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THE COAST INDIANS OF SOUTHERN ALASKA AND
NORTHERN BRITISH COLUMBIA.

By Ensign ALBERT P. NIBLACK, U. S. Navy.

BASED ON THE COLLECTIONS IN THE U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM. AND ON
THE PERSONAL OBSERVATION OF THE WRITER IN CONNEC-
TION WITH THE SURVEY OF ALASKA IN THE SEASONS'
OF 1885, 1886 AND 1S87.

H. Mis. 142, pt. 2 15 W>

Alt. h^

flOV 1. ic

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SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS.

I. Chorography of Southern Alaska and Northern British Columbia ;
Progress of Ethnological work in this region, — Scope of this paper, — Clas-
sification of Indian stocks, — History.
II. Environment: Organic and inorganic. Characteristics of Indians:
Physical, emotional, intellectual, moral, and aesthetic characteristics.

III. Regulative Organization : Consanguiueal, Political, and Industrial. Ori-

gin of "mother-rule" and "father-rule" — Totemism and Tribal organ-
ization: Tlingit, Kaigani, Haida, and Tsimshian Totems — Origin of
Totemism— Chiefs and petty chiefs, freemen, and slaves — Division of
labor — Inheritance and rights of property.

IV. Mutilations: Lip, ear, and nose ornaments; tattooing; painting the body.

Ornaments : Necklaces, pendants, and bracelets. Primitive clothing :
ceremonial blankets and head-dresses ; the art of weaving ; modern dress ;
rain cloaks ; armor ; helmets and head-dresses ; masks ; batons ; blank-
ets; coats; leggings; slave-killers; ceremonial paraphernalia in general.
V. Food: Its preparation and procurement. Implements and Weapons : In-
• dustrial implements and tools ; hammers and mauls ; adzes ; knives ;
scrapers; mortars and pestles; wedges; chisels; drills; paint-brushes;
weapons of war and of the chase ; clubs ; daggers ; bows and arrows ;
epears ; fur-seal spears ; salmon spears ; fishhooks ; fish-rakes ; fish-bas-
kets; lines; floats; drag-nets; dip-nets; weirs; bird and other land traps ;
canoes; canoe outfits; canoe-making. Hunting and fishing : Salmon ;
halibut; herring and eulachon ; sijawu ; sea otter; seals ; deer; mountain
goats and sheep ; bears.
VI. Landworks : Fortifications. Temporary dwellings : Tents and summer
houses. Houses : Details of house construction. Villages : Names of
villages; groups of villages; residence.
VII. Arts and Industries: Raw materials; ropes and cords; mats; baskets;
dishes ; spoons ; household boxes and chests ; cradles ; household uten-
sils; i>aint8 ; metal working; lumber and wood- work. Paintings, draw-
ings, AND carvings: Totemic and commemorative columns. Music:
Singing ; drums, rattles and whistles.
V VIII. Productions: Rearing and cultivation. Locom tion: Canoe travel.
i' Wealth : Currency ; property in land ; coppers , aves. Trade : Ex-

change of commodities.
IX. War and Peace : War customs : scalping ; duels. Peace customs : treaties of
peace.
X. Vices and Demoralization of the Indians : Gambling ; rum ; hoochi-
noo : tobacco; immorality.
XI. SH.4.MANIS.M : Witchcraft trial ; snperstitiou ; sickness and death ; medicines;
treatment of the sick,

2-47

228 SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS.

XII. Mortuary Customs : Ancient sepulture ; depositories of ashes ; mortuary
columns ; customs of the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshiau ; modern cus-
toms ; Christian burial ; Shaman burial,

XIII. Feasts. Dances. Ceremonies. Potlaches, Theatricals. Initiatory

ceremonies: Marriage; childbirth; naming; piercing the ears and
nose; tattooing; puberty; bringing out ; self-naming; chieftaincy ; glo-
rification of the dead. Festive Ceremonies : Welcome; trade; house-
building; potlaches; ceremonial dances ; "cultus" dances ; theatricals.

XIV. General Character of the Traditions. Myths and Folk-lore— Bir-

LIOGRAPHY.

XV. General Notes: Relations and affinities of the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshiau,
and Kwakiutl — the Haida — Remarks on the Maori of New Zealand — the
Kaigani — Ethnological work to be done.*

* To complete, in a measure, the study of the ethnology of this region, there should
be added several other chapters. The data at hand does not, however, just yet
warrant this undertaking. Chapter XIV, and others of the above, are very incom-
plete. In itself Chapter xiv would take several volumes to cover the ground satis-
factorily. A synopsis of the chapters needed is appended to indicate their scope.

XVI. Creed and Cult: Superstitions; religious beliefs and practices; religious
organization: regulative. Shamanism; operative, fetichism. Shaman-
istic priestcraft ; paraphernalia; religious rites of the Shaman. Secret
and religious organi -rations in the tribe; the relations of the ceremonies
to the religious beliefs.
XVII. Language OF THE VARIOUS Indian stocks: grammatical structure; vocab-

• ularies; dialects; linguistic affinities of the different stocks.

XVIII. Ethnical affinities aud relationships of the various Indian stocks of the North
West Coast as far as indicated by all the foregoing.
The collection made by Lieut. George F. Emmons, U. S. Navy, in south-
eastern Alaska, now in the possession of the American Museum of Natural
History, New York City, has been drawn upon for twenty or more illnstra-
tions. His collection admirably supplements that in the National Museum,
and it is to be regretted that the two collections have not been brought to-
jrether.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

Dixon (George), A Voyage Round the World. London, 1789.

Portlock (Nathaniel). A Voyage Round the World. Loudon, 1789.

Vancouver (George). A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and rouud

the World. 3 vols. London, 179fr'.
Mackenzie (Alex.). Voyages from Montreal through the Continent of North

America in 1789-93. London, 1801.
Laugsdorff(G. H. von). Voyages and Travels (1803-'07), 2 vols. London, 1813-14.
Lisiausky (Urey). A Voyage Round the World in the Years 1803-06. London, 1814.
Dunn (John). History of the Oregon Territory. London, 1844.
Simpson (Sir George). Narrative of a Journey Round the World, 1841 and 1842.

Loudon, 1847.
Poole (Francis). Queen Charlotte Islands. London, 1872.
Dall (W. H.). Alaska and its Resources. Boston, 1870.

Bancroft (H. H.). Native Races, vol. I, Wild Tribes. San Francisco, 1883.
Petroff' (Ivan). Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of Alaska.

Washington, 1684.
Dawson (G. M.). Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands. B. In Geological Survey

of Canada. Montreal, 1880.
Powell (J. W.). Annual Reports of Bureau of Ethnology. Washington.
Swan (J. G.). Publications, Manuscripts, Notes, Letters, and Collections in National

Museum. Port Townsend, Washington Territory.
Boas (Dr. Franz.). Publications, Notes, Letters, etc. Worcester, Mass.
Frazer (J. G.). Totemism. Edinburgh, 1887.

Other brief references are made in foot notes in the text. The above are the prin-
cipal aiithorities quoted.

229

EXPLANATION OF PLATE I.

General view of Kasa-an Village, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska.

From a photograph by the author.

This general view is shown in detail in Plates II and III. The village is on the
north sliore of Skowl Arm, a hranch of Kasa-an Bay. about four miles from the
entrance. The present chief is Satrab-tan, a nephew of the former well-known
Chief Skowl. The population is about 150 souls. It is not in the regular steamer
track and is seldom visited, but it is especially rich in ethnological material. The
inhabitants are Kaigani of the Haidan stcwk, and speak the Haidan language with
little modification. Their customs are similar to the Haidan, but have been much
modified bv the influence of the Tlingit.

Report of National Museum, 1888. — Niblack.

Plate I.

THE COAST INDIANS OF SOUTHERN ALASKA AND NORTHERN BRITISH

COLUMBIA.

By Ensign Albert P. Niblack, U. S. Navy.

I.

CHOBOGBAPHY OF SOUTHERN ALASKA AND NORTHERN BRITISH

COLUMBIA.

From Puget Sound in Washington Territory to Mount St. Elias in
southern Alaska, the coast line is broken into a continuous archipelago.
The Ca'scade Mountains, running throughout this territory parallel to
the coast line, leaves, adjacent to the Pacific, a strip of country about
150 miles broad and 1,000 miles long, called generally "The North West
Coast." Through the narrow channels of this archipelago winds the
steamer route to Sitka, a route unparalleled for its length and the wild
magnificence of its scenery. Warmed by Asiatic currents and moistened
by a phenomenal rain fall, this region is less rigorous in its climate
than generally supposed. Thickly wooded with pine, fir, spruce, and
hemlock, the vegetation spreads from the water's edge to the snow line
limit of the loftiest mountains. The forests are stocked with game and
the waters with food fishes. The soil, though not deep, is fertile, and
would itself support the native population without the other gifts with
which nature has so lavishly endowed them. In every crevice in the
rocks, where the.soil is scantiest, a stunted tree rears its head. In the
spring the forests are gay with ferns, shrubs, and brightly colored wild
flowers, and in the summer a large variety of edible roots and berries
are found in profusion.

Dotted throughout this region are the winter villages of the Coast
Indians, whose ethnic variations are somewhat marked as we go north,
but who differ as a group quite materially from the hunting Indians of
the interior, and more sharply from the Eskimo. In contrast with the
fierce, revengeful Tiune, they are generally mild in disposition. In
physical characteristics they are shorter, the cheek bones are less prom-
inent, the nose is straighter, and the face rounder and fuller. From

231

232 - REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

the Columbia River to Mouut St, Elias these Coast Ludiaus have marked
ethuic affiliations, but the linguistic variations are great, aud in the
southern region are now the subject of sj'stematic governmental investi-
gation.

Comparative philology aud mythology, a study of the primitive cus-
toms aud habits of the geographical aud linguistic groups, and com-
parisons of the ethnological material and collections from tbis region,
can alone throw light upon the history and ethnic affinities of the various
Indian stocks.

ETHNOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN BRITISH COLUMBIA.

In British Columbia, the philological and mythological part of the
work Las been commenced by Dr. W. F. Tolmie and Prof, George M.
Uawson, in connection with the geological and natural history survey
of Canada, and is now the subject of special investigation by a commit-
tee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, under a
grant for the purpose. Dr. Franz Boas is conducting the work for the
committee in the field, and the result is being from time to time pub-
lished.

For Washington Territory and Alaska, this investigation is in the
hands of the Bureau of Ethnology of the Smithsonian Institution.

SCOPE OF THIS PAPER.

The facts here published were gathered by the writer in the summer
seasons (May to October inclusive) of 1885, 188G, aud 1887, while on
duty in the survey of Alaska now being carried on by the officers of the
Navy, under the direction of the U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey. The
material presented has little bearing on the philology and mythology of
the region embraced in the survey. Such work must come later, be
undertaken more systematically, and carried on in the winter mouths,
Av hen the Indians are located in their permanent villages. The writer
is indebted to Judge J. G. Swan, of Port Townsend, AVashington Ter-
ritory, for valuable notes on the Eaida of Queen Charlotte Islands. His
collections from the North West Coast, under the direction of the Smith-
sonian Institution, form the bulk of the ethnological material in the
National Museum from the region about Dixon entrance, and have been
freely used in the accompanying illustrations.

CLASSIFICATION.

A provisional classification of the Indians of the North West Coast,
from Puget Sound to Cape St. Elias, based on philological considera-
tions, would, according to Dr. Franz Boas, divide them into three
groups, as follows :

Group I. Salish, Kwakiutl, and Wakashan (Nutkan).

Group II. Tsimshian.

Group irr. Tlingir and Haida.

THE INDIANS or THE NORTHWEST COAST. 2o3

" It seems that the laugiiages euumerated above represent as many
diflfereut lioguistic stocks, so far as our limited kuowledge extends."*

A classificatiou based on other than philological and geographical
groupings is out of the question at present. A comparative study of
the customs, habits, mythology, aud beliefs of all the tribes of this re-
gion can alone form the basis of an ethnological classilication. Charts I
and II show the location of the different lodian stocks on the North
West Coast. This paper deals principall3' with the tribes around
Dixon entrance, and in our own Territory of Alaska, of which Chart I
shows the geographical grouping into stocks. The Kaigani, on the
southern part of Prince of Wales Island, are a branch of the Haidan
stock. On Annette Island, at Port Chester, will be seen the location
of the Tsimshian emigrants. This is a colouy that, in 1887, under the
leadership of the missionary, Mr. Duncan, abandoned Metlah-Katlah-
British Columbia, owing to difficulties with the civil and eclesiastical
authorities. The Indians seem very largely to have sympathised with
the Eev. Mr. Duncan, as they voluntarily followed him to our own Ter-
ritory, where the settlement is called i^Iew Metlah-Katlah.

In Chart II no attempt is made to enumerate the tribes comprising
the different stocks. It is interesting, however, to observe that the
Bilqula are Salishan. t

HISTORY.

European civilization has borne with crushing force upon the Indians
of the Northwest coast. Demoralized and staggered by contact with
the whites, the remnant of the former population is just beginning to
rally from the blow. Nothing places the Northern tribes higher in the
scale of intelligence than the philosophy with which they are adapting
themselves to their changed environment, retaining their advantageous
native customs and accepting from us only what contributes to their
comfort and welfare. The greatest curse to them has been alcohol,
and against this temptation they seem absolutely unable to struggle.

The early European voyagers to this region have preserved in their
narratives rough accounts of the habits, customs, and actual condition
of the natives. Our earliest acquaintance dates from the visit of Ber-
ing in 1741, coming from the north. En 1774-'7o the Spanish navigators,
Juan Perez and La Bodega y Quadra, coming from the south, explored
the coast to the northward. In 1778 Captain Cook, having with him
Vancouver as a midshipman, made his celebrated visit to this region.
After that several mercantile companies sent ships thither to trade,

•Science, vol. xii., No. 299, p. 194.

t "Among the liuoiiistic results of my journey the most interesting are the dis-
covery of three unknown dialects of the Stilish stock and the establishment of
the fact that the Bilqula, who are of Salish lineage, must have lived at one time
wi/h other Salish tribes near the sea."— Notes on EthnoJogy of Britiah Cohimbia (Am.
Philolog, Soc, Nov. 18, 1887, p. 422), by Dr. Franz Boas.

284 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

notably Captain Meares (1786), ol' the East ludia Company, and Cap-
taius Portlock and Dixon (1787), of the King George's Sound Coiu-
pauy. In 1788 several Aiucricau ships, representing a Boston com-
pany, also appeared on the coast. In 1789 in the Washington, Captain
Gray explored the east coast of Queen Charlotte Islands, and, in 1701,
Captain lugrahaui anchored in a harbor in the southeast part of this
same archipelago. In the same year, Marchand, representing a French
company, also traded with these islanders.

In 1792-'94: Captain Vancouver made his admirable reconnaissance of
the coast in search of a northwest passage to the Pacific from the
Atlantic.

In 1793 Mackenzie descended the Salmon Eiver and reached salt
water in latitude 52*^ 21' N., in the country of the Bilqula.

With the formal occupation, by Baranoft', of a fortified post at Sitka
in 1800, the natives of the Northwest coast may be said to have entered
upon a new phase in their civilization, due to contact with the whites.
A few years later this post was destroyed and the occupants massa-
cred by the Tlingit; but, in 1805, Baranoff and Lisiansky re-established
it on the site now occupied by the town of Sitka, called by them New
Archangel. From this time to the purchase of xYlaska by the United
States in 1867, the history of this region is largely the history of the
Russian-American and the Hudson Bay Company, the latter of w^bich
still continues to be such a powerful commercial factor in British
America.

II.

ENriKONMENT—OBaANIC AND INOBGANIC ; AND CHARACTERISTICS OF
THE INDIANS -PHYSICAL, EMOTIONAL, INTELLECTUAL. MORAL, AND
.ESTHETIC.

ENVIRONMENT,

The physical character of the region occupied by the Tlingit, Haida,
and Tsimshian is similar in general to that of southern British Colum-
bia, but for local reasons this area has a peculiar climate. A branch of
the warm Japanese current sweeps along the coast, and, coming in con-
tact with the colder air and water of the north, gives rise to excessive
humidity, producing in summer the rains and fogs, and in winter the
snows and sleets, that are so prevalent in this region. Thermometrical
observations, extending over a period of fifty years in the region about
Sitka, give the lowest winter temperature as 4° Fah. below zero, the
mean winter temperature being about SS*^ Fah., the same as in
Washington, District of Columbia. In the summer, on the contrary,
the rainy and overcast days so predominate, that the temperature never
rises above 90° Fah. The maximum recorded about Sitka is 87° Fah.
With an annual rainfall of from 60 to 95 inches and an average of be-
tween one hundred and ninety and two hundred and eighty-five days
in the year on which rain has been known to fall,* the climate may be
said to have its drawbacks. The shortest winter days are from four to
five hours long, while the summer nights are correspondingly brief. In
the long summer days, when the weather is fine, the atmosphere is won-
derfully clear, and the scenery fairly sparkles with an excessive brilliancy
due to exceptional hygrometric conditions.

The territory is very broken and snbdivided. It is densely wooded
with spruce, hemlock, white pine, fir, birch, alder, and underbrush, the
vegetation crowding down to the high-water line. It is also very mount-
ainous, and indented with bays and arms of the sea. The waters are
deep and the tidal currents swift, the tides rising and falling twice a
day through a range of from 12 to 21 feet, making navigation in places
extremely hazardous. Travel is entirely by water, the villages being
on the water courses, and the canoe here reaches its highest develop-
ment. Huge landslides in the face of the mountains, snow-capped
ranges with sparkling glaciers in the sides and valleys, floating glacier
ice in the bays and straits, and the bright green vegetation everywhere,
all these give a characteristic beauty to the scenery of this region.

* Dall, Alaska, p. 451,

235

236 REPOl^T OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

The principal ±'ur-beaimg aaimals are the browu aud black bear, wolf,
the cross, red, aud silvei fox ; beaver, mmk, marteu, aud laud otter, while
m the mountaius of the mainland are wild goat;s and sheep. Cod, her-
ring, trout, and eulachon abound in certain localities, but the staple
supply is furnished by the halibut and salmon. To complete the pict-
ure there must be mentioned the innumerable flocks of wild ducks and
geese in season, the lonely herons and cranes, the omnipresent gulls
eagles, hawks, crows, aud ravens, the skimmiug surf birds, and, in the
woods, not generally seen from canoes, grouse and a variety of smaller
members of the feathered tribe.

In Dixon Entrance, Clarence, Sumner, and Chatham Straits, and par-
ticularly in Frederick Souud and Stephen's Passage, Alaska, is the
breeding ground for whales, which may be seen spouting in schools of
six or seven. AVherever the whale is, there also is found the whale-
killer (Orcv? (iter). These run also singly or in schools, and are the mer-
ciless enemy of the whale. The dorsal tin, projecting so prominently
above the surface of the water, gives them a characteristic readily
seized upon b^^ the native artist, who never omits this appendage from
his conventional drawing or carviug of this animal.

The presence of the bear, eagle, raven, wolf, orca, whale, and other
representatives of the animal kingdom in this region, and the know-
ledge of their peculiarities b^' the Indians, explain the prominent part
they play in the mythology of the coast, as stated in Chapter vii.

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS.

The Indians about Dixon Entrance are unquestionably superior in
physique to the coast Indians to the southward. As among themselves
the physical superiority rests with the Haida. This may be due to real
ethnical differences, but is probably accounted for in the fact that natural
conditions in the Queen Charlotte Islands and around such an exposed
arm of the sea as Dixon Entrance have produced a finer and more robust
people than those in less exposed regions. While there is considerable
uniformity in the general physical characters of all the stocks on the
northwest coast, a practised eye can detect the differences between them.

Laugsdorft' (1805) says of the Tlingit :

They do not appear to Lave the least aflSuity ■with the Mongol tribes ; thej' have in
geaeral large, fiery eyes ; a small, flat, broad nose; and large cheek-bones ; indeed, in
all respects, large and strongly marked features.*

In general amongst the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian, the hair is
thick, stiff', coarse, straight, and black. It is worn short by the men,
excepting the shamans or doctors, and long by the women. Instances
cited t of auburn tresses and golden curls are ascribable to intermixt-
ure with European and American traders. The eyebrows are small
and the eyes generally black or brown, though gray eyes are to be seen.

'Langsdorlf, Voyages, Part ii, p. 112. t Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p. lilf).

EXPLANATION OF PLATE II.
View of the Eastern Part of Kasa-an Village, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska.

From photographs by the author.

The lower portion of the plate joins on to the left of the upper, the column marked
A being represented in ea- h. The two together give an enlarged view of the east-
ern portion (right-hand half) of the village of Kasa-an, Plate I. In the large house
in the upper view, to the left of the canoe on the beach, is the body of Chief
Skowl lying in state (1887), as pictured in Plate LXVII. The two carved columns
in the lower right-hand corner (Fig. 1) are enlarged views of two commemorative
mortuary columns shown in the general view. The nature and object of these are
explained in the text.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate II.

A <

EXPLANATION OF PLATE III.
View of the Western Part of Kasa-an Village, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska.

From photographs by the author.

The lower view is the extreme left of Plate I enlarged, and joins on to the left of
the upper view. B(jth together n'i)resent thegrave-yai"d of the village of Kasa-an.

Report of National Museurr, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate III.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 237

The habit of plucking* the hair from the face and body obtains among
the younger men, but the older ones suffer it to grow and wear a scanty
beard and mustache, never however attaining any considerable length.
Amongst the latter, also, long years of service in canoes has impaired
their powers of locomotion and misshapen their legs, rendering them
decidedly awkward on shore. This, by comparison, gives the body a
long and large appearance. The head appears unusually large, due
both to a real disproportion and to the mass of bushy hair and the high
cheek-bones of the men. Their noses are less flat and fleshy than those
of the Indians to the south. The teeth are white and fine, but in old
age are much discolored and worn. The wearing down of the teeth
comes from eating dried salmon on which sand and grit have been blown
during the process of drying. The hands and feet are small and well
shaped, especially amongst the women. As they all go barefooted a
greater part of the year, their feet are callous, excoriated, and wrinkled
by exposure. The women are comely and tine looking in youth and in
early bloom usually have rosy cheeks. In complexion both sexes are
surprisingly light colored. This is in no way due to intermixture with
whites. Dixon (1787) says that they were "very little darker than the
Europeans in general.* Langsdorff" makes the same statement.! The
Haida are markedly fairer skinned than the others, but still the dark
tinge is quite apparent, and exposure always adds to it.

The habit of frequent bathing in both winter and summer hardens
their physique. As soon as a child is able to leave its cradle it is bathed
in the ocean every day without regard to season, and this custom is kept
up by both sexes through life. This, with scant wrappings, kills off the
sickly children, and hardens the survivors. J The scanty clothing worn
by the men, their reckless exposure in all kinds of weather, and their
ignorance of hygienic laws of ventilation and sanitation in their dwell-
ings, bring in their train a long series of ills.

They are not particularly long-lived, although grey-haired people
are not uncommon. Rheumatism and pulmonary diseases are their
worst ills. Small-pox has ravaged the coast terribly. First intro-
duced amongst the Tlingit by the Spaniards in 1775,§ it worked its
way down the coast, breaking out from time to time in later years, de-
populating villages and proving a fatal scourge to the natives of this
region. No one thing contributed more to dishearten and subjugate
these Indians than the ravages made by this fell disease.

Weak eyes and blindness are one to exposure and to the smoke of
camp and household fires. Debauchery by bad alcohol, worse whisky,
and the native " hoochinoo" has added its quota to the physical misfor-
tunes of the Indians, while venereal diseases are extremely destruc-
tive.

* Dixon, Voyages, p. 238.

t Langsdorff, Voyages, Part II, p. 112.

t Langsdorff, Voyages, Parr ii., pp. 112, 113, and 135.

^ Portlock, Voyage (1787), p. 271.

238 REPOKT OF ISATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

Their habits of life are quite regular, and, when undisturbed by war,
they carry on a definite routine throughout the different seasons, col-
lecting food, furs and raw materials at one season to serve them for
the next.

EMOTIONAL OHARACTERISTICS.

They are self-possessed, diguitied and reserved, although much less tac-
iturn than the hunting Indians of the western plains and the interior.
They have the usual Indian stoicism under suffering, and bear extremes
of cold, heat, hunger, and exposure with fortitude. They are quite
venturesome, goiug well out to sea in their canoes. The Kaigani go
out to Forrester's Island for birds' eggs every spring, 20 miles off the
coast. Dixon (1787) states that he sighted a Haida canoe 8 miles out
at sea, and, though caught in a fog, it reached land in safety, as he
afterwards met the saoie partj-^ close in shore.* They often make trips
of hundreds of miles in their canoes along the coast and interior waters,
although in early days this was not so feasible, owing to the warlike
relations of the different tribes. They are fond of parade and display,
and are scrupulous observ^ers of ceremony and etiquette. Many of
their deadly feuds originate from trilling causes based on breaches of
etiquette or custom. Dancing and singing are a part of their cere-
monies of welcome, trade, and war, and to the early vojagers to this
region the Indians seemed entirely given over to these exercises. Their
narratives express generally the impression that these natives were
aggravatingly and immoderately fond of dancing, because they could
not trade with them until they had finished singing and feasting. They
are equally fond of long speeches and addresses — it all being intended
to impress the observer with the rank, importance, and influence of the
individual who provides the entertainment. They are also great stick-
lers for justice and for custom. When smarting under the sense of
a real injury or imaginary wrong they are cruelly and umeasonably
revengeful, although ordinarily friendly. They impressed the early
voyagers as being somewhat hospitable and generous, although this was
largely, as now, founded upon the expectation of an equivalent return.

Their bravery is relative. If stronger than an opponent, their war-
like demonstrations are quite pronounced, but in the presence of a supe-
rior force they are inclined to be submissive and peaceful, although
ready to take an underhand advantage. Ambush, surprise, and supe-
rior numbers are the favorable conditions of coast Indian warfare,
and no mercy is shown to women and children, except perhaps to make
slaves of them or to hold them for a ransom. While slavery was prac-
ticed, before its abolition by our Government in 1867, slaves were
treated with cruelty.

It is the universal testimouy,^.s voiced by Portlock (1787), that " they
treat their wives and children with much affection and tenderness."!

Pixon, Voyage, p. 8J1. t Portlock, Voyages, y. 290.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 239

lu the approach to political aud industrial equality of the sexes,
and iu the respect shown for the opinions of their females, these
Indians furnish another refutation of the old misconception concerning
the systematic maltreatment of the women by savages. Such a thing
is incompatible with the laws of nature. Good treatment of the female
is essential to the preservation of the species, aud it will be found that
this ill-treatment is moi^e apparent than real.

By nature they are rather indolent, but their love of the power and
the display incident to wealth has changed their disposition since 1775,
so that they have become more enterprising. Originally the chiefs
conducted the trade of the tribe, but iu time the natural abilities of
the other sex in driving bargains has resulted iu the predominance
of the intiuence of the women in such matters.

They endeavor to impress others with their importance, wealth, and
powers, but are guarded in their expressions of wonder, surprise, or
enjoyment at what they see elsewhere. They have come now to rely
upon European medicines in sickness. When through carelessness,
recklessness, and ignorance of the laws of health they come to grief,
they incontinently dose themselves with all sorts of patent medicines
which they buy from the traders.

Missionaries have been comparatively successful amongst them, the
Greek and Presbyterian Churches having made considerable progress
with them. The opportunities for long addresses, prayers, experience
meetings, and singing in some of the Protestant forms of worship ap-
peal strongly to native predilections, the intiuence of the Greek Church
being principally about Sitka. The missionaries, however, discourage
their dancing, and have influenced them in many localities to cut down
the totemic columns and abandon cremation for inhumation-at- length
as pi;acticed by the whites.

INTELLECTUAL CHARACTERISTICS.

One sees many strikingly intelligent aud attractive faces amongst
the older men aud women, where exjierience has given decided char-
acter to their expressions. The stolid, imjierturbable moodiness attrib-
uted to the Indians of the interior here gives place to a more alert ex-
pression of countenance. They acquire knowledge readily, and the
children at school make fair progress. They are quite ingenious, and
especially handy with tools, picking up a trade with surprising readi-
ness, aud turning their hands to almost any sort of business. They
are quite imitative and progressive, but have shown good sense and
conservatism in retaining many native implements and methods where
better adapted to their needs. They have a keen appreciation of the
value of money, work for wages, aud have considerable business Judg-
ment. It would seem that, with their ideas of acquiring wealth, we
have little to teach them iu habits of thrift. Of necessity, they have a
good knowledge of the topography aud hydrography of their re^ioh,

240 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, tSSS.

and of the habits and best modes of capture of all sorts of mariue ani-
mals. On shore they are rather disappointing as hunters, as they are
not at all cool headed. Their superstitions, beliefs, and practices of
witchcraft, sorcery, slavery, and shamamism do not necessarily place
them on a very degraded intellectual plane when we compare their
practices and beliefs with those of other savage tribes.

They possess a fair knowledge of human nature ; have good oratorical
powers; are communicative when diplomatically approached; have a
keen sense and appreciation of the grotesque ; and have a great sense of
wit and humor, as they laugh immoderately at the antics of the dancers,
the witty remarks of the clowns, and the grotesque carvings erected in
ridicule of the whites or of their neighbors. Placing implicit confidence
in the truth of their legends and the reliability of their carved columns,
they have an immense respect for graphic characters. Anything writ-
ten on paper or carved isi per se credible, and they attach the greatest
value to a letter of recommendation written by a white man, irrespec-
tive of the sentiments expressed by the writer.

MORAL CHARACTERISTICS.

Judged by our standard, these Indians of the north have fallen by the
way side. Judged by their primitive ethical conceptions, as compared
with those of the surrounding tribes when they first came in contact
with the whites, they may be said to be distinguished by the great prog-
ress they had themselves made in morals. When first visited by the
early voyagers these Indians, like all others on tiie coast, were bold,
arrant thieves. With them it was not dishonorable to steal, and, if
caught, restitution settled the matter. On the other hand, they dis-
criminated, and seldom or never stole from a guest, and never robbed
one of their own totem. With them, to-day, an unwatched camp or an
uidocked house is sacredly respected, and the most valuable property
cached in the woods, as is the Indian custom, is as safe from other In-
dians as if guarded night and day. Unfortunately, white men have set
some very bad examples in this respect, and the Indians have been
more often sinned against than sinning.

They have great respect for the aged, whose advice in most matters
has great weight. Some of the older women, even bond women in
former times, attain great influence in the tribe as soothsayers, due as
much to their venerable api)earauce as to any pretense they may make
of working medicine charms. They are remarkably fond of and indul-
gent to their children, rarely chastising them. As between the sexes,
the rights of the women are respected and the terms of equality on
which the men and women live are very striking to most visitors of this
region. Although marriage is essentially by purchase, and the question
of morality' and immorality of the wife solely one of sanction by the
husband, yet even this restriction is centuries in advance of their
northern neighbors, the Aleuts and Koniagas, with whom promiscuity

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 241

aud the most bestial practices obtain. Early voyagers invariably
mention the modest, reserved, aud decorous bearing of the Tlingit,
Haida, aud Tsimshian women. Uufortuuately, in recent years, the pur-
chase of womeu aud the practice of sanctioued prostitution have, under
the spur of artificial needs of finery and luxuries, had a most demoral-
izing effect on them, aud, with the rum question, are the serious problem
which confronts the friend of the Indian. In their inveterate addiction
to gambling and their craving for tobacco and alcohol they possess
simply the vices iu(;ideut to savagism. In their disregard for the lives
and feelings of slaves, and in their practices of compounding murder
and other crimes by the payment of indemnity to the relatives of the
injured, we see simply the operations of custom, which with them has
the force of law. Murder, seduction, wounds, accidental killing, loss of
articles belonging to another, refusal to marry a widow according to
law, casus belli in general, any wrong may be righted by payment of
an indemnity in the currency of the region.

Sir .Tames Douglas, Governor of the Hudson Bay Company about
1840, says :

If unmarried Avomen prove frail, the partner of their guilt, if discovered, is bouojd
to make reparation to the parents, soothing their wounded honor with handsome
presents. A failure to do this would cause the friends of the offending fair one to use
force to back up their demands and to revenge the insult. It must not, however,
be supposed they would be iuduced toact this part from any sense of reflected shame,
or from a desire of discouraging vice by making a severe example of the vicious, or
that the girl herself has any visitings of remorse, or that the parents think her a bit
the worse for the accideut, or her character in any way blemished. Such are not
their feelings, for the offender is simply regarded as a robber who has committed
depredations on their merchandise, their only anxiety being to make the damages
exacted as heavy as possible.*'

Petroff illustrates as follows the curious custom of paying for in-
juries:

Wars are frequently avoided by an indemnity arrangement, and they go so far in
this system of compensation that they demand payment for losses from parties who
have been in no way instrumental in causing them. For instance, an Indian at Sitka
broke into the room of two miners in their absence, emptied a demijohn of liquor,
and died in consequence, and the relatives of the robber demanded aud received pay-
ment from the unfortunate Caucasians. If a man be attacked by a savage dog and
kills him in self-defense, he must pay for the dog to the Tlingit owner. A small
trading schooner, while running before a furious gale, rescued two Tlingit from a
sinking canoe, which had been carried to sea. The canoe was nearly as long as the
schooner and could '^ot be carried or towed, seeing which, the natives themselves cut
the worthless craft adrift. When the humane captain landed the rescued men at
their village he was astonished by a peremptory demand for payment for the canoe,
backed by threats of retaliation or vengeance.*

To such an extent was this question of indemnity carried, that when
the Russians at Sitka tried to interfere with the killing of slaves on
ceremonial occasions, they were only successful in preventing it by ran-

*Quoted in Petroff's Report, p. 177- * Petroff Report, i». lOf).

n. Mis. 142, pt. 2 .!(>

242 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

soming the proposed victims. A uarration of the exactious of the
Indians for damages on a ^count of the accidental deaths of relatives in
the employ of whites would fill a chapter.

^liSTHETIC CHARACTERS.

These Indians are exceedingly fond of singing and dancing; have
considerable artistic taste in the use of colors ; are advanced in the arts
of carving; and have fair abilities in drawing and designing — all of
which will appear in subsequent chapters. Their carvings in slate
show the height to which their art rises, and would seem to easily place
them at the head of the savage tribes of the world, especially when
taken in conjunction with their industrial development. They bathe
frequently in the sea, but on the other hand continually daub their
faces, bodies, and heads with grease and paint, although this latter
fashion is now dying out ami has almost disappeared, except as an
occasional custom. Tliey were formerly indifferent to the stench of de-
cayed animal and vegetable matter about their houses and villages,
but the influence of the whites has wonderfully improved them in this
respect. They are still, however, indifferent to all sanitary laws of
ventilation, and their fondness for putrid salmon noses and herring
roe is very trying, while the smell of rancid grease destroys the aes-
thetic value of many otherwise interesting curios from the region. A
visit to an Indian house is to the uninitiated still somewhat of an ordeal,
although nothing to what it formerly was. Through living in such in-
timate relations in tlie houses, there is an absence of a becoming sense
of modest^" iu family life, although the offenses are chiefly to be laid at
the door of the men, who in the summer months go almost naked,
whereas the women dress very much the same in all seasons.

GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS.

Contact with the whites has staggered and arrested these Indians iu
their development. They are now adjusting themselves to a new mode
of life. Although much reduced in numbers, they are far from being
near extermination. Much is to be hoped for iu the recent establish-
ment of industrial and other schools and in the general interest now
taken in the Indians. In the prohibition and prevention of the sale of
liquor to them a great step has been taken. Much more needs to be
done in the suppression of prostitution, in the recognition of Indian
rights to hunting and fishing grounds, and in medical assistance to a
people childishly ignorant of the simplest laws of health. Their Indian
doctors are fast disappearing, and with them much of the degrading
superstition of an ethnical group capable of almost any rise iu the scale
of civilization.

in.

REGULATIVE OBGANI-ZATION: CONSANGUINEAL-POLITICAL— IN-
DUSTRIAL.

Government does not begin in the ascendency of chieftains through prowess in war,
but in the slow specialization of executive functions from communal associations
based on kinship. * * * Evolution in society has not been from militancy to in-
dustrialism, but from organization based on kinship to organization based, on prop-
perty, and alongside of the specializations of the industries of peace the arts of war
have been specialized."

GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS.

On the northwest coast totemism permeates the whole tribal organi-
zation. The ceremonies at birth, initiation, naming, matrimony, feast-
ing, dancing, funerals, and all other social occasions, all have for their
object, in some way, the identification of the individual with his totem
under its specific name. A totem is simplj^ an organization of con-
sanguineal kindred into a recognized group or band, but with its defi-
nition and practical workings we have more to do later.

Amongst the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshiau, the organizatian is
based on mother-right; that is, birth-rights, such as rank, wealth, prop-
erty, etc., are received from the mother. Amongst the southern tribes
of British Columbia father-right is the form of social organization.
In the lowest and rudest forms of primitive human society we have
simply the recognition of the maternity of a child, the paternity either not
being known, or not considered. Matriarchy, this tracing of descent in
the female line only, " mother rule," finds its most primitive form in
the tribal organization of some of the Australians, where the tribe
and child recognize a group of mothers (a sub-phratry), their issues, as
it were, being pooled. The evolution of patriarchy, the recognition of
definite male descent, " father-rule," is obscure, but its most primitive
form is also found amongst some Australian tribes, where a group of
fathers belonging to a sub-phratry have the monopoly of privileges
with the women of a corresponding female sub-phratry, although the
tribes may be a thousand miles apart and speak diiferent languages.!
As we advance from matriarchy towards patriarchy, we find, at the
boundary, tribes wavering between female and male descent, or in which

* MaJ. .T. W. Powell. An. Rep., Rinean of Ethnology, I, p. 33.
t Frazer, TotemiHin, p. r>7.

244 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

the male and female line have equal rights, but everywhere mother
rule seems to have preceded father rule. "The couvade or custom in
accordance with which the husband takes to his bed and is treated as
an invalid when his wife has given birth to a child is perhaps a fiction,
intended to transfer to the father those rights over the children which
under the previous system of mother-kin, had been enjoyed by the
mother alone."* In the evolution of social organization, therefore,
matriarchy naturally precedes patriarchy. In the recognition of pater-
nity and in the accumulation and inheritance of property from botli
father and mother, or either, we find the beginnings of i^atriarchy and
of the evolution trom "organization based on kinship to organization
based on property." The recognition of property may be in itself the
lirst step in this evolution. With the development of the institution
of marriage, man's position in the community becomes lixed by kinship.
In the segregation of blood relatives, based on either matriarchy or
l)atriarchy, we get the household. In the organization of consanguiueal
kindred, we have the basis of the communal organization. In this
stage, "There is no place in a tribe for any person whose kinship is
not fixed, and only those persons can be adopted into the tribe who
are adopted into some family with artificial kinship specified. The
fabric of Indian societj'^ is a complex tissue of kinship. The warp is
made of streams of kindship blood, and the woof of marriage ties."t
What has here been briefly said with regard to the origin and de
velopment of the patriarchal form of social organization from the ma-
triarchal is peculiarly pertinent to a study and comparison of the
ethnical affinities of the tribes of the northwest coast. The southern
tribes have very few of the customs and traditions peculiar to the
northern, and their social organization is different, '-mother-rule" be-
ing peculiar to the northern group and " father-rule" to the southern.
Dr. Franz Boas says :

On account of philological considerations, T think that the social organization of
the Kwakiutl was originally patriarchal, or it may he more correct to say that the
male and female line had equal rights. This opinion is fonn.led on the fact that even
among the tribes among whom matriarchate prevails at present, the same terms are
used for denoting relationship in the male and female lines. t

No satisfactory inferences as to the influence of these various north-
west coast tribes on one another in traditions, customs, a!id social
organization can as yet be drawn in view of the meager data we have.
There is no more promising field for sociological study than in this re-
gion. In the ceremonial institutions, in the elaborate dance parapher-
nalia, in the carved heraldic columns, in the wide variations in the
mortuary customs, in all the practices of tribes of highly imaginative
and inventive Indians, we have here similarities and differences so be-

*Frazer, Toteniism, p. 78.

f Major Powell, in An. Rept., Hureau <»!' i;tlini)l(ii;y. I. p. (!'.*.

IScienc, VoP. Xli, No. t>!10, i>. VX>.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 245

wildeiing, tliai it 18 difficnll to trace the mutual influences of the differ
eiit ethnic groups. In nothing, however, more than in the totemic or-
ganization do we recognize these differences.

TOTEMISM.

The organization of consangnineal kindred is variously called the
totem, the clan, the totem clan, or the gens (plural, gentes). Frazer, in
his work on Totemism, thus defines it : *

A totem is a class of material objects which a savage regards with superstitious re-
spect, believing that there exists between him and every member of the class au in-
timate and altogether special relation. * * * The connection between a man and
his totem is mutually benehcent ; the totem protects the man, and the man shows
his respect for the totem in various ways, by not killing it if it be an animal, and not
cutting or gathering it if it be a plant.

Considered in relation to men, totems are of at least three kinds : (1) The clan to-
tem, common to a whole clan, and passing by inheritance from generation to genera-
tion; (2) the sex totem * * * ^^3) The individual totem, belonging to a single
individual and not passing to his descendants. * * *

The clan totem. — The clan totem is reverenced by a body of men and women who
call themselves by the name of the totem, believe themselves to be of one blood, de-
scendants of a common ancestor, and are bound together by common obligations to
each other, and by a common faith in the totem. Totemism is thus both a religions
and a social system. In its religious aspect it consists of the relations of mutual re-
spect and protection between a man and his totem ; in its social a spect it consists of
the relations of the clansmen to each other and to men of other clans. In the later
history of totemism these two sides, the leligions and the social, tend to part com-
pany. ' * * On the whole, the evidence points strongly to the conclusion that the
two sides were originally inseparable ; that, in other words, the further we go back
the more we should find that the clansman regards himself and his totem as beings of
the same species, and the less he distinguishes between conduct towards his totem and
towards liis fellow-clansmen.

Tribal Society. — ^^These totems, clans, or gentes are sometimes organ-
ized into groups called phratries. the union of the latter forming the
tribe or i)eople. We have, therefore, (1) the household or family; (2)
the totem ; (3) the phratry ; and (4) the tribe.

On the northwest coast the household is not the unit of the totem or
of the phratry, as more than one totem is represented in each; the father
beloDging to one totem and the mother and children to another. Besides
this, a brother and his wife may belong to the household, or a sister and
her husband ; thus numerous totems may be represented under one roof.

The practice of totemism on the northwest coast has not yet received
the thorough study it deserves. It remains for some organization,
governmental or incorporated, to systematically collect the data nec-
essary for a complete tabulation of the phratries and gentes of all the
tribes, and an exposition of their mutual relations and significance. In
connection with this, a study of the totemic carvings, legends, myths,
and folk-lore, must be prosecuted. The lists of totems from time to time
published have.served so far to obscure rather than elucidate the sub-

* Totemism p. 1, sq.

24() REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, l^SX.

.lect, owing to the apparent want of agreement of any two writers. The
tendency to generalize from a study of one tribe alone has added to the
confusion. Thorough and systematic collection of data at each village
can alone give a reliable groundwork for generalizations. This work
must be undertaken soon, or it will prove either incomplete or too late
altogether.

The exceedingly imperfect data given here will at least serve as a pre-
liminary sketch of the tabulation.

CONSANGUINEAL ORGANIZATION.

Totems. — From their nature, totems are in a state of flux. Clans tend
to become phratries split up into sub-phratries ; sub-phraties decay and
finally disappear. An individual distinguishes himself,becomes wealthy,
and hence a leading man in the village. His totem, or indeed his in-
dividual crest or sub-totem, may have been an obscure one. As he
rises, its importance in the tribe rises with him. Under his successsor,
the totem widens its numbers and influence, and finally eclipses other
clan totems, which eventually melt away or are incorporated with it.
In the course of time, either by the accession of other totems or else by
its splitting up into sub-totems, it came finally to be ranked as a
phratry, then a sub-phratry. In this evolution we see the subtotem
grow into a clan totem, then into a phratry or sub-phratrv, when decay
sets in, and it " melts into the vast reservoir of nature from which it
sprang."

On the northwest coast we see only a few of the stages in this evolu-
tion, but by a study of totemism as it exists in all parts of the world
the curve of the rise and fall of totems has been so accurately plotted,
that there will probably be found in this region no wide variations
from the general system.

Tlingit. — Amongst the Tlingit two exogamous groups of gentes exist,
that is, they are divided into two phratries. The individuals composing
the gentes in one phratry can only marry individuals in any gentes of
the other. These phratries are popularly called the Eaven and the
Wolf. Much confusion arises from the fact that in the Wolf phratry
we have the Wolf totem, and in the Eaven phratry the Eaven totem.
Frazer says of this :

Considering the prominent parts played in Tlingit mythology by the ancestors of
the tsvo phratries, and considering that the jjhratries are also names of clans, it
seems jirobable that the Raven and Wolf were the two original clans of the Tlingits,
which afterwards by sub-division became phratries*.

Through popular misapprehension the origin of these two phratries

*Frazer, Totemism, p. 62. This seems to be further borne out by the testimony of
Lisiansky, Voyag., p. '242, Sitka (1805). " The tribe of the wolf are called the
Coqueians, and have many privileges over the other tribes. They are considered
the best warriors, and are said to be scarcely sensible to pain, and to have no fear of
death. If in war a person of this tribe is taken prisoner he is always treated well
and is generally set at liberty."

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST.

247

IS assigned to the tradition of the two mythical beings or heroes, Tetl
and Kanulc, whose struggles, valor, and beneficence endowed the
Tlingit with the good things of life. In his frequent transformations
Tetl ofteu adopted the form of the raven, giving to the Raven phratry
the apparent right to claim descent from the great Tetl, Some authori-
ties claim to identify Kanuk, the other godlike personage with the
progenitor of the Wolf phratry ; but Dr. Franz Boas claims through his
interpretations of the Tlingit legends that " this Kamilc is identical
with the eagle,"* and also that the Tlingit use the title Eagle and Wolf
without discrimination in designating the so-called Wolf phratry.
May not this be due to a possible amalgamation of the Wolf and the
Eagle totem at a remote period antedating the growth of the totem
into a phratry. This amalgamation takes place in the course of time
in all Indian communities having a totemic organization. The partial
list of Tlingit totems as verified by the writer is as follows :

Phralries.

Wolf or Eagle.

Raven.

Totems.

Wolf.

K,iTen.

Bear.

Frog.

1

Eagle.

Goose.

1

Whale.

Beaver.

i

Shark.

Owl.

Porpoise.

Sea-lion.

PuflBn.

Salmon.

Orca.

Dog-fish.

Orca-bear.t

Crow.

__l

The above totems are divided into sub-totems with special names
denoting locality and collateral relationship. The vocabulary of titles,
sub-titles, etc., is a large one, and needs in itself special study. The
data has not yet been collected to enable us to give an adequate idea
of the complexity and ramifications of the Tlingit totemic organization.

Kaigani. — The principal totems are the Crow, Raven, Brown Bear,
Beaver, Eagle, Wolf, and Whale. In addition are also found the Seal,
Orca (Killer), Gnll, Crane, Frog, Shark, and others. Boas adds the
Sparrow-hawk, Codfish, and Skate. The two exogamous groups or
phratries amongst the Kaigani are the Wolf and the Eagle, according to
Boas, designated as the IshitVa'nas and Ta¥tl a'nas. The division of

'Notes on Ethnology of British Columbia, before Am. Philos. Society, November
18, 1887, p. 42-2. ^

tAt Fort Wrangell several households of the Orca and Bear totems have been amal-
gamated into one called by a different came from either, viz, Ndnad'H.

248 U'Kl'OKl' OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 18i<H.

the above uamed totems iuto the two groups is not knowu defluitely
enough by the writer to wari-ant giving the list. Enough is known
however to iUustrate several anomalous groupings. For instance, the
Eaven and Bear totems belong to the Eagle phratry, whilst amongst the
Tiingit they belong to the opposite or Raven phratry. . In consequence
of this, when, for instance, a Kaigani of either of these totems goes to
Fort Wrangell (Stikiue) or Tongass (Tunghoash), he becomes a member
of the opposite phratry, and can only marry in what, in his own village,
would be his own phratry. This illustrates very forcibly that it is the
gens or totem which counts. Once a Bear always a Bear; whereas the
j)hratry is in one sense limited or local. The obligations attaching to
a totem are not, therefore, confined to tribal or national limits, but ex-
tend throughout the whole region. In childhood a transfer can be
made from one totem to another. Supposing a chief desires his son to
succeed him and to belong to his own totem; the babe is transferred
to his sister to suckle, and is figuratively adopted by her. In this way
the son acquires the totemship of his father, and at an early age is taken
back by his own mother to raise. Dawson cites these cases of transfer
as often effected among the Haida to strengthen the totem of the father
when its number has become reduced and there is danger not only of
loss of prestige but of extinction. The ties of the totem or of the
phratry are considered far stronger than those of blood-relationship.
A man can not marr^' in his own totem whether within or without his
own tribe, or his own phratry within his own tribe. Thei^e is nothing to
prevent a man from marrying his first cousin, and much to i)rohibit his
marriage to a most remote connection or an absolute stranger. The
children always take the mother's totem amongst the Tiingit, Kaigani,
Haida, and Tsimshian, unless transferred to the father's by a fiction.
Thus " mother-rule," or matriarchy prevails. Wealth and chiefship
descend in the female line in a most curious way, as explained hereafter
in dealing with the subjects of chiefship and inheritance. Dawson,
speaking of the intertribal relation of totems, says :

All ludian ou arriving at a strange village where he may apprehend hostility wonld
look for a house indicated by its carved post as belonging to his totem and make for
it. The master of the honse, coming out, may, if he likes, make a dance in honor of
his visitor, but in any case protects him from all injury. In the same way, should an
ludian be captured as a slave by some warlike expedition and brought into the vil-
lage of his captors, it behooves any one of his totem, either man or woman, to pre-
sent themselves to the captors, and, singing a certain sacred song, offer to redeem- the
captive. Blankets and other property are given for this purpose. Should the slave
be given up, the redeemer sends him back to his tribe and the relatives pay the re-
deemer for what he has expended. Should the captors refuse to give up the slave
for the property offered, it is considered rather disgraceful to them. This, at least,
is the custom pursued in regard to captives included in the same totem .system as them-
selves by the Tsimshians, and it is doubtless identical or very similar among" the
Haidas, though no special information ou this subject was obtained from them.*

* Dawson, Report, B, p. 134.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 245)

This is also the custom amougst the Tliugit and Kaigaui. Langs
dorff (1805) cites the custom about Sitka, and says that the ransom was
usually paid in sea-otter skins.*

Haida. — Dawson states that —

A single system of totems (Haida, Kwalla) extends tbrougbout the different tribes
of tbe Haidas, Kaigauis, Tsimsbiaus, and neigbboring peoples. * » » Tbe totems
found among tbese peoples are designated as tbe eagle, wolf, crow, black bear, auifin-
tchale (or killer), Tbe two last named are imited, bo tbat but four clans are counted
in all. Tbe Haida names for tbese are, in order, koot, kooji, kit-si-nax.a and sxa-nu-xu.
The members of tbe different totems are generally pretty equally distributed in eacb
tribe. Tbose of tbe 6<ame totem are all counted, as it were, of one family, and tbe
cbief bearing of tbe system appears to be on marriage. t

According to Boas, the Haida are divided into numerous totems and
into the two phratries, Eagle and Eaven, tlte same as the Kaigani. J

In the absence of any other information the subject must rest in this
unsatisfactory condition.

TsimsMan. — Amongst the Tsimshian there are four gentes or totems,
the Raven, the Eagle, the Bear, and the Wolf. A person of any totem
may marry into any other than his own indiflerenlly. In the strict sense,
therefore, there are no phratries amongst the Tsimshian. Boas states
that the totems of the Kwakiutl are the Eaven, Eagle, and Bear, and
that he believes that the Tsimshian have in general modified the cus-
toms of northern Kwakiutl. §

Origin of Totemism. — Some idea has been given of the systems of
totems amongst the northern tribes of the northwest coast. Its prac-
tical workings will be given later on, in treating of the habits, customs,
and traditions of these tribes. It may, in one sense, be out of place
here to deal with the theory of totemism in a work of this nature, but
something may be added to the general fund of speculation. No satis-
factory theory has yet been advanced in explanation of the origin of
totemism. Mr. Herbert Spencer finds it (1) in the primitive custom
of naming children after natural objects from some accidental circum-
stance or fanciful resemblance or in nicknaming later in life; (2) the
confounding of or misinterpretation of such metaphorical names or
nicknames with the real objects, that is, confusing these objects with
their ancestors of the same name, and reverencing them as they
already reverenced their ancestors. Sir John Lubbock takes his stand
on the ''supposed resemblance" theory. Totemism can not be traced
from ancestor worship directly, because it actually exists where there
is the most unsatisfactory recognition of ancestry, that is of paternity
or maternity, or even both. The confusion of natural objects with their
known ancestors of the same names and reverencing them as they rev-
erence such ancestors is in itself quite plausible enough, but the ex-

* Langsdorff, Voyages, part ii, p. 130.

t Dawson, Report, ji. 134, B.

t Correspondence, also Science, Oct. '20, 1888.

^ Science, Vol. xii, No. '299, p. 195.

250 REPORT OF NATIONAL M1J8EUM, 1888.

istence of totemism where ancestry is vaguely or not at all recognized
would seem in itself to call for some other solution.

Does not the theory of anthropomorphism, the childish and natural
philosophy of all phenomena, as suggesed by Prof. O. T. Mason, account
for totemism ? Belief in the possibility of human descent from natural
objects exists universally amongst primitive people. This has uudoubt^,
edly been strengthened by the credibility of the reality of experience in
dreams, which, as a sequence, is followed by a belief in the possibility
of sexual relations with objects of nature also founded on dreams. The
existence of customs in Bengal, Servia, and Greece of marrying bride
and groom to trees before marriage to each other is an illustration of
the survival of such belief.*

Clearly, before we can have a recognition of ancestry, we must have
a recognition of paternity ; and a misinterpretation of names and con-
founding of ancestry with natural objects can not precede a belief in
the possibility of sexual relations and descent from natural objects. It
seems not unreasonable therefore to trace the origin of the belief last
named to the well-knbwn anthropomorphism and credulity of savages
in the reality of dreams. This is simply here suggested as a partial
solution of the question.

POLITICAL ORGANIZATION.

Chiefs and Petty Chiefs. — In the sense in which the term is ordinarily
used, there is no absolute chiefship. The family is the sociological unit.
The head of that household in the village, which, through inheritance,
wealth, numbers, and influence, predominates over the others, is nomi-
nally chief of the village. His authority is shadowy, and his power is
largely due, aside from wealth, good birth, and family influence, to his
prowess in war, or to personal and masterful qualities. i;^ow and then,
through various causes, a chief may rule a village with absolute or des-
potic sway, but the |)owet is not so much due to headship, in itself, as
to personal and aggressive qualities in the individual. Bank is prin-
cipally dependent on wealth and good birth, although the latter in itself
implies inheritance of rank and wealth. Personal qualities count for
what they are worth in addition. General recognition and consensus
of opinion settle the question of rank. That is to say, it is about what
the individual can make it by all the arts of assertion, bargain, intrigue,
wealth, display, and personal prowess.

Besides the principal chief, there are others, who are the heMs of the
other principal clan totems or households of the village. Their rank
or claim to distinction and respect is relative to that of the chief in
the degree of their wealth, age, superiority of natural understanding,
the number of persons of which their household consists, and the gen-
eral good fortune and prosperity of the group of persons of which they

* Frazer, Totemism, p. :J4.

THH INDIANS OF THE NOK I'HWEST COAST. 251

ure the recognized head. Indeed, each household is in itself a subor
dinate government. The head of it, through heredity, wealth, ability,
or otherwise, simply is recognized as a petty chief in the village. The
head chief merely overshadows in the extent of his influence the pettj^
chiefs. Often reverses of fortune turn the tables, and some decline in
influence while others rise. Often the alliance of the medicine men
is gained by purchase or by the sacrifice of private property, and the
chiefs and shamans combine to uphold each other in the respect and fear
of the community. Many bitter feuds grow out of the rivalries of house-
holds and geutes in the struggle for power and influence in the tribe.
Often a man is strong enough, lilie Chief Skowl of Kasaan, to crush out
all opposition, or even, like Chief Skiddaus,* to extend his influence
beyond his own village through the ownership of valuable lands, or
through the necessities of war, and have his suzerainty recognized
by the chiefs of other villages. In a strict sense, however,, the village
is the tribal unit. Alliances of tribes have always been only temporary,
and no lasting federatiou has ever been formed. Simpson, who visited
Alaska in 1841, says, of the rivalries of Chiefs Shakes and Qualkay,
at Fort Wrangell (Stikine), " though Shakes was the principal chief,
yet he had comparatively little influence ; while the second ruler in
the tribe (Qualkay) possessed a strong party in the village."t

A chief, as a rule, is not treated with any very marked deference on
ordinary occasions excepting by his own household, but in ceremonies
a degree of state was formerly kept up, to impress visitors or strangers
with the importance and high rank of the dignitary. In the ceremonies
at the conclusion of peace between the Russians and Indians at Sitka
(1804), Lisiansky states that the Indian chief wbo acted as an ambassa-
dor was either borne by his slaves upon a mat-carpet or rug, or carried
on the shoulders of his attendants, as become his rank, and not due to
any infirmity of the chief, for in the ceremonial dances which followed
he took a prominent part.f

In early days the chief traded for all his tribe or household, subject
however, to the approval of those present ; but in recent years, with the
abolition of slavery and the influence of the whites, the authority of
the chiefs has been very much weakened. Instances are not rare
where medicine men or shamans have been head chiefs of villages.

Freemen. — Below the chiefs come the freemen, who are the ordinary
people of the tribe composing the different households. Above these in
one sense, or above the petty chiefs for that matter, come the shamans
or medicine men. This rank, however, is in no sense political. They
iare simply a class whose functions are largely religious.

Slaves. — On our acquisition of the territory of Alaska in 1867 the
practice of slavery received its death-blow amongst the Indians. Pre-

* Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia, p. 108.
t Simpson, Journey Round the World, Vol. i, p. 212.
f Lisiansky, Y-oyages. p. 2:^2.

252 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

viously to that the Russian authorities had sought to ameliorate, m some
degree, the hardships of this wretched class iu the viciuity of Sitka, but
it was still in practice when we took i)ossession. The slave class has
now gradually been absorbed into the body of the freemen and slavery
is a thing of the past.

Formerly wealth consisted largely in the possession of slaves. Simp-
son estimates that in 1841 one-third of the entire population of this
region were slaves of the most helplesss and abject description.
Though some of them were prisoners of war and their descendants, yet
the great supply was obtained by trade with the southern Indians, in
which the Tsimshian acted as middlemen. They were kidnapped or
captured by the southern Indians from their own adjacent tribes and
sold to the Tsimshian, who traded them to the northern Tlingit and in-
terior Tinne tribes for furs. The last-named had no hereditary slaves,
getting their supply from the coast. Dunn states (1834) that at Port
Simpson, British Columbia, " A full-grown athletic slave, who is a good
hunter, will fetch nine blankets, a gun, a quantity of powder and ball,
a couple of dressed elk skins, tobacco, vermilion paint, a flat file, and
other little articles."*

Slaves did all the drudgery ; fished for their owner ; strengthened
his force in war ; were not allowed to hold property or to marry ;
and when old and worthless were killed. The master's power was
unlimited. If ordered by him to murder an enemy or rival, his own life
paid the forfeit or penalty if he either refused or failed. The children
of slave women by the master were slaves. In certain ceremonies it
was customary to give several slaves their freedom ; but at funerals of
chiefs, or in ceremonies attending the erection of a house by a person
of consequence, slaves were killed. Slaves sacrificed at funerals were
chosen long before the death of their master and were supposed to be
peculiarly fortunate, as their bodies attained the distinction of cremation,
instead of being thrown into the sea. Simpson (1841) saysof Chief Shakes
at Wrangell (Stikine), that he was " said to be very cruel to his slaves,
whom he frequently sacrificed iu pure wantonness, in order to show how
great a man he was. Un the recent occasion of a house-warming, he
exhibited as part of the festivities the butchery of five slaves ; and at
another time, having struck a white man in a fit of drunkenness and re-
ceived a pair of black eyes for his pains, he ordered a slave to be shot,
by way at once of satifying his own wounded honor and apologizing
to the person whom he had assaulted. His rival (Qualkay), on the
contrary, was possessed of such kindness of heart, that on grand holi-
days he was more ready to emancipate his^ slaves than to destroy them ;
yet, strange to say, many bondmen used to run away from Qualkay,
while none attempted to escape from Shakes; an anomaly which, how-
ever, was easily explained, inasmuch as the one would pardon the
recaptured fugitives, and the other would torture and murder them."t

Dnnii, Orporon, p. 27^?. t Rinipson. .Tonrney, Vol. i, pp. 212, 213.

THE INDIANS 4)F THE NORTHWEST COAST. 253

The practice of killing slaves in ceremonies and for reparation in
quarrels was quite common among the northern tribes, and numerous
instances might be cited. At Howkan, in one of the Indian houses, may
be seen a couple of large wooden images each representing a wolf, with
human face and real human hair on the head. This was to remind
slaves that, if they escaped from their owners, they would become
transformed into creatures like those depicted, half man, half wolf.

Poole (1863) says that the Haida, Chief Klue, informed him "that
some years previously his brother-in-law, in those days the greatest
chief on the coast, had been entrapped by the Fort Rupert Indians on
his way home from Victoria and scalped and killed, with all his males,
his females being divided as slaves among the victors."* This example
is cited to show that it was very questionable if the northern Indians
made very good slaves, being so warlike, and preferring, as they claim,
death to slavery. On the other hand, the southern tribes were more
docile, the Flatheads forming the principal part of the slave popula-
tion of the northern Indians. In case of the liberation of a slave, he
was adopted as a freeman into the clan to which his mother belonged
either by birth or as a slave.

Civil Government. — There are no stated periods for councils or delib-
erative gatherings. A household consultation or a meeting of the gens
or of the chiefs takes place under the spur of necessity. Women have
usually as much to say as the men on other than ceremonial occasions,
and their advice is frequently followed, particularly in affairs of trade.
In matters affecting one or more gentes or the village, representatives
of the various households or gentes meet more formally. They squat
around or sit cross-legged, delivering formal speeches in turn, which
are heard with rapt attention and approved of by grunts, murmurs,
and uplifting of hands. In cases such as witchcraft or offenses of
medicine men, sentence to death or to fine is adjudged by the leading
men of the village after trial. Under most circumstances, however,
the law of blood revenge, an "eye for an eye," leaves little need for
otherthan family councils, as they are purely totemic offenses, and are
arranged by the injured gens.

INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION.

Division of Labor. — As between the sexes, the women attend mostly
to the common household duties, but the men have a fair share of the
outside work about the house and camp, A chief is usually more or
less waited on by his dependents. When slavery was in vogue, this class
performed all the menial drudgery. The liberated slaves still occupy
a somewhat dependent position. The men are the warriors and hunt-
ers, though an old woman of rank usually steers the war canoe. In
ordinary transit the women assist the men in paddling, and the owner

*I*i^oli\ Qiu'oii Cliailotte Islands, j). 28.').

254 KEPORT OF NATIONAL MUyEUM, 18»8.

orthe mostexperieuced person steers. In the season of hunting fur-bear-
ing animals, the women and children (and formerly slaves) take charge
of the camps — fishing, drying fish, and gathering and drying berries
for winter. Altogether the division of labor is upon equitable and
economic principles, and the women by no means do all the drudgery.
During the runs of salmon, herring, and eulachon, and in fact at all
times during the summer season, special employment is dropped, abd
all the natives alike engage in the work in hand. In addition to the
food supj)ly, materials are collected to be worked up during the winter
months, by those specially skilled, into various useful and ornamental
objects. Difierent men and women acquire adeptuess in different arts
and industries, and devote their leisure to their trade. Some of the
men are expert house-carpenters, canoe builders, basket-makers, tan-
ners of hides, hewers of wood, metal workers, carv ers of wood, stone,
horn, bone, slate, manufacturers of metal implements, ornaments, house-
hold utensils, etc., and are regularly paid for their services. This is
especially true of the wood-carvers, who make and paint the totemic and
mortuary columns. Others enjoy prestige as successful hunters of certain
animals or expert fishermen. Some of the women are expert basket-
makers, carvers of household utensils, weavers of cloaks and mats of
cedar bark and wool, and makers of dance and ceremonial costumes.
Generally the men are carvers and the women weavers. Dunn (1834)
says of the Tsimshian, and it applies also to the Haida and Tlingit,
" Every chief keeps an Indian on his establishment for making and re-
pairing canoes and marking masks for his religious representations; this
man they call the carpenter. " *

Portlock (1786) says of the Tlingit, "the women are the keepers of
their treasures, "t In fact, as before stated, the women are practically
on an equality with the men in the industrial organization, and whether
her advice in all matters is sought or not, she is quite apt to give it.
Cases of "henpecked'' husbands are not rare.

Inheritance. — In this totemic organization some singular features
present themselves. Blood relationship is cut across in an arbitrary
way, giving rise to peculiar customs and laws. As before stated, first
cousins may marry, but totally unrelated persons in the same phratry
may not. In a war between gentes or phratries, a groom, while cele-
brating his nuptials, may be called upon to fight his father-in-law on
account of some trivial feud.

Property is inherited by the brother of the deceased, a sister's son, a
sister, or the mother, in the order named, in the absence of the preced-
ing. As a rule the wife gets nothing. She has her own dowry and
personal property. Whoever inherits the property of the deceased, if
a brother or sister's son, must either take the widow to wife, or pay an
indemnity to her relatives in case of failure to do so. In case the heir
is already married, the next in succession takes her; for instance, the

'Dniin, Oregon, p. "lOl. t P(»r1.I<i(k, Voy.agos, j). 200.

THK INDIANS OF THE MORTHWEST COAST. 255

brother may inherit the property and the nephew get the relict. In
case there is no male relative to marry her or in case an indemnity is
paid, the widow may marry any other man. Sometimes an adopted
child or the sou adopted by a sister of the deceased may be the heir.
The heir of Chief Skowl of Kasa-au (Kaigaui) was his sister's sou,
Sahattan, who is now chief of the village. Should a boy be killed by
accident, the indemnity is paid, by a reversal of this rule, to his mother's
brother, the boy's uucle. Property inherited is taken possession of by
the heir as soou as the body is burned or enclosed in the burial box.
It becomes his duty within a year to give a great feast and erect a
mortuary column in honor of the deceased. This ceremony is called
glorifyiug or elevating the dead, and is one of the principal ones in this
region, ,

Lisiansky (1805) says of the Tlingit about Sitka:

The right of succession is from uncle to nephew [meaning sister's sou], the dignity
of chief to yon excepted, which passes to him who is the most powerful, or has the
greatest number of relations. Tliough the toyons have power over their subjects, it
is a very limited power, unless when an individual of extraordinary ability starts up,
who is sure to rule despotically, and, as elsewhere, to do much mischief. These toy-
ons are numerous ; even in small settlements there are often four or five.*

SUMMART.

The industrial organization is not different from the political, and
most of the laws and customs which control them in their actions are
founded on totemic laws, traditions, legends, folk-lore, and super-
stitions. For this reason the regulative organization, while not exactly
weak, is at least not well differentiated. The actual function or occu-
pation of the individual, both as a member of a household and of the
tribe, is partially developed, although there are no real craft classes.
Organization is based on kinship, and descent is in the female line.
Totemism cuts across blood relationship and its chief bearing is on
marriage. Most of the ceremonies have a bearing directly on totemism,
and have for their object the identification of the individual with his
totem.

'Lisiansky, Voyages, p. 243.

IV.

PERSONAL ADORNMENT: MUTILATIONS, LIP ORNAMENTS, TATTOOING,
AND PAINTING. ORNAMENTS, NECKLACES, PENDANTS, AND BRACE-
LETS. DRESS, ANCIENT, MODERN, RAIN, WAR, AND CERE MONIAL. .

MUTILATIONS.

The practice of mutilation is older than recorded history. Mau never
lias been satisfied with either his structure or appearance, and has con-
stantly endeavored to improve upon both. On the northwest coast the
mutilations are of the head and face, the practice of flattening or com-
pressing the head being, however, peculiar only to the southern tribes
of this region. Mackenzie, in his visit to the Bilqnla, in 1793, described
their heads as " wedge-shaped." This does not, however, obtain among
the Haida, Tsimshian, and Tlingit, but they pierce the ear and the sep-
tum of the nose, and in addition the women slit the lower lip.

Li])., nose, and ear ornaments. — "While amongst the Eskimo the men
pierce the lip and wear the sleeve button-sluiped labrets of bone, shell,
ivory, or stone, amongst the northern Indians the women alone wear
the lip ornament. Between these two geographically are the Koniagas
and Aleut. With the Koniagas both sexes pierce the septum of the
nose and the under lip and wear ornaments in them.

Beginning with the Yakutat* and running as far south as the Kwa-
kiutl,t we find the custom amongst the women of wearing a labret in
a slit cut in the lower lip. It is symbolic of maturity, the incision first
being made either in childhood or else at puberty. In either case it is
done with some ceremony, which is described in Chapter xiii. A cop-
per wirt'l or piece of shell or wood is introduced into the fresh incision
to keep the wound open. The object inserted is gradually enlarged
until an artificial opening of some size is made. When maturity is
reached a block of wood is inserted. This is oval or elliptical in shape,
and amongst the Haida and Tsimshian quite elongated. With the
Tlingit, on the other hand, it is almost circular in shape. In general
it is hollowed out on both sides, and grooved on the edge like the sheave

* Dall, Alaska, p. 428, and liancroft, Vol. i, Native Races, both state that the Ya-
kutat do not now wear the lip ornuriicut. Dixon (1787), however, in Voyages, p. 172,
minutely desenl)es the custom as then in vogue amongst them.

t .Simpson, .lourney Jfound the World, p. 204, Vol. i. (1841).

t Vancouver, Voyages, Vol. ii, p. 4i)8, .states that the copper or lira.ss "corrodes
the lacerated parts, and by consuming the llesh gradually inereases the orilii'e until
it is suI'Mciently large to admit the wooden apiieudagc"

-- 25<i

EXPLANATION OF PLATE IV.

Chief Kitkun, of the Haida Village of Las Keek, Queen Charlotte Islands, British

Columbia.

From a photograph in the U. S. National Musejm.

Kitkun is here selected as a tj'pe of the Haida Indian. The rank wliicli lie held
in 1873 was that of a petty chief of tlie village, his brother, Chief Klue, being- tlie
head chief. On the death of his brother, Kitkun became head chief of the village,
assuming the hereditary title. Chief Klue. The tattoo mark on the breast repre-
sents Kahatla, the cod-fish, and that on his arms Cheena. the salmon. The design
on his back is shown in Fig. 2, Plate V, and represents Wasko, a mythological
being of the wolf species.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate IV,

Chief Kitkun, of the Haida Village of Las Keek, Queen Charlotte Islands, British

Columbia.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE V.

Haida Tattooing.

From photographs by the author and sketches by James G. Swan, of Port Townsend, Washington.

Fig. 2. Design c<)])iecl froiii the back of Chief Kitkiin, representing Wasko, a myth-

ologieal being of the wolf specii s.
Fig. ;5a. Tattooed design on tlie back of the Haida (shown in Fig. 4) representing

the Thunder-bird.
Fig. fib. Design on tlie leg of tlie Haida (shown in Fig. 4),' half way between the

knee and thigh, representing the squid octopus.
Fig. '6c. Design on the skin of the Haida (shown in Fig. 4) just below the knee,

representing Tlankostan, the frog.
Fig. 4. Young Haida from Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columlna. The tattoo

mark on the breast represents Hoorts, the bear, and that on his fore-arm

Koot, the eagle.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate V.

Haida Tattooing.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 257

of a pulley to keep it in place. Each succeeding year a larger and
larger lip-block is inserted, the effect being in old age to drag the lip
down, exposing the discolored and worn teeth, and forming altogether,
to the European, a disgusting spectacle, but to them a thing of beauty
and a token of rank, maturity, and social position. In running, it flops
up and down between the nose and chin in a very undignified manner.
It is as embarrassing to an Indian woman to be seen without her labret as
for a European woman to be seen with uncovered bosom.* Female
slaves were invariably forbidden the privilege of wearing them. The
size of the labret measures the social importance and wealth of the
wearer. The custom is now dying out, but is still seen amongst the
older Haida women, the labrets being principally made of wood. Form-
erly it was the custom to ornament them with copper and inlay them
with haliotis shell by way of beautifying them. They varied in size
from 4 inches long by 3 broad down to small buttons to wear in the
first incision. Now that this custom is dying out, a form of it is seen
in the piercing of the lip with a small hole and the insertion of a silver
tube or bar (Plate xi).

Piercing the nose. — Both sexes pierce the septum of the nose and in-
sert ornaments, originally of copper, bone, wood, or haliotis shell, but
now of silver, such as rings or bars or tufts of red woolen yarn, with
pendent shark's teeth. The Tlingit wear a silver or bone ring through
the nose, as seen in several accompanying plates, but formerly the cus-
tom of wearing an ivory stick or pin obtained in some localities.

Piereing the ears. — Both sexes pierce the lobe of the ear and wear or-
naments as in the nose. Around the rim of the ear additional holes are
])ierced. Men of rank have as many as five or six of these latter. For-
merly, according to Dawsou,t " these held little ornaments formed of
plates of haliotis shell, backed with thin sheet copper or the small teeth
of the tin- whale." This custom is also fast dying out. Amongst the
older men and women one still sees these practices, but in a modified
and less pronounced form.

Tattooing. — This practice is found rarely among the Tlingit, if at all,
and only occasionally amongst the Tsimshian, although it crops out
here and there, in a very mild form, all along the coast. With the
Baida alone, of all the Indian stocks, tattooing is a fine art, and is com-
mon to both sexes. The figures are conventional representations of
their totems, pricked in charcoal, lignite, or black pigment, and serve to
identify the individual with his or her totem. The men have these de-
signs tattooed on their breasts, on their backs between their shoulders,
on the front part of their legs below the thighs, on the shins below the
knee, and on the back of the fore-arms. Occasionally the men also have
these designs on the cheek and back of the hands, although rarely seen

* La P^rouse, Voyage, torn, ii, p. 226. t Dawsou, Report, B, p. 109,

H. Mis. 142, pt. 2 17

258 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

now.* The women tattoo the same a8 the men, excepting that the de-
signs on the upper part of the leg are said to be omitted. The designs
on their fore-arms invariably extend down over the back of the hands
and knuckles, and this alone serves to distinguish the Haida women
from those of other tribes on the coast. Plate iv shows the tattooing on
KitkUn, Chief of Laskeek, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia.
Plate V shows the details of tattooing, which subject will be found more
thoroughly treated in a paper by Judge J. G. Swan, in the Fourth
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 60-73. Fig. 2, Plate V,
is the design on back of KitMn. Frequently the tattooing on the hands
represents finger- rings and bracelets. A Haida woman who had on her
person a figure of a halibut laid open, with the face of the chief of her
tribe shown on the tail, told Poole that it would protect her and her
kin from drowning at sea.t * * * Judge Swan says:

It should be borne iu mind that, during these festivals and masquerade perform-
ances, the men are entirely naked, and the women have only a short skirt reaching
from the waist to the knee; the rest of their persons are exposed, and it is at such
times that the tattoo marks show with the best effect, and the rank and family connec-
tion are known by the variety of designs. Like all the other coast tribes, the Haidas
are careful not to permit the intrusion of white persons or strangers to their Tomana-
wos ceremonies, and as a consequence but few white people, and certainly none of
those who have ever written about these Indians, have been present at their opening
ceremonies when the tattoo marks are shown. * * * As this tattooing is a mark of
honor, it is generally done just prior to a Tomanawos performance, and at the time
of raising the heraldic columns in front of the chief's houses. The tattooing is done
in open lodge and is witnessed by the company assembled. Sometimes it takes sev-
eral years before all the tattooing is done, but when completed and the body is well
ornamented, then they are happy and can take their seats among the elders.

The design is carefully drawn in charcoal or lignite (ground in water)
on the body and then pricked in witli needles. It takes some time to
finish a design, but once completed the status of the individual is fixed
for life.

Painting the body. — From the Yakutat, throughout the region south,
the custom obtains, on ceremonial occasions, of painting the face and
body -a variety of colors, and daubing the hair with red, black, or brown
pigments. This custom is now becoming rare. On ceremonial occa-
sions of importance the white down of eagles or other birds is pow-
dered over the paint on the body and head, giving a polite coat of tar
and feathers. In war various hideous and grotesque patterns were
formerly adopted for the face, such as a circle of black with a red chin,
giving to the wearer the appearance of having on a mask. The colors
on the body are removed in lines by brushes or sticks in order to trace
the pattern of the totem of the wearer, similar to the tatooing on the
body. Amongst the Tlingit this in effect takes the place of tattooing;

*Seen by the writer at Kasa-an village (Kaigani) 1885. The practice of tattooing
is dying out and only found among the older people.
tPoole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 311 [1864].

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 259

sometimes the designs are laid over the other paint with charcoal.
Nowadays the paint is washed off after the ceremonies, but formerly
it was the custom throughout the coast for the rich to reuew the
coat daily, while the poor would have to manage according to their
abilities. Vancouver thus describes the war paint of the Nass, with
whom he had a hostile encounter :

These had contrived so to dispose of the red, white, and black as to render the nat-
ural ugliness of their countenanced more horribly hideous. This frightful appearance
did uot seem to be a new fashion among them, but to have been long adopted by
their natural ferocious dispositions.*

Before the advent of looking-glasses the Indians made one another's
toilets. A chief was served by his slaves or his wife. This custom
of adorning the body with paint served other than aesthetic purposes.
In war and ceremony it added to the effect on the observers ; it identi-
fied the wearer with his totem, and finally served as a protection to
the body against mosquitoes and the weather. This last named is the
principal use to which the custom is now put, viz, of wearing a coat of
black paint on the face and hands. This must be distinguished from
the mourning paint made from charcoal. The other referred to is a
brownish-black paint, now commonly worn to prevent the burning of
the skin in hot weather from the glare of the sun on the water, and as
a protection against mosquitoes and sand-flies. This coat consists of a
soot, like burnt cork, made from a charred fungus, rubbed into the
skin with grease. This gradually turns black and is frequently re-
newed.

In general the paints used were charcoal, charred and roasted fun-
gus; white, red, and brown earths (ochres); lignite, vegetable juices;
and powdered cinnabar.

Sair. — As mentioned, ochres and bird's down are used for dressing
the hair for ceremonial occasions. Portlock says that among the Tlin-
git, this was only practiced by the men.t Ordinarily the hair is
worn short by the men, excepting the shamauj and long by the women,
who usually wear it done up in two plaits down the back, but sometimes
in one plait, or "clubbed" behind and bound with red cloth. The ear-
lier custom was somewhat different, according to Portlock (1787), who
says : "The women wear their hair either clubbed behind or tied up in
a bunch on the crown of the head ; the men wear theirs either loose or
tied at the crown."

The hair is dressed with combs of a somewhat conventional pattern,
as illustrated in Figs, lie and 11^, which are from two specimens in the
Emmons Collection in the Museum of l!5atural History, New York.
Figure lie is made from a small, thin piece of bone, while lid is carved

* Vancouver, Voyage. Vol. ii, p. 337. t Portlock, Voyage (1787), p. 290,

260

REPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

from cedar wood aud ornamented with a totemic design. Figure lie is
a stone comb in this same collection.

Fig. lie.
Bone Comb.

(Tlingit. Knimons Collection.)

Fig. Ud.
Wooden Comb.

( Tliiigit. Emmons Collection. )

^Jiijg.'J^g'BSiipa:;*

Fig. lie.
Stone Comb.

(Tlingit. Emmons Collection. )

ORNAMENTS.

With the practice of mutilations comes the adornment of the person
with ornaments fashioned from a great variety of materials. It seems
that, not content with the facilities oftered naturally for securing these
to the person, mutilations were often practiced solely to enable the
wearer to attach ornaments to the ear, lip, nose, or cheek.

Labrets or lip ornaments. — These are made of stone, wood, bone, shell,
ivory, silver or copper, sometimes of one material only, sometimes of a
combination of several. In form they vary from a pulley-shaped disc
to a collar button, aud in size from 4 inches to a small cylinder of
one-eighth inch in diameter. The labret shown in Plates xlix and

EXPLANATION OF PLATE VI.

Ancient and Modern Metal Ornaments from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 5.

Fig. 6.

Fig. 7.

Fig. 8.

Fig. 9.

Fig. 10.

Fig. 11.

Fig.

lln

Fig.

12.

Fig.

13.

Fig.

14.

Copper Bracelets, same as those worn in Alaska. Cat. No. 20627, U. S.

N. M. Kwaikutl Indians. Bella Bella, British Columbia. Collected by

James G. Swan.
Copper Bracelets. Inlaid with shell. Cat. No. 19529, U. S. N. M.

Tlingit Indians, Fort Wrangell, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.
Copper Bracelet. Inlaid with sliell. Cat. No. 20637, U. S. N. M. Tsim-

shian Indians, Ftut Simpson, British Columbia. Collected by James G.

Swan.
Bracelets. Of twisted coi)pei»wire. Cat. No. 56468, U. S. N. M. Kwa-

kiutl Indians, Fort Rupert. British Columbia. Collected by James G_

Swan.
Copper Necklace. Ancient form. Cat. No. 88715, U. S. N. M. Masset

Indians (Haidan stock). Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia.

Collected by James G. Swan.
Necklace. Of copper wire, ancient form. Cat. No. 88746, U. S. N, M.

Masset Indians (Haidan stock), Queen Charlotte Islands, British Colum-
bia. Collected by James G. Swan.
Hair Ornament (Tchenes). Of steel, highly jtolished. inlaid with haliotis

shell. Ancient form, worn by young girls, and valued at one to two

slaves. Cat. No. 10313, U. S. N. M. Tsinishian Indians, Nass River,

British Columbia. Collected by Lieut. F. \V. Ring. U. S. A.
. Hair-pin. Of iron inlaid with shell. Cat. No. 19528, U. S. N. M. Tlin-
git Indians. Fort Wrangell, Alaska. Col'ected by James G. Swan.
Ear-rings. Of silver, modern type. Cat. No. 19552. U. S. N. M. Tlingit

Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.
Nose-Rings. Of silver, modern type. Cat. No. 19551, U. S. N. M. Tlingit

Indians. Sitka. Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.
Ear-rings. Of silver, modern type. Cat. No. 19550. U. S. N. M. Kaigani

Indians (Haidan stock). Prince of Wales Island, Alaska. Collected by

James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888. — Nibiack.

Plate VI.

Ancient ahd Modern Metal Ornaments from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE VIL

Bone and Shell Ornaments from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 19. Ear axd Nose Ornaments. Of shark's teeth. Cat. No. 73993, U. S. N. M.
Auk Indians, Admiralty Island, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 21. Ear Pendants. Of skeins of red worsted, ornamented with abalone shell.
Cat. No. 88883, U. S. N. M. Masset Indians (Haidan stock), Queen Char-
lotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 22. Necklace. Of dentalium shell with pendant of abalone. Cat. No. 88885,
U. S. N. M. Masset Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia.
Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 23. Ear Pendants. Of red worsted and abalone, the latter carved to show
wearer's totem. Cat. No. 20674, U. S. N. M. Collected by James G.
Swan.

Report cf National Mjseum, 1883.— Niblack.

Plate VII.

1 .1 ^?f .f

Bone and Shell Ornaments from the Northwest Coast.

THE INDIANS OP THE NORTHWEST COAST.

261

L in the figure of the "Bear Mother" is a good illustration of tbe size
ami appearauce of this appendage as worn up to recent years.

Nose ornaments. — Fig. 13, Plate vi, is the general type of silver nose-
rings in use around Dixon Entrance. It is often worn in this same
shape made of bone. Another favorite ornament both for the nose and
ear is the sh;>rk's tooth, as shown in Fig. 20, Plate vii. As such it is
usually attached to the hole in the nose or lobe of the ear by a yarn of
red worsted. Sometimes the red worsted is alone worn; sometimes a
piece of bone triangular in shape replaces the shark's tooth which it is
meant to imitate. A bone or ivory stick or cylinder was formerly worn.
Fig. 17, Plate vii, is an illustration of a primitive bone nose ornament
of a diflferent type from any of these mentioned.

Uar ornaments. — Figs. 12 and 14 represent the common types of sil-
ver ear-rings now worn in the northern region around Dixon Entrance.
As mentioned above, sharks' teeth and red worsted are favorite ear
ornaments. These are illustrated in Figs. 20, 21, and 23, Plate vii.
Fig. 12rt is a Tiingit ear ornament of ivory from the Emmons Collection
in the Museum of Natural History, New York. In its ornamentation
and design it shows the effects of intercourse with the Aleut and
Koniagas to the north. Fig. 12& is a pin or peg of ivory or bone of a
type sometimes worn by the Tiingit and Haida.

Hair ornaments. — Fig. 11«, Plate vi, is an iron
hair-pin from Fort Wrangell, Alaska (Tiingit.) It
is inlaid with haliotis and highly polished. Fig.

11, Plate VI, is an iron "tchene"

highly polished and inlaid with

haliotis shell. It is worn by young

girls as an ornament in the hair.

This specimen is from the Nass

Indians (Tsimshian), but they are

also found amongst the Tiingit

and Haida, and were formerly

valued at from one to two slaves.

Eed is the favorite color for cloth

or ribbon used by the women for

dressing their hair, as described

previously.
Necklaces. — Fig. 22, Plate vii, is

a necklace of red beads and denta-

lium shell strung alternately and

further ornamented with a square
piece of abalone shell pendent. This specimen is from Masset, British
Columbia (Haida), as is also that shown in Fig. 9, Plate vi, which is made
of twisted copper wire and is of a very primitive type. Fig. 10 is the
same kind as that shown in Fig. 9, but it has been oxidized by the heat
and looks somewhat like iron wire instead of copper.

':■

Fig. 12a.
Ear Okn'ament

(Tlingiu Emmons Col
tion. )

Fig. 126.
Ear Ornament.

(Tiingit and Hnid^. EmmoD8 Collec-
tion.)

262 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

Finger-rings. — These were formerly made entirely of copper, boue,
shell, or black slate, and were ornamented with totemic designs. Now
silver has so generally displaced all other materials that the primitive
types are rarely seen.

Bracelets. — Fig. 5, Plate vi, is a pair of copper bracelets from Bella
Bella, British Columbia, (Kwakiutl) similar to those worn north. Fig.
6 represents a pair from' Fort Wrangell, Alaska, also of copper, in-
laid wjth haliotis shell. Fig. 7 is one similar in style to that shown in
Fig. 6, from Fort Simpson, British Columbia (Tsimshian). Fig. 8 rep-
resents a very primitive type of copper bracelet of twisted copper wire,
from Fort Rupert, British Columbia (Kwakiutl), but similar to those
worn north. Fig. 166 is a Tliugit iron bracelet of native workman-
ship, from the Emmons Collection. Plate viii
represents the types of silver bracelets worn
on the northwest coast at the present day.
They are made from silver coin, and have re-
placed those of bone, horn, copper, shell, and
iron formerly worn. Fig. 24 represents the
coin hammered out into a flat strip of the re-
p. jgj^ quired width with ends rounded into shape.

Iron Bracelet. ^^S' 25 represents the Same bent nearly into

(Tiingit. Emmons Collection.) shapc by gcutlc hammering.

In its flat shape the silver has little or no elasticity or spring, so the
next step is to round the bracelet out on the inside, as shown in cross-
section, Fig. 26. This is done by means of a hammer and a blunt cold
chisel. In the process of hammering the bracelet curls uj) more and
more, and is beaten out thinner and broader. This economizes silver,
and gives elasticity and clasp to the bracelet. The next step is to carve
the design on it as shown in the finished bracelet, Fig. 27. On this
width totemic designs are seldom carved, scroll work being used. The
tools are of the most primitive kind, consistiug of a hammer, blunt cold-
chisels, and a sharp steel carving or etching tool. Figs. 28 and 30
represent a style of clasp somewhat in vogue, but Figs. 27 and 29 are
the prevailing patterns. On the larger bracelets the totemic design of
the wearer is usually carved. Fig. 31 represents the design on Fig. 29
rolled out, and Fig. 32 the same for Fig. 30. The former design repre-
sents the Bear, and the latter the Thunder Bird. Figs. 27, 28, and 29
are Tiingit, Fig. 30 Haida, but the same types are found amongst all
the northern tribes ; the Haida being the most expert silversmiths, as
they are also in general the best carvers on the coast.

Dixon (1787) states that the Tiingit and Haida wore large circular
wreaths of copper about the neck, evidently of native manufacture.
With the introduction of iron by Europeans bracelets of iron wire some-
what took the place of the more expensive copper ones, to be in turn
later succeeded by those of silver. The present custom is to wear

EXPLANATION OF PLATE VIII.

-^^

General Modern Type of Haida, Tsimshian, and Tlingit Silver Bracelets.

Fig. 24. Strip of Silver, hammered from a coin ; fii'st step in making the bracelet

represented in finislied state in Fig. 27.
Fig. 25. Second Step in makinc; Bracelet.

Fig. 26. Third Step in making Bracelet. Strip hammered to concave section.
Fig. 27. Finished Bracelet. Cat. No. 19539, U. S. N. M. THngit Indians, Alaska.

Collected by James G. Swan.
Fig. 28. Bracelet. With clasp. Cat. No 49201. U. S. N, M. Tlingit Indians,

Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.
Fig. 29. Spring Clasp Bracelet. Cat. No. 19532. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians.

Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.
Fig. 30. Bracelet. Largest size. Cat. No. 20251. U. S. N. M. Haida Indians,

Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G.

Swan.
Fig. 31. Design on Bracelet, Fig. 29. Thunder-bird or Eagle. Rolled out im-
pression.
Fig. 32. Design on Bracelet, Fig. 30. Hoorts. the bear. Rolled out impression.

Repon of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate VIII.

p!!!:::?-':!:-!!!--!';!;;;!:,),-

General Modern Type of Haida, Tsimshian, and Tlingit Silver Bracelets.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 263

bracelets and ear, nose, and finger rings of silver. The natives prefer
silver to gold. Their fondness for red worsted as ear ornaments Las also
been alluded to, and is well illustrated in Plate VII.

DRESS.

Primitive clothing. — What early attracted the traders to this repjion
was the character of the clothing worn by the natives, consisting of
valuable furs roughly sewn together, seal and sea-otter being the most
common and the most sought after. The costume of the men was
scanty, consisting of an under coat, a cloak, and sometimes a breech
clout, although the last named seemed to be a very unimportant and
often omitted article of dress. Dixon (1787) describes their clothing as
" made of such skins as fancy suggests, or their success in hunting fur-
nished them wii h, and sometimes loose cloaks thrown over the shoulders
and tied with small leather strings. * * * The dress of the women
differs in some respects from that of the men. Their undergarment is
made of fine tanned leather, and covers the body from the neck to the
ankle, being tied in different parts to make it fit close. * * * The
upper garment is made in much the same manner as the men's coats,
and generally of tanned leather, the women not caring to wear furs.
* * * Over this is tied a piece of tanned leather like an apron, and
which reaches no higher than the waist."*

In other words, both sexes wore a cloak and an under garment or coat
reaching to the waist. To this the men added a belt or breech piece,
and the women a skirt or gown reaching to the calf or ankle. Both
sexes went barefooted, although wearing, as now, in very cold weather,
a kind of moccasin.

Sea-otter skins were a staple article of trade amongst the Indians
themselves, and were stored in large quantities, being the basis of
wealth and the unit of value. The eagerness of Europeans to trade for
them led to the exhaustion of the stock on hand, the sacrifice of their
clothing, the i^ractical extinction of the sea-otter, the
adoption by the Indians of European clothing, and sub-
stitution of other standards of value and wealth. Gar-
ments of fur are still worn in cold weather, the skins of
the less valuable animals, such as the rabbit, squirrel,
and goat being used. These skins are fastened together
with cords of twisted linen or finely spun vegetable
fibre. Figs. 21a and 21& represent two varieties of bone
fids or awls for pricking the holes in the skins to enter

.. ^y T ,. . (Tlirrgit. Einmnns Collec-

the thread tor sewing. tion.)

Ceremonial blanket — These northern Indians, particularly the Chil-
kat tribes (Tlingit), have possessed from time immemorial the art of
weaving twisted bark thread and the wool of the mountain goat into
blankets. These they value most highly, and persons of rank and

Dixou, Voyage, p. 239.

264 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

wealth wear theui only on extraordinary occasions. They are com-
mouly called Ohilkat blankets, and form heirlooms in every wealthy
family. One of these is pictured in Plate x. Fig. 33. To-day they are
worth from $25 to $40 each. Dawson states that the Haida obtain
them from the Tsimshian. The warp consists of twine of finely
shredded cedar bark spun into a thread or cord. The woof is of yarn
spun from the wool of the mountain goat. (The details of the weaving
are shown in Plate x, Fig. 33«.) Much confusion exists on this point-
The mountain goat resembles our domestic animal in external appear-
ance, but has beneath the hair an inner coat of white, soft, silky
wool, while the mountain sheep (big-horn) has a thick covering of hair
like a deer. The fringe on the side is shorter than on the bottom. The
wool is woven into a pattern representing the totem of the owner, dif-
ferent dyes being used in the wool, the conventional colors being black,
yellow, white, and sometimes brown. The black is obtained from char-
coal and the yellow dye from a moss called sekhone (Tlingit). The
blanket is woven in different designs skilfully blended into a complete
pattern, as in tai)estry, Fig. 33. A ceremonial coat or gown similar
in design is also woven in this way. A specimen is figured in Plate x,
Fig. 34. The details of the method of weaving both these garments
are shown in Fig. 33a, same plate.

Chief ^s ceremonial head dress. — In connection with this blanket and
coat or gown, a conventional liead dress is worn by the chiefs in this
northern rCj. . These are shown in Plate x. Fig. 35, and consist of a
cylindrical wooden frame aboutlO inches high, with an elaborately carved
front of hard wood, beautifully polished, i)ainted, and inlaid with aba-
lone shell and copper. Pendent behind is a long cloth, on which are
closely sewn the skins of ermine, which form an important item in a
chief's outfit. Around the upper periphery of the head-dress is an
elaborate fringe of seal-whiskers. In ceremonial dances the space within
this fringe and the top of the head-dress is filled with eagle or other
bird's down, which falls like snow in the motions of the dance. This
costume is completed by leggins of deer's hide, ornamented with the
beaks of puffins, which rattle with the movements of the wearer.
These are shown in Fig. 36, Plate x. The costume complete as worn
by a chief is figured in Plate ix.

Amongst northern tribes these ceremonial blankets are worn by the
chiefs. Amongst the Haida, women of rank also wear them in the
dances. In all its details, the costume shown in Plate ix well illus-
trates the height to which the native arts of weaving, inlaying, carving,
and dyeing had risen on this coast before being influenced by the ad-
vent of the whites.

The dress of a Ohilkat chief, encountered by Vancouver at Lynn
Canal in 1794 is thus described by him :

His external robe was a very fine large garment that reached from his neck down
to bis heels, made of wool from the moo -i tain sheep, neatly variegated with several

EXPLANATION OF PLATE IX.

General Type of Tsimshian, Haida, and Tlingit Chief's Costume.

From photographs and sketches by the author

The details of this costume are shown in Plate X. In the to[) of the head-dress,
within the fringe formed by the seal whiskers, aquatic birds' or eagles' down is gen-
erally placed, which, in the ceremonial dances, falls and floats in the air about the
wearer like snow on a winter's day, adding much to the picturesqueness of the scene.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate IX.

General Type of Tsimshian, Haida, and Tlingit Chief's Costume.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE X,

33(^

Details of Chief's Costume, as shown in Plate IX.

Froni photographs and sketches by the author

Fig. 33. Cerejionial Blanket. AVorii by Indians of rank and wealth on the North-
west coast, commonly called a " Chilkat blanket," because the best
.specimens come from the Chilkat country, although other tribes are
more or less exjiert in weaA-ing them. The warp is composed of twisted
cord or twine of cedar liark fiber, anil the woof of worsted spun from the
wool of the mountain goat. Brown, yellow, black, and white are tlie
colors used, and tiiese are skillfully wrought into a pattern re}iresenting
the totem or a totemic legend of the owner. The details of tlie weaving
are shown in Fig. 33a. The design on both the I lanket and the cere-
monial shirt represents Hoorts, the bear.

Fig. 34. Ceremonial Garment or Shirt. Woven as described above. The trim-
ming on the collar and cuffs is sea-otter fur.

Fig. 35. Chief's Ceremonial Head-Dress. Carved from hard wood, beautifully
inlaid, painted, and polished. The erect fringe on the upper circumfer-
ence is formed by seal whiskers set into the frame. The pendent trail
is made from three lengths of ermine skins, there being about ten skins
in each row. The top of the head-dress is filled with liirds* down on
ceremonial occasions, and in the motion of the dances this sifts through
and falls like snow about the person of the dancer.

Fig. 36. Buckskin Leggings. With three rows of puffin beaks, which lattle with
the motion of the wearer. This style of legging is also made from ordi-
nary cloth, or from the woven blanket stuff, similar to Fig. 33.

Report of National Museum, 1 888.— Niblack.

Plate X.

Details of Chief-s Costume, as shown in Plate IX.

THE INDIANS OP THE NORTHWEST COAST. 265

colors, aud edged aud otherwise decorated with little tufts or frogs of woolen yarus
dyod of various colors. His head-dress was made of wood, much resembling in its
shape a crown, adorned with bright copper and brass i)lates, from whence hung a
number of tails or streamers, composed of wool and fur wrought together, dyed of
various colors, and each terminating by a whole ermine skin.*

Another variety of this blanket is described by Lisiansky (1805), as
seen by him near Sitka :

These blankets are embroidered with square figures, and fringed with black and
yellow tassels. Some of them are so curiously worked on one side with fur of the sea-
otter, that they appear as if lined with it, and are very handsome. t

This is not unlike a blanket described by Vancouver, as worn by the
Kwakiutl, Johnstone Strait, British Columbia (latitude 52° 20' K), as
follows :

The clothing of the natives here was either skins of the sea-otter or garments made
from the pine bark. Some of these latter have the fur of the sea-otter very neatly
wrought into them, aud have a border to the sides and bottom decorated with various
colors. In this only they use woolen yarn, very fiue, well spun, and dyed for that
purpose, particularly with a very lively and beantiful yellow.t

The art of loeaving. — These fine bark garments are found also amongst
theTsimshian, who either made them or traded for them with the Kwa-
kuitl, giving in exchange sea-otter skins.§ In general, while the art of
cedar bark weaving was understood throughout the coast, and while
the southern Indians had some knowledge of weaving in wool, it may
be said that the northern Indians were more expert in weaving wool and
making baskets of grass, and the southern Indians in weaving bark
fibre. To-day, at the two extremes, we find the northern Tlingit tribes,
and the Makah Indians of Cape Flattery, the expert basket makers,
but ^ li J character of their work is so difi'ereut that it can be readily dis-
tinguished. The southern tribes are also the expert cedar bark weavers,
and the northern Tlingit the best weavers of wool. Wherever these or
other arts may have been developed, it is amongst the Haida of the
Queen Charlotte Islands that we find the best specimens of workman-
ship. Originally the wealthiest stock on the coast, they have from
earliest times been remarkable for their readiness to adopt the customs
and ideas of others, and to develop and adapt them to their own pecu-
liai needs. The Tsimshiau seem to have acted as the middlemen, for
most of the trade and intercourse of the Haida with the other tribes has
been through them. In this way it will be found that the Tsimshian
have influenced the Haida not a little in the development of their pecu-
liai customs and ideas.

Modern dress.— Th^ change in ordinary dress, as the Indians became
stripped of seaotter and seal skins, consisted largely in the substitution

* Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. ili, p. 249-50. X Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. II, p 281.

t Lisiansky, Voyage, p. 23d. ij Ihid., p. 325.

266 EEPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

of cloth for garments and European blankets for fur cloaks. Langs-
dorif says of the Tliugit in 1806:

The clothing of these people is very simple, consisting of a covering around the
waist, and an outer garment made of a piece of cloth or skin about 5 feet square, two
ends of which are either tied round the neck or fastened together with a button and
button-hole.*

The favorite colors were red and blue, but this costume was only worn
about the villages. Out hunting and fishing they practically went
naked. Later, when the European blanket replaced the cloth cloaks,
they were ornamented with a border of red or blue cloth, on which was
sewn rows of pearl buttons, thimbles, Chinese coins, etc. This style of
blanket obtains to-day. (See Plate xi.) Plate xi represents the
modern costume of the Tlingit. The ear pendents of the man are
shark's teeth. The labret of the woman is bone or silver, and illustrates
the transition stage from the lar^e labret to none at all, or almost none.

The early voyagers were astonished at the demand for thimbles on the
coast, and supposed the women to need them for sewing. It was found,
however, that the use of the needle was very little understood,! and
that the thimbles were regarded as rare ornaments for blankets and
clothing. Formerly abalone and dentalium were looked upon as the
most valuable kind of trimmings and ornaments, but their importation
in quantities by Europeans cheapened their value. The Chinese coins
were admired for the cabalistic characters on them.

The women early adopted European dress, supplemented with the
ordinary blanket. The present costume, with headkerchief of black silk,
is seen in Plate xi. The earlier costumes, however, were ornamented
more elaborately. On the dress were tightly-fitting stays of cloth, often
of scarlet color, ornamented with pearl buttons. These, with silver or
bone nose-rings, bracelets on the arms, braids of silk or red worsted in
the ears, and European blankets across the shoulders, made up the
costume of the Indian women around Dixon Entrance up to more recent
years, since when jilain " store clothes" have displaced the former more
gaudy vestments. To complete the former costume, it should be added
that the hair worn long, was usually parted in front and bound club-
shaped behind with scarlet cloth. At i)resent the hair is usually worn
in two plaits down the back. Both sexes as a rule go barefooted, but
before the introduction of European shoes moccasins of one or two thick-
nesses of deer or elk hide were worn in cold weather. The older Indians
still wear them in out of-the-way localities. These they either make
themselves or trade for with the Tinn6 tribes of the interior.

Head-covering. — Both sexes, until recent years, either went bare-
headed, or wore hats woven of grass and painted with the totem of the
owner. In ceremonies, of course, various styles of ceremonial head-
dresses are and were formerly worn ; and in war costume, heavy wooden
helmets protected the head. At present, all styles of European hats

Langsdorff, Voyages, Pt. ii, p. 112. t Lisiansky, Voyage, p. 241.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XI.

Modern Tlingit Male and Female Costumes.

The costume of the man is more or less ceremonial, as the native dress has re-
cently heen generally abandoned and European clothes adopted. The dress of the
women is that now generally worn by all the northern Indian women. The plate
represents the costume of ten or twenty jears ago. and in this sense is modern. The
labret, a small cylinder of silver with a broad head, is the modern style of lip-orna-
ment, ditferiug materially Irom the large ones worn until a few yeara ago.

Report of National Museum, 1 888.— Niblack.

Plate XI.

O.

Modern Tlingit Male and Female Costumes.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XII,

-> J\

%<^k>

<:

^^s\

yQ>

\ I *^^^ )

Twined Grass and Spruce Root Hats from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 37. Twined Basketry Hat. Twining consists in weaving tlie woof-strands
around a series of warp-strands. Two methods are enipkwed in this liat.
Tlie letter a (Fig. 37) marks tiie bi)undary between the crown and brim.
Above a, the mode of twining is that sliown in Fig. 37?> ; below a. that
shown in Fig. 37e. Fig. 'S~i(l is a top view of this same hat. showing the
totemic device, Hooveh, the Raven, painted in black and reil. Cat.
No. 89033, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen C'liarlotte Islands. British
Columbia. Collected by James (t. Swan.

Fig. 38. Twined Basketry Hat. Fig. : He shows the method of i)laiting cedar-
bark fiber. This hat differs from Fig. 37 only in being lower and flatter.

Fig. 39. Parasol-Shaped Hat. Ornamented with a totemic design at *he top and
painted in solid color on the remainder of the outside surface. Cat. No.
1782. U. S. N. M. Tlingit. Alaska. Collected by Dr. Suckeley.

Fig. 40. Twined Basketry Hat. With wooden appendages representing the beak
of the raven "Hooveh." From photograph in U. S. National Museum.
Tlingit Indians, Alaska.

Report of National Museum, 1 888.— Niblack.

Plate XII.

mi

1

[|py~y_^

i^^

Twined Grass and Spruce Root Hats from the Northwest Coast.

'THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 267

and caps are worn, but the women use generally only a black silk hand-
kerchief. The grass hats are still seen on the coast in out-of-the-way
places, particularly around Dixon Entrance. These are cone shaped,
with considerable spread, being particularly adapted for protection, in
rainy weather, to the elaborately dressed hair worn on ceremonial occa-
sions. In the north, the truncated cone-shaped form is surmounted by
a more or less tall cylinder, in the ceremonial hats reaching an absurd
height; in the south, it becomes more parasol-like in shape, although
both styles are found throughout the whole coast, excepting that the very
tall ceremonial hat is limited to the north. Plate xii illustrates the
varieties. Fig. 37 is the usual type, ornamented with the toteraic device
representing the Raven, painted on the hat in red and black, the detail
being shown in Fig. 37d, which is a top view of Fig. 37. The details
of the weaving or twining are illustrated in enlarged section in Figs. 376
and 37c. The hat naturally divides itself into two sections— the
crown and the rim— the dividing line being at a in Fig. 37. The method
of making the crown is the same as that used in the Haida basketry,
and shown in 376, while the rim is woven by a variation in the above
method shown in Fig. 37c. These figures are from an article by Professor
O. T. Mason on Basket Work, in Smithsonian Beport, 1884, Part ii. Of
Fig. 37c he says: "It shows the regular method of twined weaving, the
introduction of the skip-stitch or twilled weaving into the greatest
variety of geometric patterns, and the ingenious method of fastening
off by a four-ply braid showing only on the outer side." At the divid-
ing line, marked a, on the inside, a cylindrical head-band of spruce root
is stitched to make the hat fit the head, a string passing under the chin
being usually added. Fig. 38 is an ordinary type of spruce root hat
also found on the coast. Amongst the southern Indians, where cedar
bark is so much used, these two styles of hat are reproduced in that
material, which, not being tough enough to twine, is woven, as shown
in detail in Fig. 38e. This is the same pattern as their mats. The hats
thus made are light and flimsy and soon lose their shape, whereas the
twined spruce root ones and the baskets both retain their shape and be-
come water tight after a preliminary soaking. Fig. 39 is another varia-
tion in the shapes found on the coast. It is often painted in solid colors
and ornamented on top with a totemic design. Fig. 40 is a ceremonial
headdress, similar in design and outline to the wooden helmets illus-
trated in Plate xiii. This shape is seen in the carvings in the large
totemic columns, and is doubtless an imitation of the wooden helmets
formerly worn in battle. These survivals and imitations are spoken of
elsewhere. The animal represented in Fig. 40 is the Raven.

Raifi Cloaks. — Along the whole coast a peculiar form of cloak was
worn in rainy weather to shed water. Dixon (1787) says of them, as
seen at Sitka : "I had no opportunity of examining them minutely, but
they appear to be made of reeds, sewed very closely together, and I
was told by one of our gentlemen who was with Captain Cook during

268 KEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

his last voyage that they were exactly the same with those worn by the
inhabitants of New Zealand."* Mackenzie mentions this rain dress
amongst the Bilqiila (1.793). t These mats or cloaks were circular in
form, with an opeuiug in the center for the head.

Ceremonial Paraphernalia. — The origin of the custom of wearing cere-
monial masks and head-dresses, in this region, would seem to have
originated in the actual wearing of them in war. Much of the cere-
monial disphiy amongst these Indians has reference to prowess in com-
bat, and it is an undoubted fact that, in the survival of many primitive
implements of war we have the origin of much of the dance and cere-
monial paraphernalia peculiar to this region.

With the desire to protect the body, armor naturally originated. The
masks and visors worn were painted in all the hideous colors and pat-
terns adopted ordinarily for the face. They were sometimes carved
with representations of the totem of the owner, but were intended in
any case botli to protect the wearer and to strike terror to the enemy.
Vancouver (1793) mentions an encounter with the Tlingit, up Behm
Canal, Alaska, in which the chief put on a mask consisting of a " Wolf's
face compounded with the human countenance." The masks were often
worn without head pieces or visors, and some of them were so thick that
a musket ball fired at a moderate distance could hardly penetrate them. J

There seems nothing unreasonable in tracing the origin of much of
the dance and ceremonial i)araphernalia to customs originating in war.
Most of our secret and benevolent societies which parade in public have
a military organization and uniform. The grass hat shown in Fig. 40,
Plate XII, is iu imitation of the wooden war helmet, and other sur-
vivals will be pointed out from time to time.

Armor. — Formerly the body was protected in combat by various de-
vices, the simplest being a leather garment, jerkin, or doublet. This
was usually made of one, two, or three thicknesses of hide and in itself
offered considerable resistance to arrows, spears, or dagger thrusts, but
was still further reinforced by a cuirass or coat of wood, made of
strips or slats, worn either over or under the doublet, but usually over.
These are illustrated in Plate xv, Figs. 52 and 53. The doublet or
shirt has an opening for the neck and one for the left arm ; the right
side is not sewed up, faciliting the putting on of the garment and be-
ing secured by ties or toggles and straps. There are two other admir-
able specimens in the National Museum (Nos, 46465 and 60240), but
as they are similar in patterns to the one illustrated in Plate xv
they are not reproduced here. They differ only in having shoulder
pads of hide secured on by toggles and straps and in offering some
protection to the arms. Vancouver (1793) thus describes a similar
shirt worn by a war party of Nass, which his boat parties encountered :

Their war garments were formed of two, three, or more folds, of the strongest hides
of the land animals they are able to procure. In the center was a hole sufficient to

Dixon, Voyage, p. 191. t Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 371.

tLisiansky, Voyagse, p. 150.

THE INDIANS OF THE NOKTHWEST COAST.

269

admit the head and left arm to pass through, the mode of wearing them being over
the right shoulder aud under the left arm.

The left side of the garment is sewed up, but the right side remains open; the
body is, however, tolerably well protected, and both arms are left at liberty for action.
As a further security on the part which covers the breast they sometimes fix on the
inside thin laths of wood.*

Fig. 46.
Detail of "Weaving Armor.

(Cat. No. 49213. U.S. N. M. Tlingit. Collected by J. J. McLean. )

Fig. 53 is a rear view of a wooden cuirass or body armor from
Sitka, showing method of strapping it to the body. It is from a
specimen in tbe National Museum (No. 49213) consisting of numerous
(seventy-four) rods of hard wood about 2 feet long, woven together with
dark and white twine in alternate bauds. The threads are sometimes
single and sometimes in pairs, and are made to pass over aud under the
rods in pairs, but in such manner that the overlappings alternate from
one row to the next. This is shown in detail in Fig. 46, where la and
lb represent the parts of one cord, and 2a and 26 represent those of
another. The view represents the upper left hand corner of the weav-
ing and two upper threads, showing seven rods in both plan and sec-
tion. As stated, this method of running the cords or twine is varied by
occasionally running them in pairs. Fig. 43, Plate xiii, is a front
view of the same specimen of armor. Fig. 49, Plate xiv, represents
another variety of body armor in which the wood is in the shape of
laths or broader flat strips of wood, also woven together with twine.
Strips of hide were sometimes used to secure the strips of wood to-
gether; and sometimes the breast piece or covering was in one solid
thick piece. The armor shown in Plate xiv is from a sketch in
Lisiansky's Voyage, p. 150, Plate i. The method of wearing it is shown

'Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. ii, p. 339.

270 EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

in Fig. 51, Plate xiv, which also shows the mask and helmet iu place.
The parts are very heavy and clumsy, and the most that can be said in
their favor is that they protected the vital parts from injury.

With the introduction of iron and of fire-arms the Tlingit adopted
a new form of protection, consisting of a buckskin strip around the
neck, with iron plates attached pendant down the breast.*

Helmets and head-dresses. — The chief's ceremonial head-dress has
already been described, and is illustrated in Fig. 35, Plate x. In Plate
xm a variety of helmets is shown. Fig. 41 represents a wolfs head,
the wearer or owner belonging to the Wolf totem. It is so light that it
could not have served as a protection of any kind, and hence is cer-
emonial in its nature. Fig. 42 is a thick massive helmet similar to the
one illustrated in Plate xiv. Fig. 47. Fig. 44 represents the Bear
totem, while Fig. 45 is carved in representation of the Beaver. On the
rim of the latter four copper plates or shields are jiainted. These two
helmets (Figs. 44 and 45) are similar in shape to the grass hat shown
in Fig. 40, being that of an oblique truncated cone surmounted by a tall
cylinder, and evidently represent the ancient form of helmet worn by
the chiefs as seen in the carved columns and other old-time pictographs.
They are now worn only in the ceremonial dances, the two illustrated
being of light cedar wood and of rather recent make. Another variety
of head dress is a ring of shredded cedar bark, twisted into a rope,
stained dull red with the juice of the baric of the alder, and made into
a circular grommet like a crown Plate xviii. Some of these are orna-
mented with bows, rosettes, and tassels of the same material, the finest
and most elaborate being found amongst the Haida, although clearly
borrowed or copied in design from those of the Tsimshian and Kwakiutl.
With the latter these are only worn in the winter religious ceremonies,
and their use is considered improi)er on any other occasions, whereas
the Haida wear them in any of their dances without the peculiar signi-
ficance attached to theui by other tribes.

3[asJi8.—What has been said in a general way of helmets and head-
dresses is equally true of masks, with the addition that the latter are
found even in much greater variety and more ingenuity is displayed in
constructing them. The writer has endeavored to trace the origin of the
custom of wearing masks in ceremonies to the original practice of wear-
ing th( m in war as a protection. In this view, the simplest form is
that shown in Figs. 48 and 50, Plate xiv, the former being a side and
the latter a top view. The top rim is thinner than the lower part, and
has several grooves or peep-holes cut in it to enable the wearer to see
through, as shown in the plate. The front is carved or painted with
the toteraic representation of the owner. Fig. 50 shows a projection
on the inner side (front), which consists of a leather becket or ejelet,
covered with a wrapping of grass or cedar bark, and let through the
front of the mask, being secured by a knot outside. This goes m the

Jyisiaosky (1805), Voyage, p. 5J38.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XII!

Wooden Helmets and Cuirass, or Body Armor.

Fig. 41. Wooden Helmet. Carved in sliape of wolfs liea(L Cat. No. 234-11 , U.
S. N. M. Haida Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia.
Collected liy James G. Swan.

Fig. 42. Wooden Helmet, similar to Fig. 47. Plate XVI. Cat. No. 74341, U. S. N.
M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. .Collected hy John J. McLean.

Fig. 43. Wooden Armor. Made of hard wood rods woven together with twine.
Detail in Fig. 46. Another view is given in Plate XV (Fig. 53), showing
method of securing it to the body. Cat. No. 49213, U. S. N. M. Tlingit
Indians. Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.

Fig. 44. Helmet. Carved to represent Hoorts. the bear. Cat. No. 89037. U. S. N.
M. Haida Indians, Skidegate. Queen Charlotte Islands. Collected by
James G. Swan.

Fig. 45. Helmet. Surmounted liy a carved figure of Tsing, the beaver. The
painted figures re])resent cojiper plates, emblems of wealth and infiu-
ence. Cat. No. 89035, U. S. N. M. Skedan Indians. Queen Charlotte
Islands, British- Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XIII.

Wooden Helmets and Cuirass, or Body Armor.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XIV.

Tlingit Wooden Armor

Fig. 47. Wooden Helmet. Secured to the liead In- straps fastened under the chin.
Fnim Lisiansky. Voyage. Plate I.

Fig. 48. Wooden Mask OR Visor. Sliowing holes for ey s. Side view. From Lisi-
ansky. Voyage, Plate I.

Fig. 49. Body Armor. Made of slats of wood fastened together by twine woven
around and between them. From Lisiansky, Voyage, Plate I.

Fig. oO. Mask or Visor. Showing becket or strap, which is held in the teeth to
keep the mask in i)lace when worn in fighting. Made of one piece of
wood, bent to slmpe and held by a strap of leather, as shown at a. Cat.
No. 74343, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Alaska. Collected by J. J. McLean.

Fig. 51. Sketch. Showing method of wearing the armor.

The leather jerkin underneath is similar to that shown in Plate XV.

Report of National Museum, 1888. — Niblack.

Plate XIV.

Tlingit Wooden Armor.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XV.

^^__^

!^3 (f 1

■y^^'^ //

j(||p|r^MiiM.||niimT^

Wooden and Leather Body Armor.

Fig. 53. Jerkin. Of two thicknesses of uioose liiile. Worn under the armor
(shown in Fig. 5:}) as an additional protection to tlie body. Tlie left
side has an arm-hole; the right side is open, l)eing secured by straps
under the right arm. Cat. No. 180.187, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians,
Alaska. Loaned by Max B. Richardson.

Fig. 53. Armor of Wooden Rods. Inside view of Fig. 43. Plate XIII. showing
straps by which it is secured around the waist. Cat. No. 49313, U. S. N
M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XV.

r< l> I . Ill H ' h ii h 1 1 iTTTl'-

Wooden and Leather Body Armor.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST. COAST. 271

mouth of the wearer, and is firmly gripped ia the teeth to hold the
mask iu place. Above this becket the mask is recessed or hollowed
slightly, to give a clearance to the uose of the wearer. Altogether it
may be seen to be a very clumsy method of protecting the face. Other
kinds of masks were worn to protect the face in war, having the addi-
tional objects of representing in their carved outlines the totem of the
wearer, or, by their hideousness and grotesqueness, of striking terror to
the enemy by lending to the effect of their menacing gestures the ap-
pearance of some superhuman being. Often these masks were so mas-
sive as to be worn without helmets or head pieces. Straps or thongs
of leather fasten them to the head, or a loop of cedar bark cord in the
hollow side of the mask is held in the teeth.

The ceremonial masks are carved from spruce or yellow cedar and
are generally very elaborate, being highly colored in grotesque or hide-
ous designs, and often inlaid with abalone shell or copper. The eyes
are pierced through to enable the wearer to see about him, and the
mouth is also usually cut through, or, if not, teeth are carved or inlaid
in bone. Lips, teeth, nostrils, and eyelids are sometimes represented
in copper. The top of the mask is usually bordered either with hair,
feathers, or down. By means of ingeniously concealed mechanism
the eyes are sometimes made to roll and the jaws and beak to snap.
(See Fig. 60, Plate xvi). Some of them, representing ravens and
cranes, have beaks projecting from two to four or five feet. In con-
junction with the masks are often worn wooden fins or wings on the
back of the head or on the back at the shoulders. Fig. 59, Plate xvi,
represents the raven as a ceremonial mask with lips of copper, sur-
mounted by a tall fin of wood representing the fin of the orca or killer.
This is fringed with human hair, and the figure carries in its month a
bow and arrow of copper. Fig. 50 represents a woman's face, with
nose and lip ornaments of conventional pattern, and with curiously
painted lines in unsymmetrical design. A variety of masks are
sketched in the foreground of Plate lxvii. The custom of wearing
wooden masks and head-dresses in ceremonies and dances is found
throughout the whole northwest coast from the Aleuts to Puget Sound.
There is a large collection of these iu the National Museum, which in
themselves are worthy of separate illustration. The limits of this
paper admit only of presenting the few shown in Plates xvi and lxvii.

Ceremonial Batons, Wands, etc.— In Plates xvi and xvii are repre-
sented various ceremonial implements carried in the hands of the
chiefs and shamans on state occasions, and permitted to be carried only
by men of such rank. Fig. 54 is a carved representation of a bow, the
figures on the ends representing the whale. It is carried by the Haida
shamans in their medicine dances. Fig. 58 is a ceremonial bow carried
by a Haida chief. The two carved heads represent the bear. Carved
ceremonial arrows go with this type of bow, and in them we see the
survival of the ancient weapon as a purely ceremonial emblem, just as

272 KEPOKT OF NATIONAL IMUSEUM, 1888.

to-day we have the court sword as a survival of the sword or rapier
carried by gentlemen of other periods. In the same way, Fig. 63 is a
Tliugit ceremonial dance wand in the shape of a dagger; and Fig. 64 is
a Haida baton (called by them Taskear), in the shape of a war hince of
earlier days. Fig. 55 is a fragment of an ancient Haida baton {TasM
or Tasl'car,) the lower part being missing. The top figure of the carving
represents the raven, below that the crow, and then the whale. Be-
tween the whale and the next lower figure, which is Skamson, the spar-
row-hawk, is a spindle and socket, which pull apart. The sparrow-hawk
rests on SMIUl; the ceremonial hat, which in turn rests on Tsing, the
beaver. This baton is carried in the hand by the chief on the occasion
of a great potlatch or feast. At a given signal the two parts are sepa-
rated and the distribution of presents begins, the chief retaining one
part in each hand. Fig. 57 is a carved cane or wand from Vancouver
Island, British Columbia, inlaid with pearl shell, and is the finest spe-
cimen of native carving from the southern Indians in the Museum.
Figs. 61, 62, and 65 are types of the Haida chiefs' batons or Taslcears;
they are held in the hand on occasions of ceremony. At a potlatch the
chief calls the name of the recipient of a present, and then thumps on
the floor if the gift is satisfactory to the guests, as explained later on.
In the totemic theatrical exhibitions these batons indicate the totem
and rank of the bearer. When a chief dies and is laid out in state the
baton stands near his body. In Fig. 61 the top figure is a chief wear-
ing a ceremonial hat, or Skillik, similar to the grass hat in Fig. 40. Tbe
lower carved figure is the frog. In Fig. 65 the upper figure is Koot, the
eagle, and the lower Tsing, the beaver.

Rattlea, Snappers, and Whistles. — In dealing with ceremonial parapher-
nalia it might be well to describe here all the accessories of ceremo-
nial costumes, such as the accompanying rattles, snappers, drums,
whistles, etc. These, however, are reserved for Chapter VII, where
they are dealt with as musical instruments.

Ceremonial Blankets. — In connection with Plates ix and x, a very
well-known type of chiefs ceremonial costume has been described in this
chapter. The Chilkat and cedar bark blankets are important factors in
all ceremonial dances and functions. Other forms of ceremonial blankets
or mantles are made from Hudson Bay Company blankets, with totemic
figures worked on them in a variety of ways. The usual method is to
cut out the totemic figure in red cloth and sew it on to the garment (or-
namenting it with borders of beads and buttons) by the method known
as applique work; another method is to sew pieces of bright abalone
or pearl shell or pearl buttons on to the garment in the totemic patterns.
Plate XIX well illustrates the applique method. Fig. 74, Plate xix, is
a vestment which hangs pendant down the back, representing the
totem or crest of the wearer. Fig. 75 represents a cloak with a neck
opening ornamented in red cloth with the totemic design of the tJrca
or killer.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XVI,

Ceremonial Dance Paraphernalia.

Fig. 54. Ceremonial Baton or Wand. In form of a bow. The ends represent the
head and tail of the whale. Carried bj- the Sliaman in medicine dances.
Cat. No. 89099, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands,
British Columbia. Collected bj' James G. Swan.

Fig. 55. Carved Cane (Taski). Carried in the hand of tlie medicine man at a
potlatch. Cat. No. 88133. Masset Indians (Haida), Queen Charlotte
Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 56. 3Iask. Representing woman's face with nose-ring and ceremonial i)aint.
Cat. No. 21570, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Alaska. Collected by Dr.
J. B. White, U. S. Army.

Fig. 57. Carved Ceremonial Cane. Cat. No. 150847, U. S. N. M. Kwakiutl In-
dians, Vancouver Island, British Columbia. Collected by James G.
Swan.

Fig. 58. Carved Ceremonial Bow. Bear's head in relief. Carried by chief in cer-
emonies and dances as a wand, baton, or emblem of rank. Cat. No-
89096, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands. British
Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 59. Mask. Representing Hooyeh, the raven, with bow and arrow of copper
in his mouth and with the fin of the orca above the head. Cat. No.
89043, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Laskeek. Queen Charlotte Islands,
British Columbia. Collected By James G. Swan.

Fig. 60. Mask. Representing a demon with mechanical apparatus for rolling the
eyes and snapping the jaws. Teeth of cojiper. Cat. No. 89042, U. S.
N. M. Haida Indians, Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands. British
Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Repo^ of National Museum, 1 888.— Niblack.

Plate XVI.

Ceremonial Dance Paraphernalia.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XVII,

Chief and Shaman Ceremonial Batons.

Fig. 61. Chief's Baton (faskear). Cedax* wood. Carried on ceremonial occasions
to denote rank. Lower figure, a frog ; upper, cliief with ceremonial
hat. Cat. No. 89097, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skidegate, Queen
Charlotte Islands. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 63. Chief's Baton (taskear). In dancing or when presiding over a feast the
chief thumps on the floor with his baton to emphasize the time or to at-
tract attention when al)out to speak. Cat. No. 89095, U. S. N. M.
Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected
by James G. Swan.

Fig. 63. Dance Wand. Carried in the hand. Ornamented with human hair. Cat.
No. 127169. U. S. N. M. Hoodsinoo Indians (Koluschan stock), Alaska.
Collected by Paymaster E. B. Webster, U. S. Navy.

Fig. 64. Dance Wand. Of wood, in imitation of ancient war spear. The carved
head is ornamented with human hair. Cat. No. 74527, U. S. N. M.
Haida Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected
by James G. Swan.

Fig. 65. Chief's Ceremonial Baton. Carved. Upper figure. Koot, the eagle ;
lower, Tsing, the beaver. Cat. No. 89098, U. S. N. jM. Haida Indians,
Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by
James G. Swan.

Fig. 66. Shaman's Baton or Wand. Supposed to possess magical powers. Carried
by medicine man in his ceremonies. Cat. No. 89100, U.S. N. M. Haida
Indians, Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Col-
lected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XVII.

Chief and Shaman Ceremonial Batons.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XVlll

Red-cedar Bark Paraphernalia from the Northwest Coast, and Ancient Rattle.

Figs. 67. 6y. and 69. Head-Dresses. Of cedar-bark rope, stained red with tlie juire
of tlie alder. Worn in the winter ceremonial dances of the Kwakiutl
and other southern coast Indians. This style borrowed by the northern
Indians and worn by them in their ceremonials, but not witli the same
significance as in the south. Cat. Nos. 20849. 20910. Hoodsinoo Indians,
Admiralty Island, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 70. Necklace. Of cedar-bark rope, like those above, with pendent tassels of
cedar-bark twine. Worn over right shoulder and under right arm.
Figs. 67. 68, 69, 70, are Cat. Nos. 129013-15. U. S. N. M. Talcomk, sub-
tribe of Bilqula Indians, Vancouver Island. British Columbia. Col-
lected by Dr. Franz Boas.

Fig. 71. Girdle or Necklace. Of cedar-bark rope. Worn around the neck with
the pendant down the back of the wearer in the south previous to going
on a whaling expedition. Amongst the Haida it is simply a ceremonial
ornament. No number.

Fig. 72. Sash. Of cedar-bark rope. Worn over the shoulder. Ornamented with
gulls' down. Cat. No. 72701. U. S. N. M. Stikine Indians. Alaska.
Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 73. Rattle. Ancient form. Made of wood with pendent beaks of thejniflfin
This type of rattle is mentioned by many of the early voyagers. No
number.

Report of National Museum. 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XVIII.

Red-cedar Bark Paraphernalia from the Northwest Coast, and Ancient Rattle.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XIX.

CHIEF'S Blue Cloth Ceremonial Vestment.

Fig. 74. The design represents the hahbut, worked on in red cloth, edged witli bead
and button trnnniings. While it is a modern garment, it shows the
artistic skill of these Indians in working up every article of personal
pi'operty into a totemic design. As a cei-emonial vestment it is worn
pendent down the back. Cat. No. 20679, U. S. N. M. Tsimshian In-
dians, Port Simpson, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XIX.

CHIEF'S Blue Cloth Ceremonial Vestment.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST.

273

It is in the form of a truncated cone, with no openings for the arms.
Other forms of ceremonial blankets are simply square pieces of cloth
to go about the shoulders, ornamented in totemic designs, or with i^end-

Fis- 75.
Shaman's Cloak.

(Cat. No. 89197, U. S. N. M. Skidegate, B. C. Collected by James G. Swan.)

ant puffin beaks or deer hoofs attached to a long fringe. These are
sometimes of tanned deer skin, having the design painted on in a regu-
lar pattern in black and red colors.

Ceremonial shirts or coats. — Fig. 34, Plate x, represents a woven cer-
emonial coat of mountain goat's wool as already described. Other
forms are made of cloth or blanket material and ornamented with to-
temic designs, as described above. Fig. 75a represents the Sea Lion, and
Fig. 756 is a rear view of the same coat ornamented with a design of
Wasko, a mythological animal of the wolf species. The edges and arm-
holes are bordered with red cloth, and the whole garment is neatly made.
Fig. 80, Plate xxi, represents a buckskin coat, with the right side
fringed aod open and the left side sewed up, having an arm-hole for the
left arm. The bottom is also fringed, and the neck-hole slit to admit
the head. The design represents the bear. It is a Tlingit garment,
loaned to the Museum by Mr. Max B. Eichardson, of Oswego, New
York. Other ceremonial coats are illustrated in the accompanying
plates.

Ceremonial leggings. — These are of buckskin, blue cloth, blanket stuff,
or of goat's wool, woven as shown in Plate x, Fig. 33a. A very common
type IS seen in Fig. 36, Plate x, fringed and ornamented with pend-
ant beaks of the puffin, shown in the detail of the same figure. Other
kinds are cut out in the pattern or outline of some totemic animal and
either painted in design or worked on in colored cloth by the applique
method. They are secured to the leg by straps of cloth or bucksUiii
and are usually worn in conjunction with moccasins or the bare feet.
H. Mis. 142, pt. 2 18

274 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

Fig. 75a.
Cerkmonial Shirt.

(Cat. No. 89194, U. S. N. M. Skidegate, B. C. Collect by .lames G. Swan.)

Fig. 15b.

Rear View of Fig. 75a.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XX.

Carvings on Rocks, and Stone Implements from the Northwest Coast.

From photographs by the author.

Fig. 76. Ancient Tlingit Sculptures. Carved on the rocks on the beach near
Foi-t Wrangell, Alaska. The figure represents the orca or whale-
killer.

Fig. 77. Ancient Tlingit Sculptures. Representing several human faces and
conventional designs.

Fig. 79. Primitive Stone Implements, a is a scraper for removing the inner in-
tegument or bark from the trunk of the pine tree for food; 6 is a small
stone hammer: c, a heavy stone sledge; d. an adze, of which e is a side
view: /, a variety of stone adze blades (see Plate XXIII): g, a type of
adze, sliowing method of hafting: h, a scraper used in the process of
tanning hides. Haida Indians, Dixon Entrance. Collected by James
G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XX.

Carvings on Rocks, and Stone Implements from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXI.

Tlingit Ceremonial Buckskin Shirt.

Made of two thicknesses of buckskin, .sewed up on the left side; open on the
rigJit. The )ieck-opening is slit to admit the head. The figure is painted on tlie
front in black and red colors, and rejuvsents the totem of the Bear. Cat. No. 180588,
U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Lent by Max. B. Richardson, of Oswego,
N. Y.

Report of National Museum, 1888— Niblack.

Plate XXI.

Tlingit Ceremonial Buckskin Shirt.

THE INDIANS. OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 275

Slave'Mllers, — These are ceremonial iinpleiuents formerly used by
the chiefs in dispatching the slaves selected as victims of sacrifice on
occasions of building a liouse, or on the death of a chief or other impor-
tant personage, as described in Chapter xiii. Some varieties of these
instruments are illustrated in Plate xlvi. The pointed ends were
driven by a quick blow into the skull of the victim, whose body was
accorded special consideration in burial. They seem in general to have
been made of bone, or of wood tii^ped with stone. Naturally, with the
advent of the whites, this custom has had to be abandoned, and these
implements have, in time, become very rare.

V.

FOOD; IMPLEMENTS AND WEAPONS; HUNTING AND FISHING.
FOOD: ITS PREPARATION AND HOW OBTAINED.

Food. — Fish and berries form the staff of life amougst the Indians of
this region. Around the summer camps, at all times, can be seen strips
of halibut or salmon suspended in the smoke of the dwelling-houses, or
drying in the open air on frames erected for the purpose. In the sum-
mer season there is an abundance of all kinds of food, but the energies
of the Indians are directed to laying up a stock for winter's use. Hali-
but abound from March to November, and are readily caught on their
favorite banks, known to the natives who camp near such localities.
Halibut and salmon, fresh and dried, form the basis of the food supi)ly.
The salmon are caught during the "runs." After the daily wants are
supplied, and a sufficient number dried for winter's use, the surplus fish
are converted into oil. This oil, as well as all other kinds, is used as a
sauce, into which nearly everything is dipped before eating. Seal and
porpoise flesh, or blubber, is esteemed a great delicacy, although tbey
will not eat whale's blubber for superstitious reasons. Any kind of meat
of wild animals is eaten when procurable, but it is only in recent years
that they have ever salted down or dried meat for winter's use. Other
kinds of fish, such as cod, herring, and eulachon, are much esteemed.
During tbe run of herring large quantities are dried or pressed into oil.
Eulachon {Thaleichthys pacificus), the so-called "candle-fish," a kind of
smelt, run in March and April at the mouth of the Skeena, Nass, and
Stikeen Rivers. These have the greatest proportion of fatty matter
known in any fish. In frying they melt almost completely into oil, and
need cnly the iasertion of some kind of a wick to serve as a candle.

Fish roe. — The roe of fish is esteemed a great delicacy, and great
care is taken to collect it in the water, or remove it from captured fish.
It is either eaten fresh, or dried and preserved for winter's use, when
it is eaten in two ways: (1) It is pounded between two stones, diluted
with water, and beaten with wooden spoons into a creamy consistency;
or (2) it is boiled with sorrel and different dried berries, and molded
in wooden frames into cakes about 12 inches square and 1 inch thick.

Herbs and berries. — Roots, herbs, berries, and snails are amongst tbe
luxuries of the summer season. Raspberries, salmon berries, straw-
berries, currauts, red and blue huckleberries, salal, and thimble berries
abound late in the summer. Some of these are collected and dried for

276

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 277

winter's use, forming, with the dried fish, the principal winter's supply
Poole (1863) says of the Haida, that they often, through feasting or
improvidence, eat up all the dried berries before spring, and " were it
not for a few bulbs which they dig out of the soil in the early spring-
time, while awaiting the halibut season, numbers of Indians really
would starve to death."*

Portlock mentions the root of the wild lily as very much used by the
Tlingit. Crab-apples are found, but are scarcely edible. Wild parsnips
are abundant and palatable. Many years ago an American ship cap-
tain gave the Indians potatoes, and they are now regularly cultivated,
and form a considerable item in the winter food supply. Other vegeta-
bles may be and are grown. Near all the villages now may be seen
j)atches of ground planted, howev^er, principally in potatoes.

Oil. — Fish is eaten dried by breaking it up and soaking the bits in
fish-oil or grease, having the consistency of uncooled jelly. This oil
is obtained from seals, porpoises, herring, salmon, eulachon, goat, deer,
bear, and the livers of the dog-fish, shark, and other vertebrates. It
is the odor of this rancid oil which permeates everything Indian, and
renders a visit to a lodge on the northwest coast somewhat of an
ordeal.

Invertebrates. — Invertebrates and several species of marine algae or

sea- weed are eaten. Of the former there are clams, crabs, cuttle-fish,

-and mussels or oysters, the last named being often poisonous at certain

seasons. The clams, echinoderms, and sea-weed are gathered at ebb

tide. The shell fish are usually eaten in the winter months.

Sea-iceed. — The seaweed is dried for winter's use and pressed into a
kind of cake, like plug tobacco. A species of it, quite black when dried,
is used for making a dish called sopallaly, of which the Indians are im-
moderately fond. This is made by breaking up a very small piece of
the pressed sopallaly cake into little bits in a bowl or dish and adding
warm water. It is then beaten with a wooden spoon and sugar is
added. It froths and foams like the white of an Qgg or like soap, and
gradually turns from a terracotta color to white. Berries, fresh or
dried, are sometimes added, and the mixture is consumed with avidity
by old and young. Langsdorflf (1805) says in spring and summer the
Tlingit gather several sorts of sea- weed, which, " when cooked, make a
bitterish sort of soup." t

He mentions also " a sort of square cake made of the bark of the
spruce fir, pounded and mixed with the roots, berries and train oil." t

Baric. — The inner bark of the spruce and hemlock forms an important
part of the food supply of the Haida, Tlingit, and Tsimshian. The
southern Indian eats pine bark. Plate xx. Fig. 79a, shows a stone
scraper used by the northern Indians for removing this inner bark from
the trunk. The scrapings are molded into cakes about a foot square

* Poole, Queeu Charlotte Islands, p. 315. tLangsdorff, Voyages, Pt. li, p. 131.

278 EEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

and an inch thick, dried and preserved for winter's use. It is eaten,
like dried fish, with oil as a sauce.

Birds. — The Indians are remarkably fond of wild fowl, but the diffi-
culties of shooting and entrapping them with their ordinary imple-
ments and means have made them a very inconsiderable source of their
food supply. At certain seasons, however, they capture them by strat
egy. Wild geese they catch after they have shed their large wing-
feathers and are unable to fly.* At other times they hunt wild fowl
by night with torches and fell them with clubs. Poole (1864) thus de-
scribes bird slaughtering amongst the Kwakiutl:

The birds, which are small but plump, burro vr their holes in the sand-banks on the
shores. When the slaughtering season arrives the Indians prepare torches composed
of long sticks having the tips smeared with gum taken from the pine trees. Armed
with handy clubs, they then place these lighted torches at the mouths of the holes,
and as soon as the birds, attracted by the glare, flutter forth, they fell them to the
ground.!

Birds' Eggs. — Birds' eggs are collected, wherever possible, in early
summer. The Haida derive their supply from the outlying rocks of
the Queen Charlotte Islands. The Kaigaui make trips out to Forrester
and other islands. Each location is pre-empted by particular families,
and considered hereditary property, which is handed down from gen-
eration to generation.

Cooking and Preparation of Food. — Dried fish, bark, roe, etc., are
eaten with grease or oil, as before stated. Salmon roe is buried in
boxes on the beach, washed by the tide, and eaten in a decomposed
state. The heads of salmon and halibut are esteemed a great luxury
when putrefied in the tide or salt water. Meat is either broiled on a
stick, roasted on hot stones, or boiled in a kettle. Before the intro-
duction of kettles, meat was boiled in a wooden dish or water-tight
basket by means of red hot stones added to the water. Fresh, fish and
cuttle fish are alwa\'s cooked. Oil is extracted from the livers of dog-
fish and stranded sharks and whales, to sell to the whites. Oil is ob-
tained in ditferent localities from salmon, herring, eulachon, and pollock.
The fish is usually allowed to partially putrefy and then boiled in wooden
boxes by means of hot stones dropped in the water. The grease or oil
is skimmed from the surface. The refuse is squeezed in mats, and the
grease obtained is stored in boxes. Sometimes this grease or oil is run
, into the hollow stalks of giant kelp, which have been tanned or pre-
pared beforehand as follows: The stalks are soaked in fresh water to
extract the salt, dried in the sun or in the smoke of the dwelling, and
theu toughened and made pliable with oil, rubbed thoroughly in. In
this form of storage the oil is as portable as in bottles, or in jars, with
less danger of breakage. Birds or wild fowls are toasted on a stick
before a slow fire without any previous plucking or cleaning, and the
feathers and skin removed afterward. The entrails are supposed to
add a decidedly better flavor to the bird.

* Portlock, Voyage, p. 265. t Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 284.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXII,

Primitive Stone Implements from the Northwest Coast, with Wooden Wedge for

SPLITTING Wood.

Fig. 81. Stone Hammer OR Sledge. Head of basalt; haft of wood. The drawing
shows method of hafting. Cat. No. 88820, U. S. N. M. Masset, Queen
Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 82. Stone Sledge. Head of basalt; handle of wood: lashing of spruce root.
Cat. No. 88815, U. S. N. M. Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, Britisli
Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fio-. 83. Stone Pestle. For grinding paint, and sometimes used as a hand
weapon. Cat. No. 89011, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte
Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 84. Wooden Wedge. Body of spruce or cedar; lashing on the hea'd of
twisted spruce root. Used in splitting logs and getting out timber for
industi-ial purposes. Cat. No. 72679, U. S. N. M. Makah Indians, Cape
Flattery, Washington. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 85, Stone Sledge. Head of basalt: lashing of raw-hide. Cat. No. 20596. U.
S. N. M. Kwakiutl Indians, Bella Bella, British Columbia. Collected
by James G. Swan.

Fig. 86. Stone Sledge. Head of basalt: lashing of spruce root. Cat. No. 20893,
U. S. N. M. Kaigani Indians (Haida). Prince of Wales Island, Alaska.
Collected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XXII.

Primitive Stone Implements from the Northwest Coast, with Wooden Wedge for

SPLITTING Wood.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 2^9

Wbeu the salmon or halibut are caught, it is the duty of the womeu
to cleau and dry them. The head is cut oflf, the fish slit dowu the
back, back-boue aud eutrails removed, and the tail and fins cut off'.
The cleaned fish is then cut into long flakes, which are hung on a
wooden frame, and cured, without salt, either in the sun or by means
of a slow fire beneath. Sometimes they are dried in the smoke of the
dwellings. The fish when dried are either wrapped in bark or stored
in chests or boxes, and stowed for future use out of the reach of the
dogs and children. When bear, deer, goats, or other game are killed,
the skin is not generally removed from the carcass until most of the
flesh has been eaten. In this way the skin forms a wrapper to preserve
and protect the flesh. Grease obtained by boiling the meat is skimmed
from the surface of the water and esteemed a great delicacy.

INDUSTRIAL IMPLEMENTS OR TOOLS.

In general. — Primitive tools were of stone, the most common edged
ones beiug of flint, or a peculiar hard green jadeite, or, where possible
to obtain it, of jade, which last named they got from the north in trade.
Eough tools and implements, such as sledges, hammers, mortars, pes-
tles, scrapers, etc., were of igneous rock, roughly carved in the totem
of the owner. The knives for more delicate carvings in wood were of
copper, flint, jade, or the bones of fishes and mammals, the work being
smoothed down with shark skin used as a sand-paper. Steel has now
been substituted for stone in all of their tools, but the native shape has
been in a measure retained.

Hammers and Sledges. — These were of hard igneous stone, rudely
carved, and are used here aud there even to this day. Figs. 81, 82, 85,
and 86, Plate xxii, represent a variety of these as regards shapes, sizes,
and methods of hafting, while Plate XX, Figs. 79, h and c, show a very
primitive form of hammer and sledge-head, respectively.

Adzes. — A variety of adz-blades of a green jade-like stone are shown
in Fig. 79, same plate, d, e, and/. Figs. 88 and 89, Plate xxiii, are other
varieties of this pick-shaped blade, of which Figs. 90 and 91 show
methods of hafting. A more handy variety of adz, for finishing and
planing work, is shown in Fig. 79 g, f being a variety of blades as re-
gards size. The methods of hafting this flat-shaped blade throughout
the northwest coast are shown in Fig. 79 g and Figs. 87, 92, 93, and 94,
Plate XXIII. Iron or steel is now substituted for stone, aud the favor-
ite form is that made by sharpening the end of a broad flat file. Dixon
(1787) says the only stone implement he saw amongst the Tlingit an<l
Haida was an adze made of jasper, " the same as those used by the
New Zealanders."*

Knives. — Before the introduction of iron the only metal available was
copper. This was not used for industrial i^urposes, as knives, on ac-

* Dixon, Voyage, p. 224.

280

REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

M.

count of its softness. Ohief reliance was placed in jade, flint, or other
stone, and upon shells and bone. In the Emmons Collection in the
Museum of Natural Historj- in New York are two primitive Tlingit
stone knives, with horn handles, and illustrated in Figs. 99 a and 99 h.
The handles are of deer horn, the blades of jade, and the lashing of
buckskin. Marchand (1791) expressed his astonishment at the elab-
orately carved posts in front of the
Haida houses of Queen Charlotte Isl-
ands, which, he says, were fashioned
out with " a sharp stone, hafted on a
i' ' ,///M branch of a tree, the bone of a quadru-
ped, the bone of one fish and the rough
i" I '«/ skin of another."* On the introduction

of iron, which both Cook and Dixon
attribute to the Russians, the Indians
were not slow to adapt it to their pur-
l)0ses. Dixon says that in Captain
Cook's time "'iron implements were
then also in use" among the Tlingit
and Haida, while, in 1787, their knives
were "so very thin that they bend them
into a variety of forms, which answer
their every purpose nearly as well as
if they had recourse to a carpenter's
tool chest." t This applies, however,
equally well to-day, as Plate xxiv will
show. Figs. 97 to 103, inclusive, illus-
trate a variety of knives from the north-
west coast, all of similar design or pat-
tern, those from the north, however,
having their handles carved with totemic designs after the usual custom
of this region. Figs. 95 and 9G represent fish knives of a simple pattern,
which replaced those of shell formerly used. Fig. 103 represents a pat-
tern not uncommon in the north, being, besides a dagger, an all around
knife for carving, cleaning fish, cutting up game, etc., much as a bowie
knife is used by the trapper of the interior.

Scrapers. — Two varieties of stone scrapers are shown in Plate xx,Fig.
79a and k. The former is a very j)rimitive instrument used for scraping
off the inner bark of the spruce and hemlock for food. The latter is a
stone skin scraper used in cleaning hides in the process of tanning. These
are also of bone, as shown in Fig. 79fc from the Emmons collection,
and are often ornamented with totemic designs, as in the specimen
shown.
Mortars and pestles. — Stowed away in the older houses of the different

* Quoted by J. G. Swau, in Smithsou. Gout, to Knowledge, 267, p. 12.
t Dixouj Voyage, p. 243.

Figs. 99a and 99&.
Stone Bladed Knives.

(Hillda. Emmons Collection.)

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXII!,

Primitive Stone and Steel Implements from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. ST. Stone Adze. Rudest form; showing mode of hafting. See Plate XX,
79/. Cat. No. 43234, U. S. N. M. Tlingit. Alaska. Collected by Com-
mander Beardslee. U. S. Navy.

Fig. 88. Stone Adze Blade. Hafting shown in Fig. 91. Cat. No. 88996. U. S. N.
M. Tsimshian Indians. Fort Simpson, British Columbia. Collected by
James G. Swan.

Fig. 89. Sime as Fig. 88. Cat. No. S9013. U. S. N. M.

Fig. 90. Stone Adze. Witli lashing of twi.sted spruce root. See also Plate XX.
Fig. 79. d and e. Cat. No. 88816. U. S. N. M. Masset Indians (Haida).
Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G.
Swan.

Fig. 91. Same as Fig. 90. Cat. No. 88720. U. S. N. M.

Fig. 92. Hand Adze. Blade of steel; handle of bone. Cat. No. 23376, U. S. N. M.
Makah Indians (Wakashan stock). Cape Flattery, Washington. Col-
lected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 93. Adze. Blade of steel. Cat. No. 23462, U. S. N. M. Clallam Indians (Sal-
ishan stock), Washington. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 94. Adze. Blade of steel: general noilh west type. Hafting same as used for-
merly on stone blades. See Plate XX, Fig. 79/. Kwakiutl Indians.
Bella Bella. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museu.-n, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XXIII.

Primitive Stone and Steel Implements from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXIV,

Industrial Implements or Tools— Knives from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 95. Fish Knife. Steel. Used in cleaning- and inepaiing fish for drying. Cat.
No. 74378, U. S. N. 'SI. Tlingit, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J.
McLean.

Fig. 96. Fish Knife. Steel, with copper handle. Cat. No. 88772, U. S. N. M.
Haida Indians, Masset. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia.
Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig, 97. Wood-carving Knife. Blade of steel. The end of the blade Jp curved to
make the deep cuts of relief-carving. Cat. No. 129977n, U. S. N. M.
Kwakiutl Indians, Fort Rupert, Vancouver Island. British Columbia.
Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 98. WooD-CARViNG Knife. Straight blade of steel: liandle carved to represent
a sea-lion. Cat. No. 129977?). U. S. N. M. Kwakiutl Indians, Fort
Rupert, Vancouver Island British Columbia. Collected by James G.
Swan.

Fig. 99. WooD-CARViNG Knife. Cat. No. 129978a, U. S. N. M. Kwakiutl In-
dians. Fort Rupert, Vancouver Island, British Columbia. Collected
b}' James G. Swan.

Fig. 100. Wood-carving Knife. Cat. No. 129978b. U. S. N. M. Kwakiutl In-
dians. Fort Rupert, Vancouver Island, British Columbia. Collected l)y
James G. Swan.

Fig. 101. Wood-carving Knife. Curved end of blade. Cat. No. 20831, U. S. N. M.
Kaigani Indians. Prince of Wales Island. Alaska. Collected by James
G. Swan.

Fig. 102. Wood-carving Knife. Carving represents Hooyeh, the raven. Cat. No.
67831. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Sitka. Alaska. Collected by John
J. McLean.

Fig. 103. Knife. Used as a weapon and for carving wood, cutting np meat, fish,
etc. Cat. No. 74267, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Col-
lected bv John J. McLean.

Report of National Museum, 1 888.— Niblack.

PLATE XXIV.

Industrial Implements or Tools-Knives from the Northwest Coast.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST.

281

villages are now found large and small stone mortars and pestles, sur
prisingly well carved in totemic designs.

These were by some people supposed to indicate that
in early days these Indians ground maize, as did and
do the huntiug ludians ot the interior, but such is not
the case, as they were unacquainted with cereals of any
kind. These mortars were used for an entirely different
purpose. In the larger ones were ground and prepared
the tobacco plugs for chewing; in the smaller were
mixed and ground the different i^aints used for the
bodj', masks, carviugs, and all the various purposes to
which these native pigments were and are now applied.
Fig. 83, Plate xxii, represents a paint-pestle, which was
also used as a weapon or missile, carried in the hand in
times of local feuds, brawls, and quarrels. Fig. 83a
represents a pestle of this kind in the Jilmmons Col-
lection already referred to. Another variety of pestle is
shown in Plate lxiii, Fig 338. Fig. 339 of same plate
is an ancient tobacco mortar of marble or calcite, rfeatly
carved on the exterior with a totemic design. Other
mortars carved in likeness of frogs, birds, fishes, and
flower-pots are found throughout the northern region.

Wedges. — These are usually of wood and formerly
were entirely so. Now, however, iron wedges are some-
times used. These, in any case, are for splitting up logs
into boards, and in getting out timber in the rough
generally. A very useful type of wooden wedge is
shown in Fig. 84, Plate xxii, general throughout the
coast. These were used in connection with the heavy
sledges shown in the same plate. The heads of the

Fig. 79A-.
Bone Skin Scraper.

(Tlingit. Emmons Collec-
tion. )

^/r^^^M^^S^^^'^^tt^i&^gS!'^**' 4v ii^t.

Fig. 83fl..
Paint Pestle.

(Tlingit. Emmons Collectioa )

wedges are protected, or prevented from splitting, by a grommet woven
from tough withes or from spruce root and put on as shown in the

282

KEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

illustration. The skill with which huge slabs, rafters, and boards are
gotten out with the rough tools employed is surprising.

Chisels.— 'A primitive type of chisel is shown in Fig. 78, consisting of
a green stone blade mounted in a wooden handle. The blade is similar
in shape to those of the adzes. This instrument was
used in roughing down the surface, the smoothing being
done by scraping with sharp-edged shells or stones, or
even by rubbing with shark or dog-fish skin to get a
finished surface.

Drills. — Holes, where drilled, were made by patient
digging with a pointed instrument of stone or bone, or
by driving in a copper spike and withdrawing it. Joints
were made by dovetailing, mortising, tonguing and
grooving, or notching and lashing, great ingenuity
being shown in avoiding the necessity for pegs or nails.
Paintbrushes. — These are shown in all their varieties
in Plate XLV, A and B, and are well adapted to the
neat work demanded of them. Bristles, hair, and vege-
table fiber are the materials used for the brush-heads.
The handles of those from the northern region are carved
with the usual totemic designs.

Other tools and implements adapted to special uses
in their arts and industries will be described in Chapter
VII.

\\

WEAPONS OF WAR AND OF THE CHASE.

Weapons. — The principal weapons before the advent
of the whites were clubs of wood and stone, bows and
arrows, spears with shell, bone, flint, copper, or jade
tips, and, above all, the dagger, the constant companion
p; 7g of the Indian of this region.

Chisel. Cluhs.— These were of wood, of stone, or of stone

f Emmons Collection.) haftcd wlth wood. Thc haftcd stone clubs were simply
industrial implements already described and used for the time being
as weapons. A Tsimshian stone war-club is illustrated in Fig. 122,
Plate XXVII. A Tlingit stone war-club in the Emmons Collection, New
York is shown in Fig. I19a. It is possible that the slave-killers, shown
in Plate xlvi were also carried as weapons, although no war-clubs of
this type are now found in this region. Plate xxviii illustrates a
variety of clubs used for different purposes. Fig. 132 is a war-club
pure and simple, the others being hunting or fishing implements and
used to give the death-blow to seals, sea-otters, or fish after their cap-
ture by the different methods explained hereafter. These are all carved
either with the totemic design of the owner or a representation of the
animal itself. Each club is used distinctly for the purpose of dispatch-

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST.

283

ing the animal for which it was made. Figs. 128 and 129 are sea-otter
clubs ; Figs. 130 and 131 are seal clubs. The halibut and other lish
clubs are similar in design. A type not here illustrated is a round
wooden knob with straight handle.

Baggers. — Dixon (1787) says of the
Ilaida and Tlingit:

Their weapons are spears fixed to a pole 6
or 8 feet long, and a kind of short dagger,
which is worn in a leather case, and tied
round the body; to this dagger a leather
thong is fastened, at the end of which is a hole
for the middle finger; the leather is afterwards
twisted round the wrist in order to fix the
dagger firm in the hand, so that the warrior
loses his weapon only with his life.*

The handle is generally nearer one
end than the other, giving a long blade
and a short one. The leather sheath
is usually strapped to the waist or
hung about the neck, concealed be-
neath the blanket. The handle is small
in diameter, wrapped with leather, and
secured by a thoDg to the wrist when
carried in the hand. The blades are
flat and thicker down the middle than
towards the edges, being generally
grooved on each side of the center
ridge. All varieties of patterns, how-
ever, are found, the different types
being well represented in Plate xxv,
of which Fig. 108 represents a primi-
tive dagger of copper inlaid with hali-
otis shell, while Fig. 107 is the same
type, of steel, with copper mountings.
Fig. lOld is a sheath of buckskin for
the short blade of the dagger, and 107e
the same for the long blade, the latter
having, as shown, a strap to go about the neck. The dagger shown in
Fig. 107 is from the Copper Eiver Indians, but is clearly a Tlingit type,
having undoubtedly reached that region in the course of trade. Fig. 106
shows a one-bladed dagger with a carved handle. Fig. 104, with its three
details, a, b, and c, shows the method of securing the handle to the blade.
Fig. 1 05 is a Tlingit chief's dagger. The edges of all of them are rather
dull and the points somewhat blunt, but the execution which these
deadly weapons do is in the force with which they are driven into an

Fig. 122a.
Stone Wab-Club.

(Tlingit. Emmons Collection. )

Dix(fn, Voyage, p. 244.

284

REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

adversary. The two primitive types of copper daggers seen by Dixon
(1787) in this region are reproduced from sketches in his Voyage, p. 188,
in Plate xxvii, Figs. 116 and 117. Amongst the Aleut and Tinne to

n

Fig. 1086.
Stone Dagger.

(Tlingit. Emmons Collection. )

Fig. 108c.
Stone-bladed Dagger.

(Tlingit. Emmons Collection. )

the north the type of dagger is that shown in Fig. 118, described also
by Portlock (1787)*. This type is found in the Yukon region and well

* Portlock, Voyage, p. 261.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXV,

Fig.

104

Fig.

105

Fig.

106

Fig.

107

Fig. 108.

Copper and Steel Daggers with Sheaths of Buckskin and Moose Hide.

Dagger. Steel blade; cedar- wood handle, sshowing method of attach-
ment. Cat. No. 74264, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Sitka, Alaska.
Collected by Jolm J. McLean.

Dagger. Steel blade; carved wooden handle, representing an Indian
chief sitting. (Sheath of moose hide to the left.) Cat. No. 74362, U.
S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.

Dagger. Steel blade; carved cedar-wood handle. Cat. No. 76463, U. S.
N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.

DoUBLE-BLADED DAGGER. With copper monntings; Tlingit type. Prob-
ably acquired by Copper River Indians through trade. Fig. 107e is
buckskin sheath with neck-strap. Fig. 107rf is the sheath for the short
blade. Cat. No. 88702, U. S. N. M. Atna or Copper River Indians
(Athapaskan stock), Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.

Dagger. Of copper; double-headed; primitive type: elaborately chased
and inlaid with abalone shell. Cat. No. 89020, U. S. N. M. Haida In-
dians, Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands British Columbia. Col-
lected bv James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1 888.— Nibiack.

Plate XXV.

Copper and Steel Daggers with Sheaths of Buckskin and Moose Hide.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST.

285

back into the interior. Fig. 116 is a slight modification in the type of
117, iu the direction of 118. The first daggers that were made of steel,
after the advent of the whites, were converted by the natives from
large flat files, which they also
made into adze blades. The skill-
ful manner in which the Indians
gronnd down the files into beauti-
fully fluted daggers challenged
the admiration of the traders,
who found the work as skillfully
done as that by European metal-
workers. The primitive dagger
was of stone or boue. Those of
bone were of the shape shown in
Fig. 107, Plate xxv, with a sharp
ridge running down the middle.
Fig. 1086 represents a Tlingit
stone dagger from the Emmons
Collection Fig. 108c from the
same source, has a blade of stone
and handle of wood covered in
totemic design. Another dagger
of jadeite or nephrite, not here
represented, is a long jirism of
square cross-section pointed at
each end, about three-fourths
inch on a side, with the handle
about one-third of the distance
from one end. Fig. ] 08d is a steel
dagger, also from this collection,
of native workmanship. The
edges are very sharp, and it is
an exceedingly dangerous weap-
on. The handle is covered with
plate copper, as shown. Fig.
108e is a Tlingit steel dagger also
from the Emmons Collection.
The handle is wrapped with buck-
skin strips, and outside of all is
wound a cord of plaited human
hair. Fig. 108/ is a Tlingit ivory
guard for the point of a dag-
ger to protect the wearer from

danger of accidental stabbing. Fig. ISOg is an ivory dagger edge
guard for fastening over the sharp edged point of a dagger. Both of

Fig. IQSd.
Steel Daggek.

(Tlingit. Emmons Collec-
tion.)

Fig. 108e.
Steel Dagger.

(Tlingit. Emmoi
tion. )

Colleo

286

REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

these specimens are from the Emmons Collection,
bladed dagger with goat-horn handle.

Fig. lOSh is a steel-

Fig. 108/.

Ivory Guard for Dagger
Point.

(Tlingits. Emmons Collection.)

Fig. 108if.
IVOUY GUAUD for

Dagger.

Botes and arrows. — In
course of trade
many of the Eski-
mo types of bows
and arrows have
found their way
south amongst the
Indians, particu-
larly amongst the
Yakutat and other
northern Tlingit.
With the Eskimo
and Aleut the bow
and arrow is,
equally with the

the

V.

//

harpoon, a weapon of the greatest importance, and a high
type of each has been developed. The backing of sinew
on the bow is occasionally found amongst the Tlingit, but
not so skillfully applied as in the north (see Smithsonian
Report, 1884, "A Study of the Eskimo Bows in the CJ. S.
National Museum," by Mr. John Murdoch). Amongst the
Indians of the northwest coast the bow and arrow is and
always has been only an auxiliary hunting implement,
although a very important one, in the capture of sea-otter.
To-day the bow and arrow survives only as a means of
despatching wounded game to save powder and ball. The
two types of coast Indian bows, the broad and narrow,
are shown in Plate xxvi. The narrow type (Figs. 109, 110,
and 115) is principally confined to the Tlingit, whereas the
broader one (Figs. Ill, 112, and 114) is found amongst not
only the Tlingit, but the Haida and .Tlingit as well. In
Fig. 112 the peculiar groove down the inside of the bow
is shown. The device in Fig. 115 to protect the thumb
from the snap of the bow-string consists of a wooden
bridge lashed to the inner side of the bow at the middle.
This is a willow bow of the type found in the interior
amongst the Tinne, and either copied from their type or obtained by
trade from them. Cedar and yew are the principal woods used by
the coast Indians for bows, the strings being of hide or sinew. Few
bows are now seen amongst these Indians except as toys for the chil-
dren.

Arrows.— Before the introduction of iron, arrow-heads were of bone,
flint, shell, or copper. The copper and later iron heads were of the
shape shown in Fig. 133fl or i34«, Plate xxix, fitting into an ivory or

Fig. lOSh.

Steel-bladed
Dagger.

(Tlingit. Emmons
Collection. )

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXVI,

V

/03 //o /// //3 ,73 //■/ //S

Tlingit and Haida Bows and Tlingit War-spear.

Fig. 109. Bow. Tlingit type: narrow. Cat. No. 75454. U. 8. N. M. Tlingit In-
dians, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.

Fig. 110. Bow. Narrow type. Cat. No. 16406, U. S. N. M. Yakutat Indians
(Tlingit), Alaska. Collected by William H. Dall.

Fig. 111. Bow. General coast-type. Cat. No. 63551, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians.
Sitka. Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.

Fig. 112. Bow. General broad coast-type: under side showing the groove. Cat.
No. 73546. U. S. N. M. Kaigani Indians (Haida), Queen Chai-lotte
Islands. British Columbia. Collected by J. Loomis Gould.

Fig. 113. War Spear. General type after introduction of iron. Handle carved
with owner's totem. Blade of steel (bayonet shape). Cat. No. 75419,
U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Sitka. Alaska. Collected by John J.
McLean.

Fig. 114. Broad Boav. General coast type. Compare 111, 113. Cat. No. 88812,
U. S. N. M. Masset (Haida). Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia.
Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 115. Willow Bow. With device for receiving the blow of the string. Cat.
No. 75455. U. S. N. M. Tinne Indians, interior of Alaska. Collected
by John J. McLean in Sitka.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XXVI.

Tlingit and Haida Bows and Tlingit War-spear.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXVII

/^/

Fig. 121.

Fig.
Fig.

Weapons of War and of the Chase.

Figs. 116 and 117. Copper Daggers. From Dixon's Voyage, page 188.

Fig. 118. Steel Dagger. Cat. No. 2025, U. S. N. M. Arctic coast and Yukon

River. Collected by B. R. Ross.
Fig. 119. Steel Arrow-head. . Foreshaft of bone. Cat. No. 74960, U. S. N. M.

Tlingit, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.
Fig. 120. Steel Arrow-head. Bone foreshaft. Cat. No. 74958, U. S. N. M.

Tlingit, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.
Steel Arrow-head axd Foreshaft. Cat. No. 74966. Tlingit, Alaska.

Collected l\v John J. McLean.

122. Stone War Club. Tsimshian, Fort Simpson, Alaska. From photograph.

123. Arrow. Shaft of cedar; steel head and foreshaft in one piece. Cat. No.
73457, U. S. N. M. Kaigani, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska. Col-

lected by J. Loomis Gould.

Fig. 124. Arrow. Shaft of cedar; bone head and wooden foreshaft. Feathers at-
tached to the shaft at their extremities. Cat. No. 20694, U. S. N. M.
Bilqula Indians, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 125. Arrow. Head of shell; featliering glued to the sliaft. Cat. No. 20694,
U. S. N, M. Bilqula Indians, British Columbia. Collected by James
G. Swan.

Fig. 126. Blunt Arrow. Of cedar; for practice and dispatching game. Cat. No.
63551, U. S. N. M. Tlingit. Sitka. Collected by John J. McLean.

Fig. 127 (a and h). Throwing-stick. Of wood; carved in totemic designs and in-
laid with haliotis shell. Cat. No. 7899, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka.
Collected by Dr. T. T. Minor, U. S. Army. The Tlingit are not known to
have used the throwing-stick, while it occurs throughout the entire
Eskimo area. (See Smithsonian Report, 1884, Part II, legend to Plate
XVII.)

Report of National Museum, 1888.— NiblacU.

Plate XXVII.

i I

Weapons of War and of the Chase.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST.

287

bone fore-shaft, the shaft being of cedar. In some varieties the barbs
are ou one side only. Fig. 124, Plate xxvii, represents a bone-headed
arrow. Figs. 135 and 136, Plate xxix, are bone spear-heads, but the
same shape of smaller size are used for arrows. These are set into a
bone or ivory fore shaft similar to the Eskimo arrows. Fig. 125 rep-
resents an arrow with a head made of shell. The fore-shafts are of light
cedar wood let into the larger shafts. In the Emmons Collection is a
black flint arrow-head represented as coming from this region. The
style of blunt-headed arrow is shown in Fig. 12G. These are generally
used for despatching wounded game. Fig. 126a shows one variety of
bone arrow-head of this blunt pattern. The tenon at the butt fits into

Fig, 126a.
Bone Akhow-head.

{Tlingit. Emmons Collection. )

Fig. 126&.
Bone Abrow-head.

(Tlingit Indians. Emmons Collection.)

Fig. 126c.
Bone Aerow-head.

(Tlingit Indians, Emmons Collection. )

a socket either in the bone fore-shaft or in the cedar shaft itself.
Fig. 1266 shows another kind, in which the shaft fits into the head
itself, where it is secured by means of a tight lashing of twisted bark,
cord, or sinew. Fig. 126c shows a third variety, in which a thin tongue
or projection on the side of the bone arrow-head lets into a groove on
the side of the shaft. Through holes pierced in this tongue and through
the head of the arrow-shaft wires are run to attach the head to the
shaft. The general types of iron arrow-heads are shown in Figs. 119,
120, 121, and 123, Plate xxvii, and 133a, 134a, and 138, Plate xxix.
The fore-shafts of 119 and 120 are of bone. Arrows with bone fore-
shafts, or bone or ivory sockets on the head of the arrow-shafts, and
with detachable heads similar to those used by the Eskimo, are occa-
sionally found amongst the Tlingit. The arrows of the southern Indians
are in general superior to those of the northern, and of the interior In-
dians to those ou the coast.

War spears. — The primitive form was a simple wooden pole sharpened
and hardened in the fire, or pointed with copper and later with iron.*

* Bodega y Quadra, quoted in Bancroft, Native Races, Vol. i, p. 104.

288 REPOKT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

Not many stone spear heads are found in this region. There is one
in the Emmons Collection in New York, but how it was attached to the
spear shaft does not appear. Marchand (1793) describes the war spear
as consisting of two parts, a wooden shaft aud an iron head, shaped like
a Swiss halberd.* Plate xvii, Fig. 64, shows a wooden ceremonial
spear, doubtless an imitation of an ancient form of copper or stone-
headed spear. Fig. 113, Plate xxvi, is a Sitka war spear with carved
handle or shaft and steel bayouet pointed head. In general the war
spears have shafts from 10 to 14 feet long, whereas the hunting spears
are much shorter.

Fur-seal spear. — This in general consists of a long, light cedar shaft and
a detachable head. The shaf^is of the primitive type with a socket in the
upper end to receive the butt end of the detachable head. This latter
was formerly made of bone but later and at present of iron or steel.
(Plate XXIX, Figs. 133a, 134o, 135 and 136.) The steel ones are generally
made by the Haida themselves from old flat files which they purchase
from the traders. The end is sharply pointed, as shown in the figure,
while the edges and back are wrought into sharp barbs to hold in the
flesh. A loop of wire, or a shackle near the butt end, serves for the
attachment of one end of a strong cord of plaited sinew, sea-weed, or
vegetable fibre, the other end being secured to a float or bladder. This
spear is nothing more nor less than a harpoon. The seal being struck,
the head detaches itself and the animal is thus secured to one end of a
line. When not in use, the head is carried in a sheath made of two
pieces of cedar wood in the shape of a fish's tail, securely lashed together
with bark or spruce root lashings. (Figs. 1336 and 1346.) When
about to be used, the sheath is removed and the detachable head fixed
in the socket of the light cedar shaft. Figs. 135 and 136 represent de-
tachable spear heads of bone, with barbed edges. The cross sections
G and d show that one is lenticular in shape and the other triangular.
This type of spear head is not unlike that of the Eskimo and Aleut and
is of very primitive design. Arrow-heads of this shape and description
are common amongst the Eskimo but are rare in the coast Indian region.
The fur-seal spears here described are virtually harpoons.

Sainton spears. — Primitive types of salmon spear heads are shown in
Figs. 137 and 138, Plate xxix. The shafts are now, as always, of light
cedar wood, the recent changes in the character of the spears being due
to the substitution of large steel fish hooks for spear heads. These
hooks, purchased from the traders, are lashed to the spear shaft near
the end, as shown in Fig. 149, Plate xxx, and the old-fashioned spear
head done away with altogether. This is a very effective spear, and in
the Indian's hands seldom fails to bring up its victim. Fig. 137e is a
bone salmon spear head from the Emmons collection. Fig 149a is a
Tlingit salmon gig of deer antler for snagging salmon, also from the

"Marchaud, Voyage, torn, n, p. 68, also quoted by Bancroft.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXVIII

Weapons of War and of the Chase— Clubs.

Fig. 128. Club. For killing sea-otter. Carved to represent the animal. Cat. No.
88828, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Masset. Queen Charlotte Islands,
British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 129. Club. For killing sea-otter. Cat. No. 88825, U. S. N. M. Haida In-
dians, Masset. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected
by James G. Swan.

Fig. 130. Club. For killing seals. Carved sea-lion. Cat. No. 88824, U. S. N. M.
Haida Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected
by James G. Swan.

Fig. 131. Club. For killing seals. Carved seal. Cat. No. 88930, U. S. N. M.'
Haida Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected
liy James G. Swan.

Fig. 132. War Club. Carved to represent the raven. The three figures {a, b, and
c) are frogs. Tsimshian Indians. Fort Simpson, British Columbia. Col-
lected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XXVIII.

Weapons of War and of the Chase— Clubs.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXIX,

/3Jb

Haida and Tlingit Hunting and Fishing Implements.

Fig. 133 (a and h). Seal Spear-head. Of steeL Head detachable from foresliaft
and secured by a plaited lanyard of sea-weed made fast to a shackle iu
the butt. The case h is made of two pieces of cedar lashed together
with split spruce-root. Cat. No. 88929. U. S. N. M. Masset Indians,
Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G.
Swan.

Fig. 134 (« and h). Seal Spear-head. Barbs on the back as well as on the sides.
Cat. No. 88890, U. S. N. M. Masset Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands,
British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 135. Bone Spear-Head. Barbed and detachable. Cross section shown in e.
Cat. No. 74962, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected
by John J. McLean.

Fig. 136. Bone Spear-head. Cross section shown in d. Cat. No. 74963. U. S. N. M.
Tlingit Indians, Sitka. Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.

Fig. 137. Spear-head. Of steel: foreshaft of wood. Steel head shown in a ; fore-
shaft in b. The point d fits into a socket in the spear-head a. The
point c of the foreshaft fits into a socket in the spear-head. Cat. No.
88803, U. S. N. M. Masset Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British
Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 138. Fish Spear-head. Three prongs of steel. Cat. No. 18933, U. S. N. M.
Tlingit Indians. Sitka, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 139. Fish Rake. Teeth of sharpened iron nails. For taking herring during a
run. From a sketch by the author.

Fig. 140. Halibut Line-float. Of cedar wood : carved to represent a shag or duck.
Cat. No. 43237. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected
by Commander L. A. Beardslee, U. S. Navy.

Plate XXIX.

Haida and Tlingit Hunting and Fishing Implements.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST.

289

Emmons Collection. Fig 137, Plate xxix, represents a flat steel spear
head, a, with detachable wooden fore-shaft, h. A line attached to the
head is also fastened to the eud of the spear shaft, allowing several feet

Fig. 137c.

Bone Spear-head.

(Tlingit. Emmons Collection. )

Fig. 149a
Salmon Gig.

(Tlinnit. Emmons Collection. )

drift. This type is adapted to the capture of other kinds of fish and
even the sea-otter, but one better for all purposes of hunting and fish-
ing is that shown in Fig. 150, Plate xxx. A detailed description of the
spear complete niay not be out of place, as it is the general coast Indian
type from Puget Sound to Cape St. Elias. Such a spear consists of three
parts, the shaft, fore shaft, and head. The shaft is a light cedar pole,
having in the outer end a socket, and served on that end with a wrap-
ping of cedar bark fibre or spruce root to prevent its splitting. The
general type of fore-shaft is that shown in Fig. 1376, Plate xxix. It is
of cedar wood, about 8 to 10 inches long, and pointed at both ends, that
at c being a flat leaf-shaped expansion fitting into the socket in the end
of the shaft. The point d fits into a socket in the butt of the spear head.
The usual type of spear head as now found is that shown in Fig. 150,
Plate xxx, consisting of a barbed arrow-sbaped head of steel with a socket
at the butt formed by two pieces of bone lashed to the end of the steel tip.
The lashing tapers, and is usually covered with spruce gum so as to
offer no obstruction to the whole head entering a fish, seal, or other vic-
tim. The lashing also secures the end of a laniard about 2 feet or more
long, the other end of which goes to the end of the shaft and is there
lashed. In other words, the detachable head is really attached to the
spear shaft by a very stout cord. The two bone barbs at the butt of
the spear head form the socket for the end c of the fore-shaft. When
the game is struck the fore-shaft comes away from both the spear shaft
and spear head, but the head is secured to the spear shaft by its lan-
iard, and a harpoon line is bent to the spear shaft, so that the capt-
ured animal is on one end of a continuous line of which the other is
H. Mis. 142, pt. 2 19

290

REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

either attached to a float or is iu the hand of the Indian. Fig. 150a is
another steel salmon spear head of the same type, while Fig. 138, Plate
XXIX, is a three-pronged spear of a very different type. In its more primi-
tive form the three barbed prongs are of long pieces of
bone with barbed and serrated edges. Sometimes the
same design as that shown is found, in which the arrow-
shaped tips are of bone or shell. Steel is now generally
used, the fore-shaft of the head being permanently se-
cured into a socket in the head of the cedar wood spear
shaft with a tough lashing and a coating of spruce gum
at the joint.

Fish hooks.— The apparently clumsy hooks of this re-
gion have been found to possess so many advantages
over the type used by Europeans that they are retained
by the Indians to this day. Curiously enough the use to
which they put our large steel hooks is shown in Fig.
149, Plate xxx, viz, as spear heads, to which they are
admirably adapted. There is little in the art of fishing
that we can teach these ludians, and their conservatism
is founded on exceedingly good judgment, although it
is not to be denied that superstitious belief in the effi-
ciency of certain forms of hooks is somewhat of an ele-
ment in such conservatism. One advantage the native
hooks undoubtedly possess over our own is in not being
liable to foul the bottom. A very primitive type of hook
is that shown in Fig. 147, Plate xxx, in which the barb
is a straight piece of bone, the shank a piece of wood, and the snood or
snell a piece of whale bone. The snood is attached to the shank by a
lashing of bark. This type of hook must be distinguished from the
double-pointed one similar in general construction shown in Fig. 146.
This is a sort of gig or snag for hooking fish where they are plentiful.
Fig. 145 is such an instrument pure and simple, the iron head shown fit-
ting to a cedar pole shaft. It is used for gigging salmon where they are
thick and sluggish during the "runs." A very primitive type of hook
not uncommon in Alaska is that shown in Fig. 142, consisting of a small
narrow block of wood with a spike of bone, shell, or iron, and a snood
of spruce root, kelp or whale bone. The general varieties of hooks
used in the northern region about Dixon Entrance are shown in Plate
XXXI. Of these the primitive halibut hooks are Figs. 155, 156, 159, and
161. The first two are made in two pieces, each lashed at the joint
with cedar bark, the shanks being carved with designs supposed to
give good luck to the fisherman. The barbs were formerly of bone or
shell, but later of iron. The last two are made from the forked
branches of a tree dressed down to neat dimensions, and are very
strong and serviceable, often bringing up halibut weighing from 50 to
120 pounds. The bait is lashed to that arm of the hook which carries

Fig. l.JOu.

Salmon Speak

HEAD.

(Tlinsit. Emmons Col-
lection. )

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXX.

Fishing Implements from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 141. Trawl Line. Of cedar roots, with whalebone snoods or ganging and
cedar liooks for ocean fishing. Cat. No. 6560. U. S. N. M. Kwakiutl
Indians, Vancouver Island, British Columbia. Collected by Dr. T. T.
Minor.

Fig. 142. Hook. Of wood, with iron or bone barb and whalebone or cedar-withe
shank. Primitive type.

Fig. 143. Knot by which the Haida join sections of kelp-stem fishing-lines together.

Fig. 144. Piece of cord spruce-root, cedar bark, or other vegetable fiber used as fish-
ing-line.

Fig. 145. Jig or snag for hauling out salmon. Cat. No. 129979, U. S. N. M. Nimp-
kish Indians. Fort Rupert, British Columbia. Collected by James G.
Swan.

Fig. 146. Fish-hook, jig. or snag, with two barbs: bone point; whalebone ganging
or snood. Primitive type. Cat. No. 74189, U. S. N. M. Makah Indians,
Neah Bay, Washington. Collected 1)y James G. Swan. .

Fig. 147. Fish-hook. Single-barbed, with bone point and whaleborte snood. Same
tyix? as Fig. 146. Cat. No. 74188. U. S. N. M. Makah Indians. Neah
Bay. Washington. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 148 (a and b). Hook. For black cod. b shows peg in position and hook baited;
a shows position when not in use, with lashing tightly drawn to pre-
serve the elasticity. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 149. Salmon Spoon. Made of European steel fish-hooks. Collected by James
G. Swan.

Fig. 150. Seal or Salmon Spear. Head detachable, showing the lanyard by
which it is made fast to the spear-shaft. Cat. No. 129980. U. S. N. M.
Nimpkish Indians, Fort Rupert, British Columbia. Collected by James
G. Swan.

Fig. 151. Sketch showing halibut line with stone sinker o, float b, and hook c.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XXX.

Fishing Implements from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXI

Fish-hooks from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 152. Halibut Hook. Of iron, modeled after wooden type. Lashing designed
to secure the l)ait around the point: the lines or snoods of cedar-bark
twine, spruce root, kelp, sinew, or hide served with bark or spruce-root
fiber. Cat. No. 88778. U. S. N. M. Masset Indians. Queen Charlotte
Islands, Britisli Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 153. Fish-hook. Of yew, with bone barb. Cat. No. 72649, U. S. N. M.
Makah Indians, Cape Flattery. Washington. Collected by James G.
Swan.

Fig. 154. Fish-hook. Of yew. with iron barb. Cat. No. 88765, U. S. N. M. Mas-
set Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by
James G. Swan.

Fig. 155. Fish-hook. Of spruce, representing a sea-gull. Cat. No. 42976, U. S. N.
M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka. Collected by Commander L. A. Beardslee.

Fig. 156. Fish-hook. Representing a medicine man. Cat. No. 74351. Tlingit In-
dians, Sitka. Collected by John J. McLean.

Fig. 157. Halibut Hook. Similar to 154. Cat. No. 88780. U. S. N. M. Masset In-
dians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James
G. Swan.

Fig. 158. Halibut Hook. In two pieces: barb of ii-on; snood of spruce root. Cat.
No. 88766. U. S. N. M. Masset Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands,
British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 159. Halibut Hook. Iron barb: carved wooden float. Cat. No. 88762, U. S.
N. M. Masset Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia.
Collected liy James G. Swan.

Fig. 160. Red-fish Hook. The rod a of spruce; the hooks hh of iron; the snoods
of buckskin. Cat. No. 89208, U. S. N. M. Skidegate Indians. Queen
Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 161. Halibut Hook. Largest type. Cat. No. 20656. U. S. N. M. Tsimshian
Indians. Fort Simpson, British Columbia. Collected by James G.
Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888 — Niblack.

Plate XXXI.

O

THE INDIANS OF THE NOETHWEST COAST. 291

the barb aud just under it. Fig. 158 is also a primitive type of book
made iu two pieces and of the same character as those just described.
A second primitive variety is that made by steaming aud bending a
tough limb of yew or other wood into the shape shown in Fig. 153,
which is a Makah hook from Cape Flattery, Washington Territory
(Wakashan stock). Their hooks are by far the neatest on the coast,
and are traded to the northern Indians. The lashing shown across
it in the plate is for securing the bait, this being the method of winding
the string when the hook is not in use. Fig. 152 is a Chilkat and 157
a Haida version of this same type of hook. Fig. 152 is an iron one
modeled also on this design, and similar in shape to Fig. 161.

Another kind of hook differing from those just described in shape,
principle, and freedom from fouling the bottom, is used for catching
cod, flounders, etc., and is thus described by Judge J. G. Swan in a
pamphlet on the fisheries of the north :

They are made of the knots of hemlock limbs cut out from old decayed logs.
These are split in pieces of suitable size and whittled to the required shape, and
bent by being steamed into the form which in the sMl hook resembles the longitu-
dinal section of a goose egg. The lower portion of these hooks are curved inward to
form a barb, and when not iu use the two ends of the hook are fastened together by
a piece of twine, which is also used to tie on the bait. When the hook is to be used
the two parts of the hook are separated by means of a stick or peg, which the fish
knocks out when he takes the bait, and the two ends of the hook close together aud
hold him fast ; the peg floats to the surface and indicates to the Indian that he has
caught a fish.

The sinker is another ingenious contrivance ; it is a large stone, weighing from 12
to 15 pounds, and a smaller one to serve as a tripping stone ; the line is firmly wound
around these stones with many turns, aud a bight or loop tucked under one of the
parts in the same manner a signal officer rolls up a flag iu a ball and tucks a bight
of the haliard under a turn, which, when pulled out, sets the flag free ; so when the
Indian fisherman thinks, from the number of floating pegs, that he has enough fish,
he pulls out the loop of his line, the stones become loosened and fall out, and he
hauls in his line relieved of their weight.

The Haidas frequently put on one hundred hooks to a single line, which acts like
a trawl, and so plentiful are the black cod that often from fifty to seventy-five are
hauled in at one time. The bait used seems to be anything handy, as the skil is a
greedy feeder, aud will take either fresh herring, squid, or a strip of the white skin
from a halibut's belly. The Indian, however, has enemies to contend with; one of
the most formidable is the ground shark, or nurse fish, as the sailors call them, which
will eat off" the bodies of a whole line full of fish, leaving only their heads; there is
a small fish of the cottoid or sculpin variety {Blepsias nrrhosus) — Nulaio, kaiungo —
(Haida) which will steal the bait and sometimes gets caught. Dogfish also are at
times very troublesome. Whenever the Indian is sure of the presence of these pests
he goes to another place to fish.

This type of hook is also reproduced in iron. A sketch is given in
Plate XXX, Fig. 148 a and b. The former shows the hook baited and
pried open with a peg; the latter shows it when not in use, lashed to
preserve the spring in the wood or iron. Fig. 160, Plate xxxi, shows
a peculiar device used by the Haida for catching red fish. The withe
of wood, a, is tough aud elastic, and secured at its middle point to the

292 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

line. The hooks are somewhat on the pattern of those just described,
but no pegs are used. Fig. 141 represents an Indian trawl line for the
ocean fisheries of the northwest coast. The ground-line is made of
cedar roots, the snoods or gaugings of whalebone and cedar, and the
hooks of steamed and bent cedar wood, with barbs of iron. Except in
the use of an iron barb the whole device is a very primitive pattern.

It should be noted here, however, that the use of whalebone is found
extensively amongst the southern coast Indians (especially of Vancou-
ver Islands), and the Kenai, Aleut, and Eskimo, but rarely amongst
the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian. For superstitious i easons the whale
has never been hunted in this last named locality, and the eating of
whale's blubber has been prohibited to them by tradition and custom.
Where whalebone is found in use amongst them it has reached them
in the way of trade from the north or south.

Fish-ralic. — A rake consisting of a long thin lath with sharp spikes of
bone, copper, or iron on one edge, like a comb, as shown in Fig. 139,
Plate XXIX, is used in herring and eulachon fishing. With these in-
struments the Indians beat the surface of the water, during the "run"
of these fish in enormous shoals, seldom failing to bring up two or three
at a time, transfixed on the sharp teeth.

Fish-baskets. — These differ little from the open mesh type of basket
hereafter described. They are used for dipping out fish during the
" runs" and in this sense are simply dip-nets.

Fishing-lines. — These are either made from the stems of the giant
kelp, which grows so abundantly on the coast, or from vegetable fiber,
such as bark, spruce, and cedar roots, etc. Sinew and whalebone are
little used amongst the northern coast Indians. The vegetable fiber is
neatly twisted into two or three strand cord, as shown in Fig. 144, Plate
XXX, although sometimes plaited with threads of wild hemp or shredded
sea-weed. The stems of the giant kelp are cured in the smoke or sun
and simply knotted together, the usual knot being that shown in detail
in Fig 143, Plate xxx. This kelp grows in from 3 to 30 fathoms, or
deeper. At the root it is about one-fourth inch in diameter, and
solid, expanding upwards and becoming hollow about half way up.
Its upper end is surmounted by a large hollow bulb, from which floats
long, streamer-like, or lanceolate leaves. These are great rock or shoal
indicators, and are invaluable " notices to mariners." Judge Swan says :
" The Indians cut these stems close to the bottom with a simple instru-
ment formed of a V-shaped branch, across the smaller portion of which
a knife blade is secured ; this is lowered over a kelp plant in 20 or 30
fathoms, and the stem easily cut off by a sudden pull of the line at-
tached to the cutter." The solid stems are used for fishing-lines and
the bulbs for oil bottles, both being cured by soaking in fresh water
and drying in the smoke or sun. The smoke-dried lines are black, and
the sun-dried of a light yellow or neutral color. It should be noted
here that the Yakutat and other Tlingit of the extreme North have

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXII

a_Q__Q ^

m

Drag and Dip Nets; Paddles; Details of Netting and Basket Weaving.

Fig. 162. Dra(}-net or Seine. Woven from twisted thread of cedar-bark fiber,
with roping of same material. The details of the knots are shown in
Fig. US'lct. The wooden float (I is on the end of the drag-line. The
wooden floats on the head of the net are flat pieces of w^ood spaced
about 8 feet apart. The sinkers at the foot are black pebbles or stones
lashed in a circular wooden hoop and si)aced from 8 to 10 inches apart.
Length of net. 52 feet; depth. 64 inches. Cat. No. 89203. U. S. N. M.
Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected
by James G. Swan.

Fig. 163. Dip-net. Triangular in shape, with frame of forked branches of tree
with two cross pieces. The details of tlie netting are shown in Fig.
163?). Cat. No. 89209. U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Clmrlotte
Islands, British Columbia. Collected l)y James G. Swan.

Fig. 164. Dip-net. Of cedar-bark fiber: oval frame. Used to catch echini. Queen
Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 165 (a, 6. and c). Paddles of the Haida and Tlingit; painted in totemic de-
sign. Fig. 1656 represents the type of steering-paddle, while a and c
are the ordinary tyj)e.

Fig. 166. Paddle. General type of Puget Sound and South Coast Indian paddle.

Fig. 167. Paddle. New Zealand. Painted in a design similar to the totemic orna-
mentation of this region.

Fig. 168. Basket Weaving. (From Plate XIV. Fig. 25?>. Smithsonian Report. 1884.
Aboriginal basket-making. Prof. O. T. Mason). Makah Indians,
Neah Bay, Washington. Collected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XXXII.

Drag and Dip Nets; Paddles; Details of Netting and Basket Weaving.

» THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 293

been much influenced by the Kenai and Aleut, who use sinew, blad-
ders, and intestines of animals, in the manufacture of their fishing im-
plements. Dixon (1787) speakinj? of the Yakutat halibut fishing says:

They bait their hooks with a kiud of fish * * * or squid, » » * and
having sunk it to the bottom they fix a bladder to the end of the line as a buoy, and
should that not watch sufficiently they add another. Their lines are very strong, be-
ing made of intestines of animals. One man is sufficient to look after five or six of
these buoys; when he perceives a fish bite he is in no great hurry to haul up his line,
but gives him time to be well hooked, and when he has hauled the fish up to the sur-
face of the water he knocks him on the head with a shore club provided for that pur-
pose, and afterwards stows his prize away at his leisure. This is done to prevent
the halibut (which sometimes are very large) from damaging or perhaps upsetting
his canoe in their dying struggles. Thus were we fairly beat at our own weapons,
and the natives constantly bringing us plenty of fish our boat was never sent on this
business afterwards.!

Amongst the Tlingit these floats are generally duck-shaped and
carved from wood, although bladders are also used amongst them as
mentioned by Langsdorf (1805), who says : " To every line is fastened
a small bladder, which floats upon the surface of the water, so that one
person can attend fourteen or fifteen lines." t

Floats. — The modern type of fishing-float is of wood, carved to repre-
sent an aquatic bird of some sort, and these floats are of two kinds,
under-water and surface. The surface floats have been spoken of
above, and one is represented in Fig. 140, Plate xxix. The under-
water ones are to float the halibut hooks just clear of the bottom, as
shown in Fig. 15 1&, Plate xxx, as it is here that the halibut feeds.
The stone sinker, a, is detachable from the line, and is used to keep
the hook and float both near the bottom. This style of float is also
illustrated in Fig. 159, Plate xxxi.

Fishing-cluhs. — These have been spoken of at the beginning of this
chapter and illustrated in Plate xviii. A peculiarly carved club is
used for each different kind of animal, superstitious reasons being given
for such variety.

Dragnets. — Nets are made from cedar bark, wild hemp, or wild
nettle fiber, spun into twine, and now woven with a shuttle similar to
that used by fishermen on our own coast. Some of these are small, and
are secured to poles and dragged between two canoes; others are long
and are similiar to our seines. Fig. 162, Plate xxxir, represents a Haida
drag-net of this last kind. The roping is of cedar bark; the netting,
of hemp twine; <? is a wooden float on the end of the drag-line ; the
floats along the head are thin flat blocks of cedar wood, spaced about
3 feet apart ; the sinkers at the foot are black pebbles or stones lashed
in a circular hoop and spaced about 8 to 10 inches apart. Details of
the netting are shown in Fig. 162a. The net from which this illustration
was drawn is 52 feet long and 64 inches deep, from Masset, Queen
Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. What were the styles and by

* Dixon, Voyage, p. 174. t Langsdorf, Voyages, pt. ii, p. 134.

294 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

what means nets were woven before the advent of the whites, the
writer was unable to learn.

Dip nets. — Two varieties of these are shown in Plate xxxii, Figs.
163 and 164, the frame of the one being oval and the other triangular.
Details of the netting are shown in b and c. Fig. 163 is the kind used
by the Indians for scooping up echini or sea-urchins at low tide, while
Fig. 164 is the kind used for dipping out salmon caught in the river-
traps, and for herring, eulachon, etc , during the "runs."

Weirs. — Across the streams where salmon run weirs are usually
built for trapping them. Where the water is shallow and swift, frames
of split sticks, interwoven with older branches in a kind of basket-
work, are stretched across, driven into the bottom, and strengthened
with braces held in position by pegs. These frames, or weirs, are
spaced a little distance apart, so that when the salmon leaps the first
frame he is trapped between it and the second, and is removed by a
dip-net or speared at leisure. In deeper water the dam, or weir, consists
of a basket-work frame with round openings here and there, with pass-
age-waj'S conical in shape, formed by converging pointed sticks, like
some kinds of wire rat-traps. The salmon going up stream forces his
way through and is trapped in a basket-work compartment and dipped
out at leisure. ^

Bird and other land traps. — The usual forms of Indian traps are found
in this region, consisting of a cage and figure-of-four trigger, a bent
sapling with snare noose, and the larger game trails of the usual dead-
fall pattern.

Canoes. — The canoe is to the northwest coast what the camel is to the
desert. It is to the Indian of this region what the horse is to the Arab.
It is the apple of his eye and the object of his solicitous attention and
affection. It reaches its highest development in the world amongst
the Haida of the Queen Charlotte Islands. Classified according to
shapes, sizes, and uses, there may be said to be four kinds on the north-
west coast: (1) hunting, (2) family and transporting, (3) voyaging,
and (4) war. The voyaging and war canoes, although kept for different
purposes are practically the same in size and shape, the differences, if
any, being slight.

Hunting and fishing canoes. — These are somewhat similar throughout
the whole coast and are well illustrated in the models shown in Plate
XXXIII. The upper view in the illustration is by far the most common
type of hunting canoes, but the lower one is that seen about Dixon
Entrance. They are light portable dugouts carrying from one to three
people.

Family or transportation canoes. — These are from 25 to 35 feet long
and 4 to 6 feet beam, carrying whole families of from four to fifteen with
camping outfit, trading supplies, baggage, provisions, etc., amounting
often to 2 tons weight or more. Farther south, around Puget Sound
and Vancouver Island, this kind of canoe has a straight stern post, as

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 295

showu in Plate xxxiv, Fif?. 171. Amongst the Haida and other north-
ern tribes the stern projects backwards and slightly upwards, forming
a long spur running down to a straight edge near the water line (Fig.
172, same plate). The bow also curves upward and has a regular and
gracefully shaped cut water.

Voyaging canoes. — I hese are from 35 to 65 feet long and G to 8 feet beam,
with flaring gunwale and long projecting spurs on both bow and stern.
These latter are generally scarfed on to the main body of the canoes,
and with the flare of the bows help to make them more sea-worthy.
Poole (l8Go) describes the canoe of Chief Kene, of the Queen Charlotte
Islands, British Columbia (in which he made a voyage from the latter's
village to Victoria, British Columbia), as having three masts, three sails,
and a mainstay-sail, and carrying thirty-seven people, with two tons of
baggage, freight, etc.* When it is reflected that these large canoes,
often with 5 tons ca[)acity, are hewn from a single log, our marvel at the
skill displayed in their construction is decidely increased. To-day the
custom of painting the bow and stern in elaborate totemic patterns is
rapidly dying out, but formerly it was practiced throughout the whole
coast. The totem was also sometimes indicated by a carving, either
wrought on the spur or secured to it on the top or sides. Vancouver
(1793) found this custom as far south as the Kwakiutl, of Gardner
Channel, British Columbia. Of a canoe which he saw there he says
" its head and stern curiously decorated with carved work and rude
and uncouth figures in painting."t

War canoes. — These, in primitive times, are said to have formed a
distinct class in themselves, having been elaborately painted and
decorated, but latterly the voyaging canoes have practically taken their
places, there having been no real difference in point of construction or
size between the war and transporting craft. It is doubtful if any real
distinction could ever have been drawn.

Canoes in general. — There is a marked difference in the canoes of the
northern and southern Indians. It is not so much in the mere outward
appearance as in the shape of the cross-section and in the lines. The
northern canoe is superior in all the points by which we judge their
qualities. At the head of the respective types are those of the Haida
in the north, and of the Makah, of Cape Flattery, Washington Terri-
tory, in the south. The former have projecting prows, high, spur-shaped
sterns, flaring gunwales, and a gracefully rounding or curving cross-
section, although without any divStinct keel. The latter have the blunt,
straight stern, a gracefully curving bow, but a flat bottom, with little
curve in the cross section. This type is heavier, roomier, stronger,
less cranky, and more durable than the Haida type, but the latter is
swifter, handier, and more buoyant. The Haida have in some of their
larger canoes somewhat copied the Makah type for the greater strength

* Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 2C>9. t Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. i, p. 303.

296 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

secured. An admirable illustration of this adaptation is seen in the
enormous Haida canoe in the U. S. Natonal Museum (No. 26785), which
is very much like Fig. 171, Plate xxxiv, in appearance. Its dimensions
are as follows: Length, 59 feet; beam, 8 feet; height of stem, 7 feet 3
inches; height of stern, 5 feet 3 inches; height amidships, 3 feet 7 inches.
However liinch the larger canoes may differ in shape and character, the
light, portable hunting canoes (Fig. 169, Plate xxxiii) are much the
same throughout the coast.

Before the sea-otter became extinct they were hunted well out at sea,
the Haida being particularly venturesome and successful, and hence
rich, and respected accordingly. One of their chief sources of revenue
today is in the building and sale of canoes, which they tow to Port
Simpson or up into Alaska and sell or trade to their neighbors. The
tendency of the day is in the direction of smaller sizes for the canoes
than formerly. This is but the natural result of peaceful times, when it
is not necessary to travel in such large parties for inntual protection.
However, the Yakutat and Sitka canoes were never as large as those of
the Haida, as from earliest times the latter have possessed the largest
canoes on the coast. The post of honor in a canoe is at the steering
paddle aft. Usually this position is occupied by a woman or an elderly
man, the steering being accomplished by a few adroit side strokes inter-
jected into the regular process of paddling. In the family canoe there
are few idlers, even the young children wielding paddles and " working
their passage."

Gaiioe Outfit. — This consists of masts, sails, paddles, bailers, and mats.
Ballast of stone is sometimes, though rarely, carried. The masts and
sails have been added since the advent of the whites, the rig being
sprit-sail, and the number of masts varying from one to three. Masts
and sprits are of light cedar wood, and sails, originally of mats, are
now invariably of white cotton sheeting. These canoes will not sail on
the wind, but with a flowing sheet the speed made is astonishing. The
northern type of paddle is that shown in Fig. 165 a, b, and c, Plate
xxxii; the southern, that in Fig. 166. As may be expected, the north-
ern paddle is ornamented with the design of the owner's totem. Fig.
167 is a New Zealand paddle, introduced by way of showing the simi-
larity of this in connection with the many other objects common to
these two remote regions. A bailer is imperfectly shown in Plate xxxii.
It is simply a scoop of wood with a short straight handle. Mats are
sometimes carried in the canoes to cover them when hauled up and to
throw over the cargo or household or camping effects in transit. The
Indian is exceedingly careful of his canoe and all that pertains to it.
In landing, a gravel beach is selected, where possible, and the canoe
hauled well up beyond high tide. When it is to remain any time ex-
posed to the weather, it is protected from warping and cracking from
the sun's heat by a cover of mats or boughs of trees.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXIII.

Models of General Types of Hunting and Fishing Canoes Northwest Coast.

Fig. 16t>. Hunting and Fishing Canoe. This is tlie upper figure in the plate,
and is an excellent model of a hunting and fishing canoe foiuid
throughout the coast. The paddles are of the Southern Coast Indian
])attern. (^'at. No. 640. U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Fort Siini)son,
British Columbia. Collected by George Gibbs.

Fig. 170. Small Family or Summer Canoe. For fishing, hunting, etc. Haida
and Tlingit type. This style of totemic ornamentation is now only put
on the models of canoes, but it was formerly the custom to .so orna-
ment all of them. The general type of northern paddle and baler is
shown in outline. The paddles of both the northern and southern type
are better shown in Plate XXXII. Cat. No. 21595. U. S. N. M. Tlingit
Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by Dr. J. B. White. U. S. Army.

Report of National Museum, 1888— Niblack.

Plate XXXIII.

O

o

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXIV.

Family or Transportation Canoes of the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 171. Caxoe. The upper ligiue in tlie plate illustrates the general type of
South Coast Indian canoe, with its swan-like barbed prow and straight,
blunt, high stern. The difference Ijetween this style and that found
amongst the North Coast Indians is fully discussed in the text.

Kig. 173. Canoe (lower figui'e). General type of the North Coast Indian canoe with
its projecting prow and stern, round counter, and fine lines.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XXXIV.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 297

Canoe maTcing. — The primitive tools used in canoe construction are
Iso simple as to excite our surprise. The principal and almost only one
used is the adze of some pattern or other shown in Plate xxiir, Figs.
92, 93, and 94. The logs for the purpose are usually gotten out in the
summer season and rough hewn to somewhat the shape of the canoe in
odd hours about the summer camp — the finishing work being left until
I winter. The trees are generally selected near some watercourse and
[felled in such a direction as to admit of launching them into tide water.
The log is trimmed where felled to rough dimensions, launched, and
towed to summer camp, where the preliminary work is done. Often by
combined labor numerous logs are gotten out in this way at one time,
made into a raft, and by means of sweeps and sails and by dint of
working the tides brought to the village or to tUe neighborhood of the
camps. Good trees for canoe purposes are sufficiently rare to make their
selection difficult and expensive in both time and labor. The best wood
for all purposes is the yellow cedar [Ghamwcyparis NutJcaensis), found on
the Queen Charlotte Islands and in spots around the southern Alaska
boundary. The smaller canoes are made from the Sitka spruce {Picea
Sitchensis), and the very largest from the giant cedar {Thuja gigantea).
The whole process of canoe construction may be briefly described as
follows: The tree is felled with an ax (formerly stone ones were used).
The trimming and rough hewing is done by wedges and sledges. The
rest of the work is done by patient cutting with an adze. The canoe
being roughly worked out is widened in beam by steaoiing it with wa-
ter and hot stones placed in the bottom of the canoe, stretchers or
thwarts of gradually increasing sizes being forced in as the wood ex-
pands. The long spur ends in large canoes are neatly scai fed onto
the body with a dovetailed joint and finished down as part of the whole.
The smoothing work on the outside is olten-done with a chisel, but usu-
ally the interior of the canoe shows the>Dhipping marks of the adze. The
smoothing work on the exterior to lessen the friction of the water is
furthered by the use of sandpaper, sandstone, or shark's skin. The
conventional colors used now in painting are black outside and white
inside, with a red strip on the inside of the gunwale running quite around
the canoe and upon the bow and stern spurs. The process of painting
is described in the next chapter. The lines of these canoes are re-
markably fine and good; and when of considerable size and intelli-
gently handled they are remarkably good sea-boats. Trips are often
made in them to Victoria, British Columbia; and the Kaigani visit the
outlying islands of the Prince of Wales Archipelago in the early sum-
mer in search of birds' eggs about 25 miles out to sea.

HUNTING AND FISHING.
METHODS OF CAPTURING ANIMALS.

Salmon. — The first run of salmon occurs about the middle of July,
when they swarm in myriads into the mouths of the small fresh- water

298 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

streams. It is difficult to picture in the mind the abundance of these
fish and the mad abandon witli which thej' hurl themselves over obsta-
cles, wounded, panting, often baflled, but always eagerly pressing ou
up the streams there to spawn aud die. In some of the pools they
gather in such numbers as to almost solidly pack the surface. When
there is a waterfall barring their progress they may be seen leaping at
the fall endeavoring to ascend it, often as many as six or more being in
the air at once. The flesh at first hard and firm on contact with fresh
water soon loses its color and palatableuess, so that the sooner tbey
are captured the better. The species of the first run vary along tbe
coast. They are comparatively small, do not remain long, and do
not furnish the bulk of the supply, although at the canneries now
erected as many as two to five thousand have been known to be caught
with one haul of the largest seines. About the middle of August the
Tyee or King salmon arrives, the run often lasting the year out.
When they first appear they are fat, beautifully colored, and full of
life and animation; but soon are terribly bruised, their skin becomes
pale, their snouts hook-shape>l, their bodies lean and emaciated, and
their flesh soft, pale, and unwholesome. In Wrangell Narrows is a
waterfall of about 13 feet. At high tide the salt water backs up the
stream and reduces this fall to about 8 feet, but never less even at
spring tides, but tbe King salmon leaps the falls and numbers of them
may be found in the fresh water above. The writer has deposited in
the Smithsonian Institution several instantaneous photographs of leap-
ing salmon taken by himself at this locality, but it is unnecessary to
reproduce them in this connection. The whole of the territory on the
northwest coast adjacent to the Indian villages is portioned out
amongst the difterent families or liouseholds as hunting, fishing, and
berrying grounds, and handed down from generation to generation and
recognized as personal property. Privilege for an Indian, other than
the owner, to hunt, fish, or gather berries can only be secured by pay-
ment. Each stream has its owner, whose summer camp, often of a per-
manent nature, can be seen where the salmon run in greatest abun-
dance. Often such streams are held in severalty by two or more families
with equal privileges of fishing. Salmon are never caught on a hook ;
this method, if practicable at all, being too slow. At the mouth of the
streams they are speared or caught in nets. High up the streams they
are trapped in weirs and either speared or dippe.d out with dip-nets.
The Indians are beginning now to use seines and to work for salmon on
shares, but the older ones are very conservative, and cling somewhat to
primitive methods in a matter even so important to them as the capture
of salmon, their chief food supply.

Halibut. — These may be taken at almost any season in certain locali-
ties, while they are more nunjerous during certain months in others.
The Indians make the subject quite a study, and know just where all
the banks are and at what seasons it is best to fish. Often villages are

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 299

located on exposed sites for no other reason than to be near certain
balibut grounds. This fish varies in size from 20 to 120 pounds, and is
caught only with a hook and line. The type of hook is that shown in
Plate xxxT, and the method of sinking it shown in Plate xxx, Fig. 151.
This fish stays close along the bottom, and is such a greedy feeder as
to be readily caught by the clumsy hook shown. In fishing for halibut
the canoe is anchored by means of stones and cedar bark ropes. The
bait is lashed to the hook, a stone sinker attached to the line, and the
contrivance lowered to the bottom. Sometimes the upper ends of the
lines are attached to floats and more than one line tended at a time. A
fish being- hooked is hauled up, played for a while, drawn alongside,
grappled, and finally despatched with blows of a club carried for the
purpose. It requires no little skill to land a hundred-pound halibut in
a light fishing- canoe. A primitive halibut fishing outfit consists of
kelp-lines, wooden floats, stone sinkers, an anchor line, a wooden club,
and wooden fish hooks. It is impossible with our most modern appli-
ances to compete with the Indians in halibut fishing. With their crude
implements they meet with the most surprising success.

Herring and eulachon. — Herring are found in the summer months iu
numerous parts of the coast, depending on the nature of the feeding
ground. They run in large shoals, breaking the surface of the water,
and attracting in their wake other fish, porpoises, whales, whale " kill-
ers," flights of eagles, and flocks of surf birds, all feeding either on the
herring or on the same food as that of which they themselves are in
search. They are dipped out by the Indians with nets or baskets, caught
with drag-nets, or taken with the rakes previously described. Eulachon
or " candle-fish " run only in the mouths of rivers, particularly the
Skeeua, Nass, and Stikine in this region. They are considered great
delicacies, and are dried and traded up and down the coast by the
Indians who are fortunate enough to control the season's catch.

Cod are caught with the sMl hook previously described. Dogfish,
flounders, and other kinds are caught with almost any kind of hook,
there being no especial appliances used or required.

Spawn. — For taking fish eggs that have already been spawned, the
Indians use the branches of the pine tree, stuck in the muddy bottom,
to which it readily adheres, and on which it is afterwards dried. When
drj'^ it is stripped from the branches and stored in baskets or boxes ;
sometimes buried in the ground. The spawn gets a pleasing flavor
from the pine. Koe is taken from captured fish and either dried or
buried in the ground to become rank enough to suit the epicurean pal-
ate of the Indian gourmand.

Sea otter. — The custom informer days was to hunt the sea-otter either
from the shore or in canoe parties. They were shot with arrows from
behind screens when they landed to bask on the sand or on the rocks,
or approached noiselessly by canoe parties when asleep on the water.

300

REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

Yery thin light paddles were used, and if the Indian could get near
enough the sleeping animal was harpooned. The common custom was,
however, to hunt in parties. An otter being sighted was surroumled by
canoes in a very large but .gradually lessening circle, advantage being
taken of the necessity of the animal to come to the surface to breathe,
when it would be shot with arrows or harpooned from the nearest
canoe. The Tlingit and Haida were not so expert as the Aleut, because
their canoes were not so well adapted to the exposure at sea. In recent
years the few remaining sea-otters have been hunted with fire-arms.
The Indians are poor marksmen, and under the excitement of firing the
Instant the otter rises many accidents to their own number have hap-
pened, particularly to those on opposite sides of the circle. By a curious
rule the otter, and all other game, belongs to the one who first wounds
it, no matter who kills it. As the otter floats when killed, the same
skill is not required as in seal hunting, but so scarce have they become
now, that not more than forty or fifty are killed in a season throughout
the northern coast Indian region.

Seals. — Seals are hunted in practically the same way as just de-
scribed, but from the fact that on account of their bodies not floating
it is necessary to harpoon them before they sink, the percentage of loss
is very large, although they are more abundant than the otter. The
Indians rely to a great extent on shooting them in very shallow water
or on rocky ledges near shore.

On shore the Indians are very poor still-hunters, and luck and abun-
dance of game are large elements in their success. Fur-bearing animals,
such as bear, lynx, land otter, beaver, etc., are generally trapi)ed, al-
though shot whenever, chance offers. Breech-loading arms are not

allowed to be sold to the Indiaus. With
the use of muzzle loaders we find such
necessaries in the outfit of a hunter as
Figs. 140a and 140&, which are powder-
chargers of bone, and Fig. 140c, which is
a percussion-cap box made from the horn
of a mountain goat.

Deer. — Deer are very abundant, and
form a large item in the food supply of
the region. They are liunted in the
rutting season with a call^ which lures
them to the ambushed hunter, when
they are readily shot. So eftecti ve is this
call, that it is not unusual to be able to
get a second shot at them in case of first
failure. Still hunting is very little resorted to, and an Indian seldom
risks wasting a charge until he is somewhat sure of his distance and
chances. They are often captured swimming, and in winter recklessly

Fig. 140 a be.
Powder Horx and Chakgers.

(Tlingit. Emmons Collettion. )

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 301

slaughtered for their hides when driveu down to the shore by heavy
aud lougeoutinued suows. The deer-call is made from a blade of grass
placed between two strips of wood, and is a very clever imitation of the
cry of a deer in the ruttiug season. The wolves play great havoc in
this region with the deer, and it seems remarkable that they exist in
such numbers with so uwiny ruthless enemies.

Mountain goats and sheep. — On the mainland these are shot with very
little difficulty if one can overcome the natural obstacles to reaching
the lofty heights which they frequent.

Bears. — The brown and black bear are the two species quite gen-
erally found in Alaska. Both are hunted with dogs, shot when acci-
dentally encountered, or trapped with dead-falls. The brown bear
( Ursus BicJiardsonii) is from 6 to 12 feet long and fully as ferocious as
the grizzly. The hair is coarse, and the skins, not bringing a good price,
are generally kept by the Indians for bedding. This fact, coupled with
the natural ferocity of this species, has led to the brown bear being
generally let alone. An accidental ineeting in the woods with one of
them is regarded as a very disagreeable incident by an Indian. When
women and children run across bear-tracks in the woods, in deference
to a generally recognized superstition, they immediately say the mo>t
charmingly complimentary things of bears in general and this visitor
in particular. Petroff gives the origin of this custom as follows :

The bear was formerly rarely hunted by the superstitious Thlinkit, who had been
told by the shamans that it is a man who has assumed the shape of an animal. They
have a tradition to the effect that this secret of nature first became known through
the daughter of a chief who came in contact with a man transformed into a bear.
The woman in question went into the woods to gather berries, and incautiously spoke
in terms of ridicule of the bear, whose traces she observed in the path. In punish-
ment for her levity she was decoyed into the bear's lair aud there compelled to marry
him and assume the form of a bear. After her husband and her ursine child had been
killed by her Thlinkit brethren, she returned to her home in her former shape and nar-
rated her adventures.*

This legend is found in other forms throughout the coast, and occasion
will be taken in another chapter to comment on it further. In conclu-
sion, it may be said that the brown bear are expert fishers and frequent
the streams in the salmon season along their well-beaten tracks, which
form the best paths through the woods.

The black bear {Ursiis americanus) is, on the other hand, rather timid
and eagerly hunted^ not only for his valuable black skin, but for his
flesh, which, when young and tender, is very palatable. In the spring
they are readily killed along the edge of the woods, when they come out
to feed on the first sprigs of skunk-cabbage and other plants brought
out by the warm sun. Later in the summer they are found along the
streams, where they feed on the dead and dying salmon.

Taking it altogether, the Indians are expert fishermen but poor hunt-

^Petroff's Report, p. 168.

302

REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

ers, indifferent marksmen, and wanting in that coolness and nerve for
which the hunting Indians of the interior are famous.
Besides the animals hunted for their skins as men-
tioned, there may be added the fox, wolf, mink, mar-
ten, laud-otter, and an occasional Canada lynx and
wolverine on the mainlaud. The method of dressing .
the skin is not different from that of the interior
Indians, so generally described in works of travel.
The skin scrapers or dressers are either of stone or
bone, and of the pattern shown iu Fig. 79 /t, Plate
XX and Fig. 79^.

Ermine and marmot. — In Figs. 145 a and 1456 are
shown two bone tnij) sticks, to which are fastened
the sinew nooses used in the capture of ermine and
marmot. Those for ermine are somewhat smaller
than those shown in the figure. They are, more-
over, sometimes made of wood instead of bone, and
are elaborately carved in totemic designs. These
two specimens are from the Emmons collection.

Fig. 145 o, b.
Bone Tkap-sticks.

(Tliogit. EmmoQs CoUecbon. )

VI.

LAND-WORKS, HOUSES, VILLAGES.

Dwellings in general on the northwest coast may be classed as the
fortitied and the unprotected. These may be either temporary or per-
manent.

LAND-WORKS : FORTIFICATIONS.

In the past century, the form, location, and construction of villages
have undergone considerable change in this region. The rules or prac-
tices of war were such as to entail the necessity for some form of forti-
fication. Often, in addition to the regular villages, fortifications were
erected near by, into which they might withdraw in time of danger, but
sometimes fortified sites were permanently occupied. 'Before the advent
of the whites, two considerations of prime importance obtained in the
location of a site for a village, (1) proximity to halibut banks and fish-
ing grounds, and (2) possibility of fortification against attack. Van-
couver says of the Kake villages, at the head of Keku Straits, Kupre-
anoff Island:

They all uniformly were sitaated on the sammit of some precipice, or steep insular'
rock, rendered by nature almost inaccessible, and by art and great labor made a
strong defense, which proved that the inhabitants had been subject to the incursions
of hostile visitors. These fortified places were well constructed, with a strong plat-
form of wood, laid on the most elevated part of the rock, and projecting so far from
its sides as to overspread the declivity. The edge of the platform was surrounded
by a barricade raised by logs of wood placed on each other."

In the narrative of Dixon's voyage (1787) a sketch is given of a Haida
fortified house on Hippah Island, off the west coast of Queen Charlotte
Islands. He says of it :

The tribe who inhabit this hippah seem well defended from any sudden assault of
their enemies, for the ascent to it from the beach is steep and difficult of access, and
the other aides are well barricaded with pines and brushwood, notwithstauding
which they have been at infinite paius in raising additional fences of rails and boards,
so that I should think they can not fail to repel any tribe that should dare to attack
their fortification.*

Captain Dixon further pronounces it as " built exactly on the plan of
the hippah of the savages of New Zealand." t

Strong natural defensive positions seem to have been generally
selected along the whole coast. Vancouver (1793) notices this point

* Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. iii, pp. 289, 290. t Dixon, Voyage, p. 206.

303

304 ~ REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888. Jj

among the Bilqula and Kwakiutl.* These were noticed by Mackenzie
in the same year in the same localities.f
Dunn states (1834) of the Sebassa (southern Tsimshian) : *"

They built their villages chiefly upou high and precipitous rocky islands or prom-
ontories, having steps cut down to the water. This is done to prevent any sudden
attack from the enemy.t

The skill of the Indians in erecting fortifications is well illustrated
by Lisiiinsky (1804), who aided Baranoff in reestablishing the Eussian
settlement at Sitka after the massacre. In Voyages, page 163, Plate:
II, is given a detailed plan and sketch of the i)alisade fort erected by
the Sitkas. It is unnecessary to reproduce it here, but in structure and
design it would have done credit to European ingenuity of that date.
Laugsdorff (1805) describes the fortifications erected a year later by the
Indians expelled from Sitka as follows :

They have fortified themselves here upon a rock which rises perpendicularly to the
height of some hundred feet above the water. * * » The rock itself is secured
against the attack of an enemy by a double palisade of large trunks of trees stuck
close together, measuring from 12 to 15 feet in height, and from 3 to 5 feet in thick-
ness. A natural wall of earth, beyond the palisading, on the side towards the sea,
conceals the habitations eft'ectually, so that they can not be discerned by any ship.$

The only possible access to this fortification is described as on the
northwest side, but the approach was strewn with very large trunks of
trees to make it additionally difficult of access.

TEMPORARY DWELLINGS.

In summer camps, in hunting and fishing, and in canoe trips, the
form of dwelling is temporary in construction.

Summer fishing camp. — Near the mouth of some fresh-water stream
owned by a household or family, where the salmon run thickest, a rough-
ly-built house will generally be found. This varies in size and care of
construction according to circumstances. Usually the frame is light,
and the roof, instead of being made of split boards, is formed by broad
strips of bark which are laid on thus ^jriS^^jTl^j and held down by stones
and cross pieces. The larger kind have a smoke hole, but usually the
fire is built outside, where the smoke assists in curing the strips of
salmon and halibut hung on frames above it.

Tents. — The primitive form of tent for traveling consisted simply of
strips of bark carried in the canoes. To erect the tents two saplings
or branches would be cut, pointed, and stuck in the ground, forked ends
up, with a cross pole resting in the forks. The bark strips would then
be rested against the pole, forming a sloping wall towards the wind.
This half-open tent was airy in form, but would shed the water of a
driving rain. The fire was usually' built in front. Today the Indians

* Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. II, pp. 272, 274, 284. t Dunn, Oregon, p. 274.
t Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 345, et aeq. $ Laugsdorff, Voyages, Pt. ii, pp. 128,

129.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST 305

■•
use cottou sheeting for a cover in the form of an A tent. Along most of
the water-courses where there is much travel the frames may be seen left
standing near the good camping spots. These latter are selected from
theii having a good beach to haul up the canoes, fresh water near, unex-
posed position and proximity to good hunting ground. The cotton
sheeting is stretched taut across the frame and the edges pegged into the
ground. This form of tent was also used in primitive times, mats of cedar
bark fibre or skins of animals forming the tent walls. At these camj) sites
are often deposited piles of wood already cut for use. In the short
winter days it often happens that a belated canoe load arrives after
dark. Here they find wood already cut, and they build a fire and warm
uj) without the necessity of searching in the dark or in the snow for fire-
wood. It is part of the unwritten code that an Indian using such fire-
wood 1! ust in the morning replace what he has used by a similar
amount gathered at his leisure before setting out again on his journey.

HOUSES.

The permanent houses are similar in form and type throughout the
coast, but reach their highest development amongst the Haida. North,
the Yakutat dwellings are but little better than the summer dwellings
of the Haida, while to the south the houses arc equal in size but inferior
in artistic construction. In general, houses may be divided into three
classes: (I) those built on the surface of the ground ; (2) those built
on a foundation of logs or slightly raised platform ; (3) those raised on
high logs or stilts.

Raised houses. — The last named are found amongst the Kwakiutl
and Bilqula, and their primitive form of construction is fully described
in Mackenzie, Voyages, p. 329, and Vancouver, Voyage, vol ii, pp. 268,
272, 274, and 284. They both visited this region in 1793. According
to Vancouver, amongst the Kwakiutl of .lohnstone Strait, there were
dwellings •' raised and supported near 30 feet from the ground by per-
pendicular spars of a very large size" with " access formed by a long
tree in an inclined position from the platform to the ground, with
notches cut in it by way of steps about a foot and a half asunder.* This,
however, was only one of several styles of their dwellings. In general,
they were ornamented in front, at the gables, and above the doors, as
now, with hieroglyphic drawings of their totems.

Tlingit divellings. — Amongst the Tlingit, the permanent dwellings are
as a rule built on a slightly raised foundation of logs, the ai)proach to
the doorway being by three or four raised steps with a platform in front
of the door of the principal houses. This latter is the loafing place,
and where the gamblers congregate for their incessant gambling bouts.
This form of construction is by no means universally adopted, as some
of the dwellings are built on the level of the ground. In any case, the

* Vancouver, Voyage, vol. ii, p. 274.
H. Mis. 142, pt. 2 20

306 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

level of the door sill is about that of what may be called the ground floor.
Enteriug the door, one stands on a platform about C feet wide, running
around the four sides of the house. Next, one steps down about 3 feet
upon a ledge the same width, also running around the four sides. The
next level, 3 feet below this, is the solid ground, sometimes bare, some-
times with a board floor. In the center of this the fire burns, the smoke
ascending through a square smoke-hole in the roof in the center of the
building. All houses were formerly without windows, ventilation being
secured by the door and the smoke-hole. If the house is built on the
surface of the ground, the interior is excavated into a kind of cellar, the
ledges being cut in the earth and covered by large hewn slabs of cedar.
These ledges serve not only as sleeping and lounging places, but as
shelv^es to deposit all sorts of boxes, utensils, etc., belonging to the
family. In the Tlingit dwellings, the fire-place is usually boxed in with
boards, and filled in with stones. When the house is built on the sur-
face of the ground, one enters the door at the level of the ground, and
descends to the lower floor inside. If the house is built on a raised
foundation, the bottom floor or court is usually on the level of the out-
side ground. One mounts to the door, enters, and descends to the
ground inside. Between these two types are slight variations in which
the foundation of logs is not so high, and the interior is dug down only
about 2 or3 feet. Amongst the Tlingit, the interior ])latform at the level
of the door-sill is sometimes divided into living apartments, or small
state-rooms, so to speak. Lisianski (1804) describes the houses about
Sitka as square in form and spacious, with openings all along the top
about 2 feet in width to let out the smoke. The fire place was fenced
around with boards, the place between the fire-place and the walls be-
ing partitioned by curtains for the different families living in the lodge-
There were board shelves fixed around inside of the room for the stow,
age of boxes and utensils.*

The primitive form of construction is not materially different from
that described and illustrated in Plate xxxv. The Tlingit form of front
is shown in Fig. 176, a local characteristic being given to it by the
vertical boards a a at each corner of the front as shown. Throughout
the whole coast, it was somewhat the custom to ornament the fronts with
painted representation of the totem of the chief occupant. To the south
this was the general custom. Amongst the Haida, Tsimshian, and Tlin-
git, it was only occasionally practiced. In Plate xxxv various styles
of house fronts are illustrated in connection with the typical method of
house construction.

Fig. 173 is a chiefs house at Fort Simpson, British Columbia. Fig.
174 is a Tlingit front at Tongass, Alaska. Fig. 176 is the general Tlin-
git type as described above. Fig. 175 is an ancient form of front, after a
model from Sitka in the National Museum. Fig. 177 is a Kwakiutl front

* Lisianski, Voyage, p. 239 and 240.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXV.

Details of Haida House Construction, with Types of Fronts found elsewhere on

THE Northwest Coast.

From drawings, photographs, and sketches.

Fig. 173. Ornamented front i^ainted to represent the eagle totem of a chief at Port
Simpson. British ("ohimhia (Tsijosliian).

Fig. 174. Ornamented front. paint<'d to re])resent the wolf totem. Fort Tongass,
Alaska (Thngit).

Fig. 175. Ancient form of Tlingit oi-namented front, fi'oni a painting in the U.
S. National Museum. Cat. No. 129776, U. S. N. M. Sitka, Alaska.
Painted by James G. Swan.

Fig. 170. General Tlingit type of front, with broad side-ix)sts and rectangular door-
way.

Fig. 177. Ornamented front, after a sketch by Dr. Franz Boas (Kwakiiitl.)

Fig. 178. Details of smoke-hole, shutter, and method of roofing and holding down
.same with beams, rocks, etc. The totemic figures on each side of the
doorway represent the eagle, and illustrate a style of totemic ornamen-
tation now found here and there among the Tlingit as a survival or
modification of the former custom of painting the whole house front in
totemic design.

Fig. 179. Details of the Haida method of house construction as explained fully in
the text. The sub cellar or excavated living-room is dotted in beneath
• the sketch, the fire-place being shown at b.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

PLATE XXXV.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 3U7

liter Boas. The Haida fronts are rarely ornamented with toteuiic rep-
esentations.

Totemic and mortuary columns. — It is the custom amongst theTlingit,
Kaigaui, and Tsimshian to erect carved columns in front of the houses.
These usually stand some feet from the fronts. Amongst the Haida
they are generally in contact with the front, the doorway or entrance
being through a hole in the carved column about three feet from the
ground, into which the occupant appears to dive when he enters. This
form of entrance is shown in Plate xxxv, and is found occasionally
elsewhere, but is rather peculiar to the Haida. It is now, however,
being generally superseded by the European type of doorway. The
carved columns will be described in detail in a subsequent chapter.

Haida permanent dwellings. — Fig. 179, Plate xxxv, represents a Haida
house of the conventional pattern. The posts, gg^ hollowed out on the
backs, as shown, to reduce the weight, with carved faces, are firmly
planted in the ground. The upper ends are also hollowed to receive the
enormous log plates, s «, which give strength and solidity to the build-
ing. The carved column, m, at the front of the house, is usually next
erected, as the work up to this point requires the co-operation of many
hands, the gathering being the occasion of a feast and a grand distribu-
tion of presents (a potlatch, as it is called) amongst the participants.
Often, through lack of funds, the work of building a house has to be
postponed, the whole process often requiring several years. Tlie ex-
penses are usually reckoned in blankets, as they are the conventional
gifts on such an occasion. The huge plates and purlines, the hewn
cedar planks, and the logs for posts and carved columns, are gotten out
from the forests with great labor and expense, and are towed to the vil-
lage site, where they are hauled up on skids, and the work of smooth-
finishing begun. Plate LXX illustrates an animated scene at Fort Simp,
son, British Columbia, where a party of Haida are represented as hauling
up a log ou skids in the process of house construction. The relief carving
on the totemic columns and the posts is done either by the owner, if he
be expert, or if he be rich, by others hired or kept in the establishment for
the purpose. The materials being ready, the invited guests assemble
from far and near, and the different timbers are gotten up to the site of
the house. The posts are raised into position by means of rope guys
and props, and firmly planted in the deep holes dug in the ground. The
plates or huge logs which rest on the uprights are gotten into position
by what a sailor would cal) technically skids and parbuckles. To de-
scribe the process in detail, imagine the four posts (or, as in Plate LXX,
six posts) in Fig. 179 firmly planted in the ground, their heads being
hollowed out as shown. The log (or plate, as it is technically called in
architecture) is rolled to a distance of about 14 feet from the uprights and
parallel to its final position. The uprights are braced or shored on the
opposite side, while on the adjacent side skids are rested at an angle to
form an incline, up which the plate is, by the combined eflort of many.

308 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

gradually rolled. Ropes are rove over the top of tlie posts under and
over the plate, then back again over the upright. These ropes constitute
the parbuckle, which is designed to take the weight of the log and hold
it in position. Forked sticks are rested against the log with their other
ends in the ground to help the parbuckle take the weight as the plate
is gradually rolled up, the forked sticks being gradually also shifted up
as it rises. By dint of pushing, shoving with poles, and pulling on the
I)arbuckle, the plate is gotten to the top of the incline. It is now a
question of lifting the dead weight of the log by means of poles and by
pulling on the parbuckle. At last the plate is hauled to the top of the
upright and rolled into the hollow in which it rests. The carved
totemic columns are raised into position by means of poles, props,
and rope guys, and firmly imbedded in the deep hole dug for it in
the ground. The whole process is an occasion of much ceremony,
and the work occupies but a small part of the time, the remainder
being filled in with gambling, dancing, feasting, singing, speech-making,
and ceremonial display intended to inspire the visitors and guests with
the wealth and prowess of the host. Judge Swan says :

The self-denial of comforts iiud even necessaries exercised for many years in the
accumulation of property by man and wife is very remarkable, but, in their estima-
tion, is amply repaid on the occasion of a distribution of the same and the erection of
a decorative columu, which in many instances stands in front of an unfinished lodge
frame as a visible monument of the owner's folly and extravagance. * " * The
owner probably lives in the lodge of some relative, or perhaps is dead. It has been
beyond his means to finish his house, but for that he cares little ; his vanity has beer
gratified ; his pride satisfied. Ou the day when he stood presiding over his piles ol
goods and chattels, previous to their distribution amongst his eager and expectant
guests, he had reached the summit of his ambition. * ' * He is thenceforth a
petty chief of the village.

In some of the very latest types of the houses, instead of the corner
posts Hand the smaller posts r r supporting the eaves-plates « e, there
are four posts and two heavy rafters similar to g and s. In either case
the eaves-plates e, or one similar to s, are beveled to receive the ui)per
ends of the boards forming the side walls of the house, as shown in w
and adjacent details. The heavy plank frames h h and 1 1 are beveled,
as shown in section q, to receive the boards forming the end walls, or
front and back of the house. The top purlines j j j j form the supports
for the roof-planking, and are held in place by the superimposed frames
u u. The roofing is formed either of planks or slabs of bark held down
by rocks, beams and cross-pieces, as shown in Figure 178. The smoke-
hole Jc is surmounted by a frame p p carrying a shutter o, which is closed
in the direction of the wind. This shutter has a motion about the axle
pp. When the wind changes and blows down the smoke hole, a chain
or rope is pulled and the shutter revolves to the other position against
the wind. As the house faces the channel, and the wind usually draws
up or down it, the shutter works to face one side of the house or the
other. The entrance is shown at a. Below, the sketch of the house is
dotted in the form of the excavated interior. The upper ledge or plat-

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 309

form is at the level, d ; c is the lower platform. The fire, 6, burns ou
the bare earth, or iu a frame- work of boards filled with rocks. It is
here that the family sleep in winter, stretched out ou the bare floor
or on mats with feet towards the fire. As stated, the occupants
of such a house are numerous, amounting in some cases to thirty or forty
in all, and the household may embrace a chief, his family, grand-
children, and the families of several of his brothers. Amongst the Kai-
gani most of the houses are built on log foundations, a little above the
ground, and the European form of door is used. In some cases the
carved column is set a few feet off with a small opening in it, but the
real entrance to the house is by a doorway, thus keeping up a semblance
of the ancient custom. The Haida houses are quite generally excavated,
and seldom built on raised foundations. The smaller houses, and not
unusually the more modern houses, consist principally of a frame
erected on four posts, one at each corner.

VILLAGES.

The villages are invariably situated along the shore, and usually near
a shelving beach, which admits of easily hauling up the canoes. Often,
through the desire to be near a good halibut fishing bank, a very ex-
posed site is of necessity selected. The houses are usually in a single
row, a few feet above extreme high water, facing toward the beach and
not far back from it. At high water the canoes can be hauled well up.
Between the houses and high-water mark is a space which serves as a
street, with a beaten path near the houses and patches of grass be-
yond. This space serves for hauling up canoes for long periods and
drying fish, as well as the usual purposes of a street. Sometimes the
two rows of houses are built, where the space is contracted, with a
narrow street between the rows. The houses are not very far apart in
the rows, are often in contact, and arranged without regard to rank or
precedence. There are one or more carved columns iu front of each
house. These are at first usually painted (formerly daubed with ochre),
but the coat is seldom renewed. Owing to the bleaching effect of the
weather, the columns and houses after a while assume a grayish white
appearance, and become covered with moss. In the weather-cracks moss
and vegetation flourish, giving a very ancient appearance. At the end
of the village is the graveyard, with its variety of sepulchres and mort-
uary columns of ancient and modern form, as shown in Plate iii.
Scattered throughout the villages, in front and near the corners of the
houses, are the mortuary or commemorative columns similar to those in
the graveyards. These are pictured in all their variety in Plate iii.

Behind the village, or at one end, are the small sheds iu which the
dead are placed.

Names of villages. — Considerable confusion has originated in the
enumeration of villages amongst the Haida and Kaigani by Europeans,
through the different names assigned to the same village. The Indians

310 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

have their own names, but the traders and others often call a village
after the name of the chief; for instance, Kasaan is popularly called
Skowl's village; the village of Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands,
British Columbia, is popularly so called from the name of the heredi-
tary chief; the Haida name is Hyo-haila, but the Tsimshian call it
Kil-hai 06. *

Groups of villages. — Each village practically constitutes a tribe.
There never have been any permanent leagues or associations of vil-
lages to constitute a nation with head ruler, although, for certain rea-
sous of defense or offense, villages have so cooperated temporarily for
mutual benefit or protection. The totemic systems of the Tlingit, Haida,
and Tsmishian kings, in some senses uniform, have often operated to
make the alliance between phratries and totems of different villages in
some measure stronger than the clannish feeling due to close ethnical
affinity.

Residence. — During the summer but few Indians are found at the
permanent villages. Occasionally a canoe load returns to deposit a
cargo, or to get something needed in the distant summer camp.
Where the fishing and hunting ground is near the village, it is contin-
ually occupied, but if at a distance there are times when the village is
entirely abandoned, although there may be some camps quite near.
Under such circumstances property is entirely safe. Early in the sum-
mer, during the first run of salmon, and when birds' eggs are to be
gathered, the Indians are widely scattered. Later on they congregate,
but disperse again for the run of King salmon, which lasts well into
December. By Christmas time they have all gathered in, and in the
long winter nights take place all those social and ceremonial gatherings
and feastings of which only a winter's residence amongst them can give
an adequate idea. Gathered around the blazing fire then are related
those legends and traditions which illustrate their beliefs. Then also
take place those dances, ceremonials, and theatrical performances which
graphically illustrate and perpetuate these traditions, and glorify the
prowess and might of the chiefs and their ancestors.

• Dawson, Report, B, p. 165.

ARTS AXD INDUSTRIES— HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS- PAINTING, DRAWING
AND CARVING— MUSIC.

While the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian are essentially wood car-
vers, this is by uo means their only talent. Out of the abundance of
their resources they have not only adapted wood to their every need,
but along with it have developed many other industries. They are, as
well, expert carpenters, basket makers, weavers, and metal workers.
Their tools are crude, but with them they accomplish the most surpris-
ing results. Along with the totemic system, we find the identification
of the individual with his totem carried out in the carving or painting
of his crest on every article of personal property. The simplest imple-
ment or utensil is ornamented with some pictograph relating to the
legends of the totem to which he belongs. Tattooed on the body,
woven into fabrics, etched on the metal bracelets and ornaments,
painted on the house fronts, drawn on the canoe outfits, emblazoned on
the household boxes, carved on the huge columns — commemorated in
metal, wood, and stone, the totem of the Indian is his earliest and
latest care, yet it is all subservient to the ever recurring struggle to
live. In the circuit of the seasons a regular routine of duties is ob-
served. In the time not devoted to hunting, fishing, and the procure-
ment of food the various arts and industries are practiced. In the
summer camp odd hours are spent in cutting down trees, collecting furs,
bark, and grasses, roughing out lumber, and in general collecting the
raw materials, which, in the winter's leisure, they convert into the
various implements, utensils, and finished products for their own use
and for trading purposes.

Raiv materials. — Various kinds of grasses are gathered, and after
being dried, are dyed and trimmed to finished dimensions. Spruce
roots are boiled until they become pliable, beaten with sticks, and the
fibres picked into threads. The cedar bark gathered for industrial
purposes is from the inside of the outer bark, that for food being
scraped from the trunk itself. The former is soaked in water for
several days, then beaten to make it pliable enough to enable it to be
stripped into shreds. Fig. 179/ is a bone bark-scraper used in removing
the bark from trees, in scraping it down, and in the preliminary process

311

312 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

of hackling it, which, with the beating it receives from a bone mallet
such as shown in Fig. 179m, separates it into fibres. These two
specimens are in the Emmons Collection.

Fig. 1191. Fig. 179m.

Bark Scrapeb. Bark Beater. ■

(Tlingit, Emmons Collection. ) (Tlingit. Emmons Collection. )

Other kinds of vegetable fibre, such as wild nettle and a species of
wild hemp, are beaten on the rocks, shredded, and spun with a rude dis-
taff and spindle into a strong twine or thread. Wood for canoes,
houses, columns, paddles, dishes, masks, helmets, spear-shafts, arrows,
floats, hooks, etc., is also gotten out during the summer season and
roughly worked up in camp, the finishing being often left for winter
leisure. At this time also the trading is done to obtain supplies of
cloth, horn, copper, shell, etc., for the accessories of costumes for ordi-
nary and ceremonial occasions. Fibre of cedar bark, hemp, and goat's
wool are spun into threads for use in weaving the blankets for which
certain tribes are famous.

Ropes and cords. — The simplest cords or lines are those of kelp, some-
times single, sometimes laid up into two or more strands for additional
strength, as rope. The neatest ropes and cords, however, are made
from strands of spruce root or bark fibre, the small stuff being dexter-
ously twisted between the hand and thigh. The cordage for raising
large timbers and columns is regularly laid up and twisted like our
own ropes. A few of the most important uses to which the different
varieties of native cordage are put may be enumerated as follows:
Warp for blankets, fishing lines, canoe anchor lines, sheets for sails,
lashings for boxes, grommets for heads of chisels and wedges, head-
dresses, girdles, guys for erecting columns, and dipping lines for turning
the smoke-hole shutters of the houses.

Mats. — These are made principally of bark and are used for bedding,
for sails, and as covers for canoe cargoes. The coarser kinds- are thrown
over the canoes to protect them from the weather and as screens for
building temporary camps at night in traveling. The use of mats, how-
ever, for sails and tents has given place to the substitute already men-
tioned— cotton sheeting. Amongst the Tlingit, on ceremonial occasions,
the chiefs were carried on mats borne by the slaves from the canoes to
the houses or in embarking in state. Matting from the different parts
of the northwest coast can be distinguished by the pattern and
texture. The method of weaving is that shown in Fig. 38e, Plato xii.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 313

In general, the mats of the southern Indians are made of soft, red, plia-
ble cedar bark, while those of the northern are stififer, coarser, lighter
in color, and bordered with black strips interwoven into the texture of
the fabric.

Baskets. — The most expert tribes in basket making are found at the
extremes of the northwest coast. In the south tlie Makah excel all
others ; in the north the Chilkat. The method of weaving is, however,
radically different. Amongst the Makah and other tribes of the Waka-
shan stock the pattern is that shown in Fig. 168, Plate xxxii, described
by Prof. O. T. Mason as follows :

It may be called the "fish-trap style," since without doubt the finer basketry is the
lineal descendant of the rude wicker fish-trap. Imagine a number of stakes driven
into the ground pretty close together. A horizontal pole is laid against them in the
rear, aud by the wrappings of a withe around the pole and each upright stake diag-
onally on the outside and vertically on the inside a spiral fastening is produced.
This stitch crosses the two fundamentals in front at an angle and the horizontal frame
piece in the rear at right angles, or vice versa.*

Patterns in geometrical figures are worked on the baskets in black,
yellow, drab, red, etc., in dyed straws. Amongst the Haida and the
Chilcat and northern Tlingit generally the method of weaving basketry
is by that known as "twining;" that is, twining two woof strands
around a series of warp strands. This is illustrated in detail in Figs. 37c
and 37<Z, Plate xii, which represent the same method used amongst
these Indians for rain hats. Different varieties of Haida and Tlingit
baskets are shown in Plates xxxvi and xxxvii, and Figs. 180 to 189,
inclusive. Fig. 180 of the first-named plate represents a Tlingit
" coiled " basket, of which Fig. 185 is another variety. This method of
construction differs from the " twined" basketry. The bottom of this
type is made of a number of straight rods sewed into a rectangular mat,
around which the sides are built up by coiling. '^ The mat-like bottom
ia brnamented by sewing on straws longitudinally with stitches wide
apart, so as to show a checker pattern of straw and stitching. This
method of ornamenting the bottom is often pursued over the whole
external surface of the basket."! Figs. 185 and 186 are from Pro-
fessor Mason's article on basketry just quoted. Fig. 186 shows the
method of covering up the coiled work of the sides bj an ornamental
arrangement of bark and straw. The concealed texture is " built up by
whipping a coil of rushes or small sj)lints with splint or birch bark.
• * * The imbricated effect upon the surface is produced by sewing
on little loops of bark and straw, white and brown, with blind stitches,
in such a way as to conceal the manner of attachment"! (See Fig.
186.) Fig. 180 .is atop view and Fig. 186 is a side view of this type of
coiled basketry. Four styles of twined baskets of ornamental pattern

* Smithsonian Report, 1884, Part ii, p. 297-298. Mason. Aboriginal Basket-work,
t Smithsoniaa Report, Part ir, 1884. Mason. Aboriginal Basket-work. Plate vi.

314

REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

are shown iu Figs. 181, 182, 184, aud 189. These are made from the
tibre of the spruce root and so delicately twined as to be water tight.
The bottom is roughly made, the warp being of splints of spruce root
radiating from the center, and the woof of twine woven in the plain

Vis. \i
CoiuED Basket.

(Cat. No. 60235, U. S. N. M. Tinn* Indinns, S. E. Alaska Collected by John J. McLean.)

color of the material. The cylindrical portion above the bottom is also
in the plain color of the spruce root, but the "twining" is that of Fig.
37r, Plate xir. Bands of red and black are woven into the structure
for ornamental purposes, the strands being colored on both sides.

Fig. 186.
Detail of Fig. 185.

"Afterwards little squares or other plain figures are sewed on in
•'aresene," that is, only half way through, giving the most varied ettect
on the outside, while the inside shows only the plain colors and the
red and black bands."* In recent years the most gaudy and brilliant

"Smithsonian Report, 1884, Part ii, Mason, Aboriginal Basket-work, p. 295.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXVI.

Tlingit and Haida Basket-work.

Fig. 180. Coiled Basket. Made by \vlii])i)inf;- a coil of rushes or small splints
with splints or birch bark to form the sides, which are biilt upon a
mat-like bottom. The foundation work is concealed beneatii an imbri-
catioji in loops of bark a)id straw sewed on with blind stitches. Col-
lected at Hoonjah, but the work belongs to the mainland and the
interior. Cat. No. 60235. U. S. N. M. Tinne Indians, Hoon.yah,
Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.

l^'ig. 181. Twined Basket. Of spruce-root. Geometric patterns worked on the
outside with colored spruce-root and dyed wild wheat straw. Cover
handle contains small pebbles to form a rattle. Method of twining
shown in Fig. 3T?j. Plate XII. Cat. No. 20715. U. S. N. M. Tlingit,
Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 182. Twined Basket. Same style as Fig. 180. Cat. No. 7S442. U. 8. N. 'SI.
Haida Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands. Collected by James ti. Swan.

Fig. 183. Twined Basket Mat. Of spruce-root. European pattern. Cat. No.
20727, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Sitka. Collected by James G.
Swan.

Fig. 184. Twined Wallet. Cat. No. 1865, U. S. N. M. Chilkat Indians, Alaska.
Collected bv W. F. Tolmie.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XXXVI.

Tlingit and Haida Basket-work.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXVII.
General Type of Haida and Tlingit Open-work Twined Basketry.

From Smithsonian Report, 1884, Part IL Plate VIII.

Fig. 190. The method of open twined weaving is shown in Fig. b. Spruce-root is
used in this type in the north, but cedar-bark replaces it in the south.
Tlie handle is a twine of spruce-root fastened on by weaving in and out
on tlie side, the lower end knotted. The fastening off at the rim is
done by heiidiug down the warp threads externally and sewing them
flat with one vow of twining. Cat. No. 88964, U. S. N. M. Haida In-
dians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James
(t. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XXXVII.

General Type of Haida and Tlingit Open-work Twined Basketry.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST.

315

colored wild wheat

straws are used in this relief ornamentation. The
borders at the top of the baskets are
formed by turning under the warp
threads and cutting them oif. Cir-
cular covers, likewise ornamented,
are fitted to baskets of the type of
Figs. 181 and 182. These frequently
have an ingeniously woven compart-
ment in the top in which small peb-
bles are enclosed, and which rattle
when shaken. Fig. 187 illustrates
the method of making this style of
basket amongst the Haida, taken
from a sketch in Professor Mason's

Fig. 187.
Haida Basket, Set Up.

(Cat. No. SXaW. U. S. N. M. Miixsett Irnli-
Charlotte Island, B. C. Collecleil by Ja

Fig. 188.
Details of Fig. 187.

article on "Aboriginal Basket-work"
already referred to. Of it he says:
The method of manufacture of Haida
twined basketry as shown by Mr. J. G. Swan
in a specimen collected expressly for the
National Museum (Fig. 187, No. 88956.
Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British
Columbia). Mr. Swan says; " This style
of making baskets differs from that of
Cape Flattery. There the women sit on
the ground and weave baskets and mats,
both of which rest on the ground. With
the Haidas the mats are suspended on a
frame and the baskets supported on a stick
as in the figure. The black color of the
spruce root used in making ornamental
patterns is produced by soaking it in the
mud. Fig. 188 shows the bottom of the
basket made by the twining process. The
border of the bottom is marked off by a
row of double weaving or a twine built
outside the body of the basket."*

'Smithsonian Report, 18H4, Part ii, p. 297. Aboriginal Basket-work, Mason.

316

REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

The principal differeuce between the styles of baskets shown in Figs.
181 and 182 is in the size, the former being broader and flatter than the
latter, which is about 9 inches deep and 6J inches in diameter. Fig. 184
represents a 12 by 12 inch twined circular basket made by the Chilcat
Indians with embroidered design on the exterior. Fig. 189 represents
a basket wallet of the same type as the above, but flattened into the
shape in which they are usually carried. The colors used in the
ornamentation are black and red. This style of basketry, as all others,
is copied by the Haida, who, however, use gaudier colors and are not
quite so expert as their northern Tliugit neighbors. The specimen
illustrated in Fig. 189 is No. 215G0, U. S. National Museum. Fig. 190a,

Fig. 189.
Twined and Embkoidered Babket Wallet.

(Cat. No. 21.'i60, r. S. N. .M. Chilk.it Indians, Alask.i. Colleeted by Dr. J. B. White, U. S. A.)

Plate XXXVII, represents a general type of both Haida and Tlingit
open-work twined basket, the details of the twine weaving being shown
in h of the same plate. This is reproduced from Professor O. T. Mason's
article on '< Aboriginal Basket-work" already referred to.

Dishes. — In nothing more than in their wooden and horn dishes have
these Indians been conservative. Portlock and Dixon (1787), Marchand
(1791), and Lisiansky (1805), all describe the same types of household
utensils as are found to-day in this region. A few of the general va-
rieties of wooden dishes are shown in Plates xxxviii, xxxix, and XL.
These are usually carved from blocks of spruce wood, ornamented with
rows of shells, and have in more or less elaborate detail the totem of
the owner etched or carved upon them. Often the carving represents
some legend of the coast; again, a mythical animal. With regard

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXVIIl,

\/3Z

Tlingit Ceremonial and Household Food-dishes.

Fig. 191. Feast Dish. A deep wooden trough used by the chiefs in the feasts ac-
companying their numerous ceremonials. Tlie edge is inlaid with a
double row of opercula and the ends faintly etched and painted in a
totemic design in red and black. Cat. No. 60158, U. S. N. M. Tlingit
Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.
Fig. 192. Feast Dish. Flat, shallow vessel of same character and locality as
above. These are the extremes of feast dishes in depth, style of orna-
mentation, and shape. The carved figure on each end represents the
eagle. These two types are found also amongst the Haida and Tsiiu-
shian. Cat. No. (50167. U. S. N. M. Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John
J. McLean.
Food Dishes. Fig. 193, Cat. No. 74401; Fig. 194, Cat. No. 7442r,; Fig. 195, Cat.
No. 74402: Fig. 196, Cat. No. 74414; Fig. 197, Cat. No. 74412. All from Tlingit In-
dians, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.

Report of National Museum, 1 888.— Niblack.

Plate XXXVIII.

Tlingit Ceremonial and Household Food-dishes.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXIX,

Types of Wooden Household Utensils from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 198. Treasure or Trinket Box. Of wood, with ornamental top and liandle

of cord. Some of these I)oxes are as large as 3 by 3 feet. Cat. No.

60175, U. S. N. :M. Hootznahoo Indians, Alaska. Collected by John

J. McLean.
Fig. 199. Food Dish. Wood, with rounded sides: totemic carvings. Side view.

Compare Fig. 195, Plate XXXVIII. Cat. No. 8915B. U. S. N. M.

Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected

by James G. Swan.
Fig. 2(t0. f'ooD Dish. Ornamented with o])ercula. Comjiare Fig. 196, Plate

XXXVIII. Cat. No. 67936, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska.

Collected bj^ Jolin J. McLean.
Fig. 201. Ladle. Cat. No. 60165. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Sitka. Alaska. Col-
lected by John J. McLean.
Fig. iO-i. Bowl. Cat. No. 60165. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected

by John J. McLean.

Reoortot National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate xxXIX.

/••^'"stw*";*!^

Types of Wooden Household Utensils from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XL.

Food-dishes from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 208. Oil Bowl. Design, a sea-gull. Cat. No. 2085fi, U. S. N. M. Stikine In-
dians, Fort Wrangell. Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 204. Bowl. Design, Olalla, the mountain demon, and Kaltz-da, tlie crow.
Cat. No, 89136, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Skidegate. British Cohuu-
bia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 205. Bowl. Of wood. Design, a vei-sion of same legend as that of Fig. 204.
Cat. No. 89134, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skidegate. British Colum-
bia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 206. Food Dish. Design, a seal and legendary carving. Ornamented witli
opercula of shells. Cat. No. 67902, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka.
Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.

Fig. 207. Bowl. Of wood. Handles represent human faces. Cat. No. 20858, U.
S. N. M. Stikine Indians, Fort AVrangell. Alaska. Collected by James
G. Swan.

Fig. 208. Dish. Of wood. Design. Tsing, the beaver. Cat. No. 89133, U. S. N. M.
Haida Indians, Skidegate, British Columbia. Collected by James (i.
Swan.

Fig. 209. Dish. Design, Skam-son, the sparrowhawk. Cat. No. 88862. U. S. N. M.
Haida Indians, Masset. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia.
Collected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XL.

FOOD-DISHES FROM THE NORTHWEST COAST.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 317

to the materials of which these native dishes are made, they may be
divided iuto wooden and horn. In shapes they may be classified as
boat shaped, flat, square, round, spherical, oblong, and tub-shaped.
They are all essentially food dishes, but one or two exceptions will here-
after be noted. In the large feasts given by the chiefs, ceremonial dishes
are used, differing in size and character from the ordinary household
variety. Figs. 191 and 192, Plate xxxviii, represent the two extremes
of this type of dish, the former being deep, painted in totemic design,
and ornamented with opercula, while the latter is shallow and deeply
carved but not otherwise ornamented. Figs. 195 and 199 represent
another type of ordinary food dish with rounded sides and elaborate
relief carving, the former being a top and the latter a side view.
Other varieties are discussed in connection with the explanations of
illustrations.

Fig. 198 is a carved wooden treasure-box. The larger boxes of
this type are used for transportation, and storage cases for dog-
fish oils, dried fish, and other food supplies, and are often as large as
24 inches in height by 14 inches in breadth. These must be distin-
guished from the household boxes used for the storage of goods and
chattels. These latter are lighter and more beautifully carved and
painted. The former are heavier and clumsier, and, although carved,
are generally soiled with oil and grease. It is in this style of box that
the Indians transport eulachon and other kinds of oil, grease, or fats
in quantities of 100 pounds or more. The chests or household boxes
are described in another paragraph. Boxes of a shape corresponding
to Figs. 195 and 199, also used for food and supplies of grease, are
often as large as 20 inches in length by 12 inches in height. Fig. 209,
Plate XL, represents a tub shape dish, ornamented with a totemic de-
sign. A specimen of this kind in the U. S. National Museum measures
32 inches in length and 17 inches in extreme height. It may be noted
in passing that these native wooden dishes are now being rapidly su-
perseded by cheap earthernware purchased from the traders. Dishes
and spoons have been made on the coast from the horns of the mountain
sheep and goat from time immemorial. The Haida have excelled all
others, however, in the art of carving in general and inlaying in shell,
yet curiously enough they have to get the horn by trade with the
Tsimshian and Tlingit on the maiuland, as the goats and sheep are only
found in the loftiest parts of the main coast ranges. Fig. 217 repre-
sents an end view of an elaborately carved Haida horn dish, of which a
side view is not unlike Fig. 209. A top view of a similar dish is shown
in Fig. 222.

Spoons and ladles. — Plates XLI and xlii illustrate a sufficient variety
of spoons to give an idea of how elaborately so simple a household
article as this is carved and ornamented. The first mentioned plate
shows a variety of horn spoons. Fig. 218 being a representative one in

318 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

point of size, although it is severely plaiu and uuornamented. Looking
at a horn of a mouutaia sheep it seems difficult to conceivehowtheludians
can get so large a spoon out of such a curled and unpromising looking
object. The bowl of the spoon comes from the largest part; the handle
runs the full length to the tip, and is afterwards straightened out by
steaming it. In general, spoons are shaped by steaming in a wooden
mould made in two pieces, and scored out inside to the required shape.
This type of great horn spoon is usually elaborately and deeply carved
in totemic design, and sometimes inlaid with abalone shell. They are
preserved as heirlooms in the families and considered of great value.
A not uncommon type of spoon is shown in Figs. 210, 212, 213, and
221, the bowl being from the horn of a mountain sheep and the handle a
mountain goat horn, elaborately carved in a legendary or totemic de-
sign. The handle is very ingeniously secured to the bowl by a sort of
tongue and groove rivetted through with copper. The significance of
the carvings on the handles of those shown in the plate, as far as known
to the writer, is given in the explanation of the figures. The spoons
shown in Figs. 211, 214, and 219 are made entirely of the horns of the
mountain goat, the bowls being formed by splitting the horn at the
base and rolling it out flat by steaming and bending it. Fig. 220 is a
plain sheep-horn spoon, similar in shape to the wooden one shown in
Fig. 238. The long, flat putty-knife or spatula-shaped objects shown
in Plate xlii are berry spoons, or ceremonial feast spoons, made of wood
and carved or painted in totemic design These are shown in different
views, well illustrating the variety of shapes. Fig. 224 of the pre-
ceding plate represents a pair of spoons of this type carved from whale-
bone and obtained at Sitka, Alaska. A most elaborately carved pair of
wooden ceremonial spoons in the collection resemble the orca or
whale-killer. Other types of ordinary wooden spoons are shown in
Figs. 233, 237, 238, and 239. Fig. 274, Plate lt, illustrates a wooden
ceremonial spoon of enormous size found amongst the Haida, the
bowl having a capacity of two quarts. This is used in the ceremonies
attending the initiation of young men into 'the responsibilities of
rank, when the novice must publicly drink to the last drop the contents
of the bowl consisting of fish oil, without removing the spoon from
his lips. The exact nature of this ceremony is not understood by the
writer, but this use for such a large spoon has been exi)lained to him
by several people well versed in Haida customs. Fig. 201, Plate
XXXIX, represents a carved wooden oil ladle or spoon.
' Household boxes or chests. — These are for the stowage or packing away
of ceremonial paraphernalia and the goods and chattels of the household.
Tliey vary in size and shape, as shown in Plate li.

The oblong chests are simply great wooden boxes with heavy bottoms
and peculiarly shaped lids. The sides of these are made either in two
or in four pieces. When made in two pieces a thin wide piece of cedar
is bent at right angles by means of hot water, forming a side and an end.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXVIII,

i 1

\/3Z

Tlingit Ceremonial and Household Food-dishes.

Fig. 19L Feast Dish. A deep wooden trough used by the cliiefs in the feasts ac-
companying their numerous ceremonials. The edge is inlaid with a
double row of opercula and the ends faintly etched and painted in a
totemic design in red and V)lack. Cat. No. 60158, U. S. N. M. Tlingit
Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.
Fig. 192. Feast Dish. Flat, shallow vessel of same character and locality as
above. These are the extremes of feast dishes in depth, style of orna-
mentation, and shape. The carved figure on each end represents the
eagle. These two types are found also amongst the Haida and Tsim-
shian. Cat. No. ()016T, U. S. N. ]M. Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John
J. McLean.
Food Dishes. Fig. 193, Cat. No. 74401; Fig. 194, Cat. No. 7442.5; Fig. 195, Cat.
No. 74402: Fig. 196, Cat. No. 74414; Fig. 197, Cat. No. 74412. All from Tlingit In-
dians, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

PLATE XXXVIII.

Tlingit Ceremonial and Household Food-dishes.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXIX.

Types of Wooden Household Utensils from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 198. Treasure or Trinket Box. Of wood, with ornamental top and handle

of cord. Sonie of these boxes are as large as 2 l)y 3 feet. Cat. No.

60175, U. S. N. I\L Hootznahoo Indians, Alaska. Collected by John

J. McLean.
Fig. 199. Food Dish. Wood, with rounde<l sides: totemic carvings. Side view.

Compare Fig. 195, Plate XXXVIII. Cat. No. 89153. U. S. N. M.

Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected

by James G. Swan.
Fig. 2(10. f'ooD Dish. Ornamented with opercula. Comjiare Fig. 196, Plate

XXXVIII. Cat. No. 67936, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska.

Collected by John J. McLean.
Fig. 201. Ladle. Cat. No. 60165, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians. Sitka, Alaska. Col-
lected by John J. McLean.
Fig. 202. Bowl. Cat. No. 60165. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected

by John J. McLean.

Report of National Museum, 1 888.— Niblack.

Plate XXXIX.

< - . r /

Types of Wooden Household Utensils from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XL =

Food-dishes from the Northwest Coast.

Yip. 203. Oil Bowl. Design, a sea-gull. Cat. No. 2085G, U. S. N. M. Stikine In-
dians, Fort Wrangell. Alaska. Collected by James C. Swan.

Fig. 204. Bowl. Design, Olalla, the mountain demon, and Kaltz-da, tlie crow.
Cat. No. 89136, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Hkidegate. British Colnni-
bia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 205. Bowl. Of wood. Design, a version of same legend as that of Fig. 204.
Cat. No. 89134, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Skidegate. Britisli Colum-
bia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 206. Food Dish. Design, a seal and legendary carving. Ornamented witli
opercula of shells. Cat. No. 67902, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka.
Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.

Fig. 207. Bowl. Of wood. Handles represent human faces. C^at. No. 20808, U.
S. N. M. Stikine Indians. Fort Wrangell. Alaska. Collected by James
G. Swan.

Fig. 208. Dish. Of wood. Design. Tsing. tlie beaver. Cat. No. 89133, U. S. N. M.
Haida Indians, Skidegate, British Columbia. Collected by James (i.
Swan.

Fig. 209. Dish. Design. Skam-son, the sparrowhawk. Cat. No. 88862. U. S. N.M.
Haida Indians, Masset. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia.
Collected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1 888.— Niblack.

PLATE XL.

Food-dishes from the Northwest Coast.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 317

to the materials of which these native dishes are made, they may be
divided iuto wooden and horn. In shapes they may be classified as
boat shaped, flat, square, round, spherical, oblong, and tub-shaped.
They are all essentially food dishes, but one or two exceptions will here-
after be noted. In the large feasts given by the chiefs, ceremonial dishes
are used, differing in size and character from the ordinary household
variety. Figs. 191 and 192, Plate xxxviii, represent the two extremes
of this tj'pe of dish, the former being deep, painted in totemic design,
and ornamented with opercula, while the latter is shallow and deeply
carved but not otherwise ornamented. Figs. 195 and 199 represent
another type of ordinary food dish with rouuded sides and elaborate
relief carving, the former being a top and the latter a side view.
Other varieties are discussed in connection with the explanations of
illustrations.

Fig. 198 is a carved wooden treasure-box. The larger boxes of
this type are used for transportation, and storage cases for dog-
fish oils, dried fish, and other food supplies, and are often as large as
24 inches in height by 14 inches in breadth. These must be distin-
guished from the household boxes used for the storage of goods aud
chattels. These latter are lighter and more beautifully carved and
painted. The former are heavier and clumsier, and, although carved,
are generally soiled with oil and grease. It is in this style of box that
the Indians transport eulachon and other kinds of oil, grease, or fats
in quantities of 100 pounds or more. The chests or household boxes
are described in another paragraph. Boxes of a shape corresponding
to Figs. 195 aud 199, also used for food and supplies of grease, are
often as large as 20 inches in length by 12 inches in height. Fig. 209,
Plate XL, represents a tub shape dish, ornamented with a totemic de-
sign. A specimen of this kind in the U. S. ^^ational Museum measures
32 inches in length and 17 inches in extreme height. It may be noted
in passing that these native wooden dishes are now being rapidly su-
perseded by cheap earthernware purchased from the traders. Dishes
and spoons have been made on the coast from the horns of the mountain
sheep and goat from time immemorial. The Haida have excelled all
others, however, in the art of carving in general and inlaying in shell,
yet curiously enough they have to get the horn by trade with the
Tsimshian and Tliugit on the mainland, as the goats and sheep are only
found in the loftiest parts of the main coast ranges. Fig. 217 repre-
sents an end view of an elaborately' carved Haida horn dish, of which a
side view is not unlike Fig. 209. A top view of a similar dish is shown
in Fig. 222.

Spoons and ladles. — Plates XLi and XLii illustrate a sufficient variety
of spoons to give an idea of how elaborately so simple a household
article as this is carved and ornamented. The first mentioned plate
shows a variety of horn spoons. Fig. 218 being a representative one in

318 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

point of size, although it is severely plaiu and unornamented. Looking
at a horn of a mountain sheep it seems difficult to conceive how the Indians
can get so large a spoon out of such a curled and unpromising looking
object. The bowl of the spoon comes from the largest part; the handle
runs the full length to the tip, and is afterwards straightened out by
steaming it. In general, spoons are shaped by steaming in a wooden
mould made in two pieces, and scored out inside to the required shape.
This type of great horn spoon is usually elaborately and deeply carved
in totemic design, and sometimes inlaid with abalone shell. They are
preserved as heirlooms in the families and considered of great value.
A not uncommon type of spoon is shown in Figs. 210, 212, 213, and
221, the bowl being from the horn of a mountain sheep and the handle a
mountain goat horn, elaborately carved in a legendary or totemic de-
sign. The handle is very ingeniously secured to the bowl by a sort of
tongue and groove rivetted through with copper. The significance of
the carvings on the handles of those shown in the plate, as far as known
to the writer, is given in the explanation of the figures. The spoons
shown in Figs. 211, 214, and 219 are made entirely of the horns of the
mountain goat, the bowls being formed by splitting the horn at the
base and rolling it out flat by steaming and bending it. Fig. 220 is a
plain sheep-horn spoon, similar in shape to the wooden one shown in
Fig. 238. The long, flat putty-knife or spatula-shaped objects shown
in Plate xlii are berry spoons, or ceremonial feast spoons, made of wood
and carved or painted in totemic design These are shown in different
views, well illustrating the variety of shapes. Fig. 224 of the pre-
ceding plate represents a pair of spoons of this type carved from whale-
bone and obtained at Sitka, Alaska. A most elaborately carved pair of
wooden ceremonial spoons in the collection resemble the orca or
whale-killer. Other types of ordinary wooden spoons are shown in
Figs. 233, 237, 238, and 239. Fig. 274, Plate lt, illustrates a wooden
ceremonial spoon of enormous size found amongst the Haida, the
bowl having a capacity of two quarts. This is used in the ceremonies
attending the initiation of young men into 'the responsibilities of
rank, when the novice must publicly drink to the last drop the contents
of the bowl consisting of fish oil, without removing the spoon from
his lips. The exact nature of this ceremony is not understood by the
writer, but this use for such a large spoon has been explained to him
by several people well versed in Haida customs. Fig. 201, Plate
XXXIX, represents a carved wooden oil ladle or spoon.
' Household boxes or chests. — These are for the stowage or packing away
of ceremonial paraphernalia and the goods and chattels of the household.
They vary in size and shape, as shown in Plate Li.

The oblong chests are simply great wooden boxes with heavy bottoms
and peculiarly shaped lids. The sides of these are made either in two
or in four pieces. When made in two pieces a thin wide piece of cedar
is bent at right angles by means of hot water, forming a side and an end,

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLI,

Horn and Whalebone Spoons and Dishes from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 310. Sheep-horn Spoon. Handle of goat horn; toteniic design: " Tlie killer
whale and the owl." Cat. No. 89173, U. S. N. M. Skidegate, British
Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 212. Horn Spoon. Totemic designs: " The bear and the hunter."' and above,
•• The raven and the man." Cat. No. 89174, U. S. N. M. Skidegate,
British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 213. Horn Spoon. Totemic designs: "The bear and the hunter," and "The
mountain demon and the frog." Cat. No. 8916ob, U. S. N. M. Skide-
gate. British Cohunbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 214. Horn Spoon. Both parts of goat's horn. Cat. No. 88710, U. S. N. M.
Masset. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 215. Sheep-horn Dish. Style of carving resembles that of Eskimo. No mnu-
ber. Sitka, Alaska.

Fig. 216. Sheep-horn Bowl. Less artistic than those of the Haida. Cat. No.
75436, U. S. N. M. Tlingit. Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. Mc-
Lean.

Fig. 217. Sheep-horn Bowl. Carved and inlaid with haliotis. Cat. No. 20856, U.
S. N. M. Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected
by James G. Swan .

Fig. 218. Sheep-horn Bowl. Made fi-om a single horn by steaming. Cat. No.
88866, U. S. N. M. Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia.
Collected by James G. Sw-an.

Fig. 219. Goat-horn Spoon. Cat. No. 74697, U. S. N. M. Sitka. Alaska. Col-
lected hj John J. McLean.

Fig. 220. Spoon. Of mountain-sheep horn. Cat. No. 74283. U. S. N. M. Col-
lected by John J. McLean.

Fig. 221. Horn Spoon. Legend: " The bear and the hunter." Compare 210,212,
213. Cat. No. 89165c, U. S. N. M. Masset. Queen Charlotte Islands,
British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 222. Sheep-horn Bowl. Cat. No. 23400. U. S. N. M. Haida. Queen Char-
lotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 223. Sheep-horn Dish. Cat. No. 88853, U. S. N. M. Masset. Queen Char-
lotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 224. Eating Sticks. Of whalebone. Cat. No. 8944 (1 and 2). U. S. N. M.
Sitka, Alaska. Collected by Dr. A.H. Hoff. U. S. Army.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XLI.

Horn and Whalebone Spoons and Dishes from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLII.

Wooden Spoons from the Northwest Coast.

Figs. 227, 229, 230, 236, and 240. Spoons. Of wood. Used especially for berries by

all Northwest Indian ti-ibes. Cat. Nos. 20820-25, U. S. N, M. Kake

Indians (Tlingits) Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.
Figs. 231, 232, and 235. Spoons. Of wood; painted. Cat. Nos. 1625:^-55, U. S. N.

M. Tsimshian Indians, British Columbia. Collected by Dr. W. H.

DaU.
Pigs. 226, 227, 228, and 234. Spoons. Of wood; plain. Cat. Nos. 60145, 60153, and

1147, U. S. N. M. Kootznahoo Indians, Alaska. Collected by John J.

McLean and James G. Swan.
Fig. 283. Oil Ladle. Wood. Design, a raven. Cat. No. 60161, U. S. N. M.

Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.
Fig. 237. Spoon or Ladle. Wood. Cat. No. 74309, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Alaska.

Collected by John J. McLean.
Fig. 238. Spoon. Wood; plain. Cat. No. 700, U. S. N. M. Northwest coast.

Collected by George Gibbs.
Fig. 239. Spoon. Carved wood, inlaid with haUotis shell. Cat No. 33393, U. S. N.

M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Nibiack.

PLATE XLII.

Wooden Spoons from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLIII.

Household Box; also used as a Depository for the cremated Ashes of the Dead.

Fig. 243. Cedar Box. Toteniic design. Hoorts, the bear. Tlie lid is made of a
slab of wood beveled on the under side to fit over the box. The
sides are made of two pieces, one being the end and the other a single
piece bent twice at right angles to form the two sides and the other
end. There is very little appearance of breaking at the two corners.
The joints at the other two corners are pegged together. The bottom
is made of a separate piece of wood, so that altogether there are four
pieces used in the construction o the box. This type, besides being
used for various household purjjoses, is also the kind used amongst the
Tlingit as a depository of the ashes of the dead. Cat. No. 74755, U. S.
N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia.
Collected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XLIII.

Household Box; also used as a Depository for the cremated Ashes of the Dead.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLIV.

Haida carved Box of black Slate, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia.

Fig. 243. Carved Box. Of black slate. On the lid, a top view of which is shown
above the box, two figures or faces may be seen. The upper one with
the rows of teeth and protruding tongue is Hoorts, the bear. The two
sraall oblong figures, one in each upper corner, represent the ears of
the bear; the lower figure on the lid the face and flii)pers of Kye, the
sea-lion: also seen in tlie handles on each side of the box. In the latter
the sea-lion has in his movith tlie salmon. The face on the side of the
box is that of Hoorts, the bear, having in his mouth \ he hunter. This
legend is explained in Chap. VII. The oblong figures in each corner
are the paws of the bear. It shovild be mentioned here that in the
Haida drawings an eye is placed in the breast, in the ear, paw. tail,
etc., of figures, presumably on the belief that each member of the body
has tlie power of looking out for itself or controlling its own move-
ments. Cat. No. 89000, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte
Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XLIV.

"^SSwMt

HaIDA CARVED BOX OF BLACK SLATE, FROM QUEEN CHARLOTTE ISLANDS, BRITISH COLUMBIA.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 319

a similar piece formiug the opposite side and end, aud the joiuts secured
by pegs or dowels. Where four pieces are used the corners are secured
either by dove-tailing or by pegging. The bottom is made in a separate
piece and pegged to the sides and ends. The top is slightly arched at
the crown aud bevelled on the under side to tit over the chest. Some-
times the top is flat and as thin as the sides, the edges having a broad
strip running around them to fit over the box. Another type of house-
hold box is about 18 inches square by 24 inches high, as shown in Fig.
272, Plate li, which also shows the method of cording. The top and
bottomaremadeinsomewhatsimilar shape of separate pieces. The sides
are of a single wide thin ]3iece of cedar, which is scarfed and deftly bent
three times at right angles by steaming and hammering, with very little
appearance of breaking at the bends, and pegged at the fourth corner,
making a neat and tight joint. These boxes and chests are either carved
or painted, or both, in totemic design, and are very elaborate and or-
namental. A smaller and more handy type of wooden box is shown in
Plate XLiii, which has a use, at times, other than that as a household
utensil, viz, in receiving the cremated ashes of the dead. Its use as a
funeral box is shown in Plates lxiv and lxv. Figs. 340, 343, and 348.
A beautifully carved aud polished Haida black slate box is represented
in Plate xliv. It is purely a work of art, and as such is a splendid
illustration of the skill of these Indians in stone carving. The joints are
made with wooden dowels aud further secured with fish glue.

Cradles. — These are now rarely found, the child being carried slung
in a shawl or blanket over the back in the usual Indian fashion. Dixon
(1787) describes the primitive cradle which he saw amongst the Haida
and Tlingit as follows :

Three pieces of bark are fastened together so as to form a kind of chair ; the infant,
after being wrapped m fur, is put into this chair and lashed so close that it can not
alter its posture even with struggling, and the chair is so contrived that when a
mother wants to feed her child, or give it the breast, there is no occasion to release it
from its shackles. Soft moss is used by the Indian nurse to keep the child clean.*

Lisiansky mentions the wife of a chief coming on board his ship (1805)
carrying her child in a basket. At the present day a canvas or blanket
hammock is sometimes used, in camp or indoors, to rock the baby to
sleep.

Paints. — As previously mentioned, the different kinds of paints used
by the Indians in this region are charcoal, roasted and burnt fungus,
■white, red, and brown ochres, lignite, cinnabar, berry juice, spruce sap,
and various other kinds of vegetable compounds. For tattooing and
painting the face and body black, charcoal and lignite are used. Oil is
mixed with all paints used on the body. Where lignite is used on wood,
or for other purposes of a permanent nature, it is ground dry with salmon
eggs, first chewed with cedar bark. This gives consistency to the paint

* Dixon, Voyage, p. ^39.

320 KEPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

"and makes it stick well. A fungoid growth from the hemlock tree by
various treatment becomes yellow, red, or black. When decayed to
a powdery consistency, it is yellow ; when roasted, it is red ; and
when charred, black. The Chilkat get the brilliant yellow for their
blankets from a kind of moss called sekhone. Paint-brushes have been
described in Chap, v, and are illustrated in Plate XL v. The stone
mortars and pestles for grinding paint are similar to those shown in
Figs. 337 and 339, Plate lxiji, for preparing native tobacco.

Metal icorJdng. — The tools with which the Indian artisan works out
the surprisingly well-finished metal ornaments and implements of this
region are simple and few in number. For bracelet making the silver-
smith has a hammer, several cold chisels, and an etching tool which is
merely a sharpened steel point or edge. Improvised iron anvils replace
the stone implements of this kind doubtlessly used in former days. The
details of bracelet making are given in Chapter iv. Copper is beaten
into the required shapes. Steel tools now used are very deftly tem-
pered and sharpened by the native artisan, who retains the primitive
form of his implement or tool, and merely substitutes the steel for the
former stone blade or head. The ingenuity which the Indians show
in adapting iron and steel to their own uses is but one of the many
evidences of their cleverness and intelligence.

Lumber and icoodicork. — Incidental to the description of tools, houses,
canoes, etc., allusions have been made to the expertnessof the Indians
in getting out lumber in the rough from the forests. The tools employed
in wood-work have been described, but it is a never failing source of
wonder to Europeans that they can accomplish so much with so little.
Portlock (1787) observes:

It is very surprising to see how well they [Tlingit] will shape their boards with
the shocking tools they employ; some of them being full 10 feet long, 2| feet broad,
and not more than an inch thick. *

It is, however, still more surprising to see the exquisite fiinish
wrought on the rattles, headdresses, masks, etc., in the relief carving
for which these Indians of the north are famous.

PAINTINGS, DRAWINGS, AND CARVINGS.

The pictographic art of these Indians is illustrated in nearly all the
accompanying plates. A few details need to be added to explain the
significance and trace the origin of the designs so lavishly bestowed
upon nearly every article of personal and household property. The
early voyagers were much struck by the artistic abilities of these peo-
ple, and Dixon (1787) voices this feeling when he says of the Tlingit
and Haida :

Many of these carvings are well proportioned and executed with a considerable de-
gree of ingenuity, which appears rather extraordinary amongst a people so remote
from civilized refinment. t

* Portlock, Voyage, p. 292. t Dixon, Voyage, p. 243.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLV A.

^S

. I

<••,■/ ^*,- ^i6 -f<-i» <'** -^fJ '^^^ ^^^

Paint Brushes from the Northwest Coast.

Presents a device for renewing the bristle wlien worn down.

From Sitka (Koloshan or Tlingit stock). Represents a cliief with tall cer-
emonial hat.
Fig. 248. From Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia (Haidan stock).
Represents a land otter.

Represents a wolf.

The handle is split, the bristles being nipped in between the two parts.
Represents a raven. Cat. No. 20548. U. S. N. M. Collected by James
G. Swan. All the handles are made of wood. The brushes are of
bristle or vegetable fiber. The same general tyi)e is found along tlie
entire coast.

Fig. 244.
Fig. 246.

Fig. 249
Fig. 2ol

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XLV, A.

o

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLV,B.

Paint Brushes from the Northwest Coast.

Cat. No.

Fig. 253. Represents a raven.

Fig. 2'}4. Bone liandle. Represents Oolalla, the mountain tlemon.

Fig. 3i)5. Represents an eagle.

Fig. 256. From the Bella Bella tribe of the Kwakiutl (Haeltznkan stock).

20548, U. S. N. M. Collected by James G. Swan.
All the handles, except of Fig. 254, are made of wood. The brushes

are either of bristle or vegetable fiber. The same general type of

brush is found along the entire coast.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— NiblacU.

Plate XLV, B.

^ m """"''PWB!''''*

s

*iaJ

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLVI.

Slave-killers from the Northwest Coast; formerly used in dispatching Slaves.
Fig. 357.

Carved to represent the beak of a raven. Cat. No. 127173,
Tlingit Indians, Alaska. Collected by E. B. Webster, U|

Made of bone,

U. S. N. M

S. Navy.
Fig. 258. Of wood; ornamented with a carved head and human hair. Cat. No,

73831, U. S. N. M. Thngit Indians. Alaska. Collected by Lieut. T,

Dix BoUes, U. S. Navy.
Fig. 259. (Seisher or Sitzee, Haida). Wooden hend; steel point. Ornamented with

human hair. Cat. No. 74763, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen

Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.
Fig. 260. Made from Elk antler, carved in totemic design, and ai'med with a sharp

stone point. Cat. No. 74500, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska.

Collected by James G. Swan.
Fig. 261. (Sitzee). Made from a deer antler, and carved to represent the head of

Tl'koh, the crane; the handle represents a beai-'s paw. Cat. No. 88701,

U. S. N. M. Kaigani village of Howkan, Alaska. Collected by James

G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XLVI.

Slave-killers from the Northwest Coast; formerly used in dispatching Slaves.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST.

321

The rudest form in which this art embodies itself is in the picfcoi-'
[graphs on the rocks. These are found just above high-water marki

around the sites of ancient and abandoned villages. Two groups of
I them, from the ancient village of Stikine, near Ft. Wrangell, Alaska,'

are shown in Plate xx, and in Figs. 278, 1379, 29G, and 297. These have'

l.yHfi

278

279

296

297

Figs. 278, 279, 296, 297.

Carvings on Rocks. Sitka, Alaska.

(From skelches by the author.)

iidT? ofli iiiiw
I biii>. Off y.iif*i

Itni.;) ^iU JftL'

um.'ji vlao ijf
ri8rilJyt.e[*l

' «o.f^urif8BW
ill J^inro'/; rnl\

li r^ii'Ai Y/irioj

no /Jhoiitns

•iKq i>X oA f.uTfi

n;)YOs) 3i.k;iii

Ta a J. on ,08S
od i«^ o'/Mibd
iiBibnl Hid,) ot
§'frjjil'.> a&:> sH

©0 0th>er significance than the practice in idle hours of ari art' m" S^nicjh
they were all striving to attain excellence. Some, outstripping otheri^,
beeanje in time famous carvers, decorators, or tattooers, their fame even
^xteii^ng beyond their own village or tribe. In one sense these carv-
H.Mis. U2, pt. 2 -21

322 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

ings on the rocks are in tbe nature of drawings, as they appear also in
painted figures on the simpler objects, but in the paintings on wood the
patterns are very much more elaborate tlian those simple etchings on
the rocks, as shown, for instance, in the carved and painted figures on .
the chest and box in Plate Li. In their paintings the favorite colors
used are black, light green, and dark red. Whether produced in paint-
ing, tattooing, or relief-carving the designs are somewhat conventional.
However rude the outline, there are for some animals certain conven-
tional signs that clearly indicate to the initiated what figure is meant.
With the brown bear it is the protruding tongue; with the beaver and
wolf it is the character of the teeth; with the orca, the fin; with the
raven, the sharp beak ; with the eagle the curved beak, etc. Certain
groupings or figures are also generally recognized as portraying certain
well-known legends, such, for instance, as the "bear and the hunter"
(Plates XXXV, xLi, and xliv); the " raven and the moon" (Plate xxxv),
etc., which will be explained hereafter. In the interweaving of colors
to form a totemic i^attern or design, as in the Chilkat blankets, the
Indians attained the greatest perfection in their art up to their contact
with the whites. Since then the carvings of the Haida in black slate
may be said to show rhe height which their art has now attained.

Drawings and paintings, — In plate xx, and in Figs. 278, 279, 296, and
297, the crude sculpturing on the rocks near Fort Wrangell are shown.
In Plates iv and v various tattooing devices are illustrated. Indeed, in
nearly every plate some form of totemic pictograph is represented, and
it only remains to explain the significance of some of the figures.
Plate Lii is reproduced from illustrations in the " West Shore," August,
1884, accompanying an article by Judge J. G. Swan, of PortTownsend,
Washington Territory. The drawings were made by Johnnie Kit-Elswa,
the young Haida interpreter, who accompanied Judge Swan on a trip to
the Queen Charlotte Islands, in 1883. It may not be out of place here
to say that, in the estimation of the writer, there is no more competent
authority on the ethnology of the northwest coast than Judge Swan,
and he is particularly well informed in the matter of coast Indian my-
thology and folklore, a branch of which subject the writer can only
touch on in this connection. It is to be hoped, however, that a syste-
matic Governmental investigation will be undertaken in the next few
years, for it will soon be too late to gather the materials needed. Fig.
280, Plate li, represents the orca, or whale-killer, which the Haida
believe to be a demon called Skana. Judge Swan says tbat, according
to the Indian belief:

He can change into any desired form, and many are the legends about him. One
which was related to me was that ages ago the Indians were ont seal-hunting. The
weather was calm and the sea smooth. One of these killers, or black-fish, a species
of porpoise, kept alongside of a canoe, aud the young men amused themselves by
throwing stones from the canoe ballast and hitting the tin o.f the killer. After some
pretty hard blows from these rocks the creature made for the shore, where it
grounded on tbe beach. Soon a smoke was seen, and thfeir curiosity jirompted. them

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLVII,

Slate Carvings from the Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia.

Fig. 262. Model of Totem Post. Slate. Top figure, the eagle; next, the orca or
killer; next, the raven; the lowest, the beaver. Gat. No. 88977, U. S. N.
M. Haida Indians. Queen Cliai-lotte Islands, British Columbia. Col-
lected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 263o. Figure in Black Slate. "The bear mother." This figure is rejiro-
dueed in Plates XLIX and L. For legend see text. This may be taken
as the best specimen of Haida slate-carving. Made l)y Skaows-ke'ay,
an Indian carver of Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Colum-
bia. Cat. No. 73117. U. S. N. M. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 264. Slate Pipe. Cat. No. 2589, U. S. N. M. Northwest coast. Collected by
Capt. Charles Wilkes. U. S. Navy.

Fig. 265. Slate Pipe. Cat. No. 2590, U. S. N. M. Puget Sound. Washington.
Collected by the U. S. Exploring Expedition, Capt. Charles Wilkes,
commander.

Fig. 266. Slate Dish. Design, the orca or killer. Cat. No. 89005. U. S. N. M.
Haida Indians. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected
bv James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XLVII.

^

Slate Carvings from the Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLVIII,

Pipes from the Northwest Coast. Haida Slate Dish.

Fig. 267. Tobacco Pipe. Of wood; carved in shape of dragon iiy. Bowl, a cylin-
der of copper. Cat. No. 72426, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected
by John J. McLean.

Fig. 268. Tobacco Pipe. Of wood; in shape of bear's paw. Cat. No. 9270, U. S.
N. M. Tlingit. Sitka. Collected by Dr. A. H. Hoflf, U. S. Army.

Fig. 269. Tobacco Pipe. Of antler; in shape of Indian doctor. Cat. No. 67882.
U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected by John J. McLean.

Fig. 270. Tobacco Pipe. Of slate. Compare Fig. 265. Cat. No. 2590, U. S. N.
M. Puget Soxind, Washington. Collected by Capt Charles "Wilkes>
U. S. Navy.

Fig. 271. Tobacco Pipe. Carved in wood and inlaid with abalone. Cat. No.
6014, U. S. N. M. Haida, Queen Charlotte Islands British Columbia.
Collected by Colonel Bulkely, U. S. Army.

Fig. 272. Slate Dish. Around the center are carved two eagles and two wolves.
Handles represent sea-lions. Cai. No. 89004, U. S. N. M. Haida,
Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected oy James G.
Swan.

Report of National Museum 1888. -Niblack.

Plate XLVIII.

Pipes from the Northwest Coast. Haida Slate Dish.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XLIX.

Haida Slate-carving, representing the "Bear-mother."

Fig. 263b.* This specimen is also shown in Plates XLVII and L. The legend is
given in Chapter V, under the subject of bears. The Haida version of
it is as follows :

A number of Indian squaws were in the woods gathering berx'ies when
one of them, the daughter of a chief, spoke in terms of ridicule of the
whole bear species. The bears descended on them and killed ad but
the chief's daughter, whom the king of the bears took to wife. She
bore him a child half human and half bear. The carving represents
the agony of the mother in suckling this rough and uncouth offspring.
One day a party of Indian bear hunters discovered her up a tree and
wei-e about to kill her, thinking her a bear, but she made them under-
stand that she was human. They took her home and she afterwards
became the progenitor of all Indians belonging to the bear totem.
They believe that bears are men transformed for the time being. Tliis
carving was made by Skaows-ke'ay. a Haida. Cat. No. 73117, U. S. N.
M. Skidegate village, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Cohimbia.
Collected bv James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate XLIX,

Haida Slate-carving, representing the 'Bear-mother."

1

EXPLANATION OF PLATE L.

Haida Slate-carving, representing the "Bear-mother."

Fig. 263c. This specimen is also illustrated in Plates XLVII and XLIX, and fully
described in the legend accomj)anying the latter plate. Carved by
Skaows-ke'ay, a Haida. Cat. No. 73117, U. S. N. M. Skidegate vil-
lage, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James
G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888. — Niblack.

Plate L.

Haida Slate-carving representing the "Bear-mother."

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LI.

Chests, Carvings, etc., from the Northwest Coast.

From photographs and sketches by the author.

Fig. 272. Household Box or Chest. With sides made from a single wide, thin
piece of cedar scarfed and bent three times and pegged at the fourth
corner. The specimen is about 18 inches square by 24 inches high.
The method of cording is also shown. The totemic design is the bear
Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia.

Kg, 273. Household Chest. With sides made from two pieces of wide, thm
cedar wood, bent at right angles and pegged together at diagonally op
posite corners. The bottom and top are made of oblong slabs of wood
neatly dressed down, the bottom Ijeing pegged to the sides and ends.

rig. 274. Ceremonial Spoon. Of wood, with handle carved to represent the orca
holding the bowl in his mouth. This is used in the ceremonies attend-
ing a Haida youth's attainment of majority, when he is required to
drmk down the contents of the spoon, consisting of about two quarts
of fish-oil.

Fig. 275. Carved >Slate Figure. Commemorating a legend relating the prowess
of a certain Indian shaman, who is said to have raised two Indians from
the dead at Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands.

Fig. 280. Haida Pictograph. Representing Skana, the orca or whale-killer. (See
Chapter VII.) From a photograph of a drawing in the possession of
James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate LI.

^^\^v>o\,t.^ pev.

Chests, Carvings, etc., from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE Lll.

281

288

282

284

285

Haida Legendary Drawings or Pictographs.

From illustrations in the West Shore (August, 1884), made by Johnnie Kit-Elswa, a Haida Indian.

Fig. 281. Represents the legend of the raven and the fisherman as related in Chap-
ter VII, page 323.

Fig. 282. Represents Koong, the moon, and Ecthlinga, the man, and relates to the
story of how the man came in the moon. The legend, as related on
page 323, seems also to refer to the difference recognized by some be-
tween a wet and a dry moon.

Fig. 283. Represents the raven (Hooyeh) in the belly of the whale (Koone). (See
page 323.)

Fig. 284. Represents Hooyeh, the mischievous raven that possesses the power of
changing itself into countless forms, and which has, from the creation
of the world, been the benefactor and helper of mankind. (Page 324.)

Fig. 285. Represents T'kul, the wind spirit, and the cirrus clouds, explaining the
Indian belief in the causes of the changes in the weather. (See page
324.)

Report of National Museum, 1888.— NiblacU.

Plate LII.

Haida Legendary Drawings or Pictographs.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 323

to ascertain the cause, but when they reached the shore they discovered, to their sur-
prise, that it was a large canoe, and not the Skana that was on the beach, and that a
man was on shore cooking some food. He asked them why they threw stones at his
canoe. "You have broken it," said he, "and now go into the woods and get^somo
cedar withes and mend it." They did so, and when they had finished the man said,
"Turn' your backs to the water and cover your heads with your skin blankets, and
don't you look till I call you." They did so, and heard the canoe grate on the beack
as it was hauled down into the surf. Then the man said, "Look, now." They looked,,
and saw the canoe just going over the first breaker and the man sitting in the stern;,
but when it came to the second breaker it went under and presently came up outside;
of the breakers a killer and not a canoe, and the man or demon was in its belly..
This allegory is common among all the tribes on the northwest coast, and even with
the interior tribes with whom the salmon takes the place of the orca, which never
ascends the fresh-water rivers. The Chilkat and other tribes of Alaska carve figures
of salmon, inside of which is the full length figure of a nude Indian. * » »
Casual observers, without inquiry, will at once pronounce it to be Jonah iu the fish's
belly, but the allegory is of ancient origin, far antedating the advent of the white
man or the teachings of the missionary."

Fig. 281 represents the raven and the fisherman. The same authority
says :

Hooyeh, the raven, bad the mischievious propensity of descending into the ocean
and investigating the fishing-lines of Houslcana, the fisherman, and stealing both
bait and fish. At last Houskana, tired of this work, put on a magic hook to ascertain
who his enemy was at the bottom of the sea. The raven was caught, and when the
^Sherman hauled in his line the rayen resisted by pressing his feet and wings against
the bottom of the fisherman's canoe. But Houskana was the stronger and pulled the
raven's beak entirely ofl^", and, seizing the raven, took him ashore to find out who he
was, for, as soon as his beak was pulled ofl" he changed to a man, covering his head
with his skin mantle so that nothing but his eyes could be seen. The fisherman tried
in vain to make him uncover his face. At last one of the young men took a handful
of filth and rubbed it in the raven's eyes. This made him throw off bis mantle, and
then they saw that it was the Hooyeh. This ^lade the raven so angry that, in re-
venge for this indignity, the raven and his friends, the crows {Kaltzda), have ever
since annoyed the Indians by soiling their canoes and eating all their fish."

Fig. 282 represents the " Man in the Moon." According to Judge
Swan:

Eoong, the moon, discovered Eetlilinga, the man, about to dip his bucket in the
brook for water, so it sent down its arms or rays and grabbed the man, who, to save
himself, seized hold of a big solal bush (GauUheria shalloti), but the moon being
more powerful took man, bucket, and bush up to itself, where they have ever since
lived and can be seen every full moon when the weather is clear. The man is a
friend of T'kul, the spirit of the winds, and at the proper signal empties his bucket,
causing rain upon the earth.

Fig. 283 represents the raven {Hooyeh) in the belly of the whale
(Koone). Judge Swan explains it as follows :

The Haidahs are not whalemen, like the Makahs of Cape Flattery, and I never
knew of their killing a whale; but occasionally a dead one drifts ashore, having been
killed by whalemen, or sword-fish, or orcae (killers). The Haidahs do not care to
look for natural causes, but adopt the mythological dogma that the raven goes into
the whale's belly, which, frantic with pain, rushes ashore, while the invisible Hooyeh
walks quietly out and is ready for another adventure.

324 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

Fig. 284 represents Hooyeh, the mischievous raven that possesses the
power of changing itself into countless forms, and which has, from the
creation of the world, been the benefactor of mankind, but which like-
wise'delights in playing pranks. Endless legends are told of his ad-
ventures.

Fig. 285 represents cirrus clouds:

The center figure is T'kul, the wind spirit. On the right and left are his feet, which
are indicated by long streaming clouds; above are the wings, and on each side are
the diftereut winds, each designated by an eye, and represented by the patches of
cirrus clouds. When T^kul determiues which wind is to blow, he gives the word and
the other winds retire. The change in the weather is usually followed by rain,
which is indicated by the tears which stream from the eyes of T'kul.

These legends illustrate how pregnant with meaning is every carving
and pictograph of this prolific people, and what work must be embodied
in the task of tracii g them out and comparing them with those of ad-
jacent regions. No idea of the ethnical affinities of the various stocks
can be formed without comparative mythological study, and the sooner
the work is undertaken the better.

Carvings. — Fig. 286 is a carved wooden rattle, which is pictured in
other positions in Figs. 287, 288, and 290, Plate Liv. According to
Judge Swan, the carving on the breast of the bird represents the
sparrow-hawk, the bird itself representing Hooyeh, the raven. The
tail of the raven is carved to represent a bird's head, carrying in its?
beak a frog. The frog is supposed to possess a subtle poison in its
head, which, when sucked out, enables a medicine man to work bad
spells. The figure on the back is Oolalla, or Kaka-hete, the whist-
ling demon, who lived in the mountains and was once traveling in his
canoe when he was capsized and nearly drowned. He swam ashore
and ran into the woods for shelter. He occasionally descended to the
villages and stole the children, which he took into the woods and ate.
Ka'ka-hete afterwards turned into a land-otter. This type of rattle is
found quite generally among all the northern tribes, and is carried by
the chiefs in the ceremonial dances. (See Plate ix.) The carved col-
umns in front of the houses may be divided into two classes, totemio
and commemorative.

Totemic columns. — These are the very tall ones erected in front of the
houses, and are generally surmounted by the clan-totem of the chief
occupant. Those below may represent the totem of his wife (and hence
of his children), or illustrate some legend intimately connected with or
referring to the totem of the owner. Some columns are purely legendary,
but refer to the totem of the owner, and are in this sense totemic.
Amongst the Tlingit the phratry totem often surmounts the column
with the clan and other totems represented below it. None but the
wealthy can afibrd to erect these carved columns, and the owner of one
is thereby invested with so much the more respect and authority that
he becomes, as the head of the household, a petty chief in the village.
As heretofore and hereafter described, the ambition of a life centers in

EXPLANATION OF PLATE Llll.

Carved wooden Ceremonial Rattle from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 286. Rattle. Tliis is a side view of the rattle shown in back view in Fig. 387,
Plate LIV, and toj) view in Fig. 288. This rattle is supposed to possess
magical power in that it depicts a legend of Ka-Ka-Tete, the whistling
demon, as descril)ed in Chapter VII, under the head of Carvings, This
is a very comnum tyi)e of rattle, and is found throughout the coast.
Cat. No. 8908.^), U. S. N. M. Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands,
British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate LIII.

Carved wooden Ceremonial Rattle from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LIV,

Ceremonial Rattles from the Northwest Coast.

Fig, 287. Rattle. Of wood; carved. Shown in top ^•iew in Fig. 3H6. Legend ir
Chapter VII. Common type. Cat. No. 8908."), U. S. N. M. Haida In
dians, Queen Cliarlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James
G. Swan.

Fig. 388. Rattle. Top view of same kind of rattle as Fig. 287. Cat. No. 89078, U
S. N. M. Haida Indians, Queen Charlotte Islands. Briti.sli Columbia
Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 289. Rattle. Of carved wood. Design, a duck, with ornaments of beaks o
the puffin. Cat. No. 20828. U. S. N. M. Klowak Indians (Hanegi
tribe). Prince of Wales Island, Alaska. Collected by James (4. Swan

Fig. 290. Rattle. Top section of usual type of rattle. See Figs. 287. 28S. Cat. No
10309. U. S. N. M. Tongass village, Alaska (Tlingit Indians). Col
lected by Lieut. F. W. Ring. U. S. Army.

Fig. 291. Rattle. Of wood: ancient. Design, a crane with tail carved to represen
the head of a mountain goat. Cat. No. 73798. U. S. N. M. Auk In
dians. Alaska. Collected by Lieut. T. Dix Bolles, U. S. Navy.

Report of National Museum. 1888.— Niblack.

Plate LIV.

Ceremonial Rattles from the Northwest Coast.

' THE INDIANS OP THE NORTHWEST COAST, 325

the endeavor to accumulate enough property or wealth to enable a free-
man to rise to this dignity of a petty chief. A great deal of mystery
has been thrown around these pictographic carvings, due to the igno-
rance and misconception of some writers and the reticence or deliberate
deception practiced by the Indians themselves. They are in no sense
idols, but in geueral may be said to be ancestral columns. The legends
which they illustrate are but the traditions, folk-lore, and nursery tales
of a primitive people; and, while they are in some sense childish or
frivolous and at times even coarse, they represent the current of human
thought as truly as do the ancient inscriptions in Egypt and Babylonia,
or the Maya inscriptions in Yucatan. The meaning of a few of these
columns may, by inference, be taken to represent the general character
of all.

In Plate xxxv, Fig. 179, is a carved column in front of the model of
a Haida house. The surmounting figure represents Hoots,* the brown
bear, which is the totem of the head of the household who erected it.
At the bottom is Tsing, the beaver, the totem of the wife and children.
Above it is the figure of the " bear and the hunter," already alluded to.
According to Judge Swan, the hunter Toivats on one occasion visited
the house of the King of the Bears, who was absent. His wife being
at home, he made love to her. When the bear returned he found his
wife in confusion and accused her of infidelity, but she denied it. She
went regularly to get wood and water, and the bear, still suspicious,
one day fastened a magic thread to her dress. On following it up he
found her in the arms of the hunter, whom he forthwith killed, as in
the pictograph. Whether or not this legend originated in the confusion
arising from a failure to distinguish between one of the bear totems
and a real bear, it is impossible to say, but for our purposes as a carv-
ing it illustrates three points : first, that as a legend it refers to the
bear totem ; second, that it warns wives to be faithful to their hus-
bands ; and third, it indicates a belief, on the part of these Indians, in
the possibility of human relations with animals, which, as shown in
Chapter iii must of necessity precede a belief in totemism itself.

Above the " bear and hunter" is Tetl, the great raven, having in "his
beak the new moon and iu his claws the dish containing fresh water,
illustrating the common and familiar legend of the creation: Tetl, the
benefactor of man, stole from his evil uncle Kaunk,t the enemy of man,
the new moon, Kung, which he had imprisoned in a box, and also got
fresh water by strategy from the daughter of Kaunk, to whom he made
love, and, deceiving her, stole a dish of fresh water and flew with it
out the smoke-hole of Kaunk's house. Above the raven are four disks

* In the Kaigani dialect the hrown hear is hoots ; wolf, howootz ; hawk, howot, and
hair seal, howoot. By inflection and aspiration these names are pronounced so dif-
ferently as to leave no room for mistaking one for another. The hlack bear is tan,
the same as in the Skidegate dialect of the Haida language.

t By some Kannk is identiBed with the eagle in the creation legend (Boas) and by
others with the wolf (Veniarainoff).

326 REPORT OP NATIONAL MUSEUM, 188g.

called sicil. These appear also on the top of several cereinoDial grass
hats aud wooden helmets and batons, illustrated in the accompanying
plates. Their exact significance is uncertain, but the number of these
sMl disks is in general an index of the rank, wealth, and standing of
the chief or owner. It is stated on some authorities and disputed ou
others, that each disk commemorates some meritorious act of the owner,
such as the giving of a great potlatch, or the gaining of a victory over
an enemy. In this sense it indicates the right of the owner to the
enjoyment of the respect and esteem of the tribe. It is also stated
that the holes pierced in the lobes of the ear and the disks worn on the
ceremonial hat also correspond to this same number. The difference of
opinion is doubtless due to the variation in the custom amongst differ-
ent stocks. The form of carving may be borrowed without the signifi-
cance being understood or remembered. The weight of evidence would
seem to favor the belief that each disk or sMl had the significance indi-
cated, that is, of commemorating some deed of prowess of the possessor.
Plate LV., Fig. 292, represents another column which may be taken
as a type. It is found at the Kaigani village of Kasa-an, Skowl Bay,
Prince of Wales Island, Alaska. The top group represents the head
of a European, with whitened face and long, black whiskers, flanked ou
either side by two figures representing children in sitting jiosture,
wearing tall hats. These hats in Kaigani are called Sat cachanda^
and each have four sliil. The group represents the following legend,
either commemorating an actual occurrence or else being a nursery
tale originally invented to frighten refractory children, becoming in
time, through repetition and misconception, a veritable tradition. Many
years ago the wife of a chief went out in a small fishing canoe, with
ber two children , near the summer camp to get the pine boughs, on which
salmon spawn is collected. She drew up her canoe on the beach, and
warned the children not to wander off. On her return they had dis-
appeared. She called to them, and they answered her from the woods
with voices of crows. Always when she sought them, two crows
mocked her from the trees. The children never returned, and it was
said that the white traders had kidnapped them and carried them off"
in their ship. The face with the beard represents the trader, and the two
figures the Mdnapp ed children. The figure next to the top, with the
instrument in his claws across his breast, represents the crane {he A;o),
and the legend, or rather an incident in a legend, is roughly as follows:
The crane was formerly an expert with tools, but they were stolen from
him by a mischievous character, {T^skan-ahl), and ever since he
has been bewailing his fate. The cry which the crane now utters is,
"I want my tools." The next figure below is hoots, the bear, holding
between his paws the butterfly. At the creation, when the great Tetl,
the benefactor of man, was looking for fair land for man to occupy, the
butterfly hovered over his head as he flew. When he came to the
country now occupied by the Haida, the butterfly pointed with his

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LV.

Carved Columns from the Northwest Coast and Tiki from New Zealand.

From photographs by the author.

Fig. 292.
Fig. 293.
Fig. 294.
Fig. 295.

Carved Column. At the Kaigani village of Kasa-an, Prince of Wales
Island, Alaska. Described in detail in Chapter VII.

Carved Commemorative Column. In front of the feast house of Chief
Skowl, at Kasa-an village, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska.

Carved Mortuary or Commemorative Column. In front of the house
of Chief Kootenah. at Tongass village, Alaska (Tlingit).

Tiki. At Raroera Pah, New Zealand. Introduced here by way of con-
trast with the carvings of the Haida. From Wood's Natural History,
page 180. Of this he says: '• This gigantic tiki stands, together with
several others, near the tomb of the daughter of Te W^hero-Whero,
and, like the monument which it seems to guard, is one of the finest
examples of native carving to be found in New Zealand. The precise
object of the tiki is uncertain, but the protruding tongue of the upper
figure seems to show that it is one of the numerous defi'ant statues
which abound in the islands. The natives say that the lower figure
represents Maui the Atui who, according to Maori tradition, fished
up the islands from the bottom of the sea. "

■Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate LV.

fiAiMKtjfyy^

^urjc

Carved Columns from the Northwest Coast and Tiki from New Zealand.

1

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 327

proboscis to the good lands, and said: "Where the bear is there are
salmon, herbs, and good living;" so that accounts for how the Haida
came to the Queen Charlotte Islands, and why bears are so abundant.
This is similar to the story told Judge Swan by Edniso of Masset,
British Columbia. The next figure is the giant spider sucking the
blood and killing a man. One of the numerous adventures of TsTcan-
ahl was to kill the giant spider, which was such a mortal enemy to
man. TskanaM overcome the spider and threw him into the fire, but
instead of burning he shriveled up and escaped as a mosquito, carry-
ing away with him a small coal of fire in his proboscis. Now instead
of killing men he can only suck a little blood, but in revenge he leaves
a coal of fire in the bite. My informant, a Kaigani, stated that it would
take three days to relate all the adventures of T^slcanahl. The lowest
figure is Koone, the whole representing the totem of the owner of the
column.

The key to all the carvings is found in the legends of the Indians.
Often their significance is lost; often individual eccentricity leads an
Indian to make a carving of which he alone knows the meaning; often
only the older Indians are well informed enough to tell ofif-haud what a
carving means. These causes, combined with the indifference of the
younger generation and the sensitiveness and reticence of the older
makes it extremely difficult to arrive at the significance of the figures.
Often they concoct stories to mislead an inquirer, and laugh in their
sleeve at the credulity shown. Until a general collection of the legends
of the coast is made we must remain content with selecting a few types,
as in the foregoing, to illustrate the motive and significance of these
remarkable carvings.

Commemorative columns. — There are two classes of these (1), com-
memorative proper and (2) mortuary. It has been explained, in the
description of Fig. 292, that the upper group of figures commemorates
a real or supposed incident in the kidnapping of two Indian children
by the white traders. It is the generally accepted opinion that these
columns are in no sense historical, but purely ancestral or totemic.
This claim is entirely too sweeping. Fig. 293 shows the details of a
column erected in front of the feast house of the famous Kaigani
Chief Skowl at Kasa-an. This is in the rear of the living house,
on the back street, so to speak. In front of the latter is his totemic
column, a tall, slender, finely carved one, surmounted by his totem, the
eagle, resting on seven disks or skil, as shown in Plate m. The feast
house column (Fig. 293) is surmounted by Skowl's crest, the eagle.
Just below it is a carved figure of a man with right hand uplifted and
■ index finger pointing to the sky. It signifies that iu the heavens God
dwells — the God of the white man. Below this is the representation
of an angel as conceived by the Indians from the description of the
whites, and then comes a large figure intended to picture a Russian
missionary with hands piously folded across the breast. This group

328 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

of tbe figure with uplifted hand, tbe augel, and tbe missionary, comniem-
orates tlie failure of the Russian priests to conv^ert Skowl's people to their
faith, and was erected in ridicule and derision of the religion of the white
*iii^iy.'^''fe'eI6w this group is a magnificent carving of a spread eagle, and
at tlie' bHttbm of the column a figure intended to represent one of the
early traders on the coast. Skowl was always an enemy to the mis-
sionary and resisted their encroachments to the last, being remarkable
for liis wealth, obesity, and intemperate habits. He weighed at the
time of his death, in the winter of 1882-'83, considerably over 300
pounds. As a young man, his physical prowess, wealth, and family
influence, made his tyrannical rule at Kasa-an one long to be re-
membered, as he did much to keep his people to the old faith and to
preserve almongst them the manners and customs of his forefathers.
Plate LXVii is a sketch of this chief lying in state in his lodge at Kasa-an
Village, from a photograph taken by the writer in 1885. To illustrate
further the nature of some of these commemorative columns, it may be
well to mention here the case of Chief " Bear Skin," of Skidegate, Queen
Oliarlotte islands, British Columbia, as cited by Judge Swan. "Bear
Skill," oil his return from a visit to Victoria, British Columbia, had
erected in front of his house two wooden efligies of Judge Pemberton
elf' thdt 'city to show his contempt for him as a magistrate for putting
hi'rri in the lockup at Victoria. In the Berlin Museum is a small slate
carving, illustrated in Fig. 275, Plate Li, which commemorates the
])rowess bf a certain medicine man who came up to Skidegate from
Klue villfige to work his charms on two dead men. He was observed
by numerous witnesses to squat upon their graves, and by invoking
the power of his yales with rattles, masks, and songs, to raise them
from the dead. Coming to life, they clung to him as in the image.
This incident is of course vouched for by reliable witnesses, but no
further t^fetimony is needed to insure its acceptance as gospel by the
Indians than that it should be thus carved in slate. It lifts the story
to the first rank as a tradition to be handed down as long as the image
shall recall it or the Indian mind cherish the recollection of it. It can
not be claimed that a good case has been made out in the illustrations
here cited to show that these columns and carvings are ever historical
in the strict sense of the word, but they are, nevertheless, at times com-
memorative of certain real or supposedly real incidents, and the stato-
me'nt tiijiti they are never historical at least needs qualification.
' MoHtihrycohimns. — A broad distinction isdrawn here between columns
that in themselves form a mode of sepulture and those which are com-
memorative and erected at some distance from the site of the grave in
Which the body is interred. The former aredescribed indetailin Chapter
XII, on Mortuary Customs ; the latter are in imitation of the former, and
preserve the shadow of the primitive mode of sepulture just as to-day
the funeral urn on a modern grave is symbolical of the old custom of
cremation. These are illustrated in Fig. 1, Plate ii, Fig. 179e, Plate

I'HE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 329)

Xxxv, and in Tlates lv, lxiv, and lxix, as well as in the general views of
Kasa an village. They are erected nsually near the corner of the house-
at one side, and consist, as a rule, of a short stout post or column sur-
mounted by a carved representation of the crest or totem of the de-
ceased. The erection of these takes place at the ceremony known as
the " glorification or elevation of the dead," described in Chapter xiil.
After the body has been entombed it is incumbent on the heir of the
deceased, if the latter has been a person of any importance, to make a
feast and erect one of these commemorative columns. In the southern
part of the Queen Charlotte Islands a very common form of this column
is a short stout post with a sign-board-like square formed of split planks
carved on the outer face. This kind is rare to the north, and not seen
at all amongst the Kaigani, as far as known to the writer.

The decay of totemic carving. — Amongst the northern Tlingit these
carved columns of all kinds have largely disappeared. At Sitka only
the stumps of the ancient ones are now found. Wherever the mission-
aries have gained influence with these Indians the totemic columns
have gradually disappeared and the old ways been given up. Of the
Tlingit villages which have retained many of the primitive customs
Tongass (Tunghaash) is the most representative. Kasa-an stands at
the head of the Kaigani and Skidegate of the Haida villages in this
respect. Wars, epidemics, and emigration have reduced the population
to such an extent that former sites have been abandoned and the Indi-
ans are gradually concentrating into a few villages. Graves, ruins,
decaying houses, grass-grown village sites, graphically picture the re-
sults of the contact of the coast Indians with our civilization.

/Slate carvings. — The slate from which the elaborate Haida carvings
are made is obtained at the Slate Creek, Queen Charlotte Islands. It
has the desirable quality of being soft and easily carved when freshly
quarried, and of hardening and taking a polish after exposure to the
weather for some time. The general range of these carvings in boxes,
dishes, pipes, and models is shown in Plates XLiv, xlvii, and xlviii.
Sometimes highly polished copper and the iridescent shell of hali-
otis, and sometimes bone or ivory, are inlaid to represent eyes, teeth,
etc. The finest specimen of Haida sculpture known to the writer is
that illustrated in Plates xlix and l. Numerous other kinds of carv-
ings in bone, ivory, and slate, used as talismans or doctor's charms are
not illustrated here, being left for separate treatment under the head of
Shaman Paraphernalia and and Shamanistic Rites.

MUSIO.*

Singing. — While in recent years, in the decay of the ceremonial in-
stitutions of the Indians of this region, the custom of singing hassome-

* In Pilliiig's Bibliography of North American Langnages is mentioned a mann-
script of 500 pages in Russian and Tlingit of vocabnlaries, texts, sentences, songs,
etc., in the Tlingit language of Sitka. Unfortunately this manuscript was inac-
cessible, being in the hands of its author, Mr. Alphonse Pinart.

330 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

what died out, iu early days they were passionately addicted to th0
practice. In the ceremonies of welcome, of war and peace, of trade,
and of all the endless social gatherings of these exceedingly sociable
people, singing was the invariable accompaniment. Dixon (1787) says :

Wbeu the traffic of the day is pretty well over, they begin to siug and never leave
off till the approach of night ; thus beginning and ending the day in the same niau-
ner. * * * It must be allowed that their songs are performed with regularity and
in good time, but they are entirely destitute of that pleasing modulation and har-
mony of cadence which we had usually been accustomed to hear in the songs at
other parts of the coast/

Marchaud (1791) says that amongst the Haida, at fixed times morn-
ing and evening, they sing in chorus, in which every one takes part.
Poole says of their singing: " a peculiar plaintiveness of tone and a
quaint hitch of the voice at the end of each line redeems the so-called
singing from the charge of inflicting torture on human ears."t He
gives in this connection a Haida carroling song, which is a repetition of
the words given below like the note B in the Key of E. The notes to
the two ui)per lines are semi-breves, those to the under line crotchets,
thus :

Equlll — ah, ah, ah, ah, hi^, he he, andante.
Equill — ah, ah, ah, ah, h^, ht!, he, crescendo.
Equil — ah, equal — ah, he, he, hh, decrcscendo.

Plate LVI is a trading song, sung by the Sitka Indians in 1787, as
reproduced in Dixon's Voyage, page 243, and described in Chapter viii
of this paper. Fig. 300 is a song of the Haida, used as an accompani-
ment to their ceremonial dances reproduced from Poole's Queen Char-
lotte Islands, page 322.

t.

e, ly-jah. Ha, oii, I>a,.la» ..I» _«..!»*•

Z>a Caj)o four times, finishing with CAorus.
Choeus

^i

I, e, ha. i> e. ba.

Fig. 300.
Song of the Haida.

(From Poulf. )

The dance songs in this region of the coast are accompanied by the
beating of drums and the spasmodic shaking of rattles. Amongst
the Tlingit the women rarely dance, but sit at some distance from the
dancers, " and sing a not inharmonious melody, which supplies the
place of music." |

* Dixon, Voyage, p. 188.

t Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia, p. 323.

X Laugsdorff voyages, Pfc. i, p. 114.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LVI. '

Indian Song.

Indian Song, as generally sung by the natives of Norfolk Sound (Sitkan tribe)
previous to coniinencing trade. Reproduced from Dixon's Voyage, page 248. and
explained in Chapter VIII of this paper.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate LVI.

Indian Song- as generally Sting by the Natives of

NORFOLK SOUND
previous to commencing" trade

TTii ChitTjif tilt tribe

i1 Q

I

O — z-

rrri

Al-la coofch

.>»■•> rr.rn

hoh hoh hoh

r [ r I r r p

i'gh al - ik cocJfch ^1 - ik

Men

f-f-fH-f-M^

9 0 f \ Q g

i

hoh hoh hoh boh

i

boh hoh hoh

i

' r r rifr^i r r r '^^

coofch al-la Aai^ha haighhaigh hai^ 'haig L

f • f if

ifffif r rif ^

ihhih h^h h<^h hbh~hJhh5hh5l

hi)hhbh hbKh6hh6h h^h h6h

IkUJU

ho^ iaii

^

haigh

aig ha haig ha haigh

'1 ' I '1 •■ irrri'frri ^~^

rrfirri'iv-

m

hih h6h hoh

,1 ■ iJ.JJ|jj ,i|.i -i.i .|,'i .m

haigh

haig ha • haig ha hai^ haigh, haigh

1 -iv"

f[ fijj ^1^

I

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LVII

Musical Instruments from the Northwest Coast.

Fiff. 298. Dance Whistle. In form of a toy balloon, with a bladder attached to

the wooden mouth-piece to oi)ei'ate the whistle. Cat. No. 89069, U. S.

N. M. Haida, Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia. Collected

by James G. Swan.
Fig. 299. Dance Whistle. Blown hke a fife. Compare Fig. 826. Cat. No. 89057,

U. S. N. M. Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia.

Collected by James G. Swan.
Fig. 301. Ceremonial Trumpet. Made in six pieces (see Fig. 819), whicli, when

joined, form six chambers, in each of which a piece of fabric is stretched.

The different tones are not set to a scale. Cat. No. 20687, U. S. N. M.

Tsimshian, Fort Simpson, British Columbia. Collected by James G.

Swan.
Fig. 802. Medicine and Dance Drum. Tanned sheep-skin stretched over a wooden

frame. Totemic figure, tl^e bear. It is beaten with an ordinary stick

padded with cloth. Cat. No. 127618, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka.

Alaska. Collected by Paymaster E. B. Webster. U. S. Navy,

Report of National Museum, 1 888— Niblack.

Plate LVII.

, Musical Instruments from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LVIII

Ceremonial Rattles from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 303. Shaman Dance Rattle. Of wood; ornamented with human hair. Cat.

No. 9257, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by

Dr. A. H. Hoflf, U. S. Army.
Fig. 304. Dance Rattle. Wood; ornamented with human liair and opercula.

Cat. No. 73853. U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Alaska. CoUected by

Lieut. T. Dix BoUes, U. S. Navy.
Fig. 305. Snapper. Of two pieces of wood liinged just above the wrai)ped handle

and carved. Carried in ceremonial dances. Cat. No. 73796, U. S. N. M.

Tlingit Indians. Hoonyah. Alaska. Collected by Lieut. T. Dix BoUes.

U. S. Navy.
Pig. 306. Rattle. Of wood; carved to represent a legend which explains liow

toads and frogs coine with the rain. The latter is shown as sjjringing

from the eyes of T'kul, the spirit of the wind. Cat. No. 20583, U. S.

N. M. Tsimshian Indians, Port Simpson, British Columbia. Collected

by James G. Swan.
Fig. 307. Rattle. Under side view of ceremonial rattle representing the double-
headed eagle. This design undoubtedly originated from the imitation

of the Russian standard. Cat. No. 20762, U. S. N. M. Sitka, Alaska.

Collected by James G. Swan.
Fig. 308. Dance Rattle. Rare design and peculiar pattern. Cat. No. 74336. U.

S. N, M. Thngit Indians, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.

Report of National Museum, 1 888.— Nib:ack.

Plate LVIII.

Ceremonial Rattles from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LIX

Ceremonial Dance-rattles from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 309. Dance Ratti.k. In yliape of Hoorts, the bear. Cat. No. 88796, U. S. N,

M. Masset, Queen C^harlotte Islands, British Cohimbia. Collected b:

James G. Swan.
Fig. 310. Carved Rattle. In shape of the orca or whale-killer, showing dorsal

fin and formidable teeth. Cat. No. 20758, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka,

Collected by James G. Swan.
Fig. 311. Carved Rattle. In form of cockle shell. Cat. No. 74333, U. S. N. M

Tlingit, Sitka. Collected by John J. McLean.
Fig. 312. Dance Rattle. Of wood. Used by Shamans. Cat. No. 89084. U. S. N,

M. Haida, Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by

James G. Swan.
Fig. 313. Dance Rattle. Showing Hoorts, the bear, with protruding tongue, sc

common in Haida drawings. Cat. No. 89076, U. S. N. M. Skidegate

Queen ('harlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G

Swan.
Fig. 314. Ceremonial Rattle. Of wood; ornamented in painted designs. Cat

No. 88718, U. S. N. M. Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, Britisl

Columbia. Collected bv James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888,— Niblack.

Plate LIX.

Ceremonial Dance-rattles from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LX,

Ceremonial Dance-rattles from the Northwest Coast.

Fig. 315. Shaman's Dance Rattle. Skaga siaJiu. Haida. Formerly owned hy

Tsilvvak, a medicine man of Gold Harbor. Queen Charlotte Islands.

British Columbia. Cat. No. 89052. U. S. N. M. Collected by James

G. Swan.
Fi^. 316. Rattle. Same as Fig. 307, Plate LVIII. Cat. No. 30762. U. S. N. 1\I.

Sitka, Alaska. Collected by James G. Swan.
Fig. 317. Rattle. Of wood; carved to represent the fish-hawk. Cat. No. 88727.

U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Masset. Queen Charlotte Islands. British

Cohxmbia. Collected by James G. Swan.
Fig. 318. Rattle. Back view of Fig. 306, Plate LVIII. Cat. No. 20583, U. S. N.

M. Collected by James G. Swan.

Repoit of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate LX.

Ceremonial Dance-rattles from the Northwest Coast.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LX L

Musical Instruments from the Northwest Coast -Wooden Whistles and Trumpets.

Fig. 319. Wooden Trumpet. Five-chambered. Compare Plate LVII, Fig. 301.

Fig. 320. Ckremonial Whistle. Of wood, with wooden reed in the mouth-jnece.
Blown like a flageolet. Cat. No. 89059, U. S. N. M. Haida. Queen
Charlotte Islands. Britisli Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 331. Ceremonial Whistle. Comiiare Fig. 320. Cat. No. S8879, U. S. N. M.
Haida. Queen Cliarlotte Islands. Britisli Columbia. Collected by James
G. Swan.

Fig. 322. Ceremonl\l Whistle. Cat. No. 88876. U. S. N. M. Masset. Queen
Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 323. Ceremonial Whistle. Cylindrical, with wooden reed in mouth-piece.
Cat. No. 88893«. U.S. N. M. Haida. Queen Charlotte Islands, Britisli
Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 324. Ceremonial Trumpet. Of wood; made in two sections with reed be-
tween. Compare Fig. 329. Cat. No. 20689. U. S. N. M. Tsimshian,
Fort Simpson. British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 325. Double Ceremonial Whistle. Compare Fig. 323. Cat. No. 88873. U.
S. N. IM. Masset. Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columlna. Collected
by James G. Swan.

Fig. 326. Ceremonial Whistle. See Plate LVII, Fig. 299. Cat. No. 89057, U.
S. N. M. Skidegate. Queen Charlotte Islands. British Columbia. Col-
lected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 327. Ceremonial Trumpet. Of wood: in .section, to show the vibrating juece.
Cat. No. 20695. U. S. N. M. Tsimshian. Fort Simpson, British Colum-
bia. Collected bv James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate LXI.

Musical Instruments from the Northwest Coast— Wooden Whistles and Trumpets.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXIl,

Musical Instruments from the Northwest Coast— Wooden Whistles and Trumpets.

Fig. 329. Dance Whistle. With double reed mouth-pieces backed with bellows.
The cheeks of the bellows are painted, representing Hoorts, the bear.
Cat. No. 89064, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians. Skidegate, Queen Charlotte
Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 330. Dance Whistle. Of wood; principle of a policeman's whistle. Cat. No,
89067, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skidegate, British Colunibia. Col-
lected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 331. Whistle. Of wood. Cat. No. 89093, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians, Skide-
gate, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 332. Trumpet. Wooden tube, with vibrating reed. Cat. No. 88895, U. S. N.
M. Haida Indians, Skidegate, British Columbia. Collected by James
G. Swan.

Fig. 333. Whistle. (See Fig. 330.) Cat. No. 89066, U. S. N. M. Haida Indians,
Skidegate, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Fig. 334. Whistle. SpapaUwilla or Oolalla's (the mountain demon's) call. Used
only at the commencement of great and important ceremonies to an-
nounce the beginning of tlie distribution of property in tlie jjotlatch.
Cat. No. 89062, U. S. N. M. Skedan's village, Queen Charlotte Islands,
British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate LXII.

Musical Instruments from the Northwest Coast— Wooden Whistles and Trumpets.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 331

Additional notes on tlie subject of singing will be given in Chapter
XIII, in the description of tlie various ceremonies.
Drums. — Portlock (1787) says of a Tlingit chief whom he traded with :

He was not for transacting his business in a hurry; and perhaps he thought that
on his last visit we were not impressed with a suthcient idea of his importance; for
now he came alongside, with his party, in great pomp and solemnity, all of them
singing; and in addition to the vocal concert, they entertained us with instrumental
music, which consisted of a large old chest, beaten with the hands, by way of a drum,
and two rattles. Tiie rattles were 2 feet long, and about 2 inches round, made of
hollow pieces of wood neatly joined together, and a number of small stones being
put in, they were closed at both ends. The chief held one ot these rattles in his hand,
which he frequently shook with an air of meaning intelligence, and the rest of his
tribe seemed to follow his directions in singing iu the most exact manner.

* The usual type of drum, however, is that shown iu Fig. 302, Plate
LVii, which consists of a piece of deer-hide or sheep-skin stretched
across a circular hoop.

Battles. — These are usually made of cedar wood, generally in sections
neatly joined together, and elaborately carved and painted in totemic
designs. There are two kinds, snappers and rattles proper. Snappers
are usually made in two pieces hinged together in such a way that by
pulling a string or jerking it bodily, the two parts come together with
a snapping noise. Often these are carved in the form of the head of
some animal with enormous teeth and jaws, controlled by a string, being
very effective in amusing the multitude when carried in the native
dances. The most primitive rattle, mentioned by the early voyagers, is
that shown in Fig. 73, Plate xviii, composed of two hoops joined by a
wooden cross-piece, the circumference being closely strung with the
beaks of the puffin. The usual form of rattle is a hollow wooden
chamber with about a dozen small pebbles in it. The forms, variety
of carving, and general shapes are so great that only a few typical ones
are illustrated in the accompanying plates (lviii, lix, ?nd lx). They
are carried in the hand on ceremonial occasions, and serve by their
noise to accentuate the measured time of the music in the dance.
Those shown in the plates are described in detail in the legend accom-
panying each.

Whistles. — These are shown in great variety in Figs. 298, 299, and
301, and in Plates lxi and lxii. While they are not, in one sense, mu-
sical instruments, not being capable of giving forth more than two or
three distinct notes, yet they serve the purpose of the Indians, although
they do not speak very highly for their advancement in a musical way.
Some of their devices of this kind are essentially for the purpose of
making a hideous noise, such, for instance, as that in Fig. 298, consist-
ing of a wooden whistle and a bladder like a toy balloon, or, Fig. 329,
consisting of a whistle backed by a pair of bellows to furnish the wind.
Such instruments are essentially for " cultus" dances, or those intended
to amuse the populace. Others are highly ceremonial in their nature.

* Portlock, Voyage, p. 282.

332 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

The most elaborate one of this kind is shown in Figs. 301, Plate LViiI,
and 319, Plate lxi, both being views of the same instrument, the latter
in detail and the former put together for use. It consists of six pieces
of wood, forming a kind of trumpet, with five openings. Through these
is stretched a continuous narrow band of silk. When blown through it
gives forth a noise like a deer call, each section being pitched slightly
different, altliough not in any musical scale. Fig. 299, of which Fig.
32C, Plate lxi, is another view, is a whistle pure and simple, being
blown by applying the lips as in a fife. The other instruments shown i
are blown like a flageolet, some of them having several finger-holes to
change the note. Fig. 324 has a reed or vibrating piece within, as shown
in one section of corresponding type in Fig. 327. Dawson states that
among the Haida " certain secrets are reputed to appertain to the oflfice
of chief, among which is the possession of various articles of property
which are supposed to be mysterious and unknown to the rest of the In-
dians, or common people. * * * * When my informant was about
to engage in the dance, the chief took him aside, showing him various
articles of the mysterious chief ^s properties^ among others a peculiar
whistle, or cell with vibrating reed tongues, which, concealed in the
mouth, enables the operator to produce strange and startling noises,
that may be supposed by those not in the secret to indicate a species
of possession in the excited dancer. These things are explained by
the chief to his probable successor, and are also known to some of the
more important Indians, but not to all. They are, no doubt, among
the devices for obtaining and holding authority over the credulous
vulgar." *

SUMMARY.

It can not be said that in a musical way, according to our standard,
these Indians have made much progress, but the music, such as it is,
has the nature of an accompaniment to their dancing, or is at least
subordinate to other forms of entertainment. Instrumental music
pure and simple, as an enjoyment in itself, is practically unknown, but
the passion of these Indians for vocal music has been commented upon
by nearly every visitor to the coast who has published the account of
his experiences. In the art of painting, drawing, carving, and sculpt-
ure they stand at the head of the savage tribes of the world. In the
wealth of their traditions, in the abundance of their industrial products,
in the range of their capabilities as a people, there is so much that is
worthy of illustration and description that what has been said here
seems as but the bare outline of a subject worthy of the special study
of all ethnologists.

* Dawson, Report, B, p. 120.

Tin.

PRODUCTIONS, LOCOMOTION, WEALTH, AND TRADE.
PRODUCTIONS : REARINa AND CULTIVATION.

Bearing. — The only domestic animal is the Indian dog. It resembles
the wolf, Laving a sharp nose, a long bushy tail, and being in fact a
cross-breed from the wolf.* The Indians are remarkably fond of them,
and, in every canoe, three or four may be seen sticking their sharp muz-
zles over the gunwale. The poorer the Indian the greater the number
of dogs he owns. Practically they are not of very great use to their
masters ; they occasionally run down deer in the winter and are used
to hunt bear, but are very badly trained, as they are allowed to bark
furiously on scenting a trail and are very cowardly. They are, how-
ever, of little care to their owner, as they pick up their own food from
around the refuse of the tide, camp, and village. The pure strain has
been crossed with the cur dogs of the whites and the present result is
a degenerate variety. Bancroft is authority for the statement that
"Dogs of a peculiar breed, now nearly extinct, were shorn each year,
furnishing a long white hair, which, mixed with fine hemp and cedar,
made the best cloth." t

Cultivation. — The only thing cultivated amongst the Tlingit, Haida,
and Tsimshian, before the advent of the whites, was a species of nar-
cotic plant similar to tobacco, but about which it is difficult to obtain
definite information. Vancouver (1793) first saw it at Kootznahoo or
Admiralty Island, and of it he says :

Oa each side of the entrance some new habitations were constructing, and, for the
first time during our intercourse with the Northwest American Indians, in the
vicinity of these habitations were found some square patches of ground iu a state of
cultivation, producing a plant that appeared to be a species of tobacco, and which
we understood is by no means uncommon amongst the inhabitants of Queen Char-
lotte's Islands, who cultivate much of this plant. X

All the evidence points to the Haida as being the chief cultivators of
this species of tobacco plant. Today one finds stored away in the
out-of-the-way nooks in the older houses huge stone mortars, in which
this weed was pounded up for use. (Plate lxiii, Fig. 339). It was not
smoked, as may be supposed, but chewed or held in the cheek. Its
preparation consisted in drying it, pounding it in a mortar, and press-

* Dnnn, Oregon, p. 290. X Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. iii., p. 256.

t Bancroft, Vol.. i.^ Native Races, p. 106.

333

334 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

ing it into plugs or cakes. Lime, made from burnt clam-shells, was
mixed with it to give a good " bite." The practice of smoking came iu
with the whites, and our tobacco has completely replaced the native
article, which is now only cultivated, if at all, in the most remote regions,
and the writer was unable to obtain any specimens of it.

Gardens. — Around all the villages garden patches may now be seen.
The principal vegetable cultivated is the potato, although turnips and
a few others are found occasionally. The Haida iu particular cultivate
potatoes in large quantities to trade on the mainland.

LOCOMOTION: CANOE TRAVEL.

From the diversified nature of the country and the numerous inland
water-ways, travel is of necessity by canoe. It is unnecessary to treat
of the subject here after what has been said under the titles of tents,
tents, p. 304, and canoes, p. 294.

WEALTH: CURRENCY, PROPERTY, SLAVES, LAND.

Primitive tbealth — Before the advent of the whites, wealth consisted
in the possession of sea-otter skins, hunting and fishing grounds, slaves,
and household and personal property, such as dance paraphernalia,
household furniture, hunting and fishing implements, canoes, houses,
and articles of trade. Practically, however, the unit of value was the
sea-otter skin, as it was also the basis of wealth. As the Haida were
the most expert hunters of this animal in this region, they became iu
time the most wealthy and influential people on the coast. The prin-
cipal changes iu the forms of wealth have been in the substitution of
blankets for skins and furs and the abolition of slavery. Otherwise
the enumeration of articles of wealth is as given above.

Currency — Amongst the interior Indians of North America the
beaver skin was the medium of exchange. In the trade between the
coast Indians and those of the interior, the dentalium shell was valued
h} the latter, who gave in exchange the abalone shell so highly prized
by the former. Amongst the coast Indians themselves, as stated, the
sea-otter skin was the basis of exchange, although the shell currency
seems to have had a relative value. This latter lost its function when
the whites began to import such quantities of shell later on. These
have, however, remained as a favorite ornament, occupying somewhat
the place of jewels amongst civilized people. With the almost total dis-
appearance of the sea-otter through the greed of Indian and white man
alike, a new currency sprang up. It happened that, through the com-
petition in trade between the French, English, Americans, and Eus-
sians, success crowned the English through the superiority of the
material which they oftered in trade, and with the establishment of the
Hudson Bay Company their blankets, through uniformity and excel-
lence in grading, became tUe recognized currency. These vary from

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 335

" one iioint," tbe poorest, to " four points," the best. These " points "
are woven into the texture on the edge, and it has happened that the
'• two-and-a-Lalf point" has come to be the unit, valued now at about
sl.50. Just as in former times, as the sea otter skins were stored away
representing so much wealth, so to day the blankets are folded and
l^acked away m their boxes. They are generally received at face value
by all traders when unused and in good condition. The value of every-
thing is referred to the unit blanket. A four point blanket is worth so
many blankets (twoandone-half point), and the cost of everytning is
reckoned in the same way.

Property in land. — Throughout this region the coast line, streams,
estuaries, and adjacent lakes are divided amongst the different families,
the right of possession descending from one generation to another as
personal property. The larger salmon streams are sometimes jointly
owned by several families, or owned by one family and leased for a
consideration to one or several others. Stranded marine animals, or
other debris washed by the tide, belong to the family owning that por-
tion of the shore line, the boundaries of possessions being definitely
marked and respected accordingly. Nor is this boundary confined to
the strip of coast, but extends well out to sea, carrying with it the
right to shoot seals and gather birds' eggs on outlying rocks, hunt sea-
otter, and to fish on well-known halibut or cod banks.

Major Powell says: " Land tenure does not begin in grants from the
monarch or the feudal lord, but a system of tenure in common by
gentes or tribes is developed into a system of tenure in severalty."' *
This is admirably illustrated in this region, for the ownership of a tract
of land by a family has come, through being vested in an individual or
the head of that family, to mean practically individual ownership.
Dawson gives an instance on Queen Charlotte Islands where a rich
tract of country called Tlell, which had come into the possession of a
former Chief of Skidegate as the property of his wife, " was afterwards
given by him to the Skedans of that day as a peace-otiering for the
wounding or killing of one of his (Skedans) women. The tract thus
now belongs to Skedans, and is valued as a berry ground. " t

Disputes over ownership of land, boundaries, etc., have been the
cause of many feuds. At Thom Bay, adjoining Tolstoi Bay, Prince of
Wales Island, Alaska, a valuable tract of hunting and fishing ground
is in dispute between the Stikines and Kaigani, both tribes in true
American style having up "No trespassing" signs on the trees.

Coppers. — Throughout the Northwest coast copper plates or "cop-
pers" of a conventional pattern are valued as emblems or tokens of
wealth, and have been handed down for generations. They originally
came from the Chilkat country, where virgin copper is found in consid-
erable quantities, and are made in the form of a shield from 2^ to 3 J

* Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, 1879-'80, p. 83,
t Dawson, Report, B, p. 165,

336 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

feet in length, 12 to 25 inches in width, and one-sixteenth to one-eighth
of an inch in thickness. They have a groove running vertically in the
lower half and transversely across the middle at the narrow part, form-
ing a figure like the letter T. They are sometimes painted, but more
commonly etched on the outer surface with the design of the crest or
totem of the owner. If they ever served as shields in battle such use
has long since disappeared, and now they have only a ceremonial or
emblematic significance. To be of great value these plates must be
Jlarge, of virgin copper, worked by hand, of native manufacture, of
inniform thickness, except at the edges, where they should be thicker
than elsewhere; and, finally, when struck should give forth a dull
•sound and not ring. Totemic etching on the outer surface also adds
n^alue to them. Modern ''coppers" of European manufacture are not
very highlj'^ prized, as compared with the ancient ones. Lisiansky
(1804) says that amongst the Tlingit they were "only possessed by the
rich, who give for one of them from twenty to thirty sea-otter skins.
They are carried by their servants before their masters on different oc-
casions of ceremony, and are beaten upon so as to serve as a musical in-
strument. The value of the plate depends, it seems, on its being made
of virgin copper, for the common ones do not bear a higher price than
a single skin."* The best, according to Dunn (1834), were worth
around Dixon Entrance nine slaves, and were transmitted as a precious
heir-loom. t Now they are valued at from forty to eighty blankets.
They are called by the Kaigani Tow, and are shown in Plate lxvii.
Dr. Boas says of them :

" They are given as presents by one tribe to another. The Indians value a copper-
plate the more the more frequently it has been given as a present. Every single
plate has ita name and its own house, and is led regularly. No woman is allowed to
enter its house. Almost every tribe has a tradition referring to their origin. Some
say that a man who visited the moon received it from the man in the moon. Others
say a chief living far into the ocean gave it to a man who came to visit him, etc.
Similar legends refer to the haliotis shells which are used for ear and nose oruamenta
and bracelets." { (i|j

This may be the custom with regard to copper plates amongst the
southern coast tribes, but it difiers materially from that of the Tlingit,
Haida, and Tsimshian. With them they are simply tokens of wealth. .
These are shown m Plate lxvii as forming no inconsiderable portion
of the wealth of Chief Skowl, amounting to hundreds of blankets.
Dawson says that amongst the Tsimshian these coppers are exhibited
in a circle in upright position at the ceremony of "bringing out" a
young girl, who sits within the circle and sings.§

Amongst the Kaigani these Voic are often displayed over the grave
of a deceased person of wealth. One is shown in Plate iii, left of
upper view. Some miles below the village of Kasa-an, on Prince of

» Lisiansky, Voyage, p. 150. \ Notes on the ;y of British Columbia (Amer.

t Dunn, Oregon, p. 288. Philo. Soci 18, 1887), p. 4^7.

^ Dawson, Re^ 131.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 337

Wales Island, one is nailed to a tree on a point of land to mark the lo-
cality where a canoe was upset and the occupants drowned. Lisian-
sky, as quoted, shows that they were occasionally used by the Tlingit
as a sort of goug or musical instrument, being carried before the chiefs
by the slaves and beaten upon.

The change in the articles of value accumulated and stowed away as
wealth is illustrated by au incident in the summer of 1886, where some
white men robbed a cache of the Klawak chief Tin-ga ate of all its con-
tents to the value of over 82,000. The booty included five huudred
blankets, fifty wash-bowls, thirty-six mirrors, six valuable dancing
robes, and many other articles. It may be mentioned in this connec-
tion that the wash-bowls are used as receptacles for food, and are
taking the place of the native wooden bowls.

TRADE: EXCHANGE OF COMMODITIES.

Port Simpson, from its central location at the head of Dixon En-
trance, has come to be the great emporium of trade for the surrounding
region. Dunn says that, in 1834, the Haida, Nass, Kaigani, Tougass,
Port Stewart and Stikines generally rendezvoused there iu the mouth
of September to trade.* Simpson estimates that, in 1841, about four-
teen thousand from the various tribes of Stikines on the north to the
Sebassa on the south, resorted there, although many of them merely
X)aid passing visits en route to the Kass River to fish for eulachon.t

In earlier days, previous to the advent of the whites, the trading
was carried on less systematically and with more formality on account
of the feuds between the different tribes. The Indians of this whole
region are expert traders. Every article purchased undergoes the
closest scrutiny. Every defect is discovered and the value scaled
down accordingly. If once a certain price is obtained for a commodity
of theirs it is adhered to thereafter as the set price, and the knowledge
of such value travels fast. Time and distance are unimportant factors
in a bargain. If 200 miles farther on the price paid for a commodity
is considerably greater, the distance is reckoned as nothing in going
there to get the difference. On the other hand, in purchasing goods
from the traders, they show rare good sense in their selection of the
better qualities, mere cheapness being iu itself no recommendation.
From the earliest times they have preferred articles of use to trinkets.
Dixon (1787) says that they refused beads with contempt. What Van-
couver said of the Tlingit or the Kaigani of Prince of Wales Island, in
1794, applies with equal force to-day :

In all the commercial transactions the women took a very principal part, and
proved themselves by no means unequal to the task. Nor did it appear that either
in these or in any other respect they were inferior to the men ; on the contrary, it
should rather seem that they are looked up to as the superior sex, for they appeared
in general to keep the men in awe and under subjection. i

*Dunn, Oregon, p. 281. t Simpson, Journey Round the World, Vol. i, p..20G. ■

X Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. ii, p. 409^

H. Mis. 142, i)t. 2 2Z

338 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

Dixon (1787) says of the Sitka Indians :

The chief of the tribe has always the entire management of all the trade belonging
to his people, and takes infiuite pains to dispose of their furs advantageously. * * •
The moment a chief has concluded a bargain he repeats the word Coo coo twice, with
quickness, and is immediately answered by all the people in his canoe with the word
Whonh, pronounced in a tone of exclamation, but with greater or less energy, in pro-
portion as the bargain he bad made is approved. *

In general notes on the northwest coast the same author says :

Whenever any large party came to trade these treasurers [dance parai)hernalia]
were first produced, and the principal persons dressed out in all their finery before
the singing commenced. In addition to this, the chief (who always conducts the vo-
cal concert) puts on a large coat, made of elk skin, tanned, round the lower part of
which is one or sometimes two rows of dried berries or the beaks of birds, which
make a rattling noise whenever ho moves. In his hand he has a rattle, or more
commonly a contrivance to answer the same end, which is of a circular form, about
9 inches in diameter, and made of three small sticks bent round at different di Frances
from each other; great numbers of birds' beaks and dried berries are tied to this
curious instrument, which is shaken by the chief with great glee, and in his opinion
makes no small addition to the concert. Their songs generally consist of several
stanzas, to each of which is added a chorus. The begiuniug of each stanza is given
out by the chief alone, after which both men and women join and sing in octaves,
beating time regularly with their hands or paddles; meanwhile the chief shakes his
rattle and makes a thousand ridiculous gesticulations, singing at intervals in differ-
ent notes from the rest; and this mirth generally continues near half an hour with-
out intermission. t

The song which was usually sung on such occasions is reproduced
from the same volume (p. 2-43), in Plate lvi.

As mentioned, the course of the slave trade was from the south to
the north and from the coast inland. The Tsimshian were the middle
men, and were, and are still, the great traders in oil and grease, of
which they prepare large quantities from the eulachon, seal blubber, deer
and goat flesh. Computed in blankets, the euiachon grease or oil now
brings one blanket for from 10 to 15 i)0unds. With the disappearance
of the sea-otter, the Haida, with great foresight and judgment, began
the cultivation of the potato, which was first introduced amongst them
by an American ship-captain, Dunn (1834) says: "I have known from
500 to 800 bushels being traded in one season from these Indians
(Haida) at Fort Simpson." | It is not unusual now to see fleets of
canoes coming in from the Queen Charlotte Islands bringing pota-
toes, etc., and towing new canoes to trade or sell. The Hudson Bay
Company now has a "guest house" near its post, to accommodate the
visiting Indians who come to trade with them. Ordinarily, however, the
visiting Indians are the guests of their own gens at the Tsimshian vil-
lage near by. Large fleets now also visit Victoria each spring and fall
from the north, not only to trade, but too often, unfortunately, for im-
moral purposes.

* Dixon, Voyage, p. 189. i Ibid., pp. 242, 243. | Dunn, Oregon, p. 204.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 339

SUMMAEY.

Rauk and social standing amongst these Indians being based largely
upon the possession and distribution of wealth, it is not surprising to
find a uuiforui currency amongst the different tribes, and a regular
system of exchange or trade based on considerations both of supply
and demand, and of the adaptability of certain tribes or regions to the
production of certain things needed in other parts of the coast. The
advent of the whites and the abolition of slavery have destroyed in a
measure the tendency towards feudalism in the village communities,
due to the possession of property and lands by a few families, and
practically changed the development of their tribal organization into a
tendency towards industrialism or division into trades crafts. This
tendency is seen to-day in the adoption of certain trades by the Indians
and the gradual breaking up of the old system of household organiza-
tion for industrial purposes. The writer once asked an Indian who was
loafing around Fort Wrangell in the summer doing nothing, while most
of the other Indians were oft" in summer camp or working in the can-
neries, how business was, and he answered " very dull." When asked
what his business was, he replied " Oh, eberyting." As a matter of fact
he was a canoe-man, carrying freight up the Stikine River, and at odd
times chopped wood for a living. The capabilities of these Indians in
a business way is well illustrated by an incident which the writer wit-
nessed at Port Townsend, Washington Territory, early in October of
1886. It was just at the end of the hop-picking season around Puget
Sound, and hundreds of Indians were coming in to Port Townsend en
route to their villages to the north. A party of young Haida stopped,
and one of their number telegraphed over to Whidby Island to offer the
services of the party to a farmer to dig i^otatoes for him. In view of
the glut in the labor market, due to the presence of so many idle In-
dians just then, this clev^er bit of enterprise showed an appreciation of
the telegraph in a way that needs no further comment other than that
they secured the job ahead of all rivals.

IX.

WAR AND PEACE.

As a rule, the feuds between gentes, pbratries, and tribes in this re-
gion have originated from such causes as gambling quarrels, failure to
pay indemnity for wrongs done, or breaches of custom or etiquette, for
the observance of which all are great sticklers. Their wars have been
characterized by treachery, surprise, ambush, night attack, superior
numbers on the aggressive side, massacre of women and children, im-
pressment into slavery of the prisoners of war, and scalping of the
slain enemies. Fair fight, excepting in duels, seems to have been un-
known or unrecognized. The ceremonies attending both warlike and
peaceful demonstrations have always been of an elaborate character,
and, as has been pointed out, many of the existing elaborate ceremo-
nials, with the accompanying paraphernalia, are survivals of practices
originating in war. Since the military occupation of Alaska by our
Government, and the suppression of slavery throughout the north-
west coast, Indian wars have practically ceased; and, in describing the
practices of war, it becomes necessary to speak in the past tense.

WAR CUSTOMS.

In preparation for war the men painted the body, powdered the hair
with eagle's down, and got themselves up in the most hideous attire.
The wooden masks, helmets, and armor were carried in the war
canoes, ready to be put on for an encounter; and the war parties con-
sisted usually of both freemen and slaves. The war canoes were gen-
erally steered by some old crone whose courage and influence had been
found oftentimes to be of the greatest incitement to the warriors.
From various accounts, it would appear that, in early times, when two
hostile canoe parties met accidentally, preparations for the encounter
consisted in putting on the masks and war garments, throwing over-
board the dogs, and cautious advance, accompanied by songs, men-
acing speeches, and gestures. Arrows, missiles, and even bullets
(after the introduction of fire-arms) were avoided by gently heeling the
canoe and interposing its gunwale as a protection. In an encounter,
the victorious usually slaughtered their opponents, scalped them, and
cut off their heads, either sticking up the latter on poles to grace their
triumph or carrying them oft' to prevent the friends of the deceased
from recovering them. In the first encounter of the Russian com-
manders Lisiansky and Baranoff with the Sitka Indians, in 1804, the
latter remained in possession of the battle-field, and the bodies of the

340

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 341

slain Russians and Aleuts were displayed by the Indians, borne aloft
on spears. Subsequently they were compelled by the Russians to
abandon their fort, which they did secretly at night, first killing their
dogs and young children to prevent their noise giving notice of their
flight*

Vancouver (1794) mentions an encounter between some Kaigani In-
dians, who were on Jboard ship trading with him, and some Stikine
who suddenly appeared, coming around a point of land. The former
rushed into their canoes, which were alongside, put on their war gar-
ments, and rested their spears on the gunwale. Thus prepared, they
advanced slowly to meet the new-comers, meanwhile making the most
violent and passionate speeches, which were answered in a similar tone
by some persons who stood up in the Stikine canoe. After a parley,
lasting some moments, an amicable understanding was reached, and
both parties returned to the ship, though on their guard towards each
other. At the head of the Stikines was the great chief 0-non nis toy,
who, with all his party, for safety, slept on board the Discovery, while
the Kaigani went to their camp on shore. In the morning the Stikine
went on shore with great ceremony and arranged witli the Kaigani a
combined entertainment for the benefit of Vancouver, which they gave
alongside in their canoes. "It consisted in singing and a display of
the most rude and extravagant gestures that can be imagined. The
principal parts were performed by the chiefs, each in succession becom-
ing the leader or hero of the song; at several pauses of which I [Van-
couver] was presented by the exhibiting chief with a sea-otter skin. " f

SCALPING AND OTHER WAR CUSTOMS.

The scalps of the slain were usually removed by the medicine men,
or shamans, who accompanied the war party. Poole (1864) says that he
saw " at least a hundred scalps in Chief Klue's lodge, on a pole." | Dall
states that, amongst the Tlingit, the scalps were woven into a kind of
garter by the victor. § On the death of a chief of great prowess, the
scalps which he had taken were sometimes used to decorate his tomb. ||

"Once I saw a party of Kaiganys of about two hundred men returning from war.
The paddles of the warriors killed in the fight were lashed upright in their various
seats, so that from a long distance the number of the fallen could be ascertained ;
and on each mast of the canoes — and some had <hree — was stuck the head of a slain
foe." II

Simpson thus describes a feud at Sitka (1841), growing out of a
drunken quarrel between a chief and a man of rank, in which the
former stabbed the latter to death :

The party of the deceased, to the number of about a thousand men, immediately
turned out, with horrible yells, to revenge his death, painted in the most hideous

*Lisiansky, Voyage, pp. lr>H and 162. || Whymper, Alaska, p. 79.

t Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. ii, p. 393-4. H Beudel's Aleutian Archipelago, p. 30,
t Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 116. quoted by Bancroft, Vol. i, p. 164,

$ Dall, Alaska, p. 417.

342 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

manner and armed with all sorts of weapons, such as spears, bludgeons, dirks, and
tire-arms; while the women, more ferocious, if possible, than the warriors themselves,
were excitinjj the tumultuary band to actual violence by the most lieudish screams
and gestures * * * The chief 's life was demanded in atonement, but refused by
his party as being of more value than that of the person slain. • * * The parties
met with a loud war-whoop ; for a minute or two a clashing of arms was heard ; and
when both sides simultaneously receded from the spot, we beheld the bodies of two
slaves that had been sacrificed in lieu of the chief. *

This atoned for the outrage and satisfied the requirements of blood
revenge.

Dunn (1835) mentions a feud between the Port Stewart and Tongass
Indians, in the course of which the hitter cut ofia war party of thirty
of the former and massacred them.t In the Port Stewart region,
Vancouver (1793) has left a record for all time of the character of this
tribe in the names given to Traitor's Cove and Escai)e Point, commem-
orative of his hostile encounter with them, and his narrative makes
them out to have been the most villainous Indians on the coast. |
Simpson (1841) says that between the Haida of Queen Charlotte Isl-
ands, and the Bella Bella, a deadly feud had long subsisted :

About six weeks before our arrival, the latter, to the number of three hundred,
had attacked a village of the former, butchering all the inhabitants but one man
and one woman. These two the victorious chief was carrying away as living tro-
phies of his triumph ; * » * vshile standing in a boastful manner on the gur wale
of his canoe, and vowing all sorts of vengeance against his victims, he was shot
down by a desperate effort of his male prisoner. The Bella Bellas, their joy being
now turned into grief, cut the throats of the prisoners, threw their spoils overboard,
and returned home rather as fugitives than as concjuerors. $

Poole ( 18G3 ), speaking of the ravages of small-pox on the coast, says :

The Bella-Bella tribe, though not to be despised, were formerly by no means a
match for their born foes the Bella Coolas, who used always to cut off a great num-
ber of the Bella-Bella whenever these ventured from their own territory. But now
the Bell.a-Bella, though deplorably reduced in their own tribe, found themselves in
numbers and force far ahe.id of the Bella Coolas, and were accordingly preparing,
might and main, to administer condign punishment to their ancient enemies. ||

DUELS.

Duels or trials by combat were sometimes resorted to not only in case
of dispute between indivduals, but to settle feuds between families or
gentes. The combatants protected their bodies with thick leather
shirts and wooden armor outside ; wore masks and helmets of wood ;
and, armed with daggers, stepped forth to the encounter, encouraged
by the songs and cries of their friends.

PEACE CUSTOMS.

On the approach of a canoe or party the intention of which is at first
doubtful, the token of peace was the blowing in the air of white feath-

* Simpson, Journey, Vol. ii, p. 205-6. 0 Simpson, Journey, Vol. i, p. 203.

t Dunn, Oregon, p. 290. II Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 185.

t Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. ii, pp. 358 to 366.

The INDIANS OP THE NORTHWEST COAST. 345

ers plucked from aii eagle's skin, or by the display of a tuft of white
feathers ou the end of a pole or at the mast head of the canoe.* In the
friendly dances and ceremonies of welcome a fan or tuft of white
eagle feathers was carried in token of friendship and peace.

TREATIES OF TEACE.

At a conclusion of peace it was the custom to exchange hostages in
token of good faith. Dall says of them :

These are obliged to eat with their left hands for a certain period, as they carried
weapons in the right hand during combat. Each hostage has two companions of
equal rank assigned to him by the tribe which holds him.t

Lisiausky (1804) says of the hostages sent by the Sitka to the Russian
forces :

They were in one canoe, and sung as they approached a sort of song of a melan-
choly strain. On landing, the hostage threw himself Hat on his back in the shallow
water, according to the custom of the country, and continued in this posture till
some of our people arrived who were sent to lift him up and conduct him. t

In general the treaties of peace were ratified by feasts and elaborate
ceremonies often lasting many days.

* Vancouver, Voyage, Vol. ii, p. 389; and Dixon, Voyage, p. IdO.
tDall, Alaska, p. 417.
ILisiansky, Voyage, p. 156.

X.

VICES AND DEMORALIZATION OF THE INDIANS— GAMBLING — RUM—
TOBA CCO—IMMORA LITY.

Before the advent of the whites gambling, immorality, and the nse of
tobacco, although not unknown, were at least not such pronounced
vices as they have come to be under the stimulus of contact with civil-
ization. The use of liquor was, however, quite unknown. Langsdorff,
who was at Sitka in 1805, says of the Tlingit: "Brandy, which is some-
times oflferetl them by the Russians, they reject as a scandalous liquor,
depriving them of their senses."* It would have been of great advan-
tage to them if they had continued to so regard it. Unfortunately the
example of the whites and the deliberate corruption of the Indians by
unscrupulous traders have made them in recent years only too well
acquainted with the evils of rum drinking. Just now they are begin-
ning to rally from the demoralization due to contact with the whites
and to adjust themselves philosophically to their changed environ-
ment. The former custom of chewing tobacco, in vogue from the earliest
times, has now given way almost entirely to that of smoking the weed
which they buy from the traders. In Chapter viii, " Rearing and Cul-
tivation." the production and preparation of the native tobacco has
been fully described. Although in one sense a vice, the use of tobacco
can hardly be said to have contributed much to the real demoralization
of the Indians.

GAMBLING.

The Haida, Tsimshian, and Tlingit are inveterate gamblers. Dur-
ing the winter leisure or whenever, for any reason, they are gathered
together in considerable numbers, gambling is the invariable and con-
stant amusement, often continuing for several days on a stretch with-
out rest or intermission. These bouts are usually conducted on the
platform in front of the houses in good weather, but indoors in bad.
The gamblers sit on the ground or squat about the platform in a circle,
in the centre of which a clean mat of the inner bark of the cedar is
spread. Each man produces a bag containing from thirty to fifty round
sticks or pins about 5 inches long by three-eighths or one-half of an
inch in diameter, and beautifully polished and carved in totemic design
or paiuted in black, blue, and red rings. One of the players, selecting
a number of these pins from his bag, covers them up in a heap of finely

* Langsdorflf, Voyages, pt. ii, p. 131.
344

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXIIL

Gambling Sticks; Mortars and carved Pestle for preparing Native Tobacco.

Fig. 335. Gambling Sticks. Of wood: twenty-four in number, with deer-skin

bag. Each stick is carved with a toteniic design. Cat. No. 6556, U. S.

N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected by Dr. T. T. Minor. U. S. Army,
Fig. 336. Gambling Sticks. Of wood; tliirty-four in number; polished and inlaid

with abalone. Oat. No. 20789, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected

by James G. Swan.
Fig. 337. Stone Mortar. Ancient pattern; for grinding native tobacco for chew-
ing. Cat. No. 45961, U. S. N. M. Tlingit, Sitka. Collected by John J.

McLean.
Fig. 338. Stone Pestle. In shape of the raven; for preparing native tobacco.

Cat. No. 67849, U. S.N. M. Tlingit, Hoodsinoo, Alaska. Collected by

John J. McLean.
Fig. 339. Stone Mortar. Of calcite, with totemic designs on the exterior; for

preparing native tobacco. Smaller examples used in grinding paint.

Cat. No. 88833, U. S. N. M. Masset. Queen Charlotte Islands, British

Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate LXIII.

Gambling Sticks; Mortars and carved Pestle for preparing Native Tobacco.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 345

cut bark tow. The workings and significances of these sticks is per-
fectly understood, and the game is either odd or even, or to guess iu
which of two piles a certain stick is hidden. Poole thus describes the
game among the Haida :

One of the players, selecting a number of these pins, covers them up in a heap of
bark cut into tibie-like tow. Under cover of the bark he then divides the pins into
two parcels and having taken them out passes them several times from his right
baud to his left, or the contrary. While the player shuffles he repeats the word
I-E-Ly-Yah to a low monotonous chant or moan. The moment be finishes the in-
cantation, bis opponent, who has been silently watching him, chooses the parcel
where he thinks the luck lies for odd or even. After which the second player takes
his innings, with his own pins and the same ceremonies. This goes on till one or the
other loses all his pins. That decides the game. *

Another form of this is for the player to shuffle together all the pins
and count out seven. The game is to gness in which pile a certain pin
is, say the one carved like a beaver, or whale, or eagle. The fortunate
guesser gets one or more pins according to rule, or, if he fails, pays a
forfeit of so many pins. The Indians stoically sit for hours conning over
the melancholy chant, apparently iudifierent to loss, gain, time, or hun-
ger, often losing everything he owns in the world without the slightest
expression of emotion. Poole mentions the case of a Haida chief who
continued playing for three days without eating a mouthful of food, but
perpetually losing. By the fourth day he had even parted with the
blanket on his back, when a woman of his tribe, taking pity on him,
loaned him her only blanket, and he renewed the contest, this time suc-
cessfully, not only winning back what he had lost, but finally getting
all his opponent's property, consisting of powder and shot, muskets,
revolvers, blankets, skins, paints, tobacco, fish, etc.*

Two sets of gambling sticks are shown in Plate lxiii, figs. 335 and
336. For convenience of illustration they are laid out on the wrapper
of the wallet in which they are usually kept. The carving on some of
the more expensive sets is of the very highest order.

Rum. — Impure, monstrously vile liquor has been the greatest curse
to the Indians of this region. Having furs and other valuable products
sought by the traders, the latter have been only too ready to debauch
and despoil them. In all the criminal record of shameless commercial
conquest of a rich and prosperous territory, no region has suffered more
unless it be the Aleutian Islands in earlier days. This can not be laid
at the door of any of the large commercial companies, for in the main
such a policy is suicidal to their own interests. With the small dealers,
the owners of small trading craft, those whose only thought and inter-
est has been the business in hand, the policy has been one of unscru-
pulous rum selling. Poole (1863) says :

The so-called whiskey which is shamelessly sold to the Indians by traders along
the coast or even by certain unprincipled merchants of Victoria, contains very little
of what is wholesome or genuine liquor. What it really does contain is not generally

* Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 319.

346 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

knowu, but I hear ou good authority that the bulk consists of water flavored and
colored with grain whiskey in the smallest possible quantities. Its strength proceeds
wholly from the blue-stone, vitriol, and nitric acid which the manufacturers largely
infuse into it. The consequence is that when the Indians imbibe this drink freely —
and they always do so whenever they can get it — their naturally fiery temperaments
are wrought up into a state of savagery so intense as to leave no white man's life safe
in their presence while they remain under its influeuce. *

The orgies and debaiTcliery of the Indians up to recent years have
been something to shock even the most hardened trader. Liquor being
obtained in quantities, either by the distillation of sugar or molasses or
purchased from the traders, a systematic plan of getting drunk in de-
tachments was practised and is to-day in certain regions when they can*
get the liquor. It is the duty of those sober about the village to look
out for the drunk and tend to the various household duties, look after
the canoes, chihlren, etc. When the first detachment has sobered up
the others sometimes take their turn. Pandemonium reigns, and it often
takes the intervention of the whites to get things going smoothly again.
Unfortunately the women are worse drunkards than the men, and it
is in their demoralization that the Indians have suffered most. The
hoochinoo, which they make themselves, is not a native invention, as the
process has been picked up from the whites. It has flourished amongst
the Tlingit since our acquisition of Alaska in 1867, a'nd common report
credits its introduction to American officials. Hoochinoo is simply a
distillation from potatoes. Tbe still generally consists of a square tin
kerosene can, with a worm, made either of tin pipe or the stems of the
giant kelp. The worm is either packed with snow or placed in a stream
of fresh water. The mash is made from potatoes, which are cooked,
dumped into a tub, and allowed to ferment, a little sugar or very cheap
molasses being added to produce the alcohol. It suffers only one dis-
tillation, and the horrible product is taken in its raw state, the effect
being to almost instantly rob an Indian of his senses. Largely through
the influence and authority exerted by the commanding officers of our
men of-war before the establisltment of the civil government in Alaska
the practice of distilling hoochinoo has been greatly broken up and de-
cidedly discouraged, t

Immoralitij. — The chief demoralization in this region has been amongst
the women, brought about by the independent position they occupy in
the social organization of the tribe, by the peculiar laws or customs re-
lating to marriage by purchase, and by the right to return a female to
her people in case she proves unsatisfactory or undesirable. Through
the influx of whites, due to the establishment of industries, the pros-
ecution of trade, and the development of mineral resources, the Indians
have been brought in close contact with most unrefined elements of our
civilization. Money earned in the summer months by these adventurous

* Poole, Queen Charlotte Islands, p. 313.

t Notes on the distillation of hoochinoo were kindly furnished the writer by Lieut.
N. R. Usher, U. S. Navy.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 347

spirits is squandered in the most reckless dissipation about the various
settlements in the winter months. Jealousy being unknown amongst
the Indians, and sanctioned prostitution a common evil, the woman who
can earn the greatest number of blankets or the largest sums of money
wins the admiration of others for herself, and a high position for her
husband by reason of her wealth. It is not an uncommon thing for
whole families to resort to the settlements for the winter, and return to
their villages in the spring to give grand potlatches with their ill gotten
gains. The influence of the missionaries and of the respectable element
in the settlements has, from the first, been used against the extension
and growth of this evil, but it can not be said that, until in the last few
years, much progress has been made in stemming this tide of reckless
physical and moral debasement. Its effects are seen in the alarming
number of deaths due to dissipation, and the great decrease in the ralio
of births to deaths throughout this whole northern region. The part
which rum has played in causing this havoc is not to be underestimated,
and it is fortunate that a steadily growing sentiment is making itself
felt towards the suppression of these two alarming evils.

SUMMARY.

The native vices of these Indians are simply those due to savagism.
Contact with the whites has, through the greed for wealth operating on .
both sides, produced an abnormal departure from primitive ways.
Gambling is ibuud almost universally amongst savage tribes, and with
progress in civilization, the first steps are always in the direction of the
aggravation of primitive and the adoption of foreign vices. Rum drink-
ing has been nowhere so disastrous as in this region. With the smok-
ing of tobacco by the Indians of the Atlantic coast region, and the
chewing of it by those on the northwest coast, it has remained for our
civilization only to invent the snuffing of it. Peculiar marriage cus-
toms and the greed of wealth have here contributed more to the alarm-
ing increase of immorality than any inherent love of vice on the part of
the Indians.

XI.

WITCHCRAFT— SUPERSTITION— SICK]!^ESS AND DEATH— MEDICINES-
TREATMENT OF THE SICK.

WITCHCRAFT.

All severe diseases or illnesses are ascribed to the evil influence of
enemies, and, in case of the death of an important personage, a victim
is usually found who has presumably charmed away the life of the de-
ceased. The Indians are intensely superstitious and have naturally
been encouraged in ideas of this kind by both the chiefs and the
shamans, whose swaj'^ over the tribe depends largely upon the fear and
respect excited by belief in their influence and power over good and
evil spirits. Largely through the action of the commanding officers
of our men-ofwar stationed in Alaska, this hold of the chiefs and
shamans on the people has been broken. By the bombardment and de-
struction of several villages the Indians have been compelled to
abandon the punishment of victims accused of witchcraft, but the chief
stumbling block has been the surprising admission of guilt which nearly
all of the accused Indians make when charged with charming away
life, and this, too, in the face of the death penalty. Such is their credu-
lity tbat when accused they believe they must be guilty. Amongst the
Haida the guilty Indian, according to Judge Swan, is discovered as
follows:

The mouse is Ihe judge by which the Haida detect the persons who work bad
magic and cause sickness and death. When a person is taken sick or dies, three men
are selected who prepare themselves by pulverizing a dried frog, mixing it with salt
water and drinking it. This decoction produces vomiting and purging, and when
their systems are thoroughly cleansed their minds are supposed to be clear and bet-
ter able to judge of the merits of the case about to be submitted to their decision.
They next catch a wood-mouse and put it in a little cage, which is set on a raised
platform in front of the judges. The little mouse, sadly frightened, retires to a cor-
ner of his cage and eyes the judges. They then commence naming over suspected
persons, and presently the little mouse nods its head. The victim has to pay money
or blankets to get clear. » * * (West Shore, August, 1884.)

A narration of the superstitious beliefs of these Indians would in
itself exceed the limits of this paper. Charms of all kinds are worn
and the most implicit faith is placed in the significance of dreams, signs,
and omens. Certain forms are gone through with to propitiate the vari-
ous spirits and invoke their aid in all enterprises. A consideration of
this subject belongs properly to a study of the religious beliefs and
practices of these Indians, which must come later.

348

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 349

SICKNESS.

In cases of serious illness chief reliance was, up to recent years,
placed upon the incantations of tlie medicine meu, who were paid liber-
ally if the patient lived, or, if he died, were compelled to restore the
goods he had i^reviously received on account. If any one other than
a shaman attempted to do anything to cure a sick person and the pa-
tient died, the self-constituted doctor had to pay a heavy indemnity to
the person's relatives. In out-of-the-way villages the shamans still have
a hold on the Indians, and in case of sickness one is called in by the
head of tbe household. If the latter falls sick it devolves upon his
brother or nearest male relative to call in the Indian doctor. On all
such occasions friends are invited in to see the evil spirits exorcised.
While these shamans possess some knowledge of the medicinal proper-
ties of herbs and are not slow to avail themselves of them, their duty
is to drive out the evil spirit which haunts the sick man. Any virtue
that medicines may in themselves have are ascribed to the charm sup-
loosed to be wrought by the doctors in their decoction or preparation.
The incantations and exorcising consist in beating drums, dancing,
making passes with subtle charms, blowing in the patient's mouth and
nostrils, kneading and pounding his body, chanting, swinging to and
fro, frothing at the mouth, and every conceivable practice foreign to
our own ideas of the treatment of the sick. As a rule the patient that
survives the din, foul air, and excitement of such a visit must needs
have been on the high road to recovery, for the shaman usually con-
tinues this performance until the patient declares himself better or
well.

The initiation, practices, rites, exhibitions, dances, and incantations
of these medicine meu deserve separate consideration as connected in-
timately with their religious beliefs and customs. In connection with
witchcraft, it may be said that the shamans are supposed to possess
the power of charming away life by incantations and the use of certain
charms. In such cases, where the charge can be reasonably' laid at
their door, they are not beyond the reach of a kinsman's revenge.

MEDICINES.

The internal administration of native medicines is rarely practiced.
Wounds and injuries are treated locally with several specifics known
to them, and scarification is sometimes resorted to. Hemorrhages are
stopped by the application of bird's down to the wounded parts. The
healing qualities of pine and cedar are recognized, and pine-tree gum
is applied as a poultice to wounds by some tribes. Salt-water taken as
an emetic is a favorite remedy for those not feeling well. This is also
taken when they wish to produce quickly that profound impression on
body and mind which fasting brings about in preparation for some or-
deal or ceremony. As stated, the vu:tae of any medicine administered

350 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

is supposed to be due to the charm wrought iu it by the shaman or
other person in its preparation or decoction. Preparations of bark are
the principal specifics, but Langsdorff (1804) says of the Tliugii, "the
root of a particular species of valerian is considered as the most effectual
remedy that can be administered. * * * The wing bones [of the
eagle], i)articularly the radius and ulna, are used in illness as tubes for
sucking up fluids."* Around Sitka, the virtues of hot sulphur baths
were recognized by the Indians long before the advent of the whites.
JSear that settlement are some natural hot springs impregnated with
sulphur, salt, and magnesia. In addition to these, however, the In-
dians take steam baths by pouring water on red hot stones in an in-
closed tent or shed. In bathing and in some attempt at personal
cleanliness, the Indians of the northern region of the northwest coast
comi)are favorably with any of those in the world living in the temper-
ate zone, but their ignorance of the simplest laws of health is child-
like and lamentable.

'Langsdorff, Voyages, Pt. ii, pp. 107 and 134.

!

XII.

MORTUARY CUSTOMS— ANCIENT SEPULTURE — DEPOSITORIES OF
ASHES-MORTUARY COLUMNS—CUSTOMS OF THE TLINGIT, HAIDA,
AND TSIMSHIAN— MODERN CUSTOMS— CHRISTAN BURIAL— SHAMAN
B URIAL.

ANCIENT SEPULTURE.

The earliest historical accounts are those of the early voyagers, and
it is from these that we must get our descriptions of primitive methods
of sepulture.

Dixon, who was amongst the Yakutat in June, 1787, says:

The mauuer in which they dispose of their dead is very remarkable. They sepa-
rate tiie head from the borly and wrapping them in furs, the head is put into a square
box ; the body in a hind of oblong chest. At each end of the chest which contains
the body a thick pole, about 10 feet long, is drove into the earth in a slanting posi-
tion, so that the upper ends meet together, and are very firmly lashed with a kind of
rope prepared for the purpose. About 2 feet from the top of this arch a small piece
of timber goes across, and is very neatly fitted to each pole; on this piece of timber
the box which contains the head is fixed, and very strougly secured with rope; the
box is trequently decorated with two or three rows of small shells, and sometimes
teeth, which are let into the wood with great neatness and ingenuity ; and, as an ad-
ditional ornament, is painted with a variety of colors, but the poles are uniformly
painted white. Souietimcs these poles are fixed upriglit in the earth and on each
side the bod}-, but the head is always secured in the position described.*

Dixon also describes a grave discovered by one of his oBBcers near
Sitka : In a cave •' he found the object which attracted his attention
to be a square box with a human head in it," etc., beautifully orna-
mented with small shells somewhat like those at Yakutat.*

Portlock, who was also in this region in 1787, describes a grave just
above Sitka as follows :

This edifice was composed of four posts, each about 20 feet long, stuck in the
ground 6 feet distant from each other, and in a quadrangular form. About 12 or 15
feet from the ground there was a rough-boarded floor, and two of the sides were
boarded 4 feet higher up ; the other sides were left open. In the middle of this floor
an Indian chest was deposited, which most likely contained the remains of some
person of consequence; and on that side of the edifice to the westward, and which
pointed up the sound, there was painted the semblance of a human face.

It is further described as showing evidence of having been recently
repaired and the painting touched up.*

* Dixon, Voyage, pp. 175, 176. \Ibid., p. 181. X Portlock, Voyage, p. 280.

351

352 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

Vancouver describes a Kootznaboo grave (Tliugit) which they saw
on Admiralty Island, near Point Caution, m 1794, as follows :

They rested for the night in a small cove undei a high hill, Avhere a box was found
about 4 feet square, placed on wooden pillars about 6 feet from the ground. This
box contained the remains of a human body very carefully wrapped up, and by its
side was erected a pole about 20 feet high, painted in horizontal streaks red and
white; the colors were fresh and lively.*

Vancouver also describes as follows Kake Indian 'graves on Keku
Strait, Kupreanoff Island, which he saw in 1794 :

In the vicinity of these ruins were many sepulchres or tombs, in which dead bodies
were deposited. These were made with a degree of neatness seldom exhibited in the
building of their habitations. A wooden frame was raised about 10 feet from the
ground, the upper half of which was inclosed, and in the open part below in many,
though not in all, of them was placed a canoe. The flooring of the upper part was
about 5 feet from the ground, and above that the sides and top were entirely closed
in with boards, within which were human bodies in boxes wrapped up in skins or in
matting. These repositories of the dead were of different sizes, and some of them
contained more bodies than the others; in the largest there were uot more than four
or five, lyiug by the side of each other, uot one appearing to be placed above the
rest; they were generally found near the water side, and very frequently on some
conspicuous point. Many of these sacred monuments seemed to have been erected a
great length of time, and the most ancient of them had evidently been repaired and
strengthened by additional supporters of more modern workmanship. He»ce it
would appear that whatever might be the enmity that existed between the several
tribes when living, their remains when dead were respected and suffered to rest
quietly and unmolested. t

An earlier description (1793) by Vancouver of some graves uj) Behm
canal, near Point Nelson, is as follows :

Near the ruins of a few temporary huts of the natives we found a box about 3 feet
square and 1^ feet deep, in which were the remains of a human skeleton, which
appeared from the confused situation of the bones, either to have been cut to pieces,
or thrust with great violence into this small space.

These were not numerous, and from the circumstances they con-
cluded that only "certain persons" were thus eutombed.l

Another description by the same author (August, 1793) of a grave at
cape Northumberland, Graving group, South Alaska, is as follows :

On a high detached rock were the remains of a large village, much more exposed
to the inclemency of the weather than any residence of the natives I have before
seen. Here we found a sepulchre of a peculiar character. It was a kind of vault,
formed partly by the natural cavity of the rocks and partly by the rude artists of the
country. It was lined with boards, and contained some fragments of warlike imple-
ments, lying near a square box covered with mats, and very curiously corded dowu.^

This description is similar to one given to the writer by Judge J. G.
Swan, of Port Townsend, Washington Territory, as found by him in
1883, in a cave on North Island of the Queen Charlotte group.

From the descriptions that have been given it would appear that the
primitive methods of sepulture in this region were far from uniform in
their character. However, amongst those tribes which practised cre-

* Vancouver, Voyage, VoL. ni, p. 260. t Ibid., Vol. ii, p. 351.

Ubid., p. 290.. ^ Ibid., p. 370.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXIV.

Ill 1'.

Haida Mortuary and Commemorative Columns.

From photogra^is by the author and from sketches in the U. S. National Museum.

Fig. 340. K.viGANi Mortuary Column, containing a l)o.\ holding the aslies of th«
dead, at the ruins of the abandoned Kaigani village of Chasina, at th<
entrance to Choluiondeley Sound, Prince of Wales Island, Alaska.

Fig. 341. Kaigani Mortuary Column, with compartment boarded up. This con
tains the remains of the dead in a box, and represents a departure frou
cremation to inhumation, or aerial sepulture, in imitation of the forme:
custom of thus depositing the cremated remains. At Kasa-an, Prina
of Wales Island. Alaska.

Fig. 342. Kaigani Mortuary Columns (aerial sepultvire), supporting a box c-on
taining the body of the dead. At the partially abandoned village o;
Kaigani. Dall Island, Alaska.

Fig. 343. Same as Fig. 340, but slio;htly different in form.

Fig. 344. Haida Commemorative Column, with sign-board-like attachment at th<
top. This is imitation of the style of post shown in Fig. 341, and aj
such is a survival of. or emblematic of, the former custom of crema
tion. This style of post is erected in front of the house of the deceased
while the body is de]30sited at some distance from it. It is erected t<
commemorate the dead, as explained in Chapter Vtl.

Fig. 34o. Haida Commemorative Column, of same type as Fig. 344, but with tw<
columns, in imitation of the type shown in Fig. 343.

Report of National Museum, 1888.- Niblack.

Plate LXIV.

Haida Mortuary and Commemorative Columns.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXV,

Modern Tlingit Graves, Alaska.

From photographs and sketches by the ^uthor.

Fig. 346. Shaman's Grave. Of the general tyi)e found amongst the Tlingit.

Fig. 347. Grave of Chief Shustocks. On Shustocks Point, opposite the village
of Wrangell. The pole is surmounted by the carved figure of a hlack
bear.

Fig. 348. Northern Tlingit Dead-house. Containing the carved and orna-
mented boxes in which are deposited the cremated ashes of the dead.
From a sketch made by the writer, Sitka, Alaska.

Fig. 349. Grave of Indian Chief. Surmounted by the carved wooden figure of
a wolf, indicating the totem of the deceased. Fort Wrangell, Alaska.

I

*

Report of National Museum, 1888 — Niblack.

Plate LXV.

Modern Tlingit Graves, Alaska.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXVI

^

Modern Tlingit Graves, Alaska.

Drawn from photographs in the U. S. National Museum.

Fig. 350. Group of Modern Tlixgit Graves. Naha Bay. Method of sepulture
under missionar}' influence. The body is inclosed in a casket and
buried in the ground. Over it is temporarily erected a cotton sheeting
tent, as shown on tlie left of the view. Later on a wooden monument,
surmounted by a cross, is erected, or a picket fence built around the
grave site.

Fig. 351. Group of Tlingit Graves. On a small high- water island off the village(
of Tongass, Alaska. A curious combination of customs is shown in
the left center of the view, where the grave is inclosed by a picket
fence, but marked by a carved figure of an eagle, the totem of the de-
ceased.

Fig. 352. Group of Tlingit Graves and dead-liouses at Sitka, Alaska. Tlie
graves are of the general type where Imrial is practiced, but in the
dead-houses are deposited the remains of those cremated, as in Fig. 34H,
Plate LXV.

Report of National Museum, 1888.— Niblack.

Plate LXVI.

Modern Tlingit Graves, Alaska.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 353

ination, the custom very generally obtained of depositing the ashes in
boxes mounted on columns or on shelves or compartments iu the col-
umns themselves.

DEPOSITORY OF ASHES.

Vancouver describes a method which he saw at Cross Sound, iu 1793,
as follows :

Here were erected two pillars, 15 feet high and 4 feet in circumference, painted
white ; on the top of each was placed a large square box ; on examining one of them
it was found to contain many ashes and pieces of burnt bones, which were considered to
be human. These relics were carefully wrapped up in skins and old mats, and at the
base of the pillars was placed an old canoe in which were some paddles.*

Plate LXiv., Figs. 340 and 343, show two types of primitive Haida
sepulture of cremated ashes, on the site of the ancient and abandoned »
Kaigani village of Chasina, at the entrance of theCholmoudeley Sound,
Prince of Wales Island, Alaska. The boxes containing the ashes have
somewhat fallen into decay, but are seen on the shelves. This is the
most primitive form of the sepulture of ashes. Fig. 341 is the sketch
of a column at Kasa-an, Prince of Wales Island (Kaigani) in which
the shelf and compartment containing the ashes are boarded up. This
was generally the custom, and a curious survival of it is shown in Fig.
344, from Masset (Queen Charlotte Islands), iu which the boards are
simply nailed across the top of the post or column in the semblance
of a box, while the body itself is deposited elsewhere in some other
form of sepulture. Iu this we have both a commemorative column and
an imitation of the ancient or former method of depositing the ashes,
very much as to-day the funeral urn in marble marks with us, in some
instances, the site of a grave in which the body is inhumed. The form
given to the cross boards is that of an end or one side of a funeral box
carved with the totem of the deceased. Fig. 342 of the same plate
represents another form of depositing, in which the compartment con-
taining the body of the dead or the boxes of ashes is borne between two
plain columns or posts from about 6 to 10 feet apart, there being
room for the body or two or more boxes on the shelf. This is also
boarded up. The sketch is from one by the writer, made at the village
of Kaigani, near Cape Muzou (latitude 54°, 38' N.), the southernmost
village of Alaska. There is every reason to believe that at this now
almost abandoned village we tind the most primitive form in which
these depositories existed. Mptrchand, who visited the Queen Char-
lotte Islands in 1791, says:

These monuments are of two kinds ; the first and most simple are composed only
of a wooden colunm about 10 feet high and 1 foot in diameter, on the summit of
which planks are secured, forming a platform. In some this platform is supported by
two columns. The corpse, deposited on this platform, is covered with moss and large
stones. The graves of the second kind are more elaborate ; four posts i)lanted iu the
ground, and supporting, only 2 feet above the ground, a sarcoi)hagus artistically or-
namented and hermetically sealed, t

"Vancouver, Voyage, Vol, ui, p, 242, tMarchand, Voyage, Tome ii, pp. 135, 136,
H.Mis. i42,pt. 2 — -23

I

354 KEPOET OP NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

As crematiou preceded aerial deposit with the Haida, it is to be pre-
sumed that the forms of sepulture illustrated iu Figs. 340 to 343 in-
clusive, from the Kaigaui villages, antedate in type those described by
Marchand. According toLisiansky (1805) the same forms as described
by the latter were found amongst the Tlingit at Sitka, excepting that
the ashes were deposited instead of the corpse:

The bodies here are burned, and the asbes, together witli the bones that remain nn-
cousunied, deposited in wooden boxes, which are placed on pillars, that have differ-
ent tignres painted and carved on them, according to the wealth of the deceased.
On taking possession of our new settlement [Sitka] we destroyed a hundred at least
of these, and I examined many of the boxes.*

Fig. 345 represents a survival of the form of deposit in which the box
is supported by two posts from the village of Skidcgate, Queeu Char-
lotte Islands, the boards from post to post having the semblance of the
end of a huge box, in which the ashes or remains were formerly de-
posited. This is similar in significance to the one shown in Fig. 344,
being a survival of the semblance of a former custom. Wherever cre-
mation was practised in this region, it seems to have been the earlier
custom to deposit the ashes in boxes on columns. These latter must
however be distinguished from the strictly commemorative columns
erected to " glorify the dead." The carved columns, erected at the end
of the village, as in Plate iii, stand somewhat between the two, having
the double purpose of "glorifying the dead" and serving as mortuary col-
umns, to symbolize the old and mark the new form of the interment
of the remains. While they do not in themselves serve as a sepulchre
or receptacle, they seem in a vague way to have had their origin in the
ancient custom of depositing the dead in boxes on or shelves in these
carved columns. The origin of the custom of cremation amongst the
northern tribes of this region seems traceable to the belief that a piece
of the flesh in the possession of an enemy gave him the power to work
evil to his spirit and to his kin. This belief in witchcraft is general
throughout the coast. Dunn gives a curious illustration of this amongst
the Kwakiutl. He says of his dealings with them :

This exasperated the Indians against me ; and they gave me the name of shloapes,
i. c, " stingy ;" and when near them, if I should spit, they would run and try to take
up the spittle in something ; for, according, as they afterwards informed me, they
intended to give it to their doctor or magician; and he would charm my life away. t

The bodies of warriors killed in battle were formerly cremated, the
head being severed from the body and preserved in a box, supported
by two poles over the box holding his ashes. This was the form of
sepulchre described by Dixon amongst the Yakutat, as previously
quoted in this chapter, the idea of cremation being to prevent an enemy
from mutilating the body. It is believed also amongst the Tlingit that
the souls or spirits of those whose bodies are cremated will be very
comfortable in the spirit world. Whatever may have been the origin

•LiHi;insky, Voyage, pp. 2<1(), 241. t Dunn, Oregon, jip. 'ilO-'i'lT.

I THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 355

of cremation, with tbein it would seem that the reasons for it were not
convincing to the larger portion of the southern Tlingit, Haida, and
Tsimsbiau, where sepulture by interment is practised similar to our
method of burial.

Amongst the northern Tlingit, where cremation is still practised to
a considerable extent, the present form of sepulture is that sbown in
Fig. 352, Plate Lxvi, which represents a group of graves near Sitka
similar to the type found in other northern Tlingit villages. They are
simply frame houses, with a small window or opening in the side,
through which the boxes contiiining the cremated ashes of the dead
are introduced. The funeral boxes containing the ashes of the differ-
ent members of a family rest side by side on the floor, raised a few
feet above the ground, and are generally visible tbrough the window.
The form of construction and interior arrangement is illustrated in Fig.
348, Plate lxv. The window is sometimes covered with a Chilkat
blanket, as in the illustration, serving to adorn the outside, and to in-
dicate that the remains of persons of wealth repose within. The
wooden knob or ball on top is frequently replaced by a carved totemic
figure. The dead houses are often painted with totemic designs on the
outer walls, and ornamented with scalp locks and other trophies of the
deceased.

Cremation is not the universal practice even amongst the northern
Tlingit, a large proportion of sepulture being by inhumation. Langs-
dortt" (1805) says that sometimes at Sitka, "The corpse is laid out in a
new chest, and interred in a remote part of the forest, commonly be-
tween four trees forming a square." Figs. 347 and 349, Plate lxv,
illustrate modified forms of sepulture at Fort Wrangell (Stikirie)
Alaska. The former is the grave of Chief Shustack, on Sbustack
Point, at the south entrance to Wrangell Anchorage, directly opposite
the town. It represents a form of aerial sepulture, in that the remains
are not actually buried in the ground, but remain above the surface en-
closed in a box. Fig. 349 is that of an Indian chief of the Wolf totem,
the form of construction being similar to that of Fig. 346, the grave of
a shaman or medicine man.

SHAMAN GRAVES.

These are uniform in type amongst all the Tlingit, and liave been the
same from time immemorial, as their bodies have never been burued, for
the reason that it is a common superstition that fire will not touch them.
The bodies are doubled up with the chin near the knees and the upper
part covered with a bark or basket-work mat. The graves are of the
type shown in Fig, 346, Plate lxv, and are invariably located at some
little distance from the village on a small island, conspicuous point, or
high promontory, sometimes selected by themselves before death. The
sepulchre itself consists of a small i)en or enclosure of logs, usually ele-
vated above the ground on four short posts, and facing towards the

356 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

water, the roof sloping back in the other direction. The body is borne
to the grave in the canoe he used in life; is lowered into the sepulchre
through an opening in the roof, and deposited on its side on the tloor.
With it are placed the talisman, charms, and paraphernalia which served
in life to give the power of evil to their possessor. The canoe is hauled
up on the beach near the grave with the paddles in it, in preparation
for launching, and sometimes placed on rollers or skids. * These
graves are usuallj' along some frequented watercourse, and are very
conspicuous. Whenever an Indian passes one of them in. his canoe he
drops an offering of some value (usually a piece of tobacco) into the
water to propitiate the yake of the deceased and bring fair winds and
good luck to the superstitious donor.

Amongst the Haida and Tsimshian, the shaman graves are usually
small and made of si)lit boards instead of logs, but are substantially
the same in form as the Tlingit ones here described. The body is, how-
ever, more usually deposited in a sitting posture. The only ones who
have the privilege of looking into these graves are the other shaman,
who sometimes, under the inspiration of a dream, can go to them and
remove certain charms of the deceased for their own use. The ordinary
Indian, however, has a most wholesome dread of these graves, and be-
lieves that if in passing one he sees any part of the bones protruding
through the flesh either himself or some member of his family will soon
die.

SLAVES.

The custom with regard to slaves that died a natural death was to
throw the bodies into the sea or otherwise cast them aside. Certain
slaves, however, were selected by a master to be killed or sacrificed at
his funeral ceremonies, in order that their spirits might accompany his
in the next world and minister to it as they did to him in life. Those
so selected esteemed it a great honor, as their bodies were accorded the
same sepulture as their master's. In case of cremation the bodies of
the slaves were cremated with that of their master, or in case of inter-
ment were buried with it, thus securing to their spirits a comfortable
time in the next world. Slaves killed on the occasion of a person of
consequence building a house or giving a great feast were accorded also
the right of burial of a freeman. There is, therefore, no special form
of sepulture for slaves.

CHRISTIAN BURIAL.

Under the religious influence of missionaries the Indians have been
led to give np nuiuy of their former customs, and inhumation or inter-
ment is gradually supplanting all other forms of sepultnre. Fig. 350,
Plate Lxvi, is a characteristic group of modern Tlingit graves at Na-

' This is the case at a grave near Point Nesbitt, Zarembo Island, described for the
writer by Lieut. U. W. Cofifman, U. S. Navy.

THK INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 357

ah Bay (Tlingit), iu southern Alaska. The body is enclosed in .1. rough
casket and buried, a temporary tent of white sheeting being erected
over the grave. Later this is replaced by either a fence, as shown in
Fig. 352, or a pyramidal structure surmounted by a cross, as in Fig.
350, or an eagle or other totemic carving, as in Fig. 351. This fencing
in of the grave is now quite generally practised throughout the region
of the Tsimshian, Kaigani, aud southerii Tlingit. Fig. 351 is a group of
graves near the village of Tongass (Tlingit). Plate iii presents a view
in two sections of the grave-yard at the Kaigani village of Kasa-au,
Prince of Wales Island, and, with Plates lxv and lxvi, gives a general
idea of the graves seen to-day in this region, being sketches, or sketches
from photographs, with one exception, taken by the writer iu lb85-'87.

IN GENERAL.

Asa summary, it may be stated that Christian burial is rapidly sup-
planting all other forms. Cremation is still iu vogue amongst the north-
ern Tlingit, the ashes either being deposited in boxes in a small house,
or, according to Dunn, in boxes iu a secluded spot in the woods.*

Amongst the other tribesinterment is now pretty generally' practised,
the spot being marked either by a carved column, or by an enclosure in
the form of a fence.

MORTUARY CEREMONIES.

Although the methods of sepulture have changed in recent years, the
attendant ceremonies have not altered much. On the demise of an im-
portant personage in this 4'egion, it is customary to array the body in
ceremonial apparel and surround it with thetokeusof hisor her wealth.
Thus laid out in state, the relatives aud friends of. the deceased view the
remains. In the case of the death of a great and well-known chief, In-
dians come from other villages, aud the body is thus displayed until in
an advanced stage of decomposition, when the final rites take place.
Dunn (1835) says of the Tsimshian, " When a chief dies, he is, before in-
terment, dressed up, his face painted, and placed, sitting up, in a canoe,
and paddled round the maritime village, looking almost life-like." *
Amongst the Haida, Tsimshian, Kaigani, and southern Tlingit, when
cremation was practised, the attendant ceremonies were about as fol-
lows :

The members of families belonging to the wife's totem, and to totems
other than that of the deceased, were invited to a mourning feast, last-
ing usually four days. The feasting and display of the body in state were
accompanied by the dismal lamentations and wailing of the mourners,
who, after the guests had entered and were seated, came iu dressed iu
mourning costume and leaning on long staves or carved ceremonial
sticks. Arriving in the middle of the floor, they wept, moaned, wailed,

*Dunu (1835), OregoD, p. 280.

358 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

and saug iu a most dismal maiiDer. lu the intervals of mourning the
feasting took place, and it was then also that the slaves were sacrificed.
The nearest relative or leading man who gave the feast despatched the
slaves by a sharp blow on the head with a " slave-killer," a variety of
which instruments is shown in Plate xlvi. The most elaborate kinds
were carved from deer antlers, but the points were sometimes of copper
or stone.

Usually the body of the deceased was borne to the pyre and burned
at the beginning or on the first day of the ceremonies, the feasting and
mourning following that event. In any case, the bearers of the body
are the invited guests. The funeral pile is usually built just back of the
house of the deceased. The mourners range themselves around the
funeral pyre, their faces painted black, their hair cut short, and some-
times their heads covered with eagle's down. It was the early custom
amongst the Tlingit to disjoint the bod^' before burning it. Sometimes
the pipe was passed around before the fire was lighted, which last was
done at a signal from the master of ceremonies. As the fire was lighted,
drums were beaten, and the mourners wailed and (;ried until the pyre
was consumed. The ashes and burnt bones were collected in an elabo-
rately carved wooden box, which was deposited in the mortuary houses,
or on the columns described. The relatives washed and repainted their
iaces, presents were made to the guests who 'had assisted, and a feast
took ])lace, terminating the ceremonies.*

An anonymous writer iu the American Naturalist thus describes a
Tlingit funeral which he witnessed :

In one corner of the room we found the corpse, completely encased in hlankets,
wliich in turn w.'re enveloped l>y a large woven sea-grans mat, and tied up in such a
manner as to bring the knees nearly to the chin, and, thus enshrouded, it was placed
in a sitting posture. The house was about half filled with Indians — men, women,
and children.

On oue side of the room a young brave was busily engage<l with a pair of scissors
in cutting off the long black hair of all the near relatives, male and female. This
seems to be one of the usual mourning customs among these Indians. After he had
completed this tonsorial duty, during which he had been frequently interrui)ted by
their sudden outbursts of grief, a procession of about twenty Indian \varrior.s, headed by
old Au-a-hoots, the war chief of the tribe, filed through the small portal. Each carried
iu his haiul a long slender statf made of a hard wood and carved all over with fantastic
figures, while bright-colored Hudson Bay blankets fell in not ungraceful folds from
their broad, square shoulders. These staves bore evidence of their great age by the
high polish which they possessed, as well as by their smoky color and pungentodor. The
warriors ranged themselves in line along one side of the house, facing the center, and
immediately began a lugubrious death chant, keeping time by raising their staves
about three inches from the floor and letting them drop together. This doleful air
was much more monotonous than musical.

All this time the relatives of the deceased were rending the air with their lanienti

* Simpson, Journey, Vol. ii, p. 208 ; Dall, Alaska, p. 417 ; Portlock, Voyage, p. '290r
Frazer, Totemism, pp. 81 and 82, quoting Holenberg, p. 324, and Krause, Die TlinkiU
Indianer, p. 223.

THE TNDIAXS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. o59

tioDR. Every Iiulian i>ivseut bad his face thickly sineaied with a frosh coat ol Keal
oil aud black paint, thus reudcriuy; himself inconceivably hideous

At the close of the death song two stalwart younc braves niotmted to the roof and
lowered bark ropes through the aperture, which were made fast to the matting that
enveloped the corpse. An-a-hoots made a sign to the young men, aud they began
raising the body toward the opening in the roof. They always remove their dead
from their houses iu this manner, instead of through the door, on account of a super-
stition they have that the spirit of the defunct made its exit in this way. But just as
it arrived at the roof one of the ropes broke, precipitating the lifeless bundle upon the
fire below, scattering the burning coals in ev^ery direction. For a moment all was ter-
ror, confusion, and dismay. The shrieks and yells of sui)er8titious horror that went up
from the women and children baffle description. The body was hastily snatched from
the fire and hurriedly carried out through the door to the funeral pyre, which was
about 40 yards in rear of the house.*

The following- is a descriptiou of an ludiau cremation witnessed at
Sitka, Alaska, during the winter of 1886-'87, as described for the writer
by Lieut. George Barnett, TJ. S. Marine Corps :

For several days after death the body was lying in state, surrounded by all articles
of value which had been the property of the deceased. The face was covered with a
mask, and on the head was a handsome head-dress trimmed with ermine skins which
hung down the back; the hody, which was in a sitting posture, was covered with
Chilkat blankets.

During the time the body was lying in state some of the friends of the deceased
kept up a doleful chaut, keeping time with carved uiouruiug sticks, while others pre-
pared the funeral pile in rear of the house ; this pile was made of yellow cedar logs
so arranged that a solid mass was formed about 3 feet high and then the sides ami
one end were continued for about 2 or 3 feet more, thus formiug a box open at one
end and on. top, extra logs being on hand to cover the top and fill the open end after
the body was iu place.

When all was ready four men took hold of the corners of the blanket, which had
been placed on the floor under the corpse, and carried all to the window, resting it
on the window-sill, wheie it was held by four women, while the men went out through
the door and again took hold outside of the window ; they then carried the body
toward the pile, while an old woman, who was left in the house, took a tin pan and
gathered up some coals and ashes from the fire in the center of the house; she car-
ried the fire to the window and threw it out after the body, as she said, to purify the
house; she theu took up a small dog and likewise threw it out of the window to ac-
company the departed.

Under no circumstances will the Indians take a corpse out through the door; if
there is no window, they will make a hole iu the side of the house or take it out through
the smoke-hole in the roof.

The body was theu placed iu the hollow part of the pile and the top and end logs
Y>at in place, after which all was covered with seal oil aud the fire started.

During the burning two men used long poles to stir the fire, so that all would be
burned; at the same time about a dozen mourners with their faces blackened kept
up a funeral chant, keeping time by beating on the ground with their funeral sticks.

About 30 or 40 feet from the fire a hole had been dug in the ground aud partially
covered with brush, aud here the widow was attended by several female friends, who
combed her hair and changed her clothes, as they said, to cleanse her and make her
eligible for matrimony again.

After the corpse was consumed the bones and ashes were collected and placed iu

Quoted in Standard Natural History, Vol. vi, Man., pp. 134, 135.

360 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

Indian boxes, which were deposited iu the dead house iu rear of the former house of
the deceased.

Although large quantities of unbnrned wood remains after a cremation, the Indians
will not use it, but will go miles for their fuel rather than act contrary to custom
founded on superstition.

The tribes that iio^ do not practice cremation, such as the Haida,
Kaigani, and southern Tlingit, enclose tlie corpse in a sitting- posture
in a large covered box, similar to those ordinarily used, and stow it
away in the d?ad house, which is usually a shed or small house behind
the lodge of tiie deceased or at one end of the village. Some of these
dead houses contain three or four bodies. After the ceremony of de-
positing the box, the brother, or other near relative, gives a potlatch
and a feast to repny those who have contributed to the ceremony,
either in helping construct the box, or the dead house, or in carrying
the body. This practice is not very dififerent where the body is interred
according to the rites of Christian burial or in imitation of it. The
mourning, feasting, and painting of the face is still generally j»raotised
with any form of burial, save that directly under the supervision of the
missionaries.

It is the present custom, however, amongst the Kaigani, Haida, and
southern Tlingit when a chief or very wealthy person dies, to display
the body in state for awhile and then enclose it in a casket, which re-
mains in the house in which the deceased lived, the other occupants
moving out and finding quarters elsewhere. The casket is surrounded
by the boxes containing the ceremonial apparel of the deceased, his
household utensils, jiersonal property, and tokens of wealth in general,
and thus left for several years, admission being given from time to
time to visitors to view the spectacle. Plate lxvit is a view of such a
disposition of the body of the famous chief Skowl, at Kasa-an village,
Prince of Wales Island, Alaska, from a photograph by the writer.
Plate Lxviii, Fig. 353, is a view of chief Shakes lying in state at Fort
Wrangell, Alaska.

The grandest feasts and ceremonies in this region are in honor of the
dead, and in celebration and commemoration of the i)rowess, good
birtii, and wealth of the deceased.

SHAMAN BURIAL.

Dall, speaking of the customs at the death of a shaman, says:

For the first night he remains lying in the corner where he died ; but on the fol-
lowing day he is removed to the opposite corner, and this is continued until the body
has visited each of the four corners of the house. All the inmates of the house fast
meanwhile. On the fifth day the body, dressed in the garb of his profession, is bound
to a board. Two ivory or bone wands, which tlie shamau used in his performances,
are placed, the one in the cartilage of the nose, and the other in the hair, which is tied
together. The head is covered with a piece of basRet-work, and the body is carried
to its final resting place.* .

*Dal', Alaska, p. 4'i6.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXVII.

Mortuary Display of the Body of Chief Skowl, lying in State in his House at
Kasa-an, surrounded by his Personal Effects and the Tokens of his Wealth.

From a photograph by the author.

Chief Skowl died in the winter of 1882-"83, and, according to the custom of the
region, lii.s body was first displayed in state dressed in the ceremonial robes of a
chief. Later it was inclosed in a casket and deposited, as shown, on a pile of boxes
containing his clothing and ceremonial dance paraphernalia. The group is at the
end of the building, opposite the entrance, between the two carved jjosts holding
the I'afters of the house. The piles of boxes, all full of valuables, the row of cop-
pers, tlie bronze howitzer, etc.. all indicate the rank and wealth of the deceased.
Just below the casket are grouped his personal household utensils, consisting of
porcelain Ijowls, platters, wooden buckets, spoons, etc.. which are cared for as per-
sonal relics of tlie deceased. The figure on the left is that of a former slave of the
chief; that on the right a Kaigani in full dance regalia, with ])ainted body and hair
bedecked with eagle's down.

Report of National Museum, 1888— Niblack.

Plate LXVll.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXVII

r

The Body of Chief Shakes lying in State, and a Scene from a Theatrical Enter-
tainment Commemorative of the Legend of the Alliance of Shakes with the
Bear Family.

From a sketch in the U. S. National Museum and a photograph by the author.

Fig. 353. Tlingit and Haicla custom on the death of a chief. The body is dressed in
ceremonial attire and surrounded by the emblems of the wealth of the
deceased; is displayed in state as long as possible. Indians from far
and near gather to view the remains. When decomposition sets in the
body is inclosed in a casket and either interred with great pomp or
cremated, or else displayed, as in the case of Chief Skowl. This view
represents the body of the head chief, Shakes, lying in state at Fort
Wrangell, Alaska.

Fig. 354. Tlingit theatrical entertainment, as explained in the text. Chapter XIII,
p. 376. 377.

Report of National Museum, 1 888,— Niblack.

Plate LXVIII,

■?-^^Miv5»Pg

The Body of Chief Shakes lying in State, and a Scene from a Theatrical Enter-
tainment Commemorative of the Legend of the Alliance of Shakes with the
Bear Family.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXIX,

555

356

357

358

359

860

Wooden Commemorative or Mortuary Columns of the Tlingit and Haida Indians.

From photographs and sketches.

Fig. 355. MoKTi'ARY OR Commemorative Column at Masset, Queen Charlotte
Islands, Britisli Coinnihia.

Fig. 356. Mortuary or Commemorative Column in front of Cliief Shake's house
at Fort Wrangell. Alaska.

Figs. 357, 358. and 359. Mortuary Columns near Howkan. Alaska. Fig. 358,
with the spruce tree growing out of the top, illustrates the decay of
these wooden carvmgs through the encroachment of the vegetation,
which flourishes wherever it can get tlie least foothold.

Fig. 360. Mortuary or Commemorative Column at Fort Tongass, Alaska.

Report of National Museum, 1888 Niblack.

Plate LXIX.

Wooden Commemorative or Mortuary Columns op the Tlinoit and Haida Indians.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST OOA"T. 361

SUMMARY.

It is impossible to generalize with regard to the mortuary customs of
the Tliugit, Haida, and Tsimshiau. The methods of sepulture diifer
in differeut localities, aud have undergone mauy changes since the ad-
vent of the whites. Around Sitka the custom of burning the dead has
obtained from the earliest times, but the sepulture of the ashes has
radically changed ; whereas, cremation has now been almost entirely
given upby the Tsimshiau, Haida, aud southern Tlingit, having been
originally somewhat the prevailing custom. With regard to the burial of
shamans the custom seems to have been from the earliest times the same
as now, and quite uniform in character throughout the northern region
of the coast.

XITT.

FEASTS, DANCES, CEREMONIES, VOTLATCEES, THEATRICALS.

I. Initiatory Ceremonies: MarrtactE — child birth — naming —

PIERCINCI the ears and nose— tattooing — PUBERTY — BRINGING
OUT — SELF-NAMING — CHIEFTAINCY — GLORIFICATION OF THE DEAD,

II. FESTIVE Ceremonies: \yELCOME — trade — iiouse-butlding —

POTLATCHES— ceremonial DANCES— "CULTUS" DANCES— THEATRI-
CALS.

Festivities in general in this region consist in singing, dancing, feast-
ing, and in the distribution of presents 5 in the parade of ceremonial
paraphernalia, and in elaborate ceremonies, accompanied by all the
pomp and display that native wealth, ingenuity, and resource can add
to make them effective. Invitations to attend are sometimes extended
only to the people of certain totems in the settlement; sometimes the
whole village is invited ; often all from distant tribes are summoned.
The host invites according to the significance of the entertainment, or
to his resources and abilities to bear the expense. People of small
means do not as a rule go outside of tiieir own village, while a chief,
from his wealth and the dignity' due his position, extends his summons
to the people of distant villages. Long before the occasion messen-
gers are sent out to notify the guests, the invitation being general,
to men, women, and children. Some of the ceremonies are initiatory
in their nature, celebrating the advance of children towards manhood
or womanhood; some mark the endeavor of men to attain respect and
consideration by the display of wealth, by the giving of presents, and
by lavish entertainment; while others are obligatory on aspirants for
rank or authority. Running through it all are the regard for wealth
and show; the petty envies, jealousies, and rivalries of ambitious indi-
viduals and families; the tricks, fictions, and debasements to attain
ends; the love of applause, power, and advancement; and, above all,
a nicety in the gradation of presents to correspond with the abilities
of the recipients to return in kind. This marks a great step in the
evolution of the sentiment of gratitude, which is purely a product or
attribute of civilization. In fact, in this curious social organization,
based on wealth and family, we recognize so many touches of nature,
that our kinship with them is too apparent to admit of our judging
36-2

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. o63

them Itaishly. Time aud whitewash have accompliyhed wouders for
us, but the coating is too thin in places to entirely conceal our savage
selves of yesterday.

On all festive occasions, which are numerous, singing and dancing
are indulged in, the social proclivities being strong within them. The
dancing usually takes place indoors, aud is accompanied by the singing
of a selected few, who sit apart aud beat on a drum similar to that
shown in Fig. 302, Plate LVii, the time being still further emphasized
by the leader or others, who carry rattles or thump on the floor or ground
with batons similiar to those shown in Plate xvii.

Dancing. — Some of the dances are stately, dignified, and formal ; some
are wild, passionate, and furious ; others are ludicrous; but in general
the method of dancing them is the same, the movements simply being
slow or exaggerated, as the case may be. It consists mainly in contor-
tion of the body and hips, with the feet firmly planted and the knees
slightly bent. The body is wiggled and swayed from side to side or
forward aud backward, the legs remaining bent at about the same
angle. The dancers advance or change about, by a spasmodic hop
or shuffling of the feet, but the movements of the feet play only a
small part in the so called dancing itself. Now and then, with the in-
troduction of a new figure or movement by the leader, or the interjec-
tion of a witty remark by one of the dancers, the audience will laugh
or express its approval by grunts and cries. As the dance proceeds the
movements gradually become more and more animated. The leader
now and then addresses remarks and ejaculations to the singers and to
the other dancers, aud the din and contortions are redoubled in fury.
Suddenly the music stops and the dancers rest. The costumes worn are
various, depending upon the siguifiance of the dance; headdresses of
cedar bark, and the tall chief's head dresses (Fig. 3")) filled to the top
with birds' down ; Chilcat aud cedar blankets ; masks of various kinds
aud devices; cedar-bark girdles; ceremonial coats and leggings ; rattles
and whistles ; dance wands aud mechanically working snappers ; wooden
helmets ; ceremonial bows and arrows ; wooden spears and batons of
rank; to all this add the painted faces and bodies, the eagle's down
on the heads and over the paint, aud the clouds of birds' down blown
from tubes and scattered by the dancers, and one has an outline of
these picturesque and interesting gatherings. Some members of the
tribe become famous as dancers and as wits. Their antics and contor-
tions are always watched with interest, and their sallies greeted with
laughter by the women and children. This individual may be a woman
or man, or formerly might have been a favorite slave, who posed as a
clown or fool to amuse the multitude, and who was granted many priv-
ileges not given to other slaves. Amongst the Tlingit the men do most
of the dancing, whereas amongst the Haida and Tsimshians both sexes
I)articipate alike, sometimes one or the other, or both, taking part.

364 KEPOR'P OP NATIONAL MUSEtTM, 188S.

DawsoD, in a recent magazine article, thns describes a daticf which he
saw at Skidegate, Queen Charlotte Islands :

The performers, about tweuty in uuinber, were dressed according to iio uniform
plan. » » * Some had rattles, and added to tbe din by sliakiuj; these furiously at
the accentuated parts of the song. Five women took part in the dance, standing in
front iu a row, aud were dressed with some uniformity, several having the peculiaily
valuable cedar bark or goat's wool shawls made by the Tsimshiaus. The head dresses
of the women were all alike, consisting in each case of a small mask or semblance
of a face carved neatly iu wood aud 'ulaid with pearly haliotis shell. * ^ « »
The drum was beaten very regularly with double knocks — thus, titm turn, turn iiim,
turn turn — and with the sound the dancers ke])t time in a sort of chant or song to
which words are set, and which swells into a full chorus or dies away according to
the notions of a leader, who stood among the dancers, who, besides marking time,
now and then gave a few words of direction or exhortation. * * • To the drum-
ming and singing the dancing also keeps time, following it very closely. At every
beat a spasmodic twitch passes through the crowd of dancers, who scarcely lift their
feet from the floor, but move by double jerks, slnihling the feet a little at the same
time. After the jierformance has coutinned for ten minutes or so the master of the
ceremonies gives a sign and all stop with a loud hitgh ! The dance is resumed by the
j)»'rspiring crowd at the signal of the drum, which strikes up after a lew moments'
rest has been allowed.

Langsdorfif (1805) thus describes a dance which he saw at Sitka :

The dance itself consists chiefly in a very eager spring, in executing which the
dancers scarcely remove at all from one spot. They are all barefooted, and wear a
single garment only, commonly the woolen carter's frock mentioned above. One of
the daucers seems, as it were, to lead the rest, carrying iu his hand a thick sort of a
staff ornamented with the teeth ot sea-otters; with this he strikes upon the ground
to mark the measure. All, without exception, hold in their hands either the tail or
wing of the white-headed eagle or a piece of ermine. The latter is valued by them
very highly as an article of luxury. They not only ornament their heads with it,
and hold it iu their hands, but sew it about their garments. The women sit upon
the grouiul at the distance of some i)aces from the dancers, and sing a uot inharmo-
nious melody, which supplies the place of music.*

Tliis description of a dance answers very much to one seen by the
writer at Fort Wraugell, in September, 1887, called the "stick" dance,
in imitation of the Tinue Indians of the interior, up the Stikiue River.
It consisted in raising the feet alternately in quick succession as higli
as possible, without moving the body, to the sound of a drum, chorus,
aud rattle. It differs radically from the usual coast Indian dancing.
From the details given by Langsdorff it would appear that the carry-
ing of white ])lumes indicates that the ceremonials which he witnessed
were those of welcome and friendship or i)eace, as they took i)lace after
strained relations between the Russians and Indians. In the "stick"
dance, witnessed at Wraugell, the Indians wore the buckskin costume
of the Tiune, audit was given only for the amusement of tlie guests.
As a summary it may be stated that amongst the Tsimshian, Haida, and
Tlingit the form of most dancing ceremonies is as follows :

The guests sit around on the elevated ledges on the sides, as does
also the chorus, which latter keeps time to the beating of a drum or

* Langsdorff, Voyages, Part ii, p. 114.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 365

tambourine. There is a master of the ceremonies, who leads off the
chorus, and who may himself partici[)ate in the dance. The son^ is
usually in praise of the strength, ricbes, and prowess of the host, and
to this the dancers keep time with rattles, grunts, contortions of the
body, and shuffling of the feet, or spasmodic hop])ing, with knees con-
stantly bent. Dancing is an invariable accompaniment of potlatch
ceremonies, but may take place without the distribution of gifts.

The potlatch. — This is one of the most wide-spread and curious cus-
toms on the northwest coast. It has its origin not only in the custom
of the exchange of gifts, but in securing the good-will of others by
presents. To procure a wife; to enter the ranks or obtain the iuiiu-
ence of medicine men ; to become a great chief; to give social standing
to one's children; to take on oneself the name of a paternal ancestor;
to build a house ; to become a respected member of the community ; to
atone for a wrong done; to resent an insult — property in some form or
other must be sacrificed either by destroying it, to show one's rage,
grief, or disregard of wealth, or by giving it away to obtain the good-
will of others. The accumulation of property is a necessity in these
Indian communities in order to stand well in them, and wealth becomes
primarily the basis of social organization. Under the head of wealth
the general question of property has been discussed. In a potlatcli all
kinds of personal and household property — blankets, dishes, bowls,
canoes, guns, ammunition, money, mirrors, knives, garments, spears,
furs, robes, pots, kettles, spoons, etc. — are given away. Discrimination
must, however, be made between a reward for services rendered, dam-
ages mulcted, or the dot paid to the wife's parents, and the ceremonial
distribution of gifts, which last is the potlatch proper. The custom is
a very widely-spread one, and is x)ractised by some tribes of the inte-
rior, even east of the Kocky Mountains, particularly amongst those of
the Dakotan stock.

Amongst the Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshiau the potlatch is a per-
fectly systematized distribution, involving much more thoughtful con-
sideration and balancing of obligations than the giving of a select
german or limited entertainment by a well-recognized leader of society
in any of our large cities. The occasions on which they are given will
be enumerated later on in the description of the different ceremonies.
In general, the more frequently and liberally an Indian distributes
property the better his standing with the others, the greater his chances
of reaching the dignity of chief in his village, and the more is due him
when some other member performs the same ceremony. An ordinary
man confines his potlatch to those of his own village, while a chief usu-
ally sends out to certain individuals of distant villages by name. Often
a chief is assisted by his people, whom, in this case, he invites to a
feast, and from whom afterwards he receives gifts which, with those
of his own, are given away subsequently at the grand potlatch. When-
ever it is the intention of an individual, other than the head chief^

3()(J REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

to make such a distribution, he calls together his frieuds aud rela-
tives, makes an iuventory of his property, aud, with their help, makes
out a list of persons to whom he intends giving- presents and what
articles go to each. It is often the custom, however, previous to call-
ing together the friends, for the host to quietly distribute his property
among his friends and the principal peoi)le of the village, who by eti-
<iuette are required just before the time set for the potlatch to return
the presents with interest or increase — that is, for four blankets to re-
turn six, or in some such ratio. In this way all the tribe immediately
concerned know what they are to get, and the immediate frieuds and
relatives know what the visitors are to receive. The inventory being-
made out and the council of advisers assembled, the list is read out
name by name. As soon as a name is read, the friemls present ex-
press their ai)pr()val or disapproval of the intention to give the indi-
vidual named such and such present. The list being finally made
out, the messengers are sent out to announce the date and to invite
the guests. On the assembling of the guests, on the date fixed, feast-
ing and dancing are indulged in. If the occasion is for the purpose
of raising a house, cutting out and erecting a new carved column, or
undertaking some industrial enter{)rise requiring the combined eftbrt
of many, the feasting and dancing alternate with the work, gambling
being indulged in during spare times, and the distribution takes place
when the work in hand is finished, after which all disperse. In this
case, however, the gifts are in the nature somewhat of reward for serv-
ices, aud go to the guests pure and simple, the relatives receiving none ;
but in case of a grand potlatch, unconnected with the industrial idea,
all receive presents according to tiie list made out. In any case, how-
ever, the distribution is the final ceremony, and is conducted as follows :
The guests all being assembled, the goods are displayed about the
walls and on poles and cords or piled up on the fioor in a great mound.
The host stands or sits arrayed in ceremonial attire, and presides over
the atitair with the ceremonial baton in his hand. The herald blows a
call similar to that shown in Fig. 334, announces the opening of the
ceremony in a speech, extolling tlie liberality ami prowess of tlie host,
aud calls a name, giving the present he is to receive. An attendant
takes the present and deposits it in front of the person who is to re-
ceive it, where it remains until all are thus honored, the names being
called out oue by one. On the announcement of each name, the host
solemnly uods his head aud thumps on the floor with his baton. The
whole ceremony forcibly reminds oue, in a general way, of a Sunday-
school Christmas-tree distribution. Formerly slaves were given away
to the rich aud powerful visitors, but to the poorer guests worn-out
blankets, or even pieces or strips of blankets were and still are given,
on tlie i>rincii)le that to those wlio have shall be given. A song is sung,
a dance performed, and the guests disperse, but frequently a repetitiou
of the whole affair occurs in the lu'xt lodge, and so on until the whole

Tin-: IIS'IHAN.S OF THE NORTH WEST COAST. 367

comuiiiuity has coutributed to make tbe affair one long to be leuieui-
bered, and Lauded down by tradition a>s an epoch in tbe history of the
vilhige.

Feasts. — So far we have considered in general dancing, singing, and
the 'distribution of presents. In preparation for a feast the northern
Indians (Tsinishiau, Haida, and Tliugit), if not now at least formerly,
washed off all the old paint, and, after smearing their bodies with
fresh grease, repainted their faces, chests, and arms red, etching on
their totemic designs, and sprinkling it all with white down in a fall-
dress but polite coating of tar and feathers. The feasts consist of all
kinds of food, quantity being the chief requisite. This, however, is
served on large feast dishes and eaten with ceremonial spoons, both of
which have been illustrated in the accompanying plates. The guests
sit around on the ledges or surrounding platforms, and all eat out of
the dishes nearest at hand. The feasts are usually kept up as long as
there is anything to eat.

I.— Initiatoey ceremonies.

lu this class are included all the ceremonies that mark the different
steps in life from birth to death. Funeral ceremonies have been de-
scribed. The most important voluntary step in life, and one that has
the greatest significance in our higher civilization at least, is matri-
mony.

Marriage. — As a rule the Indians marry young. Polygamy is the
natural result of the custom by which a sister's son or a brother falls
heir to the relict of the uncle or brother, in addition to his own wife.
While the custom is now dying out, yet it is in the relations of the
sexes that the Indians most tenaciously cling to old-time customs.
Polygamy is rare, but the number of wives is regulated purely by the
ability or desire of the husband to maintain them, Dunn (1834) men-
tions a Sebassa (Tsimshian) chief who had twenty wives and hosts of
slaves.* The first wife has precedence. It is not uncommon amongst
the Tlingit for "rich and substantial men to have two wives, an old
and a young one.''t Sometimes there is a great deal of sentiment in
the selection of a bride; sometimes a match is arranged or schemed
for by the families ; but more often it is a commercial transaction of
buying and selling. A nian desiring to marry a girl sends his mother
or a middle man to her parents to negotiate. An understanding having
been arrived at, he sends as many presents as he can get together to
her father. The ceremony is about the same throughout the northern
region, consisting mainly in the assembling of friends, the exchange of
presents, feasting, and dancing. The father invites all the daughter's
relations to the ceremony. On the day appointed the man invites his
friends to accomj)any him, and going to the house of the bride-elect

* Duun, Oregon, p. 274.

t Lan<;H<lor(l', Voyages, l^urt ii, ]). l'X.\,

368 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

they enter and sit down at one end of the room, the girl and her rela-
tives being- at the other. The young man's friends make a speech in
his favor, and the girl's relatives sing a song, after which the bride
goes over and sits down beside her to-be-husband and takes his hand.
Dall thus describes the further custom amongst the Tliugit:

All the guests dance aud slug; wheu tired, diversifyiug the eutertaiutiient by eat-
ing. The pair do not join in any of the ceremonies. That their future life may he
happy they fast for two days. Then taking a little food to sustain life, they fast for
two days more. Four weeks afterwards they come together aud are then recognized
as man and wife.*

When the ceremony is comi)lete the father of the girl gives her a
dowry equal in value to that received from the husband, and she goes
to live with her father-in-law. If they afterwards separate through
dissatisfaction the presents are all returned ; but if a wife is unfaithful,
the husband can send her back with nothing and get his own property
from tl»e father. In any case the children go with the mother. The
husband may claim indemnity from his wife's seducer. When the mar-
riage festival is all over, the fact is marked by the removal from the
bride's lower lip of the button or pin, and the substitution of the plug
or labret.

ChiM-birfh. — It appears that only amongst the Tlingit are peculiar
customs in vogue in the treatment of women at child-birth. Petroff
says in his report :

The special snlfering imposed ni)on all womankind by nature is increased here a
hundred fold by ancient custom and suj»erstition. At the time of child-birth, when
women more than at any other time are in need of assistance, the Tliugit females
are driven ont of the house and left to their fate, shunned by everybody as nnclean-
The child is born in the open air, no matter at what season, and only some time after
the birth is the mother allowed to enter a rude shed erected for the purpose, where
she is con fined for ten days. * » * Anew-born child is not allowed to taste its
natural food nntil it has vomited, and if this does not occur naturally its little
stomach is pressed and squeezed until the desired effect is secured. At the age of a
few weeks the babe is wrapped in fuVs and strapped upon a board, and is always car-
ried about by the mother. The infants are given the breast from ten to thirty months,
but they are accustomed to othc^r food after they are a year old. The first strong
nourishment given them is generally the raw blubber of marine animals, except
that of the whale. As soon as the child begins to walk it is bathed daily in the sea.
without regard to the season, which accounts to some extent for the robustness of
the body of the Tlingit after he has once passed the tender age.t

This custom relating to women at child-birth is much less rigorously
carried out now than formerly, and diligent inquiry by the writer has
failed to discover that such practice was ever in vogue amongst the
Haida or Tsimshian. The cradle-board has been very generally aban-
doned ill this whole region, the child being slung in a blanket or carried
in the arms, as with us. When used formerly the board was padded
with moss, which was renewed daily. Children are treated with great
kindness and leniency and rarely chastised.

^ Dall, Alaska, p. 416.
t Fetrolf, Report, p. 109.

THE INDIANS OP THE NORTHWEST COAST. 369

Naming. — Childroa are given more than one name, bnt the custom
varies somewhat in different localities. The first is applied soon after
birth by the mother, and is usnally that of a maternal ancestor or near
male relative of the mother. Ancestral names are preserved with the
greatest care, this being favored by the custom of erecting mortuary
columns and preserving traditions of the prowess of ancestors. The
first name is conferred without any ceremony. An exception to this
has been noted in the adoption of a son as an heir by a wealthy chief,
where his sister takes the child and figuratively adopts it, the name of
a paternal (or adopted maternal, which is the same) ancestor is applied
to the child. The chief makes her a present, and when the boy grows
up it becomes his duty to also suitably remember or reward her. Where
parents are too poor to prepare feasts for their children they retain their
first name; but with families of wealth there are several ceremonies
which must be complied with to insure social standing to their children.
The first ceremony is a very expensive one, involving in former times for
the parents an enormous outlay.

Piercing the nose and ears. — This most important ceremony is intended
to ^ixQ social standing to the children, and involves, or formerly in-
volved (for the practice has almost gone out of date), the following de-
tails: (1) A house-building "bee"; (2) a potlatch ; (3) the bestowal of
a second name on the child or children ; (4) the freeing of slaves, and
(5) the piercing of the nose and ears, although not in the exact order
named. A new house is first built for its express celebration, feasts
being given during the progress, and dancing, singing, and gambling
being indulged in. The relatives and guests being all assembled, the
final ceremonies take place as follows: (During the period when slaves
were held a number of them equal to that of the children for whom
the celebration was given at this point received their liberty.) The
children are brought forward according to their age, and the incisions
made in the septum of the nose and the lobe of the ear with a sharp
instrument or awl of copper, bone, .shell, or iron. A second name is
bestowed on each, which amongst the Haida is (according to Dawson)
for male children determined as follows :

With the Haidas a lirst-born son may be called by the name of the mother's eldest
brother; the second born after the mother's second brother, or by one of the addi-
tional names of the first. Should the mother have no brother the name of some dead
friend is chosen, or in cases where the medicine man reveals the return of some one
formerly dead in the new-bora child, the name of the person supposed to be thus retitrn-
ing to the tribe takes precedence of all others. A chief's son is named by its mother af-
ter consultation with a medicine man, whom she pays. He takes a night to think, and
mayhaps dream, about it. Thereafter he gives the name of a deceased male rehitive
on the mother's side, which is adopted. The ceremony of naming is witnessed by
many, and presents are given. » * » Four times in all a youth chauges his name,
always taking one from his mother's family.*

After the naming a feast takes place, followed by singing, dancing,
and a grand potlatch, when all disperse and the festival comes to an

*DawsoM, Keport, p. 131.
H. Mis. 42, pt. 2 24

370 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, ISbS.

end. At the potlatcli it may be well to meutiou, all the assembled peo-
ple, both relatives and guests, receive presents, which is different from
a simple housebuilding or other industrial "bee," where only the
guests are rewarded.

Tattooing. — Amongst the Tlingit and Tsimshian, where tattooing is
not practiced, the child receives simply the birth name, the second name
as in the preceding, and either one or two other names later on, as here-
after explained. With the Ilaida, however, the ceremony of tattooing,
which occupies three separate occasions or gatherings, a name is each
time bestowed or assumed. According to Dawson* a house-building
bee and potlatch is given by the parents on the first two occasions of
the tattooing of a child or several children, and on the last occasion
the young man, aided by his mother's people, makes the potlatch from
his own house and adopts formally the name of a maternal relative or
ancestor. On this occasion the tattooing is finished ; but the cereniouy
will be spoken of under the head of Last naming. The process of tat-
tooing has been described.

Puberty. — The ordeals through which a young girl was rexpiired to
pass on attaining the age of puberty were formerly very severe, but in
recent years have been almost entirely relaxed. Amongst the Tlingit
they were j)eculiarly trying, but the custom varied in different localities,
According'* to Laugsdorff, who was amongst them in 1804- 05, it was
not *' uncommon when a young girl is grown up to shut her up, even for
a whole year, in a small house by herself at a distanci; from her family
and acquaintance, where she is kept constantly employed; the idea
is that by this means she acquires habits of industry and <liligence,
reserve and modesty, which will afford the better chance of her becom-
ing a good wife, and lay a solid foundation for wedded hapi)iness."t
This exclusion, however, had a deeper reason, in that young girls were
at this period considered unclean, and both among the Ilaida and Tlin-
git were couipelled to wear a peculiar cloak, hood, or hat as a badge of
seclusion, and to protect the sky from pollution. The face was painted
with charred fungus, and the girl required to fast more or less, only her
mother or a female slave being allowed to carry her food. Amongst
the Tlingit she was confined to a small hut for six months or so, but
amongst the Haida it was customary to screen off" a corner of the house
and give her a separate tire and a separate exit out of a small back
door cut for the purpose. According to Dawson, if it was necessary
for her to pass out by the front door, preparations were made by remov-
ing everything with which there might be danger ot her coming in con-
tact. In meeting men she was required to avert her face and cover it
with a corner of her blanket. The hood or cloak she wore was made of
woven cedar-bark, nearly conical in shape, and reached down below the
breast, though open before the face.

"Dawson, Report, p. 131.

t Langsdorff, Voyages, Part ii, p. 1J3,

THE INDIANS OP THE NORTHWEST COAST. 371

These or other similar customs were also iu vogue among the Tsimshians, whose
practices so closely resemble the Haida's iu most respects. Auioug these people great
care was taken to teach the girls submission, contentment, and industry. At certain
times they were not allowed to lie down to sleep, but if overcome with drowsiness
must prop themselves in a sitting posture between boxes. Before drinking the cup
must be turned round four times iu the direction of movemeut of the sun. It was
also usual for the mother to save all hairs combed out of the girl, and twist them into
cords, which were then tightly tied round the waist and ankles, and left there till they
fell to pieces of themselves. This Avas supposed to give a fine shape to the body. In
eating, the girl must always sit down to prevent a too great coi-pulence. If orphaned,
the various ceremonies must be again performed by the girl, even though already
attended to.*

If the pareuts were rich or importaut people, on releasing the girl a
great feast was given by the relatives in her honor by way of bringing
her out or making her debut.

Bringing out. — On the occasion of the feast or ceremony celebrating
the release of a girl from her seclusiou, she was richly dressed (formerly
in sea-otter skins) and the garments worn during her restriction burned
up or otherwise destroyed. As a rule this ceremony was accompanied
with more or less theatrical effect, in that the girl was seated on a divan
surrounded by borrowed wealth, and a curtain arranged to be remov^ed
at a given signal, Dawson says :

Among the Tsimshiau i>eculiar ceremonies exist in connection with the " bringing
out" of young women, and it is the occasion of public fea-sting. In case of a young
woman, the people being all collected, a curtain is raised, and she is seen sitting with
her back to the spectators, peculiarly dressed, and surrounded by a circle of upright
"coppers," if enough can be mustered. She then begins to sing, or if she does not,
an old woman begins to sing near her, and she becoming encouraged joins. The old
woman theu gradually drops her voice till the novice is singing alone. She then
eventually makes a dauce before all the people. The songs and dances are practised
before the time for the rite arrives. Similar customs probably exist among the
Haidas, though I did not learn anj'^ detail concerning them.t

A girl being thus launched forth into the social life of the commu-
nity became eligible for marriage. In the general idea we see the be-
ginnings of similar customs with which we are familiar in our own more
comjilex social organization.

Self-naming — Among the Tlingit and Tsimshiau a child receives (I)
a birth name, (2) an ancestral name, (3) one other name as here ex-
plained, and (4) i)ossibly a name late in life when a chief has a son
who becomes distinguished, and a name is bestowed on the former im-
plying that he is the father of this distinguished son. Among the
Haida two names are bestowed other than the first and second as above,
one each on two occasions when a youth undergoes the preliminary tat-
tooing. On the third and final tattooing the youth himself assumes a
fifth name after due ceremonies.

It is of this self-assumed name, the third amongst the Tlingit and
Tsimshian and fifth amongst the Haida, that we shall here speak. As

Pawson, Report, ]». 130, B. Mbid., p. 131.

372 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

a youth of good family ai)proaches man's estate it becomes his duty to
accumulate all the property possible, and, with the help and material
contributions of his mother's people, to make a grand feast and potlatch
from his own house. Practically it issimply a house building " bee," in
which the young man erects his carved column and the rafters of his
house, takes on himself the name of an ancestor (usually maternal) ;
and becomes a petty chief or man of influence in the village. It is on
this occasion that the tattooing of the young Haida is finished and
when the aspirant for honors drinks down the oil from the great wooden
spoon as shown in Fig 27 and Plate lt. These ceremonies are no-
where accurately described, and the writer gathered but a meagre out-
line of them at Port Simpson, British Columbia. The significance of
the affair is similar to that of the "bringing out" of girls, in that it
marks the arrival of the youth at man's estate. At the conclusion of
the grand feast and potlatch, the young man is known by his newly
adopted name.

Chieftaincy — Chieftaincy is to a certain extent hereditary, but as it de-
pends upon wealth, any freeman who can accumulate property may, by
erecting a house and giving potlatches and feasts in honor of his ances-
tors, come finally to be the head of a household and be regarded as a
petty chief or one of the principal men of the village. Good birth and
wealthy and influential family connections are the first requisites of an
aspirant for tlie highest rank. To be a ])etty chief in the village a man
must practically be at the head of a household, hence the necessity for
building a house and for marrying. To build a house the united labor
of many peoi)le is re<iuired, hence the house-building "bees." To re-
ward those who participate and to gain the good will of others, feasts
must be given and presents distributed ; hence the potlatch. To retain
the respect and esteem of others these feasts and pothatches must be re-
peated at intervals. By an alliance with medicine men, whose influen<;e
is purchasable, various deceits and tricks may be resorted to in order
to impose on the credulity of the vulgar herd and increase the respect
they have for the rank and power of the aspirant for honors. In order
to strengthen this feeling of respect it is necessary to brush up the coat-
of-arms, so to speak, and give a grand feast in honor of some departed
ancestor. This is called " glorifying the dead," and may take place a
few years after the decease of the relatives or many years afterwards.
Finally, by dint of giving feasts, potlatches, and " bees;" by intrigue,
display, and prowess ; by push, energy, and enterprise, the aspirant
finds himself in the front rank of the chiefs, a respected and influential
elder in the village.

Glorification of the dead. — In Chapter xii the mortuary customs of
the different tribes of this region were discussed. On the death of a
chief, or other very important personage, the body, after lying in state
for a year or more, is iinally interred with great ceremony, or, as amongst
the northern Tlingit, burned on a funeral pyre. It tlien devolves upon

TRE INDIANS OF THK NoR'PHWKST COAST. 373

the brother ov other relative to Trhom the et^tate of the deceased has
come down to erect a carved mortuary cohiinn in front of his house,
and give a grand fea«t and potlatch to glorify the dead. This is by far
the most elaborate and important ceremonial of these Indians. The
carved columns are shown in Plate lxix, and in Figs. 1, 179, 294, 344,
and 345, as well as in Plates i and ii in the general views of Kasa-au
village. These are carved usually by one of the experts of the village,
and, although less costly than the large columns, are quite expeusive.
The time being set. for the ceremony, guests are invited from far and
near and entertained by the host and his relatives. The monumental
column is erected, and at the feast which follows speeches are made
extolling the virtues of the departed, but dwelling particular!}' upon
those of the giver of the feast. Although the latter practically squan-
ders his substance in thus entertaining his visitors, he feels well repaid
in receiving their expressions of approval and high esteem. Gambling,
feasting, and dancing occupy, as in all such gatherings, the leisure
time not devoted to the work or entertainment in hand.

Summary. — In these initiatory or commemorative ceremonies we see
the gradual identilicatiou of the individual with his totem and the cele-
bration of the different steps in the progress of the child from birth to
womanhood and manhood and in commemoration after death. The
initiatory ceremonies of medicine men and of the four religious orders of
the Tsimshian are reserved for a special chapter, which will not appear
with this paper, being withheld, with several others, on account of the
incompleteness of the data, and the hope on the part of the writer that
the task will be undertaken by some organized department of the Gov-
ernment. (See Synopsis of Contents.)

II. — Festive ceremonies.

In the exchange of social amenities and in the round of ceremonial
gatherings which take place as just described there are many forms of
etiquette to be observed. In one sense these are not rigid, but are,
however, sufficiently uniform in their character to admit of classifica-
tion and description.

Welcome. — These Indians welcomed the arrival of the early European
navigators and traders by paddling their canoes several times around
the ship, making long speeches, scattering bird's down and singing.
The significance of bird's down has been alluded to as an emblem of
friendship and peace in Chapter ix. Two parties of Indians meeting
in canoes exchange civilities very impassively by talking or shouting-
out. Poole (18G7) describes the meeting of two friendly canoe parties
which had been separated by stress of weather and each believed the
others to have been lost. They danced in a circle together, the two
chiefs capering about madly while the air rang with shouts.* The cere-

* Poole, Qneeu Charlotte Islamls, p. 279.

374 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

moiiy of welcome at a village is rendered i)racticaUy in the assistance
which they lend in helpino- to nnload and hanl np the canoe of the vis-
itors. Official ceremonies of welcome to guests by a chief consists in
the reception of the visitors in state in his house or lodge. To make it
impressive he sits cross-legged on the ledge or platform, surrounded by
his friends and relatives, who squat about. On the arrival of the guests
the chief delivers a long speech, interspersed with sudden outbursts
and grunts of approval by his people. After that an exchange of pres-
ents takes place and a feast or dance is given in honor of the visitors.
When a party of friendly Indians arrive at a village the chief receives
them in a dance ceremony performed by himself. Their canoes are
hauled up on the beach by the villagers, but the chief does not come
down to meet them. He stands near the fire in the back of the house
dressed as in Plate ix, with the top of his head-dress filled with swan's
down. As the visitors enter, the people sitting about the fire break
forth into a song, accompanied by a drum, and the chief makes hispos
setil,, scattering the down, filling the air, and covering the spectators.
In the case of an Indian arriving at a strange village, he goes to the
house of one of his totem as indicated by its totemic column. The
owner comes out to welcome him, and if he likes makes a dance and a
feast in honor of his visitors. Guests arriving to take part in some gen-
eral ceremony are entertained by the relatives of the host and of his
wife.

Trade. — The ceremonies attending trading in the early days of the
intercourse of the Europeans and Indians have been described in Ohaj*-
ter.viii. They really ditiered little from the general ceremonies of wel-
come, but were intended to impress the visitors with a due sense of the
rank and importance of the head of the household. The time thus
spent by the Indians in dancing, singing, etc., was a source of great an-
noyance to the traders, who were generally eager to transact their busi-
ness and seek other villages while the good season lasted.

HousehiiiUUnq. — In Chapter vi, under the head of " Haida perma-
nent dwellings," the process of erecting a house is described in detail.
Through the kindness of Mr. Henry Elliott we have in Plate lxx an
excellent sketch, made at Fort Simpson, British Columbia, in October,
1806, illustrating a house-raising by a party of Haida who had secured
permission from the Tsimshian Indians to erect it near their village for
the accommodation of visiting Haida. This spirited sketch by Mr. El-
liott has remained in his i)ortfolio for twenty-two years, and is now
published for the first time. The immense size of the beams and planks
used necessitates the co-operation of many individuals, and the occa-
sion of their gathering from other villages is made as enjoyable as pos-
sible. The great labor and expense involved requires the whole proc-
ess to extend over a period of several years. The cutting and rough-
ing out of the timbers in the forest, the launching of these and towing
to the village, the carving of the totemic column and supports for the

EXPLANATION OF PLATE LXX.

A Band of Haida erecting a House at the Tsimshian Village of Port Simpson,
British Columbia, in October, 1866.

From a sketch by Mr. Henry W. Elliott.

The scene is that of the co-operative building of a house, a hand of howhng, yell-
ing, lialf-naked Haida being engaged in hauling uji a luige rafter on skids by means
of ropes of spruce-root or twisted cedar-l)ark. Tlie canoes on the beach, and the
village in the distance, lend to it the characteristic features of a view in this region.

I

Report of National Museum. 1888.— Niblack.

PLATE LXX.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 375

huge beams or rafters, and their final erection into the frame work of a
house, all require not only the expenditure of much time and labor, but
a very extensive outlay of wealth. The gathering is an occasion of
much ceremony, but the work in hand, conducted always with dire con-
fusion, shouting-, and yelling, occupies but a small portion of the time,
the remainder being filled in with gambling, feasting, dancing, speech-
making, and dissipations of various kinds. Formerly the custom ob-
tained of killing several slaves when a person of consequence built a
house, the victims being selected sometime before the ceremony. The
bodies of those slain were accorded the right of burial, and in this much
were deemed very fortunate. Petroff says :

If ail intended victim managed to escape or to conceal himself he was allowed to
live, and might return after the conclusion of the festivities at the house of his master
without incurring punishment. It frequently occurred that powerful chiefs assisted
favorite slaves on such occasions to make their escape.*

After the house has been finished all these ceremonies take place
therein. The dancers paint their faces, and, attired iu their best, go
through with a dance lasting an hour or so. Amongst the Haida the
dancers are the relatives of the host's wife. At its conclusion speeches
are made (and formerly the slaves sacrificed) and the potlatch takes
lilace, the host presiding. After that they disperse.

Potlafches. — The potlatch, as entering into other ceremonies, has been
<lescribed in the first part of this chapter. It is the accompaniment of
every gathering designed to elevate the host in the good will of the
community and advance him in rank by increasing the j'espect felt for
him in his own and other villages. The potlatch in itself as a separate
ceremony is, however, practiced. Invitations to it are sent out as for
other gatherings. Usually they are given by chiefs or persons of
wealth well-established in the community. According to Dawson,

Each chief with the Tsimshians had also [in former days] his jester, who is sent on
errands of invitation, announces the guests on their arrival, and makes jokes and
endeavors to amuse the company, though preserving his own gravity. The jester is
not, of course, always iu attendance. He receives nothing for his trouble, appar-
ently looking on the position as honorable, and inherits nothing on the chief's deatb.t

The object of the potlatch thus given as a separate ceremony is to
strengthen the giver's position in the community and to increase his
reputation at home and abroad.

Ceremonial dances. — Sufficient data is not at hand to classify the vari-
ous dances of the northern Indians of this region. The weight of evi-
dence seems to be that amongst the Haida the Tsimshian language is
used in the songs accompanying their dances, and that in all probability
most of the religious and winter-dance ceremonials of the Haida were
originally borrowed from their Tsimshian neighbors. Little is known
on this subject, and it presents a most interesting field for future
investigation, particularly iu the relation of these to the winter dances
of the Kwakiutl and other southern tribes.

' Petroff, Report, p. 172. t Dawson, Report, B, p. 120.

376 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1«8X.

Gultus dances. — This is a term usually a])plie(l to dauces carried on
without any apparent motive other than amusement in imitation of the
actions during the greater festivities, possibly, however, as much for
l)ractice as anything else.

Theatricals. — Portlock (1787) gives an interesting account of the cere-
monies of the Tlingit with whom he traded. After an elaborate enter-
tainment of welcome by singing and dancing in the canoes alongside
the Indians adjourned ashore, and returning again began their song.

This time, by waj' of varying our auiuseuieut, the cbiet appeared iu diliereiit
characters during the time his people were singing, and always changed his dress
when he varied his character, in doing of which some of liis companions hekl up a
a large mat, hy way of a screen, to prevent us from seeing what was going on behind
the curtain. At one time he appeared iu the character of a warrior, and seemed to
have all the savage ferocity of the Indian conqueror abont him. He showed us the
manner in which they attacked their enemies, their method of lighting, and their be-
haviour to the vanquished enemy. He next assumed the character of a woman, and
to make his imitation more complete he wore a mask, which represented a woman's
face with their usual ornaments; and indeed it so exactly resembled a woman'a face
that I am pretty certain it was beyond the reach of Indian art, and uutst certainly
have been left by the Spaniards in their last visit to this part of the coast.*

The type of mask referred to is shown in Fig. 5G, Plate xvi, and in
spite of Portlock's doubts is a veritable product of Indian art.
Dunn says of the Kwakiutl :

In the winter months these, as well as the neighbouring tribes, assemble in great
numbers in the chiefs house for the purpose of witnessing the chief imitate different
spirits, whom they are supposed to worship. He puts on at intervals different
dresses and large masks of different kinds, entirely covering his head and neck.
The masks are made to open at the month and eyes by means of secret springs, invisi-
ble to the spectators and different noises are sent forth. He dresses for each char-
acter behind a large curtain, drawn quite across the room, like the drop curtain in a
theatre, and then comes forth and stands on a sort of stage in front of it, while the
spectators are ranged on benches placed along the side walls. In one of the charac-
ters he imitates the rising sun, which they believe to be a shining man, wearing a
radiated crown, and continually walking round the earth, which is stationary. He
wears on this occasion a most splendid dress of ermine and other valuable furs, and
a curiously constructed mask, set round with seals' whiskers, and feathers which
gradually expand like a fan, and from the top of the mask swan-down is shaken out
in great quantities, according as he moves his head. The expanding seals' bristles
and feathers represent the sun's rays, and the showers of down, rain and snow; the
Indians chanting at the same time in regular order and in a low key showing rev-
erence, devotion, and awe. • * * Sometimes the various divine personages are
represented by one man; sometimes there are two or three personators on the stage
all at once, representing different divinities. t

In Plate lxvii are shown some of the masks belonging as personal
properties to the late Kaigani chief Skowl. In the boxes are the cere-
monial vestments worn on occasions. In Plate LXViii are two views of
the paraphernalia belonging to Chief Shakes of Fort Wrangell (Tlingit),
the upper one. Fig. 353, representing the body of the late chief lying
in state, and the lower. Fig. 354, a theatrical group representing a legend

» Portlock, Voyage, p. 283.
tDunn, Oregon (1842), pp. 253, 254.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 377

tracing the descent of Chief Shakes from the hsav. Amongst the
Tliugit, Haida, and Tsimshian these theatrical euteitaiumeuts are also
given by the chiefs, but have more of a totemic than a religious sig-
nificance, as in the south. It was formerly and is now somewhat the
custom in the more out of the way villages for each chief to have a
helper or principal man, who enjoys the confidence of the chief, has
considerable authority, gives advice and instruction to the chief's
successor, and has the care and keeping of certain secrets and prop-
erties belonging to the chief. These last duties pertain largely to
assistance rendered in the production of the theatrical representations
of the traditions and legends relating to the chief's totem. On such
occasions, the guests being assembled, the chief presides, while the prin-
cipal man directs the entertainment. Fig. 354 represents a scene taken
from a representation witnessed by the writer at Chief Shakes's, Fort
Wrangell, Alaska. The figure of the bear is a mannikin of a grizzly
with a man inside of it. The skin was obtained up the Stikine River,
in the mountains of the interior, and has been an heirloom in Shakes's
family for several generations. The eyes, lips, ear lining, and paws are
of copj)er, and the Jaws are capable of being worked. A curtain screen
in one corner being dropped, the singing of a chorus suddenly ceased,
and the principal man, dressed as shown, with baton in his hand, nar-
rated in a set speech the story of how an ancestor of Shakes's rescued
the bear from drowning in the great flood of years ago, and how ever
since there had been an alliance between Shakes's descendants and the
bear. This narration, lasting some ten minutes, was interrupted by
frequent nods of approval by the bear when appealed to, and by the
murmurs and applause of the audience.

In these various representations all sorts of tricks are practised
to impose on the credulous and to lend solemnity and reality to the
narration of the totemic legends. The masks shown in Plate lxvii are
those worn by the different characters in the entertainments offered by
Chief Skowl.

XIV.

GENERAL CHARACTER OF TRADITIONS, MYTHS, AND FOLKLORE—

BlliLIoaRAL'llY.

The traditions and myths of the northern group of the northwest
coast (Tiinf^it, llaida, and Tsinishian) are very similar, but with pecul-
iar local variations. No attempt can be made here other than to out-
line the principal tradition of the creation and of the origin of man,
and that only to illustrate the general character of their beliefs and
ideas, fn their legends and traditions we have the unconscious ex-
pression of their religious, moral, and aesthetic ideas, their views of life
and death, their cosmogony and astrology, their fanciful biograjthios
and history, and their explanations of all the phenomena of nature.
Related around the log Hre in the family circle, with loud and confulent
voice, with labored and dramatic imitations and gestures, and listened
to with wrapt attention by the in unites of the lodge, they re])resent the
history of human thought — the blind gropiugs of the mind to know —
in this narrow pocket of the world, and as such are as worthy of care-
ful com]>ilation and study as if they were facts of veritable history.

The creator of all things and the benefactor of man was the great
raven called by the Tlingit Yetl^ Yeshl. or Yeatl., and by the Haida J^e-
Jcil stias. He was not exactly an ordinary bird, but, like all old Indian
mythical characters, had many human attributes, and the power of
transforming himself into anything in the world. His coat of fearhers
could be put on or taken off at will like a garment, and he could as-
sume any character whatever. He existed before his birth, never
grows old, will never die. Numerous are the stories of his adventures
in peopling the world and giving to man the earth, fire, fresh water, lite,
fish, game, etc. According to the Haida and Kaigani the first people
sprung from a cockle-shell {Cardium corhin^ Mart). ^selnl-sthiH became
very lonely and began to look about him for a mate, but could find
none. At last he took a cockle shell from the beach, and marrying it,
he still continued to brood and think earnestly of his wish for a com-
])anion. By and by he heard a faint cry in the shell, which gradually
became louder till at last a little female child was seen, which by de-
grees grew to be a woman and married the raven. From this union
came all the Indians of this region, who at first lived in darkness and
want. As they multiplied Yetl or Ne-Ml-stlas endowed them with the
various gifts of light, fresh water, fire, etc. All these were in the pos-

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 879

session of the chief evil spirit, a great chief, the uucle of Yetl^ who
lived on the mainland where the J^'ass river now is. He was master of
the tides and had great power, and the stories of how Yetl circumvented
him are numerous and interesting. The Haida name for this uncle is
tSeflin-ki-jash., the Tlingit designation being Kees-du-je-al-iUi Kah or
Keeashusaah AnJ:ow. He had a wife and sister, or according to some
versions a wife and daughter. Of his wife he was very jealous, and
whenever for any reason he was away from home, hunting, fishing, or
working, he imprisoned her in a box or basket, and tied her up to the
rafters in the lodge, setting a number of little red birds to watch her.
If by any chance the box were opened the birds would fly to him and
wara him. He was also very jealous of the posterity of his sister (or
daughter), whose children he killed for fear that when they grew ui>
they would prove rivals to him in his wife's affections.* According to
the Haida tradition, he threw her progeny into the tire; according to
the Tlingit, he drowned them. This sister (or daughter) was not al-
lowed to eat or drink anything until the chief had examined it, as she
had become pregnant from eating certain things many times before.
As every part of the house was so jealously guarded, Yetl or Ne kil-
stlaf< did not know how to get in to steal the various things he
wanted for the good of man, but finally he hit upon the plan of
being born into the famil3\ One day he saw the sister (or
daughter) go to the brook to get a drink, so transforming himself
into a drop of water (or spear of cedar or blade of grass), he eluded
the vigilance of the chief and was swallowed by the girl, and
in due time Yetl was born to her as a son.t She concealed the fact of
his birth from the chief for some little time. In ten days' time he grew
to almost man's size. His mother taught him many things, amongst
others the use of the bow and arrow, and he became an expert shot.
With his arrow he killed the magical crane whose skin enabled the
wearer to fly, and the diver with whose skin he could float. One day
the chief discovered Yetl and pretended to be pleased with him, but he
took him out in a canoe and threw him overboard. Yetl, having on
his diver's skin, walked along the bottom and met his uncle on shore.
Xext the chief threw him into the fire and piled logs on him, but hav-
ing on a magic cloak he came out of the fire unharmed. One day when
the chief was away, he opened the box in which his wife was confined
and released her, but the little birds flew to him and informed him.
The chief returned in a great rage, but Yetl sat calmly without noticing
him. Thiswas too much for the master of the tides, so he commanded
the floods to rise and destroy this impudent meddler, but Yetl^ giving

*This is ou a parallel with the habits and morals of these Indians. We have here,
as in all traditions, an expression of the moral ideas of the people.

t It is interesting to note in this connection the widespread belief both amonfj sav-
age and civilized peoples in the possibility of pregnancy through indiscretion in
eating.

380 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

his mother the ykiu of the diver to euable her to swim, himself put on
the skiu of the crane. The salt water rose until it began to come in the
door, when the chief put on his tall dance hat which made him amphib-
ious, and Yetl lifew out through the smoke-hole. As he flew, he began
to tire, and was compelled to come back from time to time to rest on the
chief's dance hat, which was the only tlung visible, till Anally he gained
strength enough to fly to the sky, which he pierced with his beak and
hung to until the tide reached to his wings, when it began to subside.
Finally he let go of his hold and, flying for some days, he lit on a bunch
of kelp to rest. At this point the story varies so much in different
localities that it is diflicult to make it at all general. According to the
Kaigani Yetl descended into the sea and rescued his mother from the
lord of the tides ; according to the Tlingit a sea-otter carried him ashon^
from tbe kelp; according to the Stikine Indians he lit originally on the
Queen Charlotte Islands, and picking up pieces of the wood of the
Douglas pine in his bill he flew all over the other islands, and where-
ever he let fall a piece of this wood, the Douglas pine is now found.
Fresh water he stole from the lord of the tides by strategy ; also the
new moon. In the carved column shown in Fig. 179, Plate xxxv, one
of the figures represents Yetl with the new moon in his bill and the dish
of fresh water in his claws, in illustration of this part of the legend.
He also stole the suu and the stars from the boxes in which they were
imprisoned by the lord of the tides.* When the sun shone forth for
the first time all the people were frightened and ran in all directions ;
some of them into the mountains, some into the woods, and some into
the water, and all of these were transformed into animals according to
their hiding place. Fire he obtained from an island in the sea. He
reached there by the help of his magic bird skiu, and seizing a burning
braud in his beak he started back, but the journey was so long that
nearly all the wood burned up, and even the point of his bill was
scorched black and he had to let it drop. The sparks flew over the
ground in all directions. From this time both the wood and stone con-
tain fire, which can be obtained from the one by striking it and from
the other by rubbing. Endless are the details of the adventures of
Yetl, not to mention the other traditions and myths which no one In-
dian can ever learn. Many of them are remembered simply as bearing
on or relating to the totem of the individual. In general their belief
is in indwelling spirits. The sea, the woods, and the air are peopled
with them. All the phenomena of the universe are attributed to their
action and most of the rites of these Indians of a religious nature are in
the direction of propitiating them. It is not the i)urpose here to treat
of the traditions, myths, and beliefs of the Indians. The subject is
worthy of special study and will undoubtedly receive the attention it
merits.

* This idea of different valuables being stored in boxes naturally arises from tlioir
own time-honored custom of storing things in this way.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST C0A8T. 381

The writer appends here a bibliography of the myths, traditions,
folklore, and vocabularies of the Indians about Dixon Entrance, south-
ern Alaska and northern British Columbia. It is however very in-
complete, and only illustrates the poverty of the literature on these
subjects.

Dall (\V. H,), Alaska and its Resources, pp. 421-427. Bostou, 1S70.

Petroft(Ivau), Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of Alaska, pp.
172-176. Washington, 1884.

The Glacier, a monthly paper published at the Tlingit Training Academy, Fort
Wrangell, Alaska.

The North Star, a paper published at Sitka, Alaska, under the editorship of Mrs.
Lily Paul.

Dawson (G. M.), Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands. Report B. Geological
Survey of Canada (1878).

Comparative Vocabularies of the Indian Tribes of British Columbia, by W. Frazer
Tolniie and George M. Dawson. Montreal, 1884.

Papers by Dr. Franz Boas in Globus, 1888 (a series of seven articles).

Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologic, 1885, p. 231, by Dr. Franz Boas.

XV.

GENERAL NOTES.

RELATIONS AND AFFINITIES OF THE TLINGIT, HAIUA, TSIMSHIAN,
AND KWAKII^TL — THE HAIDA. IIEMAKKS ON THE MAORI OF NEW
ZEALAND — THE KAIGrANl. ETHNOLOGICAL WORK TO I5E DONE.

A tborougli stiuly of the ethnical alliuitieis aud mutual iuHuenccs of
the various ludiau stocks of the uoithwest coast is out of the question
with the data at hand, yet many attempts have been made to isolate
the Llaida aud to j;ive them an origin diUerent from the others. It is
held by some that this stock is an offshoot of the Asiatic Mongoloid
groui), i)articular]y of the Japanese branch, and by others that they
are of Aztec origin. The supporter of this latter theory is Mr. J. G.
Swan, of Fort Townsend, Washington Territory. A comparative study
of the languages, customs, habits, and traditions of the difierent In-
dian stocks of this region even with the meagre data at hand, would,
however, seem to locate the Haida as <f near kin to the Tsimshiau and
Tliugit. Difference in environment would seem to account sufliciently
for the physical and linguistic ditferences. Along with much originality,
the inhabitants of the Queen Charlotte Islands have shown so much
genius and receptiveness in adapting an<l adoi)ting the customs of others,
that they present some very puzzling allinities with distant stocks, giving
color to these various theories as to their origin. In their legends the
Haida are at one with the Tlingit, and the totemic organization of the
two stocks do not differ very materially, although this nee<ls further
study. Their languages are, according to Dr. Franz Boas, very much
alike in structure, while their vocabularies show great differences. In
their arts the Haida have borrowed so largely from so many sources,
that they are considerably in advance of the Tlingit. Ail things con-
sidered, the Tlingit and Haida show evidences of near relationship and
of intercourse at a remote period. A consideration of the mutual influ-
ences of the Tsimshiau stock and the northern Kwakiutl tribes of the
Haeltzukan stock will throw much light on the origin of certain cus-
toms amongst the Haida, for the last named have been considerably j
influenced by the Tsimshiau. Indeed, the Tsimshiau seem to have been
the middle men or center of distribution in this region.

The Tlingit present the simplest problem. Conflned to the northern
end of this region and only slightly influenced by adjacent tribes, their

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 383

totemic organization into phratries, totems, and subtoteois, their
legends and their matriarchal organization, all bear a distinct and orig-
inal stamp. The Tsimshian, on the other hand, have been greatly influ-
enced by the northern Kwakiutl tribes, >yho have been, by the reciprocal
influence of the former, in turn drawn away from the southern tribes
of their own stock. In the legends of the Tsimshian we find much that
is peculiar to themselves, much in common with those of the Tlijigit and
Haida, and a good deal borrowed from the northern Kwakiutl. On the
other hand, their totemic organization is according to Boas a modifica-
tion of that of the Kwakiutl, and radically different from that of the
Haida and Tlingit.* The totems of the Tsimshian are the wolf, raven,
eagle, and the bear, with no phratries ; those of the Kwakiutl the raven,
eagle, and the bear, with no phratries. It may possibly be that the Haida
have been the centre of impulse on the northwest coast and that in
their development they may have influenced the adjacent tribes to a
great degree, but the weight of evidence is that, with no great origi-
nality in themselves, they yet present the curious and puzzling circum-
stance that they extensively borrowed their ideas from the other stocks
but developed what they have borrowed with a marvelous skill and
independence. They seem in themselves to have typified or intensified
the repre.seutative characteristics of the Indian stocks of the northwest
coast. Whether they have originated or borrowed their ideas can not
be made apparent with the data at hand, but it may be well to here
state briefly the peculiarities of the Haida as they have struck the writer
in their relation to the other Indians of the region.

Tattooing, found hardly at all amongst the other tribes and then
without much importance attached to it, is with them a fine art, and
has both a bearing on their totemic system and the deepest signifi-
cance in their ceremonies. The Tlingit and Tsimshian only occasion-
ally etch the totemic figures on their painted bodies on ceremonial occa-
sions, while their neighbors of whom we are speaking take every possi-
ble occasion to display their family crests. The carved totemic colum us,
stunted and dwarfed iu the south amongst the Kwakiutl and also in
the north amongst the Tlingit, here become the most elaborate and
striking characteristic of the Indian village, so much so that a Haida
settlement looks at a distance like a forest of stripped, bare tree
trunks.! The mortuary and coinuiemorative columns are also more
elaborate here than elsewhere, and the memory of the dead is celebrated
iu feast, legend, and carving with the greatest pomp and ostentation.
The Chilkat blankets pictured in Plates ix and x, and the copper
shields from the Chilkat region are nowhere so numerous and elaborate
as in the Queen Charlotte Islands. The art of basket-making, first

* Science, vol. xii, No. 299, p. 195.

t Boas is of the opinion that the carved heraldic columns originated amongst the
Kwakiutl, and were adopted and developed amongst the Haida. Science, Vol. xii,
p. 19.5.

384 REPORT OF NATIONAL MUSEUM, 1888.

developed amongst the northern Tliugit, has been taken up by the
Haida with marked success. This is true also of metal-working. The
conical-shaped basket-work hats so common about Dixon Entrance are
l)articnlarly abundant in this group. The primitive copper and shell
ornaments were nowhere in su(;h demand as amongst the Haida.
Labrets of the largest size are worn by the ilaida women, who are the
last on the coast to cling to this custom. The origin of the tobacco
plant in this region is credited to the Queen Charlotte Islands, where
the first potatoes were also raised. While the Haida are the most ex-
pert canoe builders on the coast, they have sensibly adopted the Sa-
lishan or Wakashan type for certain purposes where strength has been
the prime consideration. Cedar-bark mat-making developed amongst
the Kwakiutl and practised by the Tsirashian is here also successfully
imitated. Nowhere is the art of carving and painting amongst savage
tribes so highly developed. Their houses are exceptionally well con-
structed, and the custom of erecting the carved column in contact with
the front of the liouse and cutting a circular door-way through both,
seems to be nowhere so nniversally practised. It is in their elaborate
ceremonials that the most puzzling instances of foreign influence occars.
The cedar bark rope head-dresses, sashes, and girdles amongst the
Kwakiutl play the most important part in their winter ceremonial
dances, and are ou\y worn by certain people on special occasions and
with special significance. Amongst the Haida the cedar-bark i^ara-
phernaliais just as elaborate and worn without any special significance.
The whistles, trumpets, and other so-called musical instruments have
moreof aTsimshianthan a Haidaorigin, butare found in equal abundance
and variety amongst both. The wearing of masks pecnliarly enough
has no especially deep significance amongst tlie Haida other than re-
ferring to and illustrating their totemic legends, yet nowhere in the
world are such elaborate ones made and worn. Wooden masks are
worn by the Eskimo of southern Alaska on ceremonial occasions, but it
would seem that the custom of wearing masks in ceremonies amongst
the Haida and Tlingit really originated iii the wearing of them for pro-
tection in war, and that this custom was in no way borrowed or derived
from the Eskimo.

The number of masks in the collections of the U. S. National Museum
is out of all proportion to their importance or their use by the Indians.
There are only one or two ceremonial dances in which they are worn,
which is quite contrary to the accepted opinion. In most of the songs
accompanying the Haida dances the Tsimshian language is used and
many customs of the Tsimshian are avowedly followed. In this way,
through the latter, probably some of the practices of the Kwakiutl
re<ich<Ml the Haida. From all this it would appear that the latter have
been influenced in a not remote period largely by others through the
Tsimshian, but that the original affinities and relationship of the Haida
were with the Tlingit.

THE INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST COAST. 385

Many resemblances of the Haida to widely remote stocks have been
pointed out by writers, but to illustrate how futile such clues are in
tracing" the origin and relationship of the tribes of the world, a paral-
lel is here briefly drawn between the Maori of New Zealand and the
Haida. In point of physical resemblance both are of the Mongoloid
type and both live on groups of islands whose climates are remarkably
similar. Poole says of the climate of the Queen Charlotte Islands that
the most graphic comparison he could draw was with that of the north-
ern island of New Zealand.* Their i)olitical organization of the tribe,
their ownership of land, and their laws of blood-revenge are similar.
The men tattoo with designs intended to identify them with their sub-tribe
or honsehold, and they ornament their canoes, paddles, house fronts,
etc., in somewhat the same manner as on the northwest coast. In
Chapter iv, p. 267, under the head of " Rain Cloaks," Dixon (1787) is
quoted as saying that the cloaks of the Haida and Tlingit were the same
as those worn by the New Zealanders. In Chapter vi, p. 303, is also
quoted«from Dixon a statemeut that a Haida fortified house on an isl-
and of the Queen Charlotte group was " built exactly on the plan of
the hippah of the savages of New Zealand ;" and in Chapter v, p. 279,
that the adzes of the Tlingit and Haida, made of jasper, were "the
same as those used by the New Zealanders." The cloaks of shredded
inner bark in the National Museum from New Zealand and the Queen
Charlotte Islands are so much alike, that it takes a close inspection to
distinguish them. In Plate xxxii. Fig. 107, a New Zealand paddle is
reproduced, with a few from the northwest coast. The resemblance
is marked and interesting. In Plate LV, Fig. 295, a Maori ^*7ci is illus-
trated along with several Haida carved wooden columns. The carved
wooden mortuary columns erected in front of the Maori houses are also
suggestive, but it is safe to say that while all this is not in one sense
accidental, yet the resemblances and similarities are as likely to have
arisen from the like tendencies of the human mind under the same ex-
ternal conditions, or environment to develop along parallel lines as
tlirongh contact of these tribes or through a common origin.

The Kaigani. — The Kaigani are a branch of the Baida of Queen Char-
lotte Islands, having for some cause or other split off from their breth-
ren and settled- across Dixon Entrance on the southern end of Prince
of Wales Island and adjacent archipelago. As near as can be figured
from the Indian accounts, this must have happened at the least oue-
huudred and fifty j^ears ago. Their three principal villages now are
Ilowkan, Kliuqnan and Kasa-an. Howkan is a thriving village, with
a winter population of about three hundred. Under the ministration
of the Rev. J. L. Gould, of the Presbyterian Board of Missions, it is
fast losing its native characteristics. A saw-mill is run in connection
with the mission, and the Indians are gradually building an American
village in rear of the old time lodges. Many of the totemic columns
have been cut down, and the native characteristics are fast disap-

* Poole, Queen Charlotte Mauds, p. 237,
H. Mis. 142, pt. 2-^—25

386 REPORT OP NATIONAL MUSEUM, 188£

peariug. It is to be said iu favor of the new order of :liat Mr.

Gould has fortunately impressed upon this village t p of his

own personal qualities, tliriftiness, industriousuess, fair dealing, sobri-
ety, and enterprise, Just below Howkan is the village of Koiaugias,
consisting of three houses and several interesting totemic columns.
The population, made up of a few families, will soon be absorbed
in that of Howkan. 'Nearly opposite Koiaugias, on Dall Island, and
also situated on Kaigani strait is the site of the old time village of
Dat-ghaya. On the southern end of Dall Island, just north of Cape
Muzon (the extreme southern point of Alaska) is the small village of
Kaigani. The wiuter residence of the former ])opulation is now at
Howkan. There are seven or eight houses, which are occupied only at
certain seasons of the year, but there are no totemic columus. Klieu-
quan or Kliuquan is said to be about half as large as Howkan, but to
have retained its native characteristics almost intact. At the south-
ern entrance to (llholmondeley sound is the site of the abandoued vil-
lage of Chasina or Chachina. There is ouly one house there now and
the stumps and remains of mortuary columus. Early voyagers de-
scribe it as a populous village in the early part of this century. At the
head of Kasa-an Bay, at what is called Karbo Bay, is a small village,
called by some authorities Kasa-an. Kasa-an proper is, however, on
Skowl Arm, a branch of the bay. Being somewhat off the steamer
route, and the missionaries never having settled there, Kasa-an has
preserved its native characteristics more markedly than any other vil-
lage in Alaska. Just above Kasa-an Bay, at Tolstoi Bay, is the north-
ern limit of the Kaigani territory on Priuce of Wales Island, as the
adjoiniug arm, Thorne Bay, is in dispute between the Stikiues and
Kaigani. Tlevak straits, on the other side of the islaud, is the northern
limit on the west shore. The hunting and fishing grounds, as claimed
by the different tribes in Alaska, are as accurately plotted in Chart II
as the data at hand will admit. From Admiralty Islaud south the
writer has relied on his personal knowledge, based on inquiry in that
region. The duty of the government in recognizing the Indian titles
to these lands held by them for generations in the different families seems
very clear, and an inquiry into the subject would not be amiss in con-
nection with all governmental investigations and reports on this region.

As outlined in the synopsis of this paper, there are several chapters
which ought to be added, to complete the study of the ethnology of
this region. The character of the work yet to be done is such as to
call for action by the government in undertaking it on a large scale.
Linguistically, considerable has been accomplished. But with regard
to the traditions, religious beliefs and practices, folklore myths, totemic
subdivisions, shamanistic practices, fetishism, particularly all the local
or tribal variations of each, there i*^ o, vast deal to be done.

If what is here submitted will accomplish no more than to call atten-
tion to the little known concerning the Indians about Dixon Entrance,
the author's effort will not have been in vaiui

Report of National Museum, 1888— Niblsck.

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