetual imprisonment. He is now introduced November 26lh.
Piige 538, line 36.] — The convocation at whicli the application was first made for these subsidies, met July 5th : the pope's nuncio was named Conzo de Zvvola: the subject was renewed in November. (See Wilkins ) Meanwhile Mungin had spoken against them, and was summoned July 27th, as above stated.
Page 538, line 41. " Peter Cleric"] — is the same person who is before in this volume called " Peter Paine" (see p. 97). For his disputation at the council of Basil, see pp. 577, 679, of this volume.
Page 538, line 44.] — Tlie process against William Russel is in Wilkins, iii. pp. 438 — 459; it began on Tuesday, May 15th, 1425, and closed March 21st, 1427.
Page 538, last line but one.] — This appearance of Mungin was on Dec. 2d.
Page 539, lino 1.] — IMungin positively denied that he held this or the next article.
Page 539, line 10. "Moreover^' Ac."' — This was Mungin's appearance on December 3d. (Wilkins, iii. pp. 408—500.)
Page 539, line 17.] — This was the next day, Saturday, December 4th, (Wilkins, iii. pp. 500—502.)
Page 539, line 21 . " The next silting . . . divers afid sundry times afterwards," &c.] — Foxe lias quite mistaken the drift of the Register, which here introduces a review of all the previous examinations of Mungin from July 27th, and tlien adds one more for this present day (December 4th), which was his final appearance.
APPENDIX TO VOL. in. 845
Page 539, line 29.] — The bishop of Rochester, in 1428, was John Langdon.
Page 539, line 9 from tlie bottom. "/ held no scripture catholic or holy, hut only what is contained in the Bible."'] — The Rev. Dr. Maitland, in his volume on the "Dark Ages," observes, that the term " Scripturae," and even " Sacrae Scriptiirse," was applied to all kinds of religious compositions, and whatever was read in churches. See another example of this use of the term in p. 672 (see the note in this Appendix): also in the life of Cardinal Wolsey (Wordsworth's Eccl. Biogr. vol. i. p. 619, Ed. 1839), " And at the last he fetched a great sighe, and saide this texte of scripture in this wise, ' O Constantia Martyrum laudabilis ! ' &c." which Dr. Wordsworth supposes to be part of some ecclesiastical hymn.
Page 540, line 31.] — These two recantations of Monk and Frith are given in Wilkins, vol. iii. pp. 502, 503.
Page 545. "Articles decreed in the Council of Constance," &c.] — Foxe's translation of the ensuing Articles has been revised from the Latin in Cochlaeus (Hist. Hussitarum, lib. iv. p. 165).
Page 546, line 14. " Christianus de Prachatitz " has been already mentioned in this History: he is mentioned in Cochlaeus, lib. viii. p. 306, with his full titles, as canon of All Saints' church in Prague castle, and rector of the parish of St. Michael's in Greater Prague, and of the university of Prague.
Page 547.] — The first half of this page, as far as " the pope's horse by the bridle," has been, in some particulars, improved from Walsiiigham's History (pp. 442, 443), which contains most of wliat Foxe cites from the monk of St. Alban's: thus, at line 5, " six" is put in for Foxe's " five :" for Walsingham says: '' Sex prelati vel alias honorabiles persona? ecclesiastics in sacris ordini- bus constitutse . . ..sex personae, sicut superiiis est expressum:" then he mentions, as representatives of the English nation, four bishops and the abbot and tlie dean of York. Labbe, also (xii. col. 244), sess. 40, Sat. Oct. 30th, 1417, mentions six as the number.
Page 547, line 11 from the bottom. " The pope heginneth to write his letters to the Bohemians."] — CochJEeus (p. 175) gives the letter, dated Constance, " 8 Cal. April, pontif. nostri anno primo " [March 25th, a. d. 1418].
Page 548, line 4.] — The ensuing history of the religious war in Bohemia, as far as p. 557, is drawn from iEneas Sylvius's Historia Bohemica, cap. 36, &c. Foxe's text has been collated with the original, and thoroughly revised. This will account for many deviations from his text, which is full of inaccuracies. L'Enfant's " Histoire des Hussites et du Concile de Basle " has been consulted. The modern names of places have been sought out with much labour, chiefly through Martiniere's and Busching's Geographies.
Page 548, line 13. " The town of Gluttau."] — ^neas Sylvius reads "nobile monasterium fratrum praedicatorum apud Sclavoniam, extra moenia oppidi situm." Freherus, in his edition of Sylvius's Hist. Bohem. (Germ. Script, torn i.) puts in his margin conjecturally, Glacoviam, Opatoviam ; but Opataw was dis- tinguished for a Benedictine monastery. Glattau, Klatowy, or Klattau, in the circle of Pilsen, had a famous Dominican monastery (see Busching and Marti- niere), and Glattovia might, in MS., easily be taken for Sclavonia. Cochleeus (p. 172) quotes the words of Sylvius, without changing ^' Sclavoniam." He after- wards (p. 197) mentions " Slatovia" as one of the towns of the Taborites, and probably means the same place, when he speaks, at p. 306, of "Augustinus de Slatonia:" where " G" in the MS. might easily have been mistaken by the printer for " S." Cochlaeus adds the following reason why the Dominicans were the first objects of assault: " Fratres ordinis praedicatorum, qui per solidam Sti. ThoniEe Aquinatis theologiam haereticis acerrime resistere solent, prae ceteris invisi erant Hussitis: cumque apud Sclavoniam (uti refert Mn. Sylvius) nobile haberent monasterium, extra moenia oppidi situm, primum illi fecerunt in illud impetum."
Page 548, line 16. " Under the conduct of Nicholas de Hussinetz."] — " Due- tore Nicolao," Mn. Sylvius, cap. 36 ; who adds, that he was lord of the village which gave John Huss his birth and cognomen. He has been mentioned already as Huss's patron, p. 411.
846 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
Page 548, last line.] — Trosnovia or Trocksnow was near Borovania in the circle of Brechin. (L'Enfant, p. 100.)
Page 549, line 13.] — Coranda was a priest, who had joined the Hussites, and is mentioned before by Sylvius, cap. 36, as having been useful to Wenceslaus by his disposition to restrain the Hussites from rebellion and violence.
Page 549, line 21. " Zenko de JVartenberg."'] — ^neas Sylvius calls him " Cenko Wartenbergensis ; " Dubravius " Vartembergus ; " L'Enfant (p. 134), " Wartemberg." Cochlaeus (p. 84) uses both forms ; the modern maps read " Wartenberg ;" it is in the circle of Bunzlau in Bohemia.
Page 550, line 17.] — Cochlajus says (p. 180), that Zencho betrayed the citadel of Prague soon after Easter [which was April 7th, in 1420], about the feast of St. George [April 23d].
Page 550, line 21.] — "Qui antiquam Prutenorum civitatem ordini jure pig- noris obligasset, Brandeburgenses autem a corona Bohemica alienasset." (^n. Syl.) See L'Art de Ver. des Dates, Hist, des Margraves de Brandenburg, articles Wenceslaus, Sigismund, Josse, Sigismund de Nouveau. " Pruteni " means the " New Mark," or the eastern part of Brandenburg, about the Oder.
Page 550, line 5 from the bottom.] — ./Eneas Sylvius (cap. 40) thus explains the appellation of Taborites : " Tanquam cuni tribus Apostoiis Salvatoris Cliristi transligurationem in Monte vidissent, indeque suas opiniones mutuati essent, qnas ' fidei veritates' appellant." [As if equal to tlie three Apostles on the Mount of Transfiguration.] But " Tabor," in Bohemian, means a tent.
Page 551, line 15.] — Voticz is between Tabor and Prague. (L'Enfant, p. 134.)
Page 551, line 28.] — " Nilco Crussina Litubergensis, et Nilco Valdestein- ensis." (iEn. Sylv.) hfCochlaeus, p. 201, we find in a list of Bohemian nobles Hyneck Crussina de Lichtenberg, and Nicolaus de Valstein.
Page 551, line JO from the bottom.] — "Reguli Rosenses et Chrageri" (JEn. Sylv.): i.e. Rosenberg and Gradtzy. (L'Enfant, p. 142.)
Page 551, hue 4 from the bottom.] — Wiclechon means the White Mountain. (Busching.j
Page 555, line 6.] — Cochlaeus, p. 214, says: " Comites Kirchhurgenses et Gleiceiises."
Page 556, line 29. " Brisau."! — Foxe, from JEne&a Sylvius, reads " Pris- covia;" hut L'Enfant (p. 231) has " Przibislaw." Brisau is on the frontiers of Bohemia and Moravia.
Page 5G1, Article I.] — This is divided into two by Foxe, improperly (see Labbe and Chcrubini); and Articles V. VI. he makes one: he does the same bv Articles XV. XVL and by Articles XVII. XVIII., and by Articles XXVII. XXVIII.; and Article XXX. he wholly omits. The effect of all which is to reduce the number of Articles to XXVI.; whereas the text at p. 564, line 7, alludes to them as " the t/iirti/ Articles of John Huss above- written." The Articles of Huss were condemned by the council of Constance in the 15th Session, Saturday, July 6th, a.d. 1415. (Labbe, xii. col. 129.)
Page 561, note (1).] — In the original bull, the articles of Wickliff are in- serted at full length : they are omitted here, as having been given before ; but Foxe gives no notice whatever of them here, whicii makes the allusion at p. 564, line 7, unintelligible; the line, "The Articles of John Wickliff to be enquired upon," is therefore put in. The Articles of Wickliff were condemned by the council of Constance in the 8th Session, Saturday, May 4th, a.d. 1415. (Labbe, xii. col. 45.)
Page 561, note (1). "Above-written."'] — The articles of Wickliff are "above-written" in the Latin bull, as well as those of Huss: see the notes, supra, on p. 561. The word "above-written" is not in Foxe, but is put in from the Latin.
Page 567, note (1).] — The last long sentence of the bull is re-translated from the original. The Constitutions of Boniface VIIL and " De duabus diaetis" are also referred to in pope Innocent's bull suprk, vol. ii. p. 524 (see the
APPENDIX TO VOL. lU. 847
note there). The decree " De duabus diastis " runs thus : " Nonnulh", gratia sedis apostolicse abutentes, literas ejus ad remotes judices impetrare nituiitur, ut reus fatigatus laboribus et expensis liti cedere vel importunitatem actoris redimere compellatur. Cum autem per judicium injuriis aditus patere non debeat, quas juris observantia interdicit ; statuimus ne quis ultra duas disetas extra suam dioecesim trahi possit, nisi de assensu partium literae fuerint impe- tratae, vel expressam de hac constitutione fecerint mentionem."
Page 567, note (2).] — This bull of pope Martin is given in Labbe, tom. xii., and in Cherubini's Bullarium ; also by Von der Hardt (tom. iv. p. 1518), who remarks, that it is to be found in many Roman Catholic MSS. with different prefaces, suited to the nations addressed. He gives the preface to that for England, addressed to the archbishops of Canterbury and York, and the bishops of London, Rochester, Chichester, Winchester, Exeter, Lincoln, Bath and Wells, Salisbury, Worcester, Hereford, Coventry, Lichfield, Norwich, Ely, St. David's, Asaph, Llandaff, Bangor, Durham, Carlisle, and Candida Casa, i. e. Galloway or Whithern. He says tiiat it was first printed at the end of the first edition of the Acts of the Council, published at Haguenau in 1500.
Page 572, last line but one.] — Foxe here resumes his quotation of iEneas Sylvius's Historia Bohemica, and the same process of collation and correction has been pursued as before.
Page 573, line 15. " They had amongst them many cars" &c.] — ^neas Sylvius here says that the Taborites — Carros quamplurimos habere, his pro vallo uti. Procedentes ad pugnam, dua ex his cornua facere, in medio peditatum claudere : aliB equitum extra munitiones prope adesse. Ubi congredi tempus visum, aurigse qui cornua duxerunt, ad imperatoris signum, comprehensa sensim qua voluerunt hostium parte, ordines quadrigarum contrahere : intercepti hostes, quibus sui subvenire non possent, partim gladio a peditatu, partini a missilibus ab his qui erant in carris, viris ac mulieribus necari."
Page 574, line 20. "The Hanseatic towns."^ — " S.tagnales civitates." (iEn. Sylvius.) "The lower cities," Foxe.
Page 574, line 27. "Meiss" (in Bohemia).] — "Missam," ^n. Sylvius; who calls the region (some lines lower) " Misnam," showing that two different places are meant : Foxe, however, calls both " Misnia."
Page 575, line 10. " Tcep/."'] — One edition of JEn. Sylvius here reads "Thopam," another "Teplam;" Toepl, being more in the line of march than Teplitz, has been put into the text.
Page 575, line 24. "Earl of Faudemont."] — " Comes Fidemonfensis" (JEn. Syl.), which Foxe renders " earl of Vandome." This dispute lay between Rene, brotlier-in-law to Charles the French king, and Antliony, earl of Vaude- mont, about the succession to the vacant dukedom of Lorraine.
Page 576, line 9. " Metus pudorem evicerat."'] — (iEn. Sylvius.)
Page 576, line 21. " Przibislau."^ — JEn. Sylvius reads " Praezorovia," Foxe " Prezorabia:" the text is according to L'Enfant.
Page 576, line 23.]—" Quingentas," JEn. Sylvius: "fifty towns," Foxe,
Page 576, line 30.] — -^En. Sylvius says, " Exactus legatus ex Bohemia Basileam se contulit, ibique concilium celebravit Sigismundus ;" which Foxe's text absurdly renders, " Then was there an ambassage out of Bohemia unto Basil, where Sigismund held the council."
Page 577, line 1 2.] — A fuller account of this matter is given at pp. 678 — 680, where Nicolas Gallecus is called simply "a Taborite."
Page 577, line 13. " Procopkcs, cognomen Easits."'} — He received this sur- name from his having formerly been a priest, and having taken the tonsure.
Page 577, last line but one. "That she is the enclosed garden, and the sealed fountain."~\ — Alluding to Canticles iv. 12: "A garden inclosed is my sister, my spouse ; a spring shut up, a fountain sealed."
Page 579, line 10. " Bois de Fincennes."'] — See the note on p. 405.
Page 581, line 10.] — The accession of Henry VL was Sept. 1st, 1422; his coronation was at London, Nov. 6th, 1429, at Paris, Dec. 17th, 1430. (Rapin.)
848 APPENDIX TO VOL, III.
Page 581, line 32.] — The account of William Tailor is printed from the Register in Wilkins's Concilia, iii. pp. 401 — 413; Foxe's narrative has been carefully collated with the Latin, and cleared of some inaccuracies.
Page 581, line 10 from the bottom. " yind thus the said William Tailor," &c.] — From hence to the end of tliis paragraph would come, according to Foxe's arrangement, in the centre of the short paragraph in next page, begin- ning, " Notwitlistanding, on his showing signs of penitence," &c. But Wilkins (p. 404) places it all to the examination of Tailor, "a.d. m.ccccxix [i.e. 1420], Martini V. pontificatus anno tertio." Feb. 12th, also, fell on a Monday in 1420, by Nicolas's Tables, The Register calls this Wednesday "14 dicti mensis Februari," which fits the year 1420, by Nicolas's Tables,
Page 581, line 6 from the bottom. '' Armilausa {that is, his cloak)."'\ — Foxe reads "arunlousa;" Wilkins (p, 405) " armilausa (Anglice dictum, 'a cloak')," See Adelung's Glossarium Manuale, vol, i. p, 378 (Halce, 1772), and Carpcntier's Supplement to Ducange, in voc.
Page 582, line 4.] — The ensuing examination of Tailor is distinctly dated by the Register (Wilkins, p, 40G) " a.d, m.ccccxxi., Martini V, pontificatus anno quarto."
Page 582, line 13 from the bottom, "In the meantime," &c,] — Foxe adds, •* while William Tailor was thus in the custody of the bishop of Worcester;" but the Register says, " sub custodia carcerali iterum arrestatus," which implies that he had been at large.
Page 582, line 6 from the bottom.] — Foxe says "this was a.d. 1422;" the Register, "die Jovis, 11 Februarii, a.d. 1422 indictione I., pontificatus anno sexto;" which proves the year to have been 1423, according to modern com- putation. The subsequent notes of time only suit 1423.
Page 5S3, line 14.] — Foxe has incorrectly attributed this remark upon St, Stephen to Tailor, though Tailor, in the Register, gives it to Augustin, " tertia parte Sermonum," or in Natali S. Stephani VI. (torn, v, edit. Benedict.); where it occurs among the " Sermones Supposititii," Append. Sermo, 215, col. 358.
Page 583, Article IV.]— This Article is not distinctly stated by Foxe, who merely says " it was much like to the other."
Page 583, line 4 from the bottom.] — Foxe says, " when the Saturday was come, which was the twentieth day of February ;" which is corrected from Wilkins,
Page 584, line 17.] — The description of Tailor's degradation is made closer to the Register, as printed in Wilkins ; see other examples of degradation infra vol. V. p. 191, vol. vi, p. G52, and vol. viii. p. 77,
Page 584, note {2).']— John Wakcring was bishop of Norwich from May 31st, 141G, to his death, April 9th, 1425 (Richardson's Godwin), and is alluded to at the bottom of next page, 585 : lViUia7n Alnwick succeeded him, and was translated to Lincoln, September 19th, 143G. [Ibid.) From p. 587 it appears that Foxe culled from the years 1428 to 1431 of Alnwick's episcopate. But it is clear that we should here read " John" instead of " William."
Page 586, bottom.] This letter is given in Latin in Edition 15G3, p. 349,
Page 591, line 14 from the bottom.]— Blomfield (Hist, of Norwich, p, 101) refers to Atlas, p. 421, as giving this account; he says that " Ludham" is the true reading.
Page 592, line IG.] Part of this letter is given in Latin in Edition 15G3, p. 353. At line 2G, alter "catholic faith" restore "as either of them bath so liolden and affirmed :" the Latin is, " prout ipsorum uterque sic tenuit et affirmavit."
Page 503, line 23.]— Blomfield (p. 102) calls these places "Tombland," " St. Michael's at Plea Ciuuch," and "C'ntler-row."
Page 601, '^ The sfori/ of 'J'hnmas of liennes," Sic-'j—Voxe has taken the ensuing account from Crispin's " Actiones."
Page COl, note (4).]— Tlie allusion in tlie text is to the phrase in Phaedrus's Fable "pro thesauro carbomm," which I'oxe refers to in tlie margin of p. 203
APPENDIX TO VOL. lU. 849
of this volume; where the Latin edition (p. 78) says, "Papa thesaurarius ecclesiae. Pro thesauro carbones."
Page 604, note (1).] — The following are the Latin verses referred to in the note: —
•' Carmhia qucBdam in ejus laudem rcperla apud Nicolaum Harlamensem. " Claustra Thomas Gallus primus qui lapsa reformat Carmeli gregis, heu cadit immerito. Compulit hunc fervor Domini conspargere semen;
Exilium vitiis vita modesta dabat. Dogmata prseconis miracula concomitantur,
Ilium quae doceant pectus habere pium. Quantum sic populum Zabuli de dentibus egit
Et vita et verbo, credere nemo potest. Lippis lux oculis nocuit, non sustinuere
Vivere tarn sanctam foeda Romana cohors. Sistitur haereseos, fictus quod sitque sacerdos,
Eugenio papae, et frivola quaeque patent. Instituit sacris antistcs hunc Rliedonensis:
Testis apud Gallos publica fama volat. Sordida Roma Thomam, papa sordente, petebat
Flamma sorbendum, namque tyrannus alit. Urget ad hoc primus Gulielnuis IJothomagensis
Cardinei ccetus. Sic perit innocuus. Perstitit igne Tliomas constanti pectore firmus,
Quod Cln-isti exemplo vivere cierus habet. Eugenius memorans tandem quod insidiosa
Morte viri fuerit credulus ipse malis; Ingemuit crebrb vir quod tam sanctus obisset; Hoc quoque prae cunctis conqueritur abiens. Non nocuit flamma ista Thomae sed martyrium dat,
Immortalis ei parta corona manet. Post tormenta pius, sibi dant qu« career et ignis, Martyr ad aethereas convolat iste domos." Page G05. " The order and manner of the council of Basil."1 — The ensu- ing account is taken from Ji^neas Sylvius's (afterward pope Pius II.) " Com- mentariorum de actis et gestis in concilio Basileae celebrato libri duo;" printed at tlie beginning of OrthuinusGratius's "Fasciculus," and in ^n. Sylvii Opera, Basil. 1571. Foxe states, at p. 6.')8, note (1), that his account is faithfully translated from the Latin by " F. W." who is also mentioned again at p. 699, as one of Foxe's helpers in this line. Who is meant by " F. W." it is now hopeless to inquire; but we may suppose him to liave been the same person, who "translated faithfully" the account of the emperor Frederic II. by Nicholas Cisner, supra, vol. ii. pp. 455 — 509; for the present performance is as inaccurate as that, and has therefore been subjected to the same process of collation with the Latin, and correction. Much pains have been bestowed on the names and titles of persons and places; see, for example, pp. G65, 666.
One might easily imagine Foxe to have been instigated to insert this and seve- ral other translations of Latin works in his "Acts and Monuments" by the perusal of the following passage in one of Ridley's Letters (Parker Soc. Ed. pp. 373, 374, Tract Soc. p. 200:) — "And vvlien he [Grimbold] hath done that, let him trans- late a work of ^neas Sylvius, of the Acts of the Council of Basil. In the which, although there are many things that savour of the pan, and also he himself was afterwards a bishop of Rome; yet I dare say the papists would glory but little to see such books go forth in English." He then recommends Orthuinus Gratius's "Fasciculus;" and says, "I have also many things, but as yet con- fusedly set together, of the abominable usurpation, pride, arrogance, and wicked- ness, of the see and bishop of Rome, and altogether in Latin. ... If such things had been set forth in our English tongue heretofore, I suppose surely great good might have come to Christ's church thereby."
Page 605, line 25. " This council conlinued almost the space of twelve years.'"'] — The council was opened July 23d, a.d. 1431, and the first session VOL. Ill, 3 I
850 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
was held Dec. 14th, a.d. 1431 : the 45th and last was held May IGth, A.l>. 1443. Foxe, however, both here and at p. C73, states, that the council endured the space of "seventeen " years : in both places " twelve " has been substituted. There is an epitome of the different sessions of this council, with their respec- tive dates, by Binius, printed in Labbe's Concilia, xii. col. 1421.
Page C05, line 40. " Would transfer the council."] — This was at tlie 25 ih session, held March 7th, A.D. 1437.
Page GOG, note (1). " The Bishop of Argos."] — The individual meant is John de Ragusa, mentioned at p. 67!) of this volume. He was a Dalmatian, and an acute and learned man : he was particularly well read in the Greek writers. He became general of the order of Preaching Friars. He presided with Jolin Polemar at the opening of the council of Basil, in the absence of cardinal Julian. He was sent thrice as ambassador by the council to Constantinople. Authors differ as to whether it was Eugene IV. or Martin V. who made him titular bishop of Argos in Peloponnesus; in Moreri, v. Cardinal, he is put down as promoted by the latter in 1444; but this very history seems to imply that he was promoted much earlier.
Page 607, line 25.] — The "Scotch abbot" is again referred to at p. 611, and was probably Thomas, abbot of Dundrain, mentioned at p. 6G2.
Page 607, last line but one. *' Proctor of the faith."] — Labbe (xii. col. 794) gives the mode of proceeding in the council of Basil, as settled on Friday, Sept. 26th, 1430; whence it appears that there were four distinct deputations or committees, denominated "Fidei," " Pacis," " Ileformationis," " Communium." These deputations, or committees, are repeatedly referred to in the ensuing narrative.
Page 607, note (1).] — Sponde (Contin. of Baronius) thus explains " Grisea Secta :" " Allusione ut putamus ad Ligas (ut vocant) seu factiones Griseas Rhsetorum : vel quod is color leucophasus sit nee ater nee albus, sed medium quid," i.e. "the Grisled sect."
Page 607, note (2).] — Who and what title are meant by " Episcopus Ebru- nensis," the Editor has in vain attempted to discover. Ferreras, in his History of Spain, gives the following as the ambassadors of the king of Castile to tiio council, as sent at first: Don Alva Isorna, bishop of Cuen9a; Juan de Silvn, Seigneur deCifnuentes ; Don Alfonse de Cartagene, dean of Santiago ; le docteur Louis Alvarez de Paz, privy counsellor ; Loup de Galdo, or Delgado, provincial of the Order of St. Dominique ; and Juan d'el Corral, another Dominican. Of these, Don Alfonse became bishop of Burgos, anno 1435, on the death of his father Paul de Carthagena, who was a converted Jew, and died bishop of Burgos. (See Cave's Hist. Litt., and Du Pin's Eccl. Hist.) Johannes Corral is men- tioned in Rymer's Foedera, as ambassador to England from the king of Castile, under date of March 8th, March 12th, June 3d, November 8th, a.d. 1430, as " Frater Johannes de Corral," " honestus et religiosus frater Johannes de Corral, sanctiij theologiae professor :" he is not improbably the same with "Johannes de Rupeflore," mentioned in Labbe as one of the Castilian ambassadors at the council of Constance.
It seems most probable that " le docteur Louis Alvarez de Paz " was the ])erson meant by " Ebrunensis," for a divine is certainly intended. It appears from the Theatrum Ecclesiasticum of Alphonse Garcia that he was dean of Sala- manca, the University of which was represented at the council by John de Segovia, a divine on the same side of the question in this dispute. " Ebru- nensis " may mean titular bishop of Hebron. This same individual is mentioned again at p. 630, line 8 from the bottom. Sponde, in his Cont. of Baronius, calls him " Ebrencnsis." An " Episcopus Ebronensis " is mentioned at p. 660 ; but that seems to be a mistake for " Ebroicensis," /. e. Evreux. See the note in this Appendix on that place.
Page 613, note (1). " He meancth Sylvester II."] — The opportunity may be taken of the allusion to this occupant of the see of Rome, to state, that many modern writers have supposed that the charges of magic, intercourse with Satan, &c. though entertained by adherents also of the church of Rome, have arisen merely from that pontiff's superior acquaintance with some of the arts
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 851
and sciences, now more generally understood. Anyliow, we are willing to quote, in favour of that view, the following passage from the annotator of Gerhard's Loci Theologici (vol. xi.) : —
" Non tantum B. Platina, sed et Benno, ecclesiae Romance cardinalis, Sige- bertus Monachus Gemblacensis, Martinus gente Polonus, itemque Leo Urhevi- ianns, P. M. Sylvestrum II. Gerbertum antea dictum, atque exeunte seculo decimo clarum, magioe criminis commerciique cum d^emonibus adcusare hand dubitarunt. Vernm pudenda hsec fabula, qua viri hujus sua aetate doctis- simi memoriam invidia atque ignorantia conspurcarunt, digna omnino, qure ex historice sacrie annalibus prorsus eliminetur. Nee improbabilis nobis videtur ea virorum quorundam doctissimorum conjectura, qui aiunt, ipsam eruditionem, qua olim eminuit Sylvester, fabulee huic occasionem subministrare. Erat enim is vir magno excelsoque ingenio prceditus, in astronomia, astrologia, reliquisque artibus niathematicis, mechanica imprimis, pro ratione istius £evi, quo florebat, egregie versatus. Quum itaque artibus hisce instructus ea subinde praestaret, qua3 alios in stiiporem raperent, quin et, ut non sine veri specie conjicere licet, ea, quae praBstitit, subinde ambitiosius jactaret, fieri facile potuit, ut alii harum rerum imperiti eundem rnagiae insimularent, et commercii alicujus cum maligno spiritu suspectum redderent. Certe idem prsestantissimis olim philosophis accidisse, variis exemplis uberius demonstravit G. Naudaus in Apologie des grands liommes faussement soupconnes de Magie, cap. xix. Conf. Ilis/. Li/te- raire de France, torn. vi. p. 15G; Jo. D. Koelerus in Diss. Altdorfi 1720 edita, sub tit. Eximius in medio avo jjhilosophvs, Gerbertus postea R. P. Sylvester JI. injuriis tarn vefenim, quam recentiorum Scriptorura liberatus ; J. Brackerus in Hist. Crit. Philosophio', torn. iii. p. 049; Weismannus in Hist. Sacra Novi Testamenti, torn. i. p. 876, edit, nov.: ne alios jam nominemus." Jo. Gerhardi Loci Theologici, torn. xi. p. 309, edit. Tubing. 1772.
Page 614, note (1). " Neither do I consent or agree unto the opinion of divers, who affirm that the Virgin Mary," &c.] — This was the opinion of Diirandus {Ration, lib. iv. cap. 1, § 32), Thomas Aquinas [Opusc. quarto), Bonaventure, Jacobus de Viragine, and several others, whose words are given in Paqnot's notes to his edition of Ver Meulen's " Historia SS. Imaginum et Picturarum," (Lovan. 1771) pp. 463, 464. Turrecremata, he states, went so far as to affirm, " Esse contra fidem universalis ecclesias, asserere, non in sola B. Virgine man- sisse fidem in die Passionis Domini."
Page 615, line 3.] — " Macrobius," lib. iii. cap. 3. Line 22. St. Hilary, de Trill, lib. vii. cap. 4. Line 36. This is a sentiment of St. Cyprian de Unitate, cap. 2, not of St. Augustin. Calixtus's opinion, cited further on, is from Isidore's Collection of Decretal Epistles, and is cited by Gratian, Dist. xii. 1.
Page 622, note (3).] — Foxe reads, " As the ecclesiastical history affirmeth." The original, however, has " Historia Scholastica," a work written by Petrus Comestor. (See Cave's Hist. Litt.)
Page 626, line 6 from the bottom. " The deputations. "'\ — See the note on p. 607, last line but one.
Page 627, line 23.] — Dominique Ram, archbishop of Tarragona, was created cardinal of St. Sixt by Martin V. in 1426, and died in 1445. (Moreri, V. Cardinal.)
Page 629, line 15. " Andwhen he was arguing" &c.] — jEneas Sylvius's words are : " Nee ut caeteri jurisconsulti principia legum in disputando aliegabat, sed quasi codicem legeret sic textum memoriter refei-ebat." Foxe says, " And in disputation he did not repeat the principles of the law, as other lawyers do, but rehearsed the text without the book, as if he had read it upon the book." Tlie true meaning of "Principia legum" is well illustrated by the speeches of the archbishop of Sens and the bishop of Autun, vol. ii. pp. 620 — 639, and many other parts of the foregoing History.
Page 629, line 7 from the bottom.] — " Faceret de necessitate virtutem." (iEn. Sylv.)
Page 630, line 17. '^ Abbot elect of Mount Aragon."}—" Ac Segobricensis, electus abbas Montis Arragonum." (Mn. Sylv.) HofFman, at the end of his 3 I 2
S52 APPENDIX TO VOL, III.
Lexicon, has " Aragon, oppidiilum Aragoniie, liatinc Mons Aragonuni." " F. W." translates, *• the elect abbot of Mount Segobria."
Page G33, line 12 from the bottom.] — " F. W." here reads, *' the sixth council holdeii at Toulouse." But the original calls it, distinctly, " concilium Toleta- num." The same misnomer is found next jjage, line 12, and p. G41 : in these cases, therefore, "Toledo" is substituted for "Toulouse." In the present instance, the decree referred to will be found in Labbe's Cone. torn. v. col. 1704. capit. iv. This council is called in Ma. Sylv. the fiftli council of Toledo; in Labbe it is printed as the fourtii. It was held a.d. G33.
Page 631, note (1).] — Whatever be the exact etymology of the phrase " Benet and Collet," it frequently occurs in Foxe, as signifying the infe- rior orders of the Romish clmrch. See the use of it in Tailor's degradation supra, p. 581, Hooper's infra, vol. vi. p. G52, and Cranmer's infra, vol. viii. p. 78 (margin), and by John Lambert infra, vol. v. p. 191.
Page 636, line 21. " Tfie Gauls."']—" Galli Senones," (.En. Sylv.), which " F. W." amusingly translates " the Frenchmen."
Page 638, line 11.] — Theodore of Cyrene was a philosopher, disciple to Aristippus, and lived about B.C. 300. Lysiraachus was one of Alexander's successors.
Page 638, last line. " There was at first a dead silence," &c.] — The original here says : " Omnes in eum affixis vuUibus admirationem stupore prodebant : deinde laudare hie memoriam ille doctrinam, hunc esse unum qui dignissimfi prresideret, qui et confutare objecta nosset et (ut prjEsidenlem decet) impene- trabilem se convitiis exhiberet." The first edition of Foxe, 1563, p. 308, ren- ders this, "All men beliolding him did greatly marvel and were amazed: some praised his memory, some his doctrine, other some saying tliat he alone did most worthily rule and govern, which knew how to confute objections, and as it becomed a president bare himself witliout all blame or reproach," &c. The subsequent editions (as the stars indicate) omit this wiiole passage, and at once proceed to mention the uproar produced by the opposition of the Catalo- nians, as if it were the immediate effect of the speech of Arelatensis. This is not the only instance in which the text of the first edition is more faithful tn the original than the subsequent. All the editions strangely read " Castilians " instead of " Catalonians : " the error is repeated in p. 615 bis, p. G51, p. 655 ; in all which places the Latin says plainly " Cathelani : " in one instance (see p. 665), the Latin says " CastcUani," where, probably, we should read " Cathelani."
Page 639, line 13 from the bottom.] — Diernstein, or Tyernstein, a market- town belonging to the count of Stahrenberg, situate on the Danube, in the circle of Austria, above Manhartz-berge. Near this our Richard I. was impri- soned. (Busching's Geography.)
Page 641, line 12.] — Nicholas Amici and Henry Anester were tlie "pro- moters." See Labbe, xii. col. 476.
Page 641, line 10 from the bottom.] — " Ubi nunc Toletani decretum concilii?" (.^n. Sylv.) The decree here referred to was passed at the eleventli council of Toledo, A.D. 675, and is in the Decretum of Gratian, Pars II. Causa v. Question 4, cap. 3 : " In loco benedictionis." Among other preliminaries to the coimcil of Basil, this decree was read at the first session, see Labbe, xii. col. 471 ; as it had been also at the opening of the council of Constance, see Labbe, xii. col. 14. " F. W." here repeats the misnomer of "Toulouse," instead of " Toledo." (See note on p. 633.)
Page 612, line 16.] — Vezelai was in the diocese of Autun, and Alexander will be found in the Catalogue of Abbots of this period, in Gallia Christiana.
Page 644, line 18. " Andrew Escobar, commonly called ' tlie Spaniard.' "] — iEneas Sylvius simply says, " Andreas Hispanus : " but Nicolaus Antonius His- palensis in his Bibliotlieca Hispana Vetns, mentions him as Andreas de Escobar, commonly called " Hispanus," of the Benedictine order, and bishop of Megara. He wrote several works; among others, " Giibernaculum Conciliorum," dedi- cated to Cardinal Julian A.n. 1431, and " De Grrecis Errantibus," printed at Bologna, December 15, 1437.
APPENDIX TO VOL, III, 853
Page 644, line 31. " W/ien he saw he had free Uberty to speak," &c.] — In ^neas Sylvius we read: "Atque liberum dicendi campum sibi patera vidit, sine fabvda sine ulla historia fiiit, literarum sibi missarum seriem reseravit," where " sine " is a corruption for " sive," " F. W.," however, follows his author to a fault; for he translates, "without either fable or history of any letters sent," For similar instances, see Appendix on vol. ii, p. 504.
Page 645, line 12. " Neither ignoranfli/, iieither wiUi7ighj."'\ — " Ut qui nee ignorans nee volens veritatem oppugnasset" (iEn. Sylv.) : " F. W." says "wil- lingly," which the edition of 1570 corrupts into "unwillingly."
Page 645, line 17.] — "Ad duas diastas se sequestraverat " (jEn. Sylvius) " F. W." says, "sequestered himself to two diets."
Page 645, line 25. " The twenlij-fiflh daij of April. "'j — " Qiijb fuit Aprilis quinta et vigesima." (iEn. Sylv.) " F. W," says correctly "the xxvth," but the edition of 1583 corrupts it into " 15th," April 25th fell on a Saturday, bv Nicolas's Tables.
Page 646, line 3.] — "Magis limandum censuit:" "to be more amplified," "F. W."
Page 647, line 15. " Copistarum pcedagogorumque gregem?'^ — "F. W." says, " sophisters and schoolmasters."
Page 650, line 12 from the bottom. '■'■As touching that Panormitane had extolled the authority of the council."~\ — " Le cardinal Bellarmin, dans son livre des ecrivains ecclesiastiques, dit que ce traite de Panorme a ete retranciie du recueil des ouvrages de cet auteur, comme un ouvrage errone, et fait pour la defense d'une mauvaise cause, et qu'il ne I'a jamais pu trouver dans les diffe- rentes editions de cet archeveque de Palerme. N^anmoins il se trnuve dans le dernier tome de celle de Lyon de 1547 ; on I'a aussi imprime separement a Lyon d'une fort ancienne edition. Ce Panorme s'appelle Nicolas Tudesque, et etoit Sicilien. Apres avoir ete abbe d'une abbaye de I'ordre de St. Benoit dans Palerme, il fut archeveque de cette ville : Amedee de Savoye ayant ete elu Pape apres la deposition d' Eugene, le nomma cardinal en 1440. Mais il fut oblige par les ordres du roi d'Arragon son maitre de retourner dans son arche- veque, oi:i il mourut de la peste I'an 1445." Fleury, liv, 109, § 72 : see also L'Enfant's Concile de Basle, vol, ii. p, 117,
Page 651, line 2.] — " That Arelatensis with a few," &c.] — "Solum Arela- tensem cum paucis et titularibus episcopis rem concludere " (JEn. Sylv.) ; alluding by "the titulars" to such as " Ebrunensis," and "Argensis," (pp, 607, 608) : " F. W." translates, " that Arelatensis with a few other bishops by name should conclude the matter."
Page 651, line 6 from the bottom.] — For "Castilians" we ought, probably, to read here " Catalonians;" but the original says " Castellani."
Page 652, line 12. " At the request of the promoters. "'\ — " F. W." says, " of the deputies :" but Mn. Sylv. says, " promotoribus :" these are represented as performing this same function at pp. 646, 650.
Page 655, note (1).] — The original text of Foxe is very defective in this sentence; it runs thus: -'Arelatensis, considering beforehand what would come to pass, caused prayers to be made, and after their prayers made unto Almighty God, with tears and lamentations, that he would send them his Holy Spirit to aid and assist them, they were greatly comforted and encouraged. This con- gregation was famous." The original Latin, however, runs thus: " Cogitai-at Arelatensis quod erat futurum, plurimasque sanctorum reliquias tota urbe per- quiri jussit, ac per sacerdotum manus in sessione portatas absentiuni episcoporum locum tenere, quae res maxime devotionem adauxit in tantum, ut vocato post- modum de more Spiritu Sancto, nemo Iccrymas continuerit. Erat namque per totam ecclesiam tenerrimus ac suavis fletus bonorum virorum, qui lacrymantes divinum auxilium implorabant, quique, niatri ecclesise ut opcm ferret, magnum Deum deprecabantur. Inter alios quoque magnificus ille baro Imperialis Pro- tector uberrimas ecclesias lacrymas prsestabat, et inter flendum baud modicam tali actu consolationem recipiebat. Erat autem concio ipsa frequentissima." On this the amended text is founded.
Page 656, line 2. " The ttvi?is."] — " Gemini." {JEn. Sylvius.)
854 APPENDIX TO VOL. HI.
Page 65G, line 10 from tlie bottom. "Jlso there are two Ichxls of unrigJiteous- 7iess," &-C.] — " Duo quoque injustitiiu fore genera, quibus aut fien,4a non fierent, aut fierent non fienda" (vEn. S3IV.) : this is thus rendered : " There are also ii kinds of injustice: whereby either things are done that sliould not be done, or things that should not be done are done." (Ed. 15G3, p. 319). Foxe, or the editor of the edition of 1576 (p. G61), perceiving that these two kinds were in fact identically the same, altered it thus: "whereby either tilings are done that should not be done, or things that should be done are not done." This makes the proper distinction between the two kinds, but by inverting the order in which jEneas Sylvius had stated them, spoils the subsequent reasoning. This error has been obviated.
Page 658, line 28. " 77ie principal fathers of the council being called together" &c.]— This was the 35th session, held June 26th, a.d. 1439. (Labbe, xii. col. 621.) The decree speaks of Eugene as having been deposed "7 Cal. Julii " [June 25th], and mentions the law of sixty days' interval as passed at the 7th session, where it is found in Labbe, col. 496, Nov. 6th, 1432.
Page 659, line 34. " A sudden fear came," &c.] — July 22d (" xi. Cal. Aug.") a congregation was held, iu which it was proposed to suspend the proceedings of the council on account of the plague: but this was overruled. (Patricii Acta Cone. Bas.)
Page 660, line 9. " The burial grounds," Src] — " Quapropter exaratis omnibus ca?meteriis, foveas in parochiis peramplas fecerunt, ubi pluribus con- gestis cadaveribus, terram superinduxerunt." (iEn. Sylvius.)
Page 660, line 26. "About the same time," &c.] — ^This short paragraph appears in the following form in Foxe : — "About the same time, also, died tiie king of Arragon's almoner, in Switzerland, a man of excellent learning, being bishop of Ebron. The abbot of Vergilia died at Spires, and John, the bishop of Lubeck, between Vienna and Buda." The edition of 1684 changes " Ebron " into "Liege." The words of iEneas Sylvius, however, are these: — " Per idem tempus diem clausit in terra Switzorum vir summa doctrina eleemosynarius regis Aragonum ; in Argentina paulo post episcopus Ebronensis." Ebronensis seems a mistake for Ebroicensis ; for Gallia Christiana in the account of Martial Forniier (who became bishop of Evreu.v Sept. 27th, 1427) states that he went to the council of Basil ; and that he died at Strasburgh, in the house of the Templars, of the plague, on the ides of August, 1439. It is remarkable, however, that " Episcopus Ebronensis" was the title of the vicar-general of Martial's predecessor, and of several otiicr vicars-general to the see of Evreux. (See Gallia Clu'istiana.) That " Ebroicensis " was intended by iEneas Sylvius may be further conchided, from the circumstance tliat the original MS. Acts of the Council (as the Editor has learnt from Basle) call this individual " Eboracensis;" an easy corruption of "Ebroicensis," an example of which in the first edition of the " Quadrilogus " is given in the Appendix to vol. ii. p. 203. It is plain also from Gallia Christiana, that «o bishop of Liege died at this time.
Page 662, line 9. " And those also should be priests."'] — The decree of the council, tliirty-seventh session, 9 cal. Nov. (24th October) 1439, respecting the mode of clioosing a new pope, is in Labbe, xii. col. 626 ; and, according to that, the electors were all to be at least in priests' orders : iEneas Sylvius here says, in deacons' orders.
Page 662, line 20. " Thomas . . . commonly called the Scottish abbot."'} — " F. \V." makes strange work of this dignitary : " Thomas, abbot of Dunduno, of the diocese of Candiderace, commonly called of Greece." The words of /Eneas Sylvius are as follows: "Thomam abbatem de Donduno, ordinis Cis- terciensis, dicecesis Candida; casie, vulgo de Gra-cia nuncupatum." iEneas Sylvius seems wrong in calling him " de Gra-cia," or rather his text seems corrupt here, as in other cases; see the note following this. He is afterwards called, ctrrectly, " de Scotia " (see p. 666, line 14),
Page 662, line 22. " John de Segovia," &c.] — .(Eneas Sylvius's text gives, "Johannem de Segovia, archidiaconum de Villa Vissosa, in ecclesia One- tcnsi " (" Fasciculus," fol. 21). Foxe's copy evidently read " Metensi," a cor-
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 855
niption of "Ovetensi:" Nicolas Antonio Ilispalensis (Bibl. Hisp. Vetus, v. Johannes Segoviensis) observes that *' Metensis " is corrected into " Ovetensis" in the edition of Sylvius by Gymnacus, Cologne, 1606.
Page CiG2, line 32. " Bor7i in t/ie heart of Germa?iy."'] — " Born " is omitted by " F. W. :" the original is, "ex umbilico nationis Gernianicfe oriundo."
Page 666, line 8. ^' P/oimeour."] — This parish is snpplied from Labbe, wlio calls it " Pleneor;" but the maps call it " Plouneour :" it is on the coast of the province of Finisterre, near St. Pol de Leon.
Page 666, lines 22, 23. "Barcelona," ^' Elne."^ — These two dioceses are supplied on the authority of Sponde.
Page 666, line 41. "Peter de Atrio."'] — " Atrio " is Labbe's reading. yEneas Sylvius reads " Atro," which perhaps is more akin to his office of " Soldan." This term, according to Adelung's " Glossarium Manuale ad Scriptores MedijE iEtatis " is equivalent to " advocate." iEneas Sylvius says of him, " qui etiani ab initio nascentis concilii eo in officio laudabiliter se habuerat." Labbe, however, xii. col. 493, mentions " Titianus de Laude" as being elected Soldan at the fifth session, Aug. 13th, 1432.
Page 668, line 4. " Performed divine service."~\ — " Divina officia cele- bravit," which " F. W." translates "sung mass:" it is afterwards called "mis- sarum solemnia."
Page 668, line 16 from the bottom. ''Louis, bishop of Lausanne."] — He is surnamed "De Palude " in Labbe, xii. col. 480.
Page 669, line 18. " Suscepto dominico corpore juramentum prastiterunt."] — {JEn. Sylv.) This may mean, that they swore holding the Sacrament in their hands.
Page 670, line 16. " Nineteen voices :"] — " Unam de viginti " (^En. Sylv.), which " F. W." renders " twenty-one," as though it were " unam et viginti." There are other instances in Foxe of this same error ; see two at p. 765, and vol. iv. p. 354, pointed out in the Appendix on those pages.
Page 671, line 39. " There have been popes."] — Foxe inserts " many;" but the original only says "fuerunt."
Page 671, note (1).] — "Bead the fifth epistle of Ignatius."] — The portion intended to be referred to (p. 95, edit. Genevan, 1623) in the epistle "ad Phila- delphenos," will not be found in the more modern editions. The testimony of Hdary himself on his marriage (vol. ii. col. 415, edit. Venet. 1749) is, of course, tlie best, if the letter to his daughter Abra be genuine, as the Benedictine edi- tors are inclined to believe it : on the otlier side, see Rivet. Crit. Sac. lib. iii. cap. 12; Walch. Bibl. Patrist. p. 273, edit. 1834.
Page 672, line 11 from the bottom. "Scriptures."] — See the note on p. 539. What prophecies are here alluded to, does not appear.
Page 673, last line. " l^he space of twelve years."] — Foxe says, " seventeen :" see the note on p. 605.
Page 675, line 1. "Moreover . , . the worthy cardinal of Aries."] — " This cardinal of St. Cecilia, who was commonly called the cardinal of Aries, for his having thus adhered to the council to the last, is represented by the Papalin writers of the time, and by some moderns, as a monster made up of ambition and revenge; Ciaconius, in his Lives of the Cardinals, calls him the great reproach and blemish of his order. And yet, for all that, this monster of a cardinal was, for his extraordinary piety and miracles, beatified by Clement VII. in 1527, and has been ever since prayed to with authority in France: which was done by the pope without taking any notice of his ever having repented of his adhesion to the council of Basil ; by which we may see what credit the characters given by the Papalin writers to their adversaries deserve." (Geddes's " Council of Trent no free Assembly," Lond. 1697, p. 55, Introduct.) The censure by Ciaconius seems to be omitted in the " Vitas Pontifl'. et Cardi- iialium," as edited by Oldoinus, llomae, 1677, tom. ii. col. 841 — 844.
It appears from "' Paralipomena Urspergensis," that on the occasion here referred to Arelatensis was captured a mile from Strasburg, when on an em- bassy from the council into Germany. The " Armagnacs " were tlie French troops employed by the Dauphin, at Eugene's instigation, to try and break up
856 APPENDIX TO VOL. HI.
the council, A.D. 1444. (See pp. 700, 735.) They were called Armeniaci, or Armagnacs, from the earl of Armagnac, their leader. See Carion's Chronicle, •' Exauctum a Phil. Melancthone, et Casparo Peucero."
Page 675. "y/ further continuatio)i of the History of the Bohemians.'^ — Foxe here resumes his extracts from iEiieas Sylvius's " Historica Bohcmica," at cap. 50. This portion of Sylvius is printed in the " Fasciculus " of Ortliui- nus Gratius, and in Labbe, xii. col. 442. As before, I'oxe's text lias been much improved from the original.
Page 676, line 3.] — John Polemar, abbot of Mulbrun in Suabia, was also auditor of the sacred palace, proctor-general of the Dominicans, and archdeacon of Barcelona. (L'Enfant, Hist, des Hussites, &:c. p. 377.) He and John Gethusius were " Cisterciensis ordinis." {JE.n. Sylvius.)
Page 676, line 12.] — Feldkirch was in the Tyrol, and Sigismund was there on i)is way to Rome to be crowned : this occurred Oct. 15lh, 1431. (L'Enfant, p. 364.)
Page 67G, line 24. " Our men "] — is the literal rendering of ..En. Sylvius's " nostros," i. e. the papal allies.
Page 676, line 20.] — John Nider was a Suabian, an eminent divine of the order of Preachers, prior of their house at Basil, an inquisitor, and rector of the university of Vienna, which university he represented at the council. He died at Nuremberg, in 1438. (Cave's Lit. Hist., who gives a list of his writings.)
Page 677, line 29. " Elnhngen."^ — " Elenboeenses " {Mn. Sylv.); " Cubi- tenses " (Cochlaeus, p. 246) : Elnbogen is near Tauss, and its Latin name is " Cubitus." (Busching.)
Page 677, line 13 from the bottom. "After this they conferred," Src.J — Labbe, xii. col. 485, gives a letter of the council to the Bohemians, dated Friday, June 20th, 1432; also a safe-conduct, dated 12 cal. Julii (June 20th), at col. 482.
Page 677, line 9 from the bottom. " That it was long of the ecclesiastics," &:c.] — "Quo mintis cum Bohemis procederet concordia, per ecclesiasticos stare et principes." (tEm. Sylv.) For another instance of the phrase " long of," see infra, vol. v. p. 380.
Page 677, note (I).] — ^En. Sylvius says, "fere cum ducentis et quinquaginta equis."
Page 678, line 6. " 0/ 5'fla/z."]— Saatz or Zatec was the capital of a Bo- hemian circle, called in Latin " Zatecensis provincia." (Busching.) Cochla-us calls this man " Johannes Zarzensis;" Foxe, " a Zaczen."
Page 678, line 9. y Cadolzhurg."'] — JEn. Sylvius says, " Carelspurgum," which is printed " Catelspurgum " in the "Fasciculus," which probably means Cadolzbnrg, a considerable village in the margravate of Onolzbach or Anspacli, in Bavaria: it was formerly a residence of the burgraves of Nuremberg. (Busching, vol. v. p. 442.) The text of Mn. Sylvius says, " Marchio Baden- sis ;" the " Fasciculus," simply " Marchio," which would imply the marquis last mentioned.
Page 678, line 14 from the bottom. " Came to Basil the 9th day of October."] ■ — See above, p. 577.
Page 678, line 8 from the bottom.] — The replies of the four divines on behalf of the coiuicil were first printed by Henry Canisius, and thence in Labbe's Concilia, xii. cols. 1013 — 1419.
Page 678, last line but one. " Nicolas, a Taborite."] — Foxe, following his authority, says •' Wenceslaus ;" but this is a slip, see p. 680, line 26: lie is called Nicolas Gallecus supra, p. 577 ; Nicolas Taborita, Labbe, xii, col. 1159. L'Enfant, p. 405, calls him Nicolas Peldrzimousky.
Pa^e 679, line 4. "Peter Pai>ie."'\ — See what is said respecting him in this Appendix, on pp.97, 538; he is the "Peter Clerk" mentioned at the latter place. See Lewis's Life of WicklifT, p. 184.
Page 679, line 9. "John de Ragusa."'] — This is the indi%'idual before men- tioned as bishop of Argos, See the note in this Appendix on p. 606.
APPENDIX TO VOL. HI. 857
Page 679, line 32. " Kalteisen."} — " Frigidum Ferrum " (.En. Sylvius). It is "Kalteisen" in Labbe, xii. col. 1249.
Page 680, line 3 from the bottom.] — Trinity Sunday in A.D. 1433 fell on June 7th. (Nicolas's Tables.)
Page 684, line 2. "Sanctified:"'] — "Certified," Foxe; " significavit," jEn, Sylvius; " sanctificavit," the Decrees.
Page 68.5, line 16. "Masters and priests."] — " Magistri et sacerdotes " {JEn. Sylvius): the edition of 1583 alters " priests" into " prelates,"
Page 686, line 3. " Without any circtimstatices."] — " Sine ambagibus." (JEu. Sylvius.)
Page 686, line 23. " Exigilur magna peritia."'] — (Mn. Sylvius.) The author proceeds, " Quod sit tortuositas in regulato, sed non est ; sed est defectus in applicando, quia non applicatur debito modo regula ad regulatum."
Page 686, line 34. " In eoriim parlibus."'] — (Ibid.)
Page 686, line 5 from the bottom, "Fourth,"] — " Quartum " (^En. Sylv.) ; "third," Foxe.
Page 687, last line. "A.D. 1434,"] — Foxe reads " 1438 :" three ambassa- dors of the Bohemians and four of the council were despatched to Basil, and came back to Prague, where they remained from the feast of St. Martin to that of the Purification, i. e. from Nov. 11th to Feb. 2d : the formula of Concord was agreed on the last day of November. (Labbe.) Cochlaeus gives the formula, dated Prague, A.D. 1433, Indictione XII, Eugen. anno quarto, on St. Andrew's day: the year must, according to this, be 1434 (St. Andrew's day was the last of November). This is further confirmed by what Cochlaeus says, viz. that the treaty of Iglau (July 5th, 1438, next page) was three years after, that of Prague ; more correctly, three years and a half.
Page 688, line 4. " Stuhl-weissenburc/."] — (" Alba Regalis " in Mn. Sylvius) was in the centre of Hungary, and there the kings of Hungary used to be crowned and buried.
Page 689, last paragraph, "During the time," &c.] — The ensuing para- graph is much corrected from the decree of the council in Labbe, xii. col. 603.
Page 689, note (1).] — Foxe calls the above the thirty-seventh session : " thirty-sixth" is put in from Labbe, xii. col. 622.
Page 690, line 15 from the bottom.]— See Labbe, xii. col. 601, session 31, 9 cal. Feb. 1438.
Page 690, line 7 from the bottom.] — See Labbe, xii. col. 562, session 23, 8 cal. April, 1436. Foxe says, " Besides them that were already :" but the Latin says, " Sic tamen quod numerum viginti quatuor inter bos qui nunc sunt et assumendos non excederet." (^En. Sylvius.) See also Labbe, cols. 1425, 1431.
Page 690, last line.] — See Labbe, xii, cols, 552, 1425, session 21, Thursda}', 9ih June, 1435.
Page 691, line 4. " Confirmed . . . at Bourges."] — on the nones of July, 1438. (Labbe, xii. col. 1429.)
Page 691, line 7.] — This Pragmatic Sanction was enacted nonis Julii, 1438, Labbe, xii. col. 1439.
Page 691, line 10. "Amongst many decrees," S^c] — See Labbe, xii. col. 547, 7 id. Sept. 1434.
Page 691, line 21.] — "Non solum propalatione veritatis, sed et aliis humanis ofliciis ipsos Christo lucrifacient."
Page 691, line 31. " Ajiother decree, moreover"'] — See Labbe, xii. col. 549, 11 cal. Feb. 1435.
Page 691, line 38. "Furthermore" &c.] — See Labbe, xii. col. 550. The passage is given, to support Foxe's statement : " Quia vero in quibusdam regionibus nonnulli jurisdictionem ecclesiasticam habentes pecuniarios quaestus a concu- binariis percipere ron erubescunt, patiendo eos in tali fceditate sordescere ; sub poena maledictionii. «ternae prcecipit, ne deinceps sub pacto, compositione, aut spe alicujus quaestus, talia quovis modo tolerent aut dissimule»t : alioquin ultra
858 APPENDIX TO VOL. III.
prseraissam negligcntire poenam duplum ejus quod acceperint restituere ad pios usus omnino teneantur et compellantur."
Page 6!)3.] — This epistle of cardinal Julian, with another of his, is printed in the "Fasciculus" of O. Gratius, whence probably Foxe derived his transla- tion: it has been revised and corrected by the Latin.
Page 693, line 36. " The captains of their arm'ies."'\ — " Ductores exerci- tuum illius gentis" (^En. Sylvius): Fo.xe says "enemies."
Page 700, line 13. "After this,'" frc] — This sentence reads as follows in Foxe : — " After this, the French king being dead, who was Charles VII., about A.D. 1444, the pope beginneth a new practice, after the old guise of Kome, to excite, as is supposed, the dauphin of France, by force of arms, to dissipate that council collected against him." This must be wrong; because Charles VII. did not die till A. I). 14G1. (L'Art de Ver. des Dates): the matter is more correctly stated at p. 735, whence this passage is amended.
Page 702, note (3).] — Nicholas Canon seems only to have been enjoined penance, supra, p. GOO.
Page 705, line 14.] — "For their fault" is substituted for Foxe's "for the fact," which seems a corruption.
Page 705, line 9 from the bottom.] — Foxe's text by mistake reads, " Have ye 7iot tken done well and properly V
Page 70G, line 29.] — This is thus badly exhibited in Foxe's text : " Nor did I mean of her now, but because I couple her in the same story, you say."
Page 70G, line 39. "And of ike inother of lady Young."'\ — These words ought manifestly to be erased.
Page 719, line G.] — These veilies accompanied several of the early printed books at Rome. The four lines here quoted are followed by that in p. 721 (attributed by Foxe to Aprutinus), and of which numerous examples occur in the Catalogus Historico-criticus, Roman edit, siseculi xv. (Roma', 1783), of Auditt'redi, p]). 32 — 40. See the note following this.
Page 721, line G from the bottom. " Campanus, bishop of Abruzzo."'\ — This is the same writer as appears in the foot-note to p. 719, under the name of Carn- jjauus. He became a bishop in the Abruzzo, and hence called himself Episcopus Aprutinus. (Bayle's Dictionary.) " Fernus qui hominem apprime vivens cog- noverat, diserte in vita Campani fatetur ipsum fuisse correclorem typographiie Romae apud Uldaricum typographum, qui tanta artem suam diligentia urgebat, ut Campanum interquiescere non pateretur, ad majorem operis instantiam." Oudin. Comment, de Scripp. Eccles. torn. iii. col. 2GS1. It might seem strange that a bishop should be employed as a paid corrector of the press; but his biogra])her and other authoriiies signify that his love of luxurious living rendered some additional means necessary for his enjoyment of it : and for that purpose he was willing thus to increase his annual income.
Page 722, line IG. " Cilicia."^ — The edition of 1570, p. 838, reads " Cecilia," which subsequent editions alter into "Sicily."
Page 724, line 19.] — Foxe's text has here erroneously, "first, bishop of Chichester, and afterward by the title of St. Asaph, if there were any such saint." The order of his preferments is correctly stated by Foxe at pp. 9G, 731 : the Latin edition incorrectly calls him "Cisterciensis episcopus."
Page 72G, line 13.] — "Somewhere" is substituted for Foxe's "nowhere."
Page 731, line 31. "After the death," &'c.] — For the reason of some cor- rections of dates in this paragraph, see p. 579, note.
Page 735, line 5. " l^he Germans at that time," See] — This paragraph had been for substance already given by Foxe at p. 700, though not so accurately as here. See the note in this Appendix on Uiat pige.
Page 735, line 7 from the bottom.] — This cardinal was Peter Barbo, a Venetian, nephew of Eugene IV., bishop of Cervia, afterward pope Paul II. He was by his uncle created in 1440 cardinal of St, Mary la Neuve, and after- wards of St. Mark.
Page 738, line 12. " After this Pius II. succeeded Paid //."]— This
APPENDIX TO VOL. III. 859
pontiff, according to the accounts given by Tursellinus, attributed a recovery from fever and his elevation to the popedom to the assistance of our lady of Loretto, and built for her, in consequence, a noble temple. " At ille (Paulus; Beatae Marias promisso ad summi sacerdotii speni erectus, et simul beneficii accept! satis memor, Lauretanse iEdis Prsesidem protinus accersi jubet. Huic propalam enunciat sibi esse in animo magnificentissimum S. Marias Lauretanse templum condere."
To this indulgences were afterwards attached: — "Pontifex non jedificiis solum, sed litteris quoque ac muneribus Pontificiis Deiparie domum adornavit. Nam visentibus jEdem Lauretanam diebus omnibus Beatce Marias sacris ac prjEterea Dominicis diebus peccatoruin omnium veniam indulsit." — Hor. Ihirsellini e Soc. Jesu Lauretanm Histories, libri v. (Leodii, 1621) pp. 92, 93.
Page 738, line 1 9. " Sixtus IF. ivho builded ujy in Rome stews."\ — See Corn. Agrippa " De Vanit. Scient." § 64. Schelhornii " De Consilio de emendanda Ecclesia ad Card. Quirinum Epistola," Tiguri, 1748, p. 40.
Page 738, line 9 from the bottom. '■'■Innocent VIII."'\ — John Michiele, a Venetian, nephew to Paul II. He was made cardinal of St. Lucy by his uncle, 1468 ; he was afterwards made cardinal of St. Angelo, bishop of Albano, Porto, and Padua. (Moreri's Diet. v. Cardinal.)
Page 738, line 8 from the bottom. " ylmong the noble facts of this pope (^Innocent VIII.) this ivas one," &c.] — Both the " facts" here ranged under tlie pontificate of Innocent, belong properly to that of Paul II. This will be plain from the Vita Pauli II. first printed by cardinal Quirini : — " Vanam ac scelestam Fratricellorum sectam, quce in agro Piceno, Assisiatensi, atque in oppido Poll flagitiossimo ritu pullulare jam occoeperat, diligenter insectatus est, corumque plerosque captos coram judicibus in ea causa deputatis aperta ratione convinci voluit, et quamquain ob eorum gravissima scelera ignis supplicio digni judicati essent, nihilominus Pontifex satis habuit, nonnulios eorum ab oppido Poll eorumque patria septem annos exulare, annumque publico pcenitentium habitu jugiter indiii, cEeteros vero in tali delicto rursus convictos ac damnatos capitolinis carceribus includi. Stephanum de Comitibus ejus htereseos fautorem, ut dicebatur, in arce Romana detineri m^andarit, oppidum, et cietera paternse ditionis libera filiis dimisit." — P. 78.
With regard to tlie other fact, quite a commentary, we may observe, upon the noted decree of the fourth Lateran, it may be better to quote Quirini's own words from the Vindicias prefixed to this volume, p. Jix. : —
"Causa Georgii Podiebraccii Boemorum Regis discuti coeperat Callisto III. pontifice, eademque diligenter ad examen revocata fait sub Pii II. pontificatu, tandemque Paulus II. sententiam in eundem ferens, eum Regno privavit, ejusque bona occupatoribus adjudicavit, pecuniasque plurimas Matthite Hun- garorum Regi, amplissimasque Indulgentias adversus hrereticum decertantibus dilargitus est." — Pauli II. Veneti, P. M. Fit a ex Cod. Angelicce Biblioth. desumpla, prcB?nissis ipsius Pontif. Vindiciis, Romoe, 1740, See "Romanism as it rules in Ireland," vol. ii. p. 263.
Page 738, note (1).] — Stanislav Orzechowski, better known under tlie Latinized name of " Orichovius," was born in 1513 in the Palatinate of Russia (Krasinski's Reformation in Poland, i. 179, where there is an enlarged account of him), and wrote Oratio de Lege Coelibatus contra Syricium, et Sn))plicatio ad Jiilium III., 8vo. Basil, 1551. The part to which Foxe refers, will be found iu the edition of Bale by Lydius (Lug. Bat. 1615), p. 466.
Page 739, line 31.] — The duke of York was declared protector April 2d, 1454, and slain Dec. 3 1st, 1460. Foxe reads 1453, 1459.
Page 747, line 10.] — " 1470 " is substituted for Foxe's " 1471."
Page 751, last line. " UntUl."'\ — All the old editions read " while," in the sense of "until."'
Page 762. J — Foxe here resumes his extracts from ^neas Sylvius's " Historia Bohemica."
Page 762, line 15 from the bottom. " The vaivode or prince," &c.] — Foxe's text says, "surnamed Vaivoda, prince of Transylvania," and a few lines lower, " lluniades Vaivoda."
SCO APPENDIX TO VOL, HI.
Page 763, line 16. " Xeustadf,"]—" The new city," "F. W." literally trans- lating tlie Latin, "Nova Civitas" (JEn. Sylv.), a city near Vienna, on the frontiers of Hungary. It is mentioned again at p. 767 of this volume.
Page 763, line 36.] — " In the castle chapel at Prague" (iEn. Sylv.), and a few lines lower, " the castle rock :" Foxe's text says, " in the high tower of Prague;" and " the rock of the tower."
Page 763, line 10 from the bottom. " Hochezanians."] This is according to .ffineas Sylvius : Foxe's text says " Hussites."
Page 764, line 1.] — ^Eneas Sylvius says, " Parasitus regis, ex his qui stulti- tiam siniuldiites alios stultos faciunt." Foxe's translator rather clumsily says, "playing the parasite about the king (as the fashion is of such as feign them- selves fools, to make other men as very fools as they.")
Page 764, line 17 from the bottom. " He was not hound {he said) to attend Jiis command s."'\ — This seems the true meaning of iEneas Sylvius's words, " non esse obnoxium." Foxe's text says, " it was neither best (said he) for the king nor safest for himself to come."
Page 764, line 2 from the bottom. "A hundred and fifty thousand."'] — " Centum quinquaginta millia pus;natonmi." {JEn. Sylv. cap. 65.) Foxe says, " a hundred and fifteen thousand."
Page 764, last line. " Belgrade, "1 as it is called infra, vol. iv. p. 51. TEneas Sylvius (and from him Foxe's text) calls it " Alba." .tineas says of it, "Thau- rinam appellavere majores, nostra aetas ilium vocat Albam, ad cnnfluentes Danubii Savique situm." It was called "Alba Graeca" (whence Bel-grade) to distinguish it from Alba Regalis or Stuhl-weissenberg, see supra p. 6S8, and infra, vol. iv. p. 72.
Page 765, line 2. " A good miisfer."] — " F. W." says, " a small garrison;" .^neas Sylvius " cruce-signatorum maniun adducens non parvam."
Page 765, last line. "Being about the age of eighteen years."] — .lEneas Syl- inus fl;>^s not mention his age : " eighteen " is put in on tiie authority of L'Att de Ver. dfs Dates. Foxe's text reads, " being about the age of twenty and two years;" which he evidently gathered from jEneas Sylvius's statement toward the end of cap. 70, that he died " adolescens, duodeviginti annosnatus;" where Foxe's translator (as elsewhere) has misunderstood "duo de viginti " for " duo et viginti;" see the note in this Appendix on p. 670.
Page 766, line 6 from the bottom. " The emperor Frederic and the empreaa" &c.] — " Imjierator et Augusta vocati : ambae regis sorores cum viris eam celebritatem accessurae fertbantur." (/En. Sylvius.) Foxe's text reads, "the emperor Frederic, the king's mother, and his sister, &c."
Page 767, line 19. " About midnight ," &c.] — Foxe's text here says, " about the 21st day of November, A.D. 1461 ;" but .lEneas Sylvius says (caj). 70), that lie " coepit sgrotare decimo calendas Dec. [Nov. 22d] horJi circiter duodecima noctis," and that "intra sex et triginta iioras postquam segrotare coepit ex- tinctus est." Moreover, he was only " eighteen " not "twenty-two" years of age (see the note above on p. 765, last line), having been born Feb. 22d, 1440, and died Nov. 24th, A.D. 1458 (see supra, p. 762, and L'Art de Ver. des Dates).
Page 76S, line 21. "This Uladislaus."]—" Y . W." by a slip says, "this Casimir."
Page 779, note (2).] — See this passage in the "Fasciculus" of Orthuinus Gratius, fol. 166.
Page 780, line 18.] — Foxe has derived this fact from Bams and Bale's work, " De Vitis Pontiff.;" p. 472 of the reprinted edition by Lydius, Lug. Bat. 1615. See also " Agrippa de Vanitate Scicnt." cap. 64.
Page 781, note (1).] — The title of this work is given in Panzer's " Annales Typogr." torn. ix. p. 204 ; and in Maittaire, " Ann. Typ." vol. i. p. 597, edit. 1733.
ADDENDA.
Page 115, middle. " Taking anie thing for annuell."]—" Annuell " appears from Halliwell, &c., to mean " an anniversary mass."
Page 128, line 30. " To that his heart brasL''^— On the use of " to " for " till," see the note in the Appendix on vol. viii. p, 304,
Page 261, line 17. " Obeie wilfiillie."^ — i. e. willingly. Instances of this use of " wilful" seem to be rare: we have it in pp.238, 279. There is another in the Festyvall (fol. clxxxvii, recto, edit. 1528): "do it [confession] wylfully, as thefe whiche henge upon the crosse, and not as Achor : " and again (fol. clxxxvii. verso), " This satysfaccyon must be done ivylfully without grutchynge."
Page 273, line 31. " And this koiidome,"] — or, as in 1570 and the subse- quent editions, "holydome:" at p. 540, line 25, we find "holydeme." "By holidome " appears to have been an ancient form of oath, as Sherwood observes. "Halidome" in Saxon denoted holiness, or any holy thing (see Nares and Todd's Johnson); in this instance " the holy Gospel" seems intended, for tlie Latin (p. 91) says, " Ita me Deus adjuvet et hoc sacrosanctum ejus evange- liiiin," " So help me God and this holy Gospel." Nares considers it as "holy" with the termination "dome," as in "kingdom," "Christendom," &c.
Page 279, line 22 from the bottom. "But if thou leave such additions."'\ — " But if" means except. The Latin edition says here : " Per Dominum Jesum, nisi absque omni cavillo consenseris, captivum te in carceres dedam, tarn stride ut nulhis sit ceque vinctus latro aut homicida." See the Glossary in vol, viii. for other instances in Foxe.
Page 281, line 13.] — "Steppe" means here "a vestige."
Page 282, line 28. " A stable and a sad ground."~\ — "Sad," which is the i-eading of the first three editions, means " solid." See Todd's Johnson and Halliwell. In the Festyvall (fol. Ixiv. verso) we have : " But yet the taryenge of Thomas dyd brynge us to sadder beleve, and to the blessynge of our Lorde Jesu Chryst."
Page 283, line 3 from the bottom, " Lousengers and lounderers."^ — " Loiisen- ger" is a flatterer, a deceiver; see Chaucer's " Nonne's Priest's Tale," 1441, and Todd's Johnson : and " lounderer " may perhaps be a wandering retailer of relics, &c., resembling the Sarabaites of old; see Buck's Theol. Diet, and Augustine, de Opere Monach.c. 28; or Gibson's Preservative, Edit. 1848, vii. 180.
Page 288, line 8.]—" ' Qui presbyterum.' Decret. Greg. IX. tit. 38, § 2."
Page 289, line 10 from the bottom.] — " 'De Sponsalibus.' Decret. Greg. IX, lib. iv. tit. 1, § 31."
Page 290, line 6.]— Fill up: " Cap. [13] ' Literas tuas ' [Decret. Greg. IX. lib. ii. tit. 13;]' and line 20 from the bottom, correct and fill up : " et Cans. xxiv. qiisest. 1, § 33, 34, cap. ' Pudenda.' "
Page 291, line 5.] — Fill up : "cap. [4] 'Non minus,' and cap. [7] 'Ad- versus' [Decret. Greg. IX. lib. iii. tit. 49] ;" and line 18, "'Qualiter et quan- do' [lib. V. tit. 1, § 17];" line 30, " ' Nullus judicum et' [lib. ii, tit. 2, § 2];" line 34, " cap. [5] ' Felicis ' [lib. v, tit, 9] ;" line 9 from the bottom, " Dist, 2 de Consecr. cup. 19 — cap. 21 ;" and line 8 from the bottom, "cap. [IG] ' Etsi,' and cap. [17] ' In.'"
862 ADDENDA.
Page 292.] — On MSS. of Wimbledon's Sermon, see Brit. Magazine, vol. ix 502.
Page 29G, line 11.] — "Dread" must be taken imperative] 3', " llmeant" is the Latin.
Page 299, note (5). " Madness"] — This is the more correct reading in this instance, the original being " Quae est ergo ista animarum iiisaiiia, &c." See Augustine's Sermo 368, edit. Bened. § 1, al. 25, de verbis Dom.
Page 300, middle.] — On "demerits," used originally in a good sense, see Nares.
Page 324, line 2.] — For " unpeaceable," which is Foxe's reading in all editions, Bale has " unpacable" in the reprint of 1729, p. 28.
Page 325, line 13. " Or the t'tlthe"] — All the old editions read here cor- rectly " tilthe," which means cultivation.
Page 32G, line 3 from the bottom.] — The preamble to Lord Cobham's declara- tion of his Belief, which has been omitted, is here supplied from the first edition of Foxe, p. 2G 1 : " I, Jolin Oldecastel, knyght and Lorde Cobham, wil all Christen men to understande, that Thomas Arundell, Archebyshop of Caunter- bury, hath not only layde it to my charge malitiously, but also very untiuly, by his letter and scale wrytten against me in most slaunderous wyse, tliat 1 should otherwyse fele and teacbeof the sacramentes of tlie churche (assiL'in'ng specially the sacrament of the altar, the sacrament of penaunce, the worship- pinge of Lnages, and goinge of pilgrimage unto them), far otherwise than eyther beleveth or teachethe the universalle holye churche. I take* Al- mightye," &c.
Page 338, line 3. "And lead you hlindling hifo hell with themselves.'''] — So all the editions of Foxe : but we should probably read here, as in Bale's account, " blindlings." See Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary.
Page 380, middle.] " Excuss" means " discuss." See Richardson's Dic- tionary.
Page 475, line 4. "And yet f hey do no honour " 8:c.] — In the edition of 1576 and all subsequent editions the "no" is erroneously omitted. It is found in ed. 1563, p. 227, and ed. 1570, p. 731.
Page 606.] — The title "Bishop of Argos " is applied in the Tonstall London Register, folio 48, to John Tynmouth, vicar of Boston in Lincolnshire, and suffragan bishop of Argos, who died 1524.
Page 613, line 21. "How Ufarcellimis . . . did sacrifice unto idols."] — This charge, it may be observed in addition to what appears in the note on vol. i. p. 277, is still retained in the Breviarium Romanitm, April 26, for the sake of the testimony whit-h it bears, apparently, to the exemption of the bishop of Rome from human jurisdiction. On being summoned before the equally apocryphal Council at Sinuessa, yet no one, says the 5th Lesson in the Breviary, ventured to pass condemnation on him ; " omnes una voce clamarunt, Tuo (c ore, non nostra judicio jndica, nam j^rinia scdes a neminc judicafnr." Most modern writers. Papal as well as Protestant, question the whole story: see Lumper's Hist, theologico-critica sand. Fatrum, torn. xiii. p. 792.
Page 637, line 9 from the bottom. " Simonides writeth thus."] — As translated, that is, by Cicero, in his Tusculan Qitfrstions, i. 42; where, however, for Spar- tanos, the reading is, Sparta nos, which accords better with the Greek original—
'Q ^eiv liyyeiXov AnKfbaifioviois' k. t. X. The anecdote about " Theodore of Cyrene " (p. 638) is also taken from the Tusculan Quastions, i. 43,
Page 712, line 12 from the bottom.] — From hence to "was amiss," line 12 from the bottom of next page, will be found in the edition of 1563, p. 883, as part of the account of the Duke of Somerset,
Page 713, line 23. " Fas/lj/."]— AW the old editions, and Sir T. More'.^
ADDENDA. 863
Dialogue (book i. chap. 14), read "fastly," i.e. stedfastly, firmly, unhesitatingly. See liosworth's Anglo-Saxon Diet, under Fcest.
Page 713, line 31.] — The first edition reads " faitour," the rest "traitor :" "faitoiir" means iniposter, traitor, scoundrel. See Prompt. Parv. (where it is latinized by Jidor, simulator), Halliwell, Todd's Johnson, Glossary to Chaucer.
Page 755, line 9.] — It would seem that John Goose was not the only person burnt in this reign ; for in the registers of the Archdeacon of London relating to this period it appears that one Thomas Undyrwood, of the parish of All Saints the Great, carter, was cited in the month of October, 11 86, for holding the opinion "quod omnes presbyteri ex Salvatore nostro essent heretici." The register adds, " quam opinionem hereticus crematus post festum Natalis Domini tenebat." Underwood was cited for October xvi, and " Comparuit xxii. die Octobris," when he purged himself by 5 compurgators. The Editor is indebted for the above information to the kindness of Mr. Archdeacon Hale. Tiiis must be a distinct case from that of John Goose, who suffered in August, 1483, in which year Robert Belisdon was sheriff. (See list of Sheriffs in Maitland's London.) The story of Joini Goose will be found as told by Foxe in Fabian's Chronicle.
Page 781, line 28. "A nobleman of Ai.v-la-Chap€Ue."'\ — Foxe's text here erroneously reads "a nobleman of Aquine." See Possevin's Apparatus Sacer, torn. i. p. 959.
END OF VOL. ni.
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