ijiililiftgjijai£s^H»£S
^
m. m
■p. w. ■ :Sli^ ^> r i?
218
COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XVII. 14
they not only delay, but deprive themselves of the liberty of acting rightly. It is not strange, therefore, that God severely punished this perverse heartlessness, by making those nations whom they had j)ardoned in the face of a clear pro- hibition, to become like thorns to pierce their eyes and pricks to gall their sides.
Here, again, a question arises, How were cities granted to them in the tribe of Asher and Issachar, when the portions of both were as yet unknown ? Here, therefore, that which had not yet taken place is related by way of anticipation. Be this as it may, we gather that from ignorance of the localities, single portions were not divided so exactly as not to make it necessary afterwards to correct what had been more or less decided.^ And we must hold in general, with regard both to the tribe of Ephraim and the others, that many of the cities which they gained were of no account because of the devastation. I doubt not that many ruins here lie buried. On the other hand, we must conclude that in fertile spots, or spots possessed of other advantages, where petty villages only existed, their famous cities were founded. It is certain that Sichcm was of sufficient importance to hold both a name and rank, and yet there is no mention of it liere. The same is the case with Samaria, which, as is well known, belonged to the same tribe of Ephraim when it was the metropolis of the kingdom of Israel. It is plain, there- fore, that each tribe possessed several cities, which are here passed over in silence.
14. And the children of Joseph spake unto Joshua, &e. Although they clothe their complaint with some colour of excuse, yet they dishonestly disguise the fact, that more was comprehended in one lot than was proper for one tribe. I know not, however, whether or not the lot was cast in- definitely for the sons of Joseph : it certainly does not seem congruous that it should be so. Joshua and the other dividers were not unaware that Ephraim and Manasseh
' In the French this section of the conmientary stops here, and all that follows in the Latin is omitted. It only amounts, however, to a transpo- sition, as the omitted paragraph is inserted under the section of verse 14, at the place indicated by a note. — Ed.
CHAP. XVII. 1 i.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
219
formed two heads, or two stems : and it has repeatedly been said before that the land was divided into ten tribes, which number was not accurate, unless the tribe of Manasseh was considered distinct from tliat of Ephraim. It is certain, therefore, that they had not fallen into such a gross blunder as to throw the two names into one lot. Now, to conceal two tribes under the name of Joseph, in order to defraud them of half their right, would have been intolerable injus- tice. We may add, that the domain of each was distinctly explained and described by its proper boundaries.^
We are therefore led to conclude, that when the lots were cast for the two tribes, the admirable counsel of God ar- ranged that the brothers, who had a common father, should be contiguous and neighbours to each other. It is unworthy in them, therefore, to complain and plead that only one in- heritance had been given to them, because Joshua 'i'l neither such heartlessness nor so much malice as to defraud them of a clear right either through thoughtlessness or envy.^ But
' The omitted paragraph of the section of verse 11 is inserted here. — Ed.
^ It is impossible, of course, to make any suppositions at variance with the honour and integrity of Joshua, and it must therefore be held that in whatever manner the lot was taken for the children of Joseph, the strictest equity was observed. Is it necessary, however, to adopt one of the two alternatives, — either that separate lots were taken for Ephraim and ]\la- nasseh, or that Joshua deceived them ? Though they counted as two tribes, they had only one patriarch for their ancestor, and it may there- fore have been most expedient that, as they were brethren, their settle- ments should be adjacent to each other. This might, perhaps, have been obtained by taking separate lots, for we have already seen, on several occasions, how the lot, though apparently fortuitous, was providentially controlled, so as to give results at once confirmatory of ancient predictions, and conducive to the public good; and we may therefore presume that even if separate lots had been taken, the result might still have been to place the two kindred tribes in juxtaposition. But this was only problematical, and the only way of placing the matter beyond doubt was to make one lot serve for both. And there was no necessary injustice in this, since, as has been repeatedly observed, the lot only fixed the locality, without determin- ing its precise limits, and thus left it open to enlarge or curtail them according to the extent of the population. If injustice had been done to the childi-en of Joseph, it would not have been merely because they had been placed in one lot, but because this lot, though really intended for two tribes, had been left as small as if it had been intended only for one. The unreasonableness and dishonesty of the complaint, therefore, lay, according to this view, in their insisting on the fact that only one lot had been taken, and at the same time keeping out of view the other equally important fact,
rjiiy<'F.TQE.N.J^
BS A85 .C168 1847 v. 7 Calvin, Jean, 1509-156A. Commentaries . . .
^
The Jolin ^I. Krebs Dunatioii.
COMMENTARIES
OH
THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.
THOLUCK'S DISSERTATION. OriNIONS AND TESTIMONIES.
THE CALVIN TRANSLATION SOCIETY.
INSTITUTED lH WAV JI.DCCC.XLIII.
FOR PUBLICATION OF TUAXSLATIOXS OF THE WORKS OF JOIIX CALVIN.
AK5UAI, SUBSCRIPTION, ONE POUND, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE ON ]ST JANUAUT.
FOUR V01UME8: CIRCULATED IN TWO HALF-TEARLT ISSUES.
gUBSCRIPIlON PRICE OF THE WHOLE SERIES, f 13.
TO BE COMPLETED IN SECESIBEB 1855.
Sitting anil ©Jitorfal Srmtarp, lioint f (trairn, JF.S.^. Scot. ©allJin ©fKtf, 9, |aov»juml)fvlanD Streft, (SiJinliurgt).
COMMENTARIES
THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.
/
BY JOIINTALVIN.
TRANSLATED FROM THi: ORIGINAL LATIN, AND COLLATED WITH THE FRENCH EDITION,
BY HENRY BEVERIDGE, ESQ.
PROFESSOR THOLUCK'S DISSERTATION
OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
OF FOREIGN AND BRITISH DIVINES AS TO THE VALUE AND IMPORTANCE OF
CALVIN'S WRITINGS.
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED FOR THE CALVIN TEAN^SLATION SOCIETY, M.DCCC.LIV.
" I AFFIllJI THAT HE (cALVIN) EXCELS BEYOND COMPARISON IN TUE INTER- PRETATION OF SCRIPTURE, AND THAT HIS COMMENTARIES OUGHT TO BE MORE HIGHLY VALUED THAN ALL THAT IS HANDED DOWN TO US BY THE LIBRARY OP
THE FATHERS." — Armhiius.
" THAT INCOMPARABLE CALVIN, TO WHOM MAINLY, AND NEXT TO GOD, THE CHURCH OWES ITS REFORMATION, NOT ONLY IN FRANCE, BUT IN MANY OTHER
PARTS OF EUROPE." — Awyruut.
r®ntmD at ^tattonns' liijall.]
" CALVIN's COMMENTARIES REMAIN, AFTER THREE CENTURIES, UNPAl! ALLEIED FOR FORCE OF MIND, JUSTNESS OP EXPOSITION, AND PRACTICAL VIEWS OP CHRISTI- ANITY."— Bisliop of Calcutta, {Dr. Wilson.)
" Calvin's works contain nearly a complete commentary of the whole bible, and that of inestimable value to every minister. a minister without this is without one of the best commentaries on the scriptures,
AND A VALUABLE BODY OF DIVINITY." — lleV. E. Uickerstctk.
EDJNBUEGIi: rillNTED BY T. CONSTABLE, PRINTER TO IIKU MAJE.-TY.
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
Tub Commentary on Joshua was the last literary labour of its venerable Author. When he engaged in it, his consti- tution, which had never been strong, was completely worn out by excessive exertion, and almost every line of it must have been dictated to his amanuensis during momentary intervals of relief from severe bodily pain. On this point we possess authentic documents which leave no room for doubt.
In a letter dated 30th November 1563, not quite six months before his death, after alluding to the difficulty he felt in continuing his studies, while both mind and body were exhausted by sickness, he states that he had under- taken a Commentary on Joshua, in compliance with the wishes of his friends, but had not then been able to advance beyond the third Chapter, though he had endeavoured to be as brief as possible.
Little more than two months after this letter w^as written, on 6th February 1564, he made his appearance in the pulpit for the last time ; and on 10th March following, the ^complication of diseases which too plainly indicated that his earthly career was about to close, had become so alarming as to cause an entry in the Register of Geneva in the following terms : — " Arrete que chacun prie Dieu pour la sante de M. Calvin, qui est indispose depuis longtemps, ct memo en danger de mort :" — " Decreed that every one pray to God for the health of Mr. Calvin, who has been in- disposed for a long time, and even in danger of death."
Such are the circumstances in which this Commentary was composed, and it is impossible, in reflecting on them,
VI TRANSLATOR S PREFACE.
not to admire tlio indomitable energy which Calvin dis- played in proceeding with his task, and in meeting the remonstrances of those who would have withdrawn him from it, with the heroic exclamation, " Would you that the Lord, when He comes, should find me idle I"
A Work written at such a time, and in such a spirit, might justly claim exemption from criticism ; but it has no need of indulgence, and can well afford to be judged by its own intrinsic merits. Viewed merely as an intellectual effort, it displays all the excellencies which characterize the other Commentaries of its distinguished Author : viewed in a higher and better light, it is his dying bequest to the Church — a solemn ratification of the whole System of Doc- trine which he had so long, so earnestly, and so successfully promulgated.
As an appropriate conclusion both to the present Volume and the others which have preceded it, a valuable Tract, first published in this country in 1845, has been appended. It contains a Preface by the Rev. William Pringle, its original editor, an Essay from the German of Professor Tho- luck, and a series of Extracts from Writers often differing widely from each other, but all concurring in a united tes- timony to the greatness of Calvin's talents, or the excel- lence of his character. In the present reprint, the chief change consists in the insertion of Additional Testimonies.
The list of Calvin's Writings, which completes the pre- sent Volume, is in accordance with that furnished by his greatest Biographer, Henri of Berlin, and will enable the reader to comprehend at a single glance the amazing extent of his literary labours.
H. B.
December 30, 1854.
CONTENTS.
TAGS
I. Commentaries on the Book of Joshua, . . 17
A New Tuanslation of Calvin's Version of the
Book of Joshua, . . . .184
Indices to the Commentaries on the Book of Joshua, . . . . .325
II. Professor Tuoluck's Dissertation on Calvin as an
Interpreter of the Holy Scriptures, . 337
III. Opinions and Testimonies respecting the Writings
of John Calvin, . . . .376
IV. List of Calvin's Works, . . , , 465
T? P " TT n Tl '^
^^u
THSOLOGIC&Ii
CALVIN'S
ARGUMEST OF THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.
As to tlie AUTHOR of this Book, it is better to suspend / our judgment than to make random assertions. Those who think that it was Joshua, because his name stands on the title page, rest on weak and insufficient grounds. The name of Samuel is inscribed on a part of the Sacred History con- taining a narrative of events which happened after his death ; and there cannot be a doubt that the book which imme- diately follows the present is called Judges, not because it was written by them, but because it recounts their exploits. Joshua died before the taking of Hebron and Debir, and yet an account of it is given in the 15th chapter of the present Book. The probability is, that a summary of events Avas framed by the high priest Eleazar, and furnislied the materials out of which the Book of Joshua was composed. It was a proper part of the high priest's duty not only to give oral instruction to the people of his own time, but to furnish posterity with a record of the goodness of God in preserving the Church, and thus provide for the advance- ment of true religion. And before the Levites became degenerate, their order included a class of scribes or notaries who embodied in a perpetual register everything in the history of the Church which was worthy of being recorded. Let us not hesitate, therefore, to pass over a matter which we are
B
<
XVIU CALVIN S ARGUMENT OF
unable to determine, or tlie knowledge of which is not very necessary, while we are in no doubt as to the essential point — that the doctrine herein contained was dictated by the Holy Spirit for our use, and confers benefits of no ordinary kind on those who attentively peruse it.^
Although the people had already gained signal victories, and become the occupants of a commodious and tolerably fertile tract of country, the Divine promise as to the land of Canaan still remained suspended. Xay, the leading article in the Covenant was unaccomplished, as if God, after coop- ing up his people in a corner, had left his work in a shapeless
' This practical conclusion, Avliich is indeed the only one of real import- ance, is founded partly on the general consent of the Church, e^-inced by the place which the Book of Joshua has always held in the Sacred Canon, and partly on the strong sanction given to it by the direct or indirect references and quotations of the other inspired writers both of the Old and the Xew Testament, e.g., 1 Kings xvi. 34 ; Psalms xliv. ; Ixviii. 12-14 ; lxx\iii. 54, oo; cxiv. 4,5; Hab. iii. 11 ; Acts \\\. 45; Heb. iv. 8; xi. 30, 31 ; xiii. 5; and James ii. 25. The authorship, however, is so uncertain, that there is scarcely a writer of eminence from the period of the history itself down to the time of Ezra, for whom the honour has not been claimed. Among others may be mentioned Phinehas, Samuel, and Isaiah. The ob'v-ious inference is, that the question of authorship is one of those des- tined only to be agitated but never satisfactorily determined. The opinion above stated by CaMn is perhaps as plausible as any other, though he scarcely appreciates the claims which may be urged in favour of Joshua himself. It is, of course, impossible to attribute to him either the narrative of his own death, or the references to one or two events which happened subsequent to it. Such anachronisms, if they may be so called, only prove what has never been denied, that some insertions or interpolations have been made in the original work. But as the account of the death of Moses in the last book of the Pentateuch is not allowed to cast any doubt on the claim of Moses to have been the true author, it is not easy to see why similar insertions should be supposed to have any stronger effect in regard to the claim of Joshua. In addition to the evidence furnished by those passages in which the writer speaks as an eye-witness, and an actor in the events recorded, those who attribute the Book to Joshua find a strong argument in the position which Joshua occupied. He was not only the divinely appointed successor, but the ardent admirer and diligent imitator of Moses. Is it reasonable to suppose, that while imitating him in tlie general principles of his government, he forgot to imitate him in the use of his pen, or that he was not as careful as Moses had been to draw up a written narrative of the wonderful events which the Lord performed by his hand? The important fact that Joshua did vjrite is distinctly stated in chapter xxiv. 26 : and though the writing there referred to seems to have been confined to the narrative of a special event, analogy goes far to jus- tify the inference, that what he did on this occasion was in accordance with his usual practice, and that the record which we now possess of his eventful life, is, in substance at least, the production of his pen. — Ed.
THE BOOK OF JOSHUA. XIX
and mutilated form. This Book, then, shews how, when the intolerable impiety of the people had interrupted the course of deliverance, God, while inflicting punishment, so tempered the severity of justice as ultimately to per- form what he had promised concerning the inheritance of Canaan.
This suggests the very useful reflection, that while men are cut off by death, and fail in the middle of their career, the faithfulness of God never fails. On the death of Moses a sad change seemed impending ; the people were left like a body with its head lopped off. While thus in danger of dispersion, not only did the truth of God prove itself to be immortal, but it was shewn in the person of Joshua as in a bright mirror, that when God takes away those whom he has adorned with special gifts, he has others in readiness to supply their place, and that though he is pleased for a time to give excellent gifts to some, his mighty power is not tied down to them, but he is able, as often as seemeth to him good, to find fit successors, nay, to raise up from the very stones persons qualified to perform illustrious deeds.
First, we see how, when the wandering of forty years in the wilderness had almost effaced the remembrance of the passage of the Red Sea, the course of deliverance was proved to have been uninterrupted by the repetition of the same miracle in the passage of the Jordan. The renewal of circum- cision was equivalent to a re-establishment of the Covenant which had been buried in oblivion by the carelessness of the people, or abandoned by them from despair. Xext, we see how they were conducted by the hand of God into possession of the promised land. The taking of the first city was an earnest of the pei-petual aid which they might hope for from heaven, since the walls of Jericho fell of their own accord, shaken merely by the sound of trumpets. The nations, however, were not completely routed by a single battle, nor in one short campaign, but were gradually worn out and destroyed by many laborious contests.
Here, it is to be observed, that "arduous difficulties were thrown in the way of the people when the kings entered into a league, and came forth to meet them with united forces,
XX CALVIN S ARGUMENT OF
because it became necessary not only to war with single nations, but with an immense body which threatened to overwhelm them by one great onset. Ultimately, however, all these violent attempts liad no other effect than to make the power of God more manifest, and give brighter displays of mercy and faithfulness in the defence of his chosen people. In fact, their uninterrupted course of success, and their many unparalleled victories, sheAved the hand of God as it were visibly stretched forth from heaven.
More especially, a signal proof that they were warring under divine auspices was given when the sun was checked in his course at the mere prayer of Joshua, as if the elements had been armed for his assistance, and were waiting ready to obey him. Again, while the delays which occurred in the progress of the war were useful trials of the constancy of the peoj)le, we must not lose sight of another admirable use of which Moses, to prevent them from fainting in their minds, had at an earlier period forewarned them, viz., that God was unwilling to destroy the nations at once, lest the country, from being converted into a kind of desert, might be over- run by wild beasts.
But the provision which God had thus most graciously made for their security, they wickedly perverted to their own destruction : for having obtained what they deemed a lai'ge enough space for commodious habitation, they turned backwards to indulge in sloth and cowardice. This one crime brought others along with it. For after they had been enrolled under the banners of the Lord, they treacher- ously and disobediently refused to fulfil their period of ser- vice, in the very same way as deserters, regardless of the military oath, basely quit their standards,^ The dominion of the land, which had been divinely offered, they, with
1 The French here is, — " Car tout ahisi comme des gendarmes fuyars, qui laissent vilainement leur enseigne, oublians le serment par lequel ils se sont obligez, ils furent traitres et perjures a Dieu, sous lequel ils estoyont enrollez pour servir tout le temps par luy ordonne ;" " For just like fugitive soldiers, who villanously desert their standards, forgetting the oath by which they have bound themselves, they became perjured traitors to God under whom they were enlisted to serve for the whole period ordained by him." — Ed.
THE BOOK OF JOSHUA. XXI
flagrant ingratitude, rejected, by taking possession of only a part.
Moreover, tliougli tliey had been ordered to purge tlie sacred territory of all pollutions, in order that no profanation of the pure and legitimate worship might remain, they allowed the impious superstitions which God abhorred to be practised as before ; and though they also knew that the order had been partly given as a security for their own safety, lest, through intermixture with the nations, they might be en- snared by their impostures and insidious arts, yet, as if they had determined to court danger, they left them to furnish the fuel of a dire conflagration.
Their obstinate incredulity betrays itself in their disregard of the penalty denounced against such transgression. But they at length learned by experience that God had not threatened in vain, that those nations whom they had wickedly! spared, would prove to them thorns and stings. For they were harassed by constant incursions, pillaged by rapine, and at length almost oppressed by tyrannical violence. In short, it was not owing to any merit of theirs that the truth of God did not utterly fail.^
On this point, indeed, a question may be raised : for if the promise given to Abraham was founded on the mere good pleasure of God,^ then, be the character of the people what it might, it is absurd to say that it could be defeated by their fault. How are we to reconcile the two things, — that the people did not obtain the full and complete inherit- ance promised to them, and that yet God was true ? I answer, that so far was the faithfulness of God* from being overthrown, or shaken, or in any way impaired, that we
' " Wickedly." Latin, " Male." French, " Centre leur devoir;" " Con- trary to their duty." — Ed.
« "Did not utterly fail." Latin, " Irrita caderet." French, " Ne tom- bast tout a plat sans avoir son eifet ;" " Did not fall quite flat without pro- ducing its effect." — Ed.
' '• Was founded on the mere good pleasure of God." French, " A este pureraent et simplement fondee au bon plaisir de Dieu, etnon ailleurs;" " Was founded purely and simply on the good pleasure of God, and not on anything else." — Ed.
* " Faitlifulness of God." Latin, '• Dei fides." French, " La certitude de la proraesse de Dieu;" "The certainty of the promise of God." — Ed.
XXll CALVIN S ARGUMENT OF
here perceive more clearlj how wonderful are His workings, who, in unsearchable wisdom, knows how to bring light out of darkness.
It had been said to Abraham, (Gen. xv. 18,) To thy seed will I give this land, from the river of Egypt to the great river Euphrates. Joshua affirms that the event drew near, and was actually at hand. But the Israelites, overcome by sloth, do not reach those boundaries ; nay, in settling down of their own accord within narrow limits, they in a manner oppose barriers to the divine liberality. In this way the covenant of God seemed to suffer a kind of eclipse.
And there is no doubt that pious minds were often filled with anxiety when they saw His work cut short. But the punishment inflicted on tlie j^eople for their wickedness was so tempered, that what might otherwise have been a grievous and perilous trial of faith, was converted into a powerful support. The apparent failure reminded the children of God that they were to look forward to a more excellent state, where the divine favour would be more clearly displayed, nay, M'ould be freed from every obstruction, and shine forth in full splendour. Hence their thoughts were raised to Christ, and it was made known to them that the complete felicity of the Church depended on its Head. In arriving at this conclusion, they were assisted by new prophecies. For the rehearsal which Joshua here makes of the ancient cove- nant is applied in the Psalms (Ps. Ixxii. and Ixxxix.) to the Messiah's reign, unto which time, the Lord had, for the purpose of rendering it more glorious, deferred the full fruition of the promised land. The same thing was ex- emplified in David, who bore a typical resemblance to Christ, and in whom it was shewn that the divine pro- mises were only established and confirmed in the hand of a Mediator.
No longer, therefore, does it seem strange that the result promised, after being retarded by the wickedness of the people, was not fully accomplished till the state of the Church was rightly arranged, seeing that in the person of David the image of the Mediator, on whom the perfect felicity of the Church depended, was visibly held forth to view. Mean-
THE BOOK OF JOSHUA. XX1H
while the moderate foretaste wliich believers received of the divine favour, must have sufficed to sustain^ them, prepara- tory to the more complete realization.
Nor, indeed, was the partition made by Joshua and the heads of the tribes, to whom that duty was intrusted, elusory or fallacious ; but the inheritance, in possession of which God had placed them by His own hand, was truly and dis- tinctly divided by His orders. In this respect, too, the sacred observance of the covenant made with Abraham was conspicuous. Jacob, when about to die, had destined certain settlements to some of his children. Had each tribe received its portion simply by the determination and suffrages of men, it might have been thought that they had merely fol- lowed the directions of the Patriarch. But when the lot, than which nothing is deemed more fortuitous, confirmed the prophecy, the stability of the donation 2 was as clearly ratified as if God had visibly appeared. Accordingly, after the sluggishness of the people put an end to the w^ar, Joshua sent back the tribes of Reuben and Gad, with the half tribe of Manasseh, as if their joeriod of service had expired.
Next follows a remarkable narrative, clearly shewing how zealous the Israelites who dwelt in the land of Canaan were to maintain the pure worship of God. For when these two tribes and half tribe had erected a monument of fraternal alliance, the others, thinking that it was an altar intended for sacrifice, and consequently an abomination, immediately determine to declare war, and prepare sooner to destroy their kindred^ than allow religion to be torn asunder by a bastard worship. At the same time they are commended for their moderation, in being so easily appeased on obtain- ing satisfaction, after a sacred zeal had suddenly roused them to arms.
' " Sustain." French, " Consoler et soustenir ;" " Comfort and sustain." —Ed.
' " Stability of the donation. " Latin, " Donationis stabilitas." French, " La verite de la prophetic ;" " The truth of the prophecy." — Ed.
' " Sooner to destroy their kindred." Latin, " Suos consanguineos potius delere." French, " L)e plutost extemiiner leur cousins, c'est a dire ces iignees-laquiestoyentdeleur sang;" "Sooner to exterminate their cousins, (kindred,) that is to say, lineage wliich was of their own blood." — Ed.
XXIV CALVIN S ARGUMENT OF THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.
In tlie end of the book it is shewn liow anxious Joshua was to advance the glory of God/ and liow diligently he endeavoured to obviate the fickleness and treachery of the people. With this view, not only the most impressive ex- hortations, but protestations, were employed, and more espe- cially the covenant was renewed in regular form with the solemnity of an oath.2
' Latin, " Quantopere solicitus fuerit Josue de propaganda Dei gloria." French, " Combien Josue a ete' songneux de procurer qu'apres sa mort Dieu fust glorifie' ;" " How careful Joshua was to provide that God should be glorified after his death." — Ed.
* In addition to the above excellent summary, it may be proper to men- tion that the Book of Joshua extends over a period, estimated by Josephus at twenty-five, and by other Jewish chronologists at twenty-seven, though others attempt to reduce it to only seventeen years, and that its contents are naturally divided into three great sections, — the first extending from chapter i.-xii. inclusive, and giving a continuous narrative of Joshua's conquests; the second from chapter xiii.-xxiii. inclusive, consisting chiefly of a description more or less detailed of the division of the country among the different tribes ; and the third occupying the remainder of the book, principally with an account of the great convention of the tribes held at Shechem, on Joshua's summons, and of the interesting and important pro- ceedings which then took place. — Ed.
~x
A BRIEF COMMENTARY
THE BOOK OF JOSHUA
BY JOHN CALVIN,
A SHORT TIME BEFORE HIS DEATH.
CHAPTER I.
1. Now, after the death of Moses, the servant of the Lord, it came to pass, that the Lord spake imto Joshua the son of Nun, Moses' minister, saying,
2. Moses my servant is dead : novr therefore arise, go over this Jordan, thou, and all this people, unto the land which I do give to them, even to the children of Israel.
3. Every place that the sole of yovu: foot shall tread upon, that have I given mito you, as I said unto Moses.
4. From the wilderness and this Lebanon, even unto the great river, the river Euphrates, all the land of the Hittites, and unto the great sea, toward the going down of the sim, shall be your coast.
1. Now, after, &c. Here, first, we see tlie steadfastness of God in watcliing over his people, and providing for their
' The copulative particle which commences the Book, and is usually translated and, or, as in our English version, now, evidently connects it with some previous writing, and seems to vindicate the place which it holds in the Canon as a continuation of the Book of Deuteronomy. In this first verse, Calvin's Latin version omits the epithets, " Servant of the Lord," and " Moses' minister," applied respectively to Joshua and Moses. The Hebrew contains both, but the former is omitted by the ordinary text of the Septuagint, though placed among its various readings. — Ed.
1 . Fuit autem post mortem Mosis, ut Jehova alloqueretur Josue, di- cendo,'
2. Moses servus mens mortuus est : nunc ergo surge, trajice Jor- danem istum tu, et omnis hie popu- lus, ad terram quam ego do illis, nempe filiis Israel.
3. Omnem locum quern calcaverit planta pedis vestri vobis dedi ; quem- admodum locutus sum Mosi.
4. A deserto et Libano isto usque ad flumen magnum, flumen Euphra- ten, tota terra Hittseorum usque ad mare magnum ad occasum solis, erit terminus vester.
26 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 2.
safety. The sanction given to Joshua's appointment, as new leader by a renewed commission/ was intended to indicate the continuance of his favour, and prevent the people from thinking themselves forsaken in consequence of the death of Moses. Joshua, indeed, had already been chosen to rule the people ; and not only invested with the office, but also endowed with spiritual gifts. But as the most valiant, how- ever well provided, are apt to halt or waver when the period for action arrives, the exhortation to Joshua to make ready forthwith for the expedition was by no means superfluous. Still, however, the call thus formally given was not so much on his own account, as to inspire the people with full confi- dence in following a leader whom they saw advancing step by step in the path divinely marked out for him.^
2. Moses my servant, &c. A twofold meaning may be extracted — the one, since Moses is dead, the whole burden has now devolved upon thee, take the place of him to whom thou hast been appointed successor ; the other, although Moses is dead, do not desist, but go forward. I prefer the former, as containing the inference that he should, by right of succession, take up the office which Moses had left vacant.^ The epithet or surname of servant applied to Moses, has respect to his government of the people and his exploits ; for it ought to be accommodated to actual circumstances.* The allusion here is not to the Law but to the leadership, which had passed to Joshua by the decease of Moses, and God thus acknowledges his servant, not so much with the view of praising him, as of strengthening the authority of Joshua, who had been substituted in his place. And as the people might not have acquiesced sufficiently in a bare com- mand, he promises, while ordering them to pass the Jordan,
' " A renewed commission." Latin, " Repetitis mandatis." French, "En reiterant les articles de sa commission ;" " By reiterating the articles of his commission." — Ed.
'^ Or rather, " Who they saw, did not advance a single step till the Lord had preceded him." — Ed.
' " Which Moses had left vacant." Latin, " Ex qua decesserat Moses." French, " De laquelle Moyse estoit sorti ayant fait son temps ;" " Which Moses had left, having held his own time of it." — Ed.
* "To actual circumstances." Latin, " Ad circumstantiam loci." French " A la circonstance du passage ;'' " To the circumstance of the passage."— Ed .
CHAP. I. 4, COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 27
to give them peaceable possession of the whole country, and of every spot of it on which tliey should plant their foot. For as nothing tends more than distrust to make us sluggish and useless, so when God holds forth a happy issue, confidence inspires us with vigour for any attempt.
It may be added, that lie does now begin for the first time to give them good hopes, by making a promise of which they had not previously heard, but recalls to their remem- brance what Moses had formerly testified. He says, there- fore, that the time had now come for exhibiting and per- forming that which he had promised to Moses. Should any one object that the same thing had been said to Abraham long before Moses was born, nay, that the perpetual covenant de- posited with Abraham included everything which was heard by Moses four hundred years after ;' I answer, that here no notice is taken of the ancient promise which was everywhere known and celebrated, and that Moses is produced as a wit- ness whose memory was more recent, and by whose death the confidence of the people might have been shaken, had not God declared that the accomplishment of all which he had said was at hand.
4. From the wilderness and this Lebanon, &c. How the truth and fulfilment of this promise surmounted all the obstacles interposed by the wickedness of the people, though they did not obtain immediate possession of the whole terri- tory, I have explained in the Argument. For although God had unfolded the inestimable treasures of his beneficence by constituting them lords of the country, it did not follow that their misconduct was not to be chastised. Nay, there be- hoved to be a fulfilment of the threatening which Moses had denounced, viz., that if the nations doomed to destruction were not destroyed, they would prove thorns and stings in their eyes and sides. But as the promise was by no means
' The French here gives the same meaning in a paraphrastic form, " Ou mesmes qu'a parler proprement, tout ce qui a este dit a Moyse de- pendoit de I'alliance perpetuelle que Dieu avoit niise en garde entre les mains d' Abraham quatre cens ans auparavant." " Or even, to speak properly, all that was said to Moses depended on the perpetual covenant Avhich God had deposited in the hands of Abraham four hundred years before." — IJd.
28 COMMENTAEY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 4.
broken or rendered void by the delay of forty years, during which they were led wandering through the desert, so the entire possession, though long suspended, proved the faith- fulness of the decree by which it had been adjudged.
The people had it in their power to obtain possession of the prescribed boundaries in due time; they declined to do so. For this they deserved to have been expelled altogether.^ But the divine indulgence granted them an extent of territory sufficient for their commodious habitation ; and although it had been foretold that, in just punishment, the residue of the nations whom they spared would prove pernicious to them, still, they suifered no molestation, unless when they provoked the Divine anger by their perfidy and almost continual defection : for as often as their affairs became prosperous, they turned aside to wantonness. Still, owing to the wonderful goodness of God, when oppressed by the violence of the enemy, and, as it were, thrust down to the grave, they continued to live in death ; and not only so, but every now and then deliverers arose, and, contrary to all hope, retrieved them from ruin.^
The Great Sea means the Mediterranean, and to it the land of the Hittites forms the opposite boundary ; in the same way Lebanon is opposed to the Euphrates; but it must be observed that under Lebanon the desert is comprehended, as appears from another passage.^
' The two last sentences form only one in the French, which is as fol- lows, " Le peuple pouvioit du premier coup, et des I'entree s'estendre jusqu'aux bornes que Dieu lui mesme aiioit marquees ; il n'a pas voulu : il cstoit bien digne d'en estre mis dehors, et du tout forclos." " The people might at the first blow, and immediately on their entrance, have extended themselves to the limits which God himself had marked ; they would not : they well deserved to be put out and wholly foreclosed." — Ed.^
' Latin, " Qui prjcter spem rebus perditis succurrerent ;" French, " Qui outre toute esperance venoyent a remedier aux affaires si fort deplorez, et redresser aucunement I'estat du peuple ;" " Who, beyond all hope, came to remedy the very deplorable affairs, and, in some degree, restore the con- dition of the people." — Ed.
' Calvin's language here is not very clear, and seems to convey an errone- ous impression. The desert or wilderness, instead of being comprehended under Lebanon, is obviously contrasted with it, and forms the south, wliile Lebanon forms the north frontier. We have thus three great natural boundaries — Lebanon on the north, the desert of Sin on the south, and the Mediterranean on the west. The eastern boundary occasions more diflli- culty. According to some, the Euphrates is expressly mentioned as this
CHAP. I. O.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
29
5. Non consistet qmsquam contra te cunctis diebus vitse tuse ; quia sicuti fui cum Mose, ita ero tecum ; non te deseram, neque derelinquam.
G. Confirmare, ergo, et roborare ; quia tu in hsereditatem divides po- pulo huic terram, de qua juravi pa- tribus eorum me daturum illis.
7. Tantum confirmare et roborare vehementer : ut custodias et facias secundum totam legem quam prse- cepit tibi Moses servus mens ; non recedes ad dextrara vel ad sinistram ut prudenter {yel prospere) agas in omnibus.
8. Non recedat liber legis hujus ab ore tuo ; sed mediteris in eo, die et nocte, ut custodias et facias, se- cundum id totum quod scriptum est in eo. Tunc enim secundas reddes vias tuas, et tunc prudenter ages.
5. There shall not any man be able to stand before thee all the days of thy life : as I was with Moses, so I will be with thee ; I will not fail thee, nor forsake thee.
6. Be strong, and of a good cour- age ; for unto this people shalt thou divide for an inheritance the land Avhich I sware mito their fathers to give them.
7. Only be thou strong, and very coiu-ageous, that thou mayest ob- serve to do according to all the law which Moses my servant commanded thee : turn not from it to the right hand or to the left, that thou mayest prosper whithersoever thou goest.
8. This book of the law shall not depart out of thy mouth ; but thou shalt meditate therein day and night, that thou mayest observe to do ac- cording to all that is written therein: for then thou shalt make thy way prosperous, and then thou shalt have good success.
9. Have not I commanded thee ? Be strong, and of a good courage ; be not afraid, neither be thou dis- mayed : for the Lord thy God is with thee whithersoever thou goest.
5. There shall not any man, &c. As a contest was about to be waged with numerous and warlike enemies, it was neces- sary thus to inspire Joshua with special confidence. But for this, the promise of delivering over the land which God
boundary, and an attempt is made to reconcile the vast difference between the actual possession of the Israelites, even in the most prosperous period of their history, and the tract of country thus bounded, by having recourse to the explanation of St. Augustine, who, in his Commentary on Jos. xxi., gives it as his opinion that the country extending eastward beyond the proper limits of Canaan was intended to be given not so much for posses- sion as for tribute. This view receives some confirmation from the exten- sive conquests which were made by David and Solomon. According to other expositors, the Euphrates is intended to be taken in connection with Lebanon so as to form, by one of its windings or branches, part of the north boundary, while the east boimdary is left indefinite, or rather, was so weU defined by the Jordan that it did not require to be separately men- tioned. In this general uncertainty, there is much practical wisdom in Calvin's suggestion in his Argiunent, that the indefiniteness of the bound- aries assigned to the promised land, contrasted Avith its actual limits, tended to elevate the minds of Old Testament believers, and carry them beyond the present to a period when, under a new and more glorious dis- pensation, the promise would be completely fulfilled. — Ed.
9. Nonne prsecepi tibi, ut te con- firmes, et te robores ? Ne formides, neque animo frangaris ; quoniara tecum sum Jehova Deus tuus in om- nibus ad quje tu pergis.
30 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 6.
had given, would ever and anon have become darkened ; for how vast the enterprise to overthrow so many nations ! This objection therefore is removed. And the better to free him from all doubt, he is reminded of the victories of Moses, by which God had made it manifest that nothing was easier for him than utterly to discomfit any host however great and powerful. Joshua, therefore, is ordered to behold in the assistance given to Moses the future issue of the wars which he was to undertake under the same guidance and protection. For the series of favours is continued without interruption to the successor.
Wliat follows is to the same efiect, though it is more fully expressed by the words, I will not fail thee, &c. Hence the Apostle, (Heb. xiii. 5,) when wishing to draw off believers from avarice, makes an application of these words for the purpose of calming down all anxieties, and suppi'essing all excessive fears. And in fact, the distrust which arises from anxiety kindles in us such tumultuous feelings that on the least appearance of danger, we turmoil and miserably torment ourselves until we feel assured that God both will be with us and more than suffice for our protection. And, indeed, while he prescribes no other cure for our timidity, he re- minds us that we ought to be satisfied with his present aid.
6. Be strong, &c. An exhortation to fortitude is added, and indeed repeated, that it may make the deeper impres- sion. At the same time the promise is introduced in differ- ent words, in which Joshua is assured of his divine call, that he might have no hesitation in undertaking the office which had been divinely committed to him, nor begin to waver midway on being obliged to contend with obstacles. It would not have been enough for him diligently to begirt himself at the outset without being well prepared to perse- vere in the struggle.
Although it is the property of faith to animate us to strenuous exertion, in the same way as unbelief manifests itself by cowardice or cessation of effort, still we may infer from this passage, that bare promises are not sufficiently energetic without the additional stimulus of exhortation. For if Joshua, who was always remarkable for alacrity, re-
CHAP. I. 6. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 31
quired to be incited to the performance of duty, how much more necessary must it be that we who Labour under so much skiggishness shouhl be spurred forward.
We may add, that not once only or by one single expres- sion are strength and constancy required of Joshua, but he is confirmed repeatedly and in various terms, because he was to be engaged in many and various contests. He is told to be of strong and invincible courage. Although these two epithets make it obvious that God was giving command- ment concerning a most serious matter, still not contented with this reduplication, he immediately after repeats the sentence, and even amplifies it by the addition of the adverb very.
From tliis passage, therefore, let us learn that we can never be fit for executing difficult and arduous matters un- less we exert our utmost endeavours, both because our abilities are weak, and Satan rudely assails us, and there is nothing we are more inclined to than to relax our efforts.^ But, as many exert their strength to no purpose in making erroneous or desultory attempts, it is added as a true source of fortitude that Joshua shall make it his constant study to observe the Law. By this we are taught that the only way in which we can become truly invincible is by striving to yield a faithful obedience to God. Otherwise it were better to lie indolent and effeminate than to be hurried on by head- long audacity.
Moreover, God would not only have his servant to be strong in keeping the Law, but enjoins him to contend man- fully, so as not to faint under the burden of his laborious oifice. But as he might become involved in doubt as to the mode of disentangling himself in matters of perplexity, or as to the course which he ought to adopt, he refers him to the teaching of the Law, because by following it as a guide he will be sufficiently fitted for all things. He says. You shall act prudently in all things, provided you make the Law your master ; although the Hebrew word ^"2^, means to act not
' French, " Et il ne faut qu'un rien poiir nous faire perdre courage ;" " And a mere nothing is all that is necessary to make us lose courage." — Ed.
82 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 8.
only prudently but successfully, because temerity usually pays the penalty of failure.
Be this as it may, by submitting entirely to the teaching of the Law he is more surely animated to hope for divine assistance. For it is of great consequence, when our fears are excited by impending dangers, to feel assured that we have the approbation of God in whatever we do, inasmuch as we have no other object in view than to obey his com- mands. Moreover, as it would not be enough to obey God in any kind of way,^ Joshua is exhorted to practise a modesty and sobriety which may keep him within the bounds of a simple obedience.
Many, while possessed of right intention, sometimes im- agine themselves to be wiser than they ought, and hence either overlook many things through carelessness, or mix up their own counsels with the divine commands. The gen- eral prohibition, therefore, contained in the Law, forbidding all men to add to it or detract from it, God now specially enforces on Joshua. For if private individuals in forming their plan of life behove to submit themselves to God, much more necessary must this be for those who hold rule among the people. But if this great man needed this curb of modesty that he might not overstep his limits, how intoler- able the audacity if we, who fall so far short of him, arrogate to ourselves greater license ? More especially, however, did God prescribe the rule to his servant, in order that those who excel in honour might know that they are as much bound to obey it as the meanest of the people.
8. This hook of the Law, &c. Assiduous meditation on the Law is also commanded ; because, whenever it is intermitted, even for a short time, many errors readily creep in, and the memory becomes rusted, so that many, after ceasing from the continuous study of it, engage in practical business, as if they were mere ignorant tyros. God therefore enjoins his servant to make daily progress, and never cease, during the whole course of his life, to profit in the Law. Hence it fol-
' The French adds, " Ou en quelques points ;" " Or in some points." — Ed.
CHAP. I. 8. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. S3
lows that tliose who hold this study in disdain, are blinded by intolerable arrogance.
But why does he forbid him to allow the Law to depart from his mouth rather than from his eyes ? Some interpre- ters understand that the mouth is here used by synecdoche for face; but this is frigid. I have no doubt that the word used is peculiarly applicable to a person who was bound to prosecute the study in question, not only for himself indi- vidually, but for the whole people placed under his rule. He is enjoined, therefore, to attend to the teaching of the Law, that in accordance with the office committed to him, he may bring forward what he has learned for the common benefit of the peoj^le. At the same time he is ordered to make his own docility a pattern of obedience to others. For many, by talking and discoursing, have the Law in their mouth, but are very bad keepers of it. Both things, there- fore, are commanded, that by teaching others, he may make his own conduct and whole character conformable to the same rule.
What follows in the second clause of the verse shews, that everything which profane men endeavour to accomplish in contempt of the word of God, must ultimately fail of success, and that however prosperous the commencement may some- times seem to be, the issue will be disastrous ; because prosperous results can be hoped for only from the divine favour, which is justly withheld from counsels rashly adopted, and from all arrogance of which contempt of God himself is the usual accompaniment. Let believers, there- fore, in order that their affairs may turn out as they wish, conciliate the divine blessing alike by diligence in learning and by fidelity in obeying.
In the end of the verse, because the term used is ambi- guous, as I have already observed, the sentence is repeated, or a second promise is added. The latter is the view I take. For it was most suitable, that after the promised success, Joshua should be reminded that men never act skilfully and regularly except in so far as they allow themselves to be ruled by the word of God. Accordingly, the prudence which believers learn from the word of God, is opposed to the con-
c
3-t COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 9.
fidence of those who deem their own sense sufficient to guide them aright.^
9. Have not I commanded, &c. Although in Hebrew a simple affirmation is often made in the form of a question, and this phraseology is of very frequent occurrence, here, however, the question is emphatic, to give an attestation to what had previously been taught, while the Lord, by bring- ing his own authority distinctly forward, relieves his servant from care and hesitancy. He asks, Is it not I who have commanded thee ? I too will be present with thee. Ob- serve the emphasis : inasmuch as it is not lawful to resist his command.^ This passage also teaches that nothing is more eifectual to produce confidence than when trusting to the call and the command of God, and feeling fully assured of it in our own conscience, we follow whithersoever he is pleased to lead.
10. Then Joshua commanded the 10. Tunc praecepit Josue pr^e- officers of the people, saying, fectis populi dicendo,
11. Pass tln-ough the host, and 11. Transite per medium cas- command the people, saying, Pre- tronuii et prsecipite populo, dicendo, pare you victuals ; for within three Parate vobis annonam : quia post days ye shall pass over this Jordan, tres dies transibitis Jordanem hvmc, to go in to possess the land, which ut intretis et possideatis terram, the Lord your God giveth you to quam Jehova Deus vester dat vobis possess it. possidendam.
12. And to the Reubenites, and 12. Ad Reubenitas vero et Gadi- to the Gadites, and to half the tribe tas et dimidiam tribum Manasse
ofManasseh, spake Joshua, saying, locutus est Josue, dicendo,
13. Remember the word which IS.Recordaminiverbiquodprgece- Moses, the servant of the Lord, pit vobis Moses servus Jehovse, di- commanded yovi, saying, The Lord cendo, Jehova Deus vester reddidit your God hath given you rest, and vos quietos et dedit vobis terram hath given you this land. hanc :
14. Your wives, your little ones, 14. Uxores vestrse, parvuli ves- and your cattle, shall remain in the tri, et pecora vestra residebunt in
' The French paraphrases the whole sentence thus : " Ainsi la prudence et sagesse que les fideles apprennent de la parole de Dieu, est opposee a I'assurance de ceux auxquels il semble bien qu'ils se gouvernent assez dis- cretement et sagement, quand ils besongnent selon leur propre sens;" " Thus the prudence and wisdom which believers learn from the word of God, is opposed to the assurance of those who think they govern themselves discreetly and wisely enough, when they manage according to their own sense." — Ed.
2 French, " C'est bien pour certain avec grande signifiance que ceci se dit d'autant qu'il n'est pas question de resister a son commandement ;" " It is certainly with great significancy that this is said, inasmuch as there is no question of resisting his command." — Ed.
CHAP. I. 1 0.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
35
terra quam dedit vobis Moses trans Jordanem ; vos autcm transibitis armati ante fratres vestros, quicun- que erunt viri bellicosi, juvabitis- que eosj
15. Donee quietem prasstiterit Jeliova fratribus vestris sicut vobis, et possideant ipsi quoque terram quam Jebova Deus vester dat eis : et tunc redibitis ad terram hgeredi- tatis vestrse, possidebitisque earn quam dedit vobis Moses servus Je- hovse ultra Jordanem ad exortum soils.
16. Tunc responderunt, dicendo, Omnia quas prtecepisti nobis facie- mus, et ad omnia ad quse miseris nos, ibimus.
17. Sicut in omnibus obedivimus Mosi. sic obediemus tibi : tantum sit Jehova Deus tuus tecum sicut fuit cum Mose.
18. Quisquis fuerit qui rebella- verit ore tuo, nee verbis tuis acquie- verit in omnibus qufe ei mandaveris, interficiatur. Tantum confirmare et roborare.
land which Moses gave you on this side Jordan ; but ye shall pass be- fore your brethren armed, all the mighty men of valour, and help them ;
15. Until the Lord have given your brethren rest, as he hath given you, and they also have possessed the land which the Lord yovir God giveth them ; then ye shall return unto the land of your possession, and enjoy it, which Moses, the Lord's servant, gave you on this side Jor- dan, toward the sun-rising.
16. And they answered Joshua, saying, All that thou commandesfc us we will do, and whithersoever thou sendest us we will go.
17. According as we heai^kened unto Moses in all things, so will we hearken unto thee : only the Lord thy God be with thee, as he was with Moses.
18. Whosoever he he that doth rebel against thy commandment, and will not hearken unto thy words, in all that thou commandest liim, he shall be put to death : only be strong, and of a good coiu*age.
10. Then Joshua commanded^ &c. It may be doubted whether or not this proclamation was made after the spies
' It is almost impossible to doubt that the view here taken is correct, and in confirmation of it, it may be observed, that it receives more counte- nance from the original than appears either from Calvin's or our EngUsh version. They have both rendered the first word of the tenth verse by " Then," as if meaning, " At that precise time ;" whereas the Hebrew is simply the copulative 1, which only means " And," and is ac- cordingly here rendered in the Septuagint by ««'. It implies, indeed, that the order issued to the prefects by Joshua was given subsequently to the gracious and encouraging message which he had received, but not that it was given immediately/ or at that particular instant, and it thus leaves it open for us to infer, that a period of less or greater length intervened during which the spies were sent on their mission, and the proceedings detailed in the second chapter took place. The sacred writer in thus omitting to follow the order of time in his narrative, has only adopted a method which is often convenient in itself, and which has been repeatedly followed by the most celebrated historians, both of ancient and modern times, and nothing can be more absurd than the inference attempted to be drawn chiefly by some German Rationalists, from this and a few similar apparent anachronisms, that the Book of Joshua is not so much a continuous history as a patchwork of distinct or even contradictory narra- tives by diflferent writers. — Ed.
S6 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 10
were sent, and of course on their return. And certainly I think it not only probable, but I am fully convinced that it was only after their report furnished him with the knowledge he required, that he resolved to move his camp. It would have been preposterous haste to hurry on an unknown path, while he considered it expedient to be informed on many points before setting foot on a hostile territory. Nor is there anything novel in neglecting the order of time, and after- wards interweaving wliat had been omitted. The second chapter must therefore be regarded as a kind of interposed parenthesis, explaining to the reader more fully what had happened, when Joshua at length commanded the people to collect their vessels.
After all necessary matters had been ascertained, he saw it was high time to proceed, and issued a proclamation, ordering the people to make ready for the campaign. With the utmost confidence he declares that they will pass the Jordan after the lapse of three days : this he never would have ventured to do, without the suggestion of the Spirit. No one had attempted the ford, nor did there seem to be any hope that it could be done.' There was no means of ci'ossing either by a bridge or by boats : and nothing could be easier for the enemy than to prevent the passage. The only thing, therefore, that remained was for God to transport them miraculously. This Joshua hoped for not at random, nor at his own hand, but as a matter which had been divinely revealed. The faith of the people also was conspicuous in the promptitude of their obedience : for, in the view of the great difficulties wliich presented themselves, they never would have complied so readily had they not cast their
' This must be taken with some qualification, since, according to the view taken by Calvin himself, the river must, before this, have been forded by the spies, both in going and returning ; and it is also obvious, from the direction which their pursuers took, in endeavouring to overtake them, that what are called " the fords," must have been understood to be practi- cable, even during the season of overflow. Still a spot or two where an individual might manage to cross was altogether unavailable for such a body as the Israelites, and therefore Calvin's subsequent statement cannot be disputed, that if they were to cross at all, human agency Avas unavailing, and the only thing which remained was for God himself to transport them miraculously. — Ed.
CHAP. I. 12. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 37
care upon God. It cannot be doubted that He inspired tlieir minds with this ahxcrity, in order to remove all the obstacles which might delay the fulfilment of the promise.
12. And to the Reuhenites, &c. An inheritance had been granted them be3^ond the Jordan, on the condition that they should continue to perform military service with their bre- thren in expelling the nations of Canaan. Joshua therefore now exhorts them to fulfil their promise, to leave their wives, their children, and all their effects behind, to cross the Jor- dan, and not desist from carrying on the war till they had placed their brethren in peaceable possession. In urging them so to act, he employs two arguments, the one drawn from authority and the other from equity. He therefore reminds them of the command given them by Moses, from whose decision it was not lawful to deviate, since it was well known to all that he uttered nothing of himself, but only what God had dictated by his mouth. At the same time, without actually asserting, Joshua indirectly insinuates, that they are bound, by compact, inasmuch as they had en- gaged to act in this manner.^ He next moves them by motives of equity, that there might be no inequality in the condition of those to whom the same inheritance had been destined in common. It would be very incongruous, he says, that your brethren should be incurring danger, or, at least, toiling in carrying on war, and that you should be enjoying all the comforts of a peaceful settlement.
When he orders them to precede or pass before, the mean- ing is, not that they were to be the first to enter into conflict with the enemy, and in all emergencies which might befall them, were to bear more than their own share of the burden ; he only in this way urges them to move with alacrity, as it would have been a kind of tergiversation to keep in the I'ear and follow slowly in the track of others. The expression,
' The agreement made with Moses was very explicit. As recorded in the thirty-second chapter of Numbers, he distinctly stipulates that they shall " go armed before the Lord to war," " armed over Jordan before the Lord, until he hath driven out his enemies from before him, and the land be subdued before the Lord;" and they answer, " As the Lord hath said unto thy servants so will we do: we will pass over armed before the Lord, into the land of Canaan, that the possession of our inheritance on this side Jordan may be ours." — Ed.
88 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. I. 1 6.
2Jass before your hrethren, tlicvefore, does not mean to stand in the front of the battle, but simply to observe their ranks, and thereby give proof of ready zeal. For it is certain that as they were arranged in four divisions they advanced in the same order. As he calls them men of war, we may infer, as will elsewhere more clearly appear, that the aged, and others not robust, were permitted to remain at home in charge of the common welfare, or altogether relieved from public duty, if in any way disabled from performing it.
16. And they answered, &c. They not only acquiesce, but freely admit and explicitly detail the obedience which they owe. Our obligations are duly discharged only when we perform them cheerfully, and not in sadness, as Paul ex- presses it. (2 Cor. ix. 7.) If it is objected that there is little modesty in their boast of having been obedient to Moses whom they had often contradicted, I answer, that though they did not always follow with becoming ardour, yet they were so much disposed to obey, that their modera- tion was not only tolerable, but worthy of the highest praise, when it is considered how proudly their fathers rebelled, and how perversely they endeavoured to shake off a yoke divinely imposed upon them. For the persons who speak here were not those rebellious spirits of whom God complains (Psalm xcv. 8-1]) that he was provoked by them, but per- sons who, subdued by the examples of punishment, had learned quietly to submit.-^
Indeed, it is not so much to herald their own virtues as to extol the authority of Joshua, when they declare that they will regard him in the same light in which they regarded Moses. The eroundwork of their confidence is at the same time expressed in their wish or prayer, that God may be present to assist his servant Joshua as he assisted his ser-
* The objection taken to the modesty of the answer seems to be fovmded on a misinterpretation of its true meaning. For the original, literally in- terpreted, does not contain any assertion that they had obeyed Moses in all things, as implied both in Calvin's Latin and in our English version, but simply means, that " in everything," or, " according to everything," (?33, kekol,) in which they had hearkened to Moses they would hearken to him : in other words, that they wovdd hold his authority to be in every respect equal to that of Moses. This meaning is retained by the Septuagint, which
renders KaT« -Tru-ira o<ra, nKovffay.iv Ma/un, u,Kou(r'o//.iSa (rov Ed.
CHAP. T. 1 (). COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 39
vant Moses, They intimate tliat they will be ready to war under the auspices of their new leader, because they are persuaded that he is armed with the power and hope that lie will be victorious by the assistance of God, as they had learned by experience how wonderfully God assisted them by the hand of Moses. We may infer, moreover, that they actually felt this confidence, both because they call to mind their experiences of God's favour to animate themselves, and because they regard Joshua as the successor of Moses in regard to prosperous results.
The epithet thy GocP is not without weight, as it evidently points to a continued course of divine favour. The form of expression also is intermediate between the confidence of faith and prayer.^ Accordingly, while they intimate that they cherish good hope in their minds, they at the same time have recourse to prayer, under a conviction of the ar- duousness of the work. Immediately after, when they of their own accord exhort him to constancy, they shew that they are ready to follow and to imitate him in his confidence. Here, it is to be observed, that though Joshua was a model of courage, and animated all, both by deed and precept, he was in his turn stimulated onwards, that his own alacrity might be more effectual in arousing that of the people.
CHAPTER II.
1. And Joshua the son of Nun 1. Miscrat'autem JosuefiliusNun
' This emphasis is lost by the Septuagint, which renders not o et'os rov, " Ihy God," but, " o etos -/ifiMv," " our God." — Ed.
" French, " Toutefois la maniere de parler qiu est ici mise, est moyenne, et pent estre prise ou pour un glorifiement de la foy, ou pour un souhait;" " However, the manner of speaking which is here used is of a middle kind, and may be taken either for a glorying of faith, or for a wish." — Ed.
' Calvin's " miserat," " had sent," is in accordance with his opinion, that the spies had been sent some time before the transactions with which the first chapter conchides actually took place, but is not justified either by the Hebrew or by the Septuagint, which has simply ktss-tsAsv. It is worthy of remark, however, that Luther's German agrees with Calvin, and renders " f)<itU jtucen funtfdjafter ficimltcf) aiit^gefanbt wn @ittim ;" " had sent out two spies secretly from Sittim." The mention of the place, Sittim or Shittim, occurs in the French version, but is omitted without expla- nation in Cahdn's Latin. It was situated in the plains of Moab near the left bank of the Jordan, and is particularly mentioned in Numbers xxv. as the abode of the Israelites, when they allowed themselves to be seduced
40
COMMENTARy ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. II.
sent out of Shittim two men to spy secretly, saying, Go view the land, even Jericho. And they went, and came into an harlot's house, named Rahab, and lodged there.
2. And it was told the king of Je- richo, saying, Behold, there came men in hither to-night of the chil- dren of Israel to search out the country.
3. And the king of Jericho sent unto Rahab, saying. Bring forth the men that are come to thee, which are entered into thine house: for they be come to search out all the country.
4. And the woman took the two men, and hid them, and said thus, There came men unto me, but I wist not whence they were :
5. And it came to pass, about the time of shutting of the gate, when it Avas dark, that the men went out ; whither the men went, I wot not: pursue after them quicldy; for ye shall overtake them.
6. But she had brought them up to the roof of the house, and hid them with the stalks of flax, which she had laid in order upon the roof.
7. And the men pursued after them the way to Jordan unto the fords : and as soon as they which pursued after them were gone out, they sluit the gate.
8. And, before they were laid down, she came up vmto them iipon the roof;
9. And she said unto the men, I know that the Lord hath given you the land, and that your terror is fallen upon us, and that all the in- habitants of the land faint because of you.
10. For we have heard how the
into gross idolatry by the daughters of Moab, and were in consequence signally punished. — Ed.
' This word " clam" may refer either to the secrecy of Joshua in send- ing the spies, or to the secrecy which they were to employ in making their inquiries. Either meaning seems good. The latter is countenanced by the Septuagint, which unites the secrecy and the spying in the single com- pound word KKTct/TKO'sriva-ai ; but it is evident, both from the version and the Commentary, that Calvin prefers the former. — Ed.
viros duos cxploratores clam,' di- cendo : Ite, considerate terram et Jericho. Profecti sunt igitur et ingressi sunt domum mulieris mere- tricis, cujus nomen erat Rahab, et dormienmt iUic.
2. Dictum autem fuit regi Jericho, Ecce venerunt hue viri nocte hac e filiis Israel ad explorandum terram.
3. Tunc misit rex Jericho ad Ra- hab, dicendo; Educ viros qui ingressi sunt ad te, qui venerunt domum tuam ; quia ad explorandam totam terram venerunt.
4. Sumpserat autem mulier duos viros, et absconderat eos : Tunc ait, Venerunt quidem ad me viri, sed non noveram undenam essent.
5. Fuit autem dum porta claude- retur in tenebris, egressi stmt viri ; nee cognovi quo abierint. Sequi- mini cito eos, quia comprehendetis eos.
6. Ipsa aufem ascendere fecerat eos in tectum, et absconderat eos sub culmis lini ab ea ordinatis super tec- tum.
7. Viri autem persequuti sunt eos itinere Jordanis usque ad vada : por- tam vero clauserunt, simul ac egressi sunt qui eos persequebantm*.
8. Antequam vero dormirent, ipsa ascendit super tectum ad eos.
9. Et ait ad viros : Novi quod Jehova dederit vobis terram, eo quod cecidit terror vester super nos, et quod defluxerunt omnes habitatores terrse a facie vestra.
10. Audivimus enim quomodo are-
CHAP. II.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
41
Lord dried up the water of the Red sea for you, when ye came out of Egypt ; and what ye did unto the two kings of the Amorites, that were on the other side Jordan, Sihon and Og, whom ye utterly destroyed.
11. And as soon as we had heard iheie things, our hearts did melt, nei- ther did there remain any more cour- age in any man, because of you; for the Lord your God, he is God in heaven above, and in earth beneath.
12. Now therefore, I pray you, swear unto me by the Lord, since I have shewed you kindness, that ye will also shew kindness unto my father's house, and give me a true token :
13. And t/mt ye will save alive my father, and my mother, and my bre- thren, and my sisters, and all that they have, and deliver our lives from death.
14. And the men answered her. Our life for yours, if ye utter not this our business. And it shall be, when the Lord hath given us the land, that we Avill deal kindly and truly with thee.
15. Then she let them down by a cord through the window ; for her house was upon the town wall, and she dwelt upon the wall.
16. And she said unto them, Get you to the mountain, lest the pur- suers meet you ; and hide yourselves there three days, until the pursuers be returned : and afterward may ye go your way.
17. And the men said uiito her. We will be blameless of tliis thine oath which thou hast made us swear:
18. Behold, when we come into the land, thou shalt bind this line of scarlet thread in the Avindow which thou didst let us down by : and thou shalt bring thy father, and thy mo- ther, and thy brethren, and all thy father's household, home unto thee.
19. And it shall be, that whoso- ever shall go out of the doors of thy house into the street, his blood shall be upon his head, and we will be guiltless; and whosoever shall be with
fecerit Jehova aquas maris Suph a facie vestra dum exiistis ex iEgyp- to; et quae fecistis duobus regibus J^lmorrhsei, qui erant trans Jordan- em : Sihon et Og quos interemistis.
11. Audivimus, et dissolutum est cor nostrum, neque constitit ultra spiritus a facie vestra. Jehova enim iJeus vester Deus est in coelo sursum et super terram deorsum.
12. Nunc ergo jurate mihi, quae- so, per Jehovam (feci enim vobiscum misericordiam) quod facietis etiam vos cum domo patris mei misericor- diam, et dabitis mihi signum verum,
13. Quod vivos servabitis fratrem meum, et matrem meam, et fratres nieos, et sorores meas, et omnes qui sunt eorum, eruetisque animas nos- tras a morte.
14. Dixerunt ei viri: Anima nostra pro vobis ad moriendum : modo non prodideris sermonera nostrum hunc: tunc erit, ubi tradiderit Jehova nobis terram, faciemus tecum misericor- diam et veritatem.
15. Demisit itaqvie eos fune per fenestram : domus enim ejus erat in pariete muri, et in muro ipsa habita- bat.
16. Dixit autem eis: Admontem pergite, ne forte occurrant vobis qui insequuntur, et latitate illic tribus diebus, donee redeant qui insequun- tur, et postea ibitis perviamvestram.
17. Tunc dixerunt ei viri, Luioxii erimus a juramento tuo hoc quo nos adjiurasti.
18. Ecce, quum ingreilienuu" ter- ram, fmiiculum hunc tili coccinei ligabis in fenestra, per quam demi- seris nos: patrem vero tuum et matrem tuam congregabis ad te in domum, et omnem familiam patris tui.
19. Erit autem, quicunque egres- sus fuerit e valvis domus tuse foras, sanguis ejus erit in caput ejus, nos vero innoxii : qmcunque vero tecum fuerit in domo, sanguis illius in caput
42
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. II. 1.
tliee in the house, his blood shall he on our head, if any hand be upon him.
20. And if thou utter this our business, then we will be quit of thine oath which thou hast made us to swear.
21. And she said, According unto your words, so he it. And she sent them away, and they departed : and she bound the scarlet line in the window.
22. And they went, and came unto the mountain, and abode there three days, until the pursuers were return- ed. And the pursuers sought them throughout all the way, but found them not.
23. So the two men returned, and descended from the moimtain, and passed over, and came to Joshua the son of Nun, and told him all things that befell them :
24. And they said unto Joshua, Truly the Lord hath delivered into our hands all the land : for even all the inhabitants of the country do faint because of us.
nostrimi, si manus injecta fuerit in eum.
20. Si vero prodideris sermonem himc nostrum, erimus innoxii a jura- mento quo adjurasti nos.
21. Respondit ilia: Ut loquuti estis, ita sit. Tunc dimisit eos, et abierimt, ligavitque filum coccineuin in fenestra.
22. Profecti venenmt ad montem, et manserunt ibi tribus diebus, donee reverterentur qui inseqirati fuerant, qui qusesierunt per omnem viam, nee invenerunt.
23. Keversi ergo duo illi, postqviam descenderunt e monte, transierunt, veneruntque ad Josue fiUum Nun, et narraverunt ei qusecunque acci- derant sibi.
24. Dixenmtque ad Josue, Tra- didit Jehova in manus nostras totam terram. Dissoluti enim sunt omnes habitatores terra) a facie nostra.
1. And Joshua the son of Nun sent, &c. Tlie object of the exploration now in question was different from the for- mer one, when Joshua was sent with other eleven to survey all the districts of the land, and bring back information to the whole people concerning its position, nature, fertility, and other properties, the magnitude and number of the cities, the inhabitants, and their manners. The present object was to disj)ose those who might be inclined to be sluggish, to engage with more alacrity in the campaign. And though it appears from the first chapter of Deuter- onomy, (Deut. i. 22,) that Moses, at the request of the people, sent chosen men to spy out the land, he elsewhere relates (Numb. xiii. 4) that he did it by command from God. Those twelve, therefore, set out divinely commissioned, and for a somewhat different purpose, viz., to make a thorough survey of the land, and be the heralds of its excellence to stir up the courage of the people.
Now Joshua secretly sends two persons to ascertain whether
CHAP. II. 1. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 43
or not a free passage may be had over tlie Jordan, whether the citizens of Jericho were indulging in security, or whether they were on the alert and prepared to resist. In short, he sends spies on whose report he may provide against all dangers. Wherefore a twofold question may be here raised — Are we to approve of his prudence ? or are we to condemn him for excessive anxiety, especially as he seems to have trusted more than was right to his own prudence, when, without consulting God, he was so careful in taking pre- cautions against danger? But, inasmuch as it is not ex- pressly said that he received a message from heaven to order the people to collect their vessels and to publish his procla- mation concerning the passage of the Jordan, although it is perfectly obvious that he never would have thought of mov- ing the camp unless God had ordered it, it is also probable that in sending the spies he consulted God as to his pleasure in the matter, or that God himself, knowing how much need there was of this additional confirmation, had spontaneously suggested it to the mind of his servant. Be this as it may, while Joshua commands his messengers to spy out Jericho, he is preparing to besiege it, and accordingly is desirous to ascertain in what direction it may be most easily and safely approached.
They came into a harlot's house, &c. Why some try to avoid the name harlot, and interpret nJI? as meaning one who keeps an inn, I see not, unless it be that they think it disgraceful to be the guests of a courtezan, or wish to wipe off a stigma from a woman who not only received the mes- sengers kindly, but secured their safety by singular courage and prudence. It is indeed a regular practice with the Rabbins, when they would consult for the honour of their nation, presumptuously to wrest Scripture and give a different turn by their fictions to anything that seems not quite re- putable.^ But the probability is, that while the messengers Avere courting secrecy, and shunning observation and all places of juiblic intercourse, they came to a woman who
' In the present instance they set no limits to their extravagance, and gravely tell us, that instead of leading a life of infamy, she was merely an innkeeper or " hostess," and was afterwards honoured to be the wife of Joshua. — Ed.
44 COxMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. II. 2.
dwelt in a retired spot. Her house was contiguous to the wall of the city, nay, its outer side was actually situated in the wall. From this we may infer that it was some obscure corner remote from the public thoroughfare : just as persons of her description usually live in narrow lanes and secret places. It cannot be supposed with any consistency to have been a common inn which was open to all indiscriminately, because tliey could not have felt at liberty to indulge in familiar intercourse, and it must have been difficult in such circumstances to obtain concealment.
My conclusion therefore is, that they obtained admission privily, and immediately betook themselves to a hiding- place. Moreover, in the fact that a woman who had gained a shameful livelihood by prostitution was shortly after ad- mitted into the body of the chosen people, and became a member of the Church, we are furnished with a striking display of divine grace which could thus penetrate into a place of shame, and draw forth from it not only Rahab, but her father and the other members of her family. Most assuredly while the term HilT, almost invariably means harlot, there is nothing here to oblige us to depart from tlie received meaning.
2. And it was told the king, &c. It is probable that watch- men had been appointed to take notice of suspicious strangers, as is wont to be done in doubtful emergencies, or during an appreliension of war. The Israelites were nigh at hand; they had openly declared to the Edomites and Moabites that they were seeking a settlement in the land of Canaan ; they were formidable for their number ; they had already made a large conquest after slaying two neighbouring kings ; and as we shall shortly perceive, their' famous passage of the Red Sea had been noised abroad. It would therefore have argued extreme supineness in such manifest danger to allow any strangers whatever to pass freely through the city of Jericho, situated as it was on the frontiers.
It is not wonderful, therefore, that men who were un- known and who appeared from many circumstances to have come with a hostile intention, were denounced to the king. At the same time, however, we may infer that they were
CHAP. II. 4. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 45
supernaturally blinded in not guarding their gates more carefully ; for with the use of moderate diligence the mes- sengers after they had once entered might easily have been detained. Nay, a search ought forthwith to have been in- stituted, and thus they would to a certainty have been caught. The citizens of Jericho were in such trepidation and so struck with judicial amazement, that they acted in every- thing without method or counsel. Meanwhile the two messengers were reduced to such extremities that they seemed on the eve of being delivered up to punishment. The king sends for them ; they are lurking in the house ; their life hangs upon the tongue of a woman, just as if it were hanging by a thread. Some have thought that there was in this a punishment of the distrust of Joshua, who ought to have boldly passed the Jordan, trusting to the divine guidance. But the result would rather lead us to conclude differently, that God by rescuing the messengers from ex- treme danger gave new courage to the people ; for in that manifestation of his power he plainly shewed that he was watching over their safety, and providing for their happy entrance into tlie promised land.
4. A7id the woman took the two men, &c. We may pre- sume that before Rahab was ordered to bring them forth the rumour of their arrival had been spread, and that thus some little time had been given for concealing them.^ And indeed on receiving the king's command, had not measures for concealment been well taken, there would have been no room for denial ; much less would she have dared to lie so coolly. But after she had thus hidden her guests, as the search would have been difficult, she comes boldly forward and escapes by a crafty answer.
' Had the season of the year when these transactions took place not been known from other sources, the mode of concealment to which Rahab re- sorted would have gone far to fix it. The " stalks of flax" with which she covered them, was evidently the crop of flax as it had been taken from the ground after attaining maturity, and laid out in the open air to dry, agi-ee- ably to a custom still practised, before it was subjected to the process of skutching, for the purpose of being deprived of its woody fibre. The flax sown about the end of September was pulled in the end of March or be- ginning of April, which accordingly was the period when the Israelites began to move their camp. — Ed.
46 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. 11. 4.
Now, the questions wliicli here arise are, first. Was treachery to her country excusable ? Secondly, Could her lie be free from fault ? We know that the love of our country, which is as it were our common mother, has been implanted in us by nature. When, therefore, Rahab knew that the object intended was the overthrow of the city in Avhich she had been born and brought up, it seems a detest- able act of inhumanity to give her aid and counsel to the spies. It is a puerile evasion to say, that they were not yet avowed enemies, inasmuch as war had not been declared ; since it is plain enough that they had conspired the destruc- tion of her fellow-citizens.^ It was therefore only the knowledge communicated to her mind by God which ex- empted her from fault, as having been set free from the common rule. Her faith is commended by two Apostles, who at the same time declare, (Heb. xi. 31 ; James ii. 25,) that the service which she rendered to the spies was accept- able to God.
It is not wonderful, then, that when the Lord con- descended to transfer a foreign female to his peoj^le, and to ingraft her into the body of the Church, he separated her from a profane and accursed nation. Therefore, although she had been bound to her countrymen up to that very day, yet when she was adopted into the body of the Church, her new condition was a kind of manumission from the common law by which citizens are bound toward each other. In short, in order to pass by faith to a new people, she behoved to renounce her countrymen. And as in this she only ac- quiesced in the judgment of God, there was no criminality in abandoning them.^
' It may either mean that " they " (the Israelites) " had conspired," as here translated, or as the French has it, that " Rahab had conspired." — Ed.
" Latin, " Nullum in proditione fuit crimen ;" literally, " there was no crime in the treachery." French, " II n'y a point eu de crime de trahisou en ce faict ;" " There was no crime of treachery in the act." Neither of these properly conveys Calvin's meaning. From what follows it is evident that he held all treachery to be criminal as implying a deviation from truth ; while he also held, that under the special circumstances Rahab was justified in withdrawing her allegiance from her countrymen and trans- ferring it to the Israelites. He therefore only justifies the act without ap- proving of the mode of it. This view appears to be accurately expressed
CHAP. TI. 4. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 47
As to the falsehood, we must admit tliat though it was (lone for a good purpose, it was not free from fault. For those who hold what is called a dutiful lie^ to be altogether excusable, do not sufficiently consider how precious truth is in the sight of God. Therefore, although our purpose be to assist our brethren, to consult for their safety and relieve them, it never can be lawful to lie, because that cannot be right which is contrary to the nature of God. And God is truth. And still the act of Rahab is not devoid of the praise of virtue, although it was not spotlessly pure. For it often happens that while the saints study to hold the right path, they deviate into circuitous courses.
Rebecca (Gen. xxviii.) in procuring the blessing to her son Jacob, follows the prediction. In obedience of this description a pious and praiseworthy zeal is perceived. But it cannot be doubted that in substituting her son Jacob in the place of Esau, she deviated from the path of duty. The crafty proceeding, therefore, so far taints an act which was laudable in itself And yet the particular fault does not wholly deprive the deed of the merit of holy zeal ; for by the kindness of God the fault is suppressed and not taken into account. Rahab also does wrong when she falsely declares that the messengers were gone, and yet the principal action was agreeable to God, because the bad mixed up with the
by the term " abandoning," which has accordingly been substituted in the translation. — Ed.
' Latin, " Mendacium officiosum." French, "liC mensonge qui tend au profit du prochain;" "The lie which tends to our neighbour's profit." The mendacium offirAostim is an expression of frequent use among the Casuists, and properly means, " a lie which it may be an act of duty to tell." One of the most common instances given is the case in which a simple statement of the truth might essentially endanger the interest, or, it may be, the life of an individual whom we are imder a natural or conven- tional obhgation to defend from all injury. A son, for example, is pursued by murderers ; he takes shelter imder the paternal roof ; his mother has just succeeded in concealing him when the murderers arrive. Is she en- titled to give a false answer to their interrogatories ? The question is one of the most difficult and delicate that can be raised ; but Calvin has un- doubtedly given the right decision when he lays down the broad principle, that those who hold any lie to be excusable, " do not sufficiently consider how precious truth is in the sight of God." Were anything necessary to reconcile us to this decision, we may easily find it in the havoc which has been made of all morality by acting on its opposite, as evinced particu- larly in the case of Jesuit and other Romish casuists. — Ed.
48 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA, CHAP. II. 7.
good was not imputed. On the whole, it was the will of God that the spies should be delivered, but he did not ap- prove of saving their life by falsehood.
7. And the men pursued, &c. Their great credulity shews that God liad blinded them. Although Rahab had gained much by deluding them, a new course of anxiety inter- venes; for the gates being shut, the city like a prison ex- cluded the hope of escape. They were therefore again aroused by a serious trial to call upon God. For seeing that this history was written on their report, it is impossible they could have been ignorant of what was then going on, especially as God, for the purpose of magnifying his grace, purposely exposed them to a succession of dangers. And now when they were informed that search was made for them, we infer from the fact of their being still awake, that they were in anxiety and alarm. Their trepidation must have been in no small degree increased when it was told them that their exit was precluded.
It appears, however, that Rahab was not at all dismayed, since she bargains with so much presence of mind, and so calmly, for her own safety and that of her family. And in this composure and firmness her faith, which is elsewhere commended, appears conspicuous. For on human principles she never would have braved the fury of the king and people, and become a suppliant to guests half dead with terror. Many, indeed, think there is something ridiculous in the eulogium bestowed upon her both by St. James and the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, (James ii, 25 ; Heb, xi, 31,) when they place her in the catalogue of the faithful. But any one who will carefully weigh all the cir- cumstances will easily perceive that she was endowed with a lively faith.
First, If the tree is known by its fruits, we here see uo ordinary effects, which are just so many evidences of faith. Secondly, A principle of piety must have given origin to her conviction that the neighbouring nations were already in a manner vanquished and laid prostrate, since terror sent from above had filled all minds with dismay. It is true that in profane writers also we meet with similar expressions, which
CHAP. II. 7. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 49
God has extorted from them that he miglit assert liis pov:er to rule and turn tlie liearts of men in whatever way he pleases. But while these writers prate like parrots, Rahab declaring in sincerity of heart that God has destined tlie land for the children of Israel, because all the inhabitants have fainted away before them, claims for him a supreme rule over the liearts of men, a rule which the pride of the world denies.
For although the experience of all times has shewn that more armies have fallen or been routed by sudden and un- locked for terror than by the force and prowess of the enemy, the impression of this truth has forthwith vanished away, and hence conquerors have always extolled their own yalour, and on any prosperous result gloried in their own exertions and talents for war. They have felt, I admit, that daring and courage are occasionally bestowed or with- held by some extraneous cause, and accordingly men con- fess that in war fortune does much or even reigns supreme. Hence their common proverb with regard to panic terrors, and their vows made as well to Pavor {Dread) as to Jupiter Stator,^ But it never became a serious and deep-seated im- pression in their minds, that every man is brave according as God has inspired him with present courage, or cowardly according as he has suppressed his daring. Rahab, how- ever, recognises the operation of a divine hand in striking the nations of Canaan with dismay, and thus making them as it were by anticipation pronounce their own doom ; and she infers that the terror which the children of Israel have inspired is a presage of victory, because they fight under God as their Leader.
' French, " Et y a eii im proverbe commun entre eux, poiir signifier les frayeurs soudaines dont le cause n'apparoit point; (car ils les appeloyent Epoiivantemens Paniqiies ;) aussi ils faisoyent voeus a un Jnppiter qu'Us appeloyent Stator, c'est a dire Arrestant ; et a line deesse qu'ils nommoy- ent Pavor, c'est a dire Peur afin que les armees tinssent bon, et ne s'en fuissent de peur ;" " And there was a common proverb among them to de- note the sudden alanns of which the cause does not appear ; for they called them Panic Terrors ; in like manner they made vows to a Jupiter, whom they called Stator, that is. Staying ; and to a goddess whom they named Pavor, that is Fear, in order that armies might stand good, and not flee from fear." — Ed.
50 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. II. 10,
In the fact, that while the courage of all had thus melted away, they however prepared to resist with the obstinacy of despair; we see that when the wicked are brolvcn and crushed by the hand of God, they are not so subdued as to receive the yoke, but in their terror and anxiety become incapable of being tamed. Here, too, we have to observe how in a common fear believers differ from unbelievers, and how the faith of Rahab displays itself. She herself was afraid like any other of the people ; but when she reflects that she has to do with God, she concludes that her only remedy is to eschew evil by yielding humbly and placidly, as resistance would be altogether unavailing. But what is the course taken by all the wretched inhabitants of the country ? Al- though terror-struck, so far is their perverseness from being overcome that they stimulate each other to the conflict.
10. For we have heard how, &c. She mentions, as the special cause of consternation, that the wide-spread rumour of miracles, hitherto without example, had impressed it on the minds of all that God was warring for the Israelites. For it was impossible to doubt that the way through the Red Sea had been miraculously opened up, as the water would never have changed its nature and become piled up in solid heaps, had not God, the author of nature, so ordered. The transmutation of the element, therefore, plainly shewed that God was on the side of the people, to whom he had given a dry passage through the depths of the sea.
The signal victories also gained over Og and Bashan, were justly regarded as testimonies of the divine favour towards the Israelites. This latter conclusion, indeed, rested only on conjecture, whereas the passage of the sea was a full and irrefragable proof, as much so as if God had stretched forth his hand from heaven. All minds, therefore, were seized with a conviction that in the expedition of the Israelitish people God was principal leader ;i hence their terror and consternation. At the same time, it is probable that they were
' French, " Que Dieu estoit le principal conducteur de I'cntreprise du peuple d'Israel, et qu'il marclioit avec ieeluy;" "That God was the prin- cipal conductor of the enterprise of the people of Israel, and that he was marching along with them." — Ed.
CHAP.II.ll. COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. 51
deceived by some vain imagination that the God of Israel had proved superior in the contest to the gods of Egypt ; just as the poets feign that every god has taken some nation or other under his protection, and wars with others, and that thus conflicts take place among the gods themselves while they are protecting their favourites.
But the faith of Rahab takes a higher flight, while to the God of Israel alone she ascribes supreme power and eternity. These are the true attributes of Jehovah. She does not dream, according to the vulgar notion, that some one, out of a crowd of deities, is giving his assistance to the Israelites, but she acknowledges that He whose favour they were known to possess is the true and only God. We see, then, how in a case where all received the same intelligence, she, in the application of it, went far beyond her countrymen.
11. The Lord your Qod, he is God, &c. Here the image of Raliab's faith appears, as if reflected in a mirror, when casting down all idols she ascribes the government of heaven and earth to the God of Israel alone. For it is perfectly clear that when heaven and earth are declared subject to the God of Israel, there is a repudiation of all the pagan fictions by which the majesty, and power, and glory of God are por- tioned out among diflerent deities ; and hence we see that it is not without cause that two Apostles have honoured Rahab's conduct with the title of faith. This is sneered at by some proud and disdainful men, but I wish they would consider what it is to distinguish the one true God from all fictitious deities, and at the same time so to extol his power as to declare that the whole world is governed at his pleasure. Rahab does not speak hesitatingly, but declares, in absolute terms, that whatever power exists resides in the God of Israel alone, that he commands all the elements, that he orders all things above and below, and determines human affairs. Still I deny not that her faith was not fully de- veloped, nay, I readily admit, that it was only a germ of piety which, as yet, would have been insuflficient for her eternal salvation. We must hold, nevertheless, that however feeble and slender the knowledge of God which the woman possessed may have been, still in surrendering herself to his
52 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. II. 1 2.
power, she gives a proof of lier election, and that from that seed a faith was germinating which afterwards attained its full growth.
1 2. Now, therefore, I pray you, swear, &c. It is another manifestation of faith that she places the sons of Abraham in sure possession of the land of Canaan, founding on no other argument than her having heard that it was divinely promised to them. For she did not suppose that God was favouring lawless intruders who were forcing their way into the territories of others with unjust violence and un- curbed licentiousness, but rather concluded that they were coming into the land of Canaan, because God had assigned them the dominion of it. It cannot be believed that when they sought a passage from the Edomites and others, they said nothing as to whither they were going. Nay, those nations were acquainted with the promise which was made to Abraham, and the memory of which had been again renewed by the rejection of Esau.
Moreover, in the language of Rahab, we behold that cha- racteristic property of faith described by the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, when he calls it a vision, or sight of things not appearing. (Heb. xi. 1.) Rahab is dwelling with her people in a fortified city : and yet she commits her life to her terrified guests, just as if they had already gained possession of the land, and had full power to save or destroy as they pleased. This voluntary surrender was, in fact, the very same as embracing the promise of God, and casting herself on his protection. She, moreover, exacts an oatli, because often, in the storming of cities, the heat and tumult of the struggle shook off the remembrance of duty. In the same way she mentions the kindness she had shewn to them, that gratitude might stimulate them the more to perform their promise. For although the obligation of the oath ought of itself to have been effectual, it would have been doubly base and inhumane not to shew gratitude to a hostess to whom they owed deliverance. Rahab shews the kindliness of her disposition, in her anxiety about her parents and kindred. This is, indeed, natural ; but many are so devoted to themselves, tliat children hesitate not to ransom their own
CHAP. II. 14. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 53
lives by the death of their parents, instead of exerting courage and zeal to save them.
14. Ou7' life for yours, &c. They imprecate death upon themselves, if they do not faithfully make it their business to save Rahab. For the interpretation adopted by some, We will pledge our lives, seems far-fetched, or too restricted, since their intention was simply to bind themselves before God. They constitute themselves, therefore, a kind of ex- piatory victims, if any evil befalls Rahab through their negligence. The expression, for yours, ought, doubtless, to be extended to the parents, brothers, and sisters. They there- fore render their own lives liable in such a sense, that blood may be required of them, if the family of Rahab do not remain safe. And herein consists the sanctity of an oath, that though its violation may escape with impunity, so far as men are concerned, yet God having been interposed as a witness, will take account of the perfidy. In Hebrew, to do mercy and truth, is equivalent to performing the office of humanity faithfully, sincerely, and firmly.
A condition, however, is inserted, — provided Rahab do not divulge what they have said. This was inserted, not on account of distrust, as is usually expounded, but only to put Rahab more upon her guard, on her own account. The warning, therefore, was given in good faith, and flowed from pure good will : for there was a danger that Rahab might betray herself by a disclosure. In one word, they shew how important it is that the matter should remain, as it were, buried, lest the woman, by inconsiderately talking of the compact, might expose herself to capital punishment. In this they shew that they were sincerely anxious for her safety, since they thus early caution her against doing anything which might put it out of their power to render her a service. In further distinctly stipulating, that no one should go out of the house, or otherwise they should be held blameless, we may draw the important inference, that in making oaths soberness should be carefully attended to, that we may not profane the name of God by making futile promises on any subject.
The advice of Rahab, to turn aside into the mountain,
54 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. II. 14.
and there remain quiet for three days, shews tliat there is no repugnance between faith and the precautions which pro- vide against manifest dangers. Tliere is no doubt that the messengers crept off to the mountain in great fear, and yet that confidence which they had conceived, from the remark- able interference of God in their behalf, directed their steps, and did not allow them to lose their presence of mind.
Some have raised the question, whether, seeing it is crimi- nal to overleap walls, it could be lawful to get out of the city by a window ? But it ought to be observed, first, that the walls of cities were not everywhere sacred, because every city had not a Romulus, who could make the overleap- ing a pretext for slaying his brother -^ and secondly, That law, as Cicero reminds us, was to be tempered by equity, in- asmuch as he who should climb a wall for the purpose of repelling an enemy, would be more deserving of reward than punishment. The end of the law is to make the citi- zens secure by the protection of the walls. He, therefore, who should climb over the walls, neither from contempt nor petulance, nor fraud, nor in a tumultuous manner, but under the pressure of necessity, could not justly on that account be charged with a capital ofience. Should it be objected that the thing was of bad example, 1 admit it : but when the ob- ject is to rescue one's life from injury, violence, or robbery, provided it be done without offence or harm to any one, necessity excuses it. It cannot be charged upon Paul as a crime, that when in danger of his life at Damascus, he was let down by a basket, seeing he was divinely permitted to escape, without tumult, from the violence and cruelty of wicked men.^
' This is an instance of the quiet and ahnost sly humour which occa- sionally betrays itself in Calvin's other writings, and shews, that had it comported with the general gravity of his character, he might easily have added wit to the other weapons with which he fought the battles of the faith. In private life, Avhen greater freedom was allowable, it appears, according to Beza's statement, to have not unfrequently contributed to the charm of his conversation. — Ed.
^ The whole objection, as to the overleaping of walls, is so ridiculous in itself, and so very inapplicable to the circumstances of all parties at the time, that it is difficult to xmderstand why Calvin should have conde- scended to notice it at all, or, at least, given himself so much trouble to refute it. If one might hazard a conjecture, it woidd be that some question
CHAP. II. 24. COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. 55"
24. A7id they said unto Joshua, &c. This passage shews that Joshua was not mistaken in selecting his spies ; for their language proves them to have been right-hearted men pos- sessed of rare integrity. Others, perhaps, not recovered from the terror into which they had once been thrown, would have disturbed the whole camp, but these, while they reflect on the wonderful kindness of God, displayed in their escape from danger, and the happy issue of their expedition, exhort Joshua and the people to go boldly forward. And although the mere promise of possessing the land ought to have been sufficient, yet the Lord is so very indulgent to their weak- ness, that, for the sake of removing all doubt, he confirms what he had promised by experience. That the Lord had not spoken in vain, was proved by the consternation of the nations, when it began already to put them to flight, and to drive them out, as if hornets had been sent in upon them. For they argue in the same way as Rahab had done, that the land was given to them, as the inhabitants had almost fainted away from fear. I have therefore used the illative particleyo?', though the literal meaning is, and also. But it is sufficiently plain, that in tiie other way there is a confir- mation of what they had said. And, indeed, the courage of all melted away, as if they felt themselves routed by the hand of God.
CHAPTER IIL
1. AndJosliua rose early in the I. Surrexit aiitem Josue summo morning- ; and they removed from mane, et profecti sunt e Sittim, ve- Shittim, and came to Jordan, he nerantque usque ad Jordanem ipse and all the children of Israel, and et omnes filii Israel, pernoctaverunt- lodged there before they passed que illic antequam transirent. over.
2. And it came to pass after three 2. Et fuit a fine trium dierum, ut days, that the officers went through prsefecti transirent per medium cas- the host ; trorum.
3. And they commanded the 3. Prsecipercntqiie populo, di- people, saying-,|When ye see the ark cendo, Quum videritis arcam fcede- of the covenant of the Lord your ris Jehovse Dei vestri, et sacerdotes God, and the priests the Levites Levitas portantes eam, proficisce- bearing it, then ye shall remove from mini e loco vestro, ibitisque post your place, and go after it : illam.
of a similar nature had been raised in regard to the walls of Geneva, and given a local interest to a discussion which otherwise seems somewhat out of place. — Ed.
56
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. III.
4. Yet there shall be a space be- tween you and it, about two thou- sand cubits by measure : come not near unto it ; that ye may Imow the way by which ye must go : for ye have not passed this way heretofore.
5. And Joshua said imto the people, Sanctify yourselves : for to- morrow the Lord will do wonders among you.
6. And Joshua spake imto the priests, saying. Take up the ark of the covenant, and pass over before the people. And they took up the ark of the covenant, and went before the people.
7. And the Lord said unto Jo- shua, This day will I begin to mag- nify thee in the sight of all Israel, that they may know that, as I was with Moses, so I will be with thee.
8. And thou shalt command the priests that bear the ark of the co- venant, saying. When ye are come to the brink of the water of Jordan, ye shall stand still in Jordan.
9. And Joshua said imto the children of Israel, Come hither, and hear the words of the Lord your God.
10. And Joshua said, Hereby ye shall know that the living God is among you, and that he will with- out fail drive out from before you the Canaanites, and the Hittites, and the Ilivites, and the Perizzites, and the Girgashites, and the Amor- ites, and the Jebusites.
11. Behold, the ark of the cove- nant of the Lord of all the earth passcth over before you into Jor- dan.
12. Now therefore take you twelve men out of the tribes of Israel, out of every tribe a man.
13. And it shall come to pass, as soon as the soles of the feet of the priests that bear the ark of the Lord, the Lord of all the earth, shall rest in the waters of Jordan, tliat the Avaters of Jordan shall be cut ofl'
from the waters that come down from above ; and they shall stand upon an heap.
4. Veruntamen interstitiimi erit inter vos et.ipsam fere duorum mili- um cubitorum in mensura : ne ap- propinquetis ei, ut cognoscatis viam per quam ambulaturi estis. Non enim transiistis per viam illam heri vel nudius tertius.
5. Dixerat autem Josue ad popu- lum, sanctificate {prceparate) vos. Cras enim faciet Jehova in medio vestri mirabilia.
6. Loquutus autem est Josue ad sacerdotes, dicendo, Tollite arcam foederis, et transite ante populum. Tulerunt itaque arcam foederis, et ambularunt ante populmii.
7. Dixerat autem Jehova ad Jo- suam, Ilodie incipiam magnificare te in oculis totius Israel, ut, sciant, quomodo fiii cum Mose, sic me fore tecum.
8. Tu ergo pra;cipies sacerdoti- bus portantibus arcam foederis, di- cendo, Quum ingressi fueritis usque ad extremum aquae Jordanis, in Jordane stabitis.
9. Dixitque Josue ad filios Israel, Accedite hue, et audite verba Je- hov£e Dei vestri.
10. Dixit item Josue, In hoc cog- noscetis quod Deus vivens est in medio vestri, et quod expellendo ex- pellet a facie vestra Chananreum, liittliEeum, et Hivajum, et Pheri- saeum, et Gergesasum, et Amor- rhajum, et Jebusaeum,
11. Ecce area foederis Dominato- ris universes terrse transibit ante vos per Jordanem.
12. Nunc ergo tollite vobis duo- decim viros e tribubus Israel, singa- los per singulas tribus.
13. Quum autem quieverint plan- taj pedum sacerdotum portantiura arcam Jehov;ie Dominatoris univer- s;c terra; in aquis Jordanis, aqua3 Jordanis intercidentur, et aquaj su- perne (yel desuper, vel desursimi) fluentes, consistent in acervo uno.
CHAP.III. 1. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 57
1. And Joshua rose early, &c. Wc must remember, as I formerly explained, that Joshua did not move liis camp till the day after the spies had returned, but that after hearing their report, he gave orders by the prefects that they should collect their vessels, as three days after they were to cross the Jordan.^ His rising in the morning, therefore, does not
^ This seems to be the proper place to insert a short account of the Jordan, and more especially of that part of it in the neighbourhood of which the Israehtes Avere now encamped. This becomes necessary, be- cause Calvm has altogether omitted it, partly, as some expressions in his Commentary would seem to indicate, from having unfortunately attached little comparative importance to geographical details, and partly, as he very modestly expresses it, from not having been very well acquainted with them. Indeed, at the period when he wrote, the geography of the Holy Land was very imperfectly known, but we have not the same excuse, as numerous well-qualified travellers have since traversed it in all directions, and published careful descriptions both of its general features and of almost all the localities possessed of much historical interest. In a single note, only a few leading points can be adverted to, but it seems not impossible, in this way, to give a distinct idea of the nature of the passage Avliich the Israelites were now preparing to make, and of the wonderful interposition by which they were enabled to accomplish it.
The Jordan, then, by far the most important river of Palestine, is formed, near its northern frontiers, by several streams which descend from the moimtains of Lebanon, and after flowing nearly due south, for a direct distance of about 175 miles, discharges its waters into the north side of the Dead Sea. In the upper part of its coiu^se, before it reaches the lake of Tiberius, more familiarly known by its usual scriptural name of the Sea of Galilee, it has much of the character of an impetuous torrent, and is hem- med closely in on both sides by lofty mountains, but on issuing from the south side of the lake, it begins to flow in a valley, the most remarkable circumstance connected with which, is its great depth beneath the level of the ocean. Even the Sea of Galilee is 84 feet, and the Dead Sea, where the Jordan falls into it, is 1337 feet beneath this level. The intervening space between the two seas, forms what is properly called the valley of the Jordan, and consists of a plain, about six miles across in its northern, but much wider in its southern half, where it spreads out, on its east or left bank, into the plains of Moab, and on its west or right bank, into the plains of Jericho. This valley, throughout its whole length, is terminated on either side by a mountain chain, which in many parts rises so rapidly as soon to attain a height exceeding 2500. Within the valley thus termi- nated, a minor valley is enclosed. It is about three quarters of a mile in breadth, and consists, for the most part, of a low flat, bounded by sandy slopes, and covered by trees or brushwood. Nearly in the centre of this flat the river, almost concealed beneath its overhanging banks, pursues its com-se, with few large windings, but with such a multipUcity of minute tortuosities, that though the direct distance is not more than sixty-five, the indirect distance or total length of the stream is estimated at not less than two hundred miles. The river, in its ordinary state, within its banks, has a width of from twenty to thu-ty yards, and a depth, varying from nine to fifteen feet. The banks are there from twelve to foiu^teen feet high, and immediately beyond them, the flat bears evident marks of being fre-
58 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. III. 2.
refer simply to their return, but rather to the issuing of his proclamation. When the three days were completed, the prefects were again sent through the camp to acquaint the people with the mode of passage. Although these things are mentioned separately, it is easy to take up the thread of the narrative. But before it was publicly intimated, by what means he M'as to open a way for the people, the multitude spread out on the bank of the river were exposed to some degree of confusion.
It is true, there were fords by which the Jordan could be passed. But the waters were then swollen, and had over- flowed, so that they might easily prevent even men altoge- ther without baggage from passing. Tliere was therefore no hope, that women and children, with the animals, and the rest of the baggage, could be transported to the further bank. That, in such apparently desperate circumstances, they calmly wait the issue, though doubtful, and to them incom- prehensible, is an example of faithful obedience, proving how unlike they were to their fathers, who, on the slightest occa- sions, gave way to turbulence, and inveighed against the Lord and against Moses. This change was not produced without the special agency of the Holy Spirit.
2. And it came to pass after three days, &c. That is, three days after their departure had been intimated. For they did not halt at the bank longer than one niglit. But as the period of three days had previously been fixed for crossing, and they had no hope of being able to accomplish it, Joshua now exhorts them to pay no more regard to obstacles and
quently inundated. These inundations take place in spring, and are caused by the melted snow brought down, partly by the three principal tributaries oi' the Jordan, the Jarmuch, or Shurat-el-Mandour, the Jabbok, or Zerka, and the Arnon, or Wady Modjet, which all join it from the east, but chiefly by the main stream, which is then copiously supplied from the snowy heights of Lebanon. This rising of the waters, of course, begins as soon as the thawing influence of the returning heat begins to be felt, but does not attain its maximum till the impression has been fully made, or, in the first weeks of April. Such was the state of the stream as the Israelites now approached it, at a spot which cannot be exactly ascertained, but may be safely assumed to have been from seven to twelve miles north of the Dead Sea, and not far from the Bethabarah, where our Saviour, after condescend- ing to receive baptism at the hands of his forerunner, went up from the banks, while the heavens opened, and the Spirit of God descended like a dove, and lighted upon him. — Ed,
CHAP. III. 4. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 59
difficulties, and to attend to the power of God. For although the form of the miracle is not yet explained, yet when the ark of the covenant is brouglit forward like a banner to guide the way, it was natural to infer that the Lord was pre- paring something unusual. And while they are kept in sus- pense, their faith is again proved by a serious trial ; for it was an example of rare virtue to give implicit obedience to the command, and thus follow the ark, while they were obvi- ously uninformed as to the residt. This, indeed, is the special characteristic of faith, not to inquire curiously what the Lord is to do, nor to dispute subtlely as to how that which he declares can possibly be done, but to cast all our anxious cares upon his providence, and knowing that his power, on which we may rest, is boundless, to raise our thoughts above the world, and embrace by faith that which we cannot com- prehend by reason.
4. Yet there shall be a space, &c. As the younger Levites, whose province it was to carry the ark, (Numb. iv. 15,) were strictly forbidden to touch it, or even to look at it, when uncovered, it is not wonderful that the common people were not allowed to approach within a considerable distance of it. The dignity of the ark, therefore, is declared, when the people are ordered to attest their veneration by leaving a long interval between themselves and it. And we know what happened to Uzzah, (2 Sam. vi.,) when seeing it shaken by restive oxen, he with inconsiderate zeal put forth his hand to support it. For although God invites ns familiarly to himself, yet faithful trust so far from begetting security and boldness, is, on the contrary, always coupled with fear. In this way the ark of the covenant was, indeed, a strong and pleasant pledge of the divine favour, but, at the same time, had an awful majesty, well fitted to subdue carnal pride. This humility and modesty, moreover, had the effect of exercising their faith by preventing them from confining the grace of God within too narrow limits, and reminding them, that though they were far distant from the ark, the divine power Avas ^er near.
In the end of the verse it is shewn how necessary it was for them to be divinely guided by an unknown way ; that
GO COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. III. 6.
anxiety and fear miglit keep them under the protection of the ark.
5. And Joshua said, &c. Some unwonted manifestation of divine power in bringing assistance behoved to be held forth, lest the backwardness arising from hesitancy might produce delay ; and yet, in order that the Israelites might depend on the mere counsel of God, Joshua does not yet plainly point out the special nature of the miracle, unless, indeed, we choose to read what follows shortly after, as form- ing part of one context. Herein lies the true test of faith, to lean so on the counsel of God, as not to keep inquiring too anxiously concerning the mode of action or the event. As the word ^1p means sometimes to i^repare, and some- times to sanctify, and either meaning is not inappropriate, I thought it best to leave a free choice. For faith prepares us to perceive the operation of God ; and in those times, when God manifested himself to men more nearly, they consecrated themselves by a solemn rite ; thus we see how Moses, on the promulgation of the Law, sanctified the people as God had commanded. The view taken by some expositors, that the people were thus commanded to purge themselves from de- filements, merely in order that nothing might impede the passage of the Jordan, seems to be too confined.
6. And Joshua spake unto the p)riests, &c. It is probable that the priests were informed why God wished the ark to precede, that they might be more ready to execute the com- mand, for the whole people arc immediately after made acquainted with the intended division of the waters. As the prefects had formerly published in the camp, that the people were to follow the ark of the covenant, the priests could not possibly be ignorant as to the ofiice which they were to perform. For it had been distinctly declared that they were to be leaders or standard-bearers. But when all were in readiness, Joshua publicly unfolded the divine mes- sage which he had received. For it would have been in- congruous to make the divine favour more clearly manifest to the common people than to them. It is added, however, immediately after, that the people were made acquainted with the miracle.
CHAP. III. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA, (J 1
I conclude, therefore, that after the priests had for some time been kept in suspense, along with the multitude, the Lord, on ascertaining the obedience of all, publicly declared what he was to do. First, then, it is related that the priests were enjoined by Joshua to bear the ark before the people ; and secondly, lest any one might think that he was making the attempt at random, or at his own hand, mention is at the same time made of the promise with which he had been furnished as a means of ensuring his command. But although it is not then distinctly said that the course of the Jordan would be interrupted, yet, from the language which Joshua used to the people, we may infer that the Lord spoke more in detail, and explained more distinctly what he had deter- mined to do. For Joshua did not mention anything which he had not previously learned from the mouth of God him- self Nay, before he makes any mention of the matter at all, he tells them to hear the words of the Lord, and thus premises that he has the authority of God for what he is about to say.
10. Hereby ye shall know, &c. He makes the power of the miracle extend further than to the entrance of the land, and deservedly ; for merely to open up a passage into a hostile territory, from which there was afterwards no retreat, would have been nothing else than exposure to death. For either entangled among straits, and in an unknown region, they would easily have been destroyed, or they would have perished, worn out by hunger and the absolute want of all things. Joshua therefore declares before hand, that when God would restore the river to its course, it would just be as if he were stretching forth his hand to rout all the in- habitants of the land ; and that the manifestation of his power given in the passage of the Jordan, would be a sure presage of the victory which they would obtain over all the nations.
He says, Hence shall you know that the Lord is present with you ; to what end ? Not only to plant your feet in the land of Canaan, but also to give you full possession of it. For surely when mention is made of the overthrow of the nations, an ultimate, free, and peaceful possession is im-
62 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. III. 11.
plied. Therefore, as the Lord by dividing the river clearly shewed that his power resided with the Israelites, so the people must on their part have conceived hopes of perpetual assistance, as much as if they had already seen their enemies worsted and lying prostrate before them.
For God does not abandon the work of liis hands midway, leaving it maimed and unfinished. (Ps. cxxxviii. 8.) When he leads his people unto the promised inheritance, he makes a dry passage for them by cutting off the course of the Jordan. How perverse then would it have been for the Israelites to stop short at that momentary act, instead of feeling confident in all time to come, until quiet possession of the land were actually obtained ! Let us learn then from this example, prudently to combine the different acts of divine goodness relating to our final salvation, so that a happy commencement may cherish and keep alive in our minds the hope of an equally happy termination.
When Josliua says that the people will know the presence of God from the miracle, he indirectly upbraids them with their distrust, as the mere promise of God ought to have sufficed for a full assurance, and our faith, unless founded solely on this promise, must be continually wavering. But although faith ought properly to recline on the truth of God alone, it does not follow that experimental knowledge may not act as a secondary support to its weakness, and give subsidiary aid to its confirmation. For that which God promises to us in word he seals by act, and as often as he exhibits to us manifestations of his grace and might, he in- tends them to be so many confirmations of what he has spoken, and so many helps tending to suppress all our doubts.
n. Behold the ark of the covenant, &c. First he says that the ark of God will go before ; and secondly, he explains for what purpose, namely, that Jordan may retire from its place, trembling, so to speak, at the presence of the Lord, as is said in the Psalms. (Ps. cxiv.) The narrative introduced con- cerning the twelve men is parenthetical, as it only briefly alludes to what it will afterwards deliver more fully and clearly. At present let us merely understand, that while the
CHAP. III. 11.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
63
ark went before, God displayed liis power in guiding the people. And in this way there was a confirmation of the sanctity of the worship appointed by the Law, when the Israelites perceived that it was no empty symbol of his pre- sence that Grod had deposited with them. For Jordan was compelled to yield obedience to God just as if it had beheld his majesty.
Let us however remember, that the only reason which induced the Lord to display his grace in the ark was because he had placed the tables of his covenant within it. More- over, as the thing could not be easily credited, Joshua directs the mind of the people to the contemplation of the divine power, which surmounts all difficulties. The title of Ruler of the whole earth here applied to God is not insignificant, but extols his power above all the elements of nature, in order that the Israelites, considering how seas and rivers are subject to his dominion, might have no doubt that the waters, though naturally liquid, would become stable in obedience to his word.
14. And it came to pass, when the people removed from their tents, to pass over Jordan, and the priests bearing the ark of the covenant be- fore the people ;
15. And as they that bare the ark were come unto Jordan, and the feet of the priests that bare the ark were dipped in the brim of the water, (for Jordan overflowetli all his banks all the time of harvest,)
16. That the waters, which came down from above, stood, and rose up upon an heap, very far from the city Adam, that is beside Zaretan : and those that came down toward the sea of the plain, even the salt sea, failed, and were cut off; and the people passed over right against Jericho.
17. And the priests, that bare the ark of the covenant of the Lord, stood firm on dry ground in the midst of Jordan, and all the Israel- ites passed over on dry ground, un- til all the people were passed clean over Jordan.
14. Et fuit, quum proficisceretur populus ad transeundum Jordanem, sacerdotes qiu portabant arcam foe- deris erant ante populum.
15. Postquam autem venerunt qui portabant arcam usque ad Jor- danem, et pedes sacerdotum por- tantium arcam intincti fuerunt in extremo aquarum (Jordanes autem erat plenus ultra omnes suas ripas toto tempore messis,)
16. Constiterunt aqufe quse de- scendebant desuper, et assurexerunt in acervum unum procul valde, ab Adam urbe quse est ad latus Sarthan, et quse descendebant ad mare soli- tudinis, mare salis, consumptse sunt, intercidenmt : populus autem tran- sierunt e regione Jericho.
17. Stabant autem sacerdotes portantes arcam foederis Jehovse in sicco in medio Jordanis expediti, {vel prseparati,) totus vero Israel transibant per siccum donee finem facerent universa gens transeundi Jordanis.
6i COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. III. 1 5.
15. A7id as they that hare the ark, &c. The valour of the priests in proceeding boldly beyond the bed into the water itself, was deserving of no mean praise, since they might have been afraid of being instantly drowned. For what could they expect on putting in their feet, but immediately to find a deep pool in which they would be ingulfed ? In not being afraid on reaching the stream, and in continuing to move firmly forward to the apjjointed place, they gave a specimen of rare alacrity, founded on confidence.
To the general danger was added the special one, that the Jordan had then overflowed its banks, as it is wont to do at the commencement of every summer. As the plain was covered, it was impossible to observe the line of the banks or the ford, and the slime spread far and wide, increased their fear and anxiety.^ God was pleased that his peoj)le, and especially the priests, should contend with these obstacles, in order that the victory of their faith and constancy might be more illustrious. At the same time, the difficulty thus pre- sented tended to magnify the glory of the miracle when the waters, which had overflowed their banks, retired at the divine command, and were gathered together into a solid heap. First, Joshua explains the nature of the miracle for the purpose of removing doubt, and preventing profane men from denying the divine interposition by a subtle searching
' These remarks are made on the assumption that the waters had risen so as not only to reach the highest edge of the banks, and make the usual channel what may be called brim-full, but had spread themselves to some distance over the plain. It may have been so, but there is no distinct statement to this effect, and the concluding clause of the fifteenth verse does not literally bear the meaning which Calvin and ovu- English transla- tors have assigned to it. His rendering is, " Jordanes autem erat plenus ultra omnes suas ripas ;" literally, " Now Jordan was full beyond all his banks." The Enghsh rendering is, " For Jordan overfloweth all his banks." The original only says that "Jordan fills up to (completely fills) all his banks." The Septuagint, in like manner, says, "'o Tt lo^Savjj; ItXm- gaura xxf oXjjv r«v xjtjir/Sa auTou ;" " Now the Jordan was filled as to all his embankment." The same meaning is very exactly given by Luther, whose version is " 2)cr Sovban aber tuar wtl an alkn feincn ufevn ;" " Now Jordan was full on all his banks." The difference between the renderings is slight, but it is of importance not to overlook it, because even such slight differences have sometimes furnished the infidel with plausible grounds for assailing the credit of the sacred narrative. In the present instance it has been insinuated that the historian has exaggerated the extent of the inun- dation in order to heighten the importance of the miracle. — Ed.
CHAP. III. J 5. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 65
for other causes. It is not, indeed, impossible that tho flowing of the water might have been restrained for a short time, and that some portion of the channel might thus have appeared dry, or that the course might have changed and taken some other direction. But it was certainly neither a natural nor fortuitous event, when the waters stood gathered up into a heap. It is therefore said that the waters which previously flowed from the higher ground, seeking in their descent a continuous outlet, stood still.
There cannot be a doubt that this wonderful sight must have been received with feelings of fear, leading the Israel- ites more distinctly to acknowledge that they were saved in the midst of death. For what was that collected heap but a grave in which the whole multitude would have been buried, had the waters resumed their naturally liquid state ?^ Had they walked upon the waters their faith might have served them as a kind of bridge. But now, while mountains of water hung over their heads, it is just as if they Iiad found an open and level path beneath them. The locality is marked out as situated between two cities,^ that the re- membrance of it might never be lost ; and, in like manner, God ordered stones to be set up as a perpetual memorial, that this distinguished mercy might be celebrated by pos- terity in all ages.
' French, " Si les eaiix, selon Icur nature, eussent alors recommence a couler ;" " Had the Matei-s then according to their nature begun again to ^ow."— Ed.
' This is not very explicit, and may have been left vague on purpose, because the original itself, as it now stands, is obscure, and both translators and commentators, instead of throwing any light upon it, have rather in- creased the darkness. For Adam, the Vidgate substitutes Edom, and the Septiiagint, the district of Kirjath-jearim {/j^-i^ov; Kaoixiia.^'ifi.') Two towns near each other, and bearing the respective names of Adam and Zarethan, are mentioned in Scripture as situated in the tribe of Manasseh, the one on the right and the other on the left bank of the Jordan. Their distance above the place at which the Israelites are presumed to have crossed is about forty miles ; and the most natural meaning of the passage seems to be, that when the waters stood, as it were, congealed in a heap, they re- mained so long in that state, as to cause a kind of reflux tide, which was perceptible as far back as Adam on the one hand, and Zareptan on the <^\\\er.—Ed.
66
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. IV.
CHAPTER IV.
1. And it came to pass, when all the people were clean passed over Jordan, that the Lord spake unto Joshua, saying,
2. Take you twelve men out of the people, out of every tribe a man;
3. And command ye them, saying, Take you hence out of the midst of Jordan, out of the place where the priests' feet stood firm, twelve stones; and ye shall carry them over with you, and leave them in the lodging- place where ye shall lodge this night.
4. Then Joshua called the twelve men, whom he had prepared of tlie children of Israel, out of every tribe a man ;
5. And Joshua said unto them, Pass over before the ark of the Lord your God into the midst of Jordan, and take you up every man of you a stone upon his shoulder, according unto the number of the tribes of the children of Israel :
G. That this may be a sign among you, that wlicn yom- children ask their fathers in time to come, say- ing. What mean ye by these stones ?
7. Then ye shall answer them. That the waters of Jordan were cut ofl' before the arlj of the covenant of the Lord ; when it passed over Jor- dan, the waters of Jordan were cut off : and these stones shall be for a memorial unto the children of Israel for ever.
8. And the children of Israel did so as Joshua commanded, and took up twelve stones out of the midst of Jordan, as the Lord spake unto Joshua, according to the number of the tribes of the children of Israel, and carried them over with them unto the place where they lodged, and laid them down there.
9. And Joshua set up twelve stones in the midst of Jordan, in the place where the feet of the priests Avhich bare the ark of the covenant stood : and they are there unto this day.
1 . Et fuit, postquara finem fecit tota gens trajiciendi Jordanis ; quia loquutus erat Jehova ad Josuam, dicendo.
2. Tollite vobis e populo duode- cim viros virum unum ex quaque tribu.
3. Et prascipite illis dicendo : TolUte vobis hinc e medio Jordanis a loco ubi stant pedes sacerdotum expeditorum, duodecim lapides quos feretis vobiscum, et deponetis in loco ubi hac nocte manebitis.
4. Tunc vocavit Josue duodecim viros quos orduiavei'at e filiis Israel, singulos ex quaque tribu.
5. Et dixit illis Josue, Transite ante arcam Jehovse Dei vestri per medium Jordanis, et tollat quisque ex vobis lapidem unvun super hu- merum suum pro numero tribuum tiliorum Israel.
G. Ut sit hoc inter vos {vel, in medio vestri) signum quum inter- rogaverint filii vestri eras patres suos, quid simt lapides isti apud vos ?
7. Time respondeatis eis, quod in- terciste fuerunt aquse Jordanis ante arcam foederis Jehovse, quum, in- quam, transiret Jordanem, intercis?e fuerunt aquse Jordanis, tunc facti fuerunt lapides isti in monumentum fiUis Israel perpetuo.
8. Fecerunt itaque filii Israel sicut prajceperat Josue, et sustulerunt duodecim lapides e medio Jordanis sicut loquutus fuerat Jehova ad Josuam pro numero tribuum fiho- rum Israel, tuleruntque eos secum ad locum ubi pernoctaverunt, et repo- suerunt illic.
9. Duodecim quoque lapides erexit Josue in medio Jordanis sub statione pedum sacerdotmn qui por- tabant arcam foederis, manseruntque ibi usque in hunc diem.
CHAP. IV. 7. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. " 67
1. And it came to j) ass, &c. The brief and obscure allu- sion previously made witli regard to the twelve men he now explains more at length. He had said that they were chosen by the order of God, one each from his own tribe ; but breaking off his discourse, he had not mentioned for what purpose. He now says, that by command of Joshua^ they took up twelve stones and placed them in Gilgal, that a well marked memorial might exist among posterity. More- over, as he only relates what was done after the jjassage of the people, what is interposed should be inter^ireted as in the pluperfect tense.^ It is also very obvious that the co- pula is used instead of the rational particle.^ The substance is, that before the priests moved their foot from the middle of the river where they stood, the stones at their feet were taken and placed in Gilga], to be perpetual witnesses of the miracle, and that Joshua thus faithfully executed what God had commanded. Joshua, therefore, called the men whom he had previously chosen, but not without the command of God, that through it he might have a stronger attestation to his authority. For had Joshua raised up a trophy of that kind of his ovvn accord, the piety which dictated it might indeed have been laudable, but the admonition founded only on the will of man might perhajDS have been desj)ised. But now when God himself raises the sign, it is impious to pass it carelessly by. He intimates, accordinglj'-, that it was a monument deserving of the greatest attention when he introduces the children asking, what mean these stones ?
7. Then ye shall ansiuer them, &e. Although the stones themselves cannot speak, yet the monument furnished the parents with materials for speaking, and for making the kindness of God known to their children. And here zealous
' "Joshua." Apparently a misprint for " Jehovah ;" as the French says more accurately, " Le commandement de Dieu ;" " The command of God." —Ed.
* French, " Par un temps passe plus que parfait (comme parlent les Latins;)" " By a past time more than perfect, (as the Latins speak.)" — Ed.
' French, " Et quant a ce mot Et, on pent aisement juger qu'il se prend pour Car ;" " And as to this word And, we may easily judge that it is taken for For."— Ed.
68 " COMMENTARY' ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IV. 9.
endeavours to propagate piety are required of tlie aged,^ and they are enjoined to exert themselves in instructing their children. For it was the will of God that tliis doctrine should be handed down through every age ; that those who were not then born being afterwards instructed by their parents might become witnesses to it from hearing, though they had not seen it with their eyes.
The stones were placed according to the number of the tribes, that each might be incited to gratitude by its own symbol. It is true that two tribes and a half tribe who had obtained their inheritance be^'ond the Jordan, had not, when considered apart from the others, any occasion for making that passage. But as the land of Canaan was possessed by the others for the common good of the whole race of Abra- ham, so it behoved those who were all engaged in the same or a common cause not to be separated from each other. And although as yet mention had been made only of twelve men, it is obvious from a short clause, that the divine com- mand had been declared to the whole people ; for it is said that the children of Israel obeyed the words of Joshua. Nay, it is even probable that deputies were elected by suffrage to carry the stones in the name of the whole people.
9. And Joshua set up twelve stones, &c. Apparently there was no use of stones under the water, and it may therefore seem to have been absurd to bury stones at a depth. The others which were placed in Gilgal being publicly visible, furnished occasion for inquiry; but stones hidden from the eyes of men at the bottom of the water could have no effect in inciting their minds. I admit that a monument alto- gether buried in silence would have been useless.^ But when they talked among themselves of the evidence of the passage left there, the hearing even of what they did not see, strongly tended to confirm their faith. The ark of the
^ French, " Or ce passage est pour monstrer, que les gens anciens cloivent etre affectionnez a la piete;" "Ivlow this passage is to shew that the aged ought to be attached to piety." — Fd.
' French, " Or je confesse bien que c'eust este un tesraoignage du tout inutile, si on I'eust laisse' la comme enseveli sans en parler ;" " Now, I con- fess, that it would have been an entirely useless testimony had they left it there, as it were, buried without speaking of it." — Fd.
CHAR IV. 9.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
69
covenant was slmt up in the sanctuary and covered by a veil placed over against it, and yet its hidden splendour was not without benefit, when they learned from the Law that the covenant of God was deposited in it. It might also happen, that when the river was low, the tops of the heap would sometimes appear. But what I have already said is more probable, that though Joshua buried the stones in the middle of the stream, he did a useful act by establishing a testimon}^ in presence of the people, which would after- wards become the subject of general conversation.
10. For the priests wliicli bare the ark stood in the midst of Jordan, until every thing was finished that the Lord commanded Joshua to speak unto the people, according to all that Moses commanded Joshua : and the people hasted and passed over.
11. And it came to pass, when all the people were clean passed over, that the ark of the Lord passed over, and the priests, in the presence of the people.
12. And the children of Reuben, and the children of Gad, and half the tribe of Manasseh, passed over armed before the children of Israel, as Moses spake unto them.
13. About forty thousand, prepared for war, passed over before the Lord luito battle, to the plains of Jericho.
14. On that day the Lord magni- fied Joshua in the sight of all Israel : and they feared him, as they feared Moses, all the days of his life.
15. And the I..ord spake unto Jo- shua, saying,
1 6 . Command the priests that bear the ark of the testimony, that they come up out of Jordan.
17. Joshua therefore commanded the priests, saying. Come ye up out of Jordan.
IS. And if fime to pass, when the priests that b>,i .■ the ark of the cove- nant of the Lord were come up out of the midst of Jordan, and the soles of the priests' feet were lifted up unto the dry land, that the waters of Jor-
10. Sacerdotes autem portantes arcam stabant in medio Jordanis donee complereturomnis sermo quern prteceijerat Jehova ad Josuam, ut diceret populo : prorsus ut pra^ce- perat Moses ipsi Josue: festinavit autem populus transemido.
11. Quura vero transeundi finem fecisset universus populus, transivit area Jehova;, et sacerdotes coram populo.
12. Transierunt quoque filii Reu- ben, et filii Gad, et dimidia tribus Manasse armati ante filios Israel: quemadmodum loquiitus fuerat ad eos Moses.
13. Quadraginta niillia armato- runi transierunt coram Jehova ad prselium ad campestria Jericho.
14. Eo die magniticavit Jehova Josuam in oculis totius Israelis : et timuerunt eum quemadmodum tim- uerant Mosen omnibus diebus vitas ejus.
15. Loqimtus est autem Jehova ad Josuam, dicendo,
16. Praecipe sacerdotibus portan- tibus arcam testimonii ut ascendant e Jordane.
17. Et prsecepit Josue sacerdoti- bus, dicendo, Ascendite ex Jordane.
18. Porro qvmm ascendissent sa- cerdotes portantes arcam foederis Jehovai e medio Jordane, et trans- late essent plants pedum sacerdo- tum in siccum, reversse sunt aqiue Jordanis ad locum suuni, et fluxe-
70 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IV. 12.
dan returned unto their pl.ace, and runt sicutlieri et nudius tertius, super
flowed over all bis banks, as they did omnes ripas ejus.
before.
1 0. For the priests tuhich hare, &c. If we are ordered to halt while others are hastening, we know how easily a feel- ing of irksoraeness is produced, because we seem to be occupy- ing an inferior position. The priests, therefore, are justly praised for their patience in calmly remaining alone at their post, while the whole people were swiftly hurrying on to the further bank. For they might have begun to feel doubtful lest the heaps of water which were suspended over their heads miglit suddenly melt away and ingulf them. They therefore evinced their piety no less by remaining there than by venturing to proceed into the ojiposing current. Thus, in the first place, they displayed their ready obedience, and in the second their constanc}'', making it manifest that they had not obeyed from mere impulse. For their firmness of purpose, which is praised, must liave had its origin in a living principle. It was a proof of modesty that they at- tempted nothing rashly, but regulated their whole procedure as it were in strict conformity to the word of God.
Although it is probable that Joshua was instructed by a new message from heaven as to what was necessary to he done, he is, however, said to have followed what Moses had commanded. By this I understand that Moses had carefully enjoined him to hang on the lips of God, that he was thoroughly obedient to the injunction, and accordingly was always observant of what was pleasing to God. In short, the command of Moses liere mentioned was general, but God gave special injunctions to Joshua as each circumstance arose.
12. And the children of Reuhen, &c. He makes mention of the expedition of the two tribes and half tribe, as they did not set out to engage in warfare on tlieir own private account, but to assist their brethren, by whose valour their own possession had been obtained in seizing the land of Canaan. Moses had laid them under this obligation, and they had bound themselves by oath that they would accom- pany the rest of the people till all should have obtained a
CHAP. IV. 12. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 71
quiet settlement. They again made tlie same promise when the camp was about to be moved as we saw in chapter i. But from the narrative here we gather tliat only a part was selected, for the number amounts only to forty thousand, that is, a third, or about a third of the number ascertained by the census taken shortly before. Now, as they are every- where said to have performed their promise, it may be pro- bably conjectured that it was not the intention of Moses strictly to insist that all who had assented should leave their wives and children, and do military service in the land of Canaan till it was wholly subdued. And certainly it would have been harsh and cruel to leave an unwarlike multitude unprotected in the midst of many hostile nations. Nor would the remains of the enemy, assisted by neighbouring- nations, have long failed to take advantage of such an op- portunity to avenge themselves by massacring the women and children. It was necessary, therefore, in a country not yet sufficiently pacified, permanently to retain a force suffi- cient to prevent incursions. Moses was not of so stern a nature as not to consult for the helpless. Nay, his prudence and equity would never have allowed him to leave a territory lately seized by arms unoccupied by a body of troops.
We may add, that such an immense concourse would have impeded rather than assisted the acquisition of the land of Canaan. All which Moses required, therefore, was simply that the Reubenites and Gadites should not, while their brethren M^ere engaged in carrying on the w^ar, remain in- dolently at home and eat their food at ease without giving any assistance to those to whom they were indebted for hav- ing obtained the inheritance. And the good faith of the forty thousand was approved by their not declining the burdens, toils, and perils of warfare, while the remainder of their own tribes were enjoying quiet. They might readily have alleged that the}^ were as well entitled as the others to exemption, but in proceeding with alacrity after the levy was made, to obey the orders given them, without envying the immunity given to their brethren, they show that they were voluntarily and heartily disposed to do their duty. At the same time, it is not doubtful that by accepting the
72 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IV. 14.
flower of tlieir tribes, tlie handle for complaint and quarrel was cut off. For it could not justly have been maintained that not even the aged and worn out, or the young and feeble, were to be spared. Some, perhaps, may be inclined to conjecture that the army was raised not by choice but by lot, though it rather seems to me that all who were most robust and best able to bear fatigue were enrolled.
14. On that day the Lord magnified, &c. It was not in- deed the principal end of the miracle to proclaim Joshua's pre-eminence in power and authority, but as it greatly con- cerned the public interest, that the government of Joshua shoxild be firmly established, it is justly set down as an ad- ditional instance of the divine favour, that he was, so to speak, adorned with sacred insignia to render him venerable in the eyes of the people, and prevent any one from presum- ing to despise hira. For a promiscuous multitude, not ruled by a head, breaks up and falls away of its own accord. The Lord, therefore, to provide for the safety of his peoj)le, distinguished Joshua by a special mark declaratory of his vocation.
From this jDassage we may learn that God specially recom- mends to us all those through whose hands he displays liis excellent working, and requires us to give them due honour and reverence. When it is said that the peoj^le feared Joshua as they had feared Moses, should any one object that the statement is refuted by the many seditions and tumults which they stirred up against him, not only wantonly but furiously, it is easy to answer, that it does not apj)ly to the whole period from their departure out of Egypt, but only refers to that when subdued by plagues and softened down, they began to be duly obedient to Moses. For what is now described is a tranquil government, as if they had laid aside their ancient perverseness, more especially when the tur- bulent parents were dead and a better race had succeeded. Accordingly, we do not read that there was any difficulty in ruling and turning them. I now only briefly advert to what I have already explained. For when Joshua at the outset exhorted them to obedience, they said that they would be obedient as they had been to Moses.
CHAP. IV. IG. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 73
16. Command the priests, &c. Here it is shewn more clearly how meeklj and calmly the priests yielded implicit obedience to the divine command, for they did not move a foot until Joshua ordered the signal to retire. But as it was an instance of rare virtue to be thus modest and obe- dient, so the fatherly kindness of God is conspicuous in this, that he condescended to direct and govern almost every step in their progress by his own voice, lest any perplexity might occur to retard them.
Next follows a more conspicuous confirmation of the miracle ; for as soon as they climbed the opposite bank, the Jordan began again to flow as usual. Had it not returned to its former state, and indeed, suddenly, many would have imagined the cause of the change to be hidden but fortuitous. But when God displays his power and favour at minute in- tervals of time all doubt is removed. The moment the feet of the priests were made wet the Jordan retired ; now on their departure he recovers his free course, and that at the very instant wlien they reached the bank. For the term dry here means that part which was not covered by the over- flow.^. Thus the river, though dumb,^ was the best of heralds, proclaiming with a loud voice that heaven and earth are subject to the God of Israel.
19. And the people came up out 19. Populus autem ascendit e of Jordan on the tenth dai/ of the Jordane decima die prinii niensis, et first month, and encamped in Gilgal, castrametati sunt in Gilgal ad pla- in the east border of Jericho. gam orientalem Jericho.
20. And those twelve stones, which 20. Ac duodecim lapides quos tu- they took out of Jordan, did Joshua lerant ex Jordane statuit Josue in pitch in Gilgal. Gilgal.
' Calvin, still adhering to the view that part of the plain beyond the immediate bank was overflowed, seems to think that the priests, after climbing up the steep bank, continued to walk for some time among the shallow water. The other view which supposes that the banks were only fiUed and not overflowed, besides being more in accordance with the origi- nal, as was formerly shewn, appears to derive additional confirmation from the language here used. It is said the waters returned the moment the priests touched the dry gromid with the soles of their feet ; in other words, so long as they were climbing up the steep bank, and, of course, had no Arm footing, the heap of waters continued, but it was immediately dissolved as soon as they could set down their foot firmly in consequence of having reached the flat. — Ud.
2 "Dumb." Latin, "mutus." French, " une creature insensible et sans voix ;" " An inanimate creatiure without voice." — Ed.
74 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IV. 19.
21. And he spake unto the chil- 21. Et loquutus est ad filios Is- dren of Israel, saying, When your rael, dicendo : Quum interrogave- children shall ask their fathers in rint eras filii vestri patres siios time to come, saying, What mean dicendo, Qiud lapides isli ?
these stones ?
22. Then ye shall let your chil- 22. Indicabitis filiis vestris di- dren know, saying, Israel came over cendo, Per aridam transivit Israel this Jordan on dry land. Jordanem istum :
23. For the Lord your God dried 23. Quoniam sicca vit Jehova lip the waters of Jordan from before Dens vester aquas Jordanis a facie you, until ye were passed over, as vestra donee transiretis : quemad- the Lord your God did to the Red modum fecit Jehova Deus vester sea, which he dried up from before mari Suph, quod siccavit a facie us, until we were gone over ; nostra donee transiremns.
24. That all the people of the 24. Ut cognoscant omnes populi earth might know the hand of the terraj manum Jchovse, quod fortis Lord, that it is mighty ; that ye sit : ut timeatis Jehovam Demn might fear the Lord your God for vestrum cunctis diebus.
ever.
19, And the people came tip, &c. Why the day on which they entered the land, and first encamped in it, is marked, we shall see in next chapter. But the name of Gilgal is given to the first station by anticipation, for this new name was afterwards given to it by Joshua on tlie renewal of cir- cumcision ; its etymology will be explained in its own place. Moreover, the thing here principally treated of is the monu- ment of twelve stones ; for though it was formerly mentioned, a kind of solemn dedication is now related, namely, that Joshua not only erected a mound, but called the attention of the people to its use in enabling fathers to keep the memory of the divine goodness alive among their children. From his introducing the children asking, What mean these stones ? we infer that they were arranged so as to attract the notice of spectators. For had they been heaped together at random without any order, it would never have come into tlie mind of posterity to inquire concerning their meaning. There must therefore have been something so remarkable in their position as not to allow the sight to be overlooked.
Moreover, because the covenant by which God had adoi^ted the race of Abraham was firm in an uninterrupted succession for a thousand generations, the benefit which God had bestowed on the deceased fathers is, on account of the unity of the bod}^ transferred in common to their children who were born long after. And tlie continuation must have more
CHAP. IV. 24. COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. 7o
strongly awakened their attention, inasmuch as posterity were in this way reminded that what had long ago been given to their ancestors belonged to them also. The answer of the parents would have been coldly listened to had the divine favour been confined to a single day. But when the sons' sons hear that the waters of Jordan were dried up many ages before they were born, they acknowledge them- selves to be the very people towards whom that wonderful act of divine favour had been manifested. The same account is to be given of the drying up of the Red Sea, though the event was not very ancient. It is certain that of those wlio had come out of Egypt, Caleb and Joshua were tlie only survivors, and yet he addresses the whole people as if they had been eye-witnesses of the miracle. God dried up the Red Sea before our face ; in other words, it was done in vir- tue of the adoption which passed without interruption from the fatliers to the chiklren. Moreover, it was worth while to call the passage of the Red Sea to remembrance, not only that the similarity of the miracle might cause belief, but that on hearing the story of the Jordan, that former miracle might be at the same time renewed, although no visible symbol of it was present to the eye.
24. That all 11601316 of the earili might know, &c. He states that God had put forth tliat manifestation of his power that it might not only be proclaimed among his own people, but that the form of it might spread far and wide among the nations. For although it pleased him that his praise should dwell in Zion, it pleased him also that his works should so far be made known to strangers that they might be forced to confess that he is the true God, and compelled unwillingly to fear him whom they had willingly contemned, as it is said in the song of Moses, (Deut. xxxii. 31,) "Our enemies are judges." For he means that unbelievers, whether they will or not, have this confession extorted from them by a know- ledge of the works of God. But as it did not at all profit them to know how great the might of God was, Joshua dis- tinguishes them from the Israelites, to whom he attributes a special knowledge, namely, that which begets serious fear of God. That the nations may know, he says ; but that thou
76
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. IV. 24-.
mayest fear thy God. Therefore while unbelievers extin- guish the light by their darkness, let us learn from consider- ing the works of God to advance in his fear. He says all days, because the favour here sj)oken of was diffused over several generations.
CHAPTER V.
1. And it came to pass, when all the kings of the Araorites, which were on the side of Jordan west- Avard, and all the kings of the Ca- naanites, which ivcre by the sea, heard that the Lord had dried np the waters of Jordan from before the children of Israel, until we were passed over, that their heart melted ; neither was there spirit in them any more, because of the children of Is- rael.
2. At that time the Lord said unto Joshua, Make thee sharp knives, and circumcise again the children of Israel the second time.
3. And Joshua made him sharp knives, and circumcised the children of Israel at the hill of the foreskins.
4. And this is the cause why Jo- shua did circumcise : All the people that came out of Egypt, that were males, even all the men of war, died in the wilderness by the way, after they came out of Egypt.
5. Now all the people that came out were circumcised ; but all the people tl)at icere born in the wilder- ness by the way as they came forth out of Egypt, them they had not circumcised.
6. For the children of Israel walked forty years in the wilderness, till all the people that were men of war, which came out of Egypt, were consumed, because they obeyed not the voice of the Lord : unto whom the Ijord sware that he would not shew them the land which the Lord sware unto their fathers that he would give us, a land that fioweth with milk and honey.
1. Fuit autem quum audissent omnes rcges ^morrhaei qui erant trans Jordanem ad Occidentem, et omnes reges Chananaii, qui juxta mare, quod siccasset Jchova aquas Jordanis a facie tiliorum Israel donee transirent, liquefactura fuit cor eo- rum, neque fuit amplius in ois, Spiritus a facie filiorum Israel.
2. Eo tempore dixit Jehova ad Josuam, Fac tibi cultros acutos, et iterum circuncide filios Israel se- cundo.
3. Et fecit sibi Josue cultros acutos, circunciflitque filios Israel in colle prteputiorum.
4. Htec autem est causa cur cir- cunciderit Josue : Universus populus qui egressus fuerat ex ^gypto, masculi omnes viri bellatores mor- tui erant in deserto in itinere pos- teaquam egressi erant ex iEgypto.
5. Nam circuncisus fuerat totus populus qui egressus est, at totum populum, qui natus fuerat in deserto in itinere, postquam egressi erant ex iEgypto, non circunciderant.
6. Nam quadraginta annis am- bulaverunt filii Israel per desertiun, donee consumeretur universa gens virorum bellatorum, qui egressi fue- rant ex yEgypto, qui non audierant vocem Jehovfe, quibus juraverat Jehova quod non ostenderet terram de qua juraverat Jehova pati-ibus eorum, se daturum illis terram fluen- tem lacte et melle.
CHAP. V. 2. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 77
7. And their children, ivhom he 7. Filios itaque eorum quos sub- raised lip in their stead, them Jo- stitiiit in locum ipsorum circuncidit shua circumcised : for they were Josue, quia incirciincisi erant : uncircumcised, because they had not neque enim eos circunciderat in circumcised them by the way. itinere.
8. And it came to pass, when 8. Quum autem fuit circuncisus they had done circumcising all the universiis popiilus, manserunt in loco people, that they abode in their siio in castris donee sanarentur. places in the camp till they were
whole.
9. And the Lord said unto Jo- 9. Dixit Jehova ad Josiiam, Ho- shua, This day have I rolled away die devolvi opprobrium ^Egypti a the reproach of Egypt from ofl" you : vobis. Et vocavit nomen loci illius wherefore the name of the place is Gilgal, usque in hunc diem, called Gilgal unto this day.
1. And it came to pass when, &c. The recognition of tlie fearful power of God liacl snch an effect upon them that they were astonished and fainted with terror, but it did not incline their minds to seek a remedy for the evil. Their lieart was melted inasmuch as destitute of counsel and strength they did not bestir themselves, but in regard to contumacy they remained as hard-hearted as before. We have already seen elsewhere liow unbelievers, when smitten with fear, cease not to wrestle with God, and even when they fall, continue fiercely to assail heaven. Hence the dread which oua'ht to have uro-ed them to caution had no other effect than to hurry them on headlong. They were, how- ever, terrified from above for the sake of the people, that victory might be more easily obtained, and the Israelites might be emboldened wlien the}' saw they had to do with an enemy already broken and stricken with dismay. Thus God spared their weakness, as if he had opened up the way by removing obstacles, because they had already proved them- selves to be otherwise more sluggish and cowardly tlian was meet. The substance then is, that before the conflict com- menced, the enemy were already routed by the terror which the f:\me of the miracle had inspired.
2. At that time the Lord said, &c. It seems very strange and almost monstrous, that circumcision had so long been laid aside, especially as it became those who were receiving daily admonitions to be more than usually careful to culti- vate the exercises of piety. It was the symbol of the adojj- tion to which they owed their freedom. And it is certain
78 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. V. 2.
that when they were reduced to extremity and groaning under tyranny, they always circumcised their children. We know also how sternly God threatened to be an avenger against anyone who should allow the eighth day to j)ass. Had the observance been neglected in Egypt their carelessness might have admitted of excuse, as at that time the covenant of God appeared to have become in a manner obsolete. But now when the divine faithfulness in establishing the cove- nant is once more refulgent, what excuse could there be for not testifying on their part that they are the people of God ? The apology which commentators offer is altogether frivo- lous. I admit that they were constantly under arms, and always uncertain when they would require to move. But I hold it erroneous to infer from tliis that they had not a day's leisure, and that it would have been cruel to circumcise ten- der infants when the camp must shortly after have been moved. Nothing ought to have weighed so much with them as to produce a contemptuous disregard of what had been said to Abraham, (Gen. xvii. 14,) The soul that is not cir- cumcised shall be cut off from the people. But if there was risk of life in the circumcision, the best and only method was to trust to the paternal providence of God, who certainly would not have allowed his own precept to become fatal to infants. In short, the omission from a fear of danger, could not originate in any other cause than distrust. But even had it been certain that infants would be brought into danger, God ought nevertheless to have been obeyed, inas- much as the seal of the covenant by which they were received into the Church was more precious than a hundred lives. Nor would Moses have suffered such cowardly pro- cedure had he not been influenced by some different motive. Moreover, though the point is doubtful, I presume that they did not desist from circumcising their children, the very first day after their departure, but only after they had been obliged to retrace their steps through their own j)erverse- ness. And in this way both the defection and the punish- ment are accurately expressed. For it is not said that cir- cumcision was resumed, because the constant change of place during their wanderings made it previously impossible, but
CHAP. V. 2. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 79
because forty years behoved to elapse until those wicked apostates who had cut themselves oif from the promised in- heritance were consumed.
Attention should be paid to the reason here given, namely, that the children of Israel wandered through the desert till the whole of the generation whicli had refused to follow God was extinct ; from this we may, in my opinion, infer, that the use of circumcision ceased during the whole of that period as a sign of malediction or rejection. It is true, indeed, that the penalty was inflicted on the innocent, but it was expedient that the fathers should be chastised in their person, as if God were repudiating them for the time to come. When they saw that their offspring diftered in no respect from profane persons and strangers, they had a plain demonstration of Avhat they themselves deserved.
Here, however, an inconsistency seems to arise in respect, first, that while they were condemned, their offspring were immediately received into favour ; and secondly, that to themselves also was left a hope of pardon ; and more espe- cially, that they were not deprived of the other sacraments of which they could not be partakers, except on the ground of their being separated from profane nations.
The Lord, I admit, in rejecting them, declares at the same time that he will bo propitious to their children, but to be- hold in their offspring a sign of repudiation till they them- selves all perished, was salutary chastisement. For God withdrew the pledge of his favour only for a time, and kept it, as it were, locked up until their death. This punishment, therefore, was not properly inflicted on the children who were afterwards born, but had the same effect as a suspen- sion, just as if God were making it manifest that he had put off circumcision for a time lest it should be profaned, but was waiting for an opportunity of renewing it.
Should any one object that it was absurd to celebrate the Passover in uncircumcision, I admit that it was so according to the usual order. For none were admitted to the Passover and the sacrifices save those who were initiated into the worship of God ; just as in the present day the ordinance of the Supper is common only to those who have been admitted
80 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. V. 2.
into the Church hy baptism. But the Lord miglit choose for a time to alter the ordinary rule, and allow those from whom he had taken away circumcision to be partakers of other sacred rites. Tlius the peoj^le were excommunicated in one matter, and yet, in the meanwhile, furnished with fit aids to prevent tliem from falling into despair; just as if a father, offended with his son, were to raise his fist, appa- rently to drive him away, and were at the same time to detain him by his other hand, — were to frighten him by threats and blows, and yet be unwilling to part with him. This seems to me to have been the reason why God, while depriving the people of the special pledge of adoption, was, however, unwilling to deprive them of other ordinance.s.
Should it be objected tliat tlierc is a distinct assertion that none were circumcised on the way after tlicy had set out, I answer, that, with a view to brevity, all things are not stated exactly, and yet that it may be gathered from the context that none remained uncircumcised but those who were born after the sedition. For it is said that their sons, whom God substituted for them, were circumcised by Joshua. From this it appears that a new people were then created to supply the place of perverse rebels. It was, moreover, a sad and severe trial that God did not choose to have the people circumcised till they were hemmed in by enemies on every side. It would, certainly, have been safer and more con- venient to perform the rite before crossing the Jordan, in the land of Bashan, which had been reduced to peace by the overthrow of the inhabitants. The Lord waits till they are shut up in the midst of enemies, and exposed to their lust and violence, as if he were purposely exposing them to death ; since all weakened by their wound must have given way at once, and been slaughtered almost without resistance. For if in similar circumstances (Gen. xxxiv.) two sons of Jacob were able to force their way into the town of Sichem and plunder it, after slaying its citizens, how much more easy would it have been for the neighbouring nations to attack the Israelites while thus wounded, and make a general massacre of them.
This was, therefore, as I have said, a very harsh trial, and
CHAP. V. 9. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 81
hence the readiness with which it was submitted to is de- serving of the greater praise. The phice itself, however, appears to have been purposely selected by the divine wis- dom, that they might be more disposed to obey. Had the same command been given on tlie other side of the Jordan, there was reason to fear that they might be cast into despon- dency, and from the delay thus interposed might again decline to enter the land. But now, when they had been brought into possession under happy auspices, as if by the hand of God, and conceived from the removal of this one obstacle a sure hope of warring with success, it is not won- derful if they obey more willingly than they might have done if they had not been so singularly strengthened. The very sight of the promised land must have furnished addi- tional incentives, when they understood that they were again consecrated to God, in order that their uncircumcision might not pollute the holy land.
9. A^id the Lord said unto Joshua, &c. The disgrace of Egypt is expounded by some as meaning that the want of circumcision rendered them similar to the Egyptians, in other words, profane and marked with a stigma ; as if it had been said that they were again made the peculiar property of God when they were anew stamped with this mark, to distinguish them from the nations that were unclean. Others understand it actively, as meaning that they would no longer be scorned by the Egyptians, as if God had de- ceived them. This I have no hesitation in rejecting as too far fetched. Others understand that they would no longer lie under the false imputation of worshipping the gods of that nation. I rather understand the meaning to be, that they were freed from an invidious charge, by which they were otherwise overborne. It was disreputable to have shaken off the yoke and revolted from the king under whose government they lived. Moreover, as they gave out that God was the avenger of unjust tyranny, it was easy to upbraid them with using the name of God as a mere colour for their conduct. They might, therefore, have been regarded as deserters, had not the disgrace been wiped off by the appeal to circumcision, by which the divine election was
82
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. V. 9.
sealed in their flesli before thej went down into Egypt, It was accordingly made plain by the renewal of the ancient covenant that they were not rebels against legitimate autho- rity, nor had rashly gone off at their own hand, but that their liberty was restored by God, who had long ago taken them under his special protection.
From the removal of disgrace the place obtained its name. For those who think that the prepuce cut off was called Gilffal, because it was a kind of circle, abandon the literal meaning, and have recourse to a very unnecessary fiction ; while it is perfectly obvious that the place was called Rolling Of, because God there rolled off from his people the disgrace which unjustly attached to them. The interpretation of liberty, adopted by Josephus, is vain and ridiculous, and makes it aj^parent that he was as ignorant of the Hebrew tongue as of jurisprudence.
10. And the children of Israel encamped in Gilgal, and kept the passover on the fourteenth day of the month at even, in the plains of Jericho.
11. And they did eat of the old corn of the land on the morrow after the passover, unleavened cakes, and parched corn in the self-same day.
12. And the manna ceased on the morrow after they had eaten of the old corn of the land; neither had the children of Israel manna any more; but they did eat of the fruit of the land of Canaan that year.
13. And it came to pass, when Joshua was by Jericho, that he lifted up his eyes and looked, and, behold, tliere stood a man over against him, Avith his sword drawn m his hand : and Joshua went unto him, and said unto him. Art thou for us, or for our adversaries ?
14. And he said. Nay ; but 05 captain of the host of the Lord am I now come. And Joshua fell on his face to the earth, and did worship, and said unto him, What saith my Lord unto his servant ?
15. And the captain of the Lord's liost said unto Joshua, Loose thy
10. Itaque castrametati sunt filii Israel in Gilgal, et fecerunt Psesah quartadecima die mensis ad vespe- rum in campestrlbus Jericho.
11. Et comederunt e fructu terraj postridie Ptesah infermentata, et polentam ipsomet die.
12. Et cessavit man postridie post- quam comederunt e frumento terrse : neque fuit ultra fiUis Israel man, sed comederunt e fructu terrte Chanaan
13. Contigit autem quum esset Josue apud Jericho, ut levaret oculos suos ac aspiceret : et ecce vir stabat contra emn, in ciijus manu erat gladius evaginatus : et ivit Josue ad eum, dixitque illi. Ex nostris es? an ex adversariis nostris ?
14. Et dixit, Non : sed sum princeps exercitus Jehovse : nunc veni. Et cecidit Josue in faciem suam ad terram, et adoravit, dixit- que ei : Quid Dominus mens loqui- tur ad servum suum ?
15. Et dixit princeps exercitus Jehovse ad Josuam : Solve calcea-
CHAP. V. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 83
shoe from off tliy foot : for the place mentum tuiim e pedibus tuis : quia whereon thou standest is holy. And locus super quern stas, sanctitas est. Joshua did so. Et ita fecit Josue.
] 0. ^ ncl the children of Israel . . . ke])t the Passover, &c. Here it is stated that the Passover was celebrated on the regular day, although there are some who think that the words used imply that the practice was unusual. They hence infer that, like circumcision, it had been interrupted for a period of forty years, as it would have been absurd for persons un- circumcised to take part in a sacred feast. To confirm this view, they observe that we do not read of the Passover having been observed after the beginning of the second year. But it is not probable that that which God had lately ordered to be perpetual, (Exod. xii. 42,) was suddenly cast aside. For it had been said to them. It is a night to be observed by the children of Israel in all their generations. IIow inconsistent, then, would it have been had this practice, which was to be observed throughout all ages, become obsolete in the course of two years ! And again, how heartless it w^ould have been to bury the memory of a recent favour within so short a period !
But it is said that the want of circumcision must have kept back a large proportion, that the mystery might not be profaned ; for at its institution it had been declared. No uncircumcised person shall eat of it. To this I have already answered, that it was an extraordinary privilege ; as the children of Israel were freed from the law.^ For it is certain that they continued to use sacrifices, and to observe the other parts of legal worship, although this was unlawful, unless something of the form prescribed by the law had been remitted by divine authority. It is certain that unclean persons were prohibited from entering the court of the tabernacle, and yet the children of Israel, while uncircum- cised, offered sacrifices there, thus doing what was equiva- lent to the slaying of the Passover. They were therefore
' "Freed from the law." Latin, "Lege soluti." French, "Oat este exemptez et dispensez de ce a quoy la Loy les assujettissoit ;" " Have been exempted and dispensed from that to which the law subjected them." — Ed.
84? COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. V. 11.
permitted, by sufferance, to do that wliieli It was not lawful to do according to the rule of the law.
The mention made by Moses of the second celebration of the Passover (Numb, ix.) is for a different purpose, namely, for the purjDOse of indirectly censuring the carelessness and sluggishness of the people, who would not have observed the sacred anniversary at the end of the first year if they had not been reminded of it. For although God had proclaimed that they should through all ages annually renew the memory of their deliverance, yet they had grown so oblivious before the end of the year, that they had become remiss in the dis- charge of the duty. It is not without cause they are urged by a new intimation, as they were not sufficiently attentive of their own accord. That passage, therefore, does not prove that the use of the Passover was afterwards interru^jted ; on the contrary, it may, Avithsome probability, be inferred from it that it was annually observed ; as the Lord, towards the end of the year, anticipates the observance, telling them to make careful provision for it in future, and never deviate from the command which had been given them.^
11. And they did eat of the old corn, &c. Whether they then began first to eat wheaten bread is not very clear. For they had dwelt in a country that was not uncultivated, and was tolerably fertile. At least in the territories of the two kings there was enough of corn to supply the inhabitants. It does not seem reasonable to suppose that the children of Israel allowed the corn which they found there to rot and
* These remarks place the view M'liich Calvin takes in its most favour- able light; but, on the other hand, it is strongly argued, 1. That the eating of the Passover by an uncircumcised person was expressly prohibited, (Exod. xii. 48.) 2. That the observance of it during the wandering in the desert is, by impHcation at least, dispensed with in the words, " And it shall come to pass, when ye be come to the land which the Lord will give you, according as he hath promised, that ye shall keep this service," (Exod. xii. 25.) 3. That the observance of the Passover at Mount Sinai was in compliance with a special mandate, and would not have taken place without it. 4. The assumption that sacrifices were offered in the desert is questioned as inconsistent with Amos v. 25. It may be added, that the order to circumcise, evidently intended as a preparation for the celebration of the approaching Passover, seems to imply that there had previously been a similar omission of both ordinances. It must also have been diffi- cult, if not impossible, while in the wilderness, to obtain flour in sufficient quantity to make unleavened Passover bread for a whole people. — Ed.
CHAP. V. 13. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 8o
perish by mere waste. And I have no doubt that they ate the flesh which remained over of the sacrifices. It is quite possible, therefore, that they did not wholly abstain from wdieaten bread, and yet did not abandon their accustomed food. For a country wliich was assigned to a tenth part could not have furnished food sufficient for the whole multi- tude, as there cannot be a doubt that a just estimate was made when Moses settled in it only two tribes and a half tribe. As yet, therefore, the twelve tribes had not found sufficient food, more especially as the country had been de- vastated by war, and the Israelites, who were not in safety to leave the camp, could not devote their attention to agri- culture. The manna was thus necessary to feed them until a more abundant supply was obtained. This took place in the land of Canaan, and then, accordingly, they returned to common food. But Avhy they deferred it till that day is not known, unless it be that after their wound was cured, some days behoved to be spent in collecting corn, while religion did not permit them to bake bread lest they should break the Sabbath. But although that rest was sacred, we gather from the circumstances that they made haste, as the flour must have been previously prepared, seeing they could not grind it and bake it in a single day.
Be this as it may, the Lord furnished them with provision as long as their want required to be supplied. The failure of the manna on a sudden, and at the very moment, must have furnished an additional attestation to the kindness of God, inasmuch as it was thence apparent that the manna was a temporary resource, which had descended not so much from the clouds as from a paternal providence. It is more- over plain, that this is to be understood of the produce of the former year, and it is needless to raise any question in regard to it ; for it would have implied too much precipita- tion to rush upon the produce of the present year when not yet properly matured, and a whole month would scarcely have sufficed to collect enough for the supply of so great a multitude. I cannot see why expounders should give them- selves so much trouble with so clear a matter.
13. And it came to j^ctss when Joshua, &c. Here we have
86 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. V. 13.
the narrative of a remarkable vision, by which Joshua was greatly encouraged and emboldened. For though he was strenuously discharging his office, the application of an addi- tional stimulus was not without its use. The angel, how- ever, did not appear solely on his private account, but for the confirmation of the whole people : nay, the Lord looked further forward, that he might furnish posterity with stronger proofs of a kindness which was never duly con- sidered. For although they boasted in lofty terms of having been planted by the hand of God in a holy land, they were scarcely induced by all the miracles to acknowledge in good earnest that they were placed there as God's vassals. This vision, therefore, must have been beneficial to all ages, by leaving no doubt as to the divine kindness bestowed. Its being said that he lifted his eyes, tends to confirm the cer- tainty of the vision, lest any one might suppose that his eyesight had merely been dazzled by some evanescent phantom.
The spectacle, when first presented, must have inspired fear ; for it is probable that Joshua was then alone, whether he had withdrawn from public view to engage in prayer, or for the purpose of reconnoitring the city. I am rather in- clined to think it was the latter, and that he had gone aside to examine wliere the city ought to be attacked, lest the difficulty might deter others. It appears certain that he was without attendants, as he alone perceives the vision ; and there can be no doubt that he was prepared to fight had he fallen in with an enemy. But he puts his question as if addressing a man, because it is only from the answer he learns that it is an angel. This doubt gives more credibility to the vision, while he is gradually led from the view of the man whom he addresses to the recognition of an angel. The words, at the same time, imply that it was not an ordinary angel, but one of special excellence. For he calls himself captain of the Lord's host, a term which may be understood to comprehend not merely his chosen people, but angels also.
The former view, however, is the more correct, as God does not produce anything of an unwonted nature, but con-
CIIAP.V. 14. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 87
tinues that which wc previously read that he performed to Moses. And Ave know that Moses himself preferred this favour to all others ; and justly, for God there manifested his own glory in an open and familiar manner. Accord- ingly, he is indiscriminately called an angel, and distin- guished by the title of the eternal God. Of this fact Paul is a competent witness, who distinctly declares that it was Christ. (1 Cor. x. 4.) And Moses himself embraced God as present in the person of the Mediator. For when God de- clares, after the making of the calf, (Ex. xxxii. 87,) that he would no longer be the Leader of the people, he at the same time promises that he will give one of his angels, but only one, as it were taken out of the general body of the angelic host.' This Moses earnestly deprecates, obviously because he could have no hope that God w^ould be propitious if the Mediator were removed. It was thus a special pledge of the divine favour that the Captain and Head of the Church, to whom Moses had been accustomed, was now pre- sent to assist. And indeed the divine adoption could not be ratified in any other way than in the hand of the Mediator.
14. A7id he said, Nay ; hut as captain, &c. Although the denial applies equally to both parts of the question, namely, that he was neither an Israelite nor a Canaanite, and was thus equivalent to a denial of his being a morta-l man, yet it seems to be more properly applicable to the second, or to that part of the question in which Joshua asked if he were one of the enemy. This, however, is a matter of little moment ; the essential thing is to under- stand that he had come to preside over the chosen people whom he honourably styles the Lord's host. In his repre- senting himself as different from God, a personal distinction is denoted, but unity of essence is not destroj'ed.
Wc have said that in the books of Moses the name of Jehovah^ is often attributed to the presiding Angel, who was undoubtedly the only-begotten Son of God. He is indeed
' French, " Mais comme le premier qui se rencontrera ;" " But as it were the first who may happen to present himself." — Ed.
^ The French adds, " Cost a dire d'Eternel ;" « That is to say of Eternal." —Ed.
88 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. V. 14.
verj God, and yet in the person of Mediator by dispensation, he is inferior to God. I willingly receive what ancient writers teach on this subject, — that when Christ anciently appeared in human form, it was a prelude to the mystery which was afterwards exhibited when God was manifested in the flesh. We must beware, however, of imagining that Christ at that time became incarnate, since, first, we no- where read that God sent his Son in the flesh before the fulness of the times ; and, secondly, Christ, in' so far as he was a man, behoved to be the Son of David. But as is said in Ezekiel, (chap, i.,) it was only a likeness of man. Whether it Avas a substantial body or an outward form, it is needless to discuss, as it seems wrong to insist on any par- ticular view of the subject.^
The only remaining question is, how the Captain of the Lord's host can speak of having now come, seeing he had not deserted the people committed to his trust, and had lately given a matchless display of his presence in the pas- sage of the Jordan. But according to the common usage of ScrijDture, God is said to come to us when Ave are actually made sensible of his assistance, Avhich seems remote Avhen not manifested by experience. It is therefore just as if he were off'ering his assistance in the combats Avliich were about to be Avaged, and promising by his arrival that the Avar would have a happy issue. It cannot be inferred Avith certainty from the worship Avhich he offered, whether
' Several modern commentators, among others Grotius, have maintained that the personage who thus appeared was merely a created angel. In this they have only followed in the steps of the Jewish Rabbins, who not satisfied with holding that he was an angel, have gone the farther length of fixing Avhat particular angel it was. With almost unanimous consent they de- clare it to have been Michael, though they are unable to support their opinion by anything stronger than the first verse of the twelfth cha^jter of Daniel, in v/liich it is said, that " at that time shall Michael stand up, the great prince wliich standeth for the children of thy people." The sounder view here advocated by Calvin, and generally adopted by the early Chris- tian Fathers, is well expressed by Origen, who says, in his Sixth Homily on this Book, " Joshua knew not only that he was of God, but that he was God. For he would not have worshipped, had he not recognised him to be God. For who else is the Captain of the Lord's host but our Lord Jesus Christ ?" It would make sad havoc with our ideas of divine worship to admit that the homage which Joshua here pays could be lawfully received, or rather could, so to sp?ak, be imperiously demanded by one creature from another. — Ed.
CHAP. V. 15. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 89
Joshua paid divine lionour to Christ distinctly recognised as such ; but by asking, What command does my Lord give to his servant ? he attributes to him a power and authority which belong to God alone.
15. Loose thy shoe from off thy foot, &,Q. To give additional sanctity to the vision, the great Angel requires as a sign of reverence and fear that Joshua put oif his shoes. Moses re- lates, (Exod. iii. 5,) that the same command was given to him on Mount Sinai, and for no other reason than that the Lord there manifested his glory. For one place cannot have a greater sanctity than another, except God deigns specially to make it so. Thus Jacob exclaims, (Gen. xxvi. 1 7,) that the place where he had known God more nearly is the house of God, a dreadful place, and the gate of heaven. Here, therefore, when God orders his holy servant to take off his shoes, lie by this ceremony attests the reality of his presence, and adds more weight to the vision ; not that nakedness of feet is of itself of any value in the worship of God, but because the weakness of men requires to be aided by helps of this kind, that they may the better excite and prepare themselves for veneration. Moreover, as God by his presence sanctifies the places in which he appears, I think it probable that the expression, lioly ground, is in part commendatory of the excellence of the land of Canaan, which God had chosen for his own habitation and the seat of his pure worship. Hence in various jjassages it is called ''his rest." (Ps. xcv. 11, and cxxxii. 11.) In the end of the verse Joshua is praised for his obedience, that posterity might learn by his example to cultivate pure piety in that land. There seems thus to be a kind of tacit comparison or antithesis, by which the land of Canaan is extolled above all other countries.^
CHAPTER VL
1. Now Jericho was straitly sliut 1. Jericho autem erat clausa, et up because of the children of Israel : claudebatur propter filios Israel, nee none went out, and none came in. poterat quisquam egredi, vel in-
gredi.
1 The incident here recorded is one of the principal reasons for the designation of the Holy Land usually applied to Palestine. — Ed.
90
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. VI.
2. And the Lord said unto Joshua, See, I have given into thine hand Jericho, and the king thereof, and the mighty men of valour.
3. And ye shall compass the city, all ye men of Avar, and go round about the city once. Thus shalt thou do six days.
4. And seven priests shall bear before the ark seven trumpets of rams' horns ; and the seventh day ye shall compass the city seven times, and the priests shall blow with the trumpets.
5. And it shall come to pass, that when they make a long blast with the rams' horn, a7id when ye hear the sound of the trumpet, all the people shall shout with a great shout ; and the wall of the city shall fall down flat, and the people shall ascend up, every man straight be- fore him.
6. And Joshua the son of Nun called the priests, and said mito them. Take up the ark of the covenant, and let seven priests bear seven trumpets of rams' horns be- fore the ark of the Lord.
7. And he said unto the people. Pass on, and compass the city, and let him that is armed pass on before the ark of the Lord.
8. And it came to pass, Avhen Joshua had spoken unto the people, that the seven priests, bearing the seven trumpets of rams' horus, passed on before the Lord, and blew with the trumpets ; and the ark of the covenant of the Lord followed them.
9. And the armed men went be- fore the priests that blew with the trumpets, and the rere-vi'ard came after the ark, the priests going on, and blowing with the trumpets.
10. And Joshua had commanded the people, saying, Ye shall not shout, nor make any noise with your voice, neither shall any word proceed out of your mouth, until the day I bid you shout ; then shall ye shout.
11. So the ark of the Lord com- passed the city, going about it once :
2. Dixitque Jeliova ad Josuam, Ecce tradidi in manum tuam Jeri- cho, et regem ejus, et A'irtute prse- stantes.
3. Circuibitis itaque urbem, omnes viri bellatores, circundando eam semel : sic fades sex diebus.
4. Porro septem sacerdotes ferent septem cornua arietina ante arcam : Die autem septima circuibitis urbem septem vicibus, et sacerdotes ipsi clangent ttibis.
5. Quum vero protraxerint soni- tum cornu arietino : ubi primum au- dieritis vocem tubae, vociferabitur imiversus populus vociferatione mag- na, et concidet murus urbis sub se : populus vero ascendet quisque e regione sua.
f). Vocavit ergo Josue fihus Nun sacerdotes, et dixit eis, Tollite arcam foederis, et septem sacerdotes ac- cipicnt septem tubas arietinas coram area Jehovje.
7. Dixit quoque ad populum, Transite, et circuite urbem, et arma- tus quisque prsecedat arcam Jehovse.
8. Et fuit postquam loquutus est Josue ad populmn, tiderimt septem sacerdotes septem tubas arietinas, et transeuntes ante arcam Jehovse clanxerunt tubis. Area autem fanleris Jehovas seqnebatur ipsos.
9. Et armatus quisque prsecede- bat sacerdotes clangentcs tubis, Et qui cogebat agiiien sequebatur arcam eundo et clangendo tubis.
10. Populo autem prseceperat Josue, dicendo, Non vociferabimini, nee facietis auchre vocem vestram, ncque cgredietur ex ore vestro ver- bum, usque ad diem quo dixero vobis, vociferamini : tunc vociferabimini.
1 1 . Circuivit itaque area Jehovai urbem, circundando semel, et re-
CHAP. VI. 1.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
91
and they came into the camp, and lodged in the camp.
1 2 . And Joshua rose early in the morning, and the priests took up the ark of the Lord.
13. And seven priests, bearing seven trumpets of rams' horns be- fore the ark of the Lord, went on continually, and blew with the trum- pets : and the armed men went be- fore them ; but the rere-ward came after the ark of the Lord, the priests going on, and blowing with the trumpets.
14. And the second day they com- passed the city once, and returned into the camp : so they did six days.
15. And it came to pass on the seventh day, that they rose early, about the dawning of the day, and compassed the city after the same manner seven times : only on that day they compassed the city seven times.
16. And it came to pass at the seventh time, when the priests blew with the trumpets, Joshua said unto the people. Shout ; for the Lord hath given you the city.
17. And the city shall be accursed, even it, and all that are therein, to the Lord: only Rahab the harlot shall live, she and all that are with her in the house, becaiise she hid the messengers that we sent.
18. And ye, in any wise keep ^//ourselves from the accursed thiag, lest ye make yourselves accvursed, when ye take of the accursed thing, and make the camp of Israel a curse, and trouble it.
19. But all the silver, and gold, and vessels of brass and iron, are consecrated unto the Lord: they shall come into the treasiu-y of the Lord.
versi sunt in castra : manseruntque illic.
12. Rursum surrexit Josue mane, tuleruntque sacerdotes arcam Je- hovaj.
13. Septem autem sacerdotes ferentes septem tubas arietinas prae- cedebant arcam Jehovse, eundo : et clangebant tubis. Armatus vero prpecedebat eos, et qui cogebat agmen sequebatur arcam Jehovse, eundo, et clangendo tubis.
14. Circuiverunt ei-go urbem die secmido vice alia, reversique sunt ad castra : sic fecerunt sex diebus.
15. Ubi autem advenit Septimus dies, surrexerunt simid ac ascendit aurora, et circuiverunt urbem se- cundum eundem morem septem vicibus : tantum die ilia circuiverunt urbem septem vicibus.
16. Septima autem vice quum clangerent sacerdotes tubis, dixit Josue ad popvdum, vociferamini, tradidit Jehova vobis urbem.
17. Erit autem urbs anathema, ipsa et queecunque in ea sunt, Je- hovse : tantum Rahab meretrix vivet, ipsa et quicunque fuerint ciun ea domi, quia abscondidit nuncios quos misimus.
18. Veruntamen vos cavete ab anathemate, ne forte contingatis aliquid de anathemate, tollatisque de anathemate, et ponatis castra Israel anathema, et turbetis ea.
19. Omne autem argentum, et aurum, et vasa serea et ferrea, sanctitas enmt Jehovse : thesaurum Jehovse ingredientur.
1. Noiu Jericho was straitly shut up, &c. Jericho is said to be shut up, because the gates were not opened : as in time of war cities are guarded with more than usual care. It is added, by way of emphasis, that they were sealed, or
92 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VI. 3.
locked up/ as if it were said that the inhabitants were at- tentive in watching, so as not to be taken by surprise. Hence, as it could not be taken by stratagem, the only hope of taking it was by open force. This tends to display tlie goodness of God to the children of Israel, wlio would have been worn out by a long and difficult siege, had not a sub- stitute been early provided from heaven. Meanwhile there was a danger, lest being forced into a corner, they might be consumed by want and famine, as there was no means of obtaining food and provender in a hostile region. The Lord, therefore, that they might not sit down despondingly before one city, assisted them by an extraordinary miracle, and opened up an entrance to them by throwing down the walls, that they might thereafter have the greater confidence in attacking other cities.
We now see the connection between the two first verses, in the one of wliich it is said, that Jericho was shut up, and the children of Israel thus prevented from approaching it, while in the otlier God promises that he will take it for tliem. He makes this promise with the view of pre- ventinjc them from tormentino- themselves with anxious thoughts. In one word, God, by this easy victory at the out- set, jDrovides against their giving way to despondency in future. We, at the same time, perceive the stupidity of the inhabitants, who place their walls and gates as obstacles to the divine omnipotence ; as if it were more difficult to break up or dissolve a few bars and beams than to dry up the Jordan.
8. And ye shall compass the city, &c. Tiie promise was, indeed, fit and sufficient of itself to give hope of victory, but the method of acting was so strange, as almost to destroy its credibility. God orders them to make one circuit round the city daily until the seventh day, on which they are told to go round it seven times, sounding trumpets, and shouting. The whole looked like nothing else than child's play, and yet was no improper test for trying their faith, as it proved their acquiescence in the divine message, even when they
' The Septiiagint has in"yKiy.Xii<r//.ii:>i xa) ux.'Ji'-'f^'iv'), " completely closed and made sm'e, by being barred or barricaded." — Ed.
CHAP. VI. 3. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 93
saw in the act itself notliing but mere disappointment. With the same intention, the Lord often, for a time, con- ceals his own might under weakness, and seems to sport with mere trifles, that his weakness may at length appear stronger than all might, and his folly superior to all wisdom.
While the Israelites thus abandon their own reason, and depend implicitly on liis words, they gain much more by trifling than they could have done by making a forcible assault, and shaking the walls by numbers of the most power- ful engines. Only it behoved them to play the fool for a short time, and not display too much acuteness in making anxious and subtle inquiries concerning the event : for that would have been, in a manner, to obstruct the course of the divine omnipotence. Meanwhile, though the circulatory movement round the walls might have excited derision, it was afterwards known, by its prosperous result, that God commands nothing in vain.
There was another subject of care and doubt, which might have crept into their minds. Should the inhabitants of the city suddenly sally forth, the array would, without difficulty, be put to the rout, while, in long straggling lines, it was pro- ceeding round the city, without any regular arrangement that might have enabled it to repel a hostile assault. But here, also, whatever anxiety they might have felt, they be- hoved to cast it upon God ; for sacred is the security which reclines on his providence. There was an additional trial of their faith, in the repetition of the circuit of the city during seven da^'s. For what could seem less congruous than to fatigue themselves with six unavailing circuits ? Then, of what use was their silence,^ unless to betray their timidity, and tempt the enemy to come out and attack besiegers who seemed not to have spirit enough to meet them ? But as profane men often, by rash intermeddling fervour, throw everything into confusion, the only part which God here as- signs to his people, is to remain calm and silent, that thus they may the better accustom themselves simply to execute his commands.
^ French, " De ne dire mot, ne faire aucun bruit ;" " Not to speak a ^vord, not to make any noise." — Ed.
94 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VI. l7
Here, too, it is worthy of remark, that tlie instruments given to the priests to blow with, are not the silver trumpets deposited in the sanctuary, but merely rams' horns. The sound of the sacred trumpets would certainly have inspired more confidence, but a better j^roof of obedience was given, when they were contented with the vulgar symbol More- over, their movements were so arranged, that the greater number, by which is understood the ai'med, went before the ark, while those who usually accompanied the baggage fol- lowed. It was their part to take care that the rear did not fall into confusion. As the term congregating, applied to them, was obscure, I have rendered it by the corresponding term usually employed by the Latins.^ Some think that the tribe of Dan were thus employed, but this is uncertain, as they were not then arranged in the manner usual on other expeditions.
15. And it came to pass on the seventh day, &c. Here, also, God seemed, by leading the people so often round the city, not only to keep the matter in suspense, but purposely to sport with the miseries of the people, who were fatiguing themselves to no purpose. For why does he not order tliem suddenly to attack the city ? Why does he keep them in their former silence, even to weariness, and not open their mouths to shout ? But the happy fruit of this endurance teaches us, that there is nothing better than to leave the de- cisive moments and opportunities of acting at his disposal, and not, by our haste, anticipate his providence, in which, if we acquiesce not, we obstruct the course of his agency. There- fore, while the priests were sounding, God ordered a corre- sponding shout to be raised by the people, that in this way he might prove that he is not pleased with any impetuosity which men manifest at their own hands, but above all things requires a regulated zeal, of which the only rule is not to move either tongue, or feet, or hands, till he order. Here the rams' horns undoubtedly represented his authority.
17. And the city shall be accursed, &c. Although God
' French, " Mais je I'ay traduit par im terme plus accoustume ;i la langue Fran^oise ;" " But here 1 have translated it by a term more com- monly used in the French language." — Ed.
CHAP. VT.17. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 95
had determined not only to enricli his people with spoil and plunder, but also to settle them in cities which they had not built, yet there was a peculiarity in the case of the first city ; for it was right that it should be consecrated as a kind of first fruits. Accordingly, he claims the buildings, as well as all the moveable property, as his own, and prohibits the application of any part of it to private uses. It may have been an irksome and grievous task for the people volun- tarily to pull down houses in which they might have com- modiously dwelt, and to destroy articles which might have been important for use. But as they had not been required to fight, it behoved them to refrain, without grudging, from touching the prey, and willingly yield up the rewards of the victory to God, as it was solely by his nod that the walls of the city had fallen, and the courage of the citizens had fallen along with them. God was contented with this pledge of gratitude, provided the people thereby quickl}^ learned that everything they called their own was the gift of his free liberality. For with equal right all the other cities might have been doomed to destruction, had not God granted them to his people for habitations.
As to the Hebrew word D'^H, I will now only briefly repeat from other passages. When it refers to sacred oblations, it becomes, in respect of men, equivalent to abolition, since things devoted in this manner are renounced by them as completely as if they were annihilated. The equivalent Greek term is avdOrjixa, or dvd6efxa, meaning set apart, or as it is properly expressed in French, interdicted. Hence the exhortation to beware of what was under anathema, inas- much as that which had been set apart for God alone had perished, in so far as men were concerned. It is used in a different sense in the following verse, where caution is given not to place the camp of Israel in anathema. Here its simple meaning is, excision, perdition, or death. Moreover, God destined vessels made of metals for the use of the sanctuary ; all other things he ordered to be consumed by fire, or destroyed in other manners.
20. So the people shouted when 20. Itaqiie vociferatus est po- tJie priests blew with the trumpets : pulus postquam clanxerunt tubis. and it came to pass, when the people Quum enim audisset populus vocem
96
COMMENTARY ON" JOSHUA.
CHAP. VI. 20.
heard the sound of the trumpet, and the people shouted with a great shout, that the wall fell down flat, so that the people went up into the city, every man straight before him, and they took the city.
21. And they utterly destroyed all that was in the city, both man and woman, young and old, and ox, and sheep, and ass, with the edge of the sword.
22. But Joshua had said unto the two men that liad spied out the country, Go into the harlot's house, and bring out thence the woman, and all that she hath, as ye sware unto her.
23. And the young men that were spies went in, and brought out Rahab, and her father, and her mother, and her brethren, and all that she had; and they brought out all her kindred, and left them without the camp of Israel.
24. And they burnt the city with fire, and all that was therein : only the silver, and the gold, and the ves- sels of brass and of iron, they put into the treasury of the house of the Lord.
25. And Joshua saved Rahab the harlot alive, and her father's household, and all that she had; and she dwelleth in Israel even unto this day ; because she hid the messengers which Joshua sent to spy out Jericho.
26. And Joshua adjured them at that time, saying. Cursed be the man before the Lord that riseth up and buildeth this city Jericho : he shall lay the foundation thereof in his first-born, and in his youngest son shall he set up the gates of it.
27. So the Lord was with Jo- slnia; and his fame was noised throughout all the country.
20. So the people shouted, &c. Here the people are praised for obedience, and the faithfuhiess of God is, at the same time, celebrated. They testified their fidelity by shouting, because they were persuaded, that what God had com- manded would not be in vain, and he, in not allowing them
tubarum, vociferatus est vocifera- tione maxima, et cecidit murus sub- tus, tum ascendit populus in urbem quisque e regione sua, et ceperimt eam.
21. Et perdiderunt omnia quse erant in urbe, a viro usque ad mu- lierem, a puero usque ad senem, ad bovem, et ovem, et asiniun, acie gladii.
22. Duobus autem viris qui ex- ploraverant terram dixit Josue, In- gredimini domum mulieris meretri- cis, et inde educite eam, et qufecun- que habet, quern admodum jurastis ei.
23. Ingressi itaque exploratores eduxerunt Rahab, et patrem ejus, et matrem ejvis, et fratres ejus, et quse- cunque habiibat, et totam cogna- tionem ejus edvixerunt, ac locarunt extra castra Israel.
24. Urbem vero succenderunt igni, et qufecmique erant in ea: tantummodo aurum et argentum, vasa ierea et ferrea posuerunt in the- sauro domus Jehovfe.
25. Itaque Rahab meretricem, et domum patris ejus, et quajcunque habebat vivere fecit Josue : habita- vitque in medio Israel usque ad hunc diem, quia absconderat nuntios quos miserat Josue ad explorandum Je- richo.
26. Adjuravit autem Josue tem- pore illo, dicendo, Maledictus vir coram Jehova qui surget ut edificet m-bem istam Jericho. In primo- genito suo fimdabit eam et in mi- nore slio statuet portas ejus.
27. Fnit autem Jehova cum Jo- sue, et fama ejus fuit in tota terra.
CHAP. VI. 20. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 97
to lose their labour, vindicated the truth of what he had said. Another virtue of not inferior value was displayed by the people, in despising unlawful gain, and cheerfully suffering the loss of all the plunder. For there cannot be a doubt, that in the minds of many the thought must have risen, For what end does God please to destroy all the wealth ? Why does he envy us that which he has given into our hand ? Why does he not rather gladden us by furnishing us with the materials of thanksgiving ? Dismiss- ing these considerations, which might have interfered with their duty, it was a proof of rare and excellent self-denial, voluntarily to cast away the spoils which ^vere in their hands, and the wealth of a Avhole city.
The indiscriminate and promiscuous slaughter, making no distinction of age or sex, but including alike women and children, the aged and decrepit, might seem an inhuman massacre, had it not been executed by the command of God. But as he, in whose hands are life and death, had justly doomed those nations to destruction, this puts an end to all discussion. We may add, that they had been borne with for four hundred years, until their iniquity was com- plete. Who wall now presume to complain of excessive rigour, after God had so long delayed to execute judgment ? If any one object that children, at least, wei'e still free from fault, it is easy to answer, that they perished justly, as the* race was accursed and reprobated. Here then it ought al- ways to be remembered, that it would have been barbarous and atrocious cruelty had the Israelites gratified their own lust and rage, in slaughtering mothers and their children, but that they are justly praised for their active piety and holy zeal, in executing the command of God, who was pleased in this way to purge the land of Canaan of the foul and loathsome defilements by which it had long been pol- luted.i
' In confii-niation of the views thus admirahly expressed, it is not out of place to add those of the profoundest and most philosophical of English theologians on the same subject. Bishop Butler, in his Analogy, Part ii., chap, iii., after saying that " it is that province of reason to judge of the morality of Scripture ; i.e., not Avhether it contains things different from what we should have expected from a wise, just, and good Being — hut
G
98 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VI. 22.
22. But Joshua had said unto the two men, &c. The good faith of Joshua in keeping promises, and liis general integ- rity, are apparent in the anxious care here taken. But as the whole city had been placed under anathema, a question might be raised as to this exception of one family. No mortal man was at liberty to make any change on the deci- sion of God. Still as it was only by the suggestion of the Spirit that Rahab had bargained for her impunity, I con- clude that Joshua, in preserving lier, did only what was considerate and prudent.
We may add, that the messengers w^ere not yet under any contrary obligation, as the complete destruction of the city had not been declared .It is true, they had heard in gene- ral, that all those nations were to be destroyed, but they were still at liberty to make a compact with a single woman,
whether it contains things plainly contradictory to wisdom, justice, or good- ness ; to what the light of nature teaches us of God," continues thus : " I know nothing of this sort objected against Scripture, excepting such objec- tions as are formed upon suppositions which would equally conclude, that the constitution of nature is contradictory to wisdom, justice, or goodness : which most certainly it is not. Indeed there are some particular precepts in Scripture, given to particular persons, requiring actions, which would be immoral and Adcious, were it not for such precepts. But it is easy to see, that all these are of such a kind, as that the precept changes the whole nature of the case and of the action : and both constitutes and shews that not to be unjust or immoral, which, prior to the precept, must have ap- peared, and really have been so : which well may be, since none of these precepts are contrary to immutable morality. If it were commanded to cultivate the principles, and act from the spirit of treachery, ingratitude, cruelty ; the command would not alter the nature of the case, or of the action, in any of these instances. But it is quite otherwise in precepts, which require only the doing an external action : for instance, taldng away the property or life of any. For men have no right to either life or property, but what arises solely from the grant of God. When this grant is revoked, they cease to have any right at all in either : and when this revocation is made known, as surely it is possible it may be, it must cease to be unjust to deprive them of either. And though a course of ex- ternal acts, which, without command, would be immoral, must make an immoral habit, yet a few detached commands have no svich natural ten- dency. I thought proper to say thus much of the few Scripture precepts which require, not vicious actions, but actions which would have been vicious had it not been for such precepts : because they are sometimes weakly urged as immoral, and great weight is laid upon objections drawn from them. But to me there seems no difficulty at all in these precepts, but what arises from their being offences ; i.e., from their being hable to be perverted, as, indeed, they are, by wicked designing men, to serve the most horrid purposes, and, perhaps, to mislead the weak and enthusiastic." —Ed.
CHAP. VI. 2.3. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 99
who had voluntarily abandoned her countrymen. But we shall afterwards meet with a far easier solution, namely, that while the Israelites, by the divine command, exhorted all whom they attacked, to surrender, by holding out the hope of pardon, the blinded nations obstinately refused the peace thus oifered, because God had decreed to destroy all of them, But while all, in general, were hardened to their destruction, it follows that Rahab was exempted by special privilege, and might escape in safety, while the others perished. Joshua, therefore, judged wisely, that a woman who had voluntarily gone over to the Church, wiis rescued thus early, not without the special grace of God. The case of the father and the whole family is, indeed, different, but seeing they all spontaneously abjure their former state, they confirm the stipulation which Rahab had made for their safety, by the promptitude of their obedience.
Moreover, let us learn from the example of Joshua, that we do not sufficiently attest our probity, by refraining from violating our promise intentionally and of set purpose, un- less we also diligently exert ourselves to secure its perform- ance. He not only allows Rahab to be delivered by her guests, but is careful to guard against her sustaining any in- jury in tlie first tumult ; and to make the messengers more diligent in performing their office, he reminds them that they had promised with the intervention of an oath.
23. And the young men that were spies went in, &c. God, doubtless, wished those to be safe, whose minds he thus in- clined to embrace deliverance. Had it been otherwise, they would have rejected it not less proudly, and with no less scorn than the two sons-in-law of Lot. But a still better provision is made for them, when, by being placed without the camp, they receive a strict injunction to abandon their former cour.«e of life.l For had they been immediately ad- mitted and allowed to mix indiscriminately with the people, the thouglit of their impurity might never, perhaps, have
' French, " Car comblen qu'il y ait en cela de la severite', toutes fois c'est un bon nioyen par leqiiel ils sont appelez a renoncer a leur vie prece- dente ;" " For though there is severity in this, it is, however, a good method of calling upon them to renounce their previous life." — Ed.
100 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VI. 2C.
occurred to them, and tliey might thus have continued to indulge in it. Now when they are placed apart, tliat they may not, by their infection, taint the flock, they are im- pressed with a feeling of shame, which may urge them to serious conversion.
It cannot be meant that they were thus set apart for safety, lest any one in the crowd might have risen up vio- lently against them : for they would have been received by all with the greatest favour and gladness, whereas they might have been attacked in a solitary place more easily, and even with impunity. Their impurity, therefore, was brought visibly before them, that they might not while pol- luted come rashly forward into the holy meeting, but rather might be accustomed by this rudimentary training to change their mode of life. For it is added shortly after, that they dwelt in the midst of the people ; in other words, having been purged from their defilements, they began to be re- garded in the very same light as if they had originally belonged to the race of Abraham. In short, the meaning is, that after they had made a confession of their previous impurity, they were admitted indiscriminately along with others. By this admission, Rahab gained one of the noblest fruits of her faith.
26. And Joshua adjured them, he. This adjuration, then, was not merely to have efiect for one day, but to warn pos- terity through all ages that that city had been taken only by divine power. He wished, therefore, that the ruins and devastation should exist for ever as a kind of trophy ; because the rebuilding of it would have been equivalent to an erasure effacing the miracle. In order, therefore, that the desolate appearance of the place might keep the remem- brance of the divine power and favour alive among posterity, Joshua pronounces a heavy curse upon any one who should again build the ruined city. From this passage we gather that the natural torpidity of men requires the aid of stimu- lants to prevent them from burying the divine favours in oblivion ; and hence this spectacle, wherein the divine agency was made consj)icuous to the people, was a kind of indirect censure of their inoratitudc.
CHAP. VI. 26. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. J 01
The substance of the imprecation is, tliat if any one ever attemjjt to rebuild Jericho lie may be made sensible by the unpropitious and mournful result that he had done a cursed and abominable work. For to lay the foundations in his first- born, were just as if he were to cast forth his son to perish, crushed and buried beneath the mass of stones ; and to set up the gates in his younger son, is the same thing as to plan an edifice which could not be erected without causing the death of a son. Thus he who should dare to make the in- sane attempt is condemned in his own offspring. Nor did Joshua utter this curse at his own suggestion ; he was only the herald of celestial vengeance.
This makes it the more monstrous that among the people of God a man should have been found, whom that fearful curse, couched in formal terms, could not restrain from sacri- legious temerity. In the time of Ahab (1 Kings xvi. 84) arose Hiel, a citizen of Bethel, who dared, as it were avow- edly, to challenge God in this matter ; but the Sacred His- tory at the same time testifies, tliatthe denunciation which God had pronounced by the moutli of Joshua did not fail of its effect ; for Kiel founded the new Jericho in Abiram his first-born, and set up its gates in his younger son Segub, and thus learned in the destruction of his offspring what it is to attempt anything against the will and in opposition to the command of God,^
1 This rebuilding by Hiel on tlie very site of the ancient city, took place, according to the ordinary clu-onology, 520 years after Joshua pronounced the curse. It would seem, however, that another Jericho had been built at a much earlier period, not actually on the former site which, while the memory of the curse remained, was probably avoided, but at no great dis- tance from it. Of this fact, the mention made of Jericho in Joshua xviii. 21, as one of the cities of Benjamin, is not decisive, because it may have been intended to indicate merely a locality, and not an actually existing city, nor is it absolutely certain that the " city of palm trees" which Eglor captured, (Judges iii. 14,) was a rebuilt Jericho, though by that name Jericho was generally known. Its existence, however, at least a century before Hiel, is clearly estabhshed by the directions given to David's ambas- sadors, after their insulting treatment by the king of Amnion, " to tarry at Jericho." (Sam. x. 5.) It may be worth while briefly to glance at the subsequent history of Iliel's sacrilegious city. As if the penalty of rebuild- ing had been fully paid by the exemplary punishment inflicted on the founder, the curse appears to have been withdrawn, and in the course of about twenty years we learn tJiat it had not only been selected as a school of the prophets, (2 Kings ii. 5,) but received a very important addition to
102
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. VII.
CHAPTER VII.
1. But the children of Israel committed a trespass in the accursed thing : for Achan, the son of Carmi, the son of Zabdi, the son of Zerah, of the tribe of Judah, took of the acciu"sed thing : and the anger of the Lord Avas kindled against the children of Israel.
2. And Joshua sent men from Jericho to Ai, which is beside Beth- aven, on the east side of Beth-el, and spake unto them, saying, Go up and view the country. And the men went up and viewed Ai.
3. And they returned to Joshua, and said unto him. Let not all the people go up ; but let about two or three thousand men go up and smite Ai ; and make not all the people to labour thither ; for they are but few.
4. So there went up thither of the people about three thousand men ; and they fled before the men of Ai.
1. Transgressi autem sunt trans- gressione filii Israel in anathemate : quia Achan, filius Chermi filii Zabdi, filii Zerah de tribu Jehudse abstu- lit de anathemate : et accensa est excandescentia Jehovse contra filios Israel.
2. Porro misit Josue viros e Je- richo contra Hai, quae erat juxta Bethaven ad orientem Bethel, et lo- qmitus est cum iUis, dicendo, As- cendite et explorate terrani. Ascen- derunt itaque viri, et exploraverunt Hai.
3. Qui reversi ad Josuam, dixe- rmit ei, Ne ascendat totus populus ; circiter duo miUia virorum aut cir- citer tria milUa virorum ascendant, et percutient Hai.'
4. Ascenderunt ergo illuc e po- pulo fere tria millia virorum, et fugerunt coram viris Hai.
its other attractions as a residence by the miraculous cure of its waters by Elisha. (2 Kings ii. 19-22.) Its inhabitants, on the retimi from the Babylonish captivity, are mentioned as having assisted in rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem. (Neh. iii. 2.) At a later period Jericho was for- tified by the Syrian general Bacchides, or rather received from him addi- tions to its previously existing fortifications, (1 Maccabees ix. 50,) but does not seem to have acquired very much importance till the time of Herod the Great, who, after capturing and sacking it, rebuilt it in a much more magnificent form, and erected in it a splendid palace, where he often re- sided and idtimately died. It also became a favourite residence of his son Archelaus. Our hSaviour himself not only honoured it by his presence, but by the display of his miraculous agency. It appears in the latter period of the Roman empire to have ranked as one of the chief cities of Palestine. The general devastation of the country on the dissolution of that empire effected its final ruin, and its site is now only doubtfully repre- sented by a miserable village called Riha, containing from 200 to 300 souls. — Ed.
^ Calvin's Latin as well as the French version omit the concluding clause of this verse, " Make not the whole people to labour thither : for they are few." The omission, for which no reason is assigned, is the more remark- able, as there appears to be no doubt as to the genuineness of the original clause, and its meaning is very exactly given not only in the Septuagint but other versions, such as Luther's, with which Calvin was well ac- quainted.—£^o?.
CHAP. VII. 1.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
lo:
5. And the men of Ai smote of them about thirty and six men : for they chased them from before the gate even imto Shebarim, and smote them in the going down ; wherefore the hearts of the people melted, and became as water.
6. And Joshua rent his clothes, and fell to the earth upon his face before the ark of the Lord untU the even-tide, he and the elders of Is- rael, and put dust upon their heads.
7. And Joshua said, Alas, O Lord God, wherefore hast thou at all brought this people over Jordan, to deliver us into the hand of the Amorites, to destroy us ? would to God we had been content, and dwelt on the other side Jordan !
8. O Lord, what shall I say, when Israel turneth their backs before their enemies ?
9. For the Canaanites, and all the inhabitants of the land, shall liear of it, and shaU environ us roimd, and cut off our name from the earth : and what wilt thou do unto thy great name ?
] . But the children of Israel committed, &c. Reference is made to the crime, and indeed the secret crime, of one individual, whose guilt is transferred to the whole people ; and not only so, but punislnnent is at the same time exe- cuted against several who were innocent. But it seems very- unaccountable that a whole people should be condemned for a private and hidden crime of which they had no knowledge. I answer, that it is not new for the sin of one member to be visited on the whole body. Should we be unable to discover the reason, it ought to be more than enough for us that transgression is imputed to the children of Israel, while the guilt is confined to one individual. But as it very often happens that those who are not wicked foster the sins of their brethren by conniving at them, a part of the blame is justly laid upon all those who by disguising become impli- cated in it as partners. For this reason Paul, (1 Cor. v. 4-6,) upbraids all the Corinthians with the private enormity of one individual, and inveighs against their pride in presum-
5. Percusseruntque ex eis circiter triginta et sex viros, et perscquuti sunt eos a porta usque ad Sebarim, et percusserunt eos in descensu : atque ita liquefactura est cor popuh, fuitque velut aqua.
6. Porro Josue scidit vestimenta sua, prociditque in faciem suam in terram coram area Jehovse usque ad vesperam, ipse et seniores Israel, et posuerunt pulverem super caput smmi.
7. Dixit que Josue, Ah, ah, Do- minator Jehova, ut quid traduxisti populum hunc trans Jordanem, ut traderes nos in manum Amorrhaei qui perdat nos ? Atque utinam li- buisset nobis manere in deserto trans Jordanem !
8. O Domine quid dicam post- quam vertit Israel cervicera coram inimicis suis ?
9. Audientque Chananseus et om- nes incolfe terra;, et vertent se contra nos, disperdcntque nomen nostrum e terra : quid vero facies nomini tuo ma "-no ?
104 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VII. 1.
ing to glory while such a stigma attached to them. But here it is easy to object that all were ignorant of the theft, and that therefore there is no room for the maxim, that lie who allows a crime to be committed when he can prevent it is its perpetrator. I certainly admit it not to be clear why a private crime is imputed to the whole people, unless it be that they had not previously been sufficiently careful to punisli misdeeds, and that possibly owing to this, the person actually guilty in the present instance had sinned witli greater boldness. It is well known that weeds creep in stealthily, grow apace and j)roduce noxious fruits, if not speedily torn up. The reason, however, why God charges a wliole people with a secret theft is deeper and more abstruse. He wished by an extraordinary manifestation to remind posterity that they might all be criminated by the act of an individual, and thus induce them to give more diligent heed to the prevention of crimes.
Nothing, therefore, is better than to keep our minds in suspense until the books are opened, when the divine judg- ments which are now obscured by our darkness will be made perfectly clear. Let it suffice us that the whole peojile were infected by a private stain ; for so it has been declared by the Supreme Judge, before whom it becomes us to stand dumb, as having one day to appear at his tribunal. The stock from which Achan was descended is narrated for the sake of increasing, and, as it were, propagating the igno- miny ; just as if it were said, that he was the disgrace of his family and all his race. For the writer of the history goes up as far as the tribe of Judah. By this we are taught that when any one connected with us behaves himself basely and wickedly, a stigma is in a manner impressed upon us in liis person tliat we may be humbled — not that it can be just to insult over all the kindred of a wicked man, but first, that all kindred may be more careful in apjilying mutual correc- tion to each other, and secondly, that they may be led to recognise that cither their connivance or their own faults are punished.
A greater occasion of scandal, fitted to produce general alarm, was offered by the fact of the crime liaving been
CHAP. VII. 2. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 105
detected in the tribe of Judali, which was the flower and glory of the whole nation. It was certainly owing to the admirable counsel of God, that a pre-eminence which fos- tered the hope of future dominion resided in that tribe. But when near the very outset this honour was foully stained by the act of an individual, the circumstance might have occasioned no small disturbance to weak minds. The severe punishment, however, wiped away the scandal whi^h might otherwise have existed ; and hence we gather that when occasion has been given to the Avicked to blaspheme, the Church has no fitter means of removing the oppro- brium than that of visiting offences with exemplary punish- ment.
2. And Joshua sent men from Jericho, &c. To examine the site of the city and reconnoitre all its approaches was an act of prudence, that the}' might not, by hurrying on at ran- dom through unknown places, fall into an ambuscade. But when it would be necessary shortly after to advance with all the forces, to send forward a small band with the view of taking the city, seems to betray a want of military skill. Hence it would not have been strange that two or three thousand men, on a sudden sally were panic-struck and turned their backs. And it was certainly expedient for the whole body that twenty or thirty thousand should have spread in all directions in foraging parties. We may add, that even the act of slaying, though no resistance were offered, was of itself sufficient to wear out a small body of troops. Therefore, when the three thousand or thereabouts were repulsed, it was only a just recompense for their confi- dence and sloth. The Holy Spirit, however, declares that fewness of numbers was not the cause of the discomfiture, and ought not to bear the blame of it. The true cause was the secret counsel of God, who meant to shew a sign of his anger, but allowed the number to be small in order that the loss might be less serious. And it was certainly a rare dis- play of mercy to chastise the people gently and without any great overthrow, with the view of arousing them to seek an instant remedy for the evil. Perhaps, too, the inhabitants of Ai would not have dared to make an attack upon the
106 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. GHAP.VII.
Israelites had they advanced against the city in full force. The Lord therefore opened a way for his judgment, and yet modified it so as only to detect the hidden crime under which the people might otherwise have been consumed as by a lingering disease.
But although there is nothing wonderful in the defeat of the Israelites, who fought on disadvantageous terms on lower ground, it was, however, perfectly obvious that they were vanquished by fear and the failure of their courage before they came to close quarters ; for by turning their backs they gave up the higher ground and retired to the slope of a valley. The enemy, on the other hand, shewed how thorouglily they despised them by the confidence and boldness with which they ventured to pursue the fugitives at full speed in the direction of their camp. In the camp itself, such was the trepidation that all hearts melted. I admit, indeed, that there was cause for fear when, after hav- ing gained so many victories as it were in sport, they saw themselves so disgracefully defeated. In unwonted circum- stances we are more easily disturbed. But it was a terror from heaven which dismayed them more than the death of thirty men and the flight of three thousand.
6. And Joshua rent his clothes, &c. Although it was easy to throw the blame of the overthrow or disgrace which had been sustained on others, and it was by no means be- coming in a courageous leader to be so much cast down by the loss of thirty men, especially when by increasing his force a hundred-fold it would not have been difiicult to drive back the enemy now weary with their exertions, it was not, however, without cause that Joshua felt the deepest sorrow, and gave way to feelings bordering on despair. The thought that the events of war are doubtful — a thought which sus- tains and reanimates the defeated — could not be entertained by him, because Grod had promised that they would always be victorious. Therefore when the success did not corre- spond to his hopes, the only conclusion he could draw was, that they had fought unsuccessfully merely because they had been deprived of the promised assistance of God.
Accordingly, both he and the elders not only gave them-
CHAP. VII. 6. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 107
selves up to sorrow and sadness, but engage in solemn mourning, as used in the most calamitous circumstances, by tearing their garments and throwing dust on their heads. That mode of expressing grief was used also by the heathen, but was specially appropriate in the pious Avorshippers of God in suppliantly deprecating his wrath. The rending of the garments and other accomjianying acts contained a pro- fession of repentance, as may also be inferred from the an- nexed prayer, which, however, is of a mixed nature, dictated partly by faith and the pure spirit of piety, and partly by excessive perturbation. In turning straightway to God and acknowledging that in his hand, by which the wound was inflicted, the cure was prepared, they are influenced by faith ; but their excessive grief is evidently carried beyond all pro- per bounds. Hence the freedom with which they ex- postulate, and hence the preposterous wish. Would God we had remained in the desert !'
It is not a new thing, however, for pious minds, when they aspire to seek God with holy zeal, to obscure the light of faith by the vehemence and impetuosity of their afi'ections. And in this way all j^rayers would be vitiated did not the Lord in his boundless indulgence pardon them, and wiping away all their stains receive them as if they were jiure. And yet while in thus freely expostulating, they cast their cares upon God, though this blunt simj^licity needs pardon, it is far more acceptable than the feigned modesty of hypo- crites, who, while carefully restraining themselves to prevent any confident exjoression from escaping their lij^s, inwardly swell and almost burst with contumacy.
Joshua oversteps the bounds of moderation when he challenges God for having brought the people out of the desert ; but he proceeds to much greater intemj)erance when, in opposition to the divine promise and decree, he utters the turbulent wish. Would that we had never come out of the desert ! That 'was to abrogate the divine covenant alto- gether. But as his object was to maintain and assert the
^ French, " O que je voiidroye que nous eussions prins a plaisir de de- meurer au dela du Jordain ;" " O how I wish that we had been pleased to remain beyond the Jordan." — Ed.
108 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. OHAP. VII. 9.
divine g'lory, the vehemence which otherwise might have justly provoked God was excused.
We are hence taught that saints, while they aim at the right mark, often stumble and fall, and that this sometimes hap2:)ens even in their prayers, in which purity of faith and affections framed to obedience ought to be especially mani- fested. That Joshua felt particvdarly concerned for the divine glory, is apparent from the next verse, where he undertakes the maintenance of it, which had been in a manner assigned to him. What shall I say, he asks, when it will be objected that the people turned their backs ? And he justly complains that he is left without an answer, as God had made him the witness and herald of his favoui', whence there was ground to hope for an uninterrupted series of victories. Accordingly, after having in the loftiest terms extolled the divine omnipotence in fulfilment of the office committed to him, it had now become necessary for liim, from the adverse course of events, to remain ignominiously silent. We thus see that nothing vexes him more than the disgrace brought upon his calling. He is not concerned for his own reputation, but fears lest the truth of God might be endangered in the eyes of the world. ^ In short, as it was only by the order of God that he had brought the people into the land of Canaan, he now in adversity calls upon him as author and avenger, just as if he had said, Since thou hast brought me into these straits, and I am in danger of seeming to be a deceiver, it is for thee to interfere and sup- ply me with the means of defence.
9. For the Ganaanites and all the inhabitants, &c. He mentions another ground of fear. All the neighbouring nations, who, either subdued by calamities or terrified by miracles, were quiet, will now resume their confidence and make a sudden attack upon the people. It was indeed pro- bable, that as the divine power had crushed their spirit and filled them with dismay, they would come boldly forward to battle as soon as they knew that God had become hostile to the Israelites. He therefore appeals to God in regard to
' French, " Soit revoquee en doute, on moins estimee cievant le nionde ;" " Be called in question, or less esteemed before the world." — Ed.
CHAP. VII. 9. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 109
the future danger, entreating him to make speedy provision against it, as the occasion would be seized by the Canaanitcs, who, though hitherto benumbed with terror, will now assume the aggressive, and easily succeed in destroying a panic- struck people.
It is manifest, however, from the last clause, that he is not merely thinking of the safety of the people, but is con- cerned above all for the honour of the divine name, that it may remain inviolable, and not be trampled under foot by the petulance of the wicked, as it would be if the people were ejected from the inheritance so often promised. We know the language which God himself employed, as recorded in the song of Moses, (Deut. xxxii. 26, 27,) "I would scatter them into corners, I would make the remembrance of them cease among men ; were it not that I feared the wrath (pride) of the enemy, lest their adversaries should behave themselves strangely, and lest they should say. Our hand is liigh, and the Lord hath not done all this." The very thing, then, which God declares that he was, humanly speaking, afraid of, Joshua wishes now to be timeously prevented ; otherwise the enemy, elated by the defeat of the peoj)le, will grow insolent and boast of triumphing over God himself
10. And the Lord said unto 10. Tunc dixit Jeliova ad Josu- Joshua, Get thee up ; wherefore am, Surge. Ut quid tu ita pro- liest thou thus upon thy face ? cidis super faciem tuam ?
11. Israel hath sinned, and they 11. Peccavit Israel, atque adeo have also transgressed my covenant transgressi sunt pactum meum quod which I commanded them : for they prascepi illis, atque etiam tulerunt liave even taken of the accursed de anathemate, atque etiam furati thing, and have also stolen, and dis- sunt, atque etiam mentiti, atque sembled also, and they have put it etiam reposuerunt in vasa sua. even among their own stuff.
12. Therefore the children of 12. Itaque non potuerunt filii Israel could not stand before their Israel stare coram inimicis suis : enemies, but turned their backs be- cervicem vertent coram inimicis fore their enemies, because they were suis:' qma simt in anathema,
' The English version puts the verb in the past tense, and translates " turned their backs ;" Calvin's, " vertent cervicem," " will turn their neck ;" making the expression not a declaration of what had taken place, but a denmiciation of what was still to take place, is truer to the original, and has also the sanction of the Septuagint, which has «u;^;£va v7roffT^i\PoviTiv. Luther even adds to the force of the expression by saying, " miiffen tr;vcn Seturen ten 9iu(fcn fcf)icn;" " must tm-n the back on their enemies." Calvin's punctuation of the same verse is peculiar. By making a colon at
no
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. VII. 10.
non perseverabo esse vobisciim, nisi deleatis anathema e medio vestri.
13. Surge, sanctifica populum et dicas, Sanctificate vos in crastimmi : sic enim dicit Jehova Deus Israel, Anathema est in medio tui Israel: non poteris stare coram inimicis tuis, donee abstuleris anathema e medio vestri.
14. Accedetis ergo mane per tribus vestras, et tribus quam de- prehendet Jehova accedet per do- mos : et domus quam deprehendet Jehova accedet per viros.
accursed ; neither will I be with you any more, except you destroy the accursed from among you.
13. Up, sanctify the people, and say. Sanctify yourselves against to- morrow ; for thus saith the Lord God of Israel, There is an accursed thing in the midst of thee, O Israel: thou canst not stand before thine enemies, until ye take away the accursed thing from among you.
14. In the morning therefore ye shall be brought according to your tribes; and it shall be, that the tribe which the Lord taketh shall come accord- ing to the families thereof: and the family which the Lord shall take shall come by households ; and the household which the Lord shall take shall come man by man.
15. And it shall be, that he that is taken with the accursed thing shall be burnt with fire, he and all that he hath : because he hath transgressed the covenant of the Lord, and because he hath wrought folly in Israel.
16. So Joshua rose up early in the morning, and brought Israel by their tribes ; and the tribe of Judah was taken :
17. And he brought the family of Judah ; and he took the family of the Zarhites : and he brought the family of the Zarhites man by man ; and Zabdi was taken :
IS. And he brought his house- hold man by man ; and Achan, the son of Carmi, the son of Zabdi, the son of Zerah, of the tribe of Judah, was taken.
10. And the Lord said unto Joshua, &c. God does not reprimand Josliua absolutely for lying prostrate on the ground and lamenting the overthrow of the peoiDle, since the true method of obtaining pardon from God was to fall down suppliantly before him ; but for giving himself up to exces- sive sorrow. The censure, however, ought to be referred to
enemies, he separates the words " quia sunt in anathema," from the end of the first, and makes it the beginning of the second clause, which accord- ingly reads thus : " Because they are in anathema, (have taken of the ac- cursed thing,) I will not continue to go with you," &c. — Ed.
1 5 . Qui autem deprehen sus fuerit in anathemate,comburetur igni, ipse, et omnia qufe ejus sunt : quod trans- gressus fuerit pactum Jehovse, et quod fecerit nefas in Israel.
16. Surrexit igitur Josue mane, et accedere fecit Israelem per tribus suas, et deprehensa est tribus Juda.
17. Tunc applicuit cognationes Juda, et deprehendit cognalionem Zari, applicuit deinde familiani Zari per viros, et deprehensa est familia Zabdi.
18. Et applicuit domiun ejus per viros, et deprehensus est Achan filius Carmi, fiJii Zabdi, filii Zera, de tribu Juda.
CHAP. VII. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 11 1
the future ratlier than to tlic past ; for he tells him to put an end to his wailing', just as if he had said, that he had already lain too long prostrate, and that all sloth must now be abandoned, as there was need of a different remedy. But he first shews the cause of the evil, and then prescribes the mode of removing it. He therefore informs him that the issue of the battle was disastrous, because he was offended with the wickedness of the people, and had cast off their defence.
"We formerly explained why the punishment of a private sacrilege is transferred to all ; because although they were not held guilty in their own judgment or that of others, yet the judgment of God, which involved them in the same con- demnation, had hidden reasons into which, though it may perhaps be lawful to inquire soberly, it is not lawful to search with prying curiosity. At the same time we have a rare example of clemency in the fact, that while the con- demnation verbally extends to all, punishment is inflicted only on a single family actually polluted by the crime. "What follows tends to shew how enormous the crime was, and accordingly the particle DJ is not repeated without emphasis ; as they might otherwise have extenuated its atrocity. Hence, when it is said that they have also trans- gressed the covenant, the meaning is, that they had not sinned slightly. The name of covenant is applied to the prohibition which, as we saw, had been given ; because a mutual stipulation had been made, assigning the spoils of the whole land to the Israelites, provided He received the first fruits. Here, then, he does not allude to the general covenant, but complains that he was defrauded of what had been specially set apart ; and he accordingly adds imme- diately after, by way of explanation, that they had taken of the devoted thing, and that not without sacrilege, inasmuch as they had stolen that which he claimed as his own. The term lying is here used, as in many other passages, for frus- trating a hope entertained, or for deceiving. The last thing mentioned, though many might at first sight think it trivial, is set down, not without good cause, as the crowning act of guilt, namely, that they had deposited the forbidden
112 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VII. 13.
thing among their vessels. Persons who are otherwise not wholly wicked are sometimes tempted by a love of gain ; but in the act of hiding the thing, and laying it up among other goods, a more obstinate perseverance in evil doing is implied, as the party shews himself to be untouched by any feelings of compunction. In the last part of the 12th verse, the term anathema is used in a different sense for execra- tion ; because it was on account of the stolen gold that the children of Israel were cursed, and almost devoted to de- struction.
13. Up, sanctify the people, &c. Although the word ^Hp has a more extensive meaning, yet as the subject in question is the expiation of the people, I have no doubt that it pre- scribes a formal rite of sanctification. Tliose, therefore, who interpret it generally as equivalent to p>repare, do not, in my judgment, give it its full force. Nay, as they were now to be in a manner brought into the divine presence, there was need of purification that they might not come while unclean. It is also to be observed in regard to the method of sancti- fying, that Joshua intimates to the people a legal purgation. But though the ceremony might be in itself of little conse- quence, it had a powerful tendency to arouse a rude people. The external offering must have turned their thoughts to spiritual cleanness, while their abstinence from things otherwise lawful reminded them of the very high and un- blemished purity which was required. And they are fore- warned of what is to take place, in order that each may be more careful in examining himself. Nay, the Lord proceeds step by step, as if he meant to give intervals for repentance; for it is impossible to imagine any other reason for descend- ing from tribe to family, and coming at length to the single individual.
In all this we see the monstrous stupor of Achan. Over- come perhaps by shame, he doubles his impudence, and put- ting on a bold front, hesitates not to insult his Maker. For why, when he sees himself discovered, docs he not voluntarily come forward and confess the crime, instead of persisting in his effrontery till he is dragged forward against his will ? But such is the just recompense of those who
CHAP. VII. 14.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
113
allow themselves to be blinded by tlic devil. Then when first by the talcing of his tribe and next by that of his family, he plainly perceived that he was urged and held fast by the hand of God, why does he not then at least spring- forward, and by a voluntary surrender deprecate punisli- ment ? It appears, then, that after he had hardened him- self in his wickedness, his mind and all his senses were charmed by the devil.
Though God does not bring all guilty actions to light at the very moment, nor always employ the casting of lots for this purpose, he has taught us by this example that there is nothing so hidden as not to be revealed in its own time. The form of disclosure will, indeed, be different ; but let every one reflect for himself, that things which escape the knowledge of the whole world are not concealed from God, and that to make them public depends only on his pleasure. For though a sin may seem as it were to have fallen asleep, it is however awake before the door, and will beset the miserable man till it overtake and crush him.
19. And Joshua said unto Achan, My son, give, I pray thee, glory to the Lord God of Israel, and make confession unto him ; and tell me now what thou hast done ; hide it not from me.
20. And Achan answered Joshua, and said, Indeed I have sinned against the Lord God of Israel, and thus and thus have I done :
21. When I saw among the spoils a goodly Babylonish garment, and two hundred shekels of silver, and a wedge of gold of fifty shekels weight, then I coveted them, and took them ; and, behold, they are hid in the earth in the midst of my tent, and the silver under it.
22. So Joshua sent messengers, and they ran unto the tent ; and, behold, it was hid in his tent, and the silver imder it.
23. And they took them out of the midst of the tent, and brought them unto Joshua, and unto all the children of Israel, and laid them out before the Lord.
19. Tunc dixit Josue ad Achan, Fill mi, da nunc gloriam Jehovse Deo Israel, et ede ei confessionem, atque indica mihi quid feceris, ne ab- scondas a me.
20. Respondit Achan ad Josuam, et ait, Vere ego peccavi JchoviB Deo Israel, et sic et sic feci.
21. Vidi inter spolia palliimi, Babylonicum bonum, et ducentos siclos argenteos, et ligulam auream imam, cujus pondus erat quinqua- ginta siclorum, qufe concupivi et ab- stuli ; et ecce absconditasunt in terra, in medio tabemaculi mei, et argen- tum subtus.
22. Misit itaque Josue nmicios qui currenmt ad tabernaculum; ccce absconditum erat in tabernaculo ejus et argentum sub eo.
23. Acceperuntque ea e medio tabernaculi, et attulerunt ea ad Jo- suam et ad omnes filios Israel, statu- eruntque coram Jehova
114 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VII. 19.
24. And Joshua, and all Israel 24. ToUensque igitur Josue Achan with hun, took Achan the son of filium Zera, etargentuni. et pallium, Zerah, and the silver, and the gar- et ligvdam auream, et filios ejus, et ment, and the wedge of gold, and filias ejus, et boves ejus, et asinos his sons, and his daughters, and his ejus, etpecudes ejus, et tabernaculum oxen, and his asses, and his sheep, ejus, et omnia quje erant ejus, si- and his tent, and all that he had ; mulque vmiversus Israel cum eo and they brouglit them unto the deduxermit in vallem Achor. valley of Achor.
25. And Joshua said, Why hast 25. Et dixit Josue, Cur turbasti thou troubled us ? the Lord shall nos ? Turbet te Jehova hodie, et trouble thee this day. And all obruerunt eum universus Israel la- Israel stoned him with stones, and pidibus, combusseruntque eos igni burned them with fire, after they postquam lapidaverunt eos lapidi- had stoned them with stones. bus.
26. And they raised over him a 26. Et statuerunt super eum great heap of stones unto this day. acervum lapidum magnum usque ad So the Lord turned from the fierce- hunc diem, et aversus est Jehova ab ness of his anger : wherefore the ira excandescentife suje ; ideo voca- name of that place was called The runt nomen loci illius vallem Achor vaUey of Achor, unto this day. usque in himc diem.
19. A7id Joshua said unto Achan, &c. Although only by lot, which seems to fall out fortuitously, Achan is com- pletely caught ; yet, as God has declared that he will point out the *guilty party, as if with the finger, Joshua interro- gates without having any doubt, and when the discovery is made, urges Achan to confess it. It is probable, indeed, that this was the usual form of adjuration, as we read in John's Gospel, (John ix. 24,) that the scribes and priests used the same words in adjuring the blind man whose sight our Saviour had restored, to answer concerning the miracle. But there was a special reason why Joshua exhorted Achan to give God the glory, because by denying or equivocating he might have imjjaired the credit of the decision. The matter had already been determined by lot. Joshua, there- fore, simj^ly orders him to subscribe to the divine sentence, and not aggravate the crime by vain denials.
He calls him son, neither ironically nor hypocritically, but truly and sincerely declares that he felt like a father toward him whom he had already doomed to deatli. By this ex- ami)le, judges are taught that, while the}^ punish crimes, they ought so to temper their severity as not to lay aside the feelings of humanity, and, on the other hand, that they ought to be merciful without being reckless and remiss ;
CHAP. VII. 22. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 115
that, in short, they ought to be as jiarents to those they condemn, without substituting undue mildness for the stern- ness of justice. Many by fawning kindness throw wretched criminals off their guard, pretending that they mean to par- don them, and then, after a confession has been extracted, suddenly liand them over to the executioner, while they were flattering themselves with the liope of impunity. But Joshua, satisfied with having cited tlie criminal before the tribunal of God, does not at all flatter him with a vain hope of par- don, and is thus more at liberty to pronounce the sentence which God has dictated.
20. And Achan answered Joshiia, &c. As he was now struck with astonishment, he neither employs subterfuge, nor palliates the crime, nor endeavours to give any colouring to it, but rather ingeniously details the whole matter. Thus the sacred name of God was more efi'ectual in extorting a' confession than any tortures could have been. Nor was the simplicity he thus displayed a sure indication of repent- ance ; being, as it were, overcome with terror, he openly divulged what he would willingly have concealed. And it is no new thing for the wicked, after they have endeavoured for some time to escape, and have even grown hardened in vice, to become voluntary witnesses against themselves, not properly of their own accord, but because God drags them against their will, and, in a manner, drives them headlong. The open answer here given will condemn the hypocrisy of many who obscure the clear light by their subterfuges. The expression is emphatic — thus and thus did I ; meaning that each jDart of the transaction was explained distinctly a,nd in order. Nor does he only acknowledge the deed, but by re- nouncing all defence, and throwing aside all pretext, he con- demns'himself in regard to its atrocity. I have sinned, he says ; this he would not have said had he not been conscious of sacrilege, and hence it appears that he did not pretend mistake or want of thought.
22. So Joshua sent messengers, &c. Although it is not singular for messengers to prove their obedience by running and making haste, yet the haste which is here mentioned, shews how intent all were to have the work of expiation
116 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VII. 24.
performed as speedily as possible, as they had been filled with the greatest anxiety in consequence of the stern denunciation — I will not be with you until you are purged of the anathema. They therefore ran swiftly, not merely to execute the commands of Joshua, but much more to ap- pease the Lord. The things carried off by stealth, when placed before their eyes, were more than sufficient to explain the cause of the disgrace and overthrow which had befallen them.
It had been said that they had turned their backs on the enemy, because, being polluted with the accursed thing, they were deprived of the wonted assistance of God ; it is now easy to infer from the sight of the stolen articles, that the Lord had deservedly become hostile to them. At the same time, they were reminded how much importance God attached to the delivery of the first-fruits of the whole land of Canaan in an untainted state, in order that his liberality might never perish from their memory. They also learned that while the knowledge of God penetrates to the most hidden recesses, it is in vain to employ concealments for the purpose of eluding his judgment.^
24. A7id Joshua, and all Israel with him, &c. Achan is led without the camp for two reasons ; first, that it might not be tainted and polluted by the execution, (as God always required that some trace of humanity should remain, even in tlie infliction of legitimate punishments,) and secondly, that no defilement might remain among the people. It was customary to inflict punishment without the camp, that the people might have a greater abhorrence at the shedding of blood : but now, a rotten member is cut off from the body, and the camp is purified from pollution. We see that the example became memorable, as it gave its name to the spot.
If any one is disturbed and offended by the severity of the punishment, he must always be brought back to this point, that though our reason dissent from the judgments of God, we must check our presumption by the curb of a pious modesty
' French, " C'est folie de chercher coiiverture et degiiiscment pour eschapper son jugement et I'abuser ;" " It is folly to seek cover and disguise in order to escape his judgment and deceive him." — Ed.
CHAP. VII. 24. COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. 117
and soberness, and not disapprove whatever does not j^lease us. It seems harsli, nay, barbarous and inhuman, that young children, without fault, should be liurried oif to cruel execution, to be stoned and burned. That dumb animals should be treated in the same manner is not so strange, as they were created for the sake of men, and thus deservedly follow the fate of their owners. Everything, therefore, which Achan possessed perished with him as an accessary, but still it seems a cruel vengeance to stone and burn children for the crime of their father; and here God publicly inflicts punishment on children for the sake of their parents, contrary to what he dechires by Ezekiel. But how it is that he destroys no one who is innocent, and visits the sins of fathers ui)on children, I briefly explained when speaking of the common destruction of the city of Jericho, and the promiscuous slaughter of all ages. The infants and children who then perished by the sword we bewail as unworthily slain, as they had no apparent fault ; but if we consider how much more deeply divine knowledge penetrates than human intellect can possibly do, we will rather acquiesce in his de- cree, than hurry ourselves to a precipice by giving way to presumption and extravagant pride. It was certainly not owing to reckless hatred that the sons of Achan were piti- lessly slain. Not only were they the creatures of God's hand, but circumcision, the infallible symbol of adoption, was en- graven on their flesh ; and yet he adjudges them to death. What here remains for us, but to acknowledge our weakness and submit to his incomprehensible counsel ? It may be that death proved to them a medicine ; but if they were reprobate, then condemnation could not be premature.^
' These admirable remarks are well fitted to satisfy every candid mind, not only as to the nature of this very remarkable execution, but also as to its expediency and strict justice, notAvithstanding its admitted severity. Several expositors, however, continue to be dissatisfied, and to bring it more into accordance with their views, attempt to explain parts of it away by means of a minute and forced criticism. On finding this process not very successful, they endeavour to supply its deficiency by extraordinary conjectures. First, with regard to the criticism, it is said that in the direc- tions which the Lord gives to Joshua, (ver. 10-15,) he receives no authority to put any person to death, except the one who should be foimd to have actually committed the crime. When the words of the 15th verse, " he and all that he hath," are quoted in opposition to tliis view, the answer is, that
118 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VIT. 25.
It may be added, that the life which God has given he may take away as often as pleases him, not more by disease than by any other mode. A wild beast seizes an infant and tears it to pieces ; a serpent destroys another by its venomous bite ; one falls into the water, another into the fire, a third is overlain by a nurse, a fourth is crushed by a falling stone ; nay, some are not even permitted to open their eyes on the light. It is certain that none of all these deaths happens except by the will of God. But who will presume to call his procedure in this respect in question ? Were any man so insane as to do so, what would it avail ? We must hold, indeed, that none perish by his command but those whom he had doomed to death. From the enumeration of Achan's oxen, asses, and sheep, we gather that he was sufficiently rich, and that therefore it was not poverty that urged him to the crime. It must therefore be regarded as a proof of his insatiable cupidity, that he coveted stolen articles, not for use but for luxury.
25. And Joshua said, &c. The invective seems excessively harsh ; as if it had been his intention to drive the wretched man to frantic madness, when he ought rather to have exhorted him to patience. I have no doubt that he spake
the expression does not necessarily mean more than the man himself, his cattle, and other property, and therefore may not have included his family, properly so called, or the persons Avho formed his household. Another criticism, still more extraordinary, would scarcely be deserving of notice had it not received the countenance of so distinguished a name as that of Grotius, -vvho insists that Achan was the only person who actually suffered death, though his children were taken out to the place of execution and compelled to witness it. This view' he attempts to support by the 25th verse, in which it is said that " All Israel stoned him (Achan) with stones, and burned them with fire;" i.e., as he explains, stoned Achan only, and then burnt his dead body, and his cattle, and other efiects designated by them. Such are specimens of the criticism which this transaction has called forth, and it would almost be an insult to the reader to give a serious refutation of them. The covjectures to which we have referred are equally extravagant. One of them is given in the Cyclopredia of Biblical Litera- ture, under the article Achan, and as the writer appears both to have invented it, and to plume himself on the invention, it is but fair to give it in his own words : — " We prefer the supposition that they (Achan's family) were included in the doom by one of those sudden impulses of indiscrimi- nate popular vengeance, to which the Jewish people were exceedingly prone, and which, in this case, it would not have been in the power of Joshua to control by any authority which he could, under such circum- stances, exercise." — Ed.
CHAP. VII. 25. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 119
thus for the sake of the people, in order to furnish a useful examjjle to all, and my conclusion, therefore, is, that he did not wish to overwhelm Achan with despair, but only to shew in his person how grievous a crime it is to disturb the Church of God. It may be, however, that the haughty Achan com- plained that his satisfaction, by which he thought that he had sufficiently discharged himself, was not accepted,^ and that Joshua inveighed thus bitterly against him with the view of correcting or breaking his contumacy. The question seems to imply that he was expostulating, and when he appeals to God as judge, he seems to bo silencing an obsti- nate man. The throwing of stones by the whole people was a general sign of detestation, by which they declared that they had no share in the crime which they thus avenged, and that they held it in abhorrence. The heap of stones was intended partly as a memorial to posterity, and partly to prevent any one from imprudently gathering particles of gold or silver on the spot, if it had remained unoccupied. For although the Lord had previously ordered that the gold of Jericho should be offered to him, he would not allow his sanctuary to be polluted by the proceeds of theft.
CHAPTER VIII.
1. And the liord said unto Joshua, 1. Dixitque Jehova ad Josuam, Fear not, neither be thou dismayed: Netimeas, nee formides, sume tecum take all the people of war with thee, omnempopulumbellicosum,et surge, and arise, go up to Ai : see, I have ascende in Hai. Vide, dedi in manu given into thy hand the king of Ai, and tua regem Hai, ac populum ejus, his people, and his city, and his land, urbem ejus, et terram ejus.
2. And thou shalt do to Ai and 2. Faciesque Hai, et regi ejus, her king as thou didst unto Jericho quemadmodum fecisti Jericho, et and her king: only the spoil thereof, regi ejus ; tanien spolia ejus, et ani- and the cattle thereof, shall ye take malia ejus prredabimini vobis. Col- for a prey unto yourselves : lay thee loca auteni insidias urbi a tergo an ambush for the city behind it. ejus.
3. So Joshua arose, and all the 3. Surrexit itaque Josue, et om- people of war, to go up against Ai : nis populus bellicosus, ut ascende- and Joshua chose out thirty thousand rent in Hai, et elegit Josue triginta
^ French, " Combien qu'il so pent faire, qu'Achan estant tier se soit plaint de ce qu'on ne se contentoit pas de la reparation, et payement qu'il avoit fait, par lequel il pensoit s'estre bien acquitte, et avoir grand devoir ;" "Al- though it may be that Achan complained of their^not being contented with the reparation and payment which he had made, and by which he thought that he had acquitted himself well, and performed a great duty." — Ed.
120
COMMENTAEY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. VIII.
mighty men of valour, and sent them away by night.
4. And he commanded them, say- ing, Behold, ye shall lie in wait against the city, even behind the city ; go not very far from the city, but be ye all ready :
5. And I, and all the people that are with me, will approach unto the city ; and it shall come to pass, when they come out against us, as at the first, that we will flee before them,
6. (For they will come out after us,) till we have drawn them from the city ; for they will say, They flee before us, as at the first : therefore we will flee before them.
7. Then ye shall rise up from the ambush, and seize upon the city : for the Lord your God will deliver it into your hand.
8. And it shall be, when ye have taken the city, that ye shall set the city on tire : according to the com- mandment of the Lord shall ye do. See, I have commanded you.
9. Joshua therefore sent them forth : and they went to lie in am- bush, and abode between Beth-el and Ai, on the west side of Ai : but Joshua lodged that night among the people.
10. And Joshua rose up early in the morning, and numbered the people, and went up, he and the elders of Israel, before the people to Ai.
11. And aU the people, even the people of war that were with him, Avent up, and drew nigh, and came before the city, and pitched on the north side of Ai : now there was a valley between them and Ai.
12. And he took about five thou- sand men, and sent them to lie in ambush between Beth-el and Ai, on the west side of the city.
13. And when they had set the people, even all the host that was on the north of the city, and their liers in wait on the west of the city, Joshua went that night into the midst of the valley.
14. And it came to pass, Avhen the king of Ai saw it, that they hasted,
miUia virorum fortium robore, mi- sitque eos nocte.
4. Ac praicepit eis, dicendo, At- tendite vos, Insidiabimini urbi a tergo ejus, nee removeatis vos ab ea procul, sed estote omnes vos parati.
5. Et ego et omnis popiilus, qui mecum est, accedemus ad urbem : quum autem egredientur in occursum nostrum, sicut prius, fugiemus ante eos :
6. Time egredientur post nos, donee avellamus eos ab vuhe : dicent enim, Fugiunt ante nos, ut prius : et fugiemus ante eos.
7. Vos autem surgetis ex insidiis, et expelletis habitatores urbis, tra- detque eam Jehova Deus vester in manu vestra.
8. Quum ceperitis lu-bem, succen- detis eam igni, secundum sermonem Jehovaj facietis. Videte, prsecepi vobis.
9. Misitque itaque eos Josue, et perrexerimt ad insidias, manse- runtque inter Bethel et Hai, ab oc- cidente Hai. Mansit autem Josue nocte ilia in medio populi.
10. Postea surrexit Josue summo mane, recensuitque populum, atque ascendit ipse et seniores Israel ante populum versus Hai.
11. Omnisque populus bellicosus, qui erat cum eo ascendenmt et ap- propinquarunt, veneruntque e re- gione urbis, et castrametati smit ab aquilone Hai. Vallis autem erat inter ipsum et Hai.
12. Tulitque prseterea circiter quinque millia virorum, quos locavit in insidiis inter Bethel et Hai ab occidente urbi.
13. Et propius accessit popidus tota castra quse erant ab aquilone urbi, et insidise ejus ab occidente ipsi lurbi, perrexitque Josue nocte ilia in mediimi vaUis.
14. Porro quum videret rex Hai, festinaverunt et mane surrexcrunt,
CHAP. VIII.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
121
and rose up early ; and the men of the city went out against Israel to battle, he and all his people, at a time appointed, before the phain : but he wist not that there tvere Hers in ambush against him behind the city.
15. And Joshua and all Israel made as if they were beaten before them, and fled by the way of the wilderness.
16. And all the people that were in Ai were called together to pursue after them : and they pursued after Joshua, and were drawn away from the city.
17. And there was not a man left in Ai or Beth-el that went not out after Israel : and they left the city open, and piu-sued after Israel.
18. And the Lord said unto Joshua, Stretch out the spear that is in thy hand toward Ai ; for I will give it into thine hand. And Joshua stretched out the spear that he had in his hand toward the city.
19. And the ambush arose quickly out of their place, and they ran as soon as he had stretched out his hand : and they entered into the city, and took it, and hasted and set the city on fire.
20. And when the men of Ai looked behind them, they saw, and, behold, the smoke of the city as- cended up to heaven ; and they had no power to flee this way or that way : and the people that fled to the wilderness turned back upon the pursuers.
21. And when Joshua and all Is- rael saw that the ambush had taken the city, and that the smoke of the city ascended, then they tiu-ned again, and slew the men of Ai.
22. And the other issiied out of the city against them ; so they were in the midst of Israel, some on this side, and some on that side : and they smote them, so that they let none of them remain or escape.
23. And the king of Ai they took alive, and brought him to Joshua.
24. And it came to pass, when
atque egressi sunt homines urbis in occursiuu Israel ad prieliuni, ipse et universus populus ejus ad tempus constitutimi ante campestria : ne- sciebat autem quod insidiai sibi essent a tergo urbis.
15. Et profligati stmt Josue, et universus Israel ante eos, et fuge- runt per viam deserti.
16. Et congregati sunt totus popu- lus qui in urbe erat, ut persequere- tur eos. Et persequuti sunt Josuam, abstractique sunt ab urbe.
17 Neque remansit quisquam ex Hai et Bethel, qui non egressus sit post Israel, et reliquerunt urbem apertam, et persequuti sunt Is- raelem.
18. Dixit autem Jehova ad Jos- uam, Eleva hastam quse est in manu tua contra Hai, quia in manu tua dabo eam. Et elevavit Josue has- tam quae erat in manu sua contra urbem.
19. Turn insidife surrexerunt re- pente e loco suo, et cucurrerunt quum elevasset manum suam, vene- runtque ad urbem, et ceperimt eam, et festinarunt urbem succendere igni.
20. Vertentes autem sese viri Hai viderunt, et ecce ascendebat furaus urbis in ccelum, neque erant eis spatia ad fugiendum hue et illuc. Popidus autem qui fugerat in deser- tum versus est contra persequentes.
21. Josue itaque et universus Is- rael ubi viderunt quod insidise cepis- sent lu-bem, ascendissetque fumus m-bis, reversi sunt, et percusserunt viros Hai.
22. Illi prajterea egressi sunt ex urbe m occursum eorum, fueruntque Israeli in medio, isti hinc, et ilh inde, et percusserunt eos, donee nemo remaneret eis superstes et evasor.
23. Regem quoque Hai ceperunt vivum, et stiterunt eum coram Josue.
24. Quum autem finem fecisset
122
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. VIII. 1.
Israel csedencli omnes habitatores Haiindesertoquo persequuti fuerant eos, et cecidissent omnes ipsi acie gladii donee consumerentar, reversus est imiversus Israel ad Hai, et per- cusseruut earn acie gladii.
Israel had made an end of slaying all the inhabitants of Ai in the field, in the wilderness wherein they chased them, and when they were all fallen on the edge of the sword, until they were consumed, that all the Israelites returned unto Ai, and smote it with the edge of the sword.
25. And so it was, that all that fell that day, both of men and wo- men, were twelve thousand, even all the men of Ai.
26. For Joshua drew not his hand back, wherewith he stretched out the spear, until he had utterly de- stroyed all the inhabitants of Ai.
27. Only the cattle, and the spoil of that city, Israel took for a prey unto themselves, according unto the word of the Lord which he com- manded Joshua.
28. And Joshua burnt Ai, and made it an heap for ever, even a desolation unto this day.
29. And the king of Ai he hanged on a tree until even-tide: and as soon as the sun was down, Joshua commanded that they should take his carcase down from the tree, and cast it at the entering of the gate of the city, and raise thereon a great heap of stones, that remaineth unto this day.
1. A)id the Lord said unto Joshua, &c. It was of great consequence to Joshua, as well as the peoiDle, to inspire new- courage, that they might prepare with confidence to assault the city of Ai, from which they had lately been repulsed with loss and greater disgrace. God, therefore, to inspire them with intrepidity on this expedition, promises that he will give them the city. With the same view he enjoins them to fight by stratagem more than open war, to entice the enemy out, and to select a secret place for an ambuscade which might take them by surprise. A few thousands might without any diificulty have been overthrown by an immense host attacking the city suddenly and unexpectedly. But as we formerly saw that the hearts of all had melted away, God consulted for their weakness by laying no greater bur- den upon them than they were able to bear, until they had
25. Fuitque numerus omnium qui ceciderunt die ilia a viro usque ad mulierem circiter duodecim millia, omnes viri Hai.
26. Porro Josue non reduxit nia- num suam quam elevaverat ad lan- ceam, donee interficeret omnes habi- tatores Hai.
27. Tantum animalia et spolia lu-bis ejus sibi preedati sunt filii Is- rael secundum sermonem Jehovae, quera prseceperat ipsi Josue.
28. Succendit igitur Josue Hai et posuit earn acervum sempiternum vastitatuin usque ad hunc diem.
29. Kegem vero Hai suspendit in ligno usque ad tempus vespertinum: cumque occubuisset sol, prjjecepit Josue, et deposuerunt cadaver ejus e ligno, et projecerunt illud ad introi- tum portse urbis, et statuerunt super illud acervimi lapidum grandem us- que ad hmic diem.
CHAP. VIII. 13. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 123
recovered from their excessive panic, and could execute his commands with alacrity.
It is true, indeed, that he now used their own exertion, partly that they miglit not always keep loolcing for miracles, and so give themselves up to laziness, and partly that in different and unequal modes of acting they might neverthe- less recognise that his power is the same. But care must be taken not to omit the special reason, namely, that not having yet recovered from their terror, they could scarcely have been induced to engage in an open conflict, had they not seen stratagem employed as a subsidiary aid. The first l^lace, however, is due to the promise. Fear not, for I have delivered it into thy hands : for although it is verbally di- rected to Joshua, it belongs in common to the whole peoj)le, as it was most necessary that all to a man should be freed from anxiety and furnished with new confidence. The order to burn the city like Jericho, appears to be a concession to the popular feeling, the vengeance thus taken serving to wipe out the remembrance of their disgrace. At the same time that they may engage in the expedition more willingly, the sj)oils are left to them as the reward of victory.
13. Joshua went that night, &c. It is not probable that all were called out from the camp, but the army was com- posed of those who were more accustomed to war. That it was sufficiently numerous appears from the fact, that five thou- sand were withdrawn from it for ambuscade. At first thirty- five thousand appear to be enumerated, but it is clear from the context that the number was not so great. I am rather inclined to conjecture that thirty thousand were led out for open fight, and that five thousand were specially set apart for an ambuscade. Joshua hastens to execute the task assigned to him, commencing his march in the morning, and in this haste we see how effectual the promise had proved. Had not the mind of all been freed from fear he never could have found them so prompt to obey.
Apparently, indeed, little prudence is shewn in sending so large a body to proceed by hidden paths to a place suitable for ambuscade. For with whatever silence and composure they might proceed, the mere movement of their feet must
124 COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VIII. 15.
have caused a considerable noise. Should any one saj that there Avas nobody to meet them, as all the inhabitants of the district had deserted the fields and taken refuge in the city, we will find it mentioned shortly after, that before the Israelites came near to the city their arrival was known by the king of Ai ; and this could scarcely have been without scouts. But granting that they met no one in the fields, it was certainly a difficult matter to pass by, to select a suitable place during night for an ambuscade, and to take possession of it without giving some indication of their presence. With regard to the procedure of Joshua, though lie might see that the business could be accomplished by a smaller force, he seems to have been compelled by the recent trepidation of the people to be very careful not to engage them in any enterprise of danger. For liad only a few of the army been despatched they would perhaps have declined a part by which they were to be par- ticularly exposed.
The Lord meanwhile displays the greatest indulgence to his people in delivering up an enemy that was to be so easily conquered. His wonderful favour especially appears in blinding all of them, so that they have no suspicion of the ambuscade. I have no doubt that when it is said they knew not of it, the writer of the history means to draw attention to the rare and extraordinary kindness of God in so covering, as it were, with the shadow of his hand, first, the thirty thousand who accompanied Joshua, and then the five thousand, that they all escaped the notice of the enemy. When mention is now made of five thousand, I do not under- stand it to mean tliat Joshua furnished a new ambuscade, as if the number, already excessive, were not sufiicient, but that the writer now merely shews how the thirty-five thou- sand whom Joshua had armed were distributed. For to what end Avould so small a reinforcement have been given to so great a multitude ? Besides, the place where they are ordered to halt is the same as that which had been pre- viously pointed out ; this could not apply to two sej^arate bodies of troops.
15. And Joshua and all Israel made as if they were beaten, &c. This is another stratagem. By pretending flight they
CHAP. VIII. 17. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA, 125
draw off the enemy to a distance, leaving tliem no retreat afterwards into the city, which was in flames before they suspected that any disaster was to be apprehended in their rear. Hence, while the king of Ai pursues the Israelites as vanquished, the part of the army which lay hid towards Bethel had sufficient time to take the city, and make it too late for the inhabitants to perceive that they were utterly undone. For after they had been already repulsed, and were everywhere slaughtered, they were overwhelmed with despair on beholding the flames of the city, and so completely sur- rounded that not an individual could escape.
The question here asked by some, as to whether it is law- ful to overcome an enemy by wiles and stratagem, originates in gross ignorance. First, it is certain that wars are carried on not merely by striking blows ; for those are considered the best commanders who accomplish more by art and counsel than by mere violence ; and secondly, the longer any one has served so as to acquire experience, the better soldier he makes. If war, then, is lawful, it is beyond all controversy that the usual methods of conquering may be lawfully employed, provided always that there be no violation of faith once pledged either by truce or in any other way.
17. And there was not a man left in Ai, &c. It will be clear from the context that some were taken in the city and slain, and therefore we must hold that the sally was not by all universally, and that the old men and women and many others unfit for war, did not rush forth into the fields ; the meaning simply is, that no garrison was left to defend the city. The same thing is said of Bethel, and hence we may easily conjecture that Bethel, as it was a small unimportant town, belonged to another power. The inhabitants, however, from being unable to defend their own city, abandoned it, and offered their whole force to the king of Ai, to whom they were perhaps tributaries. It is uncertain whether they went to the king of Ai before the arrival of the Israelites, to unite their forces with his in the contest, Tjut the probability is, that as they were unable to resist they had come by agree- ment into a fortified and more populous city. They thought that they could not possibly be safe unless they were pre-
12G COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VIII. 18.
served under the shadow of a neighbouring city superior to their own.
18. And the Lord said unto Joshua, &c. This passage shews, that owing either to the strong fortifications of the city, or the valour of its inhabitants, or the trepidation of the Israelites, the victory was difficult, since God promises that he himself would take it by the lifting up of a spear. Had success been beyond doubt, the symbol would havo been superfluous ; their minds must therefore have been anxious and perplexed, since the Lord, to prevent them from fainting, raises up a banner of confidence in the hand of Joshua. It is true, indeed, that shortly after a different motive for raising the sjDoar is mentioned, when it is said, that in this way a signal was given to the ambuscade, which accordingly rushed forth. But if it really was so used as a signal, it will scarcely do to regard the spear as a manifesta- tion of the victorious power of God dispelling all doubt. Still, however, as it is not expressly said that the spear was the cause which brought forth the soldiers who had been placed in ambuscade, the truth may be that they came forth of their own accord, either because it was the suitable time, or because the shouting and noise made them aware that the battle had actually commenced. For it is scarcely possible to believe that the spear was seen by them, when we consider the long space which intervened, and more especially that Joshua was standing in a valley. Moreover, if we hold that the lifting up of the spear, though intended for a different purpose, had also the effect of inspiring them with additional courage, there will be no absurdity in it.
This much ought to be regarded as certain, first, that by this solemn badge they were rendered more certain of the happy issue of the battle ; and secondly, that Joshua had no other intention than to incite his troops according to the command of God. For it is at last added, that Joshua did not draw back his hand until the city was taken, the enemy everywhere destroyed, and the war itself terminated. Hence it appears that he exhibited it in the middle of the conflict as an ensign of triumph, that the Israelites might have no doubt of success. For although he ordered them to engage
CHAP. VIII. 18. COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. ' 127
and use their arms bravely, he at the same time distinctly declared that they had already conquered.
The course of the battle is rendered somewhat obscure by the same thing being told twice, but the substance is suflfi- ciently plain. The children of Israel retreated feigning fear, and the battle had not actually commenced before the inha- bitants of Ai were precluded from returning and defending their city. After the two armies had come to close quarters, the ambuscade arose and made such haste that the flames of the conflagration were rising from the city when the enemy turned their backs. From this we may infer that the city was in the possession of the Israelites, but that the chief slaughter took place when those who were in the city came forth to take part in the battle, because the inhabitants, hemmed in on all sides, found resistance and flight equally unavailing. They were thus seized with despair, and, huddled together in a narrow space, were everywhere cut down.
The statement, that the slaughter did not take place in the city before those who had feigned flight returned, I un- derstand to mean, that the whole troops uniting their forces rushed in, seized the prey, and slew all who might have been left. If any one objects that the city was burnt while the battle was going on, I answer, that the fire was indeed applied so as to let both armies know that the city was in possession of the Israelites, but it was not actually destroyed by fire. It was not practicable in a moment of time to seize and carry off" the booty, nay, to bring the vessels and a large part of the property without the walls ; and it would have been absurd voluntarily to destroy spoils which God had granted. We see, then, that the first fire was not kindled for the purpose of destroying the whole city, but was merely a partial conflagration giving intimation of its capture, and that the Israelites entered at the open gates without blood- shed or a struggle. This is confirmed shortly after, when the burning is ascribed to Joshua himself, not only because it was burnt under his command, but because he was careful, after returning from the battle, to see that it was utterly destroyed; as it is immediately added that he made it a
128 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VIII. 26-
heap of stones in order that it might be a perpetual desola- tion.^
25. And so it was that all that fell that day, &c. The meaning is not that all the slain were inhabitants of Ai, but that all who dwelt in it were slain, that not one escaped. It has already been seen that the inhabitants of Bethel were mingled along with them ; and as no mention of that city is afterwards made, it may be conjectured with some proba- bility tliat they had abandoned their own town, which was little fortified, and betaken themselves for greater safety to one which they hoped could be easily defended. The words, therefore, simply mean, that all who had come out of the city and all who were found in it were slain to a man. If any are rather disposed to think that this number of those whose slaughter took place within the walls is confined to the aged, the sick, the women and the children, I will not dispute the matter. Still, if we consider that only a small town was conjoined with a city of no great extent or popu- lation, it is more probable that the number comprehends those also who fell in battle.
26. For Joshua dreiu not his hand hack, &c. As by rais- ing the spear he gave sign and pledge of hope as it were from heaven, he did not cease to keep the minds of his fol- lowers fixed upon it until they were masters of tlie city. By thus persevering he sufficiently proved how far removed he was from ambition ; how free from doing any tiling in the way of vain ostentation. For it was just as if he had resigned
' Ai and its apparently tributary town Bethel, thus subjected to a fear- ful destruction, were situated about twelve miles north from Jerusalem, and seventeen miles west-north-west from Jericho, and had previously been brought under the notice of the Israelites in very different circimistances. For they had read in the interesting narrative of Moses how Abraham had pitched his tent on a mountain, " having Bethel on the west and Hai (Ai) on the east ; and there he built an altar unto the Lord, and called upon the name of the Lord," (Gen. xii. 8 ; xiii. 3 ;) and how Bethel, for- merly called Liiz, had changed its name, because Jacob, on awaking out of his wonderful dream, had declared it to be " none other but the house of God," and " the gate of heaven." (Gen. xxviii. 11-19.) Notwithstanding of the doom pronounced and executed upon Ai, it appears to have been rebuilt, was occupied by the Benjamites after their return from the capti- vity, (Neh. vii. 32; xi. 32; Ezra ii. 28,) is mentioned by Josephus under the name of Aina, and still exhibits some indications of its site. —Ed.
CHAP. VIII. 29. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 129
the office of leader, and transferred the wliole praise of the victory to God. How intrepid a warrior he was is plain from other passages. He miglit now, too, have willingly- discharged his military functions, and thus done what was far better fitted to promote his reputation and glory. But as if his hand had been fastened to the spear, he exhorts the soldiers to look to God alone, to whom he resigns the success of the battle. By thus standing aloof he profited more than if he had in all directions, and by his own hand, struck down heaps of the enemy : at the same time his remaining at ease was more praiseworthy than any degree of agility could have been,
29. And the king of Ai he hanged, &c. Though he seems to have treated the king with great severity in order to satisfy the hatred of the j^eople, I cannot doubt that he studied faithfully to execute tlie divine judgment. Con- querors, indeed, are wont to spare captive kings, because their rank seems to carry something venerable along with it, but the condition of kings was different among those nations in which God wished particularly to shew how greatly he detested the wickedness which he had so long tolerated. For while all were doomed to destruction, the divine vengeance justly displayed itself with greater sternness and severity on the leaders, with whom the cause of destruc- tion originated.
We may add, that the ignominious punishment inflicted on the king rendered it still less necessary to deal leniently with the common people, and thus prevented the Israelites from indulging an unseasonable mercy, which might have made them more sluggish or careless in executing the work of universal extermination.
God purposely delivered the king alive into the hand of Joshua, that his punishment might be more marked and thus better adapted for an example Had he fallen in the conflict promiscuously with others, he would have been exempted from this special mark of infamy ; but now even after his death, the divine vengeance pursues his corpse. Nay, after being hung, he is thrown forth at the gate of the city where he had sat on his throne in judgment, and a
I
130
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. VIII. 29.
monument is erected for the purpose of perpetuating his ignominy to posterity. His burial, however, is mentioned to let us know that nothing was done through tumultuous impetuosity, as Joshua carefully observed what Moses had prescribed in the Law, (Deut. xxi. 23,) namely, that those hung on gibbets should be taken down before sunset, as a spectacle of the kind was held in abomination. And, cer- tainly, while it is humane to bury the dead under ground, it is inhumanly cruel to cast them forth to be torn by wild beasts or birds. Therefore, that the people might not be accustomed to barbarity, God allowed criminals to be hung, provided they did not hang unburied for more than one day. And that the people might be more attentive to this duty, which otherwise might readily have been neglected, Moses declares that every one who hangs on a tree is accursed ; as if he had said, that the earth is contaminated by that kind of death, if the offensive object be not immediately taken away.
30. Then Joshua built an altar unto the Lord God of Israel in moimt Ebal;
31. As Moses, the servant of the Lord, commanded the children of Israel, as it is written in the book of the law of Moses, an altar of whole stones, over which no man hath lift up any iron ; and thej of- fered thereon burnt-offerings unto the Lord, and sacrificed peace-offer- ings.
32. And he wrote there, upon the stones, a copy of the law of Moses, which he wrote in the presence of Ihe children of Israel.
33. And all Israel, and their el- ders, and officers, and their judges, stood on this side the ark, and on that side, before the priests the Le- vites, which bare the ark of the covenant of the Lord, as ivell the stranger, as he that was born among them ; half of them over against mount Gerizim, and half of them over against mount Ebal ; as Moses, the servant of the Lord, had com- manded before, that they should bless the people of Israel.
30. Tunc sedificavit Josue altare Jeliovse Deo Israel in monte Ebal,
31. Quemadmodum praiceperat Moses servus Jehovse filiis Israel : sicut scriptum est in libro legis ]\losis, altare ex lapidibus integris, super quos non levaverant ferrum : et immolaverunt super illud holo- causta Jehovse, et sacrificaverunt hostias prosperitatum.
32. Scripsit quoque ibi in lapidi- bus repetitam legem Mosis, quam scripsit coram filiis Israel.
33. Universus autem Israel, et seniores ejus, et prEcfecti, et Judices ejus stabant hinc et inde ad arcam coram sacerdotibus Levitis portan- tibus arcam foederis Jehovge, tam peregrinus quam indigena : dimidia pars ejus contra montem Garizin, et dimidia pars ejus contra montem Ebal : quemadmodum prseceperat Moses servus Jehovse, ut benediceret populo Israel primum.
CHAP. VIII. 30. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 131
34. And afterward he read all the 34. Et post hsec legit omnia ver- words of the law, the blessings and ba legis, benedictionem et maledic- cursings, according to all that is tionem, secundum id totum quod written in the book of the law. scriptum est in libro legis.
35. There was not a word of all 35. Non fuit quidquam ex omni- that Moses commanded, which Jo- bus quae prscceperat ]\Ioses quod non shua read not before all the congre- legerit Josue coram universo coetu gation of Israel, with the women, Israel, et mulieribus, et parvulis, et and the httle ones, and the strangers peregrinis versantibus in medio ip- that were conversant among them. sorum.
30. Then Joshua built an altar, &c, God had been pleased that this shoukl be the first extraordinaiy sacrifice ofiered to him in the land of Canaan, that thus the people might attest their gratitude, and the land begin to be consecrated in regular form. It was not possible for the people to do it before freely and on their own soil, till thej had obtained possession of some vacant region.^ Now, God had at the same time given them two commands — first, that they should erect an altar on Mount Ebal ; and secondly, that they should set up two stones plastered over with lime, on which they should write the Law, in order that every passer by might be able to see it and read it. We now read that both were
^ The 29th verse concludes the account of the destruction of Ai, and the 30th opens abruptly with the building of an altar on Mount Ebal. The distance between the two places is net less than twenty miles, Ai being only twelve and Ebal thirty miles north from Jerusalem. The journey of so many miles by the whole body of the Israelites, and through a country which, at least up to the victory of Ai, was in undisputed possession of the enemy, must have occupied a considerable time, and have been accom- plished with no small labour and difficulty. How comes it that not one word is said in regard to it, and that we are led at once from Ai to Ebal just as if the two places, instead of being widely separated, had been ac- tually contiguous to each other ? Were the incidents of the journey so unimportant as not to require the slightest notice ? or is the narrative contained in the Book of Joshua so very succinct that even transactions which might occupy a large place in a more copious work have been pur- posely excluded from it? If both these questions are answered in the negative, and it would seem that they must be so answered, the only other question is, Has the order of time been observed ? in other words, have we not in the interesting account now about to be given of one of the most wonderful national conventions on record, another instance of anticipation of narrative similar to that which we have already seen in the first chap- ter ? Assuming this to be the case, the continuation of the narrative is to be looked for in the ninth chapter, while the account of the transactions on Mounts Ebal and Gerizim is to be regarded in the light of an episode. It is very remarkable that the whole episode is omitted by the Septuagint at this place, and not introduced before giving the account of the league of the Amorites, contained in the beginning of the ninth chapter. — Ed.
132 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VIII, 30
faitlifully performed. A tliird command related to the reci- tation of blessings and cursings : this, too, Joshua performed with no less care.
To begin with the altar, — it is said, that according to the divine command, it was formed of unhewn stones. For entire stones on which the masons' iron has not been employed, are called rough and unworked.^ This is specially said in Deut. xxvii., of the altar, of which mention is now made. But the same thing had before been said in general of all others. Some expounders, in searching for the reason, needlessly have recourse to allegory, and allege that the hand and industry of men are forbidden, because the moment we intro- duce any devices of our own, the worship of God is vitiated. This is indeed truly and wisely said, but it is out of place, as the divine intention simply was to prohibit the perpetuity of altars. For we know, that in order to sacrifice duly, it was enjoined that all should have one common altar, in order both to cherish mutual agreement, and to obviate all sources of corruption from the introduction of an adventitious super- stition ; in short, in order that religion might remain one and simple, as a variety of altars would soon have led to discord, thereby distracting the people and putting sincere piety to flight.
Then it was not left to the choice of the people to select a place, but God uniformly in the books of Moses claims this for himself He therefore confines the exercises of piety to that place where he may have put the remembrance of his name. Moreover, as the divine will was not immediately manifested, nor the place designated, that worship might not in the mean time cease, it was permitted to build an altar where the ark should happen to be stationed, but an altar formed only of a rude pile of stones, or of turf, that it might be only temporary.
Let the reader observe that an option was given to the
* French, " Car quand il est parle de pierres entieres sur lesquelles le fer n'avoit point passe, cela signifie des pierres, telles qu'elles viennent de la carriere, qui ne sont point polies ni accoustrees par artifice ;" " For when mention is made of entire stones on which no tool had passed, it means stones as they are when they come from the quarry, without having been polished or hewn artificially." — Ed.
CHAP. VIII. 33. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 133
people to make it of rough stones, that its form might not attract veneration, or of earth, whicli would crumble away of its own accord. In one word, this arrangement tended to give a pre-eminence to the perpetual altar, after God made choice of Mount Zion for its locality. Hence it is said in the Psalm, I was glad because our feet will stand in thy courts, 0 Jerusalem ! (Ps. cxxii. 1, 2.) What other trans- lators render peace-offerings, I have, not without cause, ren- dered by sacrifices of prosperity, because they were offered up either to solicit successful results, or to render thanks ; and the Hebrew term is not unsuitable, as the reader will find more fully explained in my commentaries on the books of Moses.
32. And he wrote there upon the stones, &c. A different rule is applicable to the stones Kere mentioned, on which God wished that a memorial of his Law should always appear, in order that a kind of barrier might be interposed to protect the pure religion against the superstitions of Egypt. They were therefore covered with lime, that they might be more conspicuous, and the writing upon them more distinct. I willingly subscribe to the opinion of those who understand by the repeated Law a written form, or what is commonly called a copy or duplicate. I cannot, however, believe that the whole volume was traced upon it ; for no stones however large could suffice to contain all the details. I therefore think that by the term Law only its substance and sanc- tions^ are denoted. This made it palpable even to strangers entering the land what God was worshipped in it, and all excuse for error was taken away, when the Law was not treasured up in a book, but made manifest to the eyes of all. In short, though the priests should have been dumb, the stones themselves spoke clearly.
83. And all Israel, and their elders, &c. The third in- stance of obedience was the placing all the tribes on Mount Gerizim and Mount Ebal to stand in six rows each over against each other. For they were so arranged that six stood on Mount Ebal, and an equal number on the opposite
' French, " Le sommaire, et les defenses et commandemens ;" " The summary, and the prohibitions and commands." — Ed.
134 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. VIII. 33.
Mount Gerizim. The intervening space was occupied by the Levites with the ark of the covenant, that the Lord might be surrounded on all sides by his own people. It is said that Joshua stood that he might first bless the people, as it was the purpose of God to allure the people to himself by sweetness and winning condescension. For although Moses, to rebuke the obstinacy of the people, makes mention of curses only, it is certain that these were in a manner accidental, because the genuine method was to employ bless- ings as a means of gaining over to obedience those who might otherwise have proved refractory. But when humane invitation proved unavailing, curses were added as a new resource and remedy.
God had promised ample rewards to his servants who should obey the Law. On the other hand, curses were denounced in order to deter transgressors. Each is now forced to subscribe his own condemnation, while an amen is responded to every single sentence. For in this way they not only hear themselves condemned by the mouth of God, but as if they had been heralds sent by him, they denounce the punishment which may await themselves. A similar promulgation was made in the plain of Moab beyond the Jordan, but now they are bound more solemnly, and acknow- ledge on what condition they are to dwell in the land of Canaan. It added no little weight to the whole, that the children also were admitted as witnesses.
CHAPTER IX.
1 . And it came to pass, when all 1 . Quum autem audissent omnes the kings which were on this side reges qai erant trans Jordanem in Jordan, in the hills, and in the val- monte, et in planitie, _ et in totp leys, and in all the coasts of the tractu maris ma gni e regione Libani, great sea over against Lebanon, the Hitthreus, Amorrhseus, Chananaeus, Hittite, and the Amorite, the Ca- Pherisseus, Hivseus, et Jebusseus, naanite, the Perizzite, the Hivite,
and the Jebusite, heard thereof,
2. That they gathered themselves 2. Congregavermit se pariter ad together, to fight with Joshua and pugnandmn cum Josue et Israel uno with Israel, with one accord. consensu.
CHAP. IX.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
135
3. And when the inhabitants of Gibeon heard Avhat Joshua had done unto Jericho and to Ai,
4. They did work Avilily, and went and made as if they had been ambassadors, and took old sacks upon their asses, and wine-bottles, old, and rent, and bound up ;
5. And old shoes and clouted upon their feet, and old garments upon them ; and all the bread of their provision was dry and mouldy.
6. And they went to Joshua unto the camp at Gilgal, and said unto him, and to the men of Israel, We be come from a far country ; now therefore make ye a league with us.
7. And the men of Israel said unto the Hivites, Peradventure ye dwell among us ; and how shall we make a league with you ?
8. And they said unto Joshua, We are thy servants. And Joshua said imto them. Who are ye? and from whence come ye ?
9- And they said unto him, From a very far country thy servants are come because of the name of the Lord thy God : for we have heard the fame of him, and all that he did in Egypt,
10. And all that he did to the two kings of the Amorites, that tuere beyond Jordan, to Sihon king of Heshbon, and to Og king of Bashan, which ivas at Ashtaroth.
11. Wherefore our elders, and all the inhabitants of our country, spake to us, saying. Take victuals with you for the journey, and go to meet them, and say unto them. We are your servants : therefore now make ye a league with us.
12. This our bread we took hot for our provision out of our houses on the day we came forth to go unto you ; but now, behold, it is dry, and it is mouldy :
13. And these bottles of wine which we filled were new ; and, be- hold, they be rent : and these our garments and our shoes are become old by reason of the very long jour- ney.
14. And the men took of their
3. Ilabitatores vero Gibeon au- dientes quod fecerat Josue urbi Je- richo et Hai,
4. Egerunt etiam ipsi caUide. Nam abierunt et iinxerunt se lega- tes esse, et tulenmt saccos vetustos, in suis asinis, et utres vini vestustos, et ruptos ac coUigatos,
5. Et calceamenta vetusta, et resarta in pedibus suis, et vestes ve- tustas super se, et totus panis vialici eorum aridus ac mucidus.
6. Perrexerunt ergo ad Josuam in castra in Gilgal, dixenintque ei et viris Israel, E terra longinqua veni- mus, itaque nunc percutite nobis- cum fcedus.
7. Tunc responderunt viri Israel ad Hivseum, Porte in medio mei tu habitas, et quomodo percutiam te- cum fcedus ?
8. At illi dixerunt ad Josuam, Servi tui sumus. Quibus ait Josua, Quinam estis, et imde venistis ?
9. Responderimt ei, E terra lon- ginqua valde venerunt servi tui in nomine Jehovse Dei tui. Audivimus enim famam ejus, et qusecunque fecit in .^gypto,
10. Qusecunque item fecit duobus regibus Amorrheei, qui erant trans Jordanem, Sihon regi Hesebon, et Og regi Basan in Astaroth.
11. Dixeruntque nobis seniores nostri, et emnes habitatores terrse nostrse, ToUite in manu vestra es- cam pro itinere, et ite in occursum eorum, ac dicite illis, Servi vestri sumus, et nunc percutite nobiscum foedus.
12. Iste est panis noster, calidum pro viatico paravimus e domibus nostris quo die egressi sumus ut veniremus ad vos, nunc autem aruit, et siccus est.
13. Et isti sunt utres vini, quos impleverimus novos, et ecce rupti sunt. Et ista vestimenta nostra, et calceamenta nostra vetustate attrita sunt ob longum iter.
14. Sumpsenint ergo viri de via-
136 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IX. 1.
victuals, and asked not counsel at tico eorum, et os Jehovse non inter-
the mouth of the Lord. rogaverunt.
15. And Joshua made peace with 15. Et fecit cum eis Josue pa-
them, and made a league with them, cem, et percussit cum eis foedus quod
to let them live : and the princes of sineret eos vivere, juraveruntque
the congregation sware unto them. eis principes congregationis.
1. And it came to pass tvhen all the Icings, &c. As the arrival of the jDeople was Avell known to these kings from the very first, it is certain tliat their minds were intoxicated from above with security or lethargy, so that they did not forthwith league together to oppose them. It implied ex- cessive stupor not to provide for themselves till they were violently roused to exertion by the overthrow of two cities.^ For as the war was common, it was a kind of voluntary sur- render to send no aid to their neighbours, nay, to have no army ready, which might make a powerful impression for their defence. But in this way God spared the weakness of his people, to whom the combined forces of so many nations would have caused no small fear.
It is certain, then, that by the sloth and torpor of their enemies, the Israelites were rendered more expeditious. For an interval was, in the meanwhile, given them to com- pose themselves, and thus those whom the mere name of enemies might have alarmed, prepare leisurely to encounter tliem.^ In the same way, although the reprobate are de- sirous, by every possible device, to destroy the Church, God, to take away their power of hurting her, scatters and con- founds their counsels, nay, destroys their spirit.^ On the other hand, these nations display their frantic audacity. Instead of being overcome by manifest miracle, they con- tinue to rage like wild beasts against the unassailable
' French, " Car c'estoit une stupidite par trop grande de ne se point tenir siur ses gardes, jusqu'a tant qu'ils fussent resveiUez comme par force de leur paresse oyans la ruine et le sac de deux ^'illes ;" " For it im- plied excessive stupidity not to stand upon their guard, until they were awakened, as if by force, from their indolence, on hearing of the ruin and sacking of two towns." — Ed.
^ " To encounter them." Latin, " Ad eos excipiendos." French, " To give them a good reception, and repulse them bravely." — Ed.
' French, " Dissippe et renverse leur conseils, entreprises, et machina- tions : et mesme il leur oste le sens et I'entendement ;" " Dissipates and overturns their counsels, enterprises, and macliinations ; and even de- prives them of sense and understanding." — Ed.
CHAP, IX. 3. COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. 137
power of God. A report of tlie taking of Jericho had reached them. Had it been overthrown by the counsel, or the acting", or the prowess, or the engines of men ? Nay, the walls had fallen of their own accord. With what con- fidence then can they league to take up arms against heaven ?
8. And tvhen the inhabitants of Gibeon heard, &c. The inhabitants of Gibeon alone rejecting the proposal to make war have recourse to fraud, and endeavour to obtain peace by pretending to live at a great distance. To make such an attempt was very odious to their neighbours, because it was, in a manner, to make a schism among them, to open a door to the Israelites, and weaken the strength of their allies. And though blame is justly due to the foolish credulity of Joshua and the rulers, who were under no obligation to bargain rashly in regard to a matter not properly investigated, yet the Lord, who is wont to bring light out of darkness, turned it to the advantage of his people ; for it procured them an in- terval of relaxation, while they halted in a tranquil district.
The Gibeonites, indeed, judged rightly and prudently, when they resolved to bear anything sooner than provoke God more against them, by a vain resistance. But the em- ployment of fraud and illicit arts, to circumvent those whose favour and protection they desired to enjoy, was no less absurd and ridiculous than at variance with reason and equity. For what could be the stability of a league which Avas founded in nothing but gross fraud ? They pretend that they are foreigners who had come from a far distant country. Joshua, therefore, is bargaining with mere masks, and contracts no obligation except in accordance with their words. Hence the craft by wliich they insinuated themselves ought not to have availed them. Still, as a great degree of integrity yet existed among men, they deemed it enougli to obtain an oath even extorted by fraud, feeling fully per- suaded, that the people of Israel would not violate it.
The expression, that they too acted cunningly, is errone- ously supposed by some to contain an allusion to the strata- gem which Joshua had employed in deceiving the citizens of Ai : no less inaccurately do others make it refer to the
138 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IX. 3-
time of Jacob, whose sons, Simeon and Levi,^ had treacher- ously destroyed the Sichemites. (Gen. xxxiv.) The anti- thesis is merely between the hostile preparations of the kings and the secret wiles with which the Gibeonites accosted Jo- shua. Accordingly, after it is stated, that some had leagued with the intention of trying the result of open war, the trick of the Gibeonites is subjoined, and hence the meaning is, that Joshua had to do not only with professed enemies, who had gathered themselves together to battle, but with the crafty dissimulation of one nation.
It is asked, however, why the Gibeonites laboured so anxiously in a matter which was not at all necessary? For we shall see elsewhere that the Israelites were ordered to offer peace to all, that they might thereafter have a just and legitimate cause for declaring war. But as it was every- where rumoured, that they were seeking a permanent settle- ment in the land of Canaan, (which they could not obtain except by expelling the inhabitants,) the Gibeonites con- clude that there is no means of binding them to mercy ex- cept by imposing upon them in some "way or other ; as they would never have spontaneously and knowingly allowed the land which they had invaded to be occupied by others. Nay, as it was known that they had been commanded to destroy all, they had no alternative left but to have recourse to fraud, as all hope of obtaining safety was otherwise taken away. And for this reason they shortly after ask pardon for a fraud wrung from them by necessity.
Here, however, a question arises ; as the Israelites object that they are not at liberty to make any paction with the nations of Canaan, but are bound to exterminate them utterly. There is certainly a discrepancy between the two things — to exhort to submission, and at the same time refuse to admit suppliants and volunteers. But although God required that the laws of war should be observed ac- cording to use and wont, and that, therefore, peace should be oifered on condition of submitting, he merely wished to try the minds of those nations, that they might bring
' French, " Duqiiel les trois enfans, assavoir, Ruben, Levi et Simeon ;" *• Whose three sons, Reuben, Levi, and Simeon." — Ed.
CHAP. IX. 6. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 139
destruction upon themselves by their own obstinacy. At the same time, it was intimated to the Israelitish people, that they must destroy them ; and hence the conclusion neces- sarily followed, that those who dwelt in the land of Canaan could not be tolerated, and that it was unlawful to make a covenant with them.
We shall afterwards find both things distinctly expressed, viz., that all persisted in carrying on Avar, because it had been the divine intention that their hearts should be hard- ened, and that they should perish. It was, therefore, a legitimate inference that those wdio were doomed to death could not be preserved. If any one object that the Gibeon- ites, who voluntarily applied for peace, were therefore ex- cej^tions, I answer, that the Israelites were not at present considering that formal custom which produced no result, but are merely attending to the promise and the command of God. Hence it is, that they allow no ho23e to remain, because they had been simply and precisely commanded to purge the land by putting every individual to death, and to succeed to the place of those they had slain.
6. And thei/ went to Joshua, &c. I have said that in strict law, a covenant of this description was null and void. For when they obtain their prayer, what is stipulated but just that they should be kejit safe, provided they come from a distant and remote region of the globe ? And the oftener they reiterate the same falsehood, the more do they annul a compact elicited by fraud, since its true meaning only amounts to this, that the Israelites will offer no molesta- tion to a foreign people, living at a remote distance. This is shewn to be more especially the meaning, from the fact, that the Israelites exi)ressly exclude all the inhabitants of the land of Canaan. They could not, therefore, gain any- thing by the fraud. Nor are they more assisted by making a fallacious pretext of the name of God, and thus throwing a kind of mist over the mind of Joshua. They pretend that they had come in the name of God ; as if they were profess- ing to give glory to God, even the God of Israel ; inasmuch as there is a tacit rejection of the superstitions to which they had been accustomed. For if it is true, that they had
140 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IX. 14.
come, moved by the faith of the miracles which had been performed in Egypt, they concede supreme power to the God of Israel, though to them a God unknown.
14. And the men took of their victuals, &c. Some com- mentators here have recourse to the insipid fictions that they ate the bread, to ascertain from the taste whether it were stale from age, or that they confirmed the covenant by a feast. The words rather, in my opinion, are an indirect censure of their excessive credulity in having, on slight grounds acquiesced in a fabulous narrative, and in having attended merely to the bread, without considering that the fiction was devoid of colour. And, certainly, had not their senses been blunted, many things would have instantly occurred to refute the Gibeonites.^ But as it sometimes happens, that the most piercing eyes are dazzled by an empty spectacle, they are more severely condemned for not having ascertained the pleasure of God. The remedy was at hand, had they attempted nothing without consulting the oracle. It was a matter deserving of careful inquiry, and it was therefore a sign of gross carelessness, when a priest was ready to seek an answer from God, by means of Urim and Thummim, to decide rashly in an obscure case, as if they had no means of obtaining advice. Their rashness was the less excusable, from being combined with such supine neglect of the grace of God,
16. And it came to pass, at the 16. Post tres autem dies a foedere end of three days after they had cum illis inito audierunt, quod pro- made a league with them, that they pinqui essent ipsis, et in medio ipso- heard that they were their neigh- rum habitareut.
hours, and that they dwelt among them.
17. And the children of Israel 17. Profectique sunt filii Israel,
1 Nothing could be more gross than the imposition thus practised. The capital of the Gibeonites was not above fourteen miles west from Jericho, and scarcely half that distance south-west from Ai, where the Israelites had recently gained so signal a victory, and it is therefore not improbable that the Israelites, while pursuing the fugitives, had actually been within the territory which their leaders now ignorantly believe to be so very distant, as to be altogether beyond the limits of the promised land. The compliments paid to their prowess so flattered their pride, and the alliance of a powerful though distant nation held out the hope of so many advantages in the further prosecution of their conquests, that they fell at once into the snare, as if they had almost been willing to be deceived. —Ed.
CHAP. IX.
COMMENTAKT ON JOSHUA.
141
journeyed, and came unto their cities on the third day. Now their cities were Gibeon, and Chephirah, and Beeroth, and Kirjath-jearim.
18. And the children of Israel smote them not, because the princes of the congregation had sworn unto them by the Lord God of Israel. And all the congregation mmrmured against the princes.
19. But aU the pruices said unto all the congregation, We have sworn unto them by the I^ord God of Israel: now therefore we may not touch them.
20. This we will do to them ; we will even let them live, lest wrath be upon us, because of the oath which we sware unto them.
21. And the princes said unto them, Let them live ; but let them be hewers of wood, and drawers of water, unto all the congregation ; as the princes had promised them.
22. And Joshua called for them, and he spake unto them, saying, Wherefore have ye beguiled us, say- ing. We are, very far from you ; when ye dwell among us ?
23. Now therefore ye are cursed ; and there shall none of you be freed from being bond-men, and hewers of wood, and drawers of water, for the house of my God.
24. And they answered Joshua, and said. Because it was certainly told thy servants, how that the Lord thy God commanded his servant Moses to give you aU the land, and to destroy all the inhabitants of the land from before you, therefore we were sore afraid of oiu: lives be- cause of you, and have done this thing.
25. And now, behold, we are in thine hand : as it seemeth good and right unto thee to do imto us, do.
26. And so did he unto them, and delivered them out of the hand of the children of Israel, that they slew them not.
27. And Joshua made them that day hewers of wood, and drawers of water, for the congregation, and for
et venerunt ad mrbes ipsorum die tertio. Urbes autem eorum erant Gibeon, Chephirat, Beeroth, Ciriat- jearim.
18. Et non percussermat eos fihi Israel, eo quod jurassent eis princi- pes congregationis per Jehovam Deum Israel: et miu-muravit tota congregatio contra principes.
19. Tunc dixerunt omnes princi- pes ad totam congregationem, Nos juravimus eis per Jehovam Deum Israel, ideo nmic non possumus at- tingere eos.
20. Hoc faciemus eis, servabimus eos vivos, ne sit contra nos ira prop- ter jusjurandum quod juravimus eis,
21. Dixerunt itaque illis princi- pes, Vivant, et csedant ligna, et fo- diant aquam toti congregationi, quemadmodum loquuti simt eis cuncti principes.
22. Vocavit itaque eos Josue, et loquutus est ad eos, dicendo : Ut quid decepistis nos, dicendo, Remoti su- mus a vobis valde, cum in medio nostri habitetis ?
23. Nunc ergo maledicti estis, nee delebuntur ex vobis servi, et csedentes ligna, et fodientes aquam pro domo Dei mei.
24. Qui responderunt ad Josuam, atque dixerunt. Cum renunciando renunciatum fuit servis tuis quo- modo prseceperat Jehova Deus tuus Mosi servo suo ut daret vobis ter- ram, et disperderet omnes habita- tores terrte a facie vestra, timuimus valde animabus nostris a facie vestra, et fecimus istud.
25. Et nunc ecce sumus in manu tua, sicut placet, et sicut rectum est in oculis tuis, ut facias nobis, fa- des,
26. Et fecit eis ita, liberavitque eos de manu filiorum Israel, nee in- terfecerunt eos.
27. Constituitque eos Josue eo die csesores lignorum, et haustores aquse congregationi, et altari Jehovse
142 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IX. 1 6.
the altar of the Lord, even unto this usque in hunc diem in loco queni
day, in the place which he should elegerit.
choose.
16. And it came to pass, &jc. The chastisement of their levity by the discovery of the fraud, three days after, must, by the swiftness of the punishment, have made them more sensible of the shame and disgrace. For it was thus known, that through slotli and lethargy, they had very stupidly fallen into error from not having taken the trouble to inquire into a matter almost placed before their eyes. Their marching quietly through that region, entering cities without trouble, and finding free means of sustenance, was owing to the paternal indulgence of God, who not only j)ardons their fault, but causes that which might justly have been injurious to turn out to their good. Here it is related that the children of Israel did not act in a hostile manner in that region, because the Gibeoniteshad received a promise of safety con- firmed by an oath.
Now two questions arise — first, Whether the children of Israel, who had no intention whatever to pledge their faith to impostors, had contracted any. obligation ? and, secondly, Whether it was not in the option of the people to rescind a promise which their leaders had foolishly and erroneously made ? In regard to the general position, the obligation of an oath ought to be held in the greatest sacredness, so that we may not, under the pretext of error, resile from pactions, even from those in which we have been deceived, since the sacred name of God is more precious than the wealth of a whole world.^ Hence though a man may have sworn with
' Calvin was well qualified, by his legal education, to discuss the im- portant question here raised, and it is impossible to dispute the soundness of his general positions in regard to it, both here and in the previous sections of the Commentary on this chapter. There is, however, an appearance of inconsistency in some of the statements. In the section be- ginning with the third verse, he says in Latin, " Cum larvis ergo paciscitur Josue.nec quidquam obligationis contrahit, nisi secundum eorum verba ;" or as it is in French, " Josue donques traitte alliance avec des masques ou phantosmes et n'est nullement oblige', sinon suivant leurs paroles ;" "Joshua, then, makes an alliance with masks or phantoms, and is in no way bound, except according to their words." Again, in the section beginning with verse the sixth, he says, " Dixi summo jure evanidum et irritum fuisse ejusmodi fcedus," or as it is in French, " J'ay dit qu'a la rigueur de droit une telle alliance estoit nuUe et cassc'e ;" " I have said, that in strict law such an
CHAP.IX. 16. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 143
little consideration, no loss or expense will free hitn from performance. I have no doubt, that in this sense David says, (Psalm xv. 4,) that the true worshippers of God, if they have sworn to their hurt, change not, because they will bear loss sooner than expose the name of God to contempt, by retracting their promises.
I conclude, therefore, that if a private interest only is to be affected, everything which we may have promised by oath must be performed. And it is apparent from the words, that the Israelites were afraid lest they should exjjose the name of their God to disgrace among the nations of Canaan. For I think there is an emphasis in the expression — because they had sworn by the God of Israel. But a special reason left the Israelites at liberty to recede from the deceitful compact ; for they had not only given up their own right, but improperly departed from the command of God, with which it was not lawful to interfere in the smallest iota. It was not in their power either to spare the vanquished or enact laws of surrender, whereas they now transact as if the business had been committed to them. We see, accord- ingly, that they twice profaned the name of God, while,
alliance was null and void." And he gives the reason in the form of a question, when he asks, " What do they (the Gibeonites) gain when their request is granted, but just that they are to be kept safe, provided they have come from a distant country ?" But if the Gibeonites did not gain, or, in other words, were not entitled to demand anything, it is perfectly obvious that the Israelites could not be bound to grant anything. They were the two parties to a mutual contract, in which the claims of the one party were exactly the counterpart or measure of the obligations of the other. It might have been expected, therefore, that after Calvin had decided that the Gibeonites had no claim, he would, of course, have decided that the Israelites had incurred no obligation. Here, however, when considering this latter point, he seems to change his ground, by distinctly asserting, that we may not resile even from pactions in which we have been deceived. The inconsistency, however, is only apparent. He does not say that we are bound by such pactions, as if they were valid in themselves, but he adverts to circumstances which may lay us under a formal obligation to act as if we were bound by them. In other words, he removes the case from a court of law into the court of conscience, and thus brings it under the class of cases to which St. Paul referred, when he drew a distinction between things lawful and things expedient. Joshua and the elders had sworn rashly, but having by so doing put the honour of the God of Israel, so to speak, in pledge, they were bound, at whatever cost, to redeem it. — Ed.
1 44 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. IX. 22.
under pretence of tlie oath, they persevered in defending what they had foolishly promised.
In the deference which the common people pay to their leaders, by abstaining from all violence to the Gibeonites, we behold the integrity of the age. Elsewhere it would have readily occurred to elude the promise by asserting that a whole people were not bound by the agreement of a few individuals, as the Romans did, in repudiating the Caudine peace, to which only the consuls, legates, and tribunes had sworn without the orders of the senate and people. The more praise, therefore, is due to that rude simplicity in which the religious obligation prevailed more than the too subtle arguments which the greater part of men in the present day approve and applaud. The people are indeed indignant that their leaders had taken more upon them than they were entitled to do, but their moderation does not allow them to proceed beyond murmur and noise.i
20. This we will do to them, &c. Although, according to agreement, they give the Gibeonites their lives, they ratify the whole covenant only in part. For while the Gibeonites were entitled to be made perfectly secure, they are deprived of liberty, which is dearer than life. From this we infer that Joshua and the others had, as in a case of doubt and perplexity, devised a kind of middle course, so as not to make the oath altogether void. The principal object of this device was to appease the multitude: at the same time, while they were indignant at having been imposed upon by the Gibeonites, they punished the fraud, and did not allow impunity to increase their derision. It was a harsh condi- tion, in this arrangement, that the Gibeonites were not only doomed to servile labours but withdrawn from their homes, to lead a vagrant and wandering life. The office of scullions imposed on them was no less mean than laborious, but the worst of all was to hew wood and draw water, wherever God should be pleased to station the ark.
22. And Joshua called for them, &c. As he was to de-
' French, " Quand il ne passe point outre le niurmure, et qii'il se con- tente de cela ;" " When they do not proceed beyond murmuring, and rest contented with it." — Ed.
CHAP. IX. 27. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 145
liver a sad and severe sentence, lie jiremises that the resolution involves no injustice, because nothing would be more unbe- coming than to allow tricks and wiles to be profitable to those who employ them. He therefore first expostulates with them for having warded off danger by falsehood, and then immediately pronounces them cursed. By this I un- derstand that he throws the blame of their servitude ujjon themselves, because they bear nothing worse than they have deserved by their guile or jjerfidy ; as if he had said that the ground of the condemnation which he pronounces is in themselves. It is hard, indeed, that no end is assigned to the labours to which they are doomed, for this is implied in the words, Slaves shall never cease from among you : but he declares that no injustice is done them, as they were cursed of their own accord, or b^' their own fault. They, indeed, extenuate the offence, by alleging the necessity which compelled them, and yet they decline not the punishment, which they acknowledge to be justly inflicted. It may in- deed be, that overcome with fear, they refused nothing, nay, calmly and flatteringly^ acquiesced in the terms imposed on them. For what could the}' gain by disjjuting ? I have no doubt, however, that as they were conscious of having done wrong, and had no means of completely exculpating them- selves, they considered themselves very humanely dealt with, so long as their lives were saved.^
CHAPTER X.
1. Now it came to pass, when 1. Quum audisset Adoni-zedec
Adoni-zedek king of Jerusalem had rex Jerusalem quod cepisset Josue
heard how Joshua had taken Ai, Hai, et earn perdidisset (quemad-
and had utterly destroyed it ; as he modum fecerat Jericho, et regi ejus,
had done to Jericho and her king, quod sic fecisset Hai et regi ejus) et
so he had done to Ai and her king ; quod paceni fecissent habitatores
and how the inhabitants of Gibeon Gibeon cum Israel, et essent inter
had made peace with Israel, and i^jsos : were among them ;
' Latin, " Nee sine assentatione ;" " Nor without flattery." French, " Et sans flatterie ;" " And without flattery." — Ed.
"' Among the many pernicious consequences resulting from this arrange- ment, was the formation of a degraded caste in the heart of the Israelitish commonwealth, and the consequent introduction of domestic slavery, in one of its worst forms. — Ed.
146
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. X.
2. That they feared greatly, be- cause Gibeon was a great city, as one of the royal cities, and because it was greater than Ai, and all the men thereof toere mighty.
3. Wherefore Adoni-zedek king of Jerusalem sent unto Hoham king of Hebron, and unto Piram king of Jarmuth, and unto Japhia king of Lachish, and unto Debir king of Eglon, saying,
4. Come up unto me, and help me, that we may smite Gibeon : for it hath made peace with Joshua, and with the children of Israel.
5. Therefore the five kings of the Amorites, the king of Jerusalem, the king of Hebron, the king of Jar- muth, the king of Lachish, the king of Eglon, gathered themselves to- gether, and went up, they and all their hosts, and encamped before Gibeon, and made war against it.
6. And the men of Gibeon sent unto Joshua to the camp to Gilgal, saying, Slack not thy hand from thy servants ; come up to us quickly, and save us, and help us : for all the kings of the Amorites, that dwell in the mountains, are gathered toge- ther against us.
7. So Joshua ascended from Gil- gal, he, and all the people of war with him, and all the mighty men of valour.
8. And the Lord said unto Jo- shua, Fear them not : for I have de- livered them into thine hand ; there shall not a man of them stand be- fore thee.
9. Joshua therefore came unto them suddenly, and went up from Gilgal all night.
10. And the Lord discomfited them before Israel, and slew them with a great slaughter at Gibeon, and chased them along the way that goeth up to Beth-horon, and smote them to Azekah, and unto Makke- dah.
11. And it came to pass, as they fled from before Israel, and were in the going down to Beth-horon, that the Lord cast down great stones from heaven upon them unto Aze-
2. Tunc timuerunt valde, quod civitas magna esset Gibeon tanquam una e civitatibus regiis, quia major erat quam Hai, omnesque viri ejus fortes.
3. Propterea misit Adoni-zedec rex Jerusalem ad Hoham regem Hebron et ad Piram regem Jarmuth, et ad Japhiam regem Lachis, et ad Debir regem Eglon, dicendo,
4. Ascendite ad me et suppetias ferte mihi, ut percutianius Gibeon qui pacem fecit cum Josue et filiis Israel.
5. Congregati sunt itaque, et as- cenderimt quinque reges Amorrhsei, rex Jerusalem, rex Hebron, rex Jar- muth, rex Lachis, rex Eglon, ipsi et omnes exercitus eorum, et castrarae- tati sunt juxta Gibeon, pugnaverimt- que ad vers us eam.
6. Miserunt ergo viri Gibeon ad Josuam ad castra in Gilgal, dicendo, Ne contrahas manus tuas a servis tuis : ascende ad nos cito, et serva nos, atque auxiliare nobis : congre- gati enim sunt contra nos omnes reges Amorrha}i habitantes in mon- te.
7. Ascendit itaque Josue de Gil- gal, ipse, et universus populus bel- lator cum eo, omnes potentes viri- bus.
8. Dixit autem Jehova ad Josue, Ne timeas ab eis : in manum enim tuam tradidi eos, nee consistet quis- quam ex eis in conspectu tuo.
9. Et venit ad eos Josue repente : tota enim nocte ascendit de Gilgal.
10. Et contrivit eos Jehova coram Israel, percussitque eos plaga magna in Gibeon, et perseqnutus est eos per viam ascensus Beth-horon, et percussit eos usque Azecah et usque Makedah.
11. Dum autem fugerent a fa- cie Israel, et essent in descensu Beth-horon, Jehova demisit super eos lapides magnos e coelo usque ad Azecah, et mortui simt, plures mor-
CHAP. X. 1, COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 147'
kah, and they died : they were more tui siuil lapidibus grandinis, quani
which died with hail-stones than quos interfecerunt filii Israel gla-
they whom the children of Israel dio. slew with the sword.
12. Then spake Joshua to the 12. Tunc loquutus est Josue ad Lord, in the day when the Lord de- Jehovam die qua tradidit Jehova livered up the Amorites before the Amorrhseum coram filiis Israel. ' children of Israel, and he said in Dixitque in ociilis Israel, Sol in Gi- the sight of Israel, Sun, stand thou beon expecta, et Luna in valle Aja- still upon Gibeon ; and thou. Moon, Ion.
in the valley of Ajalon.
13. And the sun stood still, and 13. Et expectavit Sol, et luna the moon stayed, until the people constitit donee ulcisceretur se gens had avenged themselves upon their de inimicis suis. Annon hoc scrip- enemies. Is not this written in the turn est in libro Jasar ? (j^el, recti) book of Jasher ? So the sun stood Stetit ergo sol in medio coeli, nee still in the midst of heaven, and festinavit occiunbere circiter die hasted not to go down about a una Integra.
whole day.
14. And there was no day like 14. Et non fuit sicut dies ilia that before it, or after it, that the ante eam nee post earn, qua exaudi- Lord hearkened unto the voice of a vit Jehova vocem viri : Jehova enim man : for the Lord fought for pugnabat pro Israel.
Israel.
], N'ow it came to jyass, &c. He had formerly briefly glanced at, but now more fully details the conspiracy of the kings, who dwelt both in the mountains and in the plain. For after mentioning that they were struck with fear, and leagued together to make common war, he had broken off abruptly, and proceeded to speak of the Gibeonites. But what he had previously said of the kings in general, he now applies only to one individual ; not because Adoni-zedek alone was afraid, but because he stirred up all the others, and was the principal originator and leader in carrying on the war against the Israelites. This is sufficiently expressed by the plural number of the verb ; for it is said, When Ado- ni-zedek had heard — they feared greatly. From this it appears that they were all of the same mind, but that while some of them held back from fear, he who possessed greater authority, and was nearer the danger, invited the four others to arms.^
^ An additional clause not found in the original, and excluded by the common versions, is here inserted in the Septuagint in the following
terms, " rivlxa, truv'iT^i^iM avTnls sv Vaficci/), Kai cruviT^ilinirav d-ro T^ocriu'^ov viuv
iir^a-^k ;" « Whtn he crushed them in Gibecn, and they were crushed be- fore the face of the children of Israel." — Ed.
' French, " Appela et suscita les autres a prendre les amies ;" " Called
148 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. X. 6.
In the beginning of the chapter it is again told, how the five kings formed an alliance to meet the Israelites, and ward off the overthrow with which they were all threatened. But as the Gibeonites had meanwhile surrendered, they first turned their arms against them, both that by inflicting punishment upon them, as the betrayers of their country, they might make tliem an example to all tlieir neighbours, and that by striking terror into those vanquished enemies, they might also inspire their own soldiers with confidence. They resolve, therefore, to attack the Gibeonites who, by their embassy, had made a disruption and opened a passage to the Israelites. They had, indeed, a fair pretext for war, in resolving to punish the eifeminacy of those who had chosen to give their sanction to strangers, about to lay the whole country waste, rather than faithfully defend their neighbours. And the Gibeonites experienced how useless tlieir crafty counsel must have been, had they not been saved in pity by the Israelites. Meanwhile the Lord allowed them to be involved in danger, in order that, being twice freed, they might more willingly and meekly submit to the yoke.
6. And the men of Gibeon sent unto Joshua, &c. The course of the narrative is inverted; for the Gibeonites cer- tainly did not wait till they were besieged, but on seeing an army levied and prepared, and having no doubt that they would have to sustain the first onset, as they had incurred general hatred, they anticipate the attack, and hasten to have recourse to the protection of Joshua.^ To desert those to whom life had been given, would have been at once un- lawful, unjust, and inhumane. Nay, as their surrender had been consequent on the agreement, they v/ere entitled to be defended against violence and injury. With justice, there- upon, and stirred up the others to take up arms." Jerusalem was only about five miles S.S.E. from Gibeon, while the other towns, situated S.S.W., were at distances varying from twenty to thirty miles. — Ed.
' 'J he conjecture that the narrative is here inverted, seems somewhat gratuitous. Lachish, the most remote of the towns, was ncit more than thirty miles distant, and Jerusalem, as has been mentioned, was only five; and, therefore, in so far as distance merely is concerned, there is nothing to prevent us from holding in accordance with the literal purport of the nar- rative, that the kings had suddenly advanced against Gibeon, and were actually besieging it when the Gibeonites dispatched their embassy to Joshua.
CHAP. X. 6. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 149
fore, tliey implore the Israelites, under whose protection they were ; and there is no hesitation on the part of Joshua, who judges it to be his duty to defend those whose submis- sion he had agreed to accept. They had deceived him, it is true, but after the fraud had been detected, and they had confessed it, interposing some palliating circumstances, they had obtained pardon.
Equity and a sense of duty thus did not allow the Israel- ites to abandon the Gibeonites to their fate. Still, Joshua is entitled to praise for his promptitude in complying with the request, and sending assistance without delay. He is said to have marched during the wliole night, and thus could not have proceeded with greater haste had the safety of the whole people been at stake. Had the same sincerity always been evinced by profane nations, they would rather have assisted their allies in due time than avenged their disasters after they had suffered them. Tlie term suddenly ought not, however, to be confined to a single day, as if Joshua had accomplished three days' journey in a single night, and made his appearance among the Gibeonites next morning. All that is meant to be expressed is his great speed, and his not delajnng his departure till next day.^
Though the Israelites moved their camp from Ai or that neighbourhood, it was the third day before they entered the confines of the Gibeonites. Granting that they then l^roceeded slowly in order of battle, Joshua was still at some distance when application is made to him to assist the Gibeonites. We have seen that Gilgal w-as the first station
' Here, again, apparently from exaggeratina: the distance, Calvin thinks it necessary to resort to an ingenious explanation, and give a kind of co- louring to the narrative. The distance from Gilgal to Gibeon was not more than eighteen miles, and this might certainly be accomplished by a forced march in the course of a single night. Calvin says we are not to suppose that " Joshua accomplished three days' joiu-ney in a single night." But it is nowhere said that Gibeon was three days' journey from Gilgal. The words are, " The Israelites journeyed and came into the cities on the third day." (Chap. ix. 17.) In other words, the Israelites, on this particular occasion, employed three days, or rather, if we adopt the common Hebrew mode of computation, part of a first, the whole of a second, and part of a third day. Such a statement scarcely justifies the inference that the avera,ge time of making the journey between the two places was three days. — Ed.
150 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. X. 8.
after crossing the Jordan, and therefore more remote than Jericho. If any one deems it absurd, that after receiving the submission of several cities, he should have turned back- wards, and left an empty district, the recovery of which from the enemy might again cost new labour, I answer, there was no ground to fear that the enemy would come forward to occupy it, and engage in an expedition attended with great danger and difficulty. It is probable that when a body of troops was selected to attack Jericho, the women, children, and all others unfit for war remained in that quiet corner, where they might have the protection of those of the Reu- benites, Gadites, and half tribe of Manasseh, who had been left on the opposite bank of the Jordan. For to what end would they have carried with them into their battles chil- dren and women heavy with child, or nursing babes at their breasts ? How, during the incursions of the enemy, could food be found for such a multitude, or water sufficient to supply all their flocks and herds ? I conclude, therefore, that Joshua and his soldiers returned to their tents that they might refresh themselves for a little with their wives and children, and there dej)Osit the spoils with which they had been enriched.
8. And the Lord discomfited them, &c. It is uncertain whether the Lord anticipated the movement, and armed Joshua by his oracle, drawing him forth from Gilgal before he had taken any step, or whether he only confirmed him after he had made his preparations for setting out. It seems to me more likely that Joshua did not rush forth as soon as he was asked without consulting God, but at length, after being informed of his will, took up arms boldly and speedily. As he had lately been chastised for excessive facility, it is at least a probable conjecture that in this case of difficulty, he attempted nothing except in so far as he had a divine command. The Lord, therefore, had respect to the wretched Gibeonites when he did not allow them to remain destitute without the assistance of his i^eople.
Joshua is made confident of victory in order that he may succour them ; for God stimulates us more powerfully to tlie performance of duty by promising than by ordering. That
CHAP. X. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 151
wjiicli is here promised to one belongs to all, but for the sake of honouring Joshua, it is specially deposited with him that he may afterwards be the bearer of it to his army. For God does not speak from heaven indiscriminately to all sorts of persons, but confers the honour only on excellent servants and cliosen prophets.
It is moreover worthy of notice that Josliua did not abuse the divine promise by making it an excuse for sluggishness, but felt tlie more vehemently inflamed after he was assured of a happy issue. Many, while they ostentatiously express their faith, become lazy and slothful from perverse security. Joshua hears that victory is in his hand, and that he may gain it, runs swiftly to battle. For he knew that the happy issue was revealed, not for the purpose of slackening his pace or making him more remiss, but of making him exert himself with greater zeal. Hence it was that lie took the enemy by surprise.
10. And the Lord discomfited them, &c. In the first slaughter the Lord exerted his own might, but used the swords of the people. Hence we infer that whenever he works by men, nothing is detracted from his glory, but what- ever is done redounds to him alone. For when he employs the co-operation of men, ho does not call in allies as a sub- sidiary force, or borrow anything from them ; but as he is able to accomplish whatever he pleases by a mere nod, he uses men also as instruments to shew that they are ruled by his hand and will. Meanwhile it is said with truth in either way, that the enemy were routed and crushed by God, or by the Israelites, inasmuch as God crushed them by the instrumentality of the Israelites.
In the second slaughter the hand of God appeared more clearly, when the enemy were destroyed by hail. And it is distinctly stated that more were destroyed by hail than were slain by tlie sword, that there might be no doubt of the vic- tory having been obtained from heaven. Hence again it is gathered that this was not common hail, such as is wont to fall during storms. For, in the first place, more would have been wounded or scattered and dispersed than suddenW destroyed ; and secondly, had not God darted it directly, part
152 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. X. 12.
would have fallen on the heads of the Israelites. Now, when the one army is attacked separately, and the other, hept free from injury, comes forward as it were to join auxiliary troops, it becomes perfectly clear that God is fighting from heaven. To the same effect it is said that God threw down great stones of hail from heaven : for the meaning is that they fell with extraordinary force, and were far above the ordinary size. If at any time, in common battles, a storm has suddenly arisen, and has proved useful to one of the parties, God has seemed to give that party a token of his favour, and hence the line, Dearly beloved of heaven is he on whose side the elements are enlisted.-^ Here we have the account of a more distinguished miracle, in which tlie omnipotence of God was openly displayed.
12. Then spake Joshua to the Lord, &c. Such is the literal reading, but some expound it as meaning before Jehovah : for to speak to God, who, as piety dictates, is to be supjoli- antly petitioned, seems to be little in accordance with the modesty of faith, and it is immediately subjoined that Joshua addressed his words to the sun. I have no doubt that by the former clause prayer or vow is denoted, and that the latter is an expression of confidence after he was heard : for to command the sun to stand if he had not previously obtained 23ermission, would have been presumptuous and arrogant. He first, then, consults God and asks : having forthwith obtained an answer, he boldly commands the sun to do what he knows is pleasing to God.
And such is the power and privilege of the faith which Christ inspires, (Matt. xvii. 20 ; Luke xvii. 6,) that moun- tains and seas are removed at its command. The more the godly feel their own emptiness, the more liberally does God transfer his power to them, and when faith is annexed to the word, he in it demonstrates his own power. In short, faith borrows the confidence of command from the word on wdiich it is founded. Thus Elias, b}' tlie command of God, shut
' The passage here inserted is a quotation from the Latin poet Clau- dian, who, in his panegyric on Theodosius, referring to a victory of that emperor, in which the elements seem to war in his favour, exclaims — O nimium dilecte Deo, tibi militat aither, Et conjurati veniunt ad classica venti ! — Ed.
CHAP. X. IS. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 153
and opened the heaven, and brought down fire from it ; thus Christ furnished his disciples with heavenly power to make the elements subject to them.
Caution, however, must be used, lest any one may at his own hand presume to give forth rash commands. Joshua did not attempt to delay and check the course of the sun before he was well instructed as to the purpose of God. And although, when he is said to have spoken with God, the words do not sufficiently express the modesty and submission which become the servant of God in giving utterance to his prayers, let it suffice us briefly to understand as implied, that Joshua besought God to grant what he desired, and on obtaining his request, became the free and magnanimous herald of an incredible miracle unlike any that had previ- ously taken place. He never would have ventured in the presence of all to command the sun so confidently, if he had not been thoroughly conscious of his vocation. Had it been otherwise, he would have exposed himself to a base and shameful affront. When, without hesitation, he opens his mouth and tells the sun and the moon to deviate from the perpetual law of nature, it is just as if he had adjured them by the boundless power of God vvith which he was invested. Here, too, the Lord gives a bright display of his singular favour toward his Church. As in kindness to the human race he divides the day from the night by the daih^ course of the sun, and constantly whirls the immense orb with indefatigable swiftness, so he was pleased that it should halt for a short time till the enemies of Israel were destroyed.^
IS. And the sun stood still, &c. The question how the sun stood in Gibcon, is no less unseasonably raised by some than unskilfully explained by others.^ For Joshua did not
^ One might almost suspect from this conduding sentence, that Calvin ■ivas a stranger to the Copernican system, and still continued to believe that it was not the earth but the sun that revolved. As ^ve know, how- ever, that he was before his age in many points, so we cannot believe that he was behind it in this. — Ed.
' The rebuke here administered to those who attempt to explain the miracle applies with double force to those who attempt to explain it away. It is rather strange that among this number are some of the most dis- tinguished Jewish rabbis as Levi-ben-Gerson and Maimonides, both of whom mpintain that there was no miracle, but only something very like
15i COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CIIAP.X.IS-
subtilely place the sun in any particular point, making it necessary to feign that the battle was fought at the summer solstice, but as it was turning towards the district of Ajalon as far as the eye could discern, Joshua bids it sta}^ and rest there, in other words, remain above what is called the hori- zon. In short, the sun, which was already declining to the west, is kept from setting.^
I do not give myself any great anxiety as to the number of the hours ; because it is enough for me that the day was continued through the whole night. Were histories of that period extant, they would doubtless celebrate this great miracle ; lest its credibility, however, should be questioned, the writer of this book mentions that an account of it was given elsewhere, though the work which he quotes has been lost, and expounders are not well agreed as to the term Jazar. Those who think Moses is meant, insist on referring the example which is here given to general predictions. As Moses applies this name to the chosen people, it is more congruous to hold that commentaries on the events in their history are meant. I, for my part, understand by it either God or Israel, rather than the author of a history.^
one. Their chief mducement to adopt this very extraordinary view, is zeal for the honour of Moses, which they think would be seriously impugned by admitting that a miracle which he never performed was performed by the instrumentality of his successor Joshua. — Ed.
' French, " En somme, le soleil remonte estant ja commence' a se coucher ;" " In a word, the sun remounts after he had begun to set." —Ed.
=* French, " Quant a moy, pour dire la verite, je le prends comrae s'il estoit parle de Dieu ou du peuple d'Israel, plutost que de celuy qui a escrit I'his- toire ;" " For my part, to tell the truth, I understand it as if it were spoken of God, or of the people of Israel, rather than of him who wrote the history." The view here adopted as to the meaning of Jasher has the sanction of many expositors of eminence, both ancient and modern, who consider it to have been some record in which an account of the leading events in the history of the cliosen people was regularly inserted, and which might thus come to be commonly spoken of as the Book of the Just, very much in the same way as we are accustomed to speak of the Book of Worthies, the Book of Martyrs, &c. The only other allusion to the Book of Jasher is in 2 Sara. i. 18, where it is referred to as containing, or at least in connection with David's lament over Saul and Jonathan. Founding on this reference, De Wette and other rationalists argue that the Book of Joshua is not of the early date usually ascribed to it, and must have been written after the time of David. This argument assumes that Jasher is the name of an author living in the time, or subsequently to the
CHAP. X. 14. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 155
14. And there was no day like that, &c. We read in Isaiah and in the Sacred History, that the course of the sun was afterwards changed as a favour to King Hezekiah. (Is. xxxviii. 5-8.) For to assure him that his life was still to be prolonged fifteen years, the shadow of the sun was carried back over ten degrees on which it had gone down. It is not, therefore, absolutely denied that anything similar had ever been conceded to any other person, but the miracle is ex- tolled as singular. The rendering of the word UDK^, by obeyed, as adopted by some, I reject as too harsh. For although it is said in the Psalm, that the Lord does accord- ing to the desire of his servants, which may be held to be equivalent to obeying, it is better to avoid anything which seems to give a subordinate office to God.^ Simply, there- fore, tlie excellence of the miracle is praised, as nothing like it had been seen before or had liappened after. The second clause of the verse celebrates the kindness and conde- scension of God in hearing Joshua, as well as his pater- nal favour towards the people, for whom he is said to have fought.
15. And Joshua returned, and all 15. Reversus autem est Josue et Israel with him, unto the camp to universus Israel cum eo ad castra in Gilgal. Gil-al.
16. But these five kings fled, and 16. Fugerant vero ipsi reges, et hid themselves in a cave at Makke- absconderant se in spelunca in Ma- dah. keda.
17. And it was told Joshua, say- 17. Et nuntiatum est Josue his ing, The five kings are found hid in verbis, Inventi sunt quinque reges a cave at INIakkcdah. absconditi in spelunca in Makeda.
18. And Joshua said, Roll great 18. Tunc dixit Josue, Devolvite stones upon the mouth of the cave, saxa magna ad os speluncse, et con- and set men by it for to keep them ; stituite juxta earn viros ut custodi-
ant eos.
19. And stay ye not, hut pursue 19. Vos autem persequimini' after your enemies, and smite the inimicos vestros, et caudam eorum hindmost of them ; suffer them not csedite, nee sinatis eos ingredi urbes
time, of David, and, but for this assumption, for which no good grounds are shewn, is utterly destitute of plausibility. — Ed.
' French, " Neantmoins si est-ce meilleur d'eviter toujours toutesfa^ons de parler derogantes a la majcste de Dieu, comnie s'il estoit question de la ranger;" "JSevertheless it is better to avoid all modes of speaking deroga- tory to the majesty of God, as if it were intended to make him subordi- nate."— Ed.
' The words "stay ye not," contained in the original, and in the Septua- gint, the English, and other versions, are omitted in Calvin's Latin —£rf.
156
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. X.
to enter into their cities : for the Lord your God hath deUvered them into your hand.
20. And it came to pass, when Joshua and the children of Israel had made an end of slaying them with a very great slaughter, till they were consumed, that the rest which remained of them entered into fenced cities.
21. And all the people returned to the camp to Joshua at Makke- dali in peace : none moved his tongue against any of the children of Israel.
22. Then said Joshua, Open the mouth of the cave, and bring out those five Idngs unto me out of the cave.
23. And they did so, and brought forth those five kings unto him out of the cave, the king of Jerusalem, the king of Hebron, the king of Jarmuth, the king of Lachish, and the king of Eglon.
24. And it came to pass, when they brought out those kings unto Joshua, that Joshua called for all the men of Israel, and said vmto the captains of the men of war which went with him, Come near, put your feet upon the necks of these kings. And they came near, and put their feet upon the necks of them.
25. And Joshua said unto them, Fear not, nor be dismayed ; be strong, and of good courage : for thus shall the Lord do to all your enemies against whom ye fight.
2fi. And afterward Joshua smote them, and slew them, and hanged them on five trees : and they were hanging upon the trees until the evening.
27. And it came to pass at the time of the going down of the sun, that Joshua commanded, and they took them down off the trees, and cast them into the cave wherein they had been hid, and laid great stones in the cave's mouth, which remain until this very day.
28. And that day Joshua took Makkedah, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and the king
suas : f radidit enim eos Jehova Deus vester in nianum vestram.
20. Quum autem finem fecisset Josue, et filii Israel percutiendi plaga magna valde, donee consumerentur, et superstites qui evaserant ex ipsis ingressi esseut urbes munitas.
21 . Reversi sunt universus popu- lus ad castra ad Josue in Makeda in pace : non movit contra filios Is- rael quisquam hnguam suam.
22. Tunc dixit Josue, Aperite os speluncje, et adducite ad me quin- que illos reges de spelunca.
23. Atque ita fecerunt, nempe adduxerunt ad eum quinque illos reges de spelunca, I'egem Jerusalem, regem Hebron, regem Jarmuth, re- gem Lachis, regem Eglon.
24 . Quumque eduxi ssent quinque reges illos ad Josue, vocavit Josue omnes viros Israel, dixitque ducibiis virorum bellatorum, qui profecti erant secum, Accedite, ponite pedes vestros super coUa regum istorum. Et accesserunt, posueruntque pedes suos super colla ipsoruni.
25. Tunc dixit ad eos Josue, Ne timeatis, et ne paveatis, fortes estote, et roborate vos : sic enim faciet Je- hova omnibus inimicis vestris contra quos pugnatis.
26. Posthfec percussit eos Josue, et interfecit eos, et suspendit in quin- que lignis, fueruntque suspensi in lignis usque ad vesperum.
27. Fuit prseterea tempore quo occumbit sol prseccpit Josue, et de- posuerunt eos e lignis, projecerunt- que eos in speluncam in qua se abscond erant, et posuerunt lapides magnos ad os speluncje usque in hunc diem.
28. Makedam vero cepit Josue eo die, et percussit cam acie gladii, et regem ejus occidit una cum illis.
CHAP. X. 18. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 157
thereof he utterly destroyed, them, et niiUam anhnam quse esset m ea
and all the souls that icere therein ; reliquit superstiteni, fecitque regi
he let none remain: and he did to Makeda quemadmodum feceratregi
the king of Makkedah as he did Jericho, unto the king of Jericho.
15. And Joshua returned, &c. This verse is not inserted in its proper pUice,^ for sliortlj after the end of the battle is added, and the punishment inflicted on the kings, which was subsequent to the battle. We are then told of the encamp- ment in Makkedah, and at last, in the end of the chapter, the return to Gilgal, which was introduced at the beginning without regard to the order of time, is repeated. Hence the narrative of the flight and concealment of the kings is connected with the former transactions. For having been informed during the heat of the battle that they were hiding in a cave, Joshua, fearing that if he were to set about cap- turing them, the others might escape, prudently contented himself with ordering the mouth of the cave to be blocked up with large stones, and setting sentinels over them, that being thus shut up, as it were in prison, they might at a fit time be brought forth and put to death. Hence, too, it appears that the army of the enemy was very large, because although the Israelites pressed closely upon them in their flight, and the sun himself gave an additional period for slaying them, it was impossible, notwithstanding, to prevent numbers of them from escaping into fortified cities. The divine assistance aflbrded to the Israelites was, however, sufficiently attested by the fact that they continued till they were wearied slaying at will all whom they met, and then returned safe. For the expression, that no one dared to move the tongue, implies that the Israelites gained a bloodless victory,^ as if they had gone forth not to fight, but merely to slay.
J8. And Joshua said, Roll, &c. The enemy having been completely routed, Joshua is now free, and, as it were, at leisure, to inflict punishment on the kings. In considering
^ It is altogether omitted in the Septuagint. — Ed.
- " A bloodless victory." Latin, " Incruenta -victoria." French, " De la part des Israelites ils ont acquis la victoire sans qu'il leiur ait couste la vie d'un seul homme ;" " On the part of the Israehtes they gained the vic- tory without its having cost them the Hfe of a single man." — Ed.
158 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. X. 18.
this, the divine command must al\va3's be kept in view. But for this it would argue boundless arrogance and barbar- ous atrocity to trample on the necks of kings, and hang up their dead bodies on gibbets. It is certain that they had lately been raised by divine agency to a sacred dignity, and placed on a royal throne. It Avould therefore have been contrary to the feelings of humanity to exult in their igno- miny, had not God so ordered it. But as such was his pleasure, it behoves us to acquiesce in his decision, without presuming to inquire why he was so severe.
At the same time, we must recollect, as I formerly hinted, first, that all from the least even to the greatest were deserv- ing of death, because their iniquity had reached the highest pitch, and the kings, as more criminal than the others, deserved severer punishment ; and secondly, that it was expedient to give an example of inexorable rigour in the person of the kings, whom the people, from a perverse affec- tation of clemency, might have been too much disposed to pardon. It was the will of God that all should be destroyed, and he had imposed the execution of this sentence on his people. Had he not stimulated them strongly to the joer- formance of it, they might have found specious pretexts for giving pardon. But a mercy which impairs the authority of God at the will of man, is detestable.'^ Now, however, when regal honour is not spared, all handle for humanity to the plebeians and common vulgar is cut off.
By this instance, the Lord shews us the great interest he takes in his elect people ; for it was an instance of rare con- descension to place kings under their feet, and allow them to insult over their dignity, as if they had been petty rob- bers ; as it is said in the Psalm, A two-edged sword is in their hand to execute vengeance on the nations, to bind their kings with fetters, and their nobles with chains of iron; to execute the judgment written: this honour have all the saints. (Ps. cxlix. 6-9.) That fearful sight had at
' French, " Or c'este ime misericorde qui merite d'estre detestee, quand elle derogue a I'authorite de Dieu, et qu'clle la deniinue selon qu'il semble bon aux hommes ;" " Now it is a mercy wliicli deserves to be detested, when it derogates from the authority of God, and le.ssens it according as it seems good to men." — Ed.
CHAP. X. 25. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 159
the same time the effect of striking terror, so as to prevent the Israelites from imitating the manners of nations whose crimes they had seen so severely punished. Accordingly, we repeatedly meet in the books of Moses with this warning, You have seen how God took vengeance on the nations who were in the land of Canaan before you. Beware, therefore, of provoking the wrath of your God by their perverse doings. In one word, that God might be worshipped with greater sanctity, he ordered the land to be purged of all pollutions, and as the inhabitants liad been excessively wicked, he willed that his curse should rest upon them in a new and unwonted manner.
25. And Joshua said unto them, Fear not, &c. Joshua now triumphs in the persons of the five kings over all the others who remained. For he exhorts his own people to con- fidence, just as if those who still stood unsubdued were actually prostrate under their feet. Hence we gather, that by the trampling down of a few, the whole people were so elated, that they looked down with contempt on all the others, as if they were already overthrown. And, certainly, we have here a brighter display of the divine power, which could thus inspire confidence for the future.
It is to be observed, however, that the kings were hung- up, not for the purpose of exercising greater severity upon them, but merely by way of ignominy, as they were alread}"- slain. It was expedient that this memorable act of divine vengeance should be openly displayed in the view of all. Perhaps, also, it was the divine purpose to infuriate the other nations by despair, and drive them to madness, that they might bring down swifter destruction on themselves, whetting the wrath of the Israelites by their obstinacy. The same ignominy is inflicted on the king of Makkedah, though he had not led out his forces, and a similar destruc- tion is executed on the whole people, who had kept quiet within their walls.^ It is probable, indeed, that they had made some hostile attempt, but the special reason was, that
' French, " Tout le peuple qui n'estoit point sorti de la ville n'en a pas eut meilleur conte ;" " All the people who had not come out from the town did not get easier off." — Ed.
160
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. X. 25.
God had jaassed the same sentence upon all. Why the dead bodies were thrown into the cave at evening, I have elsewhere explained. Moreover, this whole history holds up to us as in a mirror, how, when the Lord is seated on his tribunal, all worldly splendour vanishes before him, and the glory of those who seemed to excel is turned by his judgment into the greatest disgrace.
29. Then Joshua passed from Makkedah, and all Israel with him, unto Libnah, and fought against Libnah :
30. And the Lord delivered it also, and the king thereof, into the hand of Israel ; and he smote it Avith the edge of the sword, and all the souls that were therein : he let none remain in it ; but did unto the king thereof as he did unto the king of Jericho.
31. And Joshua passed from Lib- nah, and all Israel with him, unto Laehish, and encamped against it, and fought against it :
32. And the Lord delivered La- ehish into the hand of Israel, which took it on the second day, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and all the souls that were therein, ac- cording to all that he had done to Libnah.
33. Then Horam king of Gezer came up to help Laehish ; and Jo- shua smote him and his people, un- til he had left him none remaining.
34. And from Laehish Joshua passed unto Eglon, and all Israel with him ; and they encamped against it, and fought against it :
35. And they took it on that day, and smote it with the edge of the sword; and all the souls that xioere therein he utterly destroyed that day, according to all that he had done to Laehish.
36. And Joshua went up from Eglon, and all Israel with him,mito Hebron ; and they fought against it :
37. And they took it, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and the king thereof, and all tlie cities thereof, and all the souls that were
29. Transivit deinde Josue et universus Israel cum eo de Makeda in Libna, et oppugnavit Libna.
SO. Tradiditque Jehova illam etiam in manum Israel, et regem ejus, et pcrcussit cam acie gladii, omnem- que animam quaj erat in ea : non re- liquit in ea superstitem, fecitque regi ejus qiiemadmodum fecerat regi Jericho.
31 . Postea transivit Josue, et imi- versus Israel cum eo de Libna in Lachis, et castrametatus est juxta earn, et oppugnavit earn.
32. Deditque Jehova Lachis in manum Israel, et cepit earn die se- cunda, et percussit eam acie gladii, oninemque animam quae erat in ea prorsus ut fecerat Libna.
33. Ascendit autem Horam rex Geser ad openi ferendam Lachis, et percussit eum Josue ac populum ejus, ut non reliquerit ei superstitem.
34. Tranhivit insuper Josue et universus Israel cum eo de Lachis in Eglon, et castrametati sunt con- tra eam, et oppugnaverunt eam.
35. Ceperuntque eam die iUo, et percusserunt acie gladii, et omnem animam qute illic erat, die ilia inter- fecit prorsus ut fecerat Lachis.
36. Ascendit postea Josue et uni- versus Israel cum eo ab Eglon in Hebron, et oppugnaverunt eam.
37. Et ceperunt eam, et percus- serunt acie gladii, et regem ejus, et omnia oppida ejus, atque omnem animam quai illic erat : non reliquit
CHAP. X, 29.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
161
therein ; he left none remaining, according to all that he had done to Eglon, but destroyed it utterly, and all tlie souls that tccre therein.
38. And Joshua returned, and all Israel with him, to Debir, and fought against it :
39. And he took it, and the king thereof, and all the cities thereof, and they smote them with the edge of the sword, and utterly destroyed all the souls that were therein ; he left none remaining : as he had done to Hebron, so he did to Debir, and to the king thereof ; as he had done also to Libnah, and to her king.
40. So Joshua smote all the country of the liills, and of the south, and of the vale, and of the springs, and all their kings : he left none remaining, but utterly de- stroyed all that breathed, as the Lord God of Israel commanded.
41. And Joshua smote them from Kadesh-barnea even unto Gaza, and all the country of Goshen, even unto Gibeon.
42. And all these kings, and their land, did Joshua take at one time, because the Lord God of Israel fought for Israel.
43. And Joshua returned, and all Israel with him, unto the camp to Gilgal.
superstitem prorsus ut fecerat Eg- lon. Perdidit ergo eam atque om- nem animam quse illic erat.
38. Postea reversus est Josue, et universus Israel cum. eo in Debir, et oppugnavit eam.
39. Et ceperunt eam, et percus- serunt acie gladii, et regem ejus, et omnia oppida ejus, percusseruntque eos acie gladii, atque interfecerimt omnem animam quae illic erat. Non reliquit superstitem, quemadmodum fecerat Hebron, sic fecit Debir, et regi ejus : et quemadmodum fecerat Libna, et regi ejus.
40. Percussit itaque Josue om- nem terram montanam, et meridia- nam, et campestrem, descensus ac- clives, et omnes reges earum : non reliquit superstitem : et omnem animam interfecit, quemadmodum prfeceperat Jehova Deus Israel.
41. Percussit itaque Josue a Ca- des Barne usque ad Asa, et univer- sam terram Gosen usque ad Gibeon.
42. Cunctos vero reges istos, et terram eorum cepit Josue simul: quia Jehova Deus Israelis pugnabat pro Israele.
43. Inde reversus est Josue et universus Israel cum eo in castra in Gilgal.
29. Then Joshua passed, &c. We have now a descriiDtion of the taking of the cities, out of whicli the army of the enemy had been raised ; and herein God displayed his power no less wonderfully than in the open field, especially when the rapidity is considered. For although those who had fled hither in trepidation might have produced some degree of panic, still, when the fear was allayed, they might be useful for defence.^ The garrison had been increased by their numbers. When, therefore, in a short period of time, Joshua takes all the cities, and gains possession of the smaller towns, the presence of God was conspicuously mani- fested in a success no less incredible than unexpected. For
' French, " lis pourroyent servir de defense pour garder les villes ;" " They might serve for defence to guard the towns." — Ed.
L
162 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. X. 29.
had they, when attacked, only sliut their gates, as Joshua had not brought either ladders by which he might scale the walls, or engines by which he might throw them down, each siege might have been attended with considerable fatigue and delay. Therefore, when he takes one tlie following day, and another the very day after attacking it, these continued, easy, and rapid victories, are evidently beyond human agency Not without cause, then, in the end of the chapter, is the goodness of God expressly celebrated, as it had been made manifest that he was fighting for Israel, when Joshua at once took and vanquished so many kings, with their terri- tories. Indeed, he could never, even in a course of inspec- tion, have passed so quickly from city to city, had not a pas- sage been divinely opened by the removal of obstacles. The miracle was increased when the king of Geser, who had come to the help of others, doubtless with full confidence in the result, was suddenly put to rout, almost without an effort, and did not even delay the advance of the Israelites. Those who were slain in the cities represent, as in a miiror, those whose punishment the Almighty holds suspended, while he actually takes vengeance on others. For though they plume themselves on the reprieve thus afforded them, their condition is worse than if they were immediately dragged to death.^ It looks as if it would have been a dire calamity to fall in the field of battle ; and making their escape, they seek safety within their walls. But what awaited them there was much more dreadful. Their wives and their children are butchered in their sight, and their own death is more ignominious than if they had perished sword in hand. Hence there is no reason to envy the repro- bate the short time which the Lord sometimes grants them, because when they have begun to promise themselves safety, sudden destruction will come upon them. (2 Thess. v. 8.) Meanwhile, let us learn not to abuse the patience of God when ho defers to execute his judgment, and, instead of in- dulging in self-complacency when we seem to have been
' Latin, " Quam si mox ad mortem traherentur." French, " Que s'ils estoyent depeschez soudainement sur le champ;" "Than if they were de- spatched suddenly on the spot." — Ed.
CHAP. X. 4-0. COMMENfARY ON JOSHUA. 163
delivered from any danger, or wlien means of escape from it present themselves, let us reflect on the words of Jeremiah, (Jer. xxiv. 2,) that while the basket of early figs^ had at least some savour, the other was so sour that they could not be eaten.
40. So Joshua smote all the country, &c. Here the divine authority is again interposed in order completely to acquit Joshua of any charge of cruelty. Had he proceeded of his own accord to commit an indiscriminate massacre of women and children, no excuse could have exculpated him from the guilt of detestable cruelty, cruelty surpassing anything of which we read as having been perpetrated by savage tribes scarcely raised above the level of the brutes. But that at which all would otherwise be justly horrified, it becomes them to embrace with reverence, as proceeding from God. Clemency is justly praised as one of the principal virtues ; but it is the clemency of those who moderate their wrath when they have been injured, and when they would have been justified, as individuals, in shedding blood. But as God had destined the swords of his people for the slaughter of the Amorites, Joshua could do nothing else than obej" his command.
By this fact, then, not only are all mouths stopped, but all minds also are restrained from i^resuming to pass censure. When any one hears it said that Joshua slew all who came in his way without distinction, although they thiew down their arms and suppliantly begged for mercy, the calmest minds are aroused by the bare and simple statement, but when it is added, that so God had commanded, there is no more ground for obloquy against him, than there is against those who pronounce sentence on ciiminals. Though, in our judgment at least, the children and many of the women also were without blame, let us remember that the judgment-seat of heaven is not subject to our laws. Kny, rather when we see how the green plants are thus burned, let us, who are dry wood, fear a heavier judgment for ourselves. And cer- tainly, any man who will thoroughly examine liimself, will
' Latin, " Ficus prcccoces." French, " Lcs figucs hastives ;"' "Preco- cious i'igs, or figs too hastily ripened."— iiJ'/.
164 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. X. 40.
find that lie is deserving of a hundred deaths. Why, then, should not the Lord perceive just ground for one death in any infant which has only passed from its mother's womb ? In vain shall we murmur or make noisy complaint, that he has doomed the whole offspring of an accursed race to the same destruction ; the potter will nevertheless have absolute power over his own vessels, or rather over his own clay.^
The last verse ^ confirms the observation already made, that the fixed station of the whole people was in Gilgal ; and that the soldiers who had gone out to war, returned thither, both that they might rest from their fatigues, and place their booty in safety. It would not have been proper to allow them to be more widely scattered till the casting of the lot had shewn where each was to have his permanent abode.
CHAPTER XI.
1. And it came to pass, when Ja- 1. Quum autem Jabim rex Ha- bin kinf^ of Hazor had heard those sor, niisit ad Jobab regem Madam, ^/u'^f/s, that he sent to Jobab king of et ad regem Simeron, et ad regem Madon, and to the king of Shimron, Achsaph,
and to the king of Achshaph,
2. And to tlie kings that ivere on 2. Ad reges qiioque qui habita- the north of the mountains, and of bant ab aquilone in montanis, et the plains south of Chinneroth, and in planitie ad meridiem Cineroth, in the valley, and in the borders of et in planitie in Naphoth-Dor ab Dor on the west; occidente.
3. Jjtd to the Canaanite on the 3. Ad Chananjeum ab oriente et east and on the west, and to the occidente, et Amorrhfeum, et Hit- Amorite, and the Hittite, and the tha?um, et Pherisseuni, et Jelmsseum Perizzite, and the Jebusite in the in montanis, et Hivffium sub lier- mountains, and to the Hivite under mon in terra Mispath.
Hermon in the land of Mizpeh.
4. And they went out, they and 4. Et egressi sunt ipsi, et omnes all their hosts Avith them, much exercitus eorum cum ipsis, populus people, even as the sand that is upon multus tanquam arena qure est juxta the sea-shore in multitude, with littus maris, prte multitudine, et horses and chariots very many. cqui, et currus multi valde.
5. And when all these kings were 5. Congregati sunt omnes reges met together, they came and pitched isti, et venientes castrametati sunt together at the waters of Meroni, to pariter ad aquas Merom, ut pugna- fight against Israel. rent cum Israele.
' French, " Car cela n'empeschera point que le potier n'ait puissance de faire de ses pots tout ce qu'il luy plaira ;" " For that will not hinder the potter from having power to make of his pots whatever he pleases." — Ed.
" This verse is also omitted by the Septuagint. — Ed.
CHAP. XL
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
165
6. And the Lord said unto Jo- shua, Be not afraid because of them ; for to-morrow, about this time, Avill I dehver tliem up all slain before Israel : thou shalt hough their horses, and burn their chariots with fire.
7. So Joshua came, and all the people of war with him, against them by the waters of Merom sud- denly, and they fell upon them.
8. And the Lord delivered them into the hand of Israel, who smote them, and chased them unto great Zidon, and unto Misrephoth-maim, and unto the valley of Mizpeh east- ward ; and they smote them, until they left them none remaining.
9. And Joshua did unto them as the Lord bade him : he houghed their horses, and burnt their cha- riots with fire.
10. And Joshua at that time turned back, and took Hazor, and smote the king thereof with the sword : for Hazor beforetime was the head of all those kingdoms.
n. And they smote all the souls that were therein with the edge of the sword, utterly destroying them, ; there was not any left to breathe : and he biu-nt Hazor with fire.
12. And all the cities of those kings, and all the kings of them, did Joshua take, and smote them with the edge of the sword ; and he ut- terly destroyed them, as Moses, the servant of the Lord, commanded.
13. But as for the cities that stood still in their strength, Israel burned noiie of them, save Hazor only; t/>at did Joshua burn.
14. And all the spoil of these cities, and the cattle, the children of Israel took for a prey unto them- selves ; but every man they smote with the edge of the sword, until they had destroyed them, neither left they any to breathe.
15. As the Lord commanded Moses his sers'ant, so did Moses command Joshua, and so did Jo- shua : he left nothing undone of all that the Lord commanded Moses,
6. Dixit autem Jehova ad Josuam, Ne timeas a facie eorum : eras enim hoc tempore tradam omnes istos occisos coram Israele, equos eorum subnervabis, et currus eorum com- bures igni.
7. Venit itaque Josue, etcimctus populus bellator cum eo adversus ipsos ad aquam Merom repente, et irrucrunt in eos.
8. Et tradidit eos Jehova in ma- nura Israelis, percusseruntque eos, et persequuti sunt usque ad Sido- nem magnam, et usque ad fervores aquarum, et usque ad campum Mispe ad orientem : ac percusse- runt eos donee non reliquerit eis superstitem.
9. Feci! que eis Josue quemad- modum dixerat eis Jehova, equos eorum subnervavit, et currus eorum conibussit igni.
10. Et reversus Josue eodem tempore cepit Hasor, et regem ejus percussit gladio, Hasor enim antea fuerat caput omnium istorum reg- norum.
1 1 . Percussenmt quoque omnem animam quse illic erat, acie gladii perdendo : non remansit ulla anima : et Hasor combussit igni.
12. Omnes urbes regum istorum, et universos reges earum cepit Jo- sue, percussitque eos acie gladii, perdendo eos sicuti prseceperat Mo- ses servus Jehovte.
13. Tantummodo omnes urbes qnre manebant in statu sue non combussit Israel, prjeter Hasor so- lani qixam combussit Josue.
14. Et onmia spolia urbium ista- rum, et jumenta prsedati sunt sibi fiUi Israel : veruntamen omnes ho- mines percusserunt acie gladii quous- que perderent eos : non reliquerunt ullam animam.
15. Quemadmodum prfeceperat Jehova Mosi servo suo : sic prjecepit i\Ioses Josue, et Josue sic fecit, ut non omitteret quidquam ex omni- bus qufe prfeceperat Jehova Mosi.
166 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XI. 1.
1. And it came to pass when Jabin, &c. In this new league also we have a bright manifestation of the more than paternal care of God, in warding off dangers from his people, and also in assisting their weakness by kindness and in- dulgence. Had Jabin, with the confederates of whom men- tion is now made, openly declared himself the ally of the neighbouring kings, a much more formidable war would have broken out against the Israelites, and greater solicitude and anxiety must have seized their minds. It would, indeed, have been easy for the Lord, as well to put all their forces at once to the rout, as to dissipate all fear and dread of them. He was unwilling, however, to press beyond measure his own people, who were otherwise feeble, lest the excessive numbers of the enemy should strike them with terror, and drive them to despair. He therefore kept the many nations, whose interest it was to have rushed hastily to arms, in a state of lethargy and amazement, until the chosen people had been animated b}' signal victories, to carry on the wars which still remained. They pillage and devastate a large territory, and leave it destitute of inhabitants and stript of resources. None of the neighbouring powers, who were afterwards to act on the offensive, makes the least move- ment. The Israelites revisit their wives and children in safety. When they had gathered courage, and were ready for a new war, suddenly a very large army appears, composed of different nations, who had hitherto, by remaining quiet, furnished opportunity for victory. Their coming thus for- ward at a later period, was the same as if they had entered into a truce. Thus God not only fought for his chosen people, but by dividing the enemy, increased their strength manifold.
How formidable must the onset have been, had not the Israelites been gradually trained to confidence in battle, and at the same time experienced the manifest assistance of God ? First, their numbers are compared to the sand of the sea, and then they have horses and chariots. As the Israelites were altogether destitute of cavalry, it is strange that they were not teri'ified at this array. Therefore they were gradually brought forward till they were able to bear it. For, in their former battles, he had only exercised them bv
CHAT. XI. 6. CUMMENTAIIY ON JOSHUA. 167
a kind of pleasing preludes.^ It may be added, that the Lord had, by several victories, ever and anon borne testi- mony to his power, that they might not think more lightly of it than was meet. Had all their enemies been routed at once, they might, indeed, have magnificently celebrated the praises of God, but they might also have easily lost the re- membrance of them. It was necessary, therefore, that repeated proofs distinct and apart from each other, should be held forth to tlieir view, lest they might attribute one victory to a stroke of fortune.
6. And the Lord said unto Joshua, &c. The greater the labour and difficulty of destroying an army, so numerous and so well equipped, the more necessary was it to inspire them with new confidence. The Lord, therefore, appears to his servant Joshua, and promises the same success as he had previously given him on several occasions. It is to be carefully observed, tliat as often as he reiterates his jiromises men are reminded of their forgetfulness, or their sloth, or their fickle- ness. For unless new nourishment is every now and then given to faith, they forthwith faint and fall away.^ And yet sucli is our perverse fastidiousness, that to hear the same thing twice is usually felt to be irksome. Wherefore let us learn, as often as we are called to engage in new contests, to recall the remembrance of the divine promises, which may correct our languor, or rouse us from our sloth. And espe- cially let us make an application of that which is hero said in general, to our daily practice ; as the Lord now intimates, that that which he had declared concerning all nations would be specially sure and stable on the present occasion.
We infer from the account of the time employed, that these kings had marched a considerable distance, in order to attack Joshua and the people in Gilgal. For immediately after the divine intimation, mention is made of the expedition used by Joshua.^ He is promised tlie victory on the following
' Latin, " Jucundis prffiludiis." French, " Escamiouches plaisantes ;" " Pleasing skirmishes." — Ed.
' French, " EUe secoule et evanouist ; " It" (faith) " melts and vanishes." — Ed.
* Latin, " Oraculo enim subnectitm" expeditio Josue." French, " Car I'expedition de Josue est conjointe avec Tavertissement que Dieu luy
168 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XL 6.
day. Hence they were not far distant. And the lake of Merom, where they had pitched their camp, is contiguous to the Jordan, and much nearer to Gilgal than Gennesaret, from which district some of the enemy had come.^ It is said that this lake diminishes or increases according to the freezing of the snow on the mountains, or to its melting. Moreover, the
donne;" "For the expedition of Joshua is conjoined with the intimation which God gives him." — Ed.
' Latin, " Et lacus Merom, ubicastra locaverant, qui Jordani contiguus est, longe propius accedit ad Gilgal quam Gennesara ex cujus tractu pars hostium profecta erat." French, " Et le lac de Merom ou ils s'estoyent campez, qui est contigu au Jourdain, approche beaucoup plus pres de Gil- gal que ne fait Genesara, du rivage duquel une partie des ennemis s'estoit levee ;" " And the lake of Merom, where they had encamped, which is contiguous to the Jordan, approaches much nearer to Gilgal than Gennesa- ret does, on the shores of which a part of the enemy had been raised." The geographical details here given, and more especially those relating to the lake of Merom, are both defective and inaccurate. The impression left by the Commentary is, that after the kings, composing this formidable league, had united their forces, they began to march southwards, and had arrived within a moderate distance of Gilgal, where they probably expected to come suddenly on Joshua, and take him by surprise. Meanwhile they encamped by the lake of Merom, and Joshua having, in consequence of a divine intimation, set out hastily with his army, gives them the surprise which they expected to have given him. According to this view, the lake of Merom was comparatively near to Gilgal, and hence this is distinctly asserted in the Latin and French quotation which commences this note. The French says plainly, that there was a shorter distance to Gilgal from the lake of Merom than from that of Gennesaret. And the Latin, though not free from ambiguity, says, either the same thing or something still more inacurate, namely, that the lake of Merom was nearer to Gilgal than to the lake of Gennesaret. On the contrary, it is now well known, that the lake of Merom, the modern El Hule, is situated ten miles to the north of the lake of Gennesaret, and consequently is exactly that number of miles farther from Gilgal than the lake of Gennesaret is, the distances of the lakes from Gilgal being respectively, for Merom, about seventy-five, and for Gennesaret sixty-five miles. Such being the fact, it is obvious that Joshua could not have been at Gilgal when he was honoured with a divine communication, promising him the victory on the following day. The true state of the case seems to be, that after Joshua had conquered the central and southern parts of the country, a nvmiber of kings or chiefs, whose territories extended over the whole of the north of the promised land, entered into a common league, and appointed the lake of Merom as their place of rendezvous. Joshua, well informed of th.e league, and alive to its formidable nature, did not wait to give the enemy time to mature their schemes, or remain inert till they were actually within a day's march of his camp, but set out with a determination to act on the offensive, and with this view had advanced far to the north, into the very heart of the enemy's country, a\ hen any fears which their formidable array might have produced, either in himself or his army, were completely removed by the assurance of speedy and signal success. — Ed.
CHAP. XI. 8. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 169
command given to Joshua and tlie people, to cut the legs or thighs of the liorses, and to burn the chariots, was undoubt- edly intended to prevent them from adopting those more studied modes of warfare which were in use among profane nations. It was indeed necessary that they should serve as soldiers, and fight strenuously with the enemy, but still they were to depend only on the Lord, to consider themselves strong only in his might, and to recline on him alone.
This could scarcely have been the case, if they had been provided with cavalry, and an array of chariots. For we know how such showy equipment dazzles the eye, and in- toxicates the mind with overweening confidence. Moreover, a law had been enacted, (Deut. xvii. 16,) that their kings were not to provide themselves with horses and chariots, obviously because they would have been extremely apt to ascribe to their own military discipline that which God claimed for himself. Hence the common saying, (Psalm xx. 7,) " Some trust in chariots and some in horses, but we will remember the name of the Lord our Grod," God wished to deprive them of all stimulants to audacity, in order that they might live quietly contented with their own limits, and not unjustly attack their neighbours. And experience shewed, that when a bad ambition had impelled their kings to buy horses, they engaged in wars not less rashly than un- successfully. It was necessary, therefore, to render the horses useless for war, by cutting their sinews, and to destroy the chariots, in order that the Israelites might not become accustomed to the practices of the heathen.
8. And the Lord delivered them, &c. The greatness of the overthrow may be inferred from this, that the slaughter continued as far as Sidon, which was far distant from the lake of Merom. Sidon is called great, from its celebrity as a commercial emporium and the great number of its inhabi- tants. There is no comparison instituted between it and a minor town of same name. The Hebrew noun Mozerephoth, which some retain without change as a proper name, we have preferred to translate " the boiling of the waters," because it is probable that there were thermal springs there, which boiled. Moreover, as the panic which hurried them away
170 COMMENTARY' ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XL 12.
into such a scattered fliglit, plainly shews that they were di-iven headlong by the secret teiror of the Lord. So it is certain that the Israelites who dared to follow the fugitives through so many dangers were carried to a higher pitch of valour than human by celestial agency.
Praise is bestowed on Joshua as well for his abstinence as for his prompt obedience. Nor would he have submitted so willingly to the loss of so many horses and chariots, had not the fear of God overawed him. For such is our ingenuity in devising pretexts, it would have been plausible to allege, that though he could not fit them for military use, still their value was by no means to be despised. But he tliought that he had no riffht to take anvthing into consideration but the pleasure of God. Then, as he had succeeded by his own good conduct, in making the people willing and obedient, he, as an individual, justly received the praise of what had been performed generally by all.
12. And all the cities of those kings, &c. Having routed the army, they began to plunder and lay waste the country, and to take and demolish the towns. From its being said that the cities which remained entire were not burned, it may be inferred with some probability, that some were taken by foice and assault, and so razed. Hazor, alone, after the siege was over, and the heat of the struggle had cooled, was destroyed by fire, because it had held forth the torch which enkindled the war. But in accordance with the explanation already given, it is repeatedly and more clearly stated in this passage, that Joshua did not give loose reins to his passion, when he slew all from the least to the greatest. For there is now a dis- tinct statement of what had not yet been expressed, namely, that Joshua faithfully performed his part, by fulfilling every- thing which the Lord had enjoined by Moses. It is just as if he had placed his hands at the disposal of God, when he destroyed those nations according to his command. And so ought we to hold that, though the whole world should condemn us, it is sufficient to free us from all blame, that we have the authority of God.^ Meanwhile, it becomes us pru- ' Latin, " Deum habere authorem." French, " Que nous ayons Dieu pour garant et avitheur de cc que nous faisons ;" " That we have God as guarantee and author for what we do." — Ed.
CHAF. XL 1 6.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
in
deiitly to consider, what each man's vocation requires, lest any one, by giving license to his zeal, as wishing to imitate Joshua, may be judged cruel and sanguinary, rather than a strict servant of God.
16. So Joshua took all that land, the hills, and all the south country, and all the land of Goshen, and the valley, and the plain, and the mountain of Israel, and the valley of the same ;
17. Even from the mount Halak, that goeth up to Seir, even unto Baal- gad in the valley of Lebanon, under moimt Hermon: and all their kings he took, and smote them, and slew them.
IS. Joshua made war a long tiuie with all those kings.
19. There '.vas not a city that made peace with tlie children of Israel, save the Hivites, the inh:ibitants of Gibeon : all other they took in battle.
20. For it was of the Lord to harden their hearts, that they should come against Israel in battle, that he might destroy them utterly, anri that they might have no favour, but that he might destroy them, as the Lord com- manded ^Nloses.
21. And at that time came Joshua, and cut ofi" the Anakims from the mountains, fi-om Hebron, from Debir, from A nab; and from all the mountains of Judah, and from all the moun- tains of Israel : Joshua destroyed them uttely with their cities.
22. There was none of the Anakims left in the land of the children of Israel : only in Gaza, in Gath, and in Ashdod, there remained.
23. So Joshua took the whole land, according to all that the Lord said unto Moses, and Joshua gave it for an in- heritance unto Israel, according to their divisions by their tribes. And the land rested from war.
16. Et cepit Josue omnem ter- ram istam montanam, et omnem australem, omnemque Gosen et planitiem atque campestria, mon- temquoquelsraeletplanitiemejus.
17. A monte Lsvi qui assurgit versus Seir usque ad Baalgad in campo Libani sub monte Hermon: omnes quoque reges eoruni cepit, et percussit eos et interfecit.
18. Diebus multis gessit Josue cum onmibus regibus istis helium.
19. Non fuit mrbs qu?e pacem fecerit cum filiis Israel prseter Hiv£eos habitatores Gibeon: om- nes coeperunt prfelio.
20. Quia a Jehova fuit, ut induraret cor eorum in occursum belli cum Israel : ut deleret eos, nee restaret illis misericordia : sed ut disperderet eos, sicut prsece- perat Jehova Mosi.
21. Venit autem Josue tempore illo, et excidit Anakim e mon- tanis : ex Hebron, ex Debir, ex Anab, et ex omni monte Jehuda, et ex omni monte Israel : una cum urbibus eorum delevit eos Josue.
22. Xon remansit ex Anakim in terra fiUorum Israel: tantum in Gad et in Asdod residui fue- runt.
23. Accepit itaque Josue totam terram prorsus ut dixerat Jehova IVIosi, et tradidit eam in hseredi- tatem Israeli secundum divisiones eorum per tribus suas : et terra quievit a bello.
16. So Joshua took all that land, &c. In the uninterrupted series of victories, when the land, of its own accord, spued out its old inliabitants, to give free possession to the Israel- ites, it was visibly manifest, as is said in the Psalm, (Ps. xliv. 'S,) " They got not the laud in possession by their own
172 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XI. 18.
sword, neither did tlieir own arm save them ; but thy right hand, and thine arm, and the light of thy countenance, because tliou hadst a favour unto them." Tlie design of enumerating the places and districts is to let us know that the work which God had begun he continued to carry on without interrui:)tion. But it is a mistake to suppose, as some do, that by the name Israel a certain mountain is meant. For it will be plain, from the end of the chajjter, (ver. 21,) that the term is applied indiscriminately to the mountainous part of Israel and Judali. There is therefore an enallage in the enumeration, because the mountains of the ten tribes are tacitly compared with the mountains of Judah. Accordingly, an antithesis is to be understood. In the other mountain (ver. 17) the surname is ambiguous. Some understand it to mean division, as if it had been cut in two ;^ others to mean smooth, as it was destitute of trees, just as a head is rendered smooth by baldness. As the point is uncertain, and of little importance, the reader is at liberty to make his choice.
18. Joshua made war a long time, &c. Before, he had in a short time, and, as it were, with the swiftness of running, seized possession of five kingdoms ; in the others the case was different, not from hesitation, or weariness, or sloth, but because the Lord exercised his people variously, that he might give a brighter display of his manifold grace, which usually loses its value in our eyes, if it is exhibited only in one and the same way. Therefore, as the divine power had formerly been signally manifested by incredible facility of accomplishment, when the enemy were routed in an instant, so a lingering warfare now furnished numerous proofs of heavenly aid.^ Nor did this happen suddenly and unex-
' Latin, " Dissectus." French, " Conppee ou fendue ;" " Cut, or cleft." —Ed.
^ According to Josephus, (Antiquit., v. 2.) the time Mhich Joshua spent in his wars was five years ; others make it seven, and justify their estimate by the following calculation: — In Joshua xiv. 7-10, Caleb says that he was forty years old Mhen he was sent from Kadesh-Bamea to spy out the land, and tliat since then to the present time (apparently that when the wars had just terminated) forty-five years had elapsed. Of these forty-five years, thirty-eight v.-ere spent in the desert, and consequently the remaining seven constitute the whole period which had elapsed from the passage of the Jordan up to the time when Caleb made his statement. — Ed.
CHAP. XI. 19. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 1 7-!>
pectedly ; for God had foretold by Moses that so it would be, lest, if the land were at once converted into a desert, the wild beasts might gain the ascendency. (Deut. vii. 22.) In short, we here perceive, as in a mirror, that whatever the Lord had promised by Moses was accomplished in reality, and by no dubious event. But w^hile we recognise the certainty of the promises of God, we ought also to medi- tate on the favour confirmed towards his chosen people, in that he acted as the provident head of a family, not neglecting or omitting anything which tended to their ad- vantage.
19. There ivas not a city that made peace, &c. This sen- tence appears, at first sight, contradictory to what is every- where said in the books of Moses, that the Israelites were not to enter into any league with those nations, or make any terms of peace with them, but, on the contrary, to destroy them utterly, and wipe out their race and name. (Exod. xxiii. 32 ; Deut. vii. 2.)i Seeing the nations were thus ex- cluded from the means of making any paction, and would in vain have made any proposals for peace, it seems absurd to ascribe the destruction, which they had not even the means of deprecating, to their obstinacy.
For, let us suppose that they had sent ambassadors before them with olive branches in their hands, and had been intent on pacific measures, Joshua would at once have answered that he could not lawfully enter into any negotia- tion, as the Lord had forbidden it. Wherefore, had they made a hundred attempts to avoid war, they must, neverthe- less, have perished. Why, then, are they blamed for not having sought peace, as if they had not been driven by necessity to fight, after they saw they had to do with an implacable people ? But if it was not free to them to act otherwise, it is unjust to lay any blame upon them when they acted under compulsion in opposing the fury of their enemy.
' The Septuagint, as if influenced by considerations similar to those here mentioned, has evaded the apparent inconsistency, by rendering the 19th verse as follows, " And there was not a city which Israel did not take : they took aU in war." There is a various reading, however, which corre- sponds almost verbatim with the common rendering. — Ed.
174 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XI. 19.
To tills objection, I answer, that the Israelites, thougli they were forbidden to shew them any mercy, were met in a hostile manner, in order that the war might be just. And it was wonderfully arranged by the secret providence of God, that, being doomed to destruction, they should voluntarily offer themselves to it, and by provoking the Israelites be the cause of their own ruin. The Lord, therefore, besides order- ing that pardon should be denied them, also incited them to blind fury, that no room might be left for mercy. And it behoved the people not to bo too wise or prying in this matter. For while the Lord, on the one hand, interdicted them from entering into any covenant, and, on the other, was unwilling that they should take hostile measures without being provoked, a too anxious discussion of the procedure might have greatly unsettled their minds. Hence the only way of freeing themselves from perplexity was to lay their care on the bosom of God. And he in his incomprehensible wisdom provided that when the time for action arrived, his people should not be impeded in their course by any obstacle. Thus the kings beyond the Jordan, as they had been the first to take up arms, justly suffered the punishment of their temerity. For the Israelites did not assail them with hostile arms until they had been provoked. In the same way, also, the citizens of Jericho, by having shut their gates, were the first to declare war. The case is the same with the others, who, by their obstinacy, furnished the Israelites with a ground for prosecuting the war.
It now appears how perfectly consistent the two things are. The Lord commanded Moses to destroy the nations whom he had doomed to destruction ; and he accordingly opened a way for his own decree when he hardened the re- probate. In the first place, tiien, stands the will of God, which must be regarded as the principal cause. For seeing their iniquity had reached its height, he determined to destroy them. This was the origin of the command given to Moses, a command, however, which would have failed of its effect had not the chosen people been armed to execute the divine judgment, by the perverseness and obstinacy of those who wei'e to be destroyed. God hardens them for this
CHAP. XI. 2o, COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 1 7/5
veiy end, that tliey may shut themselves out from mercy.* Hence that hardness is called liis work, because it secures the accomplishment of his design. Should any attempt be made to darken so clear a matter by those who imagine that God only looks down from heaven to see what men will be pleased to do, and who cannot bear to think that the hearts of men are cui'bed b}" his secret agency, what else do tliey display than their own presumption ? Tliey only allow God a permissive power, and in this way make his counsel de- pendent on the pleasure of men. But what saith the Sjiirit ? That the hardening is from God, who thus precipitates those whom he means to destroy.
21. And at that time came Joshua, &c. Of the sons of Anak we have spoken elsewhere. They were a race of giants, with the account of whose mighty stature the spies so ter- rified the people, that they refused to proceed into the land of Canaan. Therefore, seeing they Avere objects of so much dread, it was of importance that they should be put out of the way, and the people made more alert by their good hopes of success. It would have been exceedingly injurious ^ to keep objects which filled them with alarm and anxiety always present before their minds, inasmuch as fear obscured the glory ascribed to God for former victories, and overthrew their faith, while they reflected that the most difficult of all their contests still awaited them. Therefore, not M'ithout cause is it mentioned among the other instances of divine aid, that by purging the land of such monsters, it was ren- dered a fit habitation for the people. The less credible it seemed that they could be warred against with success, the more illustriously was the divine power displayed.
23. So Joshua took the whole land,^ &c. Although it was
' French, " Dieu les endiircit, afin qu'ils se monstrent indigne de toute pitie et compassion qu'on eust pen avoir d'eux ;" " God hardens them in order that they may show themselves unworthy of all pity and compassion which might have been felt for them." — Ud.
' Latin, "Pcrquam noxium," French, "Fort dangereuse ;" "Very dangerous." — Ed.
' The Latin text of the 23d verse, beginning thus, "Accepit itaque Josue totam terram prorsus ut dixerat Jehova Mosi;" "Joshua, therefore, received the whole land entirely, as the Lord had said to Moses," removes the apparent inaccuracy, but it is only by a sacrifice of the literal meaning,
176 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XI. 23.
far from being true tliat Joshua had actually acquired the whole land, yet he is truly said to have obtained it as God had declared to Moses, the latter clause restricting the mean- ing of the general sentence. For it had been expressly added that the conquest which God had promised would be made gradually, lest it should afterwards become necessary to war with the ferocious wild beasts of the woods, if they pressed forward into a desert waste. Therefore, we are at liberty to say, that though the Lord had not yet placed his people in possession of the promised land, yet he had virtually per- formed what he had agreed to do, inasmuch as he gave a commodious habitation, and one which was sufficient for the present time. And the words used imply that other districts, which had not yet come into their full and actual possession, are included ; for it is said that that which they had acquired was distributed according to families. And, in short, we afterwards see in the division that the lands were divided into lots which were not actually subdued by the people till Joshua was dead, nay, till many ages after.^ The meaning of the words, which is now plain, is simply this, that while Joshua was still alive, a certain specimen of the promise was exliibited, making him feel perfectly secure in dividing the land by lot.^
which is perfectly rendered by the English version. " So (And) Joshua took the whole land, according to all that the Lord said unto Moses." This is certainly superior to the Latin, which endeavours to obtain by a gloss that which the English equally well obtains by a literal rendering. In the commentary, the words of the 23d verse, as quoted, are, Et cepit Josue. This makes it not improbable that the Accepit of the text is only a misprint for Et cepit. — Ed.
1 French, " Or en la division nous verrons puis apres, que les regions qui furent assvijetties a I'empire du peuple apres la mort de Josue, voire plusieurs siecles depuis, furent mises en sort pour voir a qui elles esclier- royent ;" " Now, in the division, we shall afterwards see that the coun- tries which were subjected to the dominion of the people after the death of Joshua, nay, several ages after, were put into the lot, in order to see to whom they should fall."
^ Latin, " Exhibitum fuisse certum specimen promissioiiis ut secure licuerit terram sorte dividere." French, " La promesse fut tellement rati- fiee, et si bien eprouvee par effect, qu'il leur fut loisible de diviser la terre par sort ;" " The promise was so far ratified and proved by fact, that they were able at leisure to divide the land by lot." — Ed.
CHAP. xri.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
177
CHAPTER XII.
1. Now these are the kings of the land, which the children of Israel smote, and possessed their land on the other side Jordan, toward the rising of the sun, from the river Arnon unto moimt Hermon, and all the plain on the east :
2. Sihon king of the Amorites, who dwelt in Ileshbon, and ruled from Aroer, which is upon the bank of the river Arnon, and from the middle of the river, and from half Gilead, even unto the river Jabbok, which is the border of the children of Amnion :
3. And from the plain to the sea of Chinneroth on the east, and mito the sea of the plain, even the salt sea on the east, the way to Beth-jeshimoth ; and from the south, under Ashdoth- pisgali :
4. And the coast of Og king of Bashan, which vas of the remnant of the giants, that dwelt at Ashtaroth and at Edrei,
5. And reigned in mount Hermon, and in Salcah, and in all Bashan, unto the border of the Geshm-ites, and the Maachathites, and half Gilead, the bor- der of Sihon king of Heshbon :
6. Them did Moses, the servant of the Lord, and the children of Israel, smite : and Moses, the servant of the Lord, gave it for a possession imto the Reubenites, and the Gadites, and the half-tribe of Manasseh.
7. And these are the kings of the country which Joshua and the children of Israel smote on this side Jordan on the west, from Baal-gad in the valley of Lebanon, even unto the mount Halak, that goeth up to Seir; which Joshua gave unto the tribes of Israel for a possession, according to their divisions :
8. In the mountains, and in the valleys, and in the plains, and in the springs, and in the wilderness, and in the south country ; the Ilittites, the Amorites, and the Canaanites, the Perizzites, the Hivites, and the Jebu- sites :
1. Hi sunt reges terras quos percusserunt fihi Israel, et quorum possederunt terram trans Jorda- nem, ad ortimi soHs a torrente Arnon usque ad montem Hermon, et omnem planitiem orientalem,
2. Sihon rex ^morrhseus qui habitabat in Hesbon, qui domina- batur ab Aroer ad ripam torrentis Arnon, et ad medium torrentis, et ad mediam partem Gilead, usque ad Jabbok torrentem, qui est ter- minus filiorum Ammon.
3. Et a planitie usque ad mare Cineroth ad orientem, et usque ad mare deserti, mare salis ad orientem per viam Beth-hagesi- moth, et ab austro sub effusioni- bus Pisga.
4. Terminus prseterea Og regis Basan ex residuo Raphaim qui habitabat in Astaroth, et in Hedrei.
5. Qui dominabatur in monte Hermon, et in Salchah, et in toto Basan, usque ad terminum Ges- siuri, et Maachati : et mediam partem Gilead, terminus Sihon regis Hesbon.
6. IMoses servus Jehovse, et filii Israel percusserunt eos, et dedit eam Moses servus Jehovse in pos- sessionem Rubenitis, et Gaditis, et dimidise tribui Manasse.
7. Isti autem sunt reges terrse quos percussit Josue, et filii Israel trans Jordanem ad occidentem, a Baal-gad in campo Libani, usque ad montem Ltevem qui assurgit in Seir, et tradidit eam Josue tribubus Israel in possessionem secundum partes eorum.
8. In montanis, et in planitie, et in campestribus, et in Asdoth, et in deserto, et in austro : Hit- thseus, ^morrhseus, Chananseus, Pherisseus, Hivseus, et Jebusseus.
M
178
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XII. 1.
9. The king of Jericho, one ; the king of Ai, which is beside Beth-el, one;
10. The Icing of Jerusalem, one ; the king of Hebron, one ;
11. The king of Jarmuth, one; the king of Lachish, one ;
12. The king of Eglon, one; the king of Gezer, one ;
13. The king of Debir, one; the king of Geder, one ;
14. The king of Hormah, one ; the king of Arad, one ;
15. The king of Libnah, one; the king of Adullam, one ;
10. The king of Makkedah, one; the king of Beth-el, one ;
17. The king of Tappuah, one ; the king of Hepher, one ;
IS. The king of Aphek, one ; the king of Lasharon, one ;
19. The king of Madon, one; the king of Hazor, one ;
20. The king of Shimron-meron, one ; the king of Aclishaph, one ;
21. The king of Taanach, one; the king of Megiddo, one ;
22. The king of Kedesh, one; the king of Jokncam of Carmel, one ;
23. The king of Dor, in the coast of Dor, one; tlie Icing of the nations of Gilgal, one ;
24. The king of Tirzah, one : all the kings thirty and one.
9. Rex Jericho uniis, rex Ai, qui erat e latere Bethel unus.
10. Rex Jerusalem imus, rex Hebron unus.
11. Rex Jarmuth xmus, rex Lachis unus.
12. Rex Eglon unus, rex Jeser unus.
13. Rex Debir imus, rex Jedcr imus.
14. Rex Hormah imus, rex Arad unus.
1 5. Rex Libna unus, rex Adul- lam unus.
16. Rex Makeda unus, rex Beth-el unus.
17. Rex Tapua unus, rex Epher unus.
18. Rex Aphek unus, rex La- saron unus.
19. Rex Madon unus, rex Asor unus.
20. Rex Simron-Meron imus, rex Achsaph unus.
21. Rex Taanach unus, rex Megiddo unus.
22. Rex Kedesch unus, rex Joc- nam ad Carmelum unus.
23. Rex Dor ad Naphath-dor uims, rex Goim in Gilgal unus.
24. Rex Thirsa unus: omnes reges triginta et mius.
1. Now these are the kings, &c. This chapter does not need a lengthened exposition, as it only enumerates the kings of whose territories the Israelites gained possession. Two of them are beyond the Jordan, Og and Sihon, whose rule was extensive ; in the land of Canaan there are thirty one. But though each of those now summarily mentioned was previously given more in detail, there is very good reason for here placing before our eyes as it were a living picture of the goodness of God, proving that there had been a comj^lete ratification and performance of the covenant made with Abraham as given in the words, " Unto thy seed will I give this land." (Gen. xii. 7 ; xiii. 15 ; xv. 18.) This living image of the grace of God is here set before us as if
CHAP. XII. ]. COMMENTARY ON JOHHUA. 179
the reality were actually present.^ Joshua was eighty years of age when he entered the land. In this aged man how could there be so much vigour^ as to fit him for carrying on so many wars and enduring the fatigues of warfare, had not celestial virtue furnished him with more than mortal strength? And were not his uninterrupted career of vic- tory, his success luider all circumstances, the case, free from doubt and uncertainty, with which he stormed cities, the rapidity of his movements, and his inflexible firmness — were not all these clear evidences of the hand of God, just as if it had appeared from heaven ?
The object of defining the countries by their boundaries was to give a better display of the divine power by setting forth their extent ; but this of course was only for those to whom their site was known. Hence, for any one not ac- quainted Avith the geography to dwell upon the names, would be vain and foolish curiosity. I admit, indeed, that it is useful to pay attention to the places with which, from their being often mentioned in Scripture, our knowledge ought to be somewhat more familiar, as when the boundaries are fixed by the brook Jabok, in the district of Lebanon and the lake of Gennesaret, here called the Sea of Cincroth, and elsewhere Cinereth. For a slight attention will help us to understand the narrative. If we cannot go farther, let us leave those who are better skilled to give a more searching discussion of what is beyond our reach.^ But although the dominions of these petty kings were narrow and not very populous, we shall however see that many towns were annexed to their principal cities ; their number may be ascertained especially from what is said of the lot of the
* Latin, " Quam si nos Dens in rem prtesentem adduceret." French, " Comma si Dieu nons mettoit presentement snr le faict, pour nous faire voire la chose de nos yeiix ;" " As if God were putting iis actually upon the spot to make us see the thing with our own eyes." — Ed.
' French, " Comment \m povre vieillard pouvoit-il estre si vigoureux ;" " How could a poor old man be so vigorous." — Ed.
' It is evident from these remarks, that though in some other passages Calvin seems to speak rather disparagingly of the elucidation which the Scripture narrative may receive from geography, he did not so much underrate its importance as lament its imperfection at the period when he wrote. All complaint on tliis head has now been happily removed ; and it may safely be affirmed, that nothing has done more to clear up obscuri- ties in the Sacred Vokmie and triumphantly establish its strict and literal accuracy, than the labours and discoveries of recent travellers.
180
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XIII.
Levites. On the other hand, if we reflect how one small territory could receive and maintain old men, women, and children, nay, a great part of the people with their domestic animals, we cannot fail to admire the inestimable goodness of God which prevented all things from being thrown into complete and irremediable confusion.^
CHAPTER XIIL
1. Now Joshua was old and stricken in years ; and the Lord said unto him, Thou art old a^id stricken in years, and there remain- eth yet very much land to be pos- sessed.
2. This is the land that yet re- maineth ; all the borders of the Philistines, and all Geshuri,
3. From 8ihor, which is before Eg-ypt, even unto the borders of Ekron northward, which is counted to the Canaanite : five lords of the Philistines ; the Gazathites, and the Ashdothites, the Eshkalonites, the Gittites, and the Ekronites; also the Avites.
4. From the south, all the land of the Canaanites, and Mearah that is beside the Sidonians, unto Aphek, to the borders of the Amorites ;
5. And the land of the Giblites, and all Lebanon toward the sun-rising, from Baal-gad under mount Hermon, unto the entering into Ilamath :
6. All the inhabitants of the hill- country, from Lebanon unto Mis- rephoth-maim, and all the Sidon- ians, them will I drive out from before the children of Israel ; only divide thou it by lot imto the Israel- ites for an inheritance, as I have commanded thee.
7. Now therefore divide this land for an inheritance unto the nine tribes, and the half-tribe of Ma- nasseh ;
1. Quum autem senuisset Josue, et venisset in dies, dixit ei Jehova, Tu senuisti, venisti in dies, et midta terra admodum superest ad possi- dendum.
2. Hjec est terra quje residua est, omnes liraites Philisthinorum, et omnis Gessiu-i.
3. A Nilo qui est e regione -^gypti usque ad terminum Ecron, qui est ab aquiloue, quaj Cha- naneaj reputatur, quinque princi- patus Philisthinorum, Azathseus, Asdodseus, Ascalonseus, Gitthseus et Ekronseus et Ausei.
4. Ab austro universa teiTa Cha- nana3i et Meara, qute est Sidoni- orum usque ad Pfera, usque ad ter- minum ^morrhsei.
5. Et terra Gibli, et totus Lib- anus ad ortum solis a Baal-gad sub monte Hermon, donee pervenias Hemath.
6. Omnes habitatores montis a Libano usque ad fervores aquarum : omnes Sidonios ego expellam a facie filiorum Israel : tantum jacias sorteni, ut sit in hsereditatem Israeli, sicut prajcepi tibi.
7. Nunc ergo divide terram istam in hsereditatem novem tribubus, et dimidise tribui Manasse.
' Latin, " Ne horribili confusione, omnia miscerentur." French, " Que tout ne vint a estre brouille pesle mesle d'vuie confusion horrible ;" " That every thing was not hurled pell-mell into horrible confusion." — Ed.
CHAP.XIII. 1.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
18J
8. With whom the Reubenites and the Gadites have received their inheritance, which Moses gave them, beyond Jordan eastward, even as Moses, the servant of the Lord, gave them ;
9. From Aroer, that is npon the bank of the river Arnon, and the city that is in the midst of the river, and all the plain of Medeba unto Dibon ;
10. And all the cities of Sihon king of the Amorites, which reigned in Heshbon, unto the border of the children of Amnion ;
11. And Gilead, and the border of the Geshurites and Maachathites, and all mount Hermon, and all Bashan unto Salcah ;
12. All the kingdom of Og in Bashan, which reigned in Ash- taroth and in Edrei, who remained of the remnant of the giants : for these did Moses smite, and cast them out.
13. Nevertheless the children of Israel expelled not the Geshurites, nor the Maachathites ; but the Ge- shm'ites and the Maachathites dwell among the Israelites until this day.
14. Only unto the tribe of Levi he gave none inheritance ; the sacri- fices of the Lord God of Israel made by fire are their inheritance, as he said unto them.
8. Prseter earn Rubenitse, et Ga- ditse acceperunt partes suas, quas dedit iis Moses trans Jordanem ad orientem, sicut dedit eis Moses servus Jehovse.
9. Ab Aroer quae est juxta ripam fluminis Arnon, et lu-bem ipsam quae est in medio valhs, et totam plani- tiem Medeba usque ad Dibon.
10. Et omnes urbes Sihon regis ^morrhfei, qui regnabat in Hesbon, usque ad terminum filiorum Am- nion.
11. Et Gilead et terminum Ges- suri, et Maachati, et totum niontem Ilermon, et universum Basan usque ad Salchah.
12. Universum regnum Og in Basan, qui regnabat in Astaroth, et in Edrei : hie supererat ex residuo Rephaim, quos percussit Moses et expidit.
13. Non expiderunt autem filii Israel Gessuri et Maachati : prop- terea habitavit Gessur et IVIaachat in medio Israel usque ad hunc diem.
14. Tantum tribui Levi non dedit lijereditatem, sacrificia Jehovge Dei Israel stmt hereditas ejus, quemad- modum loquutus est de ea.
1. Row Joshua was old, &c.i Since we liave seen above that the land was pacified by the subjugation of thirty-one kings, it is jorobable that some cessation now took place for the purpose of resting from their fatigues, lest the people should be worn out by continual service. Nor could that
* The words, " old and stricken in years," do not contain a tautology, but accurately express the period of life according to a division which was long familiar to the Jews, and may have been not unknown to them even at this early period. According to this division, old age consisted of three stages, — the Jirst extending from the sixtieth to the seventieth year, con- stituting the commencement of old age properly so called ; the second ex- tending from the seventieth to the eightieth year, and constituting v/hat was called Iioary, or hoary-lieaded age ; and the tliird extending from the eightieth year to the end of life, and constituting what was called advanced age, and caused the person who had reached it to be described as one stricken in years. At this closing stage Joshua had now arrived. — Ed.
182 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIII. 1.
justly be blamed, provided they rested only for a time and continued always intent on the goal set before tliem. But lest that intermission which was given for the purpose of recruiting new vigour might prove an occasion of sloth, the Lord employs a new stimulus to urge them to proceed. For he orders the whole inheritance to be divided into tribes, and the whole line of the Mediterranean coast which was possessed by the enemy to be put into the lot. A division of this kind might indeed seem absurd and ludicrous, nay, a complete mockery, seeing they were dealing among them- selves with the property of others just as if it had been their own. But the Lord so aj)pointed for the best of reasons. First, they might have cast away the hope of the promise and been contented with their present state. Nay, although after the lot was cast they had security in full for all that Grod had promised, they by their own cowardice, as far as in them lay, destroyed the credit of his words. Nor was it owing to any merit of theirs that his veracity did not lie curtailed and mutilated. The allocation by lot must therefore have been to them an earnest of certain possession so as to keep them always in readiness for it. Secondly, Those who happened to have their portion assigned in an enemy's country, inasmuch as they were living in the meanwhile as strangers on precarious hospitality beyond their own inheri- tance, must have acted like a kind of task-masters spurring on the others. And it surely implied excessive stupor to neglect and abandon what had been divinely assigned to them.
We now see to what intent the whole land behoved to be divided by lot, and the seat of each tribe allocated. It was also necessary that this should be done while Joshua was alive, because after his death the Israelites would have been less inclined to obedience, for none of his successors pos- sessed authority sufficient for the execution of so difficult a task. Moreover, as God had already by the mouth of Moses commanded it to be done, had he not performed the busi- ness thus committed to liim, the whole work might have gone to wreck when the lawful minister was removed. Although the exact time is not stated, still it is probable
CHAP.XIIL2. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 183
tliat as tlicre was no hope that while Joshua continued alive the peo2:>le would again take up arms with the view of giving a wider extent to their boundaries, he then only attempted to divide the land, as if he were proclaiming and promising, by a solemn attestation, that the distribution would certainly be carried into effect, because the truth of God could not fail in consequence of the death of any man,
2. Tilts is the land, &c. The ancient boundaries long ago fixed by God, are recalled to remembrance, in order that Joshua and the people may feel fully persuaded that the covenant made with Abraham would be fulfilled in every part. Wherefore they are enjoined to make it their study to acquire the j^arts still remaining to be possessed. The inference will be appropriate if we make a practical applica- tion of this perseverance to that which is required of us, viz., to forget the things which are behind, and reach forth unto those that are before, and press tov/ard the mark for the prize of our high calling. (Phil. ii. 14.) For it would be of no use to run in the race without endeavouring to reach the goal.
The boundary commenced with a river separating Egypt toward the sea from the Holy Land, and most probably the river Nile, as we interpret it according to the received opinion, or a sinall stream which flowed past the town of Rhinocornea, believed by many to be Raphia or Raphane.^
' The opinion generally entertained in Calvin's time, that the river here meant was the Nile, or at least one of its branches, was founded partly on the meaning of the word silior, which is literally black, and was explained by expositors as equivalent to turbid, a term strictly applicable to the Nile ; and partly from a passage in Jeremiah, (ii. 18,) in Avliich the Pro- phet asks, " What hast thou to do in the way of Egypt to drink the waters of Sihor ?" — Sihor being here undoubtedly used as a proper name for the Nile. The second opinion mentioned by Calvin is now almost universally admitted to be the only one tenable. Even the description here given of Sihor, (ver. 3,) as "before Egypt," is totally inapplicable to the Nile, which, instead of being before Egypt, or on its frontiers, flows nearly through its centre. The river meant and expressly referred to both by Moses (Num. xxxiv. 5) and by Joshua (Josh. xv. 4) under the name of the river of Egyj^t, is now called the Wady El-Arisch, from the town of that name situated near its mouth, and not far from the site of the ancient Rhinocolura, or perhaps more properly Riiinocorura. Calvin spells Rhino- cornea, which if it had not been repeated by the French, might seem to be a misprint. — Ed.
184 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIII. 2.
It is indeed beyond dispute tliat the inheritance of the people commencing in that quarter was contiguous to Egypt. But although I have followed the opinion of the majority of expositors, that the boundaries were not extended further than to the less cultivated and in a manner desert land, lest greater proximity might have been injurious by leading to too close familiarity with the Egyptians, I by no means repudiate a different opinion.
The third verse raises a question. After it is said that the territories towards the sea-coast were five, a sixth is added, namely, that of tlie Avites. Some think that it is not counted among the five because it was an insignificant province. But I would have my readers to consider whether there may not be an indirect antithesis between a free people, their own masters, and five territories ruled by sovereigns. Hence the Avites being in different circumstances are men- tioned separately, the plural number being used for the sake of distinction. In the enumeration of the sovereignties they arc not arranged in the order of their dignity or opulence, but the first place is given to Aza because of its nearness to Egypt, and the same remark applies to Ashdod and the otliers.
The Septuagint translators, according to their usual cus- tom, employ the Greek <y {gamma) to express the Hebrew y {ain), and thus give the name of Gaza to that which in Hebrew is Aza, in the same way as they convert Amorrha into Gomorrha.'' This sufficiently exposes the mistake of those who suppose that its name is Persian, and derived from its resources^ in consequence of Cambyses, when about to carry on war in Greece, having made it the depot of his treasures. But as in the Acts, (viii. 26,) Luke speaks of a
' It is here assumed that the only genuine somid represented by the Hebrew letter Ain is that of a. Is this the fact ? Gesenius, on the contrary, while repudiating the modern Jewish pronunciation of it by the nasal gn or nq as decidedly false, says that its hardest sound is that of a ^ rattled in the throat, and, very remarkably, illustrates his statement by referring to Gaza and Gomorrha, the two words referred to by Calvin in illustration of the contrary. See Gesenius's Hebrew Grammar. (Bag- ster, 1852, p. 16.) .
' The French adds, " Et qu'il signifie Richesses ;" " And that it means
Riches." — Ed.
CHAP. XIII. 6. COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. 185
" Gaza which is desert/' it ai:)pears that a city of the same name was erected near it, but on a different site. Ashdod is the same as that which the Greeks called Azotus. The whole of this tract, which is either on the sea-coast or verging towards it, extends as far as Sidon. And there are some who think that the Phoenicians were once masters both of Gaza and Azotus. How far Lebanon extends is sufficiently known.^ For it sometimes comprehends Mount Hermon; and on account of its length part of it is surnamed Antilibanus.^ The reader will find the subject of Mount Hermon considered in the fourth chapter of Deuteronomy, Towards the east is Hamath, which is also Antioch of Syria.
6. All the inhabitants of the hill country, &c. Joshua is again admonished, though the Israelites do not yet possess those regions, not to defer the partition, but trust to the pro- mise of God, because it would detract injuriously from his honour if there were any doubt as to the event. It is ac- cordingly said : Only do what is thy duty in the distribution of the land ; nor let that which the enemy still hold securely be exempted from the lot ; for it will be my care to fulfil what I have promised. Hence let us learn in undertaking any business, so to depend on the lips of God as that no doubt can delay us. It is not ours, indeed, to fabricate vain hopes for ourselves ; but when our confidence is founded on the Lord, let us only obey his commands, and there is no reason to fear that the event will disappoint us.
He afterwards assigns the land of Canaan to nine tribes and a half tribe, because the portion of the Reubenites, Gadites, and half tribe of Manasseh had already been assigned beyond the Jordan. Though there is a seeming tautology in the words. Which Moses gave them, as Moses gave them, there is nothing superfluous, because in the second clause the donation is confirmed ; as if God were
^ Frencli, " Quant an Liban, c'est une chose assez notoire quelle longeur d'e'tendue il a ;" " As to Lebanon it is sufficiently well known what length of extent it has."
' This is certainly incorrect. Antilibanus received its name, not from its length, but from its being a mountain chain opposite and parallel to Libanus or Lebanon proper, from which it is separated by the beautiful valley known to the Greeks and Romans by the name of Coele-Syria, or rather Koile' (Hollow) Syria, and watered by the Leontes. — Ed.
186 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIII. 14.
ordering that which was done to be ratified, or saying, in other words, As Moses gave them that land, so let them re- main tranquil in the possession of it.^ For this reason also he is distinguished by the title of servant of God, as if it were said. Let no one interfere with that decree which a faithful minister has pronounced on the authority of God. It was certainly necessary to provide by anticipation against the disputes which otherwise must have daily arisen.
14. O^ily unto the tribe of Levi, &c. This exception was also necessary, lest the Levites might allege that they were unjustly disinherited, and thus excite great commotions in regard to their right. He therefore reminds them that Moses was the author of this distinction, and, at the same time, shews that they have no reason to complain of having been in any way defrauded, because an excellent compensa- tion was given them. For although the sacrifices were not equally divided among the Levites, their subsistence was sufficiently provided for by all the first-fruits and the tithes. Moreover, as God allures them by hire to undertake the charge of sacred things, so he exhorts the jieople in their turn to be faithful in paying the sacred oblations by declar- ing that their sacrifices are the maintenance of the Levites.^
15. And Moses gave unto the 15. Dedit ergo Moses tribiu fili-
tribe of the children of Reuben in- orum Ruben per fauiilias suas : hcritance according to their famihes.
IG. And their coast was from 16. Fuitque ilhs terminus ab
Aroer, that is on the bank of the Aroer, qu?e est juxta ripam torrentis
river Arnon, and the city that is in Arnon, et urbs quse est in medio
the midst of the river, and all the vallis, et imiversa planities quae est
plain by Medeba ; juxta Medeba.
17. Ileshbon, and all her cities 17. Hesbon et omnes urbes ejus,
' The Septuagint avoids the appearance of tautology, both by abridg- ing the verse and adopting a different punctuation, rendering it thus: " To Reuben and Gad the Lord gave {an inheritance) on the other side of the Jordan ; towards the sun-rising did Moses the servant of the I^ord give it to them." This, however, is not the only alteration made by the Septuagint version. For immediately before the verse now quoted, it in- terpolates another in the following terms, "From the Jordan unto the Great Sea on the west shalt thou give it : the Great Sea Avill be the boundary of the two tribes and of the half tribe of Manasse." — Ed.
' To the end of this verse the Septuagint adds the foil owing, clause :
" Koi ovTo; 0 KaTdf/.tpitrf/.o; , ov xaTt[/,iptiri Muvtrtis toi; viols 'Iff^a/iX £v A^ccfiuS
M/aa/S Iv rf rri^av i-ov 'lo^atou Kccra. 'li^ix,^ ;" " And this is the division which Moses divided to the children of Israel in Araboth-Moab beyond Jordan opposite to Jericho." — Ed.
CHAP. XIII.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
187
that are in the plain; Dibon, and Bamoth-baal, and Beth-baal-mcon,
18. And Jahaza, and Kcdemoth, and Mephaath,
19. And Kirjathaim, and Sibmah, and Zaretli-shaliar in the mount of the valley,
20. And Beth-peor, and Ashdoth- pisgah, and Beth-jeshimoth,
21. And all the cities of the plain, and all the kingdom of Sibon king of the Amorites, which reigned in Heshbon, whom Moses smote with the princes of Midian, Evi, and Re- kem, and Zur, and Hiir, and Reba, tvhicli ivere dukes of Sihon dwelling in the country.
22. Balaam also the son of Beor, the soothsayer, did the children of Israel slay with the sword among them that were slain by them.
23. And the border of the chil- dren of Reviben was Jordan, and the border thereof. This was the in- heritance of the children of Reuben after their families, the cities and the villages thereof.
24. And Moses gave inJieritance imto the tribe of Gad, even unto the cliildren of Gad, according to their families :
25. And their coast was Jazer, and all the cities of Gilead, and half the laud of the children of Ammon, unto Aroer that is before Rabbah ;
2G. And from Heshbon imto Ra- math-mizpeh, and Betonim; and from Mahanaim unto the border of Debir ;
27. And in the valley, Beth-aram, and Beth-nimrah, and Succoth, and Zaphon, the rest of the kingdom of Sihon king of Heshbon, Jordan and his border, even unto the edge of the sea of Chinnereth, on the other side Jordan eastward.
28. This is the inheritance of the children of Gad after their families, the cities, and their villages ,
21). And Moses gave inheritance unto the half-tribe of Manasseh: and this was the possession of the half-tribe of the children of Ma- nasseh by their families.
30. And their coast was from
quid erant in planitie : Dibon et Bamoth-baal, et Beth-baalmeon.
18. Et Jahasah, et Cedemoth, et Mephaath.
19. Et Ciriathaim, et Sibmah, et Sereth-sahar in monte vallis.
20. Et Beth-peor, et Asdoth- Pisgah, et Beth-jesimoth.
21. Et omnes urbes planitiei, et universum regnum Sihon regis ^morrhaii, qui regnabat in Hesbon, quern percussit Moses : et principes Midian, Evi, et Rekem, et Sur, et Hur, et Reba duces Sihon habita- tores terraa.
22. Et Bileam filium Beor divina- torem occiderunt filii Israel gladio cum interfectis eorum.
23. Fuit autem terminus filiorum Ruben, Jordaiies et terminus. Ha!C est lifereditas filiorum Ruben per familias suas, urbes et villas earura.
24. Deditque Moses tribui Gad, filiis Gad per famiUas suas.
25. Et fuit eis terminus Jazer, et omnes urbes Gilead, et dimidium ten-a3 filiorum Ammon usque ad Aroer, quai est coram Rabbah.
26. Et ab Hesbon usque ad Ra- math ipsius Mispe, et Bethonim : et a Mahanaim usque ad terminum ipsius Debir.
27. Et in valle Beth-haram, et Beth-nirarah, et Succoth, et Saphon: residuum regni Sihon, regis Hesbon, Jordanem, et confinium, usque ad extremum maris Chinnereth, trans Jordanem ad orientem.
28. Hajc est haereditas filiorum Gad per familias suas, lu-bes et viUaj earum.
29. Dedit prseterea Moses dimi- di?e tribui Manasse: fuitque dimidise tribui filiorum Manasse per familias suas:
30. Fuit, inquam, terminus eo-
188 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIII. 1 5.
Mahanaim, all Bashan, all the king- rum a Malianaim omnis Basan totius
dom of Og king of Bashan, and all regni Og regis Basan, et omnes Ha-
the towns of Jair, which are in Ba- voth- Jair, quse sunt in Basan, sexa-
shan, threescore cities ; ginta urbes.
31. And half Gilead, and Ash- 31. Et dimidium Gilead, et As- taroth, and Edrei, cities of the taroth, et Edrei, urbcs regni Og in kingdom of Og in Bashan, were Basan, filiorum Machir,filii Manasse, 'pertaining unto the children of dimidise parti filiorum Machir, per Machir, the son of JVlanasseh, even farailias suas.
to the one half of the children of Machir by their families.
32. These are </ie coim^nes which 32. Istse sunt hereditates quas tra- Moses did distribute for inheritance didit Moses in campeslribus Moab a in the plains of Moab, on the other transitu Jordanis ipsi Jericho ad side Jordan, by Jericho, eastward. orientem.
33. But unto the tribe of Levi 33. Tribui autem Levi non dedit Moses gave not any inheritance : Moses hsereditatem : Jehova Deus the Lord God of Israel was their Israel ipse est hfereditas eorum, inheritance, as he said unto them. quemadmodum dixit ilUs.
15. And Moses gave unto the tribe, &c. What lie seemed to have said with sufficient clearness he now follows more fully in detail, not only that the reading might incite the people to gratitude, seeing the divine goodness recorded in public documents, and, as it were, constantly before their eyes, but also that each might enjoy liis inheritance without molestation and quarrel. For we know how ingenious hu- man cupidity is in devising pretexts for litigation, so that no one can possess his right in safety unless a plain and perspicuous definition of his right make it impossible to call it in question. That countiy had been given without casting lots. It was therefore open to others to object that the just proportion had not been kept, and that the inequality behoved to be corrected. Therefore, that no un- seasonable dispute might ever disturb the public peace, tlie boundaries are everywhere fixed by the authority of God, and disputes of every kind are removed by setting up land- marks. God does not by one single expression merely adjudge the whole kingdom of Silion to the tribe of Reuben, but lie traces their extreme limit from Aroer to the banks of tbe Arnon, and thus, making an entire circuit, contracts or widens their territory so as not to leave the possession of a single acre ambiguous. Moreover, how useful this exact delineation was may be learned from profane history, where
CHAP.XITI. 15. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 189
we everywhere meet, not only with invidious but pernicious disijutes among neighbours as to their boundaries.
We may add tliat the care which the Lord condescended to take in providing for his people, and in cherishing mu- tual peace among them, demonstrates his truly paternal love, since he omitted nothing that might conduce to their tranquillity. And, indeed, had not provision been thus early made, they might have been consumed by intestine quarrels.^
I again beg my readers to excuse me if I do not labour anxiously in describing the situation of towns, and am not even curious in regard to names. Nay, I will readily allow those names which it was thought proper to leave as proper nouns in Hebrew to be used appellatively, and so far altered as to give them a Latin form.^
It is worthy of notice, that when the land of the Midian- ites is referred to, the princes who ruled over it are called Satraps of Sihon, to let us know that they shared in the same overthrow, because they had involved themselves in an unjust war, and belonged to the government of Sihon, an avowed enemy. And to make it still more clear that they perished justly, it is told that among the slain was Balaam, by whose tongue they had attempted to wound the Israelites more grievously than by a thousand swords;^ just as if it had been said that in that slaughter they found the hostile ban- ner, by which they had declared themselves at open war with the Israelites. When it is said that the Jordan was a boun- dary, and a boundary, it will be proper, in order to prevent
' French, " Et de faict, s'il n'euste pourveu a cela de bonne heure, ils se fussent mangez et consumez les uns les autres en debatant entre eux ;" " And in fact, had not this been provided for in good time, they would have eaten and consumed one another while debating among them- selves."— Ed.
" French, " Qiu plus est, je suis contdnt qu'on traduise en d'autres lan- gues certains noms, qu'il m'a semble bon de laisser ici en la langue Hebraique comme noms propres ;" " Moreover, I am content that certain words which I have thought good to leave here in the Hebrew tongue as proper names be translated into other languages." — Ed.
' The curious contradictions in the behavioiu- of this remarkable man whose fate is here recorded, and analogous exemphfications of them in ordinary life, are admirably delineated by Bishop Butler in a sermon on the subject. — Ed.
190 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CTIAP. XIII. 24.
useless repetition, to interpret that Jordan was a boundary to tliem according to its limits.-^
24. And Moses gave inheritance unto the tribe of Gad, &c. The observation made above applies also to the tribe of Gad, namely, that their legitimate boundaries were carefully defined in order to prevent disputes as to their possession. Meanwhile God is extolled for his liberality in having expelled nations of great celebrity, and substituted them in their stead. This is expressed more clearly in regard to the half tribe of Manasseh, when sixty cities are enumerated as included in their inheritance. Hence, too, it is manifest that Moses was not munificent through mistake, because it was well known to God how many cities he was giving them out of his boundless liberality. In a short clause the tribe of Levi is again excluded, that the Levites might not be able at some future period to pretend that the grant wliich the Reubenites, Gadites, and half tribe of Manasseh had obtained without the casting of lots, belonged in common to them also ; for they are expressly forbidden to share with their brethren. This made it easy for them to interpret shrewdly for their advan- tao-e, that they were entitled to share with others. Here, however, it is not the sacrifices, as a little before, but God liimsclf that is said to be their inheritance ; if they are not satisfied with it, they only convict themselves of excessive pride and insufterable fastidiousness.^
CHAPTER XIV.
1. And these are the countries 1. Ilrec sunt quffi in lipereditatem whicli the children of Israel inherited acceperunt filii Israel in terra Cha- in the land of (Janaan, which Eleazar naan, qua; illis tradiderunt in hsere- the priest, and Joshua the son of ditatem Eleazar sacerdos, et Josue Nun, and the heads of the fathers of filius Nun, et capita tribuum filionnn the tribes of the children of Israel, Israel.
distributed for inheritance to them.
2. By lot was their inheritance, 2. Per sortem hsereditatis eoruni, as the Lord commanded by the hand sicut prseceperat Jehova per manum
' Latin, " Terminum illis fuisse Jordanem secundum suos fines." French, " Que le Jordain estoit leur borne selon ses limites ;" " That the Jordan was their boundary according to its Hmits." The repetition is omitted by the Septuagint. — Ed.
The thirty-third verse is entirely omitted by the Septuagint. — Ed.
CHAP. XIV.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
191
of Moses, for the nine tribes, and/or the halt-tribe.
3. For Moses had given the in- heritance of two tribes and an half- tribe on the other side Jordan ; but unto the Levites he gave none in- heritance among them.
4. For the children of Joseph were two tribes, Manasseh and E- phraim ; therefore they gave no part unto the Levites in the land, save cities to dwell in, with their suburbs for their cattle and for their sub- stance.
5. As the Lord commanded Moses, so the children of Israel did, and they divided the land.
6. Tlien the children of Judah came unto Joshua in Gilgal : and Caleb the son of Jephunneh the Kenezite said unto him. Thou know- est the thing that the Lord said unto Moses, the man of God, concerning me and thee, in Kadesh-barnea.
7. Forty years old was I when Moses, the servant of the Lord, sent me from Kadesh-barnea to espy out the land ; and I brought him word again as U was in mine heart.
8. Nevertheless my brethren that went up with me made the heart of the people melt : but I wholly fol- lowed the Lord my God.
9. And Moses sware on that day, saying, Siu-ely the land whereon thy feet have trodden shall be tliine in- heritance, and thy children's for ever, because thou hast wholly followed the Lord my God.
10. And now, behold, the Lord hath kept me alive, as he said, these forty and five years, even since the Lord spake this word unto Moses, ■while tlie children q/'lsrael wandered in the wilderness ; and now, lo, I am this day fourscore and five years old.
11. As yet T am as strong this day as I was in the day that Moses sent me : as my strength loas then, even so is my strength now, for war, both to go out, and to come in.
12. JNow therefore give me this mountain, Avhereof the Lord spake in that day : (for thou heardest in
Mosis, ut daret novera tribubus, ct dimidiie tribui.
3. Dederat enim Moses duabus tribubus, et diniidia; tribui citra Jordanem : Levitis autem non de- derat hsereditatem in medio eonun.
4. Fuerimt enim filii Joseph duse tribus Manasse etEphraim: ideo non dederunt partem Levitis in terra prfeter urbes ad habitandum, et sub- urbana earvmi pro armentis et gre- gibus ipsorum.
5. Queniadmodum pra;ceperat Moses sic fecerunt fihi Israel, et diviserunt terram.
6. Accessermit autem filii Juda ad Josuam in Gilgal, dixitque ad eum Caleb filius Jephune Kenisaeus, Tu nosti verbum quod loqnutus est Je- hova ad Mosen virum Dei de me, et de te, in Cades-barnea :
7. Quadragenarius eram quando mLsit me Moses servus Jehovte de Cades-barnea ad explorandam ter- ram, et retuli ei rem sicuti erat in coi'de nieo.
8. Et quum fratres mei qui des- cenderant mecuni dissolverent cor populi, ego perseveranter sequutus sum Jehovam Demn meum.
9. Et juravit Moses illo die, di- cendo. Si non terra quam calcavit pes tuns, tua erit in hsereditatem et filiis tuis in seternum, quia persever- anter sequutus es Jehovam Deum meum.
] 0. Nunc autem Jehova concessit mihi vitam sicuti dixerat. Jam quadraginta quinque anni svmt, ex quo tempore pronunciavit Jehova hanc rem Mosi, ex quo anibulavit Israel per desertum : et nunc quidem hodie sum quinque et octoginta an- norum.
11. Et adhuc sum hodie vegetus ut eo die, quo misit me Moses : quantus erat tunc vigor meus, tan- tus hodie est vigor meus ad prjelium, et ad exetmdum,et ad ingrediendum :
12. Nunc ergo da mihi montem istum, ut loqvnitus est Jehova eo die. Tu enim audivisti eo die quod Ana-
192 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIV. I.
that day how the Anakims were kim sint ibi, et urbes magnse et
there, and that the cities were great nmnitse : forte Jehova erit mecum,
and fenced ;) if so be the Lord will et expellam eos queraadniodum dixit
he with me, then I shall be able to Jehova. drive them out, as the Lord said.
13. And Joshua blessed him, and 13. Et benedixit ei Josue, dedit- gave unto Caleb the son of Je- que Hebron ipsi Caleb filio Jephune phimneh Hebron for an inheritance, in haereditatem.
14. Hebron therefore became the 14. Idcirco fuit Hebron ipsius inheritance of Caleb the son of Caleb fihi Jephune Kenissei in hse- Jephunneh the Kenezite unto this reditatem, usque ad diem hunc, eo day, because that he wholly followed quod perseveranter sequutus est Je- the Lord God of Israel. hovam Deum Israel.
15. And the name of Hebron be- 15. Nomen autem Hebron antea fore was Kirjath-arba ; which Arba fiut Ciriath-arba, qui Arba homo was a great man among the Ana- magnus inter Anakim fuit : et terra kims. And the land had rest from quievit a bello.
war.
1. And these are the countries, &c. He now proceeds to the land of Canaan, from wliicli nine tribes and a half were to obtain their lots. And he will immediately break off the thread of the narrative, as we shall see. Yet the transition is seasonably made from that region whose situation was different, to let the reader know that the discourse was to be concerning the land of Canaan, which was to be divided by lot. We have said that Joshua and Eleazar not only divided what the Israelites had already acquired, but trust- ing in the promise of God, confidently included whatever lie had promised to his people, just as if they had been in actual possession of it. We shall see, indeed, that the division was not all at once made complete, but when the first lot turned up in favour of Judah, the turns of the others were left in hope.
Here a difficult question arises. How can it be said that the distribution of the land was made by Joshua, Eleazar, and the princes, if lots were cast ? For the lot is not regulated by the opinion or the will or the authority of man. Should any one answer, that they took charge and prevented any fraud from being committed, the difficulty is not removed, nay, this evasion will be refuted from the context. It is to be known, therefore, that they were not selected simply to divide the land by lot, but also afterwards to enlarge or re- strict the boundaries of the tribes by giving to each its due proportion. That this business could not be accomplished
CHAP. XTV.l. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 193
by a naked lot is very apparent. For while, according to human ideas, nothing is more fortuitous than the result of a lot, it was not known whether God might choose to place the half tribe of Manasseh where the tribe of Judah obtained its settlement, or whether Zebulun might not occupy the place of Ephraim. Therefore they were not at liberty at the outset to proceed farther than to divide the land into ten districts or provinces. In this way, however, the space belonging to each would remain indefinite. For had an option been given to each, some would have chosen to fix themselves in the centre, others would have preferred a quiet locality, while others would have been guided in their choice by the fertility of the soil, or the climate and beauty of the scenery. But the lot placed the tribe of Judah, as it were, at the head, while it sent that of Zebulun away to the sea- shore, placed the tribe of Benjamin adjacent to that of Judah, and removed that of Ephraim to a greater distance. In short, the effect of the lot was that ten divisions fell out from Egypt towards Syria, and from the north quarter to the Mediterranean Sea, making some neighbours to thcEgyptians, and giving to others maritime positions, to others hilly dis- tricts, to others intervening valleys.
This being understood, the office remaining for the rulers of the people was to trace out the boundaries on all sides in accordance with the rules of equity. It remained, therefore, for them to calculate how many thousand souls there were in eveiy tribe, and to assign more or less space to each, accord- ing to the greatness or the smallness of their numbers. For in conformity to the divine command, a due proportion was to be observed, and a larger or narrower district was to be assigned, according as the census which was taken had ascer- tained the numbers to be. (Num. xxvi.) To the judgment of the princes was it in like manner left to shape the terri- tories, regulating the length and breadth as circumstances might require. It is necessary also to bear in mind what is said in Numbers xxiv., that the ten who are here called heads of families were appointed to execute this office, not by the suffrages of men, but by the voice of God. Thus each tribe had its own overseers to prevent either fraud or
N
194 COMMENTARY ON JOSHTJA. CHAP. XIV,
violence from being committed. Then it would have been impious to have any suspicion of those who had been nomi- nated by God. Such is the manner in which Joshua may be said to have distributed the land, though it was portioned out by lot.
4. They gave no part unto the Levites, &c. It is here re- peated for the third time with regard to the Levites, that they were not included in the number, so as to have the portion of a tribe assigned to them ; but it is mentioned for a different purpose, for it is immediately after added, that the sons of Joseph were divided into two tribes, and were thus privileged to obtain a double portion. Thus had Jacob prophesied, (Gen. xlix.,) or rather, like an arbiter appointed by God, he had in this matter preferred the sons of Joseph to the others. God therefore assumed the Levites" to liimself as a peculiar inheritance, and in their stead sub- stituted one of the two families of Joseph.
6. Then the children of Judah came, &c. Here the account which had been begun as to the partition of the land is broken off to make way for the insertion of a narra- tive, namely, that Caleb requested Mount Hebron to be given to him as he had been promised by Moses. This hap- pened a long time before the people had ceased from mak- ing war, and it became necessary to cast lots. It is stated to be the fiftli year since their entrance into the land, and he does not ask for a locality to be given up to him which was already subdued and cleared of the enemy, but in the midst of the noise and heat of warfare, lie asks to be per- mitted to acquire it by routing and slaying its giants. He only seeks to provide, that when his valour has subdued the giants, he is not to be defrauded of the reward of his labour. The method of so ^jroviding, is to prevent its being included in the common lot of a tribe. Accordingly, he does not put forth the claim by himself alone, but the members of his tribe, the sons of Judah also concur with him, because tlie effect of conferring this extraordinary benefit on one family was so far to make an addition to all. Hence though Caleb alone speaks, all the tribe whose interest it was that his request should be granted were present.
CHAP, XIV. 7. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 195
I am not clear why tlie surname of Kenite was given to Caleb. He is so called also in Numbers xxxii. I am not unaware of the conjecture of some expositors, that he was so surnamed from Kenas, because either he himself or some one of his ancestors dwelt among the Kenites. But I see no solid foundation for this. What if he gained this title by some illustrious deed, just as victors sometimes assume a surname from the nations they have subdued ? As the pro- mise had not been inserted into any public record, and Joshua was the only witness now surviving, he makes his application to him. And it is probable that when the ten spies made mention of the names of the Anakim, with the view of terrifying tbe people, Caleb, to refute their dishonesty, answered with truth, that when he beheld them on Mount Plebron, they were so far from being terrible, that he would attack them at his own hand, provided that on their expul- sion he should succeed to their lands ; and that on these con- ditions Moses ceded to him a habitation in that locality which he should have acquired by his own prowess.
7. Forty years old was I, &c. He seems to talk of his own virtue in rather loftier terms than becomes a pious and modest man. But let us remember that, seeing the thing was in itself invidious and liable to many objections, it stood in need of special commendation as a means of suppressing envy. He therefore mentions that he had acted in good faith in bringing back an account of what he had learned concerning the land. For the expression, " As it was in my heart," evidently denotes sincerity, the heart being thus opposed to deceitful words. It is a ridiculous fiction to imagine that he had said it in his heart, because from fear of being killed by his companions he had not ventured to men- tion anything of the kind by the way. Nothing more is meant than simply this, that he acted honestly according to the command given him, without gloss or dissimulation. He enlarges on the merit of his integrity, because though he was opposed by all his colleagues, with the exception of Joshua, he did not yield to their malice, nor was dispirited by their iniquitous conspiracy, but steadfastly pursued his purpose. The words taken in their most literal sense are, I
196 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIV. 9.
filled or fulfilled to go after thy God ; but the obvious meaning is, that he was not seduced from a faithful discharge of his duty by the wicked machination of ten men, however diffi- cult it was to resist them, because he followed God with inflexible perseverance, feeling perfectly assured that God was the author of the expedition, from which those perfidious men were endeavouring to draw off the people.
Let us learn from this passage, first, that unless the last part corresponds to the first, good beginnings vanish away ; secondly, that constancy is deserving of praise only when we follow God.
9. And Moses siuare on that day, &c. Here, then, is one fruit of the embassy honestly and faithfully performed — to gain possession of an inheritance of which the whole people is deprived. For although long life is justly accounted one of the mercies of God, the end proposed by it is here added, viz., that Caleb may obtain the inheritance which is denied to others. This was no ordinary privilege. He next extols the faithfulness of God in having prolonged his life, and not only so, but supplied vigour and strength, so that though he was now above eighty years of age, he was not a whit feebler than when in the flower of his youth. Others, too, had a green old age, but they were few in number, and then in their case there was not added to the even tenor of their days a manly vigour, remaining wholly unimpaired up to their eighty-fifth year. For he lays claim not only to the skill and valour of a leader, but also to the physical strength of a soldier.
He next adds the other offices and actions of his life. For to go out and in is equivalent in Hebrew to the obsei'- vance and execution of all parts of our duty. ' And this Caleb confirms by fact, when he demands it as his task to assail and expel the giants. He is not, however, elated by stolid pride to a confident assurance of victory, but hopes for a prosperous event from the assistance of God. There seems, indeed, to be an incongruous expression of doubt in the word Perhaps, as if he were begirting himself fortui- tously for the fight.' Those expositors who think that he is ' French, " II est vrai que ce mot Peut estre, qui est une marque ordi-
CnAP.XIV. 13. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 197
clistriLsting himself from a feeling- of modesty and considering his own weakness, say something to the point, but do not say the whole. They certainly omit Avhat is of principal import, viz., that this Perhaps refers to the common feelings Avhich men would entertain on taking a view of the actual state of matters.
The first thing necessary is duly to consider what his design is. Had he asked the gift of a mountain, which he could have seized without any great exertion, it would have been more difficult to obtain it. But now when the difficulty of the task is plainly set forth, he gains the favour of Joshua and the princes, because in assenting to his prayer, they grant liim nothing but the certainty of an arduous, doubtful, and perilous contest. Knowing, then, that the children of Israel trembled and were in terror at the very name of the giants, he speaks according to their opinion as of a matter attended with doubt and uncertainty. As regards himself, the words clearly demonstrate how far he was from viewing that which had been said to him with a dubious or vacillating mind. I shall drive them out, he says, as the Lord hath declared. Shall we say that when he utters the declaration of God, he is in doubt whether or not God will do what he jiromised ? It is quite plain that he only reminded them how dangerous the business was, in order that he might the more easily obtain their assent. Although it is not uncommon in Hebrew to employ this term to denote difficulty merely, without meaning to imply that the mind is agitated by dis- trust or disquietude. How very difficult it was to drive out the giants from that fastness,^ may be inferred from the fact that the death of Joshua took place before Caleb ventured to attack them.
13. And Joshua blessed him, &c. He prayed thus earnestly to shew the delight he felt. For it was expedient by way of example to extol his valour, by which others might be in-
naire de doute, semble estre estrange et ne convenir point, comme s'il se preparoit au combat a 1' adventure ;" " It is true, indeed, that this word Perhaps, which is an ordinary mark of doubt, seems strange and unsuit- able, as if he were preparing himself for the combat at hap-hazard." — Ed. Latin, " Ea munitione." French, " Cette forteresse si bien munie ;" " That stronghold so well fortified."— iJrf.
198 COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIV. 13.
cited to surmount all their fears. For it was just as if lie had gained an eminence from which he could look down upon the giants. The blessing of Caleb, therefore, includes in it praise whicli may have the eifect of an exhortation to the people. In the end of the chapter it is said, that the name of Hebron was Ciriath-Arba, (Kirjath-Arba.) Here it is to be observed, that it is not the mountain itself that is meant, but the principal cit}'', of which there is frequent mention in Scripture. It is said to have received the sur- name from a giant famous for his stature. And this refutes the imagination of those expositors who insist that it was so called from having been the burial-place of four patriarchs — Adam, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.
It is plain that Caleb, in making the request, had not been looking to present ease or private advantage, since he does not aspire to the place that had been given him till many years after. Wherefore it was no less the interest of the whole peoi^le than of one private family, that that which as yet depended on the incomprehensible grace of God, and was treasured up merely in hope, should be bestowed as a special favour. A grant which could not take effect without a wonderful manifestation of divine agency could scarcely be invidious.
A qviestion, however, arises. Since Hebron not only be- came the portion of the Levites, but was one of the cities of refuge, how could the grant stand good ? If we say that Caleb was contented with other towns, and resigned his right to the Levites, it is obvious that the difficulty is not solved, because Caleb is distinctly appointed owner of that city. But if we reflect that the right of dwelling in the cities was all that was granted to the Levites, there will be no inconsistency. Meanwhile, no small praise is due to the moderation of Caleb, who, in a locality made his own by extraordinary' pi-ivilcge, did not refuse an hospitable reception to the Levites.^
' According to the explanation here given, the liCvites held Hebron only by a kind of precarious tenure, dependent on the good will of Caleb, who gave them an hospitable reception, but might have declined it. It would seem, however, from other passages, and more particularly from chaps. XX. 7, and xxi. 9-lo, that their right to Hebron was as complete and ab-
CHAP. XV.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
199
CHAPTER XV.
1. This then Avas the lot of the tribe of the children of Judah by their families ; even to the border of Edom, the wilderness of Zin, south- ward, was the uttermost part of the south coast.
2. And their south border was from the shore of the salt sea, from the bay that looketh southward :
3. And it went out to the south side to Maaleli-acrabbim, and passed along to Zin, and ascended up on the south side unto Kadesh- barnea, and passed along to Ilezron, and went up to Adar, and fetched a compass to Karkaa:
4. From thence it passed toward Azmon, and went out unto the river of Egj-pt ; and the goings out of that coast were at the sea. This shall be yom- south coast.
5. And the east border was the salt sea, even unto the end of Jor- dan : and their border in the north quarter was from the bay of the sea, at the uttermost part of Jordan.
6. And the border went up to Beth-hogla, and passed along by the north of Beth-arabah ; and the border went up to the stone of Bo- han the son of Reuben.
7. And the border went up to- ward Debir, from the valley of Achor, and so northward, looking toward Gilgal, that is before the going up to Adummim, which is on the south side of the river : and the border passed toward the waters of En-shemesh, and the goings out thereof were at En-rogel.
8. And the border went up by the valley of the son of Hinnom unto the south side of the Jebusite ; the same is Jerusalem ; and the border went up to the top of the momitain
1. Fuitque sors tribui filiorum Jehuda per familias eorum juxta terminiun Edom, et descrtum Sin ad austrum ab extreme austri.
2. Fuitque ejus terminus nieri- diei ab extreme maris sails, hoc est a petra quaj respicit ad meridiem.
3. Et egreditur versus meridiem Maale-acrabim, et illinc transit in Sin : progrediens autem a meridie in Cades-barnea transit illinc in Es- ron, et rursum ascendit in Adar, imde circuit in Carcaa.
4. Inde transit in Asmon, et egre- ditur ad torrentem ^gypti : simt- que egressus hujus termini ad occi- clentem : iste erit vobis terminus ad meridiem.
5. Terminus vero ad orientem, est mare salis usque ad extreraita- tem Jordanis, terminus autem an- guli aquilonaris a petra maris ab extreme Jordanis.
6. Ascenditque terminus iste in Beth-hoglah, et transit ab aquilone ad Betharaba, atque illinc ascendit terminus iste ad lapidem Bohaa filii Ruben.
7. Ascendit prteterea terminus iste in Debir a valle Achor, et ver- sus aquilonem respicit ad Gilgal, qua; est e regione ascensus Adum- mim, quffi quidem est ab austre tor- renti : et transit terminus iste ad aquas En-semes, suntque exitus ejus ad En-rogel.
8. Et ascendit terminus iste ad vallem filii Hinnom, ad latus Jebu- sffii a meridie, ipsa est Jerusalem : ascendit insuper terminus iste ad verticem mentis qui est e regione
solute as that which they possessed to any of their other cities. Moreover, as these cities Avere allocated by lot, or in other words, by divine arrange- ment, no injustice was done to Caleb, and it would have been strangely inconsistent with all that we have previously learned of his conduct and character, had he on this occasion offered any remonstrance. — Ed.
200
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XV. 1.
that lieth before the valley of Hin- nom westward, which is at the end of the valley of the giants north- ward.
9. And the border was drawn from the top of the hill imto the fountain of the water of Nephtoah, and went out to the cities of mount Ephron ; and the border was drawn to Baalah, which is Kirjath-jearim.
10. And the border compassed from Baalah westward unto mount Seir, and passed along unto the side of moimt Jearim, (which is Chesa- lon,) on the north side, and went down to Beth-shemesh, and passed on to Timnah.
11. And the border went out unto the side of Ekron northward : and the border was drawn to Shi- cron, and passed along to mount Baalah, and went out unto Jabneel ; and the goings out of the border were at the sea.
12. And the west border was to the great sea, and the coast thereof. This is the coast of the children of Judah round about, according to their families.
13. And imto Caleb the son of Jephunneh he gave a part among the children of Judah, according to the commandment of the Lord to Joshua, even the city of Arba, the father of Anak, which city is Hebron.
1. I have already premised, that I would not be very exact in delineating the site of places, and in discussing names, partly because I admit that I am not well acquainted with to- pographical or chorographic science, and partly because great labour would produce little fruit to the reader ;^ nay, per-
^ French, " Jai desia par ci devant adverti que je ne seroye point cu- rieux a descrire ou peindre la situation des lieux, et a espulcher tous les noms, en partie parce que je confesse franchement que je ne suis pas bien exerce a faire descriptions de lieux ou de regions ; en partie d'autant que d'un grand travail qu'il faudroit prendre, il n'en reviendroit que bien peu de fruict aux lecteurs ;" " I have already before this intimated that I would not be curious in describing or painting the situation of places, and in ex- piscating all the names, partly because, I frankly confess, that I am not much experienced in making descriptions of places or coimtries, partly be- cause from the great laboiu" which it would be necessary to take, very little benefit would redound to the reader." It may be added that these de-
vallis Hinnom ad occidentem, quse quidem est in extremitate vallis Itephaim ad aquiloncm.
9. Circuit autem terminus a ver- tice ipsius montis, ad fontem aquae Nephthoah, et egreditur ad urbes montis Ephron, circuitque terminus iste in Baala, ipsa est Cirjath-jea- rim.
10. Et illinc gyrat terminus iste a Baala ad occidentem ad montem Seir, et illinc pertransit ad latus mon- tis Jearim ab aquilone, ipsa est Chesalon, descenditque in Beth- semes, et pertransit in Timna.
11. Egrediturque terminus ad la- tus Ecron ad Aquilonem, et circuit terminus iste ad Sichron, pertran- sitque ad montem Baala, et illinc egreditur in Jabneel, suntque exitus hujus termini ad mare.
12. Porro terminus occidetrtalis ad mare magnum, et terminum, iste est terminus filiorum Jehuda per circuitum, per famihas suas.
13. Caleb autem filio Jephune dedit partem in medio filiorum J e- huda, secundum sermonem Jehovse ad Josue, Cirjath-arba patris Anac, ipsa est Hebron.
CHAP. XV. 1. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. , 201
liaps the greater part of readers would toil and perplex themselves without receiving any benefit. With regard to the subject in hand, it is to be observed, that the lot of the tribe of Judah not only falls on elevated ground, the very elevation of the territory, indicating the dignity of the future kingdom, but a similar presage is given by its being the first lot that turns up. What had already been obtained by arms, they begin to divide. The names of the ten tribes are cast into the urn. Judah is preferred to all the others. Who does not see that it is raised to the highest rank, in order that the prophecy of Jacob may be fulfilled? Then within the limits here laid down, it is well known that there were rich pastures, and vineyards celebrated for their pro- ductiveness and the excellence of their wines. In this way, while the lot corresponds with the prophecy of Jacob, it is perfectly clear that it did not so happen by chance ; the holy patriarch had only uttered what was dictated by the Spirit.
If any are better skilled in places, a more minute investi- gation will be pleasant and useful to them. But lest those who are less informed feel it irksome to read unknown names, let them consider that they have obtained knowledge of no small value, provided they bear in mind the facts to which I have briefly and summarily adverted — that the tribe of Judah was placed on elevated ground, that it might be more conspicuous than the others, until the sceptre should arise from it — and that a region of fruitful vineyards and rich pastures was assigned to his posterity — and, finally, all this was done, in order that the whole people might recog- nise that there was nothing of the nature of chance in the turning up of a lot, which had been foretold three centuries
scriptions of boundaries, how minutely soever they may be detailed, must, from their very nature, leave a very vague impression on the mind of the most careful reader, and are much less adapted for the ear than for the eye, which, by a single glance at a map, furnishes information much more vivid, distinct, and accurate than can be obtained from pages of descrip- tion. At the same time it ought to be remembered, that accurate and detailed descriptions of the boundaries of the different tribes were abso- lutely indispensable to the Israelites themselves, to whom they formed a kind of title-deeds, vindicating their right of possession, and securing them against encroachment. — Ed.
202 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XV. 1,
before. Besides, it is easy for tlie unlearned to infer from the long circuit described, that the territory thus allocated to one tribe was of great extent.^ For although some dimi- nution afterwards took place, its dominions always continued to be the largest.
It is necessary, however, to bear in mind what I formerly observed, that nothing else was determined by the lot than that the boundary of the children of Judah was to be contiguous to the land of Edom and the children of Sin, and that their boundary, in another direction, was to be the river of Egypt and the Mediterranean Sea — that those who had been se- lected to divide the country proceeded according to the best of their judgment, in proportioning the quantity of territory allotted to the number of their people, without extending their boundaries any farther — and tliat they followed the same method in other cases, as vicinity or other circum- stances demanded.
Any error into which they fell, did not at all affect the general validity of their decision. For as they were not ashamed partly to recall any ^^artition that might have been made witliout sufficient consideration, so the people in their turn, while they acknowledged that they had acted in the matter with the strictest good faith and honesty, submitted the more willingly to whatever they determined. Thus, not- withstanding any particular error, their general arrange- ments received full effect.
It will be worth while to make one remark on the city Jebus, whose name was afterwards Jerusalem. Although it had been already chosen, by the secret counsel of God, for his sanctuary, and the seat of the future kingdom, it however continued in the possession of the enemy down to the time of David. In this long exclusion from the place on which the sanctity, excellence, and glory of the rest of the land were founded, there was a clear manifestation of the divine curse inflicted to punish the people for their sluggishness : since it was virtually the same as if the land had been deprived of its principal dignity and ornament. But on the other hand, the
• As originally laid out, it contained nearly a Ihird of the whole Israel- itish territory west of the Jordan. — Ed.
CHAP. XV. 1 3. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 203
woiitlerful goodness of God was conspicuous in this, that the Jebusites who, from the long respite which had been given them, seemed to have struck their roots most deeply, were at length torn up, and driven forth from their secure position.
13. And unto Caleb the son of Jephunneh, &c. Were we to judge from the actual state of matters, it would seem ridiculous repeatedly to celebrate an imaginary grant from which Caleb received no benefit while Joshua was alive. But herein due praise is given both to the truth of God, and to the faith of his saint in resting on his promise. There- fore, although sneering men, and the inhabitants of the place itself, if the rumour had readied them, might have derided the vain solicitude of Caleb, and the empty liber- ality of Joshua, the contempt thus expressed would only liave proved them to be presumjjtuous scoffers. God at length evinced the firmness of his decree by the result, and Caleb, though he saw himself unable to obtain access to the mountain, testified that he was contented with the mere promise of God, the true exercise of faith, consisting in a willingness to remain without the fruition of things which have been promised till the period actually arrive. More- over, this passage, and others similar to it, teach us that the giants who are usually called Enakim, were so named after their original progenitor, Enac, and that the word is hence of Gentile origin. The time when Caleb routed the sons of Enac we shall see in a short time. This passage also shews us that Caleb, when he brought forward the name of Moses, did not make a mere pretence, or utter anything that was not strictly true ; for it is now plainly declared, that Moses had so appointed, in conformity with the command of God.
14. And Caleb drove thence the 14. Expuht inde Caleb tres filios three sons of Anak, Sheshai, and Enac, Sezadi, et Ahiman, et Thal- Ahiraan, and Talmai, the children of mai qui fuerunt filii Enac.
Anak,
15. And he went up thence to 15. Ascenditque inde ad habitato- the inhabitants of Debir : and the res Debir, cujus nonien antea fuit name of Debir before was Kirjath- Ciriath-sepher.
sepher.
16. And Caleb said, He that 16. Dixitque Caleb, qui percus- sniiteth Kirjath-sepher, and taketh serit Ciriath-sepher, et ceperit earn,
201-
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XV.
it, to him will 1 give Achsah my daughter to wife.
17. And Othiiiel the son of Kenaz, the brother of Caleb, took it : and he gave him Achsah his daughter to wife.
18. And it came to pass, as she came unto him, that she moved him to ask of her father a field : and she lighted off her ass ; and Caleb said unto her. What wouldest thou ?
19. Who answered. Give me a blessing : for thou hast given me a south land ; give me also springs of water. And he gave her the upper springs, and the nether springs.
20. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Judah, ac- cording to their families.
21. And the uttermost cities of the tribe of the children of Judah, toward the coast of Edom, southward, were Kabzeel, and Eder, and Jagur,
22. And Kinah, and Dimonah, and Adadah,
23. And Kedesh, andllazor, and Ithnan,
24. Ziph, and Telem, and Bea- loth,
25. And Hazor, Hadattah, and Kerioth, and Hezron, which is Ha- zor,
26. Amam, and Shema, and Mo- ladah,
27. And Hazar-gaddah, and Hesh- mon, and Beth-palet,
28. And Hazar-shual, and Beer- sheba, and Bizjothjah,
29. Baalah, and lim, and Azem,
30. And Eltolad, and Chesil, and Hormah,
31. And Ziklag, and Madman- nah, and Sansannah,
32. And Lebaoth, and Shilhim, and Ain, and Rimmon : all the cities are twenty and nine, with their vil- lages.
33. And in the valley, Eshtaol, and Zoreah, and Ashnah,
34. And Zanoah, and En-gannim, Tappuah, and Enam,
35. Jarmuth, and AduUam, So- coh, and Azekah,
36. And Sharaim, and Adithaim,
dabo ei Achsa filiam meam in uxo- rem.
17. Cepit autem earn Othniel filius Cenas fratris Caleb: deditque ei Achsa filiam suam in uxorem.
18. Fuitque quum veniret ipsa suasit illi, ut peteret a patre suo agrum, et descendit de asino, dixit- que ei Caleb, Quid tibi est ?
19. Ilia respondit. Da mihi bene- dictionem : quandoquidem terrara aridam dedisti mihi, da mihi fontes aquarum. Et dedit ei fontes supe- riores, et fontes inferiores.
20. Ista est hsereditas tribus fili- orum Jehuda per famUias suas.
2 1 . Fuertmt autem urbes in extre- mitate tribus filiorum Jehudse juxta terminum Edom ad meridiem. Cab- seel, et Eder, et Jagur.
22. Et Cina, et Dimona, et Ada- da,
23. Et Cedes, et Hasor, et Ithnan,
24. Ziph, et Telem, et Bealoth,
25. Et Hasor in Hadatha, et Ce- rioth, Hesron, ipsa est Hasor,
26. Amam, et Sema, et Molada,
27. Et Hasar-gadda, et Hesmon, Beth-phelet,
28. Et Ilasar-sual, et Beerseba, et Bizjotheja,
29. Baala, et lim, et Asem,
30. Et Eltholad, et Chesil, et Horma,
31. Et Siclag, et Madmannah, et Sensannah,
32. Et Lebaoth, et Silhim, et Ain, et Rimon : omnes urbes viginti et novem, et villae earum.
33. In planitie Esthaol, et Sora, et Asnah,
34. Et Zanoah, et Engannim, et Taphuah, et Enam,
35. Jarmuth, et Adulam, Socoh, et Azecah,
36. Et Saaraira, et Adithaim, et
CHAP. XV.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
205
and Gederali, and Gederothaim : foiirteen cities with their villages.
37. Zenan, and Hadashah, and Migdal-gad,
38. And Dilean, and Mizpeh, and Joktheel,
39. Lachish, and Bozkath, and Eglon,
40. And Cabbon, and Lahmam, and Kithlish,
41. And Gederoth, Beth-dagon, and Naamah, and Makkedah : six- teen cities with their villages.
42. Libnah, and Ether, and Ash an,
43. And Jiphtah, and Ashnah, and Nezib,
44. And Keilah, and Achzib, and Mareshah : nine cities Avith their villages.
45. Ekron, with her towns and her villages.
46. From Ekron even unto the sea, all that lay near Ashdod, with their villages.
47. Ashdod with her towns and her villages, Gaza with her towns and her villages, unto the river of Egypt, and the great sea, and the border thereof.
48. And in the moimtains, Sha- mir, and Jattir, and Socoh,
49. And Dannah, and Kirjath- sannah, which is Debir,
50. And Anab, and Eshtenioh, and Anim,
51. And Goshen, and Holon, and Giloh : eleven cities with their vil- lages.
52. Arab, and Dumah, and Eshean,
53. And Janum, and Beth-tap- puah, and Aphekah,
54. And Humtah, and Kirjath- arba, (which is Hebron,) and Zior: nine cities with their villages.
55. Maon, Carmel, and Ziph, and Juttah,
56. And Jezreel, and Jokdeam, and Zanoah,
57. Cain, Gibeah, and Timnah: ten cities with their villages.
58. Halhul, Beth-zur, and Gedor,
59. And Maarath, and Beth- anoth, and Eltekon : six cities with their villages.
Gederah, et Gederothaim : urbes quatuordecim, et vill?e earum.
37. Senam, et Hadasa, et Mig- dalgad,
38. Et Dilan, et Mispeh, et Joc- teel,
39. Lachis, et Boscath, et Eg- lon,
40. Et Chabbon, et Lahmam, et Chithlis,
41. Et Gederoth, Beth-dagon, et Naamah, et Makeda : urbes sexde- cim, et viUie earum.
42. Libna, et Ether, et Asan,
43. Et Jeptha,et Asna, et Nesib,
44. Et Cheila, et Achzib, et Ma- resah : urbes novem et villae earum.
45. Ecron, et oppida ejus et villse ejus.
46. Ab Ecron, et ad mare, om- nes quae sunt ad latus Asdod, et vil- lse earum.
47. Asdod, oppida ejus, et villse ejus : Azza, oppida ejus et villte ejus usque ad torrentem iEgypti, et mare magnum, et terminus,
48. Etinmonte, Samir, et Jathir, et Sochoh,
49. Et Dannah, et Ciriath-san- nah, ipsa est Debir,
50. Et Anab, et Eshtemoh, et Anim,
51. Et Gosan, et Holon, et Giloh ; urbes imdecim, et villse earum.
52. Arab, et Dumah, et Esan,
53. Et Janum, et Beth-thappuah, et Aphecah,
54. Et Huntha, et Ciriath-arba, ipsa est Hebron, et Sior: urbes no- vem, et villse earum.
55. Mahon, Carmel, et Ziph, et Juttah,
56. Et Jezrael, et Jocdean, et Zaura,
57. Cain, Giba, et Thimna : lurbes decem, et villse earum.
58. Hal-hul, et Beth-sur, et Gedor, 69. Et Maarath, et Bethanoth, et
Elthecon: urbes sex, et villse earum.
206 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XV.
60. Kirjath-baal, (which is Kir- 60. Ciriath-baal, ipsa est Ciriath- jath-jearim,) and Rabbah : two cities jearim, et Rabba : urbes duae, et with their villages. villaj earum.
61. In the wilderness, Beth-ara- 61. In deserto, Beth-arabah, Mid- bah, Middin, and Secacah, din, et Sech-acha,
62. And Nibshan, and the city of 62. Et Nibsan, et iirbs salis, et Salt, and En-gedi : six cities with Engedi : urbes sex, et villse earum. their villages.
63. As for the Jebusites, the in- 63. Porro Jebusseos habitatores habitants of Jerusalem, the children Jerusalem non potuerunt filii Je- of Judah could not drive them out : huda expellere : itaque habitavit but the Jebusites dwell with the Jebusgeus cum filiis Jehuda in Jeru- children of Judah at Jerusalem unto salem usque ad diem banc.
this day.
Here we have a narrative of what phiinly appears from the book of Joshua to have taken place subsequent to the death of Joshua ; but lest a question might have been raised by the novelty of the procedure, in giving a fertile and well watered field as the patrimony of a woman, the writer of the book thought proper to insert a history of that which after- wards happened, in order that no ambiguity might remain in regard to the lot of the tribe of Judah. First, Caleb is said, after he had taken the city of Hebron, to have attacked Debir or Ciriath-sepher, and to have declared, that the per- son who should be the first to enter it, would be his son- in-law. And it appears, that vvhen he held out this rare prize to his fellow-soldiers for taking the city, no small achievement was required. This confirms what formerly seemed to be the case, that it was a dangerous and difficult task which had been assigned him, when he obtained his conditional grant. Accordingly, with the view of urging the bravest to exert themselves, he promises his daughter in marriage as a reward to the valour of the man who should first scale the wall.
It is afterwards added that . Othniel who was his nephew by a brother, gained the prize by his valour, I know not how it has crept into the common translation that lie was a younger brother of Caleb ; for nothing in the least degree plausible can be said in defence of the blunder. Hence some expositors perplex themselves very unneces- sarily in endeavouring to explain how Othniel could have married his niece, since such marriage was forbidden by the
CHAP. XV. 17. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 207
law. It is easy to see that he was not the uncle, but the cousin of his wife.
But here another question arises, How did Caleb presume to bargain concerning his daughter until he was made ac- quainted with her inclinations ?^ Although it is the office of parents to settle their daughters in life, they are not per- mitted to exercise tyrannical power and assign them to whatever husbands they think fit without consulting them. For while all contracts ought to be voluntary, freedom ought to prevail especially in marriage that no one may pledge his faith against his will. But Caleb was probably influenced by the belief that his daughter would willingly give her con- sent, as she could not modestly reject such honourable terms f for the husband to be given her was no common man, but one who should excel all others in warlike prowess. It is quite possible, however, that Caleb in the heat of battle inconsiderately proniised what it was not in his power to perform. It seems to me, however, that according to com- mon law, the agreement implied the daughter's consent, and was only to take eifect if it was obtained.^ God certainly
' If we are to indulge in conjectures on the subject, this question might be answered by another, How do we know that Caleb had not consulted her inclinations, and instead of resting satisfied with the vague imaginings here ascribed to him, actually obtained her consent to the proposal which he was about to make ? It may not have been, as Calvin supposes, a sud- den thought which struck him in the heat of battle, but a calm resolve formed before he set out on his expedition against Debir, and intended to reward the most valiant of those who had assisted him in his war against the giants. And it is even not impossible that both he and his daughter, to whom Othniel, from his near relationship, must have been well known, had no doubt from the prowess he had jireviously exhibited, that he woidd outstrip all his competitors and carry off the prize. These, of course, are mere conjectures, but they are at least as plausible as those indulged in by other expositors, who, after raising the question, appear to have given themselves much unnecessary trouble in attempting to solve it. — Ed.
^ French, " Pource qu'un tel partie et condition si honorable ne pouvoit estre refusee honnestement et sans impvidence ;" " Because such a party and so honourable a condition could not be refused honestly (honourably) and without impudence." — Ed.
' In other words, Caleb promises his daughter not absolutely to the man who should take the city, laut to the man who, in addition to the prowess exerted in taking it, should also have the address to gain the daughter's consent. It is difficult to believe that the promise made was either so meant by Caleb, or so interpreted by his followers. lie very probably and, as the event shewed, justly judged that his influence as a parent would either win or command his daughter's consent. — Ed.
208 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XV. 18,
heard the prayer of Caleb, when he gave him a son-in-law exactly to his mind. For had the free choice been given him, there was none whom he would have preferred.
18. And it came to pass as she came unto him, &c. Al- though we may conjecture that the damsel Acsa was of excellent morals and well brought up, as marriage with her had been held forth as the special reward' of victory, yet perverse cupidity on her part is here disclosed. She knew that by the divine law women were specially excluded from hereditary lands, but she nevertheless covets the possession of them, and stimulates her husband by unjust expostulation. In this way ambitious and covetous wives cease not to molest their husbands until they force them to forget shame, modesty, and equity. For although the avarice of men also is insatiable, yet women are apt to be much more precipi- tate. The more carefully ought husbands to be on their guard against being set as it were on flame by the blast of such importunate counsels.^
But a greater degree of intemperance is displayed when she acquires additional boldness from the facilitj'- of her husband and the indulgence of her father. Not contented with the field given to her, she demands for herself a well- watered district. And thus it is when a person has once overleaped the bounds of rectitude and honesty, the fault is forthwith followed up by impudence. Moreover, her father in refusing her nothing gives proof of his singular affection for her. But it does not therefore follow that the wicked thirst of gain which blinds the mind and perverts right judgment is the less hateful. In regard to Acsa's dismount- ing from the ass, some interpreters ascribe it to dissimula- tion and craft, as if she were pretending inability to retain
1 French, " Pour un salaire exquis et precieux ;" " As an exquisite and precious recompense." — Ed.
° Latin, "Foeminje tanien magis prjecipitesferuntur." French, "Lesfem- mes sont beaucoup plus bouillantes, et se laissent transporter plus aisement. Et d'autant plus sogneusement les maris se doyvent donner garde, de peur que par leurs conseils importims, qui sont comme des soufflets, ils ne soyent embrasez ;" " Women are much more fervid, and allow themselves to be more easdy carried away. And so much the more carefully should hus- bands be on their guard, lest by their importunate counsels, which are like bellows, they be blown into flame." — £Jd.
CHAP. XV. 63. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 209
her seat from grief. In tliis way lier dismounting or falling oflF is made an indication of criminality and defective charac- ter. It is more simple, however, to suppose that she jDlaced herself at her father's feet with the view of accosting him as a suppliant. Be this as it may, by her craft and flattery she gained his consent, and in so far diminished the portion of her brothers.^
20. This is the inheritance, &c. He had formerly, indeed, traced out the boundaries of the children of Judah ; but it is now shewn for a diiferent reason how large and fertile the territory was which the Lord in his great liberality had be- stowed upon them. One hundred and thirteen cities with their towns and villages are enumerated. The number attests not only the populousness, but also the fertility of the countrj'. And there cannot be a doubt that by the divine blessing a new degree of fertility was imparted to it. The goodness of God was, however, manifested in the very nature of the land selected for his people, a land abounding in all kinds of ad- vantages. If we attend to the number of souls in the tribe, we shall find that one half of the country would have been amply sufficient for their habitation. For when eight hundred were allocated in each of the cities, the remainder had the towns and the villages. It is no doubt true that a portion was afterwards withdrawn and given to the tribe of Simeon. For in this was accomplished the dispersion of which Jacob had prophesied, " I will divide them in Jacob, and scatter them in Israel." (Gen. xlix. 7.) They were accordingly admitted by the children of Judah as a kind of guests.
63. As for the Jebusites, &c. This furnishes no excuse for the people, nor is it set down with that view ; for had they exerted themselves to the full measure of their strength, and failed of success, the dishonour would have
' French, " Quoy qu'il en soit, cette femme attira a soy par astiice et flatteries le droit d'autruy, et par ce moyen, la part et portion de ses freres en flit d'autant amoindrie ;" " Be this as it may, this woman attracted to herself by craft and flattery the right of another, and by this means the part and portion of her brothers was so far lessened." The censure here passed upon Achsah is rather more severe than the circumstances seem to warrant. It ought to be remembered, that in cases of succession the pre- ference given to males is only conventional, and that by natural law her brothel s' title was not a whit better than her own. — Ed.
210 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XVI.
fallen on God himself, who had promised that he would con- tinue with them as their leader until he should give them full and free possession of the land, and that he would send hornets to drive out the inhabitants. Therefore, it was owing entirely to their own sluggishness that they did not make themselves masters of the city of Jerusalem. This they were not able to do ; but their own torpor, their neglect of the divine command from a love of ease, were the real obstacles.
Tliis passage is deserving of notice : we ought to learn from it to make vigorous trial of our strength in attempting to accomplish the commands of God, and not to omit any opportunity, lest while we are idly resting the door may be shut. A moderate delay might have been free from blame ; but a long period of effeminate ease in a manner rejected the blessing which God was ready to bestow.^
CHAPTER XVI.
1. And the lot of the children of 1. Egressa est autem sors filiis Joseph fell from Jordan by Jericho, Joseph a Jordane Jericho, ad aquas unto the water of Jericho on the Jericho ad orientem, ad desertum east, to the Avilderness that goeth quod ascendit a Jericho in montem up from Jericho, throughout mount Beth-el.
Beth-el,
2. And goeth out from Beth-el 2. Egrediturque a Beth-el in Luz, to Luz, and passeth along unto the et hinc pertransit ad terminum borders of Archi to Ataroth, Archi-Ataroth.
3. And goeth down westward to 3. Postea ascendit ad mare, ad the coast of Japhleti, unto the coast terminum Japhleti usque ad ter- of Belh-horon the nether, and to minum Beth-horon inferiorem et Gezer : and the goings out thereof usque ad Gazer, suntque exitus ejus are at the sea. ad mare.
4. So the children of Joseph, 4. Itaque h^ereditatem accepe- Manasseh and Ephraim, took their runt filii Joseph, Manasses et Eph- inheritance. raim.
5. And the border of the children 5. Fuit autem terminus filiorum of Ephraim, according to their Ephraim per familias suas : fuit,
* Some of the Jewish expositors, unwilling to admit the cowardice and sluggishness of their countrymen, fable that the Jcbusites were permitted to remain in possession because they were descendants of Abimelech, and in consequence of the covenant made between him and Abraham, (Gen. xxi. 22, 32,) could not be lawfully expelled. — Ed.
OIIAP. XVI. 1.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
211
families, was thus : even the border of their inheritance on the east side was Ataroth-adar, unto Beth-horon the upper ;
0. And the border went out to- ward the sea to Miclmiethah on the north side ; and the border went about eastward unto Taanath-shiloh, and passed by it on the east to Janohah ;
7. And it went down from Ja- nohah to Ataroth, and to Naarath, and came to Jericho, and went out at Jordan.
8. The border went out from Tappuah westward unto the river Kanali ; and the goings out thereof were at tlie sea. This is the inheri- tance of the tribe of {he children of Kphraim by their families.
9. And the separate cities for the children of Ephraim were among the inheritance of tlie children of Ma- nasseh, all the cities with their villages.
10. And they drave not out the O'-'nannites thnt dwelt in Gezer ; but (h-^ '^anaanites dwell among the Ephraimitt'S unto this day, and serve under tribute.
inquam, terminus htereditatis eorum ad orientem ab Atroh-Addar, usque ad Beth-horon superiorem.
6. Et exit terminus ille ad mare, ad Michmethah ab aquilone : et circumit terminus ad orientem. ad Thaanath-siloh, et transit illam ab oriente ad Janoah.
7. Et descendit a Janoah in Ata- roth, et Naarath, et pervenit in Jericho, egrediturque ad Jordanem.
8. A Thappuah pergit terminus ad mare ad torrentem arundinis, suntque exitus ejus ad mare, haec esthereditas tribus fiUorum Ephraim per familias suas.
9. Et urbes separaf je filiis Eph- raim in meiiio hsereditatis i"iliorum Manasse, omnes urbes, et villse earum.
10. Neqiie expulerunt Chanan- feum habitantem in Gazer. Itaque habitavit Chananreusin medio Eph- raim usque ad diem hanc, et fuit tributo serviens.
1. And the lot of the children of Joseph fell, &c. The sacred writer first states what the lot was which fell to the two children of Joseph, and then describes the lot of Ephraim. It is strange, however, that when the half of the tribe of Manasseh had already been settled beyond the Jordan, more words are employed in describing the remain- ing half than in describing the whole of the inheritance of the tribe of Ephraim, though the latter was the more popu- lous, and justly claimed for itself a larger territory. But the longer detail given concerning the posterity of Manasseh is owing to particular circumstances. First, the writer repeats how a settlement had been given them without lot in the country of Basan. Secondly, he mentions the ratification by Joshua of the command which Moses had given by divine authority in regard to the daughters of Selophead. Seeing, then, there was no doubt in regard to the boundaries of
212 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XVI. 10.
Ephraim, and there was no danger of dispute, their alloca- tion is only briefly glanced at.
But here a new question arises. When the right of primogeniture had passed from Manasseh to Ephraim, how did the posterity of that tribe which had precedence in rank obtain their cities among the children of Manasseh ? For theirs seems in this way to have been the inferior con- dition. My explanation is this, When the portion of Ma- nasseh was too extensive in proportion to the amount of population, a calculation was made, and certain cities were deducted to complete the just share of the tribe of Ephraim ; not that they were mixed up with the children of Manasseh, to hold their dwellings among them by a precarious tenure,' but their boundaries were merely extended in the direc- tion of the Manassites whom a narrower possession might suffice.
In the end of the chapter, Ephraim is severely censured for his effeminacy in not having expelled the Canaanites from Gezer. For had they proceeded in a manly and hearty manner to make good their right to the land which had fallen to them by lot, the victory was in their hands. There would have been no temerity in the attempt, since the de- cision of the lot was as valid as if the Lord himself had stretched forth his hand from heaven. But their disgrace- ful sloth is more clearly expressed and their culpability greatly heightened by the fact, that they made tributaries of those with whom it was not lawful to enter into an}'- kind of arrangement. Seeing, then, God had distinctly for- bidden his people to transact business of any kind with those nations, and least of all to enter into pactions with them, stipulating for their pardon and safety, theEphraimites sinned much more grievously in exacting tribute than if they had tolerated them without paction.^
1 Latin, " Quasi precario." French, " Comme par emprunt ou par prieres ;" " As by loan or by entreaty." — Ed.
' A long clause is here added by the Septuagint, to the effect that the Canaanite continued to dwell in Ephraim till Pharaoh, king of Egypt, came up and took it, drove out the Canaanites, Perizzites, and dwellers in Gezer, and gave it as a dowry to his daughter, (who had married Solo- mon.)— Ed.
CHAP. xvir.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
213
CHAPTER XVIL
1. There was also a lot for the tribe of Manasseh, (for he was the first-born of Joseph,) to loit, for Machir, the first-born of Manasseh, the father of Gilead : because he was a man of war, therefore he had Gilead and Bashan.
2. There was also a lot for the rest of the children of Manasseh by their families; for the children of Abiezer, and for the children of Helek, and for the children of As- riel, and for the children of She- chem, and for the children of Hepher, and for the children of Shemida : these ioe7-e the male- children of Manasseh the son of Joseph by their families.
3. But Zelophehad, the son of Hepher, the son of Gilead, the son of Machir, the son of Manasseh, had no sons, but daughters : and these are the names of his daughters, Mahlah, and IJoah, Hoglah, Milcah, and Tirzah.
4. And they came near before Eleazar the priest, and before Joshua the son of Nun, and before the princes, saying, The Lord com- manded Moses to give us an inheri- tance among oiu- brethren : there- fore, according to the commandment of the Lord, he gave them an in- heritance among the brethren of their father.
5. And there fell ten portions to Manasseh, besides the land of Gilead and Bashiin, which were on the other side Jordan ;
6. Because the daughters of Ma- nasseh had an inheritance among his sons : and the rest of Manasseh's sons had the land of Gilead.
7. And the coast of Manasseh was from Asher to Michmethah, that lieth before Shechem ; and the border went along on the right hand unto the inhabitants of En- tappuah.
8. Now Manasseh had the land of Tappuah : but Tappuah, on the
1. Fuit quoque sors tribui Ma- nasse (ipse enim fuit primogenitus Joseph) ipsi Machir primogenito Manasse patri Gilead (ipse enim fuit vir bellicosus), fuit inquam, ei Gilead et Basan.
2. Fuit item filiis Manasse reli- quis per faniilias suas, filiis Abiezer, et filiis Helec, et filiis Asriel, et filiis Sechem, et filiis Hepher, et filiis Semida. Isti sunt filii Manasse, filii Joseph mares per familias suas.
3. Porro Selophead filio Hepher, filii Gilead, filii Machir, filii Ma- nasse non fuerunt fihi sed filiae: qviarum ista sunt nomina, Mahala, et Noa, Hogla, Melcha, et Thirza.
4. Hfe accesserunt in conspectum Eleazar sacerdotis, et in conspectum Josue filii Nun, atque in conspec- tum principum, dicendo, Jehova prfGcepit Mosi ut daret nobis hfe- reditatem in medio fratrura nostro- rum. Itaque dedit eis juxta ser- monem Jehovfe, hjereditatem in medio fratrum patris earum.
5. Et ceciderunt hsereditates Ma- nasse decem, prseter terrara Gilead et Basan, quae erant trans Jorda- nem.
6. Filise enim Manasse sortitae sunt hereditatem in medio filiorum ejus: terra autem Gilead fuit filiis Manasse reliquis.
7. Fuit autem terminus Manasse ab Aser ad Michmethah, quae est coram Sechem, et pergit terminus ad dextram ad habitatores En- thappua.
8. Ipsius Manasse fuit terra Thappua : ab Thappua quae erat ad
214 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XVII. 1
border of Manasseh, belonged to the terminum Manasse, est filiorum Eph-
children of Epliraim ; raim.
9. And the coast descended unto 9. Descenditque terminus ad the river Kanah, southward of the torrentem arundinis ad meridiem river: these cities of Kphraim are ipsius torrentis : civitafes istie tribus among the cities of Manasseh : the Ephraim sunt in medio civitatum coast of Manasseli also was on the Manasse : at terminus Manasse north side of the river, and the out- est ab aquilone ipsius torrentis, goings of it were at the sea. suntque exitus ejus ad mare.
10. Southward it was Ephraim's, 10. Ad meridiem est ipsius Eph- and northward it tvas Manasseh's, raim, et ad aquilonem iosius Ma- and the sea is his border ; and thej nasse, estque terminus ejus, et in met together in A si; er on the north, Aser occurrunt inter se ab aqui- and in Issachar on the east. lone, et in Issachar ab oriente.
The historian returns to tlie tribe of Manasseh with the view of confirming wliat we formerly saw witli regard to the daughters of Selopliead. For though it was a novelty for females to succeed indiscriminately with males, yet as five of them had survived their father, tlicy proved it v^^ bo equitable that they should be admitted to a poitiui;, ot while he was innocent he should lie under the reproach of having died childless. God had rejdied to Moses by his oracle, that in regard to succession they should be counted as one head. They now demand that the decision thus given by the mouth of the Lord shall be carried into effect. As to the name of first-born, still given to Manasseh, it must be understood so as not to be at variance with the prophecy of Jacob ; or rather his primogeniture is here in a manner buried, and his dignity restricted to the past. Here, however, it is to be observed, that men are so tenacious and so much devoted to their own interests, that it seldom occurs to them to give others their due. The daughters of Selophead had obtained a portion by a heavenly decree ; nor had any one dared to utter a word against it ; and yet if they had remained silent no regard would have been paid to them. Therefore, lest the delay should prove injurious to them, they apply to Joshua and Eleazar, and insist that they shall not be deprived of their legitimate succession. No delay is interposed by Joshua to prevent their immediately obtaining what is just, nor is there any murmuring on the part of the i^eople. Hence we infer, that all Avere dis- posed to act equitably; but every one is occupied with
CHAP. XVII. 5. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 215
his owii interest, and too apt carelessly to overlook that of others.
5. And there fell ten portions to Manasseh, &c. The children of Manasseh are in this passage classed under seven stems. Machir, the first-born, is placed apart ; the other six follow. Here the question arises. How was the inheri- tance divided into ten parts ? Some exjjositors cunningly disguise the diflSculty -^ others, because thc}^ are unable to solve it, indulge in the merest trifling. It is certainly very absurd that four portions should be given to five daughters ; and it is not a whit more congruous that their share should be doubled because their father was the first-born. It is beyond all controversy, that Gilead, son of Machir, and great-grandfather of the females of whom we are now speaking, chose his settlement in mount Gilead and Bashan. Therefore, seeing he had already obtained an inheritance by privilege without lot, he ought not to have obtained one by lot in the land of Canaan, unless perhaps he settled only a part of his family beyond tlie Jordan. For Hepher was one of his sons, but not the only one ; and likewise the offspring of five other brothers miglit be distinguished into several heads according to the number of which tlie allocation by lot might be made. For it is not known in what degree families whose portion fell in the land of Canaan were taken. And all we read here is, that ten lots were cast among the sons of Manasseh in addition to the country which they had formerly acquired for themselves beyond the Jordan. It is thus vain to dispute concerning the number, which cannot be ascertained with certainty from the present narrative, because the first thing necessary to be known is the exact number of families to whom the divison was com- mon. Nay, it is not impossible that the daughters of Selophead obtained their patrimony there. They are said, indeed, to have dwelt among the brethren of their father ; but the place is not given. Be this as it may, I have no
' Latin, " Quidam astute lumc scnipulum dissimulant." French, " Aucuns y vont a la tines.se ne faisans nuUe mention de ceste difficiilte ;" " Some have recourse to finesse, making no mention of this difRculty." — Ed.
216
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XVII.
doubt that mutual equity was observed, and that after pro- vision was made for otliers, the land which had been sub- mitted to lot was distributed among ten families whose names are here omitted.
11. And Manasseli had in Issa- char, and in Ashur, Beth-shean and her towns, and Ibleam and her towns, and the inhabitants of Dor and her towns, and the inhabitants of En-dor and her towns, and the inhabitants of Taanach and her towns, and the inhabitants of Me- giddo and her towns, even three countries.
12. Yet the children of Manasseh could not drive out the inhabitants of those cities; but the Canaanites ■would dwell in that land.
13. Yet it came to pass, when the children of Israel were waxen strong, that they put the Canaanites to tribute ; but did not utterly drive them out.
14. And the children of Joseph spake unto Joshua, saying, Why hast thou given me but one lot and one portion to inherit, seeing I am a great people, forasmuch as the Lord hath blessed me hitherto ?
15. And Joshua answered them. If thou be a great people, then get thee up to the yvood-country, and cut down for thyself there in the land of the Perizzites, and of the giants, if mount Ephraim be too nar- row for thee.
16. And the children of Joseph said. The hill is not enough for us : and all the Canaanites that dwell in the land of the valley have chariots of iron, both they Avho are of Beth- shean and her towns, and thej/ Avho are of the valley of Jezreel.
17. And Joshua spake unto the house of Joseph, even to Ephraim and to Manasseh, saying, Thou art a great people, and hast great power ; thou shalt not have one lot only:
18. But the mountain shall be thine; for it is a wood, and thou shalt cut it down ; and the outgoings
11. Fuitque ipsi Manasse in Issa- char, et in Aser, Beth- scan, et oppida ejus : et Ibleam, et oppida ejus : et habitatores Dor, et oppida ejus : et habitatores Endor, et oppida ejus : et habitatores Thaanach, et oppida ejus : et habitatores Magiddo, et oppida ejus, tres regiones.
12. Et non potuenmt filii Ma- nasse expellere habitatores urbium istarum, sed coepit Chananseus habi- tare in terra ipsa.
13. Quum autem roborati essent filii Israel, posuerunt Chananseura tributarium, nee expellendo expule- runt eum.
14. Loquuti sunt autem filii Joseph ad Josue, dicendo, Cur dedisti mihi in hsereditatem sortem unam, et hsereditatem unam, quum ego sim populus multus, ita quod hucusque benedixerit mihi Jehova ?
15. Dixitque ad eos Josue, Si populus multus es, ascende in syl- vam, et succide tibi illic in terra Periztei, et Rephaim, si angustus est tibi mons Ephraim.
16. Cui responderunt filii Joseph, Non sufRciet nobis mons ille : et currus ferrei sunt in omni Chananseo qui habitat in terra vallis, et ei qui habitat in Beth-sean et oppidis ejus, et ei qui habitat in valle Jezrael.
17. Dixitque Josue ad domum Joseph, nempe ad Ephraim et Ma- nasse, dicendo, Populus multus es, et fortitudo magna est tibi : non erit tibi sors unica :
1 8. Mons enim erit tibi, quia sylva est : succides ergo earn, et erunt tibi exitus ejus : quia expelles Ghana-
CHAP. XVII. 1 1. COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. 2] 7
of it shall be thine: for thoii shalt noeum, quanquani currus ferrei siiit drive out the Canaanites, though ei, quanquaui fortis sit. they have iron chariots, and though they be strong.
11. And Manasseh had in Issachar, &c. How they were so mingled as to possess some cities in the lot of Asher and Issachar, while the tribe of Ephraim dwelt between their limits, it is not easy to divine, unless, perhaps, it was per- ceived that a more commodious habitation would not be liable to many complaints,^ or, perhaps, after the whole country had become more certainly known, some change was made on principles of equity in the former partition. This, there- fore, seems to have been a new acquisition after it was dis- covered that the children of Manasseh might occupy a wider extent without loss to others. Nor was the habitation given to them a subjugated one, which they might immediately enjoy, but it was an inheritance treasured up in hope, and founded more upon heavenly promise than on actual posses- sion. And yet their not gaining possession of those cities is attributed to their fault, because the lot assigning it to them was an indubitable pledge of victory. The reason, therefore, why they could not expel the inhabitants was, because they were not fully persuaded in their minds that God is true, and stifled his agency by their own sluggishness. But another crime still less pardonable was committed when, having it in their power easily to destroy all, they not only were slothful in executing the command of God, but, induced by filthy lucre,^ they preserved those alive whom God had doomed to destruction. For persons, on whom we impose tribute, we in a manner take under our faith and protec- tion. God had appointed them the ministers of his ven- geance, and he supplies them with strength to execute it :
' Latin, " Nisi quia forte perspectum est, nee habitatio commodior obnoxia esset multis querimoniis." French, " Sinon possible qu'on vou- lust avoir esgard que s'ils eussent este' plus a leur aise, cela eust engendre des complaintes ;" " Unless it be possible that they were pleased to take it into consideration that if they had been more at their ease, that might have engendered complaints." — Ed.
' Latin, " Turpi lucro adducti." French, " Sous couleur de quelque gain vilain et infanie;" "Under colour of some vile and infamous gain." — £d.
218 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. UHAP. XVII. 1 4
tliey not only delay, but deprive themselves of the liberty of acting rightly. It is not strange, therefore, that God severely punished this perverse heartlessness, by making those nations whom they had pardoned in the face of a clear pro- hibition, to become like thorns to pierce their eyes and pricks to gall their sides.
Here, again, a question arises, How were cities granted to them in the tribe of Asher and Issachar, when the portions of both were as yet unknown ? Here, therefore, that which had not yet taken i^lace is related by way of anticipation. Be this as it may, we gather that from ignorance of the localities, single portions were not divided so exactly as not to make it necessary afterwards to correct what had been more or less decided.^ And we must hold in general, with regard both to the tribe of Ephraim and the others, that many of the cities which they gained were of no account because of the devastation. I doubt not that many ruins here lie buried. On the other hand, we must conclude that in fertile spots, or spots possessed of other advantages, where petty villages only existed, their famous cities were founded. It is certain that Sichcm was of sufficient importance to hold both a name and rank, and yet there is no mention of it here. The same is the case with Samaria, which, as is well known, belonged to the same tribe of Ephraim when it was the metropolis of the kingdom of Israel. It is plain, there- fore, that each tribe possessed several cities, which are here passed over in silence.
14. And the children of Joseph spake unto Joshua, &c. Although they clothe their complaint with some colour of excuse, yet they dishonestly disguise the fact, that more was comprehended in one lot than was proper for one tribe. I know not, however, whether or not the lot was cast in- definitely for the sons of Joseph : it certainly does not seem congruous that it should be so. Joshua and the other dividers were not unaware that Ephraim and Manasseh
' Tn the French this section of the commentary stops here, and all that follows in the Latin is omitted. It only amounts, however, to a transpo- sition, as the omitted paragraph is inserted under the section of verse 14, at the place indicated by a note. — Ed.
CHAP. XVII. IK COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 219
formed two heads, or two stems : and it has repeatedly been said before that the land was divided into ten tribes, which number was not accurate, unless the tribe of Manasseh was considered distinct from tliat of Ephraim. It is certain, therefore, that they had not fallen into such a gross blunder as to throw the two names into one lot. Now, to conceal two tribes under the name of Joseph, in order to defraud them of half their right, would have been intolerable injus- tice. We may add, that the domain of each was distinctly explained and described by its proper boundaries.^
We are therefore led to conclude, that when the lots were cast for the two tribes, the admirable counsel of God ai-- ranged that the brothers, who had a common father, should be contiguous and neighbours to each other. It is unworthy in them, tberefore, to complain and plead that only one in- heritance had been given to them, because Joshua i>;^'l neither such heartlessness nor so much malice as to defraud them of a clear right either through thoughtlessness or envy.^ But
' The omitted paragrai^h of the section of verse 11 is inserted here. — Ed.
^ It is impossible, of course, to make any suppositions at variance with the honour and integrity of Joshua, and it must tlierefore be hekl that in whatever manner the lot was taken for the children of Joseph, the strictest equity was obstrved. Is it necessary, however, to adopt one of the two alternatives, — either that separate lots were taken for Ephraim and Ma- nasseh, or that Joshua deceived them ? Though they counted as two tribes, they had oidy one patriarch for their ancestor, and it may thei'e- fore have been most expedient that, as they were brethren, their settle- ments should be adjacent to eacli other. This might, perhaps, have been obtained by taking separate lots, for we have already seen, on several occasions, how the lot, though apparently fortuitous, was providentially controlled, so as to give results at once contirmatory of ancient predictions, and conducive to the public good; and we may therefore presume that even if separate lots had been taken, the result might still have been to place the two kindred tribes in juxtaposition. But this was only problematical, and the only way of placing the matter beyond doubt was to make one lot serve for both. And there was no necessary injustice in this, since, as has been repeatedly observed, the lot only fixed the locality, without determin- ing its precise limits, and thus left it open to enlarge or curtail them according to the extent of the population. If injustice had been done to the chikken of Joseph, it would not have been merely because the}' had been placed in one lot, but because this lot, though really intended for two tribes, had been left as small as if it had been intended only for one. The unreasonableness and dishonesty of the complaint, therefore, lay, according to this view, in their insisting on the fact that only one lot had been taken, and at the same time keeping out of view the other equally important ftict,
220 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XVII. 16.
herein lay the falsehood of their complaint concerning narrow boundaries, that thej counted all that was yet to be acquired by warlike prowess as nothing ; as if the lot had assigned portions to the other tribes only in subjugated territory. Joshua, accordingly, in a single sentence, refutes and dis- poses of their plea, and retorts upon them a charge by which they were trying to throw obloquy upon him. If your resources and your numbers are so great, why, he asks, do you not make an inroad on the enemy, whose country has been given to you ? Nor will the event disappoint you, if, trusting to the promise of God, you boldly proceed to the inheritance which he has bestowed upon you. We see how, although proper provision had been made for them, they were so blinded by sloth as to complain that they were straitened for room, because they were unwilling to move their finger to seek the full possession of their inheritance. Wherefore, this passage teaches us, that if at any time we think less is performed for us than is due, we ought care- fully to shake off all delays, and not rashly throw upon others the blame which is inherent in ourselves.
16. And the children of Josejih said, &c. It is too appa- rent that they were thinking only of themselves, because they quibble as much as they can, in order to avoid following the suggestion of Joshua, than which, however, nothing was more reasonable. They object, that the mountain is rugged and little better than a desert, and therefore, though it were added to them, they would derive very little benefit from it. In regard to the plain, which was cultivated and fertile, they
that in fixing its boundaries due allowance had been made for their num- bers, and distinct settlements of sutticient magnitude given to each. That only one lot had been taken is strongly confirmed by the whole tenor of the narrative: First. When the children distinctly put the question to Joshua, " Why hast thou given me but one lot and one portion to inherit ?" he does not silence them at once by answering that tlie assertion which they thus broadly made in the form of a question was not true. On the contrary, the indirectness of his answer seems to imply that the truth of the assertion could not be denied. Secondly, The narrative in chapter xvi., in describing the allocations of Ephraim and Manasseh, speak of them as forming only one lot. Thus, it is said, (ver. 1,) "The lot of the chil- dren of Joseph fell from Jordan by Jericho, unto the water of Jericho on the east ;" and, (ver. 4,) '• So the children of Joseph, Manasseh and Ephraim, took their inheritance." — Ed.
CHAP. XVII. 16.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
221
object that tliey are shut out and debarred from it because of the formidable array of tlie enemy. Accordingly, they make mention of their iron chariots, as if they had not already learned by experience that the Lord was able, without any difficulty, to trample down both horses and chariots. Joshua, however, by a simple and right-hearted answer, administers due castigation, as well to their avarice as their effeminacy and torpor. If the forest, as it now stands, is not sufficiently productive, cut down the trees and convert it into good fields ; provided you are not sparing of your labour, you will have no reason to be dissatisfied with your habitation. Iron chariots, moreover, cannot prevent the Lord from performing what he has promised to you. The inheritance is yours ; do only your part by entering with due confidence on the possession of it.
CHAPTER XVIIL
1 . And the whole congregation of the children of Israel assembled to- gether at Shiloh, and set up the ta- bernacle of the congregation there : and the land was subdued before them,
2. And there remained among the children of Israel seven tribes, which had not yet received their inherit- ance.
3. And Joshua said unto the chil- dren of Israel, How long are ye slack to go to possess the land, which the Lord God of your fathers hath given you?
4. Give out from among you three men for each tribe : and I will send them, and they shall rise and go through the land, and describe it, according to the inheritance of them ; and they shall come again to me.
5. And they shall divide it into seven parts : Judah shall abide in their coast on the south, and the house of Joseph shall abide in their coasts on the north.
6. Ye shall therefore describe the land into seven parts, njid bring the
1 . Congregata est autem universa multitudo filiorum Israel in Silo, et collocavcrunt ibi tabernaculum con- ventionis, postquam terra subjecta erat coram eis.
2. Remanserunt autem e filiis Israel quibus non diviserant hseredi- tatem suam, septem tribus.
3. Dixitque Josue ad filios Israel, Usquequo cessatis ingredi, ut pos- sideatis terram quam dec! it vobis Jehova Deus patrum vestrorum ?
4. Tradite ex vobis tres viros per tribuni, quos mittara : .surgentque et ambulabunt per terram, describent- que eam juxta hsereditatem suam, postea revertentur ad me.
5. Et partientur eam in septem portiones : Judas stabit in finibus suis a meridie : et familia Joseph stabunt in finibus suis ab aquUone.
6. Vosque describatis terram in septem partes, et afferatis ad me
222
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XVIII. 1.
description hither to me, that I may cast lots for you here before the Lord our God.
7. But the Levites have no part among you; for the priesthood of the Lord is tlieir inheritance : and Gad, and Reuben, and half the tribe of Manasseh, have received their inheritance beyond Jordan on the east, which Moses, the servant of the Lord, gave them.
8. And the men arose, and went away : and Josliua charged them that went to describe the land, say- ing, Go and walk through the land, and describe it, and come again to me, that I may here cast lots for you before the Lord in Shiloh.
9- And the men went and passed through the land, and described it by cities into seven parts in a book, and came again to Joshua to the host at Shiloh.
10. And Joshua cast lots for them in Shiloh before the Lord : and there Joshua divided the land unto the children of Israel, according to their divisions.
hue : turn projiciam vobis sortem hie coram Jehova Deo nostro.
7. Non est enim pars Levitis in medio vestri, quia sacerdotium Je- hovaj est hfereditas ejus : Gad autem et Ruben, et dimidia tribus Manasse acceperunt hrereditalem suam citra Jordanem ad orientem, quani dedit ei Moses servus Jehovaj.
8. Surrexeruntqvie viri illi, atque abierunt, prjecepitque Josue istis qui ibant, ut describerent terram, di- cendo : Ite, et ambulate per terram, ac describite eam : postea reverte- mini ad me, et hie projiciam vobis sortem coram Jehova in Silo.
9. Abierunt itaque viri, et tran- sierunt per terram, atque descripse- runt eam per urbes in septem partes, in hbro : reversique sunt ad Josuam ad caslra in Silo.
10. Misit autem eis Josua sor- tem in Silo coram Jehova : parti- tusque est ibi Josua terram iiliis Israel secundum partes eorum.
1. And the whole congregation of the children of Israel, &c. Here we liave a narrative of the celebrated convention held in Shiloh, where it was deliberated, as to the casting of the remaining lots. For although with pious zeal they had attempted the casting of lots, yet the proceeding had been interrupted, as if victory behoved to precede the distribution which depended solely on the mouth of God, They assemble, therefore, in Shiloh to determine what was necessary to be done in future. And there is no doubt that Joshua sum- moned this meeting in order to raise them from their lethargy. For they do not come forward spontaneously with any proposal, but he begins with upbraiding them with having been sluggish and remiss in entering on the inherit- ance which God had bestowed upon them. It is easy to infer fi'om his speech that the}'- had shewn great alacrity at the outset, but that there had been no perseverance.
And yet that obedience, which shortly after grew languid, was honoured M'itli the approbation of the Holy Spirit. It
CHAP. XVIII. 1. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 223
is to be observed that the people are blamed, not for neglect- ing to proceed to the lot, but for not occupying the in- lieritance divinely offered to tliera. And, certainly, as the distribution by lot was a sign of confidence, so each district which fell out to each was a sure and faithful pledge of future possession ; for the Lord was by no means deluding tliem in assigning to each his portion.
The word PIS"!, which I have translated " to cease," signifies also to be remiss or feeble. He charges them, therefore, witli base heartlessness, in that while the full time for routing the enemy had arrived, the}'' by their delays re- tard and suspend the effect of the divine goodness. For had they been contented with the bare lot, and faithfully em- braced the results which it gave, they would doubtless have been prompt and expeditious in carrying on tlie war, nay, wouhl have hastened like conquerors to a triumph.
The ark is said to have been stationed at Shiloh,^ not only that the consultation might be graver and more sacred, as held in the presence of God, but because it was a completely sub- jugated place, and safe from all external violence and injury. For it behoved to be their special care to prevent its exposure to sudden assault. No doubt the hand of God would have been stretched to ward off attacks of the enemy from any quarter ; still, however, though God dwelt among them, they were to be regarded as its guardians and attendants.
But although a station for the ark was then chosen, it was not a perpetual abode, but only a temporary lodging. For it was not left to the will or suffrages of the people to fix the seat where God should dwell, but they behoved to wait
'' Tliis place, which afterwards became so celebrated as the fixed station of the ark and tabernacle during the remainder of Joshua's life and the rule of the Judges, down to the tragical death of Eli, is described in Judges xxi. 19, as " On the north side of Bethel, on the east side of the highway that goeth up from Bethel to Shechem, and on the south of Lebonah." This minute description corresponds with a place now called Seilun, which is situated about twenty miles N.N. PL from Jerusalem, and has several ruins indicative of an ancient site. If this was the place, it stood nearly in the centre of the covmtry, and was thus the most convenient which could have been selected. While its locality made it easily accessible from all quarters, its site, in the heart of a basin completely enclosed by hills except on the south, where a narrow valley opens into a plain, admirably adapted it for the still and solemn performance of rehgious services. — Ed.
22-i COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XVIII. 4.
for tlie period so often referred to in the Law, when he was to establish the memorial of his name elsewhere. This was at length accomplished when Mount Zion was set apart for the Temple. For this reason it is said in the Psalm, " Our feet shall stand within thy gates, 0 Jerusalem." (Ps. cxxii.2,') These words intimate that up to that time the ark was pil- grimating. At last the ruin and devastation of Shiloh shewed that no rank or dignity can screen those who corrupt the blessings of God from his vengeance. Up to the death of Eli, God allowed his sacred name to be worshipped there ; but when all religion was polluted by the impiety of the priests, and almost abolished by the ingratitude of the jieople, that spot became to posterity a signal monument of punishment. Accordingly, Jeremiah tells the inhabitants of Jerusalem, who were proudly boasting of their Temple, to turn their eyes to that example. Speiiking in the name of the Lord, he says, " Go ye now unto my place which was in Shiloh, where I set my name at the first, and see what I did to it for the wickedness of my people Israel." (Jer. vii. 12.)
4, Give out from among you three men, &c. Caleb and Joshua had already surveyed those regions, and the people had learned much by inquiry : Joshua, however, wishes the land to be divided as if according to actual survey,^ and orders three surveyors to be appointed for each of the seven tribes, in order that by the mouth of two or three persons every dispute may be settled. But nothing seems more incongruous than to send twenty-one men, who were not only to pass directly through a hostile country, but to trace it through all its various windings and turnings, so as not to leave a single corner unexamined, to calculate its length and breadth, and even make due allowance for its inequalities. Every person whom they happened to meet must readily have suspected who they were, and for what reason they had been employed on this expedition. In short, no free return lay open for them except through a thou- sand deaths. Assuredly they would not have encountered
' Latin, " Quasi ex prsesenti aspectu." French, " Conime s'ils eusseiit este presens sur le lieu ;" " As if they had been present on the spot." — Ed.
CHAP. XVIII. 9. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA, 225
SO much danger from blind and irrational impulse, nor would Joshua have exposed them to such manifest danger had they not been aware that all those nations, struck with terror from heaven, desired nothing so much as peace. For although they hated the children of Israel, still, having been subdued by so many overthrows, they did not dare to move a finger against them, and thus the surveyors proceeded in safety as through a peaceful territory, under the pretext either of trading, or at least of making a harmless visit.^ It is also possible that they arranged themselves in different parties, and thus made the journey more secretly. It is certain, indeed, that there was only one source from which they could have derived all this courage and confidence, from trusting under the shadow of the wings of the Almighty, and thus having no fear of blind and stupid men. Hence the praise here bestowed on their ready will. For had they not been persuaded that the hands of those nations were tied up by supernal power, they would have had a just and honest cause for refusing.^
9. And the men went and passed, &c. Here not only is praise bestowed on the ready obedience by which their vir- tue shone forth conspicuous, but the Lord gives a signal manifestation of his favour by deigning to bestow remarkable success on pious Joshua and the zeal of the people. Had they crept along by subterranean burrows, they could scarcely
' Latin, " Innoxii hospites." French, " Estrangers innocens qui passent leur chemin;" " Innocent strangers passing on their way." — Ed.
' These observations are made on the understanding that the survey made on this occasion was very minute, embracing, as Calvin here expresses it, all the " various windings and turnings," so as not to leave a single comer unexamined, and extending with the same minuteness, not only to the lands actually conquered, but to those still in the undisputed possession of the original inhabitants. Assuming this to be the fact, the dangers to be encountered by the surveyors are certainly not exaggerated in the very graphical description of them here given, and nothing but a series of miraculous interpositions coidd have saved them. It may be suggested, however, that the object of the surveyors was only to obtain such a general measurement as m.ight suffice, in the manner already explained, for the taking of the lot, and that such a measurement might possibly have been made without much danger of awakening the suspicion, or rousing the hostility of the actual inhabitants. That the survey was more cursory than minute seems to be indicated by the description given of it in verse 9, " And the men went and passed through the land, and described it by citxes."— Ed.
226 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XVIII. 9.
have escaped innumerable dangers, but now, when they are taking notes of the cities and their sites, of the fields, the varying features of the districts, and all the coasts, and with- out meeting with any adverse occurrence, return in safety to their countrymen, who can doubt that their life had been kept safe among a thousand deaths by a wonderful exertion of divine power ? It is accordingly said emphatically, that they returned to celebrate the grace of God, which is just equivalent to saying that they were brought back by the hand of God. This made the people proceed more willingly to the casting of lots. For their minds would not yet have been well purged of fastidiousness had they not perceived in that journey a signal display of divine favour, j^romising them that the final issue would be according to their wish. Joshua is hence said to have divided according to the in- heritance of each, as if he were sending them to enter on a quiet possession, though the effect depended on the divine presence, because it ought to have been enough for them that the whole business was carried on by the authority of God, who never deceives his people, even when he seems to sport with them. In what sense the ark of the covenant is called God, or the face of God, I have already explained in many passages.
11. And the lot of the tribe of 11. Ascendit autem sors tribiis the children of Benjamin came up filiorum Benjamin per familias suas, according to their families : and the et exivit terminus sortis eorum in- coast of their lot came forth between ter fihos Jehuda, et filios Joseph : the children of Judah and the chil- dren of Joseph.
12. And their border on the north 12. Fuitque eis terminus ad latus side was from Jordan ; and the bor- Aquilonis a Jordane : et ascendit der went up to the side of Jericho terminus ad latus Jericho ab Aquil- on the north side, and went up one, ascenditqueinmontem ad mare, through the mountains westward ; ac exitus ejus sunt ad dcsertum and the goings out thereof were at Bethaven.
the wilderness of Bethaven.
13. And the border went over 13. Illinc autem pertransit ter- from thence toward Luz, to the side minus in Luz ad latus Luz Australe, of Luz, (which is Beth-el,) south- (ipsa est Beth-el,) et descendit ter- ward; and the border descended to minus in Ateroth-Adar, juxta mon- Ataroth-adar, near the hill that tem, qui est a meridie ipsi Beth- lieth on the south side of the nether horon inferiori.
Beth-horon.
14. And the border was drawn 14. Et designatur terminus, cir- thence, and compassed the corner of cuitque ad latus maris ad meridiem,
CHAP. XVIII.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
227
the sea southward, from the hill that lieth before Beth-horon southward; and the goings out thereof were at Kirjath-baal, (which is Kirjath- jearim,) a city of the children of Judah. This teas the west quarter.
15. And the south quarter was from the end of Kirjath-jearim, and the border went out on the west, and went out to the well of waters of Nephtoah ;
16. And the border came down to the end of the mountain that lieth before the valley of the son of riinnom, and which is in the valley of the giants on the north, and descended to the valley of Hinnom, to the side of Jebusi on the south, and descended to En-rogel,
17. And was drawn from the north, and went forth to En-she- mesh, and went forth toward Geli- loth, which is over against the going up of Adummim, and descended to the stone of Bohan the son of Reuben,
18. And passed along toward the side over against Arabah northward, and went down unto Arabah ;
19. And the border passed along to the side of Beth-hoglah north- ward : and the outgoings of the border were at the north bay of the salt sea, at the south end of Jordan. This was the south coast.
20. And Jordan was the border of it on the east side. This was the inheritance of the children of Benjamin, by the coasts thereof round about, according to their fa- milies.
21. Now the cities of the tribe of the children of Benjamin, according to their families, were Jericho, and Beth-hoglah, and the valley of Keziz ;
22. And Beth-arabah, and Ze- maraim, and Beth-el,
23. And A vim, and Parah, and Ophrah,
24. AndChephar-haammonai,and Ophni, and Gaba: twelve cities with their villages.
25. Gibeon, and Ramah, and Beeroth,
a monte qui est e regione Beth- horon ad meridiem : suntque exitus ejus ad Cirjath-Baal, (ipsa est Cir- jath- Jearim,) urbem filiorum Jehuda, hoc est latus maris.
15. Latus autem ad meridiem, ab extremo Cirjath- Jearim: itaque exit terminus ad mare, exit, inquam, ad fontem aquarum Nephthoah.
16. Et descendit terminus ad ex- tremum montis, qui est e regione vallis Benliinnom, quique est in valle Rephaim ad aquilonem, descendit- que ad vallem Hinnom ad latus Jebusi, ad meridiem, et iUinc de- scendit ad Enrogel.
17. Et circuit ab aquilone, et exit ad En- semes, atque egreditur ad Geliloth, quae est e regione con- tra ascensum Adummim : et de- scendit Eben Bohan hlii Ruben.
18. Illinc pertransit ad latus quod est e regione planitiei ad aquilonem, et descendit in Arabah.
19. Indepertransit terminus ad la- tus Beth-hogla ad aquilonem: sunt- que exitus termini ad limitem maris salis ad aquilonem, ad extremum Jordanis ad meridiem : iste est ter- minus austri.
20. Et Jordanes terminat eum ad latus orientis. Ista est htereditas fihorum Benjamin per terminos suos in circuitu per familias suas.
21. Fueruntque urbes istse tribus filiorum Benjamin per familias suas, Jericho, et Beth-hoglah, et vallisi Cesis,
22. Et Beth-araba, et Semaraini, et Beth-el,
23. Et Avim, et Parah, et Oph- rah,
24. Et villa Haamonai, et Ophni, et Gaba: civitates duodecim, et villse earum.
25. Gibon, et Ramah, et Beeroth,
228 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP.XVIII.il.
26. And Mizpeh, and Chephirah, 26. Et Mispeh, et Chephirah, et and Mozah, Mosah,
27. And Rekem, and Irpeel, and 27. EtRecem,etIrpeel,et Thara- Taralah, lah.
28. And Zelah, Eleph, and Je- 28. Et Sela, Eleph, et Jebusi, (ipsa busi, (which is Jerusalem,) Gibeath, est Jerusalem,) Gibath, Cirjath: civi- and Kirjath : fourteen cities with tates quatuordecim, et villse earum. their villages. This is the inherit- Ista est hsereditas filiorum Benjamin ance of the children of Benjamin, per familias suas.
according to their families.
In the lot of Benjamin nothing occurs particularly deserv- ing of notice, unless that a small tribe takes precedence of the others. I admit, indeed, that its limits were narrowed in proportion to the fewness of its numbers, because it obtained onlj twenty-six cities ; but still an honour was bestowed upon it in the mere circumstance of its receiving its inheritance before more distinguished tribes. We may add, that in this way they were conjoined and made neigh- bor's to the other^ children of Joseph, with whom their relationship was more immediate. For they were placed in the mJddle between the children of Ephraim and Manasseh on the one side, and those of Judah on the other. They had also the distinguished honour of including Jerusalem in their inheritance, though they afterwards granted it by a kind of precarious tenure to the children of Judah for a royal residence.^
It is strange, however, that having obtained such a quiet locality, they did not live on peaceful and friendly terms with their neighbours. But we possess the prophecy of Jacob, " Benjamin shall raven as a wolf ; in the morning he shall devour the prey, and at night he shall divide the spoil." (Gen. xlix. 27.) They must, therefore, have been by nature
' Latin, " Reliquis filiis." French, " Des autres enfans ;" " The other children," — an apparent oversight, as if Benjamin had been a son and not a brother of Joseph. — Ed.
2 Latin, " Postea filiis Juda quasi precario sedem regiam concederent." French, " Depuis ils la baillerent aux enfans de Juda comme par emprunt, pour en faire le siege royal ;" " Afterwards they let it to the children of Judah as by loan, to make it the royal residence." These words seem to imply that at some time or other a regular agreement to this effect had been made, but we nowhere find any mention of such an agreement. It would rather seem from Josh. xv. 63, and Judges i. 8, 21, that the inhabi- tants of Judah possessed Jerusalem in consequence of their having wrested it from the Jebusi tes. — Ed.
CHAP. XIX. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 229
of a covetous and turbulent disposition, or from some neces- sity not now known to us, they must have been impelled to live upon plunder. In regard to the city of Luz, the other name is added, (" the same is Bethel,") because then only did the name given by Jacob come into common use. (Gen. xxviii. 19.) It was at no great distance from Beth- Avon, whose name, as it was opprobrious and infamous, was transferred to Bethel itself, after it was corrupted and polluted by impi- ous superstitions.^ It is probable that Ciriath-Baal was called Ciriath-Jeharim, to take away the name of the idol, which would have been a stain on its true piety. For it certainly would have been base and shameful that the lips of the people should have been polluted by the name of a jjrotector who was an enemy to the true God.
CHAPTER XIX.
1 . And the second lot came forth 1 . Egressa est autem sors secun- to Simeon, even for the tribe of da ipsi Simeon, tribui filiorum Si- the children of Simeon, according to nieon per familias siias : et fuit their families : and their inheritance hiereditas eonmi in medio hseredita- was within the inheritance of the tis filiorum Jehuda.
children of Judah.
2. And they had in their inheri- 2. Fuitque eis in hsereditate eo- tance Beer-sheba, and Sheba, and rum Beer-seba, et Seba, et IMoladah, Moladah,
3. And Plazar-shual, and Balah, 3. Et Hasar-sual, et Balah, et and Azem, Asen,
4. And Eltolad, and Bethul, and 4. Et Eltholad, et Bethul, et Hor- Hormah, mah,
5. And Ziklag, and Beth-marca- 5. Et Siclag, et Beth-Marcaboth, both, and Hazar-susah, et Hasarsusa,
6. And Beth-lebaoth, and Sharu- 6. Et Beth-Lebaoth, et Saruhen : hen : thirteen cities and their vil- urbes tredecim, et viUa; earum. lages.
7. Ain, Remmon, and Ether, and 7. Aim, Rimmon, et Ether, et
' This refers to the setting up of the golden calves by Jeroboam, and the idolatrous worship which thus impiously originated by hina was long practised by his successors. See 1 Kings xii. 28-33 ; xiii. ; 2 Kings x. 29-31 ; xxiii. 15 ; Amos iv. 4 ; v. 5 ; Ilosea iv. 15 ; x. 5, 8. Bethel or " the house of God," so called by Jacob the morning after he had risen from his wonderful vision, having forfeited its name in consequence of the abominations practised at it, became afterwards known by that of Beth- aven, " the house of idols," or of vanity and iniquity. — Ed.
230 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIX.
Ashan : four cities and their vU- Asan : urbes quatuor, et villse
lages. earum.
8. And all the villages that were, 8. Et omnes villte quae erant per round about these cities to Baalath- circuitus urbium istarum usque ad beer, Ramath of the south. This Baalath-beer, Ramath Australem. is the inheritance of the tribe of the Ista est hsereditas tribus filiorum children of Simeon, according to Simeon per famUias suas.
their families.
9. Out of the portion of the chil- 9. De portione filiorum Jehuda dren of Judah was the inheritance facta fuit hsereditas filiorum Simeon: of the children of Simeon : for the erat enim portio filiorum Jehuda part of the children of Judah Avas major ipsis ; itaque hsereditatem ac- too much for them ; therefore the ceperunt filii Simeon in medio hse- children of Simeon had their in- reditatis eorum.
heritance within the inheritance of them.
Next followed the lot of the tribe of Simeon, not as a mark of honour, but rather as a mark of disgrace. Jacob had declared with regard to Simeon and Levi, " I will divide them in Jacob, and scatter them in Israel.'' (Gen. xlix. 7.) The punishment of Levi, indeed, was not onl^^ mitigated, but converted into an excellent dignity, inasmuch as his posterity were placed on a kind of watch-towers to keep the people in the paths of piety. In regard to Simeon, the dis- persion of which Jacob prophesied, manifestly took place when certain cities within the territory of Judah were assigned to his posterity for their inheritance. For although they were not sent off to great distances, yet they dwelt dis- persed, and as strangers in a land properly belonging to another. Therefore, on account of the slaughter which they had perpetrated with no less perfidy than cruelty, they were placed separately in different abodes. In this way the guilt of the father was visited upon his children, and the Lord ratified in fact that sentence which he had dictated to his servant. The truth of the lot also was clearly proved.
In the circumstance of a certain portion being withdrawn from the family of Judah, we again perceive tha.t though the dividers had carefully endeavoured to observe equity, they had fallen into error, which they were not ashamed to correct as soon as it was discovered. And though they were guided by the Spirit, there is nothing strange in their having been partially mistaken, because God sometimes leaves his servants destitute of the spirit of judgment, and suffers them
CHAP. XIX. 9. COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. 231
to act like men on different occasions, that they may not plume themselves too much on their clear-sightedness. We may add that the people were punished for their careless- ness and confident haste, because they ought at the outset to have ascertained more accurately how much land could be properly assigned to each. This they neglected to do. Through their unskilful procedure, the children of Judali had received a disproportioned accumulation of territory, and equity required that they should relinquish a part. It would also have been better for themselves to have their limits fixed with certainty at once than to be subjected to a galling spoliation afterwards. Add that each tribe had indulged the vain hope that its members would dwell far and wide, as if the land had been of unlimited extent.
9. Out of the portion of the children of Judah, &c. The praise of moderation is due to the tribe of Judah for not contending that the abstraction of any part of the inheri- tance already assigned to them was unjust. They might easily have obtruded the name of God, and asserted that it was only by his authority they had obtained that settlement. But as it is decided by the common consent of all the tribes that more has been given to them than they can possess without loss and injury to the others, they immediately desist from all pretext for disputing the matter. And it is certain that if they had alleged the authority of God, it would have been falsely and wickedly, inasmuch as though their lot had been determined by him in regard to its situa- tion, an error had taken place with regard to its extent, their limits having been fixed by human judgment wider than they ouglit. Therefore, acknowledging that it would have been wrong to give them what wovdd occasion loss to others, they willingly resign it, and give a welcome reception to their brethren, who must otherwise have remained without inheritance, nay, submit to go shares with them in that which they supposed they had acquired beyond controversy.
10. And the third lot came up for 10. Ascendit autem sors tertia the children of Zebnhin, according fihis Zabulon per faniilias suas : et to their families ; and the border of fuit terminus hsereditatis eorum us- their inheritance was imto Sarid. que ad Sarid.
11. And their border Avcnt lip to- 11. Ascenditque terminus eorum
232
COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XIX.
ward the sea, and Maralah, and reached to Dabbasheth, and reached to the river that is before Jokneam ;
12. And turned from Sarid east- ward, toward the sun-rising, unto the border of Chisloth-tabor, and then goeth out to Dabereth, and goeth up to Japhia,
13. And from thence passeth on along on the east to Gittah-hepher, to Ittah-kazin, and goeth out to Remmon-methoar, to Neah ;
14. And the border compasseth it on the north side to Hannathon ; and the outgoings thereof are in the valley of Jiphthah-el ;
15. And Kattath, and Nahallal, and Shimron, and Idalah, and Beth- lehem : twelve cities with their vil-
16. This is the inheritance of the children of Zebulun, according to their families, these cities with their villages.
17. And the fourth lot came out to Issachar, for the children of Is- sachar, according to their families.
18. And their border was toward Jezreel, and Chesulloth, and Shu- nem,
- 19. And Haphraim, and Shihon, and Anaharath,
20. And Rabbith, and Kishion, and Abez,
21. And Remeth, and En-gannim, and En-haddah, and Beth-pazzez ;
22. And the coast reacheth to Tabor, and Shahazimah, and Beth- shemesh ; and the outgoings of their border were at Jordan : sixteen cities with their villages.
23. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Issachar, according to their families, the cities and their villages.
24. And the fifth lot came out for the tribe of the children of Asher, according to their families.
25. And their border was Hel- kath, and Hali, and Beten, and Achshaph,
26. And Alammelech, and Amad, and Misheal ; and reacheth to Car- mel westward, and to Shihor-lib- nath ;
ad mare : et Maralah, et pertingit ad Dabbaseth : pervenitque ad flu- men quod est e regione Jocneam.
12. Revertiturque a Sarid ad orientem, id est, ad ortum solis, ad terminum Chisloth-Thabor, et illinc egreditur ad Dobrath, et ascendit in Japhia.
13. Inde prseterea transit ad ori- entem, ad ortum, ad Githah-Hepher, et ad Ihtah-casin : et illinc exit in Rimmon, et gyrat ad Neah :
14. Gyrat item idem terminus ab aquilone ad Hannathon : suntque egressus ejus ad vallem Iphthael.
15. Et Catthath, et Nahalal, et Simron, et Idalah, et Bethlehem : urbes duodecim, et villae earum.
16. Haic est hgereditas filiorum Zabvdon per familias suas : urbes istse, et villae earum.
17. Ipsi Issachar egressa est sors quarta, filiis inquam, Issachar per familias suas.
18. Et fvdt terminus eorum Jez- rael, et Chesuloth, et Sunem,
19. Et Hapharaim, et Sion, et Anaharath,
20. Et Rabbith, et Cicion, et Abeth,
21. Et Remeth, et Engannin, et Enhaddah, et Beth-passeth.
22. Et pervenit terminus in Tha- bor, et Sahasima, et Beth-semes : eruntque exitus termini eorum ad Jordanem : urbes sedecim, et viUse earum.
23. Hsec est hsereditas tribus fili- orum Issachar per familias suas : urbes et villae earum.
24. Egressa est autem sors quinta tribui filiorum Aser per familias suas.
25. Fuitque terminus eorum Hel- cath, et Hali, et Bethen, et Achsaph,
26. Et Alamelech, et Amad, et Misal, et pervenit in Carmel ad mare, et in Sihor Libnath.
CHAP. XIX. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 233
27. And turneth toward the sun- 27. Et revertitur ad ortum solis rising to Beth-dagon, and reacheth in Beth-dagon, et pervenit in Zabu- to Zebulun, and to the valley of Ion, et in vallem Iphtahel ad aqui- Jiphthah-el, toward the north side lonem, et in Beth-emec, et Neel : et of Beth-emek, and Neiel, and goeth exit ad Chabul a sinistra.
out to Cabul on the left hand ;
28. And Hebron, and Rehob, and 28. Et Ebron, et Rehob, et Ham- Hammon, and Kanah, even unto mon, et Canah, usque ad Sidon great Zidon ; magnam :
29. And tlien the coast turneth 29. Revertiturque terminus in to Ramah, and to the strong city Rama, usque ad urbem niunitam Tyre ; and the coast turneth to petrse : inde revertitur terminus in Hosah ; and the outgoings thereof Hosah : suntque exitus ejus ad mare are at the sea, from the coast to a funiculo Achzib,
Achzib :
30. Ummah also, and Aphek, 30. Et Ummah, et Aphec, et Re- and Rehob : twenty and two cities hob : urbes viginti duse, et villse with their callages. earum,
31. This is the inheritance of the 31. Hsec est hsereditas tribus tribe of the chUdren of Asher, ac- filiorum Aser per familias suas : ur- cording to their families, these cities bes istse, et villse earum.
with their villages.
10, And the third lot came up, &c. In the lot of Zebulun there is a clear fulfilment of the prophecy of Jacob, which had foretold that they would dwell on the sea-coast. An old man, an exile who could not set a foot on his own land,l assigned a maritime district to the posterity of his son Ze- bulun. What could be more extravagant ? But now, M^hen the lot assigns them a maritime region, no clearer confirma- tion of his decision could be desired. It was just as if God were twice thundering from heaven. The tribe of Zebulun, therefore, do not occupy the shore of their own accord or by human suffrage, but a divine arrangement fixes their habi- tation contiguous to the sea. Thus, although men erred, still the light was always seen shining brightly in the dark- ness. Jacob goes farther, and makes a clear distinction between Zebulun and Issachar. The former tribe will travel far and wide, carrying on trade and commerce ; the latter remaining in his tents, will cultivate ease and a sedentary life. (Gen. xlix. 13-15.) Hence it is probable that the sea-coast where Zebulun settled, was provided with harbours and well adapted for the various forms of commercial inter-
' French, " Estant un vieillard, povre banni, qui n'avoit pas mi pied de terre a luy ou il peust marcher ;" " Being an old man, a poor exile, who had not a foot of land of his own on which he could walk." — Ed.
234 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIX. 10.
courseji whereas the children of Issachar were contented with their own produce, and consumed the fruits which they had raised by their own labour and culture at home.
Those who are thought to be well acquainted with these countries, affirm that the land of the tribe of Asher was fertile in corn.^ This is in complete accordance both with the letter and the spirit of Jacob's prophecy. (Gen. xlix. 20.) From the fact that only a small number of cities are desig- nated by name, we may infer that there were then many ruined cities which were not taken into account, and from the other fact that the people dwelt commodiously, we may also infer that they built many cities, with which it is plain from other passages that the land was adorned. And it is certainly apparent that only a summary of the division is briefly glanced at, and that thus many things w^ere omitted which no religious feeling forbids us to investigate, provided we do not indulge in an excessive curiosity leading to no beneficial result. There cannot be a doubt that those to whom twenty or even only seventeen cities are attributed, had more extensive territories. Therefore, all we have here is a compendious descrij)tion of the division as it was taken from the general and confused notes of the surveyors.
32. The sixth lot came out to 32. Filiis Nephtali exivit sors the children of Naphtali, even for sexta, filiis inquam, Nephtali, per the children of Naphtali, according farailias suas.
to their families.
33. And their coast was from 33. Fuitque terminus eorum ab Heleph, from Allon to Zaanannim, Heleph, et ab Elon in Saanannim, and Adami, Nekeb, and Jabneel, et Adami, Neceb, et Jabneel, usque unto Lakum ; and the outgoings ad Lacum : simtque exitus ejus ad thereof were at Jordan : Jordanem.
34. And then the coast tumeth 34. Postea revertitur terminus ad westward to Aznoth-tabor, and go- mare ad Aznoth-thabor : et progre-
' The extent of coast possessed bj Zebulun was of very limited extent, but included the large and beautiful bay of Acre, which commences in the north at the promontory on which the town of Acre stands, and is termi- nated magnificently in the south by the lofty heights of Mount Carmel. — Ed.
' The greater part of it consisted of a rich and undulating plain, diver- sified by gentle hills, well watered by the Leontes and other streams which derived their supplies from the snowy heights of Lebanon, and sloping gradually to that part of the sea-coast, on which were built the famous cities of Tyre and Sidon. According to Clarke, the plain of Asher and Zebulun bore a considerable resemblance to the southern districts of England. — Ed.
CHAP. XIX.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
235
eth out from thence to Hukkok, and reacheth to Zebiilun on the south side, and reacheth to Asher on the west side, and to Judah upon Jor- dan toward the sun-rising.
35. And the fenced cities are Ziddira, Zer, and Ham math, Rak- kath, and Chinnereth,
36. And Adaniah, and Ramah, and Hazor,
37. And Kedesh, and Edrei, and En-hazor,
38. And Iron, and Migdal-el, Ho- rem, and Beth-anath, and Beth- shemesh : nineteen cities v/ith their villages.
39. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Naphtali, according to their families, the cities and their villages.
40. And the seventh lot came out for the tribe of the children of Dan, according to their families.
41. And the coast of their inhe- ritance was Zorah, and Eshtaol, and Ir-shemesh,
4 "2. And Shaalabbin, and Ajalon, and Jethlah,
43. And Elon, and Thimnathah, and Ekron,
44. And Eltekeh, and Gibbethon, and Baalath,
45. And Jehud, and Bene-berak, and Gath-rimmon,
46. And Me-jarkon, and Rakkon, with the border before Japho.
47. And the coast of the children of Dan went out too little for them ; therefore the children of Dan went up to fight against Leshem, and took it, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and possessed it, and dwelt therein, and called Leshem, Dan, after the name of Dan their father.
48. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Dan, accord- ing to their families, these cities with their villages.
49. When they had made an end of dividing the land for inheritance by their coasts, the children of Is- rael gave an inheritance to Joshua the son of Nun among them :
50. According to the word of the Lord, they gave him the city which
ditur illinc in Huccoc, et pervenit ad Zabulon a meridie, et ad Aser pervenit ab occidente, et ad Jehuda in Jordanem, ad ortum solis.
35. Et urbes munitse, Siddim, Ser, et Hammath, Raccath, et Chinnereth.
36. Et Adamah, et Ramah, et Hasor,
37. Et Cedes, et Hedrei, et En- Hasor,
38. Et Iron, et Migdal-el, Ho- rem, et Beth-anath, et Beth-semes : urbes novemdecim, et villse earum.
39. Hsec est hgereditas tribus filiorum Nephtali per familias suas, urbes istge et villse earum.
40. Tribui filiorum Dan per fa- mUias suas exivit sors septiraa.
41. Fuitque terminus hseredita- tis eorum, Sorah, et Esthaol, et It- semes,
42. Et Saalabbin, et Ajalon, et Ithlah,
43. Et Elon, et Thimnathah, et Ecron,
44. Et Elthece, et Gibbethon, et Baalath,
45. Et Jehud, et Bene-berak, et Gath-rimon,
46. Et Mehajarcon, et Raccon, cum termino contra Japho.
47. Et exivit terminus filiorum Dan ab eis, ascenderuntque filii Dan, et pugnaverunt cum Lesem, ceperuntque eam, ac percusserunt eam acie gladii, et hsereditate acce- perunt eam, habitaveruntque in ea: et vocaverunt Lesem Dan, secun- dum nomen Dan patris sui.
48. Hffic est ha;reditas tribus filiorum Dan per familias suas, ci- vitates istse, et villse earum.
49. Quum auteni finem fecissent partiendi terram ut possiderent sin- guli terminos suos, dederunt filii Israel haereditatem ipsi Josue filio Nun in medio sui.
50. Secundum sermonem Jehovae dederunt ei urbera quam petivit,
236 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XIX.
he asked, even Timnath-serah in Thininath-serah in nionte Ephraira,
mount Ephraim : and he built the et edificavit urbem, habitavitque in
city, and dwelt therein. ea.
51. These are the inheritances, 51. Istse sunt hsereditates quas
which Eleazar the priest, and Joshua tradiderunt possidendas Eleazar sa-
the son of Nim, and the heads of the cerdos, et Josue filius Nun, et prin-
fathers of the tribes of the children cipes patrum tribuum filiorum Israel
of Israel, divided for an inheritance per sortem in Silo coram Jeliova ad
by lot in Shiloh before the Lord, at ostiam tabernaculi conventionis, et
the door of the tabernacle of the finem fecerimt dividendi terram. congregation. So they made an end of dividing the country.
The next lot mentioned is that of Naphtali, and it seems to correspond with the disposition and manners of that tribe. For Jacob had testified, Naphtali is a hind let loose ; he giveth goodly words. For this reason they seem to have been contiguous on one side to the children of Judah, and to have been surrounded on other sides by the enclosures of their brethren.^ Indeed, in its being said that the tribe of Dan took Lesen, there seems to be a tacit comparison, because the children of Naphtali did not employ arms to force their way into their inheritance, but kept themselves quietly in a subdued territory, and thus enjoyed safety and tranquillity under the faith, and, as it were, protection of Judah and the other tribes. The capture of Lesen by the children of Dan, in accordance with the divine grant which they had
' The tribe of Naphtali, as marked out by Joshua, Eleazar, and the heads of the tribes, harmonizes well with the figurative description of it given by Jacob, for both in scenery and fertility it is one of the fairest in the Promised Land, but the locality assigned to it in the Commentary is singularly inacciurate. In the Latin, it is said that the children of Naphtali " Videntur contigui ab una parte fuisse filiis Juda : alibi autem cincti fuisse fratrum suorum prsesidiis ;" and in the French, " II semble que d'un coste ils estoyent contigus aux enfans de Juda; et d'autrepart qu'ils es- toyent environnez du secours de leurs freres ;" " It seems that on one side they were contiguous to the children of Judah, and on the other sides that they were surroimded by the help of their brethren." The fact, however, is, that Judah and Naphtali are at the opposite extremities of the country, and so far from being contiguous to each other, are widely separated by the intervention of no fewer than five tribes, which commencing on the fron- tiers of Judah, and proceeding northwards, are, in succession, Benjamin, Ephraim, Manasseh, Issachar, and Zebulun. Then, as it stretched from the shores of the lake of Gennesaret, north to the roots of Lebanon, it cannot well be said to have been surrounded on all sides by the enclosures of other tribes. It certainly had Zebukui on the south-west, and Asher on the west, but on the north and east, it formed the extreme frontiers of the Promised Land, and, of course, bounded with foreign and hostile settle- ments.— Ed.
CHAP. XIX. 49. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 237
received of it, did not take place till after the death of Joshua. But the fact which is more fullj detailed in the book of Judges is here mentioned in passing, because praise was due to them for their boldness and activity in thus em- bracing the right which God had bestowed upon them, and so trusting in him as to go down bravely and defeat the enemy.
49. When they had made an end of dividing, &c. We have here, at length, an account of the gratitude of the people towards Joshua. For although the partition of the land of Canaan, among the posterity of Abraham, behoved to be equitable, yet Joshua, by his excellent virtues, deserved some honorary reward. Nor could any complain that a single individual was enriched at their expense. For, first, in the delay there was a striking proof of the moderation of this holy servant of God. He does not give any heed to his own interest till the commonweal has been secured. How seldom do we find any who, after they have given one or two specimens of valour, do not forthwith make haste to the prey ? Not so Joshua, who thinks not of himself till the land has been divided. In the reward itself also the same temperance and frugality are conspicuous. The city he asks to be given to himself and his family was a mere heap of stones, either because it had been demolished and converted into a heap of ruins, or because no city had yet been built upon it.
It is conjectured with probability, that with the view of making the grant as little invidious as possible, the city he requested was of no great value. If any one thinks it strange that he did not give his labour gratuitously, let him reflect that Joshua liberally obeyed the divine call, and had no mercenary feelings in undergoing so many labours, dangers, and troubles ; but having spontaneously performed his duty, he behoved not to repudiate a memorial of the favour of God, unless he wished by perverse contempt to suppress his glory. For the grant voted to him was nothing else than a simple testimonial of the divine power, which had been manifested through his hand. Truly no ambition can be detected here, inasmuch as he desires nothing for himself,
238
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XX.
and does not rashly act from a feeling of covetousness, but seeks in the popular consent a confirmation of the honour which God had already bestowed upon him. To have been silent in such a case, would have been more indicative of heartlessness than of modesty. The statement in the con- cluding verse of the chapter, that Joshua and Eleazar made an end of dividing the land, points to the perpetuity of the boundaries, which had been fixed, and warns the children of Israel against moving in any way to unsettle an inviolable decree.
CHAPTER XX.
1 . The Lord also spake unto Jo- shua, saying,
2. Speak to the children of Israel, saying, Appoint out for you cities of refuge, whereof I spake unto you by the hand of Moses ;
3. That the slayer that killeth any person unawares, and unwit- tingly, may flee thither : and they shall he your refuge from the aven- ger of blood.
4. And when he that doth flee unto one of those cities shall stand at the entering of the gate of the city, and shall declare his cause in the ears of the elders of that city, they shall take him into the city unto them, and give him a place, that he may dwell among them.
5. And if the avenger of l)lood pursue after him, then they shall not dehver the slayer up into his hand ; because he smote his neigh- bour unwittingly, and hated him not beforetime.
6. And he shall dwell in that city, until he stand before the congrega- tion for judgment, and until the death of the high priest that shall be in those days: then shall the slayer return, and come unto his own city, and unto his own house, unto the city from whence he fled.
7. And they appointed Kedesh in Galilee in mount Naphtali, and
1 . Loquutus est autem Jehova ad Josue, dicendo,
2. Alloquere Alios Israel, his verbis. Date urbes refugii, de quibus loquutus smn ad vos per maniun Mosis :
3. Ut fugiat illuc homicida qui percusserit animam per errorem, absque scientia : eruntque vobis in refugium a propinquo sanguinis.
4. Et fugiet ad unam ex civitati- bus istis, stabitque ad ostium portre urbis, ac loquetiu- in auribus senio- rum urbis ipsius verba sua, et recol- ligent eum in urbem ad se, dabunt- que ei locum, ac habitabit apud eos.
5. Quuni autem persequutus fue- rit eum propinquus sanguinis, non tradent homicidam in manum ejus : quia absque scientia percussit proxi- mum suum, neque odio habuerat eum ab heri et nudiustertius.
6. Et habitabit in ea civitate donee stet ante ccetum ad judicium, aut donee moriatur sacerdos mag- nus qui erit in diebus illis : tunc enim revertetur homicida venietque ad m-bem suam, et ad domum suam, ad urbem unde fngerat.
7. Et addixerunt Cedes in Galil in monte Nephtali, et Sechem in
CHAP. XX. 1. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 239
Shechem in mount Epliraim, and monteEphraim,et Cirjath-arba(ipsa
Kirjath-arba (which is Hebron) in est Hebron) in nionte Jehudse. the mountain of Judah.
8. And on the other side Jordan, 8. De trans Jordane autem Jeri- by Jericho eastward, they assigned cho, ad orientem dederunt Beser in Bezer in the wilderness upon the deserto in planitie, de tribu Ruben : plain out of the tribe of Reuben, et Ramoth in Gilead, de tribu Gadi: and Ramoth in Gilead out of the et Golan in Basan, de tribu Ma- tribe of Gad, and Golan in Bashan nasse.
out of the tribe of Manasseh.
9. These were the cities appointed 9. Istse fuenmt urbes conven- for all the children of Israel, and for tionis omnibus flliis Israel, et pere- the stranger that sojourneth among grino qui peregrinatur in medio them, that whosoever killeth any eorum : ut fugeret Uluc quicunque person at unawares might flee interfecisset aliquem per errorem, thither, and not die by the hand of et non moreretur manu propinqui the avenger of blood, until he stood sanguinis, donee stetisset coram before the congregation. coetu.
1. The Lord also spake unto Joshua, &c. In the fact of its not having occurred to their own minds, to designate the cities of refuge, till they were again reminded of it, their sluggislmess appears to be indirectly censured. The divine command to that effect had been given beyond the Jordan. When the reason for it remained always equally valid, why do they wait ? Why do they not give full effect to that which they had rightly begun ? We may add, how impor- tant it was that there should be places of refuge for the in- nocent, in order that the land might not be polluted with blood. For if that remedy had not been provided, the kindred of those who had been killed would have doubled the evil, by j)i'oceeding without discrimination to avenge their death. It certainly did not become the people to be idle in guarding the land from stain and taint.^ Hence we perceive how tardy men are, not only to perform their duty, but to provide for their own safety, unless the Lord fre- quently urge them, and prick them forward by the stimulus of exhortation. But that they sinned only from thoughtless- ness, is apparent from this, that they are forthwith ready
' Calvin is somewhat singular in holding that the message communi- cated to Joshua was an indirect censure of the Israelites, for not having previously of their own accord appointed cities of refuge. Other exposi- tors think that till now the proper time of appointing them had not ar- rived, as it could not well precede, but rather behoved to be subsequent to the allocation of cities to the Levites, inasmuch as the nature of the case required that every city of refuge should be Levitical. — Ed.
240 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XX. 7.
to obey, neither procrastinating nor creating obstacles or delays to a necessary matter, by disputing the propriety of it.
The nature of the asylum afforded by the cities of refuge has been already explained. It gave no impunity to volun- tary murder, but if any one, by mistake, had slain a man, with whom he was not at enmity, he found a safe refuge by fleeing to one of these cities destined for that purpose. Thus God assisted the unfortunate, and prevented their suffering the punishment of an atrocious deed, when they had not been guilty of it. Meanwhile respect was so far paid to the feelings of the brethren and kindred of the de- ceased, that their sorrow was not increased by the constant presence of the persons who had caused their bereavement. Lastly, the people were accustomed to detest murder, since homicide, even when not culpable, was followed by exile from country and home, till the death of the high priest. For that temporary exile clearly shewed how precious human blood is in the sight of God. Thus the law was just, equitable, and useful, as well in a public as in a private point of view.^ But it is to be briefly observed, that every- thing is not here mentioned in order. For one who had accidentally killed a man might have remained in safety, by sisting himself before the court to plead his cause, and obtaining an acquittal, after due and thorough investigation, as we explained more fully in the books of Moses, when treating of this mat^ter.
7. And they appointed Kedesh, &c. The Hebrew word Kedesh here used, signifies also to fit and consecrate. Ac- cordingly, I interpret, that cities were selected according as common use required.^ Hence it is inferred that matters were well arranged so as to make private yield to public in- terest. Moreover, we shall see in the next chapter, that
' It may be observed in passing, how strikingly the humanity and wis- dom conspicuous in the appointment of the Mosaic cities of refuge con- trast with the manifold abuses and abominations to which the numerous asylums and sanctuaries of Popish countries have led. — Ed.
* Latin, " Prout communis usus ferebat." French, " Selon que le profit et I'utilite commune le requeroit ;" " According as the common profit and utility reqiured." — Ed.
CHAP. XX. 7.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
241
Ciriatli-Arbah, which was afterwards called Hebron, was transferred to the Levites, though it had formerly been the property of Caleb. Hence appeared the rare, nay, the incomparable moderation of this aged saint, who readily gave up to others both the city and suburbs, which he had justly claimed as his right, the moment the lot shewed that this was pleasing to God. It was necessary to advert briefly to this change, because the Lord was pleased that asylums should be found only in the Levitical cities, that their inno- cence might be defended with greater fidelity and authority.
CHAPTER XXL
1. Then came near the heads of the fathers of the Levites unto Ele- azar the priest, and unto Joshua the son of Nun, and unto the heads of the fathers of the tribes of the chil- dren of Israel ;
2. And they spake unto them at Shiloh, in the land of Canaan, say- ing, The liord commanded, by the hand of Moses, to give us cities to dwell in, with the suburbs thereof for our cattle.
3. And the children of Israel gave unto the Levites, out of their inhe- ritance, at the commandment of the Lord, these cities and their suburbs.
4. And the lot came out for the families of the Kohathites : and the children of Aaron the priest, which were of the Levites, had by lot, out of the tribe of Judah, and out of the tribe of Simeon, and out of the tribe of Benjamin, thirteen cities.
5. And the rest of the children of Kohath had by lot, out of the fami- lies of the tribe of Ephraim, and out of the tribe of Dan, and out of the half-tribe of Manasseh, ten cities.
6. And the children of Gershon had by lot, out of the families of the tribe of Issachar, and out of the tribe of Asher, and out of the tribe of NaphtaU, and out of the half-tribe of Manasseh in Bashan, thirteen cities.
1. Accesserunt autem principes patrum Levitarum ad Eleazar sacer- dotem, et ad Josue filium Nun, et ad principes patrum tribuum filiorum Israel.
2. Loquutique sunt ad eos in Silo in terra Chanaan, dicendo, Jehova prfecepit per manum Mosis ut da- retis nobis urbes ad habitandum, et suburbana earum pro animahbus nostris.
3. Dederunt ergo filii Israel Le- vitis de hsereditate sua, secundum sermonem Jehovse, urbes istas et suburbana earum.
4. Egressa est autem sors per fa- milias Ceathitarum : fueruntque filiis Aaron sacerdotis de Levitis, de tribu Juda, et de tribu Simeon, et detribu Benjamin per sorteni, urbes tredecim.
5. Filiis autem Ceath reliquis, de famihis tribus Ephraim, et de tribu Dan, et de dimidia tribu Manasse, per sortem, lu-bes decem.
6. FUiis vero Gerson de familiis tribus Issachar, et de tribu Aser, et de tribu NephthaU, et de di- midia tribu Manasse in Basan per sortem, urbes tredecim.
242
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XX r.
7. The children of Merari, by then- famiUes, had out of the tribe of Reuben, and out of the tribe of Gad, and out of the tribe of Zebulun, twelve cities.
8. And the children of Israel gave by lot unto the Levites these cities with their suburbs, as the Lord com- manded by the hand of Moses.
9. And they gave, out of the tribe of the children of Judah, and out of the tribe of the children of Simeon, these cities which are here mentioned by name,
10. Which the children of Aaron, beinff of the families of the Ko- hathites, toho luere of the cliildren of Levi, had : for theirs was the first lot.
11. And they gave them the city of Arba, the father of Anak, (which city is Hebron,) in the hill country of Judah, with the suburbs thereof round about it.
12. But the fields of the city, and the villages thereof, gave they to Caleb the son of Jephunneh for his possession.
13. Thus they gave to the chil- dren of Aaron the priest, Hebron with her suburbs, to he a city of refuge for the slayer, and Libnah with her suburbs,
14. And Jattir, with her subm-bs, and Eshtemoa with her suburbs,
15. And Holon with her suburbs, and Debir with her suburbs,
16. And Ain with her suburbs, and Juttah with her suburbs, mid Bethshemesh with her suburbs : nine cities out of those two tribes.
17. And out of the tribe of Ben- jamin, Gibeon with her suburbs, Geba with her suburbs,
18. Anathoth with her subiu-bs, and Almon with her suburbs : four cities.
19. All the cities of the children of Aaron, the priests, were thirteen cities with their suburbs.
7. Filiis Merari per familias suas, de tribu Ruben, et de tribu Gad, et de tribu Zabidon, urbes duodccim.
8. Dederunt, inquam, fihi Israel Levitis urbes has, et subvurbana earum, sicut prteceperat Jehova per manum Mosis, per sortem.
9. Dederimt ergo de tribu filiorum Juda, et de tribu filiorum Simeon, urbes istas quas vocavit nomine.
10. Fueruntque filiis Aaron de familiis Ceath, de filiis Levi : illis enim fuit sors prima.
11. Dederuntque eis Cii-iath-ar- ba patris Anac (ipsa est Hebron) in monte Juda, et suburbana ejus per circuit um ejus.
12. Agrum vero ejus urbis et villas ejus dederunt Caleb filio Je- phune in possessionem ejus.
13. Filiis, inquam, Aaron sacerdo- tis dederunt urbem refugii homicidge, Hebron, et suburbana ejus, et Lib- na et suburbana ejus.
14. Et Jathir et suburbana ejus, et Esthemoa et suburbana ejus.
15. Holon et subiurbana ejus, et Debir et suburbana ejus.
IG. Et Ain et suburbana ejus, et Jutta et suburbana ejus : et Beth- semes et suburbana ejus : urbes no- vem de duabus tribubus istis.
17. De tribu vero Benjamin, Gi- beon et suburbana ejus, et Geba et suburbana ejus.
18. Anathoth et suburbana ejus, Almon et suburbana ejus: urbes quatuor.
19. O nines lu-bes filiorum Aaron sacerdotimi, tredecim urbes et sub- urbana earum.
1. Then came near the heads, &c. Here we have at a later period a narrative of what ought to have i^receded. For no cities of refuge were appointed before they had been assigned
CHAP. XXI. 4. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 243
to the Levites, To this may be added what was formerly said, that Joshua and Eleazar had made an end of dividing the land. Now, the land was not truly divided till the habitation of the Levites was fixed. We must understand, tlierefore, that when the lot was cast in the name of the ten tribes, a reservation was made of cities in the land of Canaan for the habitation of the Levites. Beyond the Jordan their portion had already been assigned to them. But as the Levites come forward and request a ratification of the divine grant, it is probable that they were neglected till they pleaded their own cause. For so it is apt to happen, every one being so attentive in looking after his own affairs that even brethren are forgotten. It was cer- tainly disgraceful to the people that they required to be pulled by the ear, and put in mind of what the Lord had clearly ordered respecting the Levites. But had they not demanded a domicile for themselves, there was a risk of their being left to lie in the open air ; although, at the same time, we are permitted to infer that the people erred more from carelessness and forgetfulness than from any intention to deceive, as they make no delay as soon as they are ad- monished ; nay, they are praised for their obedience in that they did what was just and right according to the word of the Lord.
4. And the lot came out for the families, &c. Here is first described the number of cities of which we shall have to speak by and bye. Secondly, it is distinctly said that the lot fell out to the children of Aaron in the tribe of Judah. This did not haiDpen fortuitously, because God in his ad- mirable counsel placed them in that locality where he had determined 'to choose a temple for himself Thirdly, the narrative proceeds to give the exact names of the cities, of which the first mentioned is Hebron, of which Caleb, with great equanimity, allowed himself to be deprived. Should any one object that the first city of all that ought to have been given them was Jerusalem, where they were to have their future station, it is easy to answer, that moderate sized cities were delivered to them as their condition re- quired. Moreover, Jerusalem was not then subjugated, as
244
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP.XXT.
it continued under the power of the Jebusites. In short, it would have been absurd to assign a royal seat to priests. And their religion and faith was the better proved by this, that they migrated of their own accord from their native soil to devote their attention to sacred things. For no priest performed the office without becoming a stranger. Their wetikness, hovvever, was so far indulged by giving them a grant of neighbouring cities, that they might not liave the fatigue of a long journey in going to perform their function. Moreover, the giving of thirteen cities for a habitation to one family, and that not very numerous, con- firms what I have elsewhere said, that the other tribes pos- sessed very many cities,' of which no mention is made ; in a short time this will be more certainly confirmed.
20. And the families of the chil- dren of Kohath, the Levites which remained of the chiklren of Kohath, even they had the cities of their lot out of the tribe of Ephraim.
21. For they gave them Shechem with her suburbs, in mount Ephraun, to be a city of refuge for the slayer ; and Gezer wath her suburbs,
22. And Kibzaim with her sub- urbs, and Beth-horon with her sub- urbs : foiu- cities.
23. And out of the tribe of Dan, Eltekeh with her suburbs, Gibbe- thon with her suburbs,
24. Aijalon with her suburbs, Gath-rimmon with her suburbs : four cities.
25. And out of the half-tribe of ManassehjTaanach with her suburbs, and Gath-rimmon with her suburbs : two cities.
26. All the cities were ten, with their suburbs, for the famihes of the children of Kohath that remained.
27. And unto the children of Gershon, of the famihes of the Levites, out of the other half-tribe of Manasseh, they gave Golan in
20. Familiis vero filiarum Cahath Levitarum, qui residid erant de filiis Cahath (fuerunt autem urbes sortis eonim de tribu Ephraim.)
21. Dederunt, inquam, illis urbem refugu homicida; Sechem, et subur- bana ejus in monte Ephraim : et Geser et subm-bana ejus.
22. Et Cibsaim et suburbana ejus : et Beth-horon et subiu-bana ejus : urbes quatuor.
23. De tribu vero Dan, Elthece et subm-bana ejus : et Gibbethon et suburbana ejus.
24. Et Ajalon et suburbana ejus, et Gath-rimmon et suburbana ejus : urbes quatuor.
25. J)e dimidia vero tribu Ma- nasse Thaanach, et suburbana ejus : Gathrimmon et suburbana ejus: urbes duse.
2G. Onines urbes decem, et sub- urbana earum, familiis filiorum Ca- hath residuis.
27. Porro tiliis Gerson de familiis Levitarum, de dimidia tribu Ma- nasse urbem refugii homicidae, Golan in Basan, et subiu-bana ejus.
' Latin, "Plurimis urbibus. cities." — Ed.
French, "Plusieurs villes:" "Several
CHAP. XXI.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
245
Bashan with her suburbs, to he a city of refuge for the slayer ; and Beesh- terah with her suburbs : two cities.
28. And out of the tribe of Issa- char, Kishon with her suburbs, Dabareh with her suburbs,
29. Jarmuth with her suburbs, En-gannim with her suburbs : four cities.
30. And out of the tribe of Asher, Mishal with her suburbs, Abdon with her suburbs,
31. Helkath with her suburbs, and Rehob with her suburbs : four cities.
32. And out of thefribe of Naph- tali, Kedesh in Galilee with her suburbs, to he a city of refuge for the slayer ; and Ilamoth-dor with her suburbs, and Kartan with her suburbs : three cities.
33. All the cities of the Gershon- ites, according to their families, ivere thirteen cities with their suburbs.
34. And imto the families of the children of Merari, the rest of the Levites, out of the tribe of Zebulun, Jokneam with her suburbs, and Kartah with her suburbs,
35. Dimnah with her suburbs, Nahalal with her suburbs : four cities.
36. And out of the tribe of Reu- ben, Bezer with her suburbs, and Jahazah with her suburbs,
37. Kedemoth with her suburbs, and Mephaath with her suburbs : four cities.
38. And out of the tribe of Gad, Ramoth in Gilead with her sub- urbs, to he a city of refuge for the slayer : and Mahanaim with her suburbs,
39. Heshbon with her suburbs, Jazer with her suburbs : four cities in all.
40. So all the cities for the children of Merari, by their families, which were remaining of the families of the Levites, were, by their lot, twelve cities.
41. All the cities of the Levites, within the possession of the chil- dren of Israel, wei'e forty and eight cities with their suburbs.
Beesthera et suburbana ejus : urbes duas.
28. De tribu Issachar, Cision ct subiu-bana ejus : Dabrath et sub- urbana ejus.
29. larmuth et suburbana ejus : Engannim et suburbana ejus : urbes quatuor.
30. De tribu autem Aser, Misal et suburbana ejus: Abdon et sub- urbana ejus.
31. Helcath et suburbana ejus, et Rehob et suburbana ejus : lu-bes quatuor.
32. De tribu veroNephthaliiu-bem refugii homicidje, Cedes in Galil et suburbana ejus : et Hamoth-dor et suburbana ejus : et Carthan et sub- urbana ejus : urbes tres.
33. Omnes iirbes Gersonitarum per familias suas, tredecim urbes, et suburbana eanmi.
34. Familiis autem filiorum Me- rari Ijevitarum residuonmi, de tribu Zabidon : Jocneam et subtirbana ejus : Cartha et suburbana ejus.
35. Dimnah et suburbana ejus, Nahalal et suburbana ejus : urbes quatuor.
36. De tribu vero Ruben, Beser ct suburbana ejus : et Jehasa et suburbana ejus.
37. Cedemoth et suburbana ejus: Mephaath et suburbana ejus : urbes quatuor.
38. Et de tribu Gad, urbem re- fugii homicidfe, Ramoth in Gileath et suburbana ejus : et Mahanaim et suburbana ejus.
39. Hesbon et suburbana ejus : Jaazer et suburbana ejus : urbes quatuor.
40. Omnes urbes filiorum Me- rari per fnniilias suas qui residui erant de familiis Levitarum, ut fuit sors eorum, urbes duodecim.
41. Omnes urbes Levitarum, in medio possessionis fiUorum Israel, urbes quadraginta octo et subur- bana earum.
246 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXI. 41 .
42. These cities were every one 42. Fuerunt urbes istfe singulsB, et with their suburbs round about sxiburbana earum per circuitum them ; thus were all these cities. ipsarum : sic omnibus lurbibus istis.
43. And the Lord gave unto 43. Decht itaque Jehova Israeli Israel all the land which he sware to universam terram de qua juraverat give imto their fathers ; and they se daturimi earn patribus eorum : et possessed it, and dwelt therein. possederunt earn, habitaveruntque
in ea.
44. And the Lord gave them 44. Requiem quoque dedit eis rest round about, according to all Jehova in circuitu prorsus ut ju- that he sware unto their tathers : raverat Jehova patribus eorum : and there stood not a man of all neque fuit quisquam qui resisteret their enemies before them ; the illis ex omnibus mimicis eorum : Lord delivered all their enemies omnes inimicos eorum tradidit Je- into their hand. hova in manum eorum.
45. There failed not ought of any 45. Non cecidit ullum verbum good thing which the Lord had ex omni bono quod loquutus fiierat spoken unto the house of Israel ; all Jehova ad domura Israel, omnia came to pass. evenerunt.
20. And the families of the cldldren of Kohath, &c. Why- it was necessary that the Levites should be dispersed among the diiFerent tribes, the reader may see in my Commentaries on the Books of Moses. This dispersion had, indeed, been imposed on their progenitor as a punishment for the cruelty and perfidy of which he had been guilty toward the chiklren of Shcchem, but the disgrace of it had been converted into tlie liighest honour by their appointment as a kind of guardians in every district to retain tlie people in the pure worship of God. It is true, they were everywhere strangers ; but still it was with the very high dignity of acting as stewards for God, and preventing their countrymen from revolting from piety. This is the reason for stating so care- fully how many cities they obtained from each tribe ; they were everywhere to keep watch, and preserve the purity of sacred rites unimpaired.
41. All the cities of the Levites, &c. This passage more especially shews what I have already more than once ad- verted to, that the boundaries of the other tribes were not so confined as not to comprehend a far larger number of cities than is actually mentioned. It is perfectly well known that Levi was the least numerous of all the tribes. With what equity, then, could it have been allowed to expand itself over four times tlie space allowed to the tribe of Zebulun,
CIIAr. XXI. 43. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 247'
wliicli, though more populous, is rnentioned as only possess- ing twelve cities. Only sixteen are enumerated as belong- ing to the tribe of Issachar, nineteen to tlic tribe of Naphtali, and twenty -two to the tribe of Asher. It would surely have been an unequal division to give the greater number of cities for habitation to the smaller population. Hence we infer, that not only the villages which are here set down as accessories of the cities were fit for habitation, but that other cities also, of which no mention is made, were included. In short, the extent of the lot of Levi makes it perfectly obvious how large and ample tlie territories of the other tribes must have been.
43. And the Lord gave unto Israel, &c. Should any one raise a question as to this rest, the answer is easy. Tlie nations of Canaan were so completely overcome with fear, that they thought they could not better consult their in- terest than by servilely flattering the Israelites, and purchas- ing peace from them on any terms.^ Plainly, therefore, the country was subdued and rendered peaceful for habitation, since no one gave any annoyance, or dared to entertain any hostile intentions, since there were no threats, no snares, no violence, no conspiracies.
A second point, however, raises some doubt,^ namely, how the children of Israel can be said to have been settled in the possession of the land promised to them, and to have become masters of it, in such a sense that in regard to the enjoyment of it, not one syllable of the promises of God had failed. For we have already seen that many of the enemy were intermingled with them. The divine intention was, that not one of the enemy should be permitted to remain ; on the other hand, the Israelites do not drive out many, but
' French, " lis penserent qu'il n'y avoit rien meilleur pour eux ni plus expedient, qxie de racheter la paix avec les enfans d'Israel, en faisans les cliiens couchans (comme Ton dit) devant eux, et leiu- gratifiant en toutcs choses ;" " They thought there was nothing better for them, nor more ex- pedient, than to purchase peace with the children of Israel by acting (so to speak) like fawning dogs before them, and gratifying them in all things." — Ed.
' Latin, " Vcrum de secundo arabigitur." French, " Mais il y a plus grande difficulte siir le second poinct ;" " But there is greater ditficulty 'is to the second point." — Ed.
248 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXI. 43.
admit them as neighbours, as if the inheritance had been common to tliem ; they even make pactions with them. How then can these two things be reconciled, that God, as he had promised, gave possession of the land to the people, and yet they were excluded from some portion by the power or obstinate resistance of the enemy ?
In order to remove this appearance of contradiction, it is necessary to distinguish between the certain, clear, and steadfast faithfulness of God in keeping his promises, and between the effeminacy and sluggishness of the people, in consequence of which the benefit of the divine goodness in a manner slipped through their hands. Whatever war the people undertook, in whatever direction they moved their standards, victory was prepared ; nor was there any other delay or obstacle to their exterminating all their enemies than their own voluntary torpor. Wherefore, although they did not rout them all so as to make their possession clear, yet the truth of God came visibly forth, and was realized, inasmuch as they might have obtained what was remaining without any difficulty, had they been pleased to avail them- selves of the victories offered to them. The whole comes to this, that it was owing entirely to their own cowardice that they did not enjoy the divine goodness in all its fulness and integrity. This will be still clearer from the following chaptei".
CHAPTER XXII.
1. Then Joshua called the Reu- 1. Tunc accersivitJosue Rubeni- benites, and the Gadites, and the tas et Gaditas ac dimidiam tribum half-tribe of Manasseh, Manasse,
2. And said unto them, Ye have 2. Dixitque ad eos, Vos custo- kept all that Moses, the servant of distis omnia quae prsecepit vobis the Lord, commanded you, and have Moses servus Jehovte, et obedistis obeyed my voice in all that I com- voci mese in cunctis quse prsecepi manded you : vobis.
3. Ye have not left your brethren 3. Non deserui«tis fratres vestros these many days imto this day, but jam diebus multis usque ad diem have kept the charge of the com- banc, sed custodistis cnstodiam prae- mandment of the Lord your God. cepti Jehovse Dei vestri.
4. And now the Lord yom- God 4. Nunc autem requiem dedit hath given rest unto your brethren, Jehova Deus vester fratribus ves- as he promised them : therefore now tris, quemadmodum dixerat eis :
CHAP. XXII. 1.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
249
rekirn ye, and get you unto your tents, and unto the land of your possession, which Moses, the servant of the Lord, gave you on the other side Jordan.
5. But take diligent heed to do the commandment, and the law, which Moses, the servant of the Lord, charged you, to love the Lord your God, and to walk in all his ways, and to keep his command- ments, and to cleave imto him, and to serve him with all your heart, and with all yoiu- soul.
6. So Joshua blessed them, and sent them away: and they Avent unto their tents.
7. Now to the OHe half of the tribe of Manasseh Moses had given possession in Bashan ; but unto the other half thereof gave Joshua among their brethren on this side Jordan westward. And when Joshua sent them away also unto their tents, then he blessed them ;
8. And he spake unto them, say- ing. Return with much riches unto your tents, and with very much cattle, with silver, and with gold, and with brass, and with iron, and with very much raiment : divide tha spoil of your enemies with your brethren,
9. And the children of Reuben, and the children of Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, returned, and departed from the children of Israel out of Shiloh, which is in the land of Canaan, to go unto the country of Gilead, to the land of their possession, whereof they were possessed, according to the word of the Lord by the hand of Moses.
1. Then Joshua called the Reuhenites, &c. Here is related the discharge of the two tribes and half-tribe, who had fol- lowed the rest of the people, not that they might acquire anything for themselves, but that, as they had already obtained dwellings and lands without lot, they might carry on war in common with their brethren, until they also should have a quiet inheritance. Now, as they had been faithful companions and helpers to their brethren, Joshua declares
nunc igitur revertimini, et proficis- cimini ad tabernacula vestra, ad terram possessionis vestrse, quam dedit vobis Moses servus Jehovaj trans Jordanem.
5. Tantum observate diligenter utfaciatis prseceptum et legem quam praicepit vobis Moses servus Jehovje, ut diligatis Jehovam Deum ves- trum, et ambuletis in omnibus viis ejus, servetisque prsecepta ejus, et adhrereatis ei, atque serviatis ei toto corde vestro, et tota anima vestra
6. Benedixitque eis Josue, ac dimisit eos, abieruntque in taber- nacula sua.
7. Dimidise autem tribui Ma- nasse dederat Moses in Basan : alteri autem ejus parti dedit Josue cum fratribus suis trans Jordanem ad occidentem. Et etiam quum dimitteret eos Josue in tabernacula sua, et benedixisset eis,
8. Tunc dixit ad eos, dicendo. Cum divitiis multis revertimini ad tabernacula vestra, et cum acquisi- tione midta valde, cum argento, et auro, et rore, et ferro, et vestibus multis valde : dividite spolia inimi- corum vestrorum cum fratribus vestris.
9. Reversi sunt itaque, et abic- runt filii Ruben, et filii Gad, et dimidia tribus Manasse a filiis Israel de Silo quse est in terra Chanaan, ut irent ad terram Gilead, ad terram possessionis suae, in qua possessionem acceperunt secundum sermonem Je- hovse per manum Mosis.
250 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXII. 5.
tliat tlicy were entitled to their discharge, and thus sends them hack to their homes released and free. It is asked, however, how he can consider them to have performed their due measure of military service, while the enemy were still in 2^ossession of part of the land, of which the sole possession was to be the proper termination of the war ?^ But if we bear in mind what I lately said, the knot will be loosed. Had the Israelites followed the invitation of God, and seconded his agency, nay, when he was stretching out his hand to them, had they not basely drawn back,^ the remain- ing part of the war would have been finished with no danger and little trouble. From their own sloth, therefore, they refused what God was ready to bestow. And thus it hap- pened that the agreement by which the two tribes and half- tribe had bound themselves, ceased to be binding. For the only obligation they had undertaken was to accompany the ten tribes, and contend for their inheritance as strenuously as if their condition had been exactly the same. Now, when they have pcrseveringly performed their part as faithful allies, and the ten tribes contented with their present fortune, not only do not demand, but rather tacitly repudiate their assist- ance, a free return to their homes is justly allowed them. They, indeed, deserve praise for their patient endurance, in not allowing weariness of the service to make them request their discharge, but in waiting quietly till Joshua of his own accord sends for them.^
5. But take diligent heed, &c. He thus releases and frees them from temporary service, that he may bind them for ever to the authority of the one true God. He therefore permits them to return home, but on the condition that
' Latin, " Cujus sola possessio justutn ilebuit bcllo imponere fineni." French, " De laquelle il faloit qu'ils fiissent paisibles possesseurs avant qu'ils peussent avoir licence de se desparter, et avant que finir la guerre ;" " Of Avhich it was necessary that they should be peaceful possessors before they could have license to depart, and before finishing the war." — Ed.
- French, " Ou pour niieuxdire, s'ils n'eussent vilainenient tourne' le dos arriere, quand il leur tendoit la main;" "Or, to speak more properly, if they had not villanously turned their back when he stretched out his hand to them." — Ed.
•■' Jewish writers, founding on plausible data, calculate that the auxiliary tribes who crossed the Jordan to assist their brethren, had been absent from their homes for a period of fourteen years. — Ed.
CHAP. XXII. 8. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 251
wlierever they may be they are to bo tlic soldiers of God ; and lie at the same time prescribes the mode, namely, the observance of his Law. But since such is the vanity and inconstancy of the human mind, that religion easily fades a^s'ay from the heart, while carelessness and contempt creep in, he requires of them zeal and diligence in executing the Law. He calls it the Law of Moses, that they may not be carried to and fro by airy speculations, but remain fixed in the doctrine which they had learned from the faithful servant of God. He touches also on the end and sum of the Law, love to God, and adherence to him, because outward worship would otherwise be of little value. He confirms the same tiling by other words, by vdiich sincerity is denoted, namely, serving the Lord with their whole heart and soul.
8. Return ivith much riches, &c. As it was formerly seen tliat the greater part of the two tribes were left in their ter- ritories beyond the Jordan, when the others passed over to carry on the war, it was fair that, as they had lived in case with their families, or been only occupied with domestic concerns, they should be contented with their own livelihood and the produce of their own labour. And they certainly could not, without dishonesty, have demanded that any part of the booty and spoil should be distributed among them, when they had taken no share in all the toil and the danger. Joshua, however, does not insist on the strictly legal view, but exhorts the soldiers to deal liberally with their country- men, by sharing the prey with them. Here some one may unseasonably raise the question, Whether or not the booty was common ? For Joshua does not decide absolutely that it is their duty to do as he enjoins ; he admonishes them that, after they have been enriched by the divine blessing, it would betray a want of proper feeling not to be liberal and kind towards their brethren, especially as it was not tlieir fault that they did not take part in the same expedition. Moreover, when he bids them divide, he does not demand an equal partition, such as that which is usual among partners and equals, but only to bestow something that may suffice to remove all cause of envy and hatred.^ * The Septiiagint alters (lie tenor of the whole passage by substituting
252
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XXJI.
10. And v,'hen they came unto the borders of Jordan, that are in the land of Canaan, the children of Reu- ben, and the children of Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, built there an altar by Jordan, a great altar to see to.
11. And the children of Israel heard say. Behold, the children of Reuben, and the children of Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh, have built an altar over against the land of Canaan, in the borders of Jordan, at the passage of the children of Israel.
12. And when the children of Israel heard of it, the whole con- gregation of tiie children of Israel gathered themselves together at Shiloh, to go up to war against them,
13. And the children of Israel sent unto the children of Reuben, and to the children of Gad, and to the half-tribe of Manasseh, into the land of Gilead, Phinehas the son of Eleazar the priest,
14. And with him ten princes, of each chief house a prince, through- out all the tribes of Israel ; and each one was an head of the house of their fathers among the thousands of Israel.
15. And they came imto the children of Reuben, and to the children of Gad, and to the half- tribe of Manasseh, unto the land of Gilead, and they spake with them, saying,
IG. Thus saith the whole congre- gation of the Lord, What trespass is this that ye have committed against the God of Israel, to turn away this day from following the Lord, in that ye have builded you an altar, that ye might rebel this day against the Lord ?
17. Is the iniquity of Poor too little for us, from which we are not
10. Devenerunt autem ad limites Jordanis qui erant in terra Chanaan, et fedificaverunt filii Ruben, et filii Gad, et dimidia tribus Manasse, ibi altare jnxta Jordanem, altare mag- num visu.
11. Audierunt autem filii Israel dici, Ecce ajdificaverunt filii Ruben, et filii Gad, et dimidia tribus Ma- nasse, altare e regione terras Cha- naan, in confinibus Jordanis in tran- situ filiorum Israel.
12. Audierunt, inquam, filii Israel, et convenerunt universus coitus fili- orum Israel in Silo, ut ascenderent contra eos ad pugnam.
13. Miserunt autem fiUi Israel ad filios Ruben, et ad filios Gad, et ad dimidiam tribum Manasse, ad ter- ram Gilead, Phinees filium Eleazar sacerdotis.
14. Et decem principes cum eo, singulos prmcipes per singulas domos avitas ex omnibus tribubus Israel : singuli namque principes familiarum patnim suorimi erant in millibus Israel.
15. Venerunt ergo ad filios Ruben, et ad filios Gad, et ad dimidiam tri- bum Manasse, ad terram Gilead, loquutique sunt cum eis, dicendo.
16. Sic dicunt universus ccetiis Jehovse, Quse est pra^varicatio ista, qua prsevaricati estis contra Deum Israel, ut avertamini hodie ne eatis post Jehovam adificando vobis altare, ut rebelletis hodie contra Jehovam ?
17. An parum nobis est cum ini- quitate Peor, a qua nee dum sumus
the past tense for the imperative, and making it read not as a part of Joshua's address, but as the statement of a fact, " They departed with much riches," &c., and "they divided the spoil of their enemies with their brethren." — Ed.
CHAP. XXII. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 253
cleansed until this day, although mundati etiam hodie, et tamen fuit
there was a plague in the congrega- plaga in coetu Jehovse ? tion of the Lord,
18. But that ye must turn away 18. Vos autem avertimini hodie tliis day from following the Lord ? ne eatis post Jehovam, et erit, vos and it will be, seeing ye rebel to-day rebellabitis hodie contra Jehovam, against the Lord, that to-morrow he et eras in totum ccetum Israel iras- will be wroth with the whole con- cetur.
gregation of Israel.
19. Notwithstanding, if the land 19. Et quidem si immunda est of yoiur possession he imclean, then terra possessionis vestrse, transite ad pass ye over unto the land of the terram possessionis Jehovje, in qua possession of the Lord, wherein the habitat tabernaculura Jehovse, et Lord's tabernacle dwelleth, and take possessiones accipite in medio nos- possession among us : but rebel not trum, et contra Jehovam ne rebel- against the Lord, nor rebel against letis : neque a nobis deficiatis, asdi- us, in building you an altar, besides ficando vobis altare prseter altare the altar of the Lord our God, Jehovse Dei nostri.
20. Did not Achan the sou of 20. Nonne Achan filius Zerah Zerah commit a trespass in the prsevaricatus est prsevaricatione in accursed thing, and wrath fell on anathemate, et contra omnem coe- all the congregation of Israel ? and turn Israel fuit ira ? et ille vir unus that man perished not alone in his non obiit propter iniquitatem suam. iniquity.
JO. And when they came unto the borders, &c. The liis- toiy here is particularly deserving of notice, when the two tribes and half-tribe, intending to erect a memorial of common faith and fraternal concord, allowed themselves from inconsiderate zeal to adopt a method which was justly suspected by their brethren. The ten tribes, thinking that the worship of God was violated with impious audacity and temerity, were inflamed with holy wrath, and took up arms to use them against their own blood ; nor were they appeased till they had received full satisfaction. Tlie motive for erect- ing the altar was right in itself. For tlie object of the cliil- dren of Reuben, Gad, and Manasseh, was to testify tliat though they were separated from their brethren by the in- tervening stream, they were, however, united with them in religion, and cherished a mutual agreement in the doctrine of the Law. Nothing was farther from their intention than to innovate in any respect in the worship of God. But tiiey sinned not lightly in attempting a novelty, without paying any regard to the high priest, or consulting their brethren, and in a form which was very liable to be misconstrued.
We know how strictly the Law prohibited two altars.
254 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXII. 1 ] .
(Excel. XX, 24 ;) for the Lord wished to be worshipped in one place only. Therefore, when on the very first blush of the case, all were at once led to think that they were building a second altar, who would not have judged them guilty of sacrilege in framing a ritual of a degenerate description, at variance with the Law of God ? Seeing, then, that the work might be deemed vicious, they ought, at least, in so great and so serious a matter, to have made their brethren sharers in their counsel ; more especially were they in the wrong in neglecting to consult the high priest, from whose lips the divine will was to be ascertained. They were, therefore, deserving of blame, because, as if they had been alone in the world, they considered not what offence might arise from the novelty of the example. Wherefore, let us learn to attempt nothing rashly, even should it be free from blame, and let us always give due heed to the admonition of St. Paul, (1 Cor. vi. 12; x. 23,) that it is necessary to attend not only to what is lawful, but to what is expedient ; more especially let us sedulously beware of disturbing pious minds^ by the introduction of any kind of novelty.
11. And the children of Israel heard say, &c. There is no doubt that they were inflamed with holy zeal, nor ought their vehemence to seem excessive in taking up arms to destroy their countrymen on account of a pile of stones. For they truly and wisely judged that the lawful sanctuary of God was polluted and his worship profaned, that sacred things Avere violated, pious concord destroyed, and a door opened for the license of suiDcrstitious practices, if in two places vic- tims were offered to God, who had for these reasons so solemnly bound the whole people to a single altar. Not lashly, therefore, do the ten tribes, on hearing of a profane altar, detest its sacrilegious audacity.
Here, then, we have an illustrious display of piety, teach- ing us that if we see the pure worship of God corrupted, we must be strenuous, to the utmost of our ability, in vindicating it. The sword, indeed, has not been committed to the hands of all ; but eveiy one must, according to his call and office,
^ Latin, "Pios animos." Frencli, " Les bonnes consciences;" "Good consciences . " — Ed.
CHAP. XXII. 17. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 255
studj manfully and firmly to maintain the purity of religion against all corruptions. More especially deserving of the highest praise was the zeal of the half-tribe of Manasseh, who, setting aside all regard to the flesh, did not spare their own family. I admit, however, that this zeal, though pious, was not free from turbulent impetuosity, inasmuch as they hasten to declare war before they inquired concerning the mind of their brethren, and properly ascertained the state of the case. War, I admit, was declared only under conditions ; for they send ambassadors to bring back word after they had carefully investigated the matter, and they move not a finger in the way of inflicting punishment till they are certified of the existence of the crime. Excuse, therefore, may be made for the fervour of their passion, while they prepare for battle in the event of any defection being discovered.'
16. Thus saith the whole congregation, &c. Just as if it had been known that this second altar was opposed to the one only altar of God, they begin with upbraiding them, and that in a very harsh and severe manner. They thus assume it as confessed, that the two tribes had built the altar with a view of offering sacrifices upon it. In this they are mistaken, as it was destined for a diff'erent use and purpose. More- over, had the idea which they had conceived been correct, all the expostulation which they employ would have been just ; for it was a clear case of criminal revolt to make any change in the Law of God, who values obedience more than all sacrifices, (1 Sam. xv. 22 ;) and there would have been perfect ground for condemning them as apostates, in with- drawing from the one only altar.
1 7. Is the iniquity of Peor too little for us ? &c. They represent the crime as more heinous, from their perverse ob- stinacy in not ceasing ever and anon to provoke the Lord by their abominations. They bring forward one signal example of recent occurrence. While they were encircling the sanctu- ary of God from the four cardinal points, like good watchmen of God, and when they had received the form of due worship, and were habituated to it by constant exercise, they had
' French, '• S'il se trouve que les autres se sojent revoltez de la reli- gion;" "If it be found that the others have revolted from religion." — Ed.
256 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXII. 1 7.
allowed themselves, througli the seductive allurements of harlots, to be polluted by foul superstitions, and had wor- shipped Baal-Peor. As the whole people were implicated in this crime, the ten ambassadors do not hesitate to admit, that they were partners in the guilt. They therefore ask, Is not the iniquity which we contracted in the matter of Baal-Peor sufficient ? They add, that they were not yet purified from it, just as if they had said, that the remem- brance of it was not yet entirely buried, or that the vengeance of God was not yet extinguished ; and hence they infer, that the two tribes and the lialf tribe, while with impious contumacy they turn aside from God, and shake off his yoke, not only consult ill for themselves, but are calling down similar destruction on the whole people, because God will avenge the insult offered him to a wider extent. This they confirm by the example of Achan, who, though he was alone when he secretly stole of the accursed thing, did not alone undergo the punishment of his sacrilege, but also dragged others along with him, as it was seen that some fell in the line of battle, while all were shamefuly put to flight, because pollution attached to the people.
They reason from the less to the greater. If the anger of God burnt against many for the clandestine misdeed of one man, much less would he allow the people to escape if they connived at manifest idolatry. A middle view, however, is inserted, that if the two tribes and half tribe built up an altar, and if their condition was worse from not dwelling in the land of Canaan, let them rather come and obtain a set- tlement also in the land of Canaan, but let them not pro- voke God by a wicked rivalshijx^ Hence we infer, that they were not .urged by some turgid impetus, since, even at their own loss and expense, they are willing kindly to offer part- nership to those who had demanded a settlement and domicile for themselves elsewhere.
21. Then the children of Reuben, 21. Responderunt autem filii and the children of Gad, and the Ruben, et filii Gad, et dimidia
' Latin, " Prava jemulatione." French, " Abusant en mal de ce qu ils ont veu faire aux autres ;" '• Making a wicked abuse of what they have seen others do." — Ed.
CHAP. XXII.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
257
half-tribe of Manassch, answered and said unto the heads of the thousands of Israel,
22. The Lord God of gods, the Lord God of gods, he knoweth, and Israel he shall know, if it be in re- bellion, or if in transgression against the Lord, (save us not this day,)
23. That we have built us an altar to turn from following the Lord, or if to offer thereon burnt- offering or meat-offering, or if to offer jjeace-offerings thereon, let the Lord himself require it ;
24. And if we have not rather done it for fear of this thing, saying, In time to come yoiu* children might speak mito oiu- children, saying, What have ye to do with the Lord God of Israel ?
25. For the Lord hath made Jor- dan a border between us and you, ye children of Reuben, and children of Gad ; ye have no part in the Lord : so shall your children make our children cease from fearing the Lord.
26. Therefore we said, Let us now prepare to build us an altar, not for biurnt-offering, nor for sacri- fice :
2". But that it mai/ be a witness between us and you, and om: gene- rations after us, that we might do the service of the Lord before him ■with our burnt- offerings, and with our sacrifices, and with our peace- ofierings ; that your children may not say to our children in time to come. Ye have no part in the Lord.
28. Therefore said we, that it shall be, when they should so say to us, or to our generations in time to come, that we may say again, Be- hold the pattern of tlie altar of the Lord, which our fathers made, not for bvu-nt-offerings, nor for sacri- fices ; but it is a witness between us and you.
29. God forbid that we should rebel against the Lord, and turn this day from following the Lord, to build an altar for burnt-offerings.
tribus Manassc, loquutiqiie sunt cum principibus milliuni Israel.
22. Deus deorum Jehova, Deus deorum Jehova ipse novit, et Israel cognoscet, si per rebellionem, et si per prevaricationem in Jehovam, ne serves nos die hac.
23. Si cogitavimus jedificare no- bis altare, ut averteremur ne iremus post Jehovam, et si ad immolandum super illud holocausta et sacrificium, et si ad faciendum super illud sacri- ficia prosperitatum, Jehova ipse in- quirat.
24. Et si non potius timore hu- jusce rei fecimus hoc dicendo : Cras dicent filii vestri filiis nostris di- cendo : Quid vobis et Jehovse Deo Israel ?
25. Nam terminum posuit Je- hova inter nos et vos filii Ruben et filii Gad, Jordanem : non est vobis portio in Jehova : et cessare facient filii vestri filios nostros, ut non time- ant Jehovam.
20. Et diximus, Demus nunc operam ut fedificemus altare, non pro holocausto, nee pro sacrificio :
27. Sed ut testis sit inter nos et vos, et inter generationes nostras post nos, ut serviamus servitutem Jehova? coram eo in holocaustis nos- tris, et in sacrificiis nostris, et pros- peritatibus nostris : et ne dicant filii vestri cras filiis nostris, Non est vobis pars in Jehova.
28. Diximus itaque, Et erit, si dixerint nobis aut generationibus nostris cras, tum dicemus, Videte similitudinem altaris Jehov?e quod fecerunt patres nostri, non pro ho- locausto, neque pro sacrificio, sed ut testis sit inter nos et vos.
29. Absit a nobis ut rebellemus contra Jehovam, et avertamiu- hodie ne eamus post Jehovam, ajdificando altare pro holocausto, pro oblatione,
258
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XXII. 2 1 .
for meat-ofiferings, or for sacrifices, besides the altar of the Lord oiir God that is before his tabernacle.
30. And when Phinehas the priest, and the princes of the con- gregation, and heads of the thou- sands of Israel which were with him, heard the words that the children of Reuben, and the children Gad, and the children of Manasseh spake, it pleased them.
31. And Phinehas the son of Eleazar the priest said unto the children of Reuben, and to the chil- dren of Gad, and to the children of Manasseh, This day we perceive that the Lord is among us, because ye have not committed this trespass against the Lord: now ye have de- livered the children of Israel out of the hand of the Lord.
32. And Phinehas the son of Eleazar the priest, and the princes, returned from the children of Reu- ben, and from the children of Gad, out of the land of Gilead, unto the land of Canaan, to the children of Israel, and brought them word again .
33. And the thing pleased the children of Israel ; and the children of Israel blessed God, and did not intend to go up against them in battle, to destroy the land wherein the children of Reuben and Gad dwelt.
34. And the children of Reuben, and the children of Gad, called the altar I^d : for it shall be a witness between us that the Lord is God.
et pro sacrificio, ultra altare JehovsB Dei nostri quod est ante tabernacu- lum ejus. •
30. Porro quum audisset Phinees sacerdos, et principes coetus, capita- que millium Israel qui cum eo erant, verba qujB loquuti fuerant filii Ru- ben, et filii Gad, et filii Manasse, placuit in oculis eorum.
31. Dixitque Phinees filius Ele- azar sacerdoiis filiis Ruben, et fihis Gad, et fihis Manasse, Hodie novi- mus quod in medio nostri sit Je- hova, quod non prsevaricati sitis contra Jehovani prsevaricationem istam : tunc liberastis filios Israel de manu Jehovse.
32. Reversus est igitur Phinees fihus Eleazar sacerdotis, et princi- pes illi a filiis Ruben, et a filiis Gad, de terra Gilead ad terram Chanaan ad reliquos filios Israel, et retule- runt eis rem.
33. Placuitque res in oculis fili- orum Israel, atque benedixerunt Deo filii Israel : neque decreverunt ascendere contra eos ad pugnam, ut disperderent terram in qua filii Ru- ben et filii Gad habitabaut.
34. Vocaverunt autem fihi Ru- ben et filii Gad altare Hed, dicendo : Quia testis erit inter nos quod Je- hova est Deus.
2]. Then the children of Reuben, &c. The state of tlie case turns on the definition. For the children of Reuben, Gad, and Manasseh, explain that they had a different in- tention, and thus exculpate themselves from the charge, inasmuch as the nature of the proceeding was quite differ- ent from what the others supposed. In not making a dis- turbance,! nor picking a quarrel for the injustice done to
' Latin, " Quod autem non tumultuantur." French, " Et en ce qu'ils n'escarniouchent point ;" " And in not skirmishing." — Ed.
OHAP. XXII. 21, COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 259
thC'ji tlicy give an example of rare modesty, which is held forth TDV S)ur imitation ; so that if at any time anything we have rightly done happen to he unjustly and falsely blamed by those not acquainted with its nature, we may deem it sufficient to refute the censure only so far as may be neces- sary for clearing ourselves. Moreover, that the more credit may be given to them, and that they may the better attest their integrity, they, by a solemn protest, put far from them the wickedness of which they were suspected. For there is force and meaning in the reduplication. The Lord God of gods, the Lord God of gods, by which they with vehemence affirm, how faithfully they desire to persevere in the doc- trine of the Law, and how greatly they abhor all contrary superstitions. But as their intention was not patent to men, and every one explained it variously, according to his own sense, they appeal to the judgment of God, and offer to sub- mit to punishment if he decide that they had attempted anything wickedly. And to prove that they are not like hypocrites who, with ahandoned wickedness, appeal to God a hundred times as judge even when they are convicted in their own minds, they not only bring forward conscience, but at the same time declare, that the whole people will be wit- ness ; as if they had said, that it will be made palpable hy the fact itself, that they never had any intention of devising an}'^ new form of worship ; and they rightly explain, how the altar would have been unlawful, namely, if they had built it for the purpose of oifering sacrifice. For the Law did not con- demn the mere raising of heaps of stones, but only enjoined that sacrifices should be offered in one place, for the purpose of retaining the people in one faith, lest religion should be rent asunder, lest license should bo given to human pre- sumjition, and thus every man might turn aside to follow his own fictions. We thus sec how an explanation of the nature of the deed removes the detestation which the ten tribes had conceived of it.'
* Several Romish writers endeavour to make the most of this transac- tion, and think they find in the apparent sanction which it gives to the erection of an altar similar to the one on which sacrifices were offered, though intended for a different purpose, an authority for their endless forms of image worship. It is scarcely possible to treat such an argu-
260 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. OIIAP. XXII. 26.
It is not strictly correct, though appropriate enough, for the rudeness of sense, to place our God above all gods. For it is impossible to compare him with others, seeing that no others actually exist. Hence, in order to avoid the apparent absurdity, some interpreters substitute angels for gods ; this meaning holds in some cases, though not in all. It ought not, however, to seem harsh when he who is the one sole su- preme being is called the God of gods, inasmuch as he has no equal, standing forth conspicuous above all other height, and so, by his glory, obscuring and annihilating all names of deity which are celebrated in the M'orld. Hence this mode of speaking ought to be viewed with reference to the com- mon sense of the vulgar.
26. Therefore we said, &c. The gross impiety of which they had been accused was now well refuted ; and yet they seem not to have been in qv&y^ respect free from blame, be- cause the Law forbids the erection of any hind of statues. It is easy, however, to excuse this by saying, that no hind of statues are condemned except those which are intended to represent God. To erect a heap of stones as a trophy, or in testimony of a miracle, or a memorial of some signal favour of God, the Law has nowhere j^rohibited. (Exod. xx. 4 ; Levit. xxvi. 1 ; Deut. v. 8.) Otherwise, Joshua and many holy judges and kings after him, would have defiled them- selves by profane innovation. But the only thing displeas- ing to God was to see the minds of men drawn hither and thither, so as to worship him in a gross and earthly man- ner. The children of Reuben, Gad, and Manasseh do all that is required for their exculpation, when they declare that they would use the altar only as a bond of brotherly union ; and add a sufficient reason, namely, the danger there was, lest, after a long course of time, the ten tribes might exclude the others as strangers, because they did not inhabit
meiit seriously, but it is surely sufficient to answer, that Avliile the Reuben- ites and their associates justified the erection of their altar, by declaring in the most solemn manner, that they never intended, and were firmly deter- mined never to employ it for religious service, the Komanists, on the other hand, erect their images for the express purpose of so employing them, and are continually extolling the imaginary benefits which this sacrilegious employment of (hem confers. — Ed.
CHAP. XXII. 30. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 261
the same land. For as the country beyond the Jordan was not at first comprehended in the covenant, a difference of habitation might ultimately prove a cause of dissension. They therefore consult timeously for their posterity, that they may be able by means of the altar as a kind of public document to defend their right, that they may mutually re- cognise each other, and unite in common in serving one God.
30. And luhen Phinehas the priest, &c. Phinehas and the ambassadors rightly temper their zeal, when, instead of harshly insisting and urging the prejudice which they had conceived, they blandly and willingly admit the excuse. Many persons, if once offended and exasperated by any matter, cannot be appeased by any defence, and always find something maliciously and unjustly to carp at, rather than seem to yield to reason. The example here is worthy of observation. It teaches us that if at any time we conceive offence in regard to a matter not sufficiently known, we must beware of obstinacy, and be ready instantly to take an equitable view. Moreover, when the children of Reuben, Gad, and Manasseh are found free from crime, Phinehas and the ambassadors ascribe it to the grace of God. For by the words. We know that Jehovah is in the midst of us, they in- timate that God was propitious to them, and had taken care of their safety.
This is to be carefully observed ; for we are able to infer from it that we never revolt from God, or fall off to Impiety unless he abandon us, and give us up when thus abandoned to a reprobate mind. All idolatry, therefore, shews that God has previously been alienated, and is about to punish us by inflicting judicial blindness. Meanwhile, we must hold that we persevere in piety only in so far as God is present to sustain us by his hand, and confirm us in perseverance by the agency of his Spirit. Phinehas and the ambassadors speak as if they had been delivered by the children of Reu- ben, Gad, and Manasseh, because there was no longer any ground to fear the divine vengeance, when all suspicion of criminality had been removed. At last similar equity and humanity are displayed by the whole people, when
262
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XXIII.
accepting the defence of their brethren they gave tlianks to God for having kept his people free from criminality.
Though they had been suddenly inflamed, they dejoart with calm minds. In like manner the two tribes and the half tribe carefully exert themselves to perform their duty by giving a name to the altar, which, by explaining its proper use, might draw off the people from all super- stition.
CHAPTER XXIII.
1. And it came to pass, a long time after that the Lord had given rest imto Israel from all their ene- mies romid about, that Joshua waxed old and stricken ia age.
2. And Joshua called for all Is- rael, and for their elders, and for their heads, and for their judges, and for their ofheers, and said imto them, I am old and stricken in age :
3. And ye have seen all that the Lord your God hath done unto all these nations because of you : for the Lord yoiu" God is he that hath fought for you.
4. Behold, I have divided unto you by lot these nations that remain, to be an inheritance for your tribes, from Jordan, with all the nations that I have cut off, even unto the great sea westward.
5. And the Lord your God, he shall expel them from before you, and drive them from out of your sight ; and ye shall possess their land, as the Lord your God hath promised unto you.
6. Be ye therefore very courage-
1. Fuit autem post dies multos postquam requiem dedit Jehova Is- raeli ab omnibus inimicis eorum in circuitu, Josue sennit, et venit in dies :
2. Tunc vocavit Josue omnem Is- rael, senioi-es ejus, et capita ejus, et judices ejus, et prjefectos ejus, dixit- que ad eos, Ego senui, et veni in dies :
3. Vosque vidistis omnia quae fe- cerit Jehova Deus vester omnibus gentibiis istis in conspectui vestro, quod Jehova Deus vester pugnaverit pro vobis.
4. Videte, sorte distribui vobis gentes istas residuas in ha^reditatem per tribus vestras, a Jordane, atque omnes gentes quas disperdidi usque ad mare magnum ab occasu solis.
5. Jehova autem Deus vester ipse propulsabit eas a facie vestra, et ex- pellet eas a conspectu vestro, et jure hsereditario possidebitis^ terram ear- um, quemadmodum loquutus est Je- hova Deus vester vobis.
6. Eoborate igitur vos valde, ut
' The original literally is " from before you," and is more exactly ren- dered by Calvin's Latin " In conspectu vestro," than by the English ver- sion " because of you." This English rendering is the more remarkable, as in the 5th verse the very same Hebrew word is literally rendered " From before you."
* Simply "Ye shall inherit," seems better than the English version, " Ye shall possess," which is too weak, or than Calvin's Latin, •' Jure hajre- ditario possi debit is," which is too strong. — Ed.
CHAP. XXIII.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
263
ous to keep and to do all that is written in the book of the law of Moses, that ye turn not aside there- from to the right hand or to the left;
7. That ye come not among these nations, these that remain among you; neither make mention of the name of their gods, nor cause to swear h^ them, neither serve them, nor bow yourselves unto them :
8. But cleave unto the Lord your God, as ye have done unto this day.
9. For the Lord hath driven out from before you great nations and strong : but as for yow, no man hath been able to stand before you unto this day.
10. One man of you shall chase a thousand : for the Lord your God, lie it is that fighteth for you, as he hath promised you,
11. Take good heed therefore unto yourselves, that ye love the Lord your God.
custodiatis, et faciatis quicquid scrip- tum est in libro Tvegis Mosis, ut non recedatis ab eo neque ad dextram, neque ad sinistram.
7. Neque commisceamini gentibus istis qufe remanent vobiscimi et no- men deorum earum ne commeraoretis, nee adjuretis. neque serviatis eis, ne- que incurvetis vos eis.
8. Sed Jehovse Deo vestro ad- hfereatis, sicut fecistis usque ad diem hanc.
9. Propterea expidit a facie ves- tra gentes magnaset fortes, nee stetit quisquam in conspectu vestro usque ad diem hanc.
10. Vir unus ex vobis persequutus est miUe, quia Jehova Deus vester est qui pugnat pro vobis sicut lo- quutus fuerat vobis.
11. Custodite valde super anima- bus vestris ut diligatis Jehovam Deum vestrum.
Here we have a narrative of the solemn protestation which Joshua used towards the time of his death, that he miglit leave the pure worship of God surviving him. But altliough the peace and quiet which the Israelites obtained among the nations of Canaan is described as an excellent blessing from God, it is necessary to keep in mind what I formerly taught, that it was owing to their cowardice that they dwelt among their enemies, whom it would not have been difficult to rout and destroy. But thanks are justly rendered to God for his goodness in pardoning their ingratitude.
The pious solicitude of Joshua is here also set forth, for the imitation of all who are in authority. For as the father of a family will not be considered sufficiently provident if he thinks of his children only till the end of his own life, and does not extend his care farther, studying as much as in him lies to do them good even when he is dead ; so good magis- trates and rulers ought carefully to provide that the well arranged condition of affairs as they leave them, be confirmed and prolonged to a distant period. For this reason Peter writes, (2 Pet. i. 25,) that he will endeavour after he has
264 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIII.
departed out of the world to keep tlie Cliurch in remem- brance of his admonitions, and able to derive benefit from them.
From its being said that he invited all Israel, and its being immediately after added that he invited their elders, and heads, and judges, and prefects, I understand the mean- ing to be that all were indeed permitted to come, but that the summons was addressed specially to the heads and pre- fects. And thus the last clause appears to me to be ex- planatory of the former. And, indeed, it is not at all credible that the whole people were invited ; for no such meeting could possibly take place. The sense, therefore, in which the people were invited was simply this, that the elders, judges, and others were commanded to come, and might bring as many persons as were disposed to come along with them.
The speech of Joshua, as quoted, is double ; but it ap- pears to me that the historian first, as is often done, gives a brief summary of the whole speech, and then follows it out more in detail, introducing the particulars which he had omitted.' In the one which is first given, Joshua briefly animates the people, and exhorts them to sure confidence
' According to this view, the details given in chapters xxiii. and xxiv. refer only to one meeting. It may be so, but certainly the impression produced by a simple perusal of the chapters is, that they refer to two dis- tinct meetings, between which some interval of time must have elapsed. It is only by means of laboiu'ed criticism, accompanied with a degree of straining, that some expositors have arrived at a different conclusion. But why should it be deemed necessary to employ criticism for such a purpose ? There is sm-ely no antecedent improbability that Joshua, after all the turmoils of war were over, should have more than once come forth from his retirement, and called the heads of the people, or even the whole body of them together to receive his counsels, when he felt that the time of his departure was at hand. Observe, moreover, that each meeting is ushered in by its own appropriate preamble, and has its own special busi- ness. In the one, Joshua speaks in his own name, and delivers his own message ; in the other, all the tribes are regularly assembled, and are said to have " presented themselves before God," because, although Joshua was still to be the speaker, he was no longer to speak in his own name, but with the authority of a divine messenger, and in the very terms which had been put into his mouth. Accordingly, the very first words he utters are, " Thus saith the Lord God of Israel." The message thus formally and solemnly announced in chap. xxiv. 2, is continued verbatim and without interruption to the end of verse 13. — Ed.
CHAP. XXIII. 7. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 265
in the continued and unwearying grace of God. For, seeing they had exi:)ericnced that God is true in all things, they could have no doubt for the future, that they might safely hope for the same success in vanquishing and destroying the enemy. The partition also by which he had distributed the remainder of the land, he set before them as an earnest or pledge of their undoubted fruition, because it was not at random but by the order of God he had marked out the seat, and fixed the boundaries of each tribe.
6. Be ye therefore very courageous, &c. He now shews them the mode of conquering, — not to indulge gross security, as too often happens, as a substitute for genuine confidence. He affirms that God will be propitious to them, and promises that whatever they attempt will turn out prosperously, pro- vided they are stedfast in obeying tlie Law. However con- fidently hypocrites may contemn and deride God, they would wish, however, to have him astricted to them ; nay, they often, with no small pomposity, boast of his promises. But true faith, while it reclines upon God, keeps those who pos- sess it in his fear. In short, those who would find God must seek him sincerely, and if we desire to be regarded by him, we must beware of turning our backs upon him. The ex- pression, Be ye very courageous, as has elsewhere been said, denotes serious study, because in the great weakness of our nature no man will set about the thorough observance of the Law, if he does not exert himself above his strength. Atten- tion ought also to be paid to the definition of true obedience which is here repeated from Moses, (Deut. v. 32,) and said to consist in not turning either to the right hand or the left.
7. That ye come not among these nations, &c. He dis- tinctly admonishes them that it will be imiDossible rightly to discharge their duty if they be not carefully on their guard against all sources of corruption. This it was very necessary to enforce upon them. For they were surrounded on all sides by the snares of Satan, and we know how great their proneness to superstition was, or rather how headlong their eagerness for it. First, then, he warns them that in- timate intercourse with the nations may involve them in fellowship in crime ; for the term mingling used in this pas-
266 COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXni.9.
sage is equivalent to what is termed by St. Paul, being yoked. (2 Cor. vi. 14.) In short, he first removes the incitements or allurements to idolatry, and then declares his detestation of idolatry itself. It is to he observed, however, that he does not expressly mention either bending of the knee, or sacri- fices, or other rites, but designates all perverse modes of wor- ship by the terms naming them and swearing by them. Whence we infer that God is defrauded of his honour when- ever any particle, however small, of all the things which he claims for himself is transferred to idols. He accordingly concludes that they are to adhere to God alone ; in other words, they are to be bound to him out and out.
9. For the Lord hath driven out from before you, &c. He intimates that so long as they do not themselves change, there will certainly be no change on the part of God. There- fore he asserts that, provided they conciliate the favour of God, they shall have an uninterrupted course of victory. At length he again exhorts them, as they value their life and safety, to be careful in maintaining love to God. From this source all true obedience springs ; for if we do not cling to him with free and ardent affection, we shall study in vain to frame our lives in accordance with the external form of the Law.
12. Else, if ye do in any wise go 12. Quia si avertendo aversi fue- back, and cleave unto the remnant ritis, et adhaeseritis residuis gentibus of these nations, even these that re- istis, residuis, inquani, istis quse sunt main among you, and shall make vobiscum : et affinitateni eontraxeri- marriages with them, and go in unto tis cum eis, et misceatis vos cum eis, them, and they to you : et ipsse vobiscum :
13. Know for a certainty, that 13. Jam nunc scitote quod post- the Lord your God will no more hac Jehova Dens vester non expellet drive out any of these nations from omnes gentes istas a facie vestra : before you ; but they shall be snares sed potius enmt vobis in laqueum, and traps unto you, and scourges in et offendiculum, et flagellum in late- your sides, and thorns in your eyes, ribus vestris, et in spinas in oculis until ye perish from off this good vestris, donee pereatis e terra optima land which the Lord your God hath ista quam dedit vobis Jehova Deus given you. vester.
14. And, behold, this day I am 14. En autem ego ingrcdior hodie going the way of all the earth : and viam imiversse terrse : cognoscite ye know in all your hearts, and in ergo toto corde vestro, et tota anima all your souls, that not one thing vestra quod non cecidit verbum hath failed of all the good things imum ex omnibus verbis optimis which the Lord your God spake con- quai loquutus est Jehova Deus ceming you; all are come to pass vester super vos: omnia evenerunt
CHAP. XXIII. 12. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 267
unto you, and not one thing liatli vobis, non cecidit ex eis verbum
failed thereof. imum.
15. Therefore it shall come to 15. Sicut ergo evenit vobis omne pass, that as all good things are come verbum bonum quod loquutus est upon you, which the Lord your God Jeliova Deus vester ad vos, sic ad- promised you ; so shall the Lord ducet Jehova super vos omne ver- bring upon you all evil tilings, imtil bum malum, donee disperdat vos e he have destroyed you from ofl" this teiTa optima ista, quam dedit vobis good land which the Lord your God Jehova Deus vester.
hath given you.
16. When ye have transgressed 16. Quum transgressi fueritis the covenant of the Lord your God, pactum Jehovae Dei vestri quod prai- wluch he commanded you, and have cepit vobis, et abieritis, et servieritis gone and served other gods, and diis alienis, incurvaveritisque vos eis, bowed yourselves to them ; then irascetur furor Jehovge contra vos, shall the anger of the Lord be et peribitis cito e terra optima quam kindled against you, and ye shall dedit vobis.
perish quickly from off the good land which he hath given unto you.
12. Else if ye do in any wise go bach, &c. According to the usual method observed in the Law, he adds threatenings, in order that if thej are not sufficiently allured by the divine goodness, they may be aroused by fear to the performance of their duty. It is, indeed, disgraceful for men, when God graciously condescends to invite them, not at once to run forward and meet the invitation by promj^t and alert obe- dience ; but such is the lethargy of the flesh, that it always requires to be stimulated by threats. Joshua, therefore, adopts the usual method of the Law, while he reminds the Israelites of the terrors of the Lord, provided they do not of their own accord embrace his offered favour. Moreover, it is not once only that he sets before them the denunciation that the nations of Canaan will be scourges to their sides and thorns in their eyes if they become familiar with them. First, inasmuch as God had consecrated the land to himself, he wished it to be purged of all impurities; and secowrf/y, inasmuch as he saw how prone the people were to be cor- rupted by bad example, he wished also to provide a remedy for this evil. Then, while on the one hand the people counted it as nothing that the land should be contaminated by impious superstitions, and that idols should be worshipped in it instead of the true God, and on the other hand, eagerly contracted contagion from their vices, it was only a just punishment of this gross contempt that they should expe-
268 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIII. 14.
rience molestation and hostility from those whom they had improperly^ spared.
That the threatenings which hoth Moses and Joshua thus denounced were openly accomplished, is but too plain from the Book of Judges. And yet this promulgation of the divine vengeance was not altogether useless ; for after Joshua was dead, they became courageous enough to engage in war. Their ardour, however, proved evanescent,^ and they shortly after were initiated in nefarious Gentile rites. Hence, we perceive in the human mind an intemperate long- ing for perverse worship, a longing which no curbs are able to restrain.
It is now proper to consider how far this doctrine is appli- cable to us. It is true a special command was given to the ancient people to destroy the nations of Canaan, and keep aloof from all profane defilements. To us, in the present day, no certain region marks out our precise boundaries ; nor are we armed with the sword to slay all the ungodly ; we have only to beware of allowing ourselves to become involved in fellow- ship with wickedness, by not keeping at a sufficient distance from it. For it is almost impossible, if we mingle with it, spontaneously to avoid receiving some spot or blemish. But this point having been elsewhere expounded, I now merely advert to it in passing.
14. And, behold, this day I am going, &c. As it has been appointed unto all men once to die, (Heb. ix. 27,) Joshua says that in regard to himself the common end of all is at hand, inasmuch as he, too, was born mortal. These expres- sions are evidently adapted to console the peoi^le, and pre- vent them from feeling immoderate grief at the bereavement when he should be taken from them. For there cannot be a doubt that his loss filled the people with the deepest regret, when they saw themselves reduced, as it were, to a mutilated trunk, by being deprived of their head. He there-
' Latin, " Male." French, " A tort et contre leur devoir ;" "Wrongfully and contrary to their duty." — Ed.
2 Latin, '' Verum evanidus fuit fervor ille." French, " Mais 9'a este un feu de paille comme on dit : car leur ardeur n'a gueres dure ;" " But it was a fire of straw, as it is called ; for their ardour was not durable."' — Ed.
CHAP. XXIII. 1-i.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
269
fore admonishes them, that since tlie race of life is ended by having reached the goal, they were not to ask that liis con- dition should be different from that of the whole human race. Meanwhile he does not intimate that the form of dying is the same in all, because the believers of heavenly doctrine are distinguished from unbelievers by an incor- ruptible seed, not allowing them in lilce manner to perish, but only adverts to that which is common, namely, departure from the world after the course of life is ended. The sub- stance of his whole address amounts to this, that as God had proved himself true by his favours and the fulfilment of his promises, so his threatenings would not be empty or vain, and he would certainly avenge the profanation of his wor- ship by their final destruction.^
CHAPTER XXIV.
1. And Joshua gathered all the tribes of Israel to Shechem, and called for the elders of Israel, and for their heads, and for their judges, and for their officers ; and they pre- sented themselves before God.
2. And Joshua said unto all the people, Thus saith the Lord God of Israel, Your fothers dwelt on the other side of the tlood in old time, even Terah, the father of Abraham, and the father of Nahor : and they served other gods.
3. And 1 took your father Abra- ham from the other side of the flood, and led him throughout all the land of Canaan, and multipUed his seed, and gave him Isaac.
1. Congregavit itaque^ Josue cra- nes tribus Israel in Sichem, vocavit- que seniores Israel, et capita ejus, judicesque ejus, ac prjjefectos ejus : steteruntque coram Deo.
2. Dixitque Josue ad universum populum, Sic dicit Jehova Deus Israel, Trans flumen habitaverunt patres vestri a seculo, ut Thare pater Abraham, et pater Nachor, servie- runtque diis alienis.
3. Et tuli palrem vestrum Abra- ham e loco qui erat trans flumen, et deduxi per universam terram Chanaan : multiplicavique semen ejus, et dedi ei Isaac.
' Latin, "Ultimo eorum interitu." French, " En les destruisant a toute rigeur;" "By destroying them in all rigour," (without mercy.) — Ed.
^ The "itaque" is here inserted without authority, biit Calvin, as he explains in the commentary on the verse, thinks it necessary, in order to keep up the connection Avith the previous chapter, and shew, according to his hypothesis, that both chapters contain the account of only one meet- ing. On the contrary, as lias been observed in note, p. 264, the whole tenor of the narrative here given seems to indicate that it refers not to a continuation of the former meeting, but to one held on a subsequent occa- sion, and for a still more solemn purpose. — Ed.
270
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XXIV.
4. And I gave unto Isaac Jacob and Esau : and I gave unto Esau mount Seir, to possess it ; but Jacob and his children went down into Egypt.
6. I sent Moses also and Aaron, and I plagued Egypt, according to that which I did among them ; and afterward I brought you out.
0. And I brought your fathers out of Egypt : and ye came unto the sea ; and the Egyptians pursued after your fathers with chariots and horsemen unto the Red sea.
7. And when they cried unto the Lord, he put darkness between you and the Egyptians, and brought the sea upon them, and covered them ; and your eyes have seen what I have done in Egypt : and ye dwelt in the wilderness a long season.
8. And I brought you into the land of the Amorites, which dwelt on the other side Jordan ; and they fought with you : and 1 gave them into your hand, that ye might pos- sess their land ; and I destroyed them from before you.
9. Then Balak the son of Zippor, king of Moab, arose, and warred against Israel, and sent and called Balaam the son of Beor to curse you :
10. But I would not hearken unto Balaam ; therefore he blessed you still: so I delivered you out of his hand.
11. And ye Avent over Jordan, and came unto Jericho : and the men of Jericho fought against you, the Amorites, and the Perizzites, and the Canaanites, and the Hittites, and the Girgashites, the Hivites, and the Jebusites ; and I delivered them into your hand.
4. Pit dedi ipsi Isaac Jacob et Esau : tradidique ipsi Esau montem Seir, ut possideret eum : Jacob au- tem et filii ejus descenderunt in -iEgyptum.
5. Misique Mosen et Aharon, et percussi ^gyptum, quemadmodum feci in medio ejus, et postea eduxi vos.
6. Et eduxi patres vcstros ex ^gypto, devenistisque ad mare, et persequuti sunt ^gyptii patres ves- tros cum curribus, et equitibus usque ad mare rubrum.
7. Turn clamaverunt' ad Jeho- vam, et posuit caliginem inter vos et yEgyptios : induxitque super eum mare, ac operuit eum : et viderunt oculi vestri quae feci in ^gyjjto, et habitastis in solitudine in diebus multis.
8. Postea adduxi vos ad terram iEmorrhsei habitantis trans Jorda- nem : prpeliatique sunt vobiscum, et tradidi eos in manum vestram : ])os- sedistisque terram eorum, ac delevi eos a facie vestra.
9. Surrexit aiitem Balac filius Sippor rex Moab, et prseliatus est cum Israel : misitque et vocavit Bileam filium Beor, ut malediceret vobis :
10. Et nolui audire Bileam, sed benedixi benedicendo vobis, et liber- avi vos e manu ejus.
11. Transistisque Jordanem, e( venistis ad Jericho : pugnaverunt- que contra vos viri Jericho, ^mor- rh8eus,et Perizaeus, et Chananaeus, et Hittceus, et Girgasseus, et Hivfeus, et Jebusajus : tradidique cos in ma- num vestram.
' There is here a very abrupt transition from the first to the thii'd per- son in the verbs " they cried" — " he put" — " he brought" — " he covered," as if Joshua had ceased to deliver an actual message, and became merely a narrator. The message, however, is immediately resumed, " Your eyes have seen what 1 have done." The Septuagmt, at the commencement of the verse, renders " avifiornrafnv," " we cried," and thei-eafter uses the nar- rative form to the end of the 13th verse, saying, in the 8th verse, "he brought," and in the 10th, "the Lord your God would not." — Ed.
CHAP. XXIV. J. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 271
12. And I sent the hornet before 12. Et misit ante vos crabrones, you, which drave them out from be- qui expulerunt eos a facie A'estra, fore you, even the two kings of the duos reges yEmorrhaii, non ghidio Amorites ; but not M'ith thy sword, tuo, nee arcu tuo.
nor with thy bow.
13. And I have given you a land 13. Dcdique vobis terram in qua for which ye did not laboiu*, and cities non laborastis, et urbes quas non which ye built not, and ye dwell in sedificastis, ethabitastisin eis: vineas them ; of the vineyards and olive- et oliveta quw non plantastis, come- yards which ye planted not do ye detis.
eat.
14. Now therefore fear the Lord, 14. Nunc ergo tiniete Jehovam, and serve him in sincei'ity and in et servite ei in perfectione, et veri- truth : and put away the gods which tate, et auferte deos quibus servie- your fathers served on the other side runt patres vestri trans fiumen, et of the flood, and in Egypt ; and serve in ^gypto, et servite Jehovje.
ye the Lord.
1. And Joshua gathered all the tinhes, &c. He now, in my opinion, explains more fully what lie before related more briefly. For it would not have been suitable to bring out the peojile twice to a strange place for the same cause. Therefore by the repetition the course of the narrative is continued. And he now states what he had not formerly observed, that they were all standing before the Lord, an expression which designates the more sacred dignity and solemnity of the meeting. I have accordingly introduced the expletive particle Therefore, to indicate that the narra- tive which had been begun now proceeds. For there can- not be a doubt that Joshua, in a regular and solemn manner, invoked the name of Jehovah, and, as in his presence, address- ed the people, so that each might consider for himself that God was presiding over all the things which were done, and that they were not there engaged in a private business, but confirming a sacred and inviolable compact with God him- self. We may add, as is shortly afterwards observed, that there was his sanctuary. Hence it is probable that the ark of the covenant was conveyed thither, not with the view of changing its place, but that in so serious an action they might sist themselves before the eartlily tribunal of God.^ For there was no religious obligation forbidding the ark to be moved, and the situation of Sichem was not far distant.
' Latin, " Terrestre Dei tribunal." French, " Le siege judicial que Dieu avoit en terre ;" " The judicial seat which God had on earth." — Ed.
272 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIV. 2.
2. Your fathers dwelt on the other side, &c. He begins his address by referring to their gratuitous adoption by wliich God had anticij)ated any application on their part, so tliat they could not boast of any peculiar excellence or merit. For God had bound them to himself by a closer tie, having, while they Avere no better than others, gathered them together to be his peculiar people, from no resi^oct to any- thing but his mere good pleasure. Moreover, to make it clearly appear that there was nothing in which they could glory, he leads them back to their origin, and reminds them liow their fathers had dwelt in Chaldea, worshipping idols in common with others, and differing in nothing from the great body of their countrymen. Hence it is inferred that Abraham, when he was plunged in idolatry, was raised up, as it were, from the lowest deep.
The Jews, indeed, to give a false dignity to their race, fabulously relate that Abraham became an exile from his country because he refused to acknowledge the Chaldean fire as God.^ But if we attend to the words of the inspired writer, we shall see that he is no more exempted from the guilt of the popular idolatry than Terah and Nachor. For why is it said that the fathers of the people served strange gods, and that Abraham was rescued from the country, but just to shew how the free mercy of God was displayed in their very origin ? Had Abraham been unlike the rest of his countrymen, his own piety would distinguish him. The opposite, however, is expressly mentioned to sliew that he had no peculiar excellence of his own which could diminish the grace bestowed upon him, and that therefore liis poste- rity behoved to acknowledge that when he was lost, he was raised up from death unto life.
It seems almost an incredible and monstrous thing, that while Noah was yet alive, idolatry liad not only spread everywhere over the world, but even j^enetrated into the
' One of the fables here alhided to is, tliat Terah was not only a wor- shipper but a maker of idols, and that Abraham, convinced of the absurdity of idolatrous worship, destroyed all his father's idols. After doing so lie laboured to convince his father of the propriety of his conduct by a series of arguments which are gravely recorded, but not having succeeded in his pious endeavours, was forced to flee, and thus became a wanderer. — Ed.
CHAP. XXIV. 4. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 273
family of Shem, in which at least, a purer religion ought to have flourished. How insane and indomitable human infa- tuation is in this respect, is proved by the fact that the holy Patriarch, on whom the divine blessing had been specially bestowed, was unable to curb his posterity, and prevent them from abandoning the true God, and prostituting themselves to superstition.
3. And I took your father Abraham, &c. This expression gives additional confirmation to what I lately shewed, that Abraham did not emerge from profound ignorance and the abyss of error by his own virtue, but was drawn out by the hand of God. For it is not said that he sought God of his own accord, but that he was taken by God and transported elsewhere. Joshua then enlarges on the divine kindness in miraculously preserving Abraham safe during his long pil- grimage. What follows, however, begets some doubt, namely, that God multiplied the seed of Abraham, and yet gave him only Isaac, because no mention is made of any but him. But this comparison illustrates the singular grace of God towards them in that, while the offspring of Abraham was otherwise numerous, their ancestor alone held the place of lawful heir. In the same sense it is immediately added, that while Esau and Jacob were brothers and twins, one of the two was retained and the other passed over. We see, there- fore, why as well in the case of Ishmael and his brother as in that of Esau, he loudly extols the divine mercy and good- ness towards Jacob, just as if he were saying, that his race did not excel others in any respect except in that of being specially selected by God.
4. But Jacob and his children went down, &c. After mentioning the rejection of Esau, he proceeds to state how Jacob went down into Egypt, and though he confines him- self to a single expression, it is one which indicates the large and exuberant and clear manifestation of the paternal favour of God. It cannot be doubted, that although the sacred his- torian does not speak in lofty terms of each miracle per- formed, Joshua gave the people such a summary exposition of their deliverance as might suffice. First, he points to the miracles performed in Egypt ; next, he celebrates the passage
s
27-i COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIV. 8.
of the Red Sea, where God gave them the aid of his inesti- mable power ; and thirdly, he reminds them of the period during which thej wandered in the desert.
8. And I brought you into the land, &c. He at 4ength begins to discourse of the victories which opened a way for the occupation of their settlements. For although the country beyond the Jordan had not been promised as part of the inheritance, yet, as God, by his decree, joined it to the land of Canaan as a cumulative expression of his bounty, Joshua, not without cause, connects it with the other in com- mending the divine liberality towards the people, and declares, not merely that trusting to divine aid, they had proved superior in arms and strength, but had also been protected from the fatal snares which Balak had laid for them. For although the impostor Balaam was not able to effect anything by his curses and imprecations, it was, how- ever, very profitable to observe the admirable power of God displayed in defeating his malice. For it was just as if he had come to close quarters, and warred with everything that could injure them.
The more firmly to persuade them that they had overcome not merely by the guidance of God, but solely by his power, he repeats what we read in the books of Moses, (Deut. vii. 20,) that hornets were sent to rout the enemy without human liand. This was a more striking miracle than if they had been routed, put to flight, and scattered in any other way. For those who, contrary to expectation, gain a victory without any difficulty, although they confess that the pros- perous issue of the war is the gift of God, immediately allow themselves to become blinded by pride, and transfer the praise to their own wisdom, activity, and valour. But when the thing is eff'ected by hornets, the divine agency is indu- bitably asserted. Accordingly, the conclusion is, that the people did not acquire the land by their own sword or bow, a conclusion repeated in the 44th Psalm, and apparently borrowed from the passage here. Lastly, after reminding them that they ate the fruits provided by otlier men's labours, he exhorts them to love God as his beneficence deserves.
CHAP. XXIV.
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
275
15. And if it seem evil unto you to serve the Lord, choose you this day whom ye will serve ; whether the gods which your fathers served, that were on tlie other side of the flood, or the gods of the Amorites, in Avhose land ye dwell : but as for me and my house, we will serve the Lord.
16. And the people answered and said, God forbid that we should forsake the Lord, to serve other gods;
17. For the Lord our God, he it is that brought us up and our fathers out of the land of Egypt, from the house of bondage, and which did those great signs in our sight, and preserved us in all the way wherein we went, and among all the people through whom we passed :
18. And the Lord drave out from before us all the people, even the Amorites which dwelt in the land : therefore will we also serve the Lord; for he is our God.
19. And Joshua said unto the people. Ye cannot serve the Lord : for he is an holy God ; he is a jeal- ous God; he will not forgive your transgressions nor your sins.
20. If ye forsake the Lord, and serve strange gods, then he will tiun and do you hurt, and consume you, after that he hath done you good.
21. And the people said unto Joshua, Nay ; but we will serve the Lord.
22. And Joshua said unto the people. Ye are witnesses against yourselves, that ye have chosen you the Lord, to serve him. And they said, We are witnesses.
23. Now therefore put away (said he) the strange gods which are among you, and incline your heart imto the Lord God of Israel.
15. Quod si molestum est^ vobis servire Jehovse, eligite vobis hodie quos colatis : sive deos, quibus ser- vierunt patres vestri, qui fuerunt trans flumen, sive deos^morrhsei, in quorum habitatis terra : ego vero, et domus mea colemus Jehovam.
16. Cui respondit populus, dicens, Absit a nobis ut derehnquamus Je- hovam, serviendo diis alienis.
17. Jehova enim Deus noster ipse est qui eduxit nos et patres nostros e terra J^^gypti, e domo servorum,^ et qui fecit in ocidis nostris signa ista magna : servavitque nos in omni via per quam ambulavimus, et in omni- bus populis per quormn transivimus medium.
18. Expulitque Jehova oranes populos, atque adeo ^morrhaeum liabitatorem terrse a facie nostra : etiam nos serviemus Jehovse, quia ipse est Deus noster.
19. Dixitque Josue ad populum, Non poteritis servire Jehovse, quia Deus sanctus est, Deus seniulator est : non parcet sceleribus vestris, atque peccatis vestris.
20. Si dereliqueritis Jehovam, et servieritis deo alieno, convertet se, et malefaciet vobis, consumetque vos, postquam benefecerit vobis.
21. Cui respondit populus, Ne- quaquam : sed Jehovse serviemus.
22. Dixitque Josue ad populum. Testes estis contra vos quod vos ele- geritis vobis Jehovam ut illi ser\iatis. Et dixerunt. Testes.'
23. Nunc ergo auferte deos alie- nos, qui simt in medio vestri, et in- clinate cor vestrum ad Jehovam Deimi Israel.
' Literally, " And if it be evil in your eyes." This differs little from the English version, " And if it seem evil unto you," and is preferable both to Calvin's Latin, "Quod si molestum est," "But if it is irksome;" and to the Septuagint, e; Ss /ah dpia-xu iifi7v, " If it is not pleasing to you." The last is exactly followed by Luther, " @cfal(t eS cud; abex mdjt." — Ed.
^ The Septuagint omits the words "from the house of bondage." — Ed. The Septuagint omits the response of the people. — Ed.
276 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIV. 15.
24. And the people said unto 24. Cui respondit populus, Je- Josliua, The Lord our God Avill we hovse Deo nostro serviemus, et voci serve, and his voice will we obey. ejus obediemus.
15. A7id if it seem evil unto you, &c. It seems here as if Joshua were paying little regard to what becomes an honest and right-hearted leader. If the people had forsaken God and gone after idols, it was his duty to inflict punishment on their impious and abominable revolt. But now, by giving them the option to serve God or not, just as they choose, he loosens the reins, and gives them license to rush audaciously into sin. What follows is still more absurd, when he tells them that they cannot serve the Lord, as if he were actually desirous of set purpose to impel them to shake off the yoke. But there is no doubt that his tongue was guided by the in- spiration of the Spirit, in stirring up and disclosing their feelings. For when the Lord brings men under his autho- rity, they are usually willing enough to profess zeal for piety, though they instantly fall away from it. Thus they build without a foundation. This happens because they neither distrust their own weakness so much as they ought, nor con- sider how difficult it is to bind themselves wholly to the Lord. There is need, therefore, of serious examination, lest we be carried aloft by some giddy movement, and so fail of success in our very first attempts.^ With this design, Joshua, by way of probation, emancipates the Jews, making them, as it were, their own masters, and free to choose what God they are willing to serve, not with the view of withdrawing them from the true religion, as tliey were already too much inclined to do, but to prevent them from making incon- siderate promises, which they would shortly after violate. For the real object of Joshua was, as we shall see, to renew and confirm the covenant which had already been made with God. Not without cause, therefore, does he give them free- dom of choice, that they may not afterwards pretend to have been under compulsion, when they bound themselves by their
' Latin, " Atque ita inter primos conatus nos successus destituet." French, " Et qu'ainsi enfre les premiers efforts nous nous trouvions n'estre pas bien fournis pour rencontrer ainsi qu'il faut, et tenir bon ;" " And that thus among the first efforts we may find ourselves not well fur- nished for encountering as is meet, and standing firm." — Ed.
CHAP.XXIV. 10. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 277
own consent. Meanwliile, to impress them with a feeling of shame, he declares that he and his house will jjersevere in the worship of God.
16. And the people answei'ed and said, &c. Here we see lie had no reason to repent of the option given, when the people, not swearing in the words of another, nor obse- quiously submitting to extraneous dictation, declare that it would be an impious thing to revolt from God. And thus it tends, in no small degree, to confirm the covenant, when the people voluntarily lay the law upon themselves. The substance of the answer is, that since the Lord has, by a wonderful redemption, purchased them for himself as a peculiar peoj^le, has constantly lent them his aid, and shewn that he is among them as their God, it would be detestable ingratitude to reject him and revolt to other gods.
19. And JosJaia said unto the p)eople, &c. Here Joshua seems to act altogether absurdly in crushing the prompt and alert zeal of the people, by suggesting ground of alarm. For to what end does he insist that they cannot serve the Lord, unless it be to make them, from a sense of their utter power- lessness, to give themselves up to despair, and thus neces- sarily become estranged from the fear of God. It was necessary, however, to employ this harsh mode of obtesta- tion, in order to rouse a sluggish peoj)le, rendered more lethargic by security. And we see that the exjiedient did not fail to obtain, at least, a momentary success. Por they neither despond nor become more slothful, but, surmounting the obstacle, answer intrepidl}'' that they will be constant in the performance of duty.
In short, Joshua does not deter them from serving God, but only exi^lains how refractory and disobedient they are, in order that they may learn to change their temper. So Moses, in his song, (Dcut. xxxii.,) vrhen he seems to make a divorce between God and the people, does nothing else than prick and whet them, that they may hasten to change for the better. Joshua, indeed, argues absolutely from the nature of God ; but what he specially aims at is the perverse be- haviour and untamed obstinacy of the people. He declares that Jehovah is a holy and a jealous God. This, certainly,
278 COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. CHAP, XXIV. 2o.
should not by any means prevent men from worshipping him ; but it follows from it that impure, wicked, and profane despisers, who have no religion, provoke his anger, and can have no intercourse with him, for they will feel him to be implacable. And when it is said that he will not sjiare their wickedness, no general rule is laid down, but the discourse is directed, as often elsewhere, against their disobedient temper. It does not refer to faults in general, or to special faults, but is confined to gross denial of God, as the next verse demonstrates. The people, accordingly, answer the more readily,^ that they will serve the Lord.
22. And Joshua said unto the peoi^le, &c. We now under- stand what the object was at which Joshua had hitherto aimed. It was not to terrify the people and make them fall away from their religion, but to make the obligation more sacred by their having of their own accord chosen his govern- ment, and betaken themselves to his guidance, that they might live under his protection. They acknowledge, there- fore, that their own conscience will accuse them, and hold them guilty of perfidy, if they prove unfaithful.^ But although they were not insincere in declaring that they Avould be witnesses to their own condemnation, still how easily the remembrance of this promise faded away, is obvious from the Book of Judges. For when the more aged among them had died, they quickly turned aside to various superstitions. By this example we are tauglit how multi- farious are the fallacies which occui^y the senses of men, and how tortuous the recesses in which they hide their liypocrisy and folly, while they deceive themselves by vain confidence.^
23. Now, therefore, put away the strange gods, &c. How
' Latin, " Liberius." French, " Plus liardiment et franchement ;" " More boldly and frankly." — Ed.
2 French, " Leur propre conscience les redarguera comme coulpables et conveincus de desloyaute, et d'avoir fausse leur foy, s'ils ne tiennent leur proniesse ;" " Their own conscience will condemn them as guilty and con- victed of disloyalty, and as having broken their faith, if they do not keep their promise." — Ed.
' The French adds, " Comme s'il n'y avoit rien a redire en eux ;" '• As if there was nothing to gainsay in them." — Ed.
CHAP. XXIV. 23. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 279
can it bo that those who were lately such stern avengers of superstition, have themselves given admission to idols ? Yet the words expressly enjoin that they are to put aAvay strange gods from the midst of them. If we interpret that their own liouses were still polluted by idols, we may see, as in a bright mirror, how complacently the greater part of mankind can indulge in vices Avhich they prosecute with inexorable severity in others. But, as I do not think it probable that they dared, after the execution of Achan, to pollute them- selves with manifest sacrilege, I am inclined to think that re- ference is made not to their practice but to their inclinations, and that they are told to put all ideas of false gods far away from them. For he liad previously exhorted them in this same chapter to take away the gods whom their fathers had served beyond the river and in Egypt. But nobody will suppose that the idols of Chaldea were treasured up in their repositories, or that they had brought impure deities with them from Egypt, to be a cause of hostility between God and themselves. The meaning, therefore, simply is, that they are to renounce all idols, and clear themselves of all pro- fanity, in order that they may purely worship God alone.^ This seems to be the purport of the clause, incline your heart unto the Lord, which may be taken as equivalent to, rest in him, and so give up your heart to the love of hiin, as to delight and be contented only with him.
25. So Joshua made a covenant 25. Percussit itaque Josue foedus with the people that day, and set euro populo in die ilia : et proposuit ei them a statute and an ordinance in prpeceptuin et judicium in Sechem.^ Shechem.
26. And Joshua wrote these words 26. Scripsit Josue verba ista in in the book of the law of God, and libro Legis Dei : tulit quoque lapi- took a great stone, and set it up there dem magnum, statuitque eum ibi under an oak that tvas by the sane- subter quercum, quae erat in sanctu- tuary of the Lord. ario Jehovai.
' The words meaning literally, " The gods which are in the midst of you,' Avould rather seem to indicate that even at this time some of the Israelites were addicted to the secret practice of idolatry. — Ed.
- The Septuagint says, " In Shiloh, before the tabernacle of the God of Israel;" and some expositors, induced by this and other considerations, labour, though with little plausibility, to shew that the whole transaction here recorded took place at Shiloh, and that the name of Shechem is not here given to the town of that name, but to a district so large, that even Shiloh Avas included in it. — Ed.
280
COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA.
CHAP. XXIV. 25.
27 . And Joshua said unto all the people, Behold, this stone shall be a ■witness unto us ; for it hath heard all the words of the Lord which he spake unto us : it shall be therefore a wit- ness unto you, lest ye deny your God.
28. So Joshua let the people de- part, every man unto his inheri- tance.
29. And it came to pass after these things, that Joshua the son of Nun, the servant of the Lord, died, being an hundred and ten years old.
30. And they bm-ied him in the border of his inheritance in Tim- nath-serah, which is in mount Eph- raim, on the north side of the hill of Gaash.
31. And Israel served the Lord all the days of Joshua, and all the days of the elders that overlived Joshua, and which had known all the works of the Lord, that he had done for Israel.
32. And the bones of Joseph, which the children of Israel brought up out of Egypt, buried they in Shechem, in a parcel of groimd ■which Jacob bought of the sons of Hamor, the father of Shechem, for an hundred pieces of silver : and it became the inheritance of the chil- dren of Joseph.
33. And Eleazar the son of Aaron died ; and they buried him in a hill that pertained to Phinehas his son, Avhich was given him in momit Ephraim.
25. So Joshua made a covenant, &c. This passage demon- strates the end for which the meeting had been called, namely, to bind the people more completely and more solemnly to God, by the renewal of the covenant. There- fore, in this agreement, Joshua acted as if he had been
27. Dixitque Josue ad imiversum populum, En lapis iste erit nobis in testimoniiun : ipse enini audivit om- nia verba Jehovte quse loquutus est nobiscum, eritque contra vos in tes- timonium, ne forte mentiamini con- tra Deum vestrum.
28. Remisitque Josue populum, quemlibet in hajreditatem suam.
29. His autem gestis, mortuus est Josue filius Nun servus Jehovse cen- tum et decem annorum.^
30. Sepeheruntque eum in ter- mino hsereditatis ejus in Thimnat- serah, quae est in nionte Ephraim ad aquilonem montis Gaas.
31. Servivitque Israel Jehovse cunctis diebus Josue, cunctisque tlie- bus seniorum qui diu vixerunt post Josue, quique noverant omne opus Jehovse quod fecerat ipsi Israel.
32. Ossa autem Joseph qua; de- tulerant filii Israel ex .^gypto, sepe- lierunt in Sechem, in parte agri quam acquisierat Jacob a filiis Ha- mor patris Sechem centum nummis, et fuerunt filiis Joseph in possessione
33. Porro Eleazar filius Aharon mortuus est, et sepelierunt eum in Gibeath Phinees filii ejus, qui datus fuit illi in monte Ephraim.
' The Septuagint here transposes the 29th and 31st verses, and to the end of the 29th verse, thus made its 31st, appends the singular statement that they deposited, within the tomb which they erected for him there, the stone knives with which he circumcised the children of Israel at Gilgal, Avhcn he brought them out of Egypt, as the Lord commanded them; and there they are at this day. — Ed.
CHAP. XXIV. 26. COMMENTAllY ON JOSHUA. 2S1
appointed on the part of God to receive in his name the homage and obedience promised by the people. It is accord- ingly added, exegetically, in the second clause, that he set before them precept and judgment. For the meaning is cor- rupted and wrested by some expositors, who explain it as referring to some new si^eech of Joshua, whereas it ought properly to be understood of the Law of Moses, as if it had been said that Joshua made no other paction tlian that they should remain steadfast in observing the Law, and that no other heads of the covenant were brought forward ; they were only confirmed in that doctrine which they had formerly embraced and professed. In the same way, Malachi, to keep them under the yoke of God, demands notliing more than that they should remember the Law of Moses. (Mai. iv. 4.)
26. And Joshua wrote these words, &c. Understand that authentic volume which was kept near the ark of the cove- nant, as if it contained public records deposited for perpetual remembrance. And there is no doubt that when the Law was read, the promulgation of this covenant was also added. But as it often happens, that that which is written remains concealed in unopened books,! another aid is given to the memory, one which should always be exposed to the eye, namely, the stone under the ark, near the sanctuary. Not that the perpetual station of the ark was there, but because it had been placed there, in order that they might appear in the presence of God. Therefore, as often as they came into his presence, the testimony or memorial of the covenant which had been struck was in their view, that they might be the better kept in the faith.
Joshua's exj^ression, that the stone heard the words, is indeed hyperbolical, but is not inapt to express the efficacy and power of the divine word, as if it had been said that it pierces inanimate rocks and stones ; so that if men are deaf, their condenmation is echoed in all the elements. To lie is here used, as it frequently is elsewhere, for acting cunningly and deceitfully, for frustrating and violating a promise that
' The French adds, " Et on le laisse la dormir ;" " And it is left to sleep there." — Ed.
282 COMMENTAKY ON JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIV. o2.
has been given. Who woukl not suppose that a covenant so well established would be firm and sacred to posterity for many ages ? But all that Joshua gained by his very great anxiety was to secure its rigorous observance for a few years.
29. And it came to pass after these things, &c. The honour of sepulture was a mark of reverence, which of itself bore testimony to the aflectionate regard of the people. But neither this reverence nor affection was deeply rooted. The title by which Joshua is distinguished after his death, when he is called the servant of the Lord, took away all excuse from those miserable and abandoned men who shortly after spurned the Lord, who had worked wonders among them. Accordingly, attention is indirectly drawn to their incon- stancy, when it is said that they served the Lord while Joshua survived, and till the more aged had died out. For there is a tacit antithesis, implying lapse and alienation, when they were suddenly seized with a forgetfulness of the Divine favours. It is not strange, therefore, if, in the pre- sent day also, when God furnishes any of his servants with distinguished and excellent gifts, their authority protects and preserves the order and state of the Church ; but when they are dead, sad havoc instantly commences, and hidden impiety breaks forth with unbridled license.^
32. And the hones of Joseph, &c. The time when the bones of Joseph were buried is not mentioned ; but it is easy to infer that the Israelites had performed this duty after they obtained a peaceful habitation in the city of Shechem. For although he had not designated a particular place for a sepulchre, they thought it a mark of respect to deposit his bones in the field which Jacob had purchased. It may be, however, that this is expressed as a censure on the sluggish- ness of the people, to which it was owing, that Joseph could not be buried with Abraham, that locality being still in the
' When these words were penned, the venerable writer, though it could scarcely be said of him that he was, like Joshua, " old and stricken in age," was, however, like him, visibly " going the way of all the earth." In such circumstances, can we doubt, that these words contain a presentiment of the fearful decline which, after his own death, was to take place in the Church of Geneva ? — Ed.
CHAP. XXIV. 82. COMMENTARY ON JOSHUA. 283
power of the enemy. Stephen (Acts vii.) mentions the bones of the twelve patriarchs, and it is not impossible that the other tribes, from feelings of emulation, gathered together the ashes of their progenitors. It is there said that the field was purchased by Abraham ; but obviously an error in the name has crept in. With regard to sepulture, we must hold in general, that the very frequent mention of it in Scripture is owing to its being a symbol of the future Resurrection.
END OF THE COMMENTARY ON THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.
A TRANSLATION OF CALVIN'S VERSION
THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.
CHAPTER I.
1. And it came to pass after the death of Moses, that Jehovah addressed Joshua, saying, —
2. Moses my servant is dead : now therefore rise, pass over this Jordan, thou, and all this people, to the land which I give to them, namely, to the children of Israel.
3. Every place which the sole of your foot shall have trod upon, I have given to you ; as I said to Moses,
4. From the desert and that Lebanon, even to the great sea, the river Euphrates, the whole land of the Hittites, even to the great sea toward the setting of the sun, will be your boundary.
5. No one shall stand before thee all the days of thy life ; be- cause as I was with Moses, so will I be with thee : I will not desert nor forsake thee.
6. Be firm therefore and strong ; for thou shalt divide to this people as an inheritance the land which I swore to their fathers that I would give them.
7. Only be firm and strong exceedingly ; that thou mayest keep and do according to the whole law which Moses my servant com- manded thee : thou shalt not draw back to the I'iglit hand or to the left, that thou mayest act prudently [or prosperously) in all things.
8. Let not the book of this law depart from thy mouth ; but meditate in it day and night, that thou mayest keep and do accord- ing to all which has been written in it. For then shalt thou render thy ways prosperous, and then shalt thou act prudently.
9. Have not I commanded thee to make thyself firm and strong ? Fear not, nor be dispirited ; since I, Jehovah thy God, am with thee in all the places to which thou goest.
10. Then Joshua commanded the prefects of the people, say- ing,—
11. Pass through the midst of the camp, and command the people, saying. Make ready provision for yourselves ; for after three
CHAP. II. 1-7. NEW TRANSLATION OF JOSHUA. 285
clays shall ye pass over this Jordan, that ye may enter and possess the laud, which Jehovah your God giveth you to possess.
12. And to the Reubenites, and Gadites, and half-tribe of Ma- nasseli, spake Joshua, saying, —
13. Eemember the word which Moses, the servant of Jehovah, commanded you, saying, Jehovah your God hath rendered you quiet, and hath given you this land :
14. Your wives, your little ones, and your flocks will remain in the land which Moses has given you beyond the Jordan ; but you, as many of you as are men of war, will pass over armed before your brethren, and assist them,
15. Until Jehovah shall have given rest to your brethren as to you ; and they, too, possess the land which Jehovah your God giveth to them ; and then shall ye return to the land of your in- heritance, and possess that which Moses, the servant of Jehovah, gave you beyond Jordan toward the rising of the sun.
16. Then they answered Joshua, saying. All things which thou hast commanded us will we do, and to all places to which thou shalt send us, will we go.
17. As in all things we obeyed Moses, so will we obey thee ; only let Jehovah thy God be with thee as he was with Moses.
18. Whoever he shall be that shall rebel against thy mouth, and shall not acquiesce in thy words in all the things which thou shalt command him, let him be put to death. Only be thou firm and strong.
CHAPTER II.
1. Now, Joshua, the son of Nun, had sent from Sittim two men as spies secretly, saying : Go, examine the land and Jericho. They accordingly set out and entered the house of a woman, a harlot, whose name was Rahab, and slept there.
2. And it was told to the king of Jericho, Behold, men of the children of Israel have come hither to-night to spy out the land.
3. Then the king of Jericho sent to Rahab, saying. Bring out the men who have gone in to thee, who have come to thy house ; for they have come to spy out the whole land.
4. Now the woman had taken the two men and hidden them. Then she says. The men, indeed, came to me, but I knew not whence they were.
5. And it was when the gate was shut in the darkness that the men went out, and I know not whither they went. Follow them quickly, for you shall apprehend them.
6. Now she had caused them to go up upon the roof, and had hidden them under stalks of flax, arranged by her on the roof.
7. And the men pursued them by the way of the Jordan, even to the fords ; they, moreover, shut the gate as soon as those who pursued them went out.
286 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. II. 8-23.
8. But before they were asleep, she herself went up on the roof to them.
9. And she says to the men, I know that Jehovah has given you the land, inasmuch as your terror has fallen upon us, and all the inhabitants of the land have melted at your presence.
10. For we heard how the Lord dried up the waters of the sea of Suph (the Ked Sea) from before you when you went out from Egypt ; and what things ye did to the two kings of the Amorite, who were beyond Jordan, Sihon and Og, whom ye slew.
11. We heard, and our heart was melted, neither had we any more spirit before you. For Jehovah your God is God in heaven above and on the earth beneath.
12. Now therefore swear unto me, I pray, by Jehovah, (for I have dealt mercifully with you,) that you will also deal mercifully with the house of my father, and give me a true sign,
13. That you will save alive my father, and my mother, and my brothers, and my sisters, and all who are theirs, and will rescue our souls from death.
14. The men said unto lier, Our life for you luito death ; only you will not betray this our conversation ; then it will be that when Jehovah shall have delivered the land to us, we will deal truly and mercifully with you.
■15. She therefore let them down through the window by a rope ; for her house was in the building of the wall, and she herself dwelt on the wall.
16. And she said to them, Hasten to the mountain, lest per- chance those who are pursuing fall in with you, and keep lurking there for three days, till those who are pursuing return, and after- wards you will go on your way.
17. Then the men said to her. We shall be blameless from this your oath by which you have bound us.
18. Behold, Avhen we shall enter the land, you will bind this line of purple thread in the window by which you have let us down ; moreover, you will assemble in the house with you, your father, and your mother, and all the family of your father.
19. And it shall be that whoever shall go outside beyond the doors of the house, his blood shall be upon his head, but we shall be blameless ; and whoever shall be with you, his blood shall be upon our head, if a hand be laid upon him.
20. But if you shall betray this our conversation, we shall be free from the oath by which you have bound us.
21. She answered. As you have spoken, so be it. Then she sent them away, and they departed ; and she bound the scarlet thread in the window.
22. Having set out, they came to the moxmtain, and remained there three days, till the return of those who had pursued, who searched over the wdiole way, and did not find them.
23. Those two, therefore, returning after they came down from
CHAP. III. 1-14. BOOK or JOSHUA. 287
tlie mountain, passed over and came to Joshua the son of Nun, and related to him whatever things had happened to them.
24. And they said to Joshua, Jehovah has delivered the whole land into our hands. For all the inhabitants of the land have be- come melted before our face.
CHAPTER III.
1. And Joshua rose up very early in the morning, and he and all the children of Isi-ael set out from Sittim, and came as far as the Jordan, and passed the night there before crossing.
2. And it was at the end of three days, and the prefects passed through the midst of the camp,
3. And commanded the people, saying, When you see the ark of the covenant of Jehovah your God, and the priests bearing it, you shall set out from your place, and go after it.
4. Nevertheless, between it and you there will be an interval of about two thousand cubits in length : do not approach it that you may know the way by which you are to go. For you have not passed by that way yesterday or the day before yesterday.
5. Now Joshua had said to the people, Sanctify [or Prepare) yourselves : for to-morrow Jehovah will do wonders in the midst of you.
6. And Joshua spake to the priests, saying, Take up the ark of the covenant, and pass before the people. They accordingly bare the ark of the covenant, and walked before the people.
7. Now Jehovah had said to Joshua, To-day will I begin to magnify thee in the eyes of all Israel, that they may know that in the same way as I was with Moses will I be with thee.
8. Thou, therefore, wilt command the priests bearing the ark of the covenant, saying. When ye shall have gone in as far as the extremity (outer edge) of the water of the Jordan, ye shall stand in the Jordan.
9. And Joshua said to the children of Israel, Come hither, and hear the words of Jehovah your God.
10. Joshua likewise said. Hereby shall ye know that there is a living God in the midst of you, and that he will thoroughly drive out before you the Canaanite, the Hittite, and the Hivite, and the Perizzite, and the Girgashite, and the Amorite, and the Jebusite.
] 1. Behold the ark of the covenant of the ruler of the whole earth will pass before you through the Jordan.
12. Now, therefore, select for you twelve men from the tribes of Israel, one for each tribe.
13. And when the soles of the feet of the priests bearing the ark of Jehovah, the ruler of the whole earth, shall have rested in the waters of the Jordan, the waters of the Jordan will be cut off, and the waters flowing from above shall stand in one heap.
14. And it was that when the people set out to cross the Jordan, the piiests who bore the ark of the covenant were before the people.
288 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. IV. 1-10.
15. And after those who bare the ark came even to the Jordan, and the feet of the priests bearing the ark were dii)ped in the ex- tremity of the waters, (now the Jordan was full beyond all his banks the whole time of harvest,)
16. The waters which descended from above stood, and rose up into one heap very far, from the city Adam which is at the side of Sarthan, and those which descended to the sea of the desert, the sea of salt, were consumed, were cut off: and the people crossed over against Jericho.
17. And the priests bearing the ark of the covenant of the Lord stood unencumbered [or prepared) on dry ground in the midst of the Jordan, while all Israel crossed through dry ground, until the whole people made an end of passing the Jordan.
CHAPTER IV.
1. And it was after the whole people made an end of passing the Jordan ; because Jehovah had spoken to Joshua, saying,
2. Take for you from the people twelve men, one man from each tribe ;
3. And command them, saying, Take for you hence out of the midst of the Jordan, from the place where the feet of the unencum- bered priests stand, twelve stones which ye shall carry with you, and deposit in the place where you shall remain this night.
4. Then Joshua called the twelve men whom he had appointed out of the children of Israel, one from each tribe.
5. And Joshua said to them, Pass before the ark of Jehovah your God through the midst of the Jordan, and let every one of you take up one stone upon his shoulder, according to the number of the tribes of the children of Israel.
6. That it may be among you, [Hebrew^ in the midst of you,) when your children shall to-morrow ask their fathers, What are those stones beside you ?
7. Then ye may answer them. When the waters of the Jordan were cut off before the ark of the covenant of Jehovah, when, I say, it was crossing the Jordan, and the waters of the Jordan were cut off, then were those stones made to be a memorial to the children of Israel for ever.
8. The children of Israel accordingly did as Joshua had com- manded, and took up twelve stones out of the middle of the Jordan, as Jehovah had spoken to Joshua, according to the number of the tribes of the children of Israel, and they brought them with them to the place where they passed the night, and laid them down there.
9. Joshua also erected twelve stones in the middle of the Jordan under the station of the feet of the priests who were carrying the ark of the covenant, and they have remained there even to this day.
10. And the priests, bearing the ark, kept standing in the midst
CHAP. V. I, BOOK OF JOSHUA. 289
of the Jordan, till all the speech which Jehovah had commanded Joshua to speak to the people was finished ; exactly as Moses had commanded Joshua himself : but the people made haste in passing.
11. And when the whole people had made an end of passing, the ark of Jehovah passed, and the priests in presence of the people.
12. The children of Reuben, and the children of Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh also passed over armed before the children of Israel ; in like manner as Moses had spoken to them.
13. Forty thousand armed men passed over in presence of Jeho- vah to battle to the plains of Jericho.
14. On that day Jehovah magnified Joshua in the eyes of all Israel, and they feared him just as they had feared Moses all the days of his life.
15. And Jehovah spake unto Joshua, saying,
16. Command the priests bearing the ark of the testimony to ascend from the Jordan.
17. And Joshua commanded the priests, saying, Ascend from the Jordan.
18. Moreover, when the priests, bearing the ark of the covenant of Jehovah, had ascended from the midst of the Jordan, and the soles of the feet of the priests were transferred to the dry land, the waters of the Jordan returned to their place, and they flowed as yesterday and the day before yesterday above all its banks.
19. Now the people ascended from the Jordan on the tenth day of the first month, and encamped in Gilgal in the east district of Jericho.
20. And the twelve stones which they had brought out of the Jordan, Joshua placed in Gilgal.
21. And he spake to the children of Israel, saying, When your sons shall to-morrow ask their sons, saying, What mean those stones ?
22. You shall explain to your sons, saying, Israel passed through the dry land across that Jordan :
23. Since Jehovah your God dried the waters of Jordan from before your face until you passed over ; in like manner as Jehovah your God did to the Red Sea, which he dried up from before oiu- face till we passed over;
24. That all the nations of the earth may recognise the hand of Jehovah, how mighty he is ; that you may, during all days, fear Jehovah your God.
CHAPTER V.
1. And it was when all the Amorite kings who were beyond the Jordan, on the west, and all the Canaanitish kings who were near the sea, had heard that Jehovah had dried up the waters of the Jordan from before the children of Israel till they passed over, their heart was melted, and there was no longer any spirit in them before the children of Israel,
T
290 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. VI. 1.
2. At that time Jehovah said to Joshua, Make for thee sharp knives, and again circumcise the children of Israel the second time.
3. And Joshua made himself sharp knives, and circumcised the children of Israel on the hill of foreskins.
4. Now this is the reason why Joshua circumcised them. The whole people who had come out from Egypt, all the males, men of war, had died in the desert on the way after they had come out from Egypt.
5. For the whole people who came out had been circumcised, but the whole people who had been born in the desert on the way, after they had come out from Egypt, they had not circumcised.
6. For the children of Israel walked through the desert till the extinction of the whole race of the men of war, who had come out from Egypt, who had not listened to the voice of Jehovah, to whom Jehovah had sworn that he would not shew the land of which he had sworn to their fathers that he would give them — a land flowing with milk and honey.
7. Their sons accordingly whom he substituted in their place, Joshua circumcised, because they were uncircumcised ; for they had not circumcised them by the way.
8. And when the whole people were circumcised, they remained in their place in the camp till they were healed.
9. Jehovah said to Joshua, This day have I rolled off the re- proach of Egypt from you. And he called the name of that place Gilgal even to this day.
10. The children of Israel therefore encamped in Gilgal, and they kept the Passover on the fourteenth day of the month at even- ing in the plains of Jericho.
11. And they ate unfermented bread of the produce of the land, the day after the Passover, and cake on the very same day.
12. And the manna ceased the day after they ate of the corn of the country, nor had the children of Israel manna any longer, but they ate of the fruit of the land of Canaan that year.
13. And it happened when Joshua was at Jericho, that he lifted up his eyes and looked, and behold a man stood over against him, in whose hand was a drawn sword, and Joshua went to him, and said to him, Art thou on our side ? or art thou on our enemies' side ?
14. And he said, Nay, but I am prince of the army of Jehovah : I have now come. And Joshua fell on his face to the ground, and worshipped, and said to him. What saith my Lord to his servant ?
15. And the prince of the army of the Lord said to Joshua, Loose thy shoe from thy feet : for the place on which thou standest is holiness. And Joshua did so.
CHAPTEE VI.
1. And Jericho was closed, and was shut up because of the chil- dren of Israel, nor could any one go out or come in.
CHAP. VI. 2-17. BOOK or JOSHUA. 291
2. And Jeliovah said to Joshua, Behold, I have delivered into thy hand Jericho, and its king, and its men of valour.
3. Ye shall therefore compass the city, all the men of war, going round it once : thus shalt thou do six days.
4. Moreover, seven priests shall bear seven rams' horns before the ark : But on the seventh day ye shall compass the city seven times, and let the priests themselves sound with the trumpets.
5. And when they shall have prolonged the sound with the ram's horn, as soon as ye shall have heard the sound of the trumpet, the whole people will shout with a great shout, and the wall of the city will fall to pieces (under itself) : and the people will go up every one from his own place.
6. Accordingly Joshua the son of Nun called the priests, and said to them, Take up the ark of the covenant, and let seven pi"iests take seven trumpets of rams' horns in front of the ark of Jehovah.
7. He said also to the people, Pass over, and go round the city, and let every man armed go before the ark of the Lord.
8. And it was after Joshua spake to the people, seven priests bore seven trumpets of rams' horns, and passing over before the ark of Jehovah sounded with the trumpets. And the ark of the covenant of Jehovah followed them.
9. And every man armed went befcjre the priests sounding with the trumpets ; and he who brought up the rear followed the ark while going and sounding with the trumpets.
10. And Joshua had commanded the people, saying. Ye shall not shout, neither will ye let your voice be heard, neither will a word proceed from your mouth, until the day when I shall have said to you, Shout : then shall ye shout.
11. The ark of Jehovah therefore compassed the city, going round once, and they returned to the camp ; and they remained there.
12. Joshua rose again in the morning, and the priests bore the ark of Jehovah.
13. And seven priests bearing seven trumpets of ram's horn preceded the ark of Jehovah in going ; and they sounded with the trumpets. But he that was armed preceded them, and he who brought up the rear followed the ark of Jehovah in going, and in sounding with the trumpets.
14. They accordingly compassed the city on the second day an- other time, and returned to the camp ; thus did they six days.
15. But when the seventh day arrived, they rose up as soon as it was dawn, and they went round the city after the same manner seven times ; only on that day they went round the city seven times.
16. And on the seventh time when the priests sounded with the trumpets, Joshua said to the people. Shout, Jehovah has delivered you the city.
17. And the city will be anathema (set apart) to Jehovah, it and
292 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. VII. 1-3.
whatever things are in it ; only Rahab, the harlot, shall live, she and all who shall be at home with her ; because she concealed the messengers whom we sent.
18. Nevertheless, beware ye of the anathema, lest perhaps you touch something of the anathema, and take away of the anathema, and make the camp of Israel anathema, and trouble it.
19. But all the silver and gold, and the iron and brazen vessels, will be holiness to Jehovah ; they will go into Jehovah's treasury.
20. The people accordingly shouted after they sounded with the trumpets. For when the people had heard the noise of the trumpets, they shouted with a very great shout, and the wall fell down, and the people went up, every one from his place, and they took it.
21. And they destroyed all things which were in the city, from the man even to the woman, from the boy even to the old man, to the ox, and the sheep, and the ass, by tlie edge of the sword.
22. But to the two men who had explored the land Joshua said, Go into the house of the woman, the harlot, and thence lead out her and whatever she hath, as ye have sworn to her.
23. The spies, therefore, having gone in, led out Rahab, and her father, and her mother, and her brothers, and whatever she had, and led out her whole kindred, and placed them Avithout the camp of Israel.
24. But they consumed the city with fire, and every thing therein ; only the gold and silver, the brazen and iron vessels, they placed in the treasury of the house of Jehovah.
25. Therefore Rahab the harlot, and the house of her father, and whatever she had, Joshua caused to live ; and she dwelt in the midst of Israel even to this day, because she had concealed the messengers whom Joshua had sent to spy out Jericho.
26. And Joshua made an adjuration at that time, saying. Cursed before Jehovah be the man who shall rise to build that city Jericho. In his first-born shall he found it, and in his younger son shall he set up its gates.
27. And Jehovah was with Joshua, and his fame was in the whole land.
CHAPTER VII.
1. Now the children of Israel transgressed with transgression (grievously) in the anathema, inasmuch as Achan, son of Charmi, son of Zabdi, son of Zerah, of the tribe of Judah, took of the anathema ; and the wrath of Jehovah was kindled against the children of Israel.
2. Moreover, Joshua sent men from Jericho against Hai, which was near Bethaven to the east of Bethel, and he spake with them, saying. Go up and explore the land. The men accordingly went up and explored Hai.
3. And having returned to Joshua, they said to him, Let not the
CHAP. VII. 4-1 .9. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 293
whole people go up ; let about two thousand men, or about three thousand men go up, and they shall smite Hai.
4. About three thousand men therefore went up from the people, and they fled before the men of Hai.
5. And they smote about thirty-six men of them, and pursued them from the gate even to Sebarim, and smote them in the de- scent ; and thus the heart of the people was melted, and was like water.
6. Moreover, Joshua rent his clothes, and fell on his face to the ground before the ark of Jehovah even till evening, himself and the elders of Israel, and they put dust upon their head.
7. And Joshua said, Ah, ah ! Sovereign Jehovah, how is it that thou hast brought this people across the Jordan, that thou mightst deliver us into the hand of the Amorite, who will destroy us? Would that it had pleased us to remain in the desert beyond the Jordan !
8. 0 Lord, what shall I say after Israel turns his back before his enemies ?
9. And tlie Canaanite and all the inhabitants of the land will hear, and will turn against us, and will destroy our name from the earth ; and what wilt thou do to thy great name ?
10. Then Jehovah said to Joshua, Arise. Why is it that thou thus fallest upon thy face?
11. Israel hath sinned, and they have even transgressed my pac- tion which I enjoined upon them, and they have also taken of the anathema, and they have also stolen, and they have also lied, and they have also deposited it among their vessels.
12. Therefore the children of Israel have not been able to stand before their enemies ; they will turn their back before their enemies ; because they are in anathema, I will not continue to be with you, unless you destroy the anathema from the midst of you.
13. Arise, sanctify the people, and say, Sanctify yourselves against to-morrow ; for thus saith Jehovah, God of Israel, there is anathema in the midst of thee, Israel.
14. You shall therefore come near in the morning by your tribes ; and the tribe which Jehovah shall detect will come near by families ; and the family which Jehovah shall detect shall come near by houses ; and the house which Jehovah shall detect will come near by men.
15. And the man who shall be detected in the anathema, will be burnt with fire, himself and all things which are his, because he has transgressed the paction of Jehovah, and has done iniquity in Israel.
16. Joshua accordingly rose early in the morning, and caused Is- rael to draw near by their tribes, and the tribe of Judah was taken.
17. Then he put in the kindreds of Judah, and took the kin- dred of Zera ; then he put in the families of Zari by men, and the family of Zabdi was taken.
18. And he took his house by men, and Achan, son of Charmi, son of Zabdi, son of Zera, was taken.
19. Then said Joshua to Achan, My son, now give glory to
294 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. VIII. 1 -6
Jehovah, God of Israel, and make confession to him, and discover to me what thou hast done ; do not conceal it from me.
20. Achan replied to Joshna and says, Truly I have sinned to Jehovah God of Israel, and thus and thus have I done.
21. I saw among the spoils a good Babylonish cloak, and two hundred shekels of silver, and one wedge of gold, whose weight was fifty shekels, which I coveted and carried off; and, behold, they are hidden in the ground, in the midst of my tent, and the silver beneath.
22. Joshua therefore sent messengers, who ran to the tent ; be- hold it was hid in his tent, and the silver under it.
23. And they took them from the midst of the tent, and they brought them to Joshua, and to all the children of Israel, and placed them before Jehovah.
24. Joshua, therefore, taking Achan, the son of Zera, and the silver, and the cloak, and the golden wedge, and his sons, and his daughters, and his oxen, and his asses, and his flocks, and his tent, and all things which were his, and at the same time all Israel with him, led them down into the valley of Achor.
25. And Joshua said, Why hast thou troubled us? Jehovah trouble thee this day. And all Israel overwhelmed him with stones, and burnt them with fire aftei' they stoned them with stones.
26. And they placed over him a great heap of stones, even to this day, and Jehovah was turned fi'om his hot anger ; therefore they called the name of that place The valley of Achor, even to this day.
CHAPTER VIII.
1 . And Jehovah said to Joshua, Fear not, dread not ; take with thee all the men of war, and arise, go up to Hai. See, I have given into thy hand the king of Hai, and his people, his city, and his land.
2. And thou shalt do to Hai and its king, as thou hast done to Jericho and its king ; yet its spoil and animals you shall take to yourselves as booty. But place an ambuscade for the city in its rear.
3. Joshiia accordingly arose, and all the people of war, that they might go up against Hai ; and Joshua selected thirty thousand men of strength and valour, and sent them by night.
4. And he commanded them, saying. Give heed, you shall lay an ambuscade for the city in its rear ; do not remove far from it, but be all of you ready.
5. And I, and all the people who are with me, will draw near to the city ; and when they will come out to encounter us as formei'ly, we will flee before them.
6. Then they will come out after us, until we draw them away from the city ; for they will say, They flee before us as before ; and we will flee before them.
CHAP. VIII. 7-22. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 295
7. But you will rise from the ambush, and will drive out the in- habitants of the city, and Jehovah your God will deliver it into your hand.
8. When ye shall have taken the city, ye shall set it on fire ; according to the word of Jehovah shall ye do. See, I have com- manded you.
9. Joshua accordingly sent them, and they proceeded to the ambush, and remained between Bethel and Hai, on the west of Hai. But Joshua remained that night in the midst of the people.
10. Afterwards Joshua rose up very early, and reviewed the people, and went up, he and the elders of Israel, before the people toward Hai.
11. And all the men of war who were with him, went up and drew near, and came opposite to the city, and encamped on the north of Hai. And there was a valley between them and Hai.
12. And he brought besides about five thousand men, whom he placed in ambush between Bethel and Hai, on the west of the city.
13. And the people approached nearer to the whole camp which was on the north of the city, and their ambuscade was on the west of the city itself ; and Joshua proceeded that night into the midst of the valley.
14. Moreover, when the king of Hai saw, the men of the city hastened, and rose up early, and came out to meet Israel in battle, he and all his people, at the appointed time before the plains ; but he knew not that there was an ambuscade for him behind the city.
15. And they routed Joshua and all Israel before them, who fled by the way of the desert.
16. And the whole people who were in the city mustered to pur- sue them. And they pursued Joshua, and were drawn away from the city.
17. Nor did any one remain of Bethel and Hai who did not go out after Israel ; and they left the city open, and pursued Israel.
18. And Jehovah said to Joshua, Lift up the spear which is in thy hand against Hai, for I will give it into thy hand. And Joshua lifted up the spear which was in his hand against the city.
19. Then those in ambush rose suddenly from their place, and ran when he had lifted up his hand, and they came to the city, and took it, and hastened to set fire to the city.
20. And the men of Hai turning, saw, and lo, the smoke of the city was rising up to heaven, and they had no room to flee this way or that. And the people who had fled turned against their pursuers.
21. Joshua, therefore, and all Israel, when they saw that the ambuscade had taken the city, and the smoke of the city had ascended, returned and smote the men of Hai.
22. Those besides came out of the city to encounter them, and they were in the middle between Israel, part of whom were on this side and part on that. And they smote them, till not one remained who had survived and escaped.
296 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. IX. 1-S.
23. They also took tlie king of Hai alive, and placed him before Joshua.
24. And when the men of Israel had made an end of slaying all the inhabitants of Hai in the desert Avhither they had pursued them, and they had all fallen by the edge of the sword till they were consumed, all Israel returned to Hai, and smote it with the edge of the sword.
25. And the number of all who fell on that day, male and female, was about twelve thousand, all people of Hai.
26. Moreover, Joshua did not draw back his hand which he had raised to the spear, until he slew all the inhabitants of Hai.
27. Only the animals and the spoils of that city the children of Israel took to themselves for booty, according to the word of Jehovah, which Joshua had commanded them.
28. Joshua therefore burnt Hai, and made it an eternal heap, a devastation even to this day.
29. And he hung the king of Hai on a gibbet even until the time of evening ; and when the sun had gone down, Joshua com- manded, and they took down his corpse from the gibbet, and cast it forth at the entrance of the gate of the city, and placed over it a great heap of stones, even to this day.
30. Then Joshua built an altar to Jehovah the God of Israel in mount Ebal,
31. According as Moses, the servant of Jehovah, had commanded the children of Israel ; as it is written in the book of the law of Moses, an altar of entire stones, on which they had lifted an iron, and they sacrificed upon it holocausts to Jehovah, and they sacri- ficed victims of prosperity.
32. He also wrote there on stones a duplicate law of Moses, which he wrote in presence of the children of Israel.
33. And the whole of Israel, and their elders and prefects, and their judges, stood on this side and on that at the ark before the priests the Levites, bearing the ark of the covenant of Jehovah, as well the stranger as the native, half of them against mount Gari- zin, and half of them against mount Ebal, as Moses, the servant of Jehovah, had commanded, that he might first bless the people.
34. And after these things he read all the words of the law, bless- ing and cursing according to all that Avhich is written in the book of the law.
CHAPTER IX.
1. And when all the kings had heard, who were beyond Jordan in the mountain, and in the plain, and in the whole coast of the great sea from the region of Lebanon, the Hittite, Amorite, Canaan- ite, Perizzite, Hivite, and Jebusite,
2. They assembled together to fight with Joshua and Israel with one consent.
3. But the inhabitants of Gibeon hearing what Joshua had done to the city of Jericho and to Hai,
CHAP. IX. 4-20. BOOK of josiiua. 297
4. They too acted craftily. For they went away, and pretended that they were ambassadors, and brought old sacks on their asses, and wine-bladders, old, and broken, and bound up ;
5. And old and patched shoes on their feet, and old clothes upon them, and the whole bread for their journey was dry and musty.
6. They proceeded therefore to Joshua to the camp in Gilgal, and they said to him and to the men of Israel, We have come from a far country, now therefore make a covenant with us.
7. Then the men of Israel replied to the Hivite, Perhaps thou dwellest in the midst of me, and how shall I make a league with thee?
8. But they said to Joshua, We are thy servants. And Joshua says to them. Who are ye, and whence have ye come ?
9. They answered him. From a very far country have thy ser- vants come in the name of Jehovah thy God. For we have heard his fame, and what things he did in Egypt,
10. Likewise what things he did to the two Amorite kings, who were beyond Jordan, Sihon, king of Hesbon, and Og, king of Ba- san in Astaroth.
11. And our elders, and all the inhabitants of our land said to us, Take in your hand food for the journey, and go to meet them, and say to them, We are your servants, and now make a league with us.
12. That is our bread ; we brought it warm from our houses on the day on which we left to come to you, and now it is hard and dry.
13. And those are the wine-bladders, which we filled when new, and behold they are burst. And those our clothes, and our shoes have become worn by reason of the long journey.
14. The men therefore took of their victuals, and did not inquire at the mouth of Jehovah.
15. And Joshua made peace with them, and entered into a league with them, that they would permit them to live, and the princes of the congregation sware to them.
16. But three days after they had entered into covenant with them, they heard that they were their neighbours, and dwelt in the midst of them.
17. And the children of Israel set out and came to their cities on the third day. And their cities were Gibeon, Chephirat, Bee- roth, Ciriath-Jearim.
18. And the children of Israel did not smite them, because the princes of the congregation had sworn to them by Jehovah God of Israel ; and the whole congregation murmured against the princes.
19. Then all the princes said to all the congregation, We have sworn to them by Jehovah God of Israel, therefore we cannot now touch them.
20. This we will do to them, we will save them alive, lest wrath be against us because of the oath which we have sworn to them.
298 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. X. 1-8.
21. Therefore the princes said to them, Let them live, and hew wood, and dig water for the whole congregation, as all the princes have spoken to them.
22. Joshua therefore called them, and spake unto them, saying. How is it that you have deceived us, saying. We are very remote from you, seeing you dwell in the midst of us.
23. Now, therefore, are you cursed, and there shall never cease among you slaves, both hewing wood and digging water for the house of my God.
24. And they answered Joshua and said. When it was distinctly told (by telling it was told) to thy servants how Jehovah thy God had commanded Moses his servant to give you the land, and utterly destroy all the dwellers of the land from before you, we feared greatly for our lives from before you, and did that thing.
25. And now, behold, we are in thy hand ; as it please th, and as it is right in thy eyes to do to us, thou shalt do.
26. And he did to them thus, and delivered them in the hand of the children of Israel, and they did not slay them.
27. And Joshua, on that day, appointed them to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for the congregation, and for the altar of Jehovah, even to this day, in the place which he shall have chosen.
CHAPTER X.
1. When Adoni-zedec king of Jerusalem had heard that Joshua had taken Hai and destroyed it, (that as he had done to Jericho and its king, so had he done to Hai and its king,) and that the inhabit- ants of Gibeon had made peace with Israel, and were among them ;
2. Then they feared greatly, because Gibeon was a large city, (citizenship or territory,) as one of the Royal cities, inasmuch as it was greater than Hai, and all its men brave.
3. Therefore Adoni-zedec king of Jerusalem sent to Hoham king of Hebron, and to Piram king of Jarmuth, and to Japhiam king of Lachis, and to Debir king of Eglon, saying,
4. Come up to me, and bring reinforcements to me, that we may smite Gibeon who has made peace with Joshua, and the chil- dren of Israel.
5. Accordingly, the five Amorite kings, — the king of Jerusalem, the king of Hebron, the king of Jarmuth, the king of Lachis, the king of Eglon, they and all their armies assembled, and went up and encamped near Gibeon, and fought against it.
6. Therefore the men of Gibeon sent to Joshua to the camp in Gilgal, saying. Do not keep back thy hands from thy servants ; come up to us quickly, and save us, and assist us, for all the Amor- ite kings, dwelling in the mountain, have assembled against us.
7. Joshua therefore came up from Gilgal, he and all the people of war with him, all the men of might.
8. And Jehovah said to Joshua, Be not afraid of them ; for I
CHAP. X. 9-24. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 299
liave delivered them into thy hand, nor shall any one of them stand in thy presence.
9. And Joshua came upon them suddenly ; for during the whole night he went up from Gilgal.
10. And Jehovah crushed them before Israel, and smote them with a great overthrow in Gibeon, and pursued them by the way of the ascent of Beth-horon, and smote them even to Azeeah, and even to Malzeda.
11. And when they were fleeing from the face of Israel, and were on the descent of Beth-horon, Jehovah sent down upon them great stones from heaven even to Azeeah, and they died ; more died by the hailstones than those whom the children of Israel slew with the sword.
12. Then Joshua spake to Jehovah on the day on which Jehovah delivered up the Amorite before the children of Israel. And he said in the eyes of Israel, Sun, wait in Gibeon, and Moon, in the valley of Ajalon.
13. And the sun waited, and the moon stood until the people avanged themselves on their enemies. Has this not been written in the book of Jasar ? {or, of right.) The sun therefore stood in the midst of heaven, and did not hasten to set for about one entire day.
14. And there was no day like that before it or after it, on which Jehovah hearkened to the voice of a man ; for Jehovah was fight- ing for Israel.
15. And Joshua and all Israel with him returned to the camp in Gilgal.
16. But the kings themselves had fled, and hid themselves in a cave in Malzeda.
17. And it was told to Joshua in these words, The fiv^e kings have been found hidden in a cave in Malzeda.
18. Then Joshua said, Roll great stones to the mouth of the cave, and set men near it to guard them,
19. But do you follow after your enemies, and cut off their tail, {or, rear,) and allow them not to enter their cities; for Jehovah your God hath delivered them into your hand.
20. And when Joshua and the children of Israel had made an end of smiting them with a very great overthrow till they were consumed, and the survivors who had escaped had entered into fortified cities,
21. The whole people returned to the camp to Joshua in Malzeda in peace ; no one moved his tongue against the children of Israel.
22. Then said Joshua, Open the mouth of the cave, and bring me those five kings from the cave.
23. And they did so, namely, they brought to him those five kings from the cave, the king of Jerusalem, the king of Hebron, the king of Jarmuth, the king of Lachis, the king of Eglon.
24. And when they had brought out those five kings to Joshua, Joshua called all the men of Israel, and he said to the leaders of the men of war who had accompanied him, Come near, put your feet
300 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. X. 25-40.
upon the necks of tliose kings. And they came near and put their feet upon their necks.
25. Then Joshua said to them, Fear not and dread not, be strong and of good courage ; for Jehovah will do thus to all your enemies against whom you fight.
26. After this Joshua smote them, and slew them, and hung them on five gibbets ; and they were suspended on the gibbets till evening.
27. Moreover, at the time when the sun goes down, Joshua commanded, and they took them down from the gibbets, and cast them into the cave in which they had hid themselves, and they placed great stones at the mouth of the cave until this day.
28. But Joshua on that day took Malzeda, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and slew their king along with them, and left no soul which was in it surviving ; and did to the king Malzeda as he had done to the king of Jericho,
29. Thereafter, Joshua, and all Israel with him, passed over from Malzeda to Libna, and besieged Libna.
30. And Jehovah delivered it also, and its king, into the hand of Israel, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and did not leave surviving a single soul which was in it ; and did to its king in like manner as he had done to the king of Jericho.
31. Joshua afterwards passed, and all Israel with him, from Libna to Lachis, and encamped near it, and besieged it.
32. And Jehovah gave Lachis into the hand of Israel, and he took it on the second day, and struck it with the edge of the sword, and every soul which was in it, exactly as he had done to Libna.
33. And Horam king of Gezer, went up to give assistance to Lachis, and Joshua smote him and his people, so that he did not leave a survivor.
34. Joshua, moreover, and all Israel with him, passed from Lachis to Eglon, and they encamped against it, and besieged it.
35. And they took it on that day and smote it with the edge of the sword ; and every soul which was there Joshua slew on that day exactly as he had done to Lachis.
36. Joshua thereafter went up, and all Israel with him, from Eglon to Hebron, and besieged it.
37. And they took it, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and its king, and all its towns, and he did not leave surviving a single soul which was in it, exactly as he had done to Eglon. He accordingly destroyed it, and every soul which was in it.
38. Afterwards Joshua returned, and all Israel with him, to Debir, and besieged it.
39. And they took it, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and its king and all its towns, and they smote them with the edge of the sword, and slew every soul which was there ; he did not leave a survivor ; as he had done to Hebron, so he did to Debir and its king, as he had done to Libna and its king.
40. And thus Joshua smote all the land of the mountain, and
CKAP. XI. 1-13. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 301
the south, and the phxin, and the slopes, and all their kings ; he did not leave a survivor ; he slew every soul, as Jehovah the God of Israel had commanded.
41. Wherefore, Joshua smote from Cades-Barne even to Asa, and the whole land of Gosen even to Gibeon.
42. And all those kings and their land Joshua took at the same time, for Jehovah the God of Israel was fighting for Israel.
43. Thence Joshua, and all Israel with him, returned to the camp in Gilgal.
CHAPTER XI.
1. And when Jahin king of Hasor had heard, he sent to Jobab king of Madam, and to the king of Simerom, and to the king of Aclisaph,
2. To the kings also who dwelt in the north among the moim- tains and in the plain to the south of Cineroth, and in the plain in Naphoth-Dor on the west.
3. To the Canaanite on the east and west, and to the Amorite and Hittite, and Perizzite, and Jebusite among the mountains, and to the Hivite under Hermon in the land of Mispah.
4. And they went out, themselves, and all their armies with them, many people, like the sand which is near the sea-shore for multitude, and horses and chariots very many.
5. All those kings assembled, and coming encamped together at the waters of Merom, that they might fight with Israel.
6. And Jehovah said unto Joshua, Fear not before them ; for to-morrow, at this time, I will deliver them all up slain before Israel : their horses thou shalt hough, and their chariots thou shalt burn with fire.
7. Joshua therefore came, and all the people of war with him, against them to the waters of Merom suddenly, and they rushed upon them.
8. And Jehovah delivered them into the hand of Israel, and they smote them, and pursued them as far as great Sidon, and even to the boiling springs, and even to the plain of Mispe on the east ; and they smote them till he left none of them surviving.
9. And Joshua did to them as Jehovah had said to him ; he houghed their horses, and burnt their chariots with fire.
10. And Joshua having returned, at the same time took Hasor, and smote its king with the sword. For Hasor had formerly been the head of all those kingdoms.
11. They also smote every soul which was therein, destroying by the edge of the sword ; no soul remained ; and he burnt Hasor with fire.
12. All the cities of those kings Joshua took, and smote them with the edge of the sword, destroying them as Moses the servant of Jehovah had commanded.
13. Only all the cities which remained in their state Joshua burned not, except Hasor alone, which Joshua burnt.
302 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XIL 1-5.
14. And all the spoils of those cities, and the cattle, the children of Israel took as booty to themselves ; nevertheless all the men they smote with the edge of the sword, they did not leave any soul.
15. As Jehovah had commanded Moses his servant, so Moses commanded Joshua, and Joshua did so, that he might not omit any one of all the things which Jehovah had commanded Moses.
16. And Joshua took all that mountain land, and all the south, and all the land of Goshen, and the plain and level lands, the mountain of Israel also, and its plain.
17. From the mountain of the left, which rises towards Seir, as far as Baal-gad, in the plain of Ijcbanon under Mount Hermon ; also all their kings he took, and smote and slew them.
18. Many days did Joshua carry on war with all those kings.
19. There was no city which made peace with the children of Israel except the Hivites, the inhabitants of Gibeon ; they took them all in battle.
20. Because it was from Jehovah to harden their heart to en- counter Israel in war, that he might destroy them, and no pity might remain for them; but that he might destroy them, as Jehovah had commanded Moses.
21. And Joshua came at that time and cut off Analzim from the mountains, from Hebron, from Debir, from Anab, and from all the mountains of Juda, and from all the mountains of Israel; Joshua destroyed them along with their cities.
22. There remained not of the Analzim in the land of the chil- dren of Israel ; only in Gad and in Ashdod was there a residue.
23. Accordingly Joshua took all the land according as Jehovah had said to Moses, and he gave it over as an inheritance to Israel according to their divisions by their tribes ; and the land rested from war.
CHAPTEE XII.
1. These are the kings of the land whom the children of Israel smote, and whose land they possessed beyond the Jordan, towards the rising of the sun, from the torrent Arnon even to Mount Her- mon, and all the eastern plain.
2. Sehon the Amorite king, who dwelt in Hesbon, who ruled from Aroer to the bank of the torrent Arnon, and to the middle of the torrent, and to the middle part of Gilead, even to the torrent Jabbolz, which is the boundary of the children of Ammon.
3. And from the plain even to the sea of Cineroth on the east, and even to the sea of the desert, the sea of salt on the east, by the way of Beth-hagesimoth, and from the south under the outpourings (springs) of Pisgah.
4. The boundary besides of Og king of Basan, of the residue of the Rephaim, who dwelt in Astaroth and Hedrei,
5. Who ruled in mount Hermon, and in Salchah, and in all
CHAP. XIII. 1-4. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 303
Basan, even to the border of Gessuri and Maachathi, and the middle part of Gilead : (such was) the boundary of Sehon king of Basan.
6. Moses, the servant of Jehovah, and the children of Israel, smote them, and Moses, the servant of Jehovah, gave it for a pos- session to the Reubenites, and Gadites, and the half tribe of Manasseh.
7. Now these are the kings whom Joshua and the children of Israel smote beyond the Jordan on the west, from Baal-gad in the plain of Lebanon even to the mountain Laevis which rises in Seir; and Joshua delivered it to the tribes of Israel for a possession ac- cording to their portions.
8. Among the mountains, and in the plain, and in the lowlands, and in Asdoth, and in the desert, and in the south ; the Hittite, the Amorite, the Canaanite, the Perizzite, the Hivite, and the Jebusite :
9. The king of Jericho, one ; the king of Hai, who was on the side of Bethel, one ;
10. The king of Jerusalem, one ; the king of Hebron, one ;
11. The king of Jarmath, one ; the king of Lachis, one ;
12. The king of Eglon, one ; the king of Jeser, one ;
13. The king of Debir, one ; the king Jeder, one ;
14. The king of Hormah, one ; the king of Arad, one ;
15. The king of Libna, one ; the king of Adulam, one ;
16. The king of Makeda, one ; the king of Bethel, one;
17. The king of Tapuah, one ; the king of Epher, one ;
18. The king of Aphek, one ; the king of Lasaron, one ;
19. The king of Madon, one ; the king of Asor, one ;
20. The king of Simron Meron, one ; the king of Achsaph, one ;
21. The king of Taanach, one ; the king of Megiddo, one ;
22. The king of Kedesch, one ; the king of Jocnam at Car- mel, one ;
23. The king of Dor, at Naphath-dor, one ; the king of Grim in Gilgal, one ;
24. The king of Thirsa, one ; all the kings thirty and one.
CHAPTER XIII.
1. And when Joshua had become old and stricken in years, Jehovah said to him. Thou hast become old and stricken in years, and very much land still remains to be possessed.
2. This is the land which remains : all the limits of the Philis- tines, and all Gessuri,
3. From the Nile, which is in the direction of Egypt, even to the border of Ekron, which is on the north, which is considered part of Canaan : five princedoms of the Philistines, Azath, Asdod, Askalon, Gittha, Ekron, and Avei.
4. From the south, the whole land of the Canaanite and Meara, which belongs to the Sidonians, even to Paera, even to the border of the Amorite ;
304 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XIII. 5-24
5. And the land of Gibli, and all Lebanon toward the sun-rising, from Baal-gad under mount Hermon, until you come to Haemath.
6. All the inhabitants of the mountain, from Lebanon even to the boiling springs, all the Sidonians will I drive out from before the children of Israel ; only do thou cast the lot, that it may be for an inheritance to Israel, as I have commanded thee.
7. Now, therefore, divide the land for an inheritance to the nine tribes and the half tribe of Manasseh ;
8. Besides it the Reubenites, and Gadites have received their portions, which Moses gave them beyond Jordan on the east, as Moses, the servant of Jehovah, gave them ;
9. From Aroer, which is near the bank of the river Arnon, and the city itself, which is in the midst of the valley, and the whole plain of Medeba as far as Debon ;
10. And all the cities of Sihon, the Amorite king, who reigned in Hesbon, even to the boundary of the children of Ammon ;
11. And Gilead, and the border of Gessuri, and Maachathi, and the whole of mount Hermon, and all Basan as far as Salchah ;
12. The whole kingdom of Og in Basan, who reigned in Asta- roth, and in Edrei ; the remains of the residue of the Eephaim, whom Moses smote and expelled.
13. But the children of Israel did not expel the Geshiirites and Maacathites ; therefore Geshur and Maachath have dwelt in the midst of Israel even to this day.
14. Only to the tribe of Levi did he not give an inheritance : the sacrifices of Jehovah the God of Israel are their inheritance, as he spake concerning it.
15. Moses therefore gave to the tribe of Reuben by their families :
16. And their border was from Aroer, which is near the bank of the torrent Arnon, and the city which is in the midst of the valley, and the whole plain which is neax Medeba.
17. Hesbon and all its cities which were in the plain ; Debon and Bamoth-baal, and Beth-baalmeon,
18. And Jahasah, and Cedemoth, and Mephaath.
19. And Ciriathaim, and Sibmah, and Sereth-sahar in the moun- tain of the valley,
20. And Beth-peor, and Asdoth-Pisgah, and Beth-Jesimoth.
21. And all the cities of the plain, and the whole kingdom of Sihon the Amorite king, who reigned in Hesbon, whom Moses slew : and the princes of Midian, Evi, and Rekem, and Sur, and Hur, and Reba, leaders of Sihon, inhabitants of the land.
22. And Balaam son of Beor, the diviner, the children of Israel slew with the sword among their slain.
23. And the boundary of the children of Israel was the Jordan and its boundary. This is the inheritance of the children of Reuben by their families, cities, and villages.
24. And Moses gave to the tribe of Gad, to the children of Gad by their families :
CHAP. XIV. 1-7. BOOK OF JOSHUA. '305
25. And their boundary was Jazer, and all the cities of Gilead, and the half of the land of the children of Ammon, even to Aroer which is before Eabbah :
26. And from Hesbon even to Eamath of Mispe itself, and Bethonim; and from Mahanaim even to the border of Debir itself;
27. And in the valley of Beth-haran, and Beth-nimrah, and Snc- coth, and Saphon ; a remnant of the kingdom of Sihon king of Hes- bon, the Jordan and its confines, even to the extremity of the Sea of Chinnereth, beyond Jordan on the east.
28. This is the inheritance of the children of Gad, by their families, their cities, and their villages.
29. Moses, moreover, gave to the half tribe of Manasse : and there was to the half tribe of the children of Manasse by their fa- milies,
30. Their border, I say, was from Mahanaim, all of Basan, the whole kingdom of Og king of Basan, and all of Havoth-Jair which are in Basan, sixty cities :
31. And the half of Gilead, and Astaroth, and Edrei, cities of Og king of Basan, of the sons of Machir, the son of Manasse, to the half part of the sons of Machir by their families.
32. Those are the inheritances which Moses delivered in the plains of Moab, from the passage of Jordan to Jericho itself, on the east.
33. But to the tribe of Levi Moses did not give an inheritance ; Jehovah the God of Israel himself is their inheritance, as he said to them (or concerning them.)
CHAPTEE XIV.
1. These are the territories which the children of Israel received as an inheritance, in the land of Canaan, which Eleazar the priest and Joshua the son of Nun, and the heads of the tribes of the chil- dren of Israel, delivered to them, for an inheritance,
2. By the lot of their inheritance, as Jehovah had commanded by the hand of Moses, to give to the nine tribes and the half tribe.
3. For Moses had given to the two tribes and to the half tribe beyond the Jordan. But he had not given to the Levites an in- heritance in the midst of them.
4. For the sons of Joseph were the two tribes of Manasse and Ephraim : accordingly they did not give a portion to the Levites in the land except cities to dwell in, and the suburbs of them for their herds and flocks.
5. As Moses had commanded, so did the children of Israel, and they divided the land.
6. And the children of Judah came near to Joshua in Gilgal, and Caleb the son of Jephunneh the Kenezite said to him, Thou knowest the word which Jehovah spake to Moses the man of God, concerning me and concerning thee in Cades-barnea.
7. I was forty years old when Moses the servant of Jehovah sent
u
806 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XV. 1-6.
me from Cades-barnea to explore the land, and I reported tlie matter to him as it was in my heart.
8. And when my brethren who had come down with me melted the heart of the people, I perseveringly followed Jehovah my God.
9. And Moses sware on that day, saying, Surely the land which thy foot has trod shall be thine for an inheritance, and to thy chil- dren for ever, because thou hast perseveringly followed Jehovah my God.
10. And now Jehovah has granted me life as he had said. Forty- five years have elapsed since the time when the Lord declared this matter to Moses, and since Israel has walked through the desert : and now, indeed, this day am I eighty-five years of age.
11. And still am I this day vigorous as on that day on which Moses sent me ; as great as my vigour was then, so great is my vigour this day for battle, both for going out and coming in.
12. Now, therefore, give me that mountain, as Jehovah spake on that day. For thou didst hear on that day that the Anakim are there, and cities great and fortified : perhaps Jehovah will be with me, and I shall drive them out, as Jehovah said.
13. And Joshua blessed him, and gave Hebron to Caleb himself the son of Jephunneh for an inheritance.
14. Therefore has Hebron belonged to Caleb himself the son of Jephunneh, the Kenezite for an inheritance imto this day, because he perseveringly followed Jehovah, the God of Israel.
15. Now the name of Hebron was formerly Ciriath-arba, which Arba was a great man among the Anakim, and the land rested from
CHAPTER XV.
1 . And there was a lot to the children of Judah by their families near the border of Edom, and the desert of Sin towards the south, from the extremity of the south.
2. And their south boundary was from the extremity of the salt sea, that is, from the rock which looks towards the south.
3. And it goes out towards the south of Maale-acrabim, and thence passes over into Sin : and proceeding from the south in Cades-barnea, it passes over thence into Esron, and again goes up in Adar, and makes a circuit in Carcaa.
4. Thence it passes into Asmon, and goes out to the torrent of Egypt : and the outgoings of this boundary are toward the west : that will be your boundary toward the south.
5. And the boundary toward the east is the salt sea, even to the extremity of the Jordan '; and the boundary of the north corner is from the rock of the sea, from the extremity of the Jordan,
6. And that boundary goeth up into Beth-hoglah, and passes from the north to Beth-araba : and thence that boundary goeth up to the stone of Boh an the son of Reuben.
GUAR XV. 7-2 ^■. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 307
7. That boundary, moreover, goeth up into Debir from the valley of Achor, and towards the north looks to Gilgal, which is over against the ascent of Adummim, which, indeed, is to the torrent on the south : and that boundary passes to tlie waters of En-semes, and its outgoings are at En-rogel.
8. And that boundary goeth up to the valley of the son of Hinnom, to the side of the Jebusite on the south ; the same is Jerusalem : that boundary, moreover, goeth up to the top of the mountain which is over against the valley of Hinnom on the west, which valley is at the extremity of the valley of Rephaim on the north.
9. And the boundary goes round from the top of the mountain, to the" fountain of the water of Nephthoah, and goeth out to the cities of mount Ephron, and that boundary maketh a circuit in Baala, the same is Ciriath-Jearim.
10. And thence that boundary winds round from Baala on the west to mount Seir, and thence passes through to the side of mount Jearim on the north, the same is Chesalon, and it goeth down into Beth-semes, and passeth over into Tirana.
11. And the boiuidary goeth out to the side of Ecron on the north, and that boundary makes a circuit to Sichron, and passes through even to mount Baala : and thence goes out into Jabneel : and the outgoings of this boundary are at the sea.
12. Moreover, the west boundary is at the great sea and its coast : that is the boundary of the children of Judali round about, by their families.
13. And he gave to Caleb the son of Jephunneh in the midst of the children of Judah, according to the woi'd of Jehovah to Joshua, the portion of Ciriath-arba, the father of Anac, the same is Hebron.
14. Caleb drove thence the three sons of Anac, Sezadi, and Hai- man, and Thalmai, who were sons of Anac.
15. And he went up from thence to the inhabitants of Debir, whose name was formerly Ciriath-sepher.
16. And Caleb said. To him who shall smite Ciriath-sepher and take it, will I give my daughter Achsa to wife.
17. And Othoniel the son of Cenas, the brother of Caleb, took it, and he gave him Achsa his daiighter to wife.
18. And it was when she came, that she persuaded him to ask a field of her father, and she dismounted from the ass, and Caleb said to her. What wouldst thou '?
19. She answered. Give me a blessing ; since thou hast given me an arid land, give me springs of water. And he gave her upper springs and lower springs.
20. That is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Judah by their families.
21. And the cities in the extremity of the tribe of Judah, near the border of Edom on the south were Capsee, and Eder, and Jagur,
22. And Cina, and Dimona, and Adada,
23. And Cedes, and Hasor, and Ithnan,
24. Ziph, and Telem, and Bealot,
SOS NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XV. 25-61.
25. And Hazor, n Hadatha, and Ceriotli, Hesron, tlie same is Hazor.
26. Amam, and Sema, and Molada,
27. And Hasar-Gadda, and Hesmon, and Beth-phelet,
28. And Hasar-sual, and Beerseba, and Biziotheia,
29. Baala, and Jim, and Asem,
30. And Eltliolad, and Chesil, and Hormah,
31. And Siclag, and Madmannah, and Sensannah,
32. And Lebaoth, and Silhim, and Ain, and Eimon : all the cities twenty-nine, and their villages.
33. In the plain Esthaol, and Sora, and Asnah,
34. And Zanoah, and En-gannim, and Thaphuah, and Enara,
35. Jarmuth, and Adulam, Sochoch, and Azecah,
36. And Saaraim, and Adithaim, and Gederah, and Gedero- thaim : fourteen cities and their villages.
37. Senam, and Hadasa, and Migdalgad,
38. And Dilan, and Mispeh, and Jocteel,
39. Lachis, and Boscath, and Eglon,
40. And Chabbon, and Lahmam, and Chithlis,
41. And Gederoth, Beth-dagon, and Naamah, Makeda: sixteen cities and their villages.
42. Liona, and Ether, and Asan,
43. And Jephtha, and Asna, and Nesib,
44. And Cheila, and Achzib, and Marezah : nine cities and their villages.
45. Ecron, and its towns and its villages.
46. From Ecron, and to the sea, all which are on the side of Asdod, and their villages.
47. Asdod, its towns and its villages : Azza, its towns and its villages, even to the torrent of Egypt, and the great sea ; and this is its boundary.
48. And in the mountain, Samir and Jathur, and Sochoch,
49. And Dannah, and Ciriath-sannah, the same is Debir,
50. And Anab, and Estemoth, and Anim,
51. And Gosan, and Holon, and Giloh : eleven cities and their villages.
52. Arab, and Dumah, and Esan,
53. And Janum, and Beth-thappuah, and Aphecah,
54. And Humtha, and Ciriath-Arba, the same is Hebron, and Sior : nine cities and their villages.
55. Mahon, Carmel, and Ziph, and Juttah,
56. And Jezreel, and Jocdean, and Zaura,
57. Cain, Giba, and Thimna : ten cities and their villages.
58. Hal-hul, and Beth-sur, and Gedor,
59. And Maarath, and Bethanoth, and Elthecon : six cities and their villages.
60. Ciriath-baal, the same is Ciriath-Jearim, and Rabba : two cities and their villages.
61. In the desert Beth-arabah Middin, and Sech-acha,
CHAP. XVII. 1,2, BOOK OF JOSHUA. 309
62. And Nibscan, and the city of Salt, and En-gedi : six cities and their vilhiges.
63. Moreover, the children of Judah were not able to expel the Jebusites, the inhabitants of Jerusalem ; therefore the Jebusite hath dwelt with the children of Judah in Jerusalem even to this day.
CHAPTER XVI.
1. And the lot for the children of Joseph fell out from the Jor- dan to Jericho, to the waters of Jericho on the east, to the desert which goeth up from Jericho to mount Bethel.
2. And it goeth out from Bethel into Luz, and hence passeth through to the boundary of Archi Atharoth.
3. It afterward goeth up to the sea, to the border of Japhletus, even to the border of lower Beth-horon, and even to Gazer, and its outgoings are at the sea.
4. And thus the children of Joseph, Manasseh, and Ephraim re- ceived their inheritance.
5. And this was the boundary of the children of Ephraim by their families ; the border of their inheritance was, I say, on the east from Atroh-Addar, even to upper Beth-horon.
6. And that border goes out to the sea, to Michmethath on the north ; and the boundary goes round to the east, to Thaanath- Siloh, and crosses it from the east to Janoah.
7. And it descends from Janoah in Atharoth, and Maarath, and reaches to Jericho, and goeth out to Jordan.
8. From Thappuah the boundary proceeds to the sea, to the tor- rent of reeds, and its outgoings are at the sea ; this is the inheri- tance of the tribe of the children of Ephraim by their families.
9. And cities were set apart for the children of Ephraim in the midst of the inheritance of the children of Manasseh, all the cities and their villages.
10. Nor did they expel the Canaanite dwelling in Gazer ; wherefore the Canaanite hath dwelt in the middle of Ephraim to this day, and been tributary to him.
CHAPTER XVII.
1. There was also a lot to the tribe of Manasseh, (for he was the first-born of Joseph,) to Machir himself, the first-born of Manasseh, the father of Gilead, (for he was a man of war,) to him, I say, there was Gilead and Basan.
2. There was likewise to the other children of Manasseh by their families, to the sons of Abiezer, and the sons of Helec, and the sons of Asriel, and the sons of Sechem, and the sons of Hepher, and the sons of Semida. These are the children of Manasseh, the male children by their families.
810 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XVII.S-l 6.
3. Moreover, to Selopliead, the son of Heplier, the son of Gileacl, the son of Machir, the son of Manasseh, there were no sons but daughters whose names are these, Mahala, and Noa, Hogla, Milcha, and Thirsa.
4. These came into the presence of Eleazar the priest, and into the presence of Joshua, the son of Nun, and into the presence of the princes, saying, Jehovah commanded Moses to give us an in- heritance in the midst of our brethren. He therefore gave them according to the word of Jehovah, an inheritance in the midst of the brethren of their father.
5. And there fell to Manasseh ten inheritances, besides the land of Gilead and Basan, which were beyond Jordan.
6. For the daughters of Manasseh obtained an inheritance in the midst of the sons ; and the land of Gilead was to the other
* children of Manasseh.
7. And the boundary of Manasseh was from Aser to Michme- thath, which is before Sechem, and the boundary proceedeth to the right, to the inhabitants of En-thappua.
8. To Manasseh himself belonged the land of Thappua ; but the Thappua which was at the border of Manasseh belongs to the chil- dren of Ephraim.
9. And the boundary descends to the torrent of reeds, to the south of the torrent itself; these cities in the midst of the cities of Manasseh belong to the tribe of Epliraim ; but the boundary of Manasseh is on the north of the torrent itself, and its outgoings are at the sea.
10. On the south it belongs to Ephraim himself, and on the north to Manasseh himself, and the sea is its boundary, and they meet together in Aser on the north, and in Issachar on the east.
11. And it was to Manasseh himself in Issachar, and in Aser, Beth-sean, and its towns ; and Ibleam and its towns ; and the in- habitants of Dor and its towns ; and the inhabitants of Endor and its towns, and the inhabitants of Thaanach, and its towns ; and the inhabitants of Megiddo, three districts.
12. And the children of Manasseh were not able to expel the inhabitants of those cities, but the Canaanite began to dwell in the land itself.
13. But when the children of Israel had acquired strength, they made the Canaanite tributary, and did not by expelling expel (completely expel) him.
14. And the children of Joseph spake unto Joshua, saying. Why hast thou given me one lot for an inheritance, and one inheritance, seeing I am a numerous people, so hath Jehovah hitherto blessed me?
15. And Joshua said unto them. If thou art a numerous people, go up into the wood, and cut down for thyself there, in the land of the Perizzite, and the Eephaim, if the mountain of Ephraim is narrow for thee.
16. And the children of JofX'ph replied to him, Tliat mountain
CHAP. XVIJI. 1-11. BOOK OF JOSHUA. Sll
will not suffice us, and there are iron chariots to every Canaanite who dwelleth in the land of the valley, and to him who dwelleth in Beth-sean and its towns, and to him who dwelleth in the valley of Jezrael,
17. And Joshna spake to the honse of Joseph, namely, to Ephraim and Manasseh, saying, Thou art a numerous people, and hast great courage : thou shalt not have (merely) a single lot.
18. For the mountain will be thine, inasmuch as it is a wood ; thou shalt therefore cut it down, and its outgoing shall be thine ; for thou shalt expel the Canaanite, though he have iron chariots, and though he be brave.
CHAPTEE XVIII.
1. And the whole multitude of the children of Israel assembled in Silo, and placed there the tabernacle of convention, after the land was subdued before them.
2. And there had remained of the children of Israel, to whom they had not divided their inheritance, seven tribes.
3. And Joshua said unto the children of Israel, How long do ye delay to go in to possess the land which Jehovah the God of your fathers hath given you ?
4. Each tribe of you give up three men whom I will send ; and they shall rise and walk through the land, and shall describe it according to its inheritance ; afterwards they shall return to me.
5. And they shall divide it into seven portions ; Judah will stand in his confines on the south, and the families of Joseph will stand in their confines on the north.
6. And do you describe the land in seven portions, and bring it hither to me : then I will cast the lot here before Jehovah our God.
7. For there is no part to the Levites in the midst of you, because the priesthood of Jehovah is their inheritance ; and Gad, and Reu- ben, and the half tribe of Manasseh, have received their inheritance beyond the Jordan on the east, which Moses the servant of Jehovah gave to them.
8. And those men rose up, and went away ; and Joshua com- manded those who went to describe the land, saying. Go and walk through the land, and describe it ; afterwards you will return to me, and I will cast the lot for you here in Silo.
9. The men therefore went away, and passed through the land, and described it by cities in seven parts, in a book : and they re- turned to Joshua, to the camp in Silo.
10. And Joshua cast a lot for them in Silo before the Lord ; and there Joshua divided the land to the children of Israel accord- ing to their portions.
11. And the lot of the tribe of the children of Benjamin by their families came iip, and the boundary of their lot fell out between the children of Judah and the children of Joseph.
812 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XVIII. 1 2-28.
12. And their boundary was on the side of the north by the Jor- dan ; and their boundary went up to the side of Jericho on the north, and went np to the mountain at the sea ; and their outgoings are at the desert of Beth-aven.
13. And thence the boundary passes through into Luz to the side of southern Luz, (the same is Bethel,) and the boundary de- scends into Ateroth-Adar near the mountain which is on the south of lower Beth -horon itself.
14. And the boundary is marked out, and goes round to the side of the sea at the south, from the mountain which is over against Beth-horon on the south ; and its outgoings are at Ciriath-Baal, (the same is Ciriath-Jearim,) a city of the sons of Jvidah, that is, the side of the sea.
15. And the side on the south is from the extremity of Ciriath- Jearim ; accordingly the boundary goeth out to the sea, goeth out, I say, to the fountain of the waters of Nephthoah.
16. And the boundary descends to the extremity of the moun- tain which is over against the valley of Ben-Hinnom, and which is in the valley of the Eephaim on the north, and it descends to the valley of Hinnom to the side of the Jebusite on the south, and thence descends to Eu-rogel.
17. And it makes a circuit from the north, and goes out to En- semes, and proceeds outwards to Gehloth, which is over against the acclivity of Adummim ; and descends to Eben of Bohan, the son
^of Eeuben.
18. Thence it passes through to the side which is over against the plain on the north, and descends into Arabah.
19. Thence the boundary passes through to the side of Beth- hogla on the north ; and the outgoings of its boundary are at the limit of the salt sea on the north, at the extremity of the Jordan on the south ; that is the south boundary.
20. And the Jordan bounds it on the east side. This is the in- heritance of the children of Benjamin, by his boundaries round about by his families.
21. And these were the cities of the tribe of the children of Ben- jamin by their families, Jericho, and Beth-hoglah, and the valley of Cesis.
22. And Beth-araba, and Semarain, and Bethel,
23. And Avim, and Parah, and Ophrah,
24. And Haamonai, and Ophni, and Gaba ; twelve cities and their villages.
25. Gibon, and Eaamah, and Beeroth,
26. And Mispeh, and Chephirah, and Mosah,
27. And Recem, and Irpeel, and Tharalah.
28. And Sela Eleph, and Jebusi,. (the same is Jerusalem,) Gi- bath, Ciriath, fourteen cities and their villages ; this is the inheri- tance of the children of Benjamin by their families.
CHAP. XIX. 1-22. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 313
CHAPTER XIX.
1. And the second lot came out to Simeon, the tribe of the chil- dren of Simeon by their families ; and tlieir inheritance was in the midst of the inheritance of the children of Jiidah.
2. And they had for their inheritance Beer-seba, and Seba, and Moladah,
3. And Hasar-Sual, and Balah, and Asen,
4. And Eltholad, and Betliul, and Hormah,
5. And Siclag, and Beth-Marcaboth, and Hasarsusa,
6. And Beth-Lebaoth, and Saruhen ; thirteen cities and their villages.
7. Ain, Rimmon, and Ether, and Asan ; four cities and their villages.
8. And all the villages which were around those cities even to Baalath-beer, southern Ramath. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Simeon by their families.
9. Out of a portion of the children of Judah was made the inhe- ritance of the children of Simeon : for the portion of the children of Judah was too great for them, and thus the children of Simeon re- ceived an inheritance in the midst of their inheritance.
10. And the third lot came up for the sons of Zabulon, by their families, and the boundary of their inheritance was even to Sarid.
11. And their boundary goes up to the sea, and Maralah, and reaches to Dabbaseth, and arrives at the river which is over against Jocnea.
12. And returns from Sarid to the east, that is, to the sun-rising, to the border of Chisloth-Thabor, and thence goes out to Dabrath, and goes up to Japhia.
13. Thence, moreover, it passes to the east, at its rising, to Githah-Hepher, and Ihtahcasin : and thence it goes out into Rim- mon, and winds round to Neah.
14. The same boimdary likewise winds round from the north to Hannathon : and its goings out are to the valley of Iphthael,
15. And Catthath, and Nahalal, and Simron, and Idalah, and Bethlehem : twelve cities and their villages.
16. This is the inheritance of the children of Zabulon by their families : these cities and their villages.
17. The fourth lot came oiit to Issachar, to the children of Issachar, I say, by their families.
18. And their boundary was Jezrael, and Chesuloth, and Sunem.
19. And Hapharaim, and Sion, and Ana-harat,
20. And Rabbith, and Cision, and Abeth,
21. And Remeth, and Engannim, and Enhaddad, and Beth- passeth.
22. And their boundary reached to Thabor, and Sahasima, and Beth-semes : and the outgoings of their boundary will be at the Jordan : sixteen cities and their villasres.
SI 4 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XIX. 23-4' 7.
23. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Issachar by their families, their cities and villages.
24. And the fifth lot came out for the tribe of the children of Aser by their families.
25. And their boundary was Helcath, and Hali, and Bethen, and Achsaph,
26. And Alamelech, and Amad, and Misal : and it reached to Carmel at the sea, and to Sihor-libnath.
27. And it returns to the east in Beth-dagon, and reaches to Zabulon, and to the valley of Iphtahel on the north, and to Beth- emec, and Neel, and it goes out to Chabul on the left,
28. And Ebron, and Rehob, and Hammon, and Canah, even to great Sidon :
29. And the boundary returns to Ramah, even to the fortified city of the rock ; thence the boundary returns to Hosah, and its outgoings are at the sea by the coast of Achzib ;
30. And Ummah, and Aphec, and Rehob : twenty-two cities and their villages.
31. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Aser by their families ; those cities and their villages.
32. To the sons of Naphtali the sixth lot came out, to the sons of Naphtali, I say, by their families.
33. And their boundary was by Heleph, and by Elon in Saanan- nim, and Adami, Neceb, and Jabneel, even to the lake, and its out- goings are at the Jordan.
34. Afterwards the boundary returns to the sea at Aznoth-thabor, and proceeds thence to Huccoc, and reaches to Zabulon on the south, and reaches to Aser on the west, and to Judah on the Jordan on the east.
35. And the fortified cities are Siddim, Ser, and Hammath, Raccath, and Chinnereth,
36. And Adamah, and Ramah, and Hasor,
37. And Cedes,' and Hedrei, and En-Hasor,
38. And Iron, and Migdal-el, Horem, and Beth-anath, and Beth-semes : nineteen cities and their villages.
39. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Naph- tali, by their families, their cities, and their villages.
40. The seventh lot came out to the tribe of the children of Dan, by their families.
41. And the boundary of their inheritance was Sorah, and Esthaol, and Ir-semes,
42. And Saalabbin, and Ajalon, and Ithlali,
43. And Elon, and Thiranathah, and Ecron,
44. And Elthece, and Gibbethon, and Baalath,
45. And Jehud, and Bene-berac, and Gath-rimon,
46. And Mehaiarcon, and Raccon, with its boundary against Japho.
47. And the boundary of the children of Dan went out from them : and the childi'en of Dan went up and fought with Lesem,
CHAP. XX. 1-9. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 3i 5
and took it, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and received it with their inheritance, and dwelt in it, and they called Lesem Dan after the name of Dan their father.
48. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Dan, by their families ; those cities and their towns.
49. And when they had made an end of dividing the land, as- signing each their boundaries, the children of Israel gave an inhe- ritance to Joshua himself the son of Nun, in the midst of them;
50. According to the word of Jehovah, they gave him the city which he asked, Thimnath-serah in mount Ephraim ; and he built a city and dwelt in it.
51. Those are the inheritances, possessi(m of which was delivered by Eleazar the priest, and Joshua the son of Nun, and the chiefs of the fathers of the tribes of the children of Israel, by lot, in Silo, before Jehovah, at the door of the tabernacle of convention ; and they made an end of dividing the land.
CHAPTER XX.
1. And Jehovah spake to Joshua, saying,
2. Address the children of Israel in these words, Give cities of refuge of which I spake to you by the hand of Moses ;
3. That the homicide, who has taken away a life through mis- take, not knowingly, may flee thither : and they will be to you for a refuge from the kinsman of blood.
4. And he shall fly to one of those cities, and shall stand at the door of the gate of the city, and speak his words in the ears of the elders of the city itself, and they will receive him into the city, and give him a place, and he shall dwell with them,
5. And when the kinsman of blood shall have pursued him, they shall not deliver up the homicide into his hand ; because he smote his neighbour unknowingly, and had no hatred to him in time past, (yesterday and the day before yesterday.)
6. And he will dwell in that city until he stand before the as- sembly for judgment, even until the high priest, who shall be in those days, shall die : for then the homicide will return, and come to his city, and to his house, to the city whence he had fled.
7. And they assigned Cedes in Galilee, in mount Naphtali, and Sechem in mount Ephraim, and Ciriath-arba (the same is Hebron) in mount Judah.
8. And from beyond the Jordan of Jericho on the east, they gave Beser, in the desert in the plain, of the tribe of Eeuben : and Eamoth in Gilead of the tribe of Gad ; and Golan in Basan, of the tribe of Manasseh.
9. Those were the cities of convention to all the children of Israel, and to the stranger sojourning in the midst of them, that whosoever had slain any one by mistake might flee thither, and not die by the hand of the kinsman of blood before he had stood before the assembly.
316 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XXI. 1-1 8,
CHAPTER XXI.
1. And the princes of the fathers of the Levites came near to Eleazar the priest, and to Joshua the son of Nun, and to the princes of the fathers of the tribes of the children of Israel.
2. And spake to them in Silo, in the land of Canaan, saying, Jehovah commanded by the hand of Moses, that ye should give us cities to dwell in, and their suburbs for our cattle.
3. Therefore the children of Israel gave to the Levites of their inheritance, according to the word of Jehovah, those cities and their suburbs.
4. And the lot fell out by the families of the Ceathites, and there were to the children of Aaron the priest, of the Levites, of the tribe of Judah, and of the tribe of Simeon, and of the tribe of Ben- jamin, by lot, thirteen cities.
5. And to the remaining sons of Ceath, of the families of the tribe of Ephraim, and of the tribe of Dan, and of the half tribe of Manasseh, by lot, ten cities.
6. But to the sons of Gerson, of the families of the tribe of Is- sachar, and of the tribe of Aser, and of the tribe of Naphtali, and of the half tribe of Manasseh in Basan, by lot, thirteen cities.
7. To the children of Merari by their families, of the tribe of Reuben, and of the tribe of Gad, and of the tribe of Zabulon, twelve cities.
8. The children of Israel, I say, gave to the Levites those cities and their suburbs, by lot, as Jehovah had commanded by the hand of Moses.
9. They gave therefore of the tribe of the children of Judah, and of the tribe of the children of Simeon, those cities which he called by name.
10. And they were to the sons of Aaron, of the families of Ceath, of the sons of Levi ; for theirs was the first lot :
11. And they gave to them Ciriath-arba of the father of Anac, (the same is Hebron,) in mount Judah, and its suburbs round about it.
12. But the field of that city and its villages they gave to Caleb the son of Jephunneh, for his possession.
13. To the sons of Aaron the priest, I say, they gave the city of refuge, for the homicide, Hebron and its suburbs, and Libna and its suburbs.
14. And Jathir and its suburbs, and Esthemoa and its suburbs,
15. Holon and its suburbs, and Debir and its suburbs,
16. And Ain and its suburbs, and Juttah and its subiu-bs, and Beth-semes and its suburbs : nine cities of those two tribes.
17. And of the tribe of Benjamin, Gibeon and its suburbs, and Geba and its suburbs,
18. Anathoth and its suburbs, Almon and its suburbs : four cities.
CHAP. XXI. 19-40. BOOK OF JOSHUA, SI 7
19. All the cities of tlie sons of Aaron, the priests, were thirteen cities and their suburbs.
20. But to the families of the sons of Cahath, Levites who re- mained of the sons of Cahath, (now the cities of their lot were of the tribe of Ephraim.)
21. They gave to them, I say, as a city of refuge for the homi- cide, Sechem and its suburbs, in mount Ephraim, and Geser and its suburbs,
22. And Cibsaim and its suburbs, and Beth-horon and its sub- urbs : four cities.
23. And of the tribe of Dan, Elthece and its suburbs, and Gibbethon and its suburbs,
24. And Ajalon and its suburbs, and Gath-rimmon and its sub- urbs : four cities.
25. And of the half tribe of Manasseh, Thaanach and its sub- urbs, Gath-rimmon and its suburbs : two cities.
2G. All the ten cities and their suburbs, to the remaining fami- lies of the sons of Cahath.
27. Moreover, to the sons of Gerson of the families of the Levites, from the half tribe of Manasseh, as a city of refuge for the homicide, Golan in Basan and its suburbs, Beesthera and its suburbs : two cities.
28. Of the tribe of Issachar, Cision and its suburbs, Dabrath and its suburbs,
29. Jarmuth and its suburbs, Engannim and its suburbs : four cities.
30. And of the tribe of Aser, Misal and its suburbs, Abdon and its suburbs,
31. Helcath and its suburbs, and Rehob and its suburbs: four cities.
32. And of the tribe of Naphtali, as a city of refuge for the homicide. Cedes in Galilee and its suburbs, and Hamath-Dor and its suburbs, and Carthan and its suburbs : three cities.
33. All the cities of the Gersonites, by their families, were thirteen cities and their suburbs.
34. And to the families of the sons of Merari remaining of the Levites, out of the tribe of Zabulon, Jocnea and its suburbs, Gar- tha and its suburbs,
35. Dimnah and its suburbs, Nahalal and its suburbs : four cities.
36. And of the tribe of Eeuben, Beser and its suburbs, and Jehasa and its suburbs,
37. Cedemoth and its suburbs, Mephaath and its suburbs : four cities.
38. And of the tribe of Gad, as a city of refuge from the homi- cide, Eamoth in Gileath and its suburbs,
39. Hesbon and its suburbs, Jazer and its suburbs : four cities.
40. All the cities of the sons of Merari by their families which remained of the families of the Levites, as was their lot, were twelve cities.
318 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XXII. 1-9.
41. All the cities of the Levites in the midst of the possession of the children of Israel, were eighty-four cities and their suburbs.
42. Those were single cities, and their subiirbs were round about them ; so was it with all those cities,
43. Jehovah, therefore, gave to Israel the whole land, of which he had sworn that he would give it to their fathers ; and they possessed it and dwelt in it,
44. Jehovah also gave them rest round about, exactly as Jehovah had sworn to their fathers ; nor Wcts there any one of all their enemies who could resist them ; Jehovah delivered all their enemies into their hand.
45. Not a word failed of all the good word which Jehovah had spoken to the house of Israel ; all things were fulfilled.
CHAPTER XXII,
1, Then Joshua called the Eeubenites and the Gadites, and the half tribe of Manasseh,
2, And said to them, you have kept all things which Moses the servant of Jehovah commanded you, and you have obeyed my voice in all things which I have commanded you,
3, You have not deserted your brethren now for many days, even to this day, but you have carefully observed the command of Jehovah your God,
4, And now Jehovah your God has given rest to your brethren, as he had said to them ; now, therefore, return and set out to your tents, to the land of your possession, which Moses the servant of Jehovah gave you beyond the Jordan,
5, Only observe carefully to do the commandment and the law, which Moses the servant of Jehovah commanded you, to love Jehovah your God, and walk in all his ways, and observe his pre- cepts, and adhere to him, and serve him with all your heart and all your soul,
6, And Joshua blessed them, and discharged them, and they went away to their tents.
7, Now, to the half tribe of Manasseh Moses had given (an in- heritance) in Basan ; and to the other half, Joshua gave (an inheritance) with their brethren beyond Jordan on the west. And also when Joshua was dismissing them to their tents, and had blessed them,
8, Then he spake to them, saying, Eeturn with much riches to your tents, and with very much property, with silver, and gold, and brass, and iron, and very much raiment ; divide the spoils of your enemies with your brethren.
9, Accordingly, both the children of Reuben and the children of Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh returned, and went away from the children of Israel, from Silo, which is in the land of Canaan, to go to the land of Gilead, to the land of their possession, in which
CHAP. XXII. 10-23. BOOK OF JOSHUA.. 319
they had received a possession, according to the word of Jehovah, by the hand of Moses.
10. And they came to the limits of the Jordan, which were in the land of Canaan, and the children of Reuben, and the children of Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh, built there an altar near the Jordan, an altar of conspicuous appearance.
11. And the children of Israel heard it said. Behold, the children of Reuben, and the children of Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh, have built an altar over against the land of Canaan, on the con- fines of the Jordan, at the crossing of the children of Israel.
12. The children of Israel, I say, heard, and the whole body of the children of Israel assembled in Silo, to go up against them to battle.
13. And the children of Israel sent to the children of Reuben, and to the children of Gad, and to the half tribe of Manasseh, to the land of Gilead, Phinehas, son of Eleazar the priest,
14. And ten princes with him, a single prince for each house, selected from all tlie tribes of Israel ; for there were single princes of the families of their fathers among the thousands of Israel.
15. They came, therefore, to the children of Reuben, and the children of Gad, and to the half tribe of Manasseh, to the land of Gilead, and spoke with them, saying,
16. Thus saith the whole congregation of Jehovah, What false- hood is this which ye have devised against the God of Israel, in turning away this day from going after Jehovah, by building an altar for yourselves to rebel this day against Jehovah ?
17. Is it little for us to have been involved in the iniquity of Peor, from which we are not yet cleansed even at the present day, and yet there was a plague in the congregation of Jehovah ?
18. Now you are turning aside this day from going after Jehovah, and it will be that you will rebel this day against Jehovah, and to-morrow he will be wroth against the whole con- gregation of Israel ;
19. And, indeed, if the land of your possession is impure, pass over to the land of the possession of Jehovah, in which the taber- nacle of Jehovah dwells, and receive possessions in the midst of us, and rebel not against Jehovah, nor revolt from us by building an altar for yourselves besides the altar of Jehovah our God. •
20. Did not Achan, the son of Zerah, sin grossly in the ana- thema, and was (there not) anger against the whole congi-e- gation of Israel ? That man did not die alone on account of his iniquity.
21. And the children of Reuben, and the children of Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh answered and spake with the princes of the thousands of Israel.
22. Jehovah, God of gods, Jehovah, God of gods, himself knoweth, and Israel will know ; if it be through rebellion, if it be through falsehood, against Jehovah, save us not this day.
23. If we have thought to build for us an altar, to turn away
320 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XXII. 2-1-34.
from going after Jehovah ; if to sacrifice upon it burnt- offerings and sacrifice'; and if to make upon it sacrifices of prosperity, let Jehovah himself inquire :
24. And if we have not rather done it from a fear of this thing, saying, Your children will to-morrow speak unto our children, say- ing, What have you to do with Jehovah the God of Israel ?
25. For Jehovah has put the Jordan as a boundary between us and you, ye children of Reuben and children of Gad ; ye have no portion in Jehovah ; and your children will make our children desist from fearing Jehovah.
26. And we said. Let us now give our endeavour to build an altar, neither for burnt-offerings nor for sacrifice ;
27. But that it may be a witness betwixt us and you, and be- tween our generations after us, that we may diligently serve Jehovah before him in our burnt-offerings, and our sacrifices, and our offerings of prosperity ; and lest your children may to-morrow say to our children. You have no part in Jehovah.
28. We said therefore. And it shall be, if they say to us or to our generations to-morrow, then shall we say, Ye see the like- ness of an altar to Jehovah, which our fathers made, not for burnt-offering, nor for sacrifice, but to be a witness between us and you.
29. Far be it from us to rebel against Jehovah, and to turn away this day from going after Jehovah, by building an altar for a burnt-offering, for oblation, and for sacrifice, beyond the altar of Jehovah our God, which is before his tabernacle.
30. Moreover, when Phinehas the priest, and the princes of the congregation, and the heads of the thousands of Israel who were with him, had heard the words which the children of Eeuben, and the children of Gad, and the children of Manasseh had spoken, it was pleasing in their eyes.
31. And Phinehas, the son of Eleazar the priest, said to the children of Reuben, and to the children of Gad, and to the children of Manasseh, This day we know that Jehovah is in the midst of us, in that ye have not sinned that sin against Jehovah ; then you have freed the children of Israel from the hand of Jehovah.
32. Therefore Phinehas, the son of Eleazar the priest, and tfiose princes returned from the children of Reuben, and from the children of Gad, from the land of Gilead to the land of Canaan, to the other children of Israel, and reported the matter to them.
33. And the thing was pleasing in the eyes of the children of Israel, and the sons of Israel blessed God, and did not determine to go up against them to battle, to destroy the land in which the children of Reuben and the children of Gad were dwelling.
34. And the children of Reuben and the children of Gad called the altar Hed, saying. For it will be a witness between us that Jehovah is God.
CHAP. XXIir. 1-15. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 321
CHAPTER XXIII.
1. And it was after many clays, after Jebovah gave rest to Israel from all their enemies round about, that Joshua became old and stricken in years.
2. Then Joshua called all Israel, their elders, their heads, and their judges, and their prefects, and said to them, I am old and stricken in years,
3. And you have seen all that .Jehovah yonr God has given to all those nations in your sight, because Jehovah your God has fought for you.
4. See that those remaining nations have been distributed to you for an inheritance by your tribes, from the Jordan, and all the nations which I have destroyed, even to the great sea towards the setting of the sun.
5. And Jeliovah your God will himself drive them before you, and will drive them out from your presence, and you shall possess their land by hereditary right, as Jehovah your God spake to you.
6. Be very strong, therefore, to keep and do whatever is written in the book of the law of Moses, not to recede from it, either to the right hand or the left ;
7. Do not become mingled with those nations which remain with you, and do not make mention of the name of their gods, nor swear by them, nor serve them, nor bow yourselves to them ;
8. But cleave to Jehovah your God, as you have done even to this day.
9. Therefore he lias driven out before you great nations and strong, nor has any one stood in your presence even to this day.
10. One man of you has pursued a thousand, because Jehovah your God is he who tighteth for you, as he had spoken to you.
11. Be very watchful over your souls in loving Jehovah your God.
12. For if you shall turn and turn away, and adhere to those remaining nations, those remaining nations, I say, which are with you, and contract marriages with them, and mingle yourselves with them, and they with you ;
13. Then know how that after this Jehovah your God will not drive out all those nations from your face ; but they will be to you for a snare, and an offence, and a scourge in your sides, and thorns in your eyes, until you perish from that best land which Jehovah your God has given you.
14. And lo, I am this day entering the way of all the earth ; know, therefore, with your whole heart and your whole soul, that not one word hath fallen of all the most excellent words which Jehovah your God spake over you ; all things have haj^pened to you ; not one word of them hath fallen.
15. Therefore, as every good word which Jehovah your God
X
322 NEW TRANSLATION OF THE CHAP. XXIV. 1-12.
spake to you has been fulfilled, so Jehovah will bring upon you every evil word, until he destroy you from that best land which Jehovah your God hath given you.
16. When ye shall have transgressed the covenant of Jehovah your God, which he commanded you, and shall have gone away and served other gods, and bowed yourselves unto them, the wrath of Jehovah will be kindled against you, and you will perish quickly from the most excellent land which he hath given you.
CHAPTER XXIV.
1. And thus Joshua assembled all the tribes of Israel in Sichem, and called the elders of Israel, and their heads, and their judges, and their prefects ; and they stood before God.
2. And Joshua said unto the whole people. Thus saith Jehovah the God of Israel, Tour fathers dwelt beyond the river at the be- ginning, as Thare, the father of Abraham and father of Nachor, and they served strange gods.
3. And I brought your father Abraham from the place which was beyond the river, and I led him through the whole land of Canaan, and I multiplied his seed and gave him Isaac.
4. And to Isaac I gave Jacob and Esau ; and to Esau I gave mount Seir, that he might possess it ; but Jacob and his sons went down into Egypt.
5. And I sent Moses and Aaron, and smote Egypt, as I did in the midst of it, and I afterwards led you out.
6. And I led your fathers out of Egypt, and you came down to the sea, and the Egyptians pursued your fathers with chariots and horses even to the Red Sea.
7. Then they cried to Jehovah, and he placed darkness between you and the Egyptians, and he brought the sea over him and covered him ; and your eyes saw what I did in the desert, and ye dwelt in the desert during many days.
8. Afterwards I brought you to the land of the Amorite, dwell- ing beyond the Jordan ; and they fought with you, and I delivered them into your hand ; and you possessed their land, and I destroyed them before your face.
9. And Balac the son of Sippor, the king of Moab, rose up and fought with Israel ; and he sent and called Bileara, the son of Beor, to curse you.
10. And I refused to hear Bileam ; but blessing I blessed you, and freed you from his hand.
11. And ye crossed the Jordan and came to Jericho, and the men of Jericho, the Amorite, and the Perezite, and the Canaanite, and the Hittite, atid the Girgashite, and the Hivite, and the Jebusite fought against you, and I delivered them into your hand.
12. And I sent before you hornets, who expelled them before
CHAP. XXIV, 1 3-28. BOOK OF JOSHUA. 323
your face, the two kings of the Amorite, not by thy sword nor by thy bow.
13. And I gave to you a land in which you laboured not, and cities which you built not, and you dwelt in them ; of vineyards and oliveyards which ye planted not, ye eat.
14. Now therefore fear Jehovah, and serve him in perfection and truth, and take away the gods which yoru* fathers served be- yond the river and in Egypt, and serve Jehovah.
15. But if it is irksome to you to serve Jehovah, choose ye this day whom ye are to worship ; whether the gods whom your fathers who were beyond the river served, or the gods of the Amorite, in whose land ye dwell ; but I and my house will wor- ship Jehovah.
16. And the people answered him, saying. Far be it from us to forsake Jehovah, by serving strange gods ;
17. For Jehovah our God is he who led us and our fathers out of the land of Egypt, from the house of slaves, and who did in our eyes those great signs : and he preserved us in all the way in which we walked, and among all the nations through the midst of whom we passed.
18. And Jehovah drove out all the nations, and also the Amorite, the inhabitant of the land, from our face ; even will we serve Jehovah, for he is our God.
19. And Joshua said unto the people. Ye will not be able to serve Jehovah, inasmuch as he is a holy God, he is a jealous God ; he will not spare your wickedness and your sins.
20. If ye shall forsake Jehovah, and serve a strange god, he will turn, and do you evil, and consume you, after he hath done you good.
21. And the people answered him, By no means; but we will serve Jehovah.
22. And Joshua said unto the people. Ye are witnesses against yourselves, that ye have chosen Jehovah, to serve him ; and they said, (We are) witnesses.
23. Now therefore take away the strange gods which are in the midst of you, and incline your heart to Jehovah the God of Israel.
24. And the people answered, Jehovah our God will we serve, and his voice will we obey.
25. Joshua therefore made a covenant with the people on that day ; and held forth to them precept and judgment in Sichem.
26. Joshua wrote those words in the book of the law of God ; he also brought a great stone, and placed it there beneath the oak Avhich w^as in the sanctuary of Jehovah.
27. And Joshua said to all the people. Behold, that stone will be for a testimony to you, for it has heard all the words of Jehovah which he has spoken to us, and it will be for a testimony against you, lest perchance ye lie against your God.
28. And Joshua sent back the people, every one to his own in- heritance.
324? NEW TRANSLATION OF JOSHUA. CHAP. XXIV. 29-o'3.
29. And these things having been done, Joshua the son of Nun, the servant of Jehovah, died at the age of a hundred and ten years.
30. And they buried liim in the border of his inheritance in Thimnat-serah, which is on mount Ephraim, to the north of mount Gaas.
31. And Israel served Jehovah all the days of Joshua, and all the days of the elders, who lived long after Joshua, and who had known all the work of Jehovah, which he had done to Israel.
32. And the bones of Joseph, which the children of Israel had brought out of Egypt, they buried in Sichem, in a part of the field which Jacob had acquired from the children of Hamor, the father of Sichem, for a hundred pieces of money, and the children of Joseph had them in their possession.
33. Moreover, Eleazar the son of Aaron died, and they buried him in Gibeath, belonging to Phinehas his son, which was given liim in mount Ephraim.
THE END OF THE NEW TRANSLATION OF THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.
INDICES
COMMEKTARIES ON THE BOOK OF JOSHUA.
II(DEX OF HEBREW WORDS EXPLAINED.
1, p. 25. ^iB', p. 31. njIT, p. 43.
njir, p. 41.
B'-lp, p. 60, 112.
Din, p. 95. 03, p. 111.
yDK>, p. 155.
nai, p. 223.
INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO, QUOTED, OR EXPLAINED.
|
GENESIS. |
Chap. Ver. |
Page |
PSALMS. |
LUKE. |
||||
|
vii. 2 |
173 |
|||||||
|
Chap. |
Ver. |
Page |
20 |
274 |
Chap. Ver. |
Page |
Chap. Ver. |
Page |
|
xii. |
7 |
178 |
xvii. 16 |
169 |
XV. 4 |
143 |
xvii. 6 |
152 |
|
8 |
128 |
xxi. 23 |
130 |
XX. 7 |
169 |
|||
|
xiii. |
3 |
128 |
xxxii. 26,27 |
109 |
xliv. 3 |
171 |
||
|
15 |
178 |
31 |
75 |
274 |
JOHN. |
|||
|
XV. |
18 |
22 |
277 |
Ixxii. |
22 |
|||
|
178 |
Ixxxix. |
22 |
ix. 24 |
114 |
||||
|
xvii. |
14 |
78 |
JUDGES. |
xcv. 8-11 |
38 |
|||
|
xxi. |
22,32 |
210 |
14 |
89 |
||||
|
xxvii. |
47 |
iii. 14 |
101 |
cxiv. |
62 |
ACTS. |
||
|
xxviii. |
17 |
89 |
xxi 19 |
223 |
cxxii. 1, 2 |
133 |
||
|
11-19 |
128 |
cxxxii. 11 |
89 |
viii. 26 |
184 |
|||
|
19 |
229 |
cxxxviii. 8 |
62 |
|||||
|
xxxiv. |
80 |
1 SAMUEL |
,. |
cxlix. 6-9 |
158 |
|||
|
xlix. |
194 |
1 CORINTHIANS. |
||||||
|
7 |
209 |
XV. 22 |
255 |
|||||
|
13,15 |
233 |
ISAIAH. |
V. 4-6 |
103 |
||||
|
27 |
228 |
vi. 12 |
254 |
|||||
|
2 SAMUEL |
xxxviii. 5-8 |
155 |
X. 4 23 |
87 254 |
||||
|
EXODUS. |
i. 18 |
154 |
||||||
|
vi. |
59 |
JEREMIAH. |
||||||
|
iii. |
5 |
89 |
X. 6 |
101 |
2 CORINTHIANS. |
|||
|
xii. |
25,48 |
84 |
ii. 18 |
183 |
||||
|
XX. |
4 |
260 |
vii. 12 |
224 |
ix. 7 |
38 |
||
|
24 |
254 |
1 KINGS. |
xviii. 3-6 |
164 |
||||
|
xxiii. |
32 |
173 |
xxi v. 2 |
163 |
||||
|
xxxii. |
34 |
87 |
xii. 28-33 xiii. |
229 229 |
PHILIPPIANS. |
|||
|
xvi. 34 |
101 |
EZEKIEL. |
iii. 14 |
183 |
||||
|
LEVITICUS. |
||||||||
|
i. |
88 |
|||||||
|
xxvi. |
1 |
260 |
2 KINGS. ii. 5 |
101 |
HOSE A. |
HEBREWS |
||
|
NUIVIBERS |
19-22 |
102 |
ix. 27 |
268 |
||||
|
X. 29-31 |
229 |
iv. 15 |
229 |
xi. 1 |
52 |
|||
|
iv. |
15 |
59 |
xxiii. 15 |
229 |
X. 5,8 |
229 |
31 |
46 |
|
ix. |
84 |
48 |
||||||
|
xiii. |
4 |
42 |
xiii. 5 |
30 |
||||
|
xxvi. |
193 |
EZRA. |
AMOS. |
|||||
|
xxxiv. |
5 |
183 |
||||||
|
193 |
ii. 28 |
128 |
iv. 4 v. 5 25 |
229 229 84 |
JAMES, ii. 26 |
46 |
||
|
DEUT] |
ERONO] |
MY. |
NEHEMIAH |
[. |
||||
|
i. |
22 |
42 |
iii. 2 |
102 |
MATTHEAV |
2 PETER. |
||
|
V. |
8 |
260 |
vii. 32 |
128 |
||||
|
32 |
265 |
xi. 32 |
128 |
xvii. 20 |
152 |
i. 12 |
263 |
GENERAL INDEX.
Abraham, the promise made to, 21, 27 ; the promise made to, known to the Caiiaanites, 52 ; an idolater when called to leave his country, 272 ; fables of the Jews in regard to, 272, 273.
Achan, the sacrilege of, 111,112; mon- strous stupor of, 112, 113 ; the con- fusion of, 115; why the family of, punished along witli him, 117 ; ex- traordinary opinions on the subject, 118; apparent harshness of Joshua's address to, 118,11 9.
Acsa, daughter of Caleb, the marriage of, 206, 207 ; supposed craft and cu- pidity of, 208, 209.
Adam, the town of, 65.
Affirmation often made in Hebrew by a question, 34.
Age, different periods of, distinguished by the Jews, 181.
Ai, overweening confidence displayed in the attempt to take, 105 ; reasons for the consternation into which Joshua and the Israelites were thrown by their defeat at, 106- 109 ; why stratagem rather than open war used in the second attack of, 122 ; number of troops employed in the ambuscade against, 123, 124 ; why ordered to be burnt like Jericho, 123 ; great blindness shewn by the people of, 124 ; the course of the battle at, 127 ; how said to be burnt both by the ambuscade and after the battle, 127; the rebuilding and sub- sequent history of, 128 ; reasons of the severe treatment of the king of, 129, 130 ; the burial of, why men- tioned, 130.
Aina, subsequent name of Ai, 128.
Altar, the, erected by the two tribes and half tribe, 23 ; the first erected by Joshua in Canaan on Mount Ebal,
131 ; why erected of unhewn stones,
132 ; option given as to the form of, 132, 133 ; allowed to be built origi- nally wherever ark was situated, 132 ; Mount Zion finally selected for the fixed locality of, 1 33 ; more than one why prohibited, 253, 254 ; ob- ject of Reubenites, &c., in erecting one, 25j-255.
Anachronisms in the Book of Joshua,
35, 36. Anakim, terror of the Israelites for the, 195 ; difficulty of expelling, 197 ; origin of tiie name of, 203.
Analog}', the, of Bishop Butler quoted, 97, 98.
Anathema, proper meaning of the term, 95.
Angel, the divine person Avho appeared to Joshua, in what sense so called, 86.89.
Antiquities of Josephus referred to, 1 72.
Antilibauus, the origin of the name, 185.
Ark of the covenant, 59, 62, 63, wherein its sacredness consisted, 63 ; a sym- bol of the divine presence, 63.
Armies oftener defeated by sudden terror than prowess, 49.
Arnon, the river, 188.
Ashdod or Azotus, 185.
Asher and Issachar, question as to the allocation of territories to, 218; beau- ty and fertility of the territory of the tribe of Asher, 234.
Augustine refcri'ed to, 29.
Author of the book of Joshua, 17, 18.
328
GENERAL INDEX.
Authority, honour and reverence due to persons invested with, 72.
Avites, probable government of tlie, 184.
Azotus or Ashdod, 185.
B
Baal-Peor, idolatry committed at, and its punishment, 256.
Bacchides; the fortification of Jericho by, 102.
Balaam, the death of, 189 ; his vain attempts to injure the Israelites, 274.
Benjamites, Ai, after the Babylonish captivity inhabited by the, 128 ; pe- culiar feature in the character of the, 228 229.
Bethaven, meaning of the name of, 229.
Bethel, the inhabitants of, vuiited with those of Ai, 125 ; and slaughtered with them, 128 ; formerly called Luz, 128 ; the situation of, 128 ; Ja- cob's dream at, 128 ; the name of, why chrinj;ed to Bethaven, 229.
Biblical Cyclopsedia quoted, 118.
Blessing and cursing, the respective uses of, 1.54.
Book of Jdsher, what meant by the, 154.
Boundaries, importance of properly defining, 188, 189, 190; boundaries of the tribes, importance of accu- rately defining the, 201.
Burial, humanity to be shewn even to enemies in their, 130.
Butler, Bishop, quoted, 97, 98 ; refer- red to, 189.
Calkb, Mount Hebi-on given to, 194 ; why called a Kenite, 195 ; his cha- racter and conduct, 195-198 ; his conduct in promising to give his daughter in marriage, 206, 207.
Cambyses, the Persian monarch, his expedition against Greece, 184.
Canaan, divine promise as to, suspend- ed, 18, 19 ; the whole land of, how said to have been taken by Joshua, 1 76 ; the conqtiest of, why made gra- dually, 172, 173, 176.
Canaanites, acquainted with the pro- mise made to Abraham, 52 ; effect produced by the passage of the Jor- dan on the, 77 ; promiscuous slaugh- ter of, how justifiable, 97 ; how doomed to destruction, and yet offer-
ed peace on submission, ] 38, 1 39 ; judicial blindness of the, 166. Captain of the Lord's Host, a title of Christ, the only-begotten Son ot God, 87, 88. Caudine jieace, crafty repudiation of,
by the Romans, 144. Caution, the use of, not inconsistent
with genuine faith, 54. Children, made to suffer by the sins of their parents, 79 ; how punished for the sins of their parents, 117 ; ad- mitted as witnesses of the proceed- ings on Ebal and Gerizim, 134.
Christ, liow the thoughts of the Israel- ites were raised to, 22 ; the head of the church, 22 ; David a type of, 22 ; how very God, and yet said to be inferior to God, 88 ; his appearance in human form under the Old Tes- tament, 88.
Church, history of the, originally drawn up by the Levites, 17 ; Christ, head of the, 22 ; divine grace displayed in the admission of Rahab into the, 44 ; iChiist, head of the, 87 ; the great crime of disturbing the, 119 ; schemes of the reprobate against the, how defeated, 130".
Cicero referred to, 54.
Circumcision, renewal of, 19 ; its na- ture, 77 ; omission and revival of, 78, 79, 83 ; an initiatory rite prepa- ratory to the Passover, 79,
Cities, question as to overleaping the walls of, 54; cities of the Israelites, the number of the, when the pro- mised land was allotted, 209, 218.
Clarke, Dr. Edward, his travels refer- red to, 234.
Claudian quoted, 152.
Clemency, genuine, the nature of, 163.
Coele Syria, the meaning of the name, and the beautiful valley of, 1 85.
Command of God to destroy the Ca- naanites, not inconsistent with offer- ing them peace, 174, 175.
Computation, Hebrew mode of, 149.
Confessions of truth extorted from un- b(^lievers, 75.
Confidence and distrust, their opposite tendencies, 27, 34 ; confidence in God should be unlimited, 185.
Constancy, how far commendable, 196.
Contracts, how far voided by fraud, 137, 139, 142-145.
Country, nature and extent of our ob- ligation to our, 46.
Covenant with the Israelites, how ac-
GENERAL INDEX.
329
complished, 18, 19 ; re-establish- ment of the, 1 9.
Crimes, private, how converted into public, 103, 104, HI ; important ends gained by this conversion of, 104.
Cursing and blessing, the respective uses of, 1 34.
Cyclopaedia of Biblical literature quo- ted, 1 1 8.
D
Danger of provoking the wrath of God, 159.
David, a type of Christ, 22 ; bounda- ries of Palestine extended by, 29.
Dead Sea, its depth beneath the level of the ocean, 57.
Death, even in its worst forms, and when inflicted as puuislunent, may be only a medicine, 117 ; death and life, God the Sovei'eign Disposer of, 118.
Debir, 17.
Delay, danger of, in regard to the dis- charge of duty, 210.
Distrust and confidence, their opposite tendencies, 27, 34.
Dread, or Pavor, heathen deity so called, 49.
Duration of the wars of Joshua, 172.
Duty, our ingenuity in devising pi"e- texts for evading, 170.
E
Ebal, the altar erected on Mount, 131 ; order of narrative respecting it, 131.
Egypt, river of, 22 ; what meant by the reproach of, 81 ; what meant by, 183.
Eleazar, probable author of the Book of Joshua, 17.
El Hule, modern name of Lake Me- rom, 168.
Elements of nature subject to God, G3.
Elijah, miracles performed by, 152, 153.
Elisha, miraculous cure of the waters of Jericho by, 102.
Ephraim and Manasseh, the territories of, how mixed up, 212-217 ; Eph- raim, the improper conduct of, 212.
Euphrates, 22, 28.
Examination, the necessity of serious self, 276.
Excommunication, a form of partial, 80.
Expediency, i-egard to be had to, 254.
Expedient and lawful, distinction be- tween, 143.
Experimental knowledge, a help to
faith, 62. Ezra, the Book of Joshua has been
ascribed to, 18.
Faith and unbelief contrasted, 30 ; distinction between genuine and spurious, 48-52 ; faith, genuine, not inconsistent with the use of cau- tion, 54 ; characteristic features of, 59, 60 ; aided by experimental knowledge, 62 ; seals of, 62 ; dis- play of, by the Israelites at Jericho, 97 ; the power and privilege of, 152, 153 ; the tendency of, to faint and fall away, if not supplied with new nourishment, 167.
Faithfulness, the Divine, never fails, 19 ; manifestations of, 20-22 ; Di- vine, not frustrated by human cowardice, 248.
Falsehood, never justifiable, 47 ; at- tempted justification of, by Jesuits and Romish casuists, 47.
Fathers, Christian, the opinion of the, as to the angel who appeared under the Old Testament, 88.
Figs, early, application of the simile of, 163.
First fruits claimed by God in the taking of Jericho, 95, 116.
Flax, stalks of, used by Rahab in con- cealing the spies, 45.
Fraud, how far conti'acts are voided by, 137, 139, 142-145.
G
Gad, the tribe of, 23.
Galilee, Sea of, its depth beneath the level of the ocean, 57.
Gaza, origin of the name of, 184 ; its proper site, 184, 185.
Geneva, presentiment of decline in the Church of, 282.
Gennesaret or Cineroth Sea, 179.
Geography, biblical, importance of, 57 ; biblical, advantage to be de- rived from a knowledge of, 179 ; facilities for the study of biblical, 201.
Gerizim and Ebal, remarkable pro- ceedings at, 131, 133, 134.
German rationalists referred to, 35 ; translation of the Bible referred to, 39, 64.
Gesenius, the Hebi'ew Grammar of, referred to, 184.
38C
GENERAL INDEX.
Giants, the race of, in Canaan, 175 •, the subjugation of the, 17a.
Gibeon, the situation of, 149; stand- ing of the sun in, 1. 52- 154.
Gibeonites, the, crafty proceedings of, 137 ; the league formed with, how far binding, 137-139, 142, 143 ; si- tuation of the capital of the, 140 ; domestic slavery imposed on the, 144, 145; the combination of the kings against, 148; order of narra- tive respecting this combination, 148. 150.
Gilgal, monument of, crossing the Jor- dan, erected at, 67, 68, 74; name of, 74, 82; situation of, 149, 150; per- manent camp of the Israelites at,
150, 157, 164 ; locality of, 168. God, how said to become present to
us, 8o ; how said to be above all gods, 260.
Gods, heathen, favouritism and imagi- nary wars of, 51.
Going out and. in, what meant by, in Hebrew, 196.
Grace, special, exemplified in Rahab, 99.
Grief, modes of expressing, 107; car- ried to a preposterous length by Jo- shua and the elders, 107.
Grotius, the opinion of, as to the Angel of the Covenant, 88; his attempt to shew that the children of Aclian were not put to death, 118.
Guilt, brought to light in its own time, 113; delay of the punishment of, no signof final impunity, 113; personal universal consciousness of, 164.
H
Hail, which destroyed the Canaanitish kings, not common, but miraculous,
151, 152.
Hanging, why declared to be an abo- mination, 1 30.
Hardening of the reprobate, 174, 175.
Head of the Church, Christ the, 87.
Hebrew, affirmative in, often made by a question, 34; copulative particle, 25,35 ; modes of computation, 149 ; the pronunciation of, 184; the mean- ing of "going out and in" in, 196; common nouns often used as proper names, 189.
Hebron, 17; how granted to Caleb, and yet made a Levitieal city, 198, 199.
Hiel, the rebuilding of Jericho by, 101.
High priest, duty of, to instruct both orally and by writing, 17.
Holy ground, why the place where the angel or captain of the Lord's host stood, is called, 89; Holy Land, the boundaries of, 183, 184.
Honour and reverence due to persons invested with authority, 72 ; anxiety of Joshua to maintain the Divine, 108, 109.
Horses of the Canaanites, why ordered to be destroyed, 169.
Husbands, the duty of, to repress un- reasonable demands by their wives, 208.
Hypocrites, the abandoned wickedness of, in appealing to the Almighty, 259.
Idolaters and false worshippers, dan- ger of intercourse with, 265, 266.
Idolatry, remarkably rapid progress of, 272, 273 ; did the secret practice of, exist among the Jews in the time of Joshua'? 279.
Image-worship of Rome, not counte- nanced by the altar of the Reuben- ites, &c., 259, 260.
Impunity, fi])al, not proved by the sus- pension of punishment, 1 62.
Isaiiih, the Book of Joshua has been ascribed to, 1 8.
Israelites, misconduct of the, 20, 21 ; punishment of the, 21, 27, 28; their zeal for pure worship, 23; mercy mingled with judgment in the treat- ment of the, 28 ; improved charac- ter of, under Joshua, 72; rash pro- ceeding of the, in regard to the Gibeonites, 140; why so easily im- posed upon, 140.
Issachar and Asher, question as to the allocation of territories to, 218.
Jabok, the brook of, 179.
Jacob, the prophecy of, 23 ; the re- markable predictions of, 233, 234.
Jaslier, what meant by the Book of, 154.
Jehovah, the true attributes of, 51 ; the name often given to a divine angel, 87.
.Jericho, 19; the inhabitants of, judi- cially blinded, 45 ; fears and dangers of messengers sent to, 45-48; season of the year when attack made on, 45 ; apparent inadequacy of the means proposed for the capture of,
GENERAL INDEX.
331
92, 93 ; why a curse pronounced on tlie rebuilding of, 101; tlie re- building of, by Keil, 101; the subse- quent history of, 101, 102.
Jerusalem or Jebus, long possession of, by the Caraanites, 202, 203.
Jesuits, errors of, on the subject of truth and falsehood, 47.
Jewish RabbinSj their opinions as to the angel who appeared to Joshua, 88.
Jordan, passage of the, 19; fords of the, 36 ; description of the river and valley of the, 57 ; natural diflti- culties of crossing the, 58, 64; the spot where the Israelites crossed the, 65 ; height of water in the, when it was crossed, 64, 73.
Joseph, question as to the lot assigned to the sons of, 218-220.
Josephus, an absurd interpretation by, 82; referred to, 128, 172.
Joshua, Book of, number of years embraced by, and division of, 24; a continuation of Deuteronomy, 25; not necessarily author of the Book bearing his name, 1 7; materials of the Book of, how probably furnished, 1 7 ; doctrine of the Book of, dictated by the Holy Spirit, 18 ; writing by, 18; important truths taught by the divine dealings with, 19; sun stopped by, 20; division of the land by, not elusory, 23; though-a model of cour- age, required to be stimulated, 39 ; his appointment as leader, 26, 30 ; his implicit obedience to the divine command, 68, 69; honour paid to, 70-73 ; the remarkable vision of, 86; his probable employment at the time, 86; character of the divine person who appeared to, 86-89-, his valour, disinterestedness, and zeal for the divine glory, 129 ; his con- fidence in commanding the sun and moon, on what founded, 152, 153; his abstinence and prompt obedience pi'aised, 170 ; did not act from pas- sion in slaying the Canaanites, 170 ; time occupied by the wai's of, 1 72 ; the honorary patrimony of Timnath- Serah assigned to, 237, 238; the parting address of, a model to all in authority, 263; apparent contradic- tion in the parting address of, 276, 277; his written account of it, 281 ; the burial of, "282.
Judah, its pre-eminence among the tribes, 105; scandal inflicted by Aehan on the tribe of, 105; prefer-
ence given to the tribe of, 201 ; extent and fertility' of their terri- tory, 201, 202; moderation dis- played by the tribe of, 231.
Judges, the Book of, why so called, 17.
Judgment-seat of heaven, not subject to our laws, 163.
Judgments, divine, to be soberly in- quired, not curiously pried into, 111.
Judicial blindness of ihe Canaanites inflicted out of favour to the Israel- ites, 166, 167.
Jupiter Stator, vows made by hea- thens to, 49.
K
Kenite, Caleb, why called a, 195.
Kings of Canaan, league of the, 19, 20; the sacred dignity of, and re- verence due to, 158 ; in national guilt more criminal than their sub- jects, 158 ; reasons for the severe punishment inflicted on the Ca- naanitish, 158, 159.
Kirjath Arba, or Ciriath Arba, origin of the name of, 198.
Lachish, the situation of, 148.
Law, necessity of studying and observ- ing the, 31, 32; to be observed simply without addition or diminu- tion, 32; necessity of zeal and dili- gence in executing the, 251; the vanity of observing the external form of, without true affection, 266.
Lawful and expedient distinction be- tween, 143.
Lebanon, 28; the mountains of, 57 ; inundations caused in the Jordan by the melting of the snows of, 57, 58; district of, 179; the extent of, 185.
Leontes, the valley of Ccele-Syria watered by the, I 85.
Leshem, an anticipation of the order of, narrative with reference to, 236, 237.
Levi, the punishmfent denounced against the tribe of, converted into an honourable distinction, 230, 246.
Levi-ben-Gerson referred to, 153.
Levites, orders of, originally employ- ed in recording the history of the Churcl), 17 ; the subsistence of the, 186, 190, 194.
Levitical cities, the appointment of, 243, 244 ; indulgence shewn in the locahties selected, 244.
GENEKAL INDEX.
Lie, a particular form of, called Meti- dacium Officiosum, considered, 47.
Life and death, God the sovereign disposer of, 118 ; life, God the so- vereign disposer of, 1 64.
Litigation, proneness of men to engage in, 188.
Lord's Supper, analogy between the Passover and the, 79, 80 ; usually administered only to the baptized, 80.
Luther, his translation of the Bible referred to, G4, 102, 109, 275.
Luz, the original name of Bethel, 128.
Lying, metaphorical use of the term, 'ill, 281.
M
Magistrates and persons in authority
bound to consult the interests of
posterity, 263, 264. Maimonides referred to, 153. Man, nature of Christ's appearance as
a, under the Old Testament, 88. Manasseh, the half tribe of, 23 ; Eph-
raim and, the territories of, how
mixed up, 212 ; question as to the
children and descendants of, 215. Manna, final cessation of, 85. Massacre of the Canaanitish women
and children, how justified, 1 63, 1 64. Mediator, divine promises confirmed in
the hand of a, 22 ; under the Old
Testament Christ the only, 87 ;
Christ as. by dispensation inferior
to God, 88. Mediterranean or Great Sea, 28. Mendacium officiosum, nature of the
lie so called, 47. Mercy exercised contrai'y to divine
authority detestable, 158. Merom, the nature and locality of lake
of, 168, 169 ; modern name of, 168;
battle fought at, 168. Messiah, the reign of, 22. Might divine, often concealed under
apparent weakness, 93. Military discipline why discouraged
among the Israelites, 169. Miracle of crossing the Jordan, 64, 65;
explained to priests and people be- fore actually performed, 60, 61. Miracle of hail which destroyed the ' Canaanitos, 1 5 1 , 1 52 ; of the sun and
moon standing still in Gibeon and
Ajalon, 152-154. Moab, plains of, 57. Modesty and sobriety, the importance
of, 32.
Monuments of, crossing the Jordan at Gilgal, 67, 68; and in the Jordan itself, 68, 69 ; use of the latter mo- nument, 68, 69.
Moses, why called a servant of God, 26 ; nature of the promise made to, 27.
jNIount Zion set apart for the Temple, 224.
Mouth, metaphorical meaning of the word, 33.
N
Naphtali, proper boundaries of the
tribe of, 236. Narrative, anticipations of, in the book
of Joshua, 35, 36. Nile, the river, meaning of the name,
183 ; was it one of the boundaries
of the promised land ? 183, Novelties, danger of introducing, 254.
O
Oath, the exacted, by Rahab from the
spies, 52, 53. Oaths, nature and solemn obligation of,
142, 143. Obligations not fully discharged unless
performed cheerfully, 38. Operations, divine, not left unfinished,
62. Origen, the sixth homily of, referred
to, 88.
Palestine, boundaries of, 28, 29 ; ex- tension of, by David and Solomon, 29 ; why left indefinite, 22, 29.
Parents punished in the persons of their children, 79 ; power of, in re- gard to the marriage of their chil- dren, 207.
Particles, Hebi'ew, 55.
I'assover, under ordinary cii'cum- stances, celebrated only by the cir- cumcised, 79 ; deviation from this ordinary rule, 79, 80, 83,84; ana- logy between the Lord's Supper and the, 79, 80.
Patience of God, the danger of abus- ing, 162.
Pavor, or Dread, heathen deity so call- ed, 49.
Peace, were the Israelites at liberty to offer it to the Canaanites ? 173, 174.
People, deference paid to their leaders by the, 144.
GENERAL INDEX.
Permissive power, absurdity of limit- ing the agency of God to, 1 75.
Perseverance, in good beginnings, ne- cessary, 196.
Phinehas, the book of Joshua has been ascribed to, 18; his embassy to the Reubenites, &.C., 255, 261.
Phoenicians, extent of territory be- longing to the, 185.
Popish sanctuaries, contrast between and the Jewish cities of refuge, 240.
Popular feeling, concession to, in the burning of Ai, 123.
Power, permissive divine agency not limited to, 1 75.
Prayer, howapt to be vitiated, 107, 108.
Presumption, human, manifested in arrogating the honour due only to God, 274.
Pretexts for evading divine commands, ingenuity of man in devising, 170.
Priests, display of faith in crossing the Jordan by the, 59, 64, 70.
Promised land, question as to the mode of dividing the, 192, 193 ; no failure of tlie divine predictions in regard to the conquest of, 247, 248.
Promises, bare, not sufficient without other stimulants, 30,31; promises and oath, strict fidelity to be ob- served in, 99; divine promises no excuse for sluggishness, 151; pro- mises of God, certain fulfilment of the, 173.
Prosperitv, what meant by sacrifices of, 133"
Punishment, suspended, no pi'oof of final impunity, 162.
Purification, legal, occasions when re- quired, 60; purification, external, the objects served by, 1 12.
Q
Question, affirmative, fomn of, in He- brew, 34.
R
Rauab, absurd fictions of the Rabbins in regard to, 43; her admission into the Church a display of divine grace, 44 ; questions raised as to the con- duct of, 46; genuineness and strength of the faith of, 4 8, 52 ; oath exacted by, 52, 53 ; faithful fulfilment of the promise made to, 99 ; an example of special grace, 99 ; she and her family, why placed ^vithout the camp, 99, 100.
Rams' horns, why given to the priests to blow with at Jericho, and not the usual silver trumpets, 94 ; the divine authority represented by, 94.
Reasons for dividing those parts of the promised land not yet occupied by the Israelites, 182.
Rebecca, the conduct of, in the case of Jacob and Esau, 47.
Red Sea, passage of the, 1 9 ; famous in Canaan, 44 ; Red Sea and Jordan, similarity of the miracles performed in crossing the, 75.
Refuge, the appointment of cities of, 239 ; was there undue delay in ap- pointing them ? 239; important ends secured by, 240.
Repentance, external manifestations of, 107, 110, 111.
Reprobate, their devices against the Church, how defeated, 136 ; infatua- tion of the, 136; the hardening of the, 175.
Resurrection, sepulture a symbol of the, 283.
Reuben, the tribe of, 23 ; conditions on ■which an inheritance beyond the Jordan was granted to the, 37.
Reubenites, Gadites, &c., discharge of the, from lurther military service, 250, 251 ; erection of an altar by the, 253.
Reward, the acceptance of, not incon- sistent with disinterestedness, 237, 238.
Rhinocolura, or Rhinocorui-a, the site of, 183.
Riha, a modern village supposed to be upon the site of Jericho, 102.
Romans, crafty repudiation of the Caudine peace by the, 144.
Romish, casuists' errors of, on the subject of truth and falsehood, 47 ; Romish imago worship, not counte- nanced by the altar of the Reuben- ites, &c., 259, 260.
Romulus, conduct of, in slaying his brother, 54.
Sabbath, observance of the, 85.
Sacrifice, the first extraordinary, of- fered in the land of Canaan, 1 31.
Sacrifices offered by the Israelites in the desert, while uncircumcised, 83.
Saints, the imperfections of, not wholly destructive of the good qualities of their actions, 47.
SS4
GENERAL INDEX.
Salvation, right mode of prosecuting our, 62.
Samuel, tlie Book of, narrates events subsequent to Samuel's death, 1 7 ; Book of Joshua sometimes ascribed to, 18.
Sanctuaries, Popish, contrast between, and the Jewish cities of refuge, 240.
Scripture, infidel attempts to impugn the accuracy of, 64 ; light thrown upon by modern travellers, 179.
Self-deception, liow easily men fall into, 278 ; self-examination, the im- portance of, 276 -, self-partiality, the frequency of, 279.
Selfis-hness, proneness of mankind to, 214, 213.
Septuagint referred to, 25, 35, 38- 40,64,65, 92, 102, 109, 131, 147, 173, 251, 252, 270, 275, 279, 280 ; mode of expressing Hebrew cha- racters in, 1 84.
Sepulture, why so often and so honour- ably mentioned in Scripture, 283.
Servant of God, what implied by the designation, 26.
Servants of God, how special gifts are bestowed upon, and fit successors appointed to, 19.
Shiloh, celebrated convention at, 222 ; the site of, 223 ; ark stationed at, 223.
Shoes, what implied in the order to .Joshua to take off his, 89.
Sidon, why called great, 169.
Simeon, peculiar situation of the tribe of, 209 ; the reason of it, 209.
Sins, private, sometimes punished na- tionally, 256.
Sittim, or Shittim, where situated, 39.
Slaughter of Canaanites, how justifi- able, 97.
Slaughters by Joshua, inflicted judi- cially, under divine authority, and not from passion, 170.
Slavery imposed on the Gibeonites, 144, 145.
Sluggishness, pernicious consequences of, 217.
Spear of Joshua, why lifted up, 126.
Spies, object of sending, to Jericho, 42, 43 ; probably sent by divine authority, 43 ; fears and dangers of the, 4.5, 48 ; Joshua's wise selec- tion of the, 55.
Spirit, Holy, guidance by the, not in- consistent with partial mistakes, 230, 231.
Splendour, worldly, annihilated by the
Lord, when he sits on his tribunal, 160.
Stimulants necessary to rouse men from their natural torpor, 100 ; ne- cessary to secure the performance of duty, 239.
Stones, a heap of, why placed over the spot whei-e Achan was executed, 119; at Mount Ebal, the writing inscribed on the, 133; purposes served by the, l'd3.
Stratagem, whether justifiable in war, 125.
Sun, the standing still of the, a great miracle, 153, 154 ; absurdity of at- tempting to explain it, 154 ; simi- larity of the miracle in the'case of Hezekiah, 155.
Surveyors of the Promised Land, na- ture of the task assigned to the, 224, 226.
Swearing to one's hurt, what meant by, 143.
Sword of justice not committed to all indiscriminately, 254, 255, 268.
Tables of the covenant deposited in the ark, 63.
Tautology, instance of apparent, 185, 186.
Terah, fable of the Jews, in regard to, 272.
Theodosius, panegyric of Claudian on, 152.
Threatenings, divine, never in vain, 21 ; how fulfilled, 27 ; and pro- mises, both necessary to promote religious progress, 267.
Tiberias, Lake of, 57.
Timnath-Serah, the honorary patri- mony assigned to Joshua, 237, 238.
Travellers, modern, light thrown upon the Scriptures by, 179.
Tribes of Israel left beyond the Jor- dan, how protected, 71.
Tribunal, the Lord, when seated on his, annihilates all worldly splen- dour, 160.
Trumpets, silver, why substituted by rams' horns at the taking of J ericho, 94.
Truth, precious in the sight of God, 47.
U
U.NBELiEVEES, confessioDS of truth ex- torted frgpi, 75.
GENERAL INDEX.
335
Uzzahj the punishment of, 59.
V
Valley of the Jordan, 57.
Victories, continned, easy and rapid, of Joshua, bespeak the presence of divine agency, 162.
Victuals of the Gibeonites, what meant by the I.sraelites taking of the, 140,
Vulgate, translation of the Bible re- ferred to, 65.
scension to, 55 ; apparent, divine might often concealed under, 93.
Wives, duty of husbands to, repress unreasonable demands by, 208.
Word of God, necessity of strictly ob- serving the, 3.3.
Works of God, utility of considering the, 76.
Worship, divine, offered only to God, 88.
Wrath of God, danger of provoking the, 159.
W
Walls of cities, question as to over- leaping the, 54.
War, stratagem justifiable in, 125 ; faith once pledged to be strictly kept in, 125.
Warlike array, the intoxicating effects of, 169.
Wars of Joshua, time occupied by the, 172.
Weakness, human, the divine conde-
Z
Zareptan, the town of, 65.
Zeal, only when duly regulated, is ap- proved by God, 94 ; holy, how dis- played, 254, 255.
Zelmlun, clear fulfilment of prophecy in the allocation of the tribe of, 233 ; beauty and fertility of its territory, 234.
Zelophehad, portion assigned to the daughters of, 214, 215.
CALVIN
AS AN INTERPEETEB OF
THE HOLY SCRIPTURES.
TRANSLATED FROM TUE GERMAN OF
PROFESSOR THOLUCK OF HALLE,
BY
PROFESSOR WOODS OF ANDOVER.
TO WUICU ARE ADDED,
OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
OF FOREIGN AND BRITISH DIVINES AND SCHOLARS AS TO THE VALUE AND IMPORTANCE OF THE WRITINGS OF
JOHN CALYIN.
" NON TAMEN OMNINO POTUIT MORS INVIDA TOTUM TOLLERE CALVINUM TERRIS ; J£TERNA MANEBUNT INGENir MONUMENTA TUI : ET LIVORIS INIQUI LAKGUIDA PAULATIM CUM FLAMMA RESEUERIT, OMNKS RELIGIO QUA PURA NITET SE FUNDET IN ORAS FAMA TUI."
Buchaiiani Poemata.
PREFATORY NOTICFJ
Public attention has of late been earnestly directed to the writings of John Calvin. Im2}ortant and vital questions, involving: the fundamental doctrines of the Christian faith and the very existence of the Church of Christ, had awakened religious inquiry. Our older divines have been dragged forth from their obscurity, and have laid open unexplored treasures of piety, wisdom, and eloquence. Much care and industry has been employed, and more is urgently needed, to examine the claims of those authors, and to ascertain their compara- tive value. When a mass of theological writings — prodigious beyond what will easily be believed — shall have been thrown into the crucible, and the dross carefully separated, the gold obtained from them will exhibit very different proportions from what had been previously conjectured. A verdict long ago pronounced on the Greek and Latin Fathers, and indo- lently approved by successive ages, is undergoing a review. The result is not doubtful. Already they begin to take a lower place, and will sink more deeply in general estimation. Neither Chrysostom, nor Origen, nor Theodoret, nor Cyprian, nor Augustine, will ever regain the lofty position which they had been permitted to occupy.^ Placed side by side with
1 The Preface liere reprinted was written by the Rev. W. Pringle, to whom the Calvin Society are indebted for several valuable translations, and was prefixed to an edition of Tholuck's " Merits," which he superintended in 1845, and accompanied M'ith various opinions and testimonies. To these considerable additions have now been made.
^ John Daille (1594-1670) had led the way in this discussion by his excellent work, " On the Right Use of the Fathers." One knows not whether to admire most the learning, or the boldness, or the sound judg- ment, or the vigorous and comprehensive views of that Author, who reaped so rich a harvest, and left nothing more than a few gleanings to
340 PREFATORY NOTICE.
tlic giants of the Reformation, they are found not to surpass them in talent and genius^ and not to equal them in learning and judgment.
A different course of events had led to the same results on the Continent of Europe. Neology, rejecting all that is peculiar to the religion of Christ, was fighting, under false colours, the battles of infidelity, and preparing for a holder avowal of its most pernicious tenets, while strangely enough it assumed the title of Rational Christiayiity. The high pre- tensions of that school in philology, antiquities, and every department of biblical learning, had struck disma}^ into the liearts of their opponents, and threatened to produce wide devastation. When the field appeared to be won, and little more remained than to proclaim a triumph, they were sum- moned to encounter a determined band, whom they at first treated with affected derision, but by whom they will ere long be overmatched. The tide of Avar is already turned, and we trust that the hosts of the Lord will march forward to possess the land. Yet we cannot disguise from ourselves, that among the ranks of this noble army are heard sounds that grate upon the ear, remnants of the language of Ash- dod, that proclaim a less honourable descent, and painfully contrast with the purer dialect of Canaan, to which they are gradually approaching.
Though the religious aspect of our continental neiglibours may not be viewed by us with unmingled satisfaction, we hail with devout gratitude a new and auspicious era on which they have entered. Having too long drunk the pol- luted streams of Neology, they are repairing with delight to the fountain of revealed truth. A voice has been heard, proclaiming, Thus saitli the Lord, Stand ye in the ways and see, and ask for the old paths, where is the good way, and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your soids. (J or. vi. 16.) lievering the Word of God as the standard of ulti- mate appeal, they begin to inquire what assistance may
the industry of later times. But his invahiuble services were, for a long time, confined chiefly to the learned ; and it is only within a comparatively recent period that the authority of the Fathers has become a question of e:cneral interest.
PRKFATOKY NOTICE. o41
be derived from tlie once venerated Reformers in ascer- taining the import of tlie Sacred Volume. The writings of Luther, Camerarius, and Melanchthon, have been ex- plored, and have awakened delighted surprise, not only by tlie rich stores of knowledge which they contain, but by a freshness and originality of illustration of which few were aware.
Among the great men who adorned the age of the Reformation, the superlative worth of Calvin is almost universally acknowledged. He is pronounced to be the ablest theologian, and safest guide to the interpretation of Scripture. His Commentaries and Institutes are republished, and widely circulated, in Germany in the original Latin. His French treatises are presented to liis countrymen in their native garb, and — in some instances at least — are com- mitted to the care of Editors who are attracted chiefly by their admirable style. Within our own country, The Calvin Translation Society undertakes to present the writings of Calvin in a modern dress not unworthy of their distin- guished Author.'
So remarkable a concurrence of events appeared to the Editor of this little Avork a proper occasion for investigating the peculiar excellencies of the writings of Calvin. He is not avA'are that they have ever been subjected to a critical examination more full, judicious, and searching, than in the Dissertation of Professor Tholuck, which appeared in the " Literary Advertiser for Christian Theology^ and Ge- neral Intelligince for 1831,"^ and a translation of which, by Professor Woods of Andover — now reprinted without alteration either in the text or notes — was contributed to the (American) Biblical Repository, in the following year.
' In tlie Prospectus of The Calvin Society, it was proposed to re- print such of the old Translations as were deemed worthy of being pre- served ; and, accordingly, reprints of the Commentaries on the Epistle to the Romans, translated by Rosclell, and of the Acts of the Apostles, trans- lated by Fcthcrstone, were included in the issues of the first year. But it Avould appear that the old Translations are now considered fo be im- suitable to modern taste : for it has been formally announced by the Council, that " (xU the subsequent issues iv ill be new and oruj'mal Trans- lations."
' Literarischer Auzeiijcr fiir ChristUchc Tlieulogie und Wissenschaft.
S4)2 PREFATORY NOTICE.
In some points, and these not immaterial, tlie Editor is compelled to dissent from that judgment ; for Dr. Tholuck — though justly ranked among evangelical writers, and honoured of God to defend precious truths against formidable assailants — is not a Galvinist. He frankly avows the peculiarities of his creed, and he does so under circumstances which did not seem to render that avowal at all necessary. After having exhibited, in a great variety of lights, the exegetical writings of the Reformer, and bestowed on them high but discrimi- nating praise, he expresses solicitude lest their diffusion may aid the progress of what he is pleased to call " the partial views of Calvinism."^ True, he describes Predestination simply as an "extreme," acknowledges that "a profound truth lies at the foundation of Calvinism," and denounces, in no measured terms, " the iveakness of a carnal Pelagianism." All this may encourage the belief that Tholuck is nearer to Calvinism than he is aware ; that, under some modification not satisfactorily explained to his own mind, he already liolds the doctrine of Predestination ; and that, under the guidance of the Divine Spirit which he unquestionably enjoys, he will, at no distant period, give full admission to the leading tenet of Cnlvinism as a portion of revealed truth. But though his creed were at a still greater remove from the standard of orthodoxy, his eulogy would only be the more disinterested, and ought not to be supposed to be less cordial, since Arminius^ himself has spoken of the Institutes, and especially of the Commentaines, in language as unqualified as it would be safe to employ in reference to a human pro- duction !
Not less strongly does the Editor dissent from Tholuck's approbation of some views entertained by Calvin. The grand outline of Calvin's manner appears to him to be faith- fully sketched, and filled up with the hand of a master ; but there are a few strokes which, though intended to heighten, served rather to deform the picture. In all that is said about Calvin's candour and impartiality, and freedom from the prejudices of his age, he fully agrees; but regrets to
' Page 375. * See page 388.
PREFATORY NOTICE. S43
find certain passages adduced in proof of those excellencies, wliicli Calvin's warmest admirers in this country will unite in regarding as unseemly spots, the aberrations of a judg- ment which was rarely at fault. On minor details, where there is room for great variety of opinion, it is unnecessary to anticipate the decision of the public ; but the hope may be indulged, that an estimate not lightly formed by one of the ablest of biblical critics, will obtain from all classes a respectful consideration.
To the Critical Dissertation of Tholuck are appended Opinions and Testimonies of Foreign and British Divines and Scholars, from Calvin's age to our own time. They will serve to shew that, with a unanimity of which it would be difficult to find another example, men who diifer widely in matters of doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, and whose talents and acquirements entitle them to be heard, with attention, assign to Calvin the highest rank among theologians. The learned Dr. Samuel Patrick gratified the admirers of Homer by collecting from various sources the tributes of homage which had been paid to his favourite author.^ When the divisions which have existed among the followers of Christ, and the tendency of those divisions to detract from well-earned reputation, are taken into account, the unbounded admiration with which Homer is regarded throughout the civilized world, will appear to be hardly less remarkable than the zeal with which Christians of every name have disregarded their mutual differences, that they might honour the memory of Calvin.
The Opinions and Testimonies have been arranged with some attention to chronological order, but with a due ad- mixture of the various classes of authors, whose singular unanimity it was desirable to place in an advantageous light. If this little work shall reach a Second Edition, that part of it may be enlarged. Those who take an interest in this object, and whose reading may supply them with Testimonies which have not fallen under the Editor's observation, are requested to forward them to the Editor, accompanied by a
^ A-^aria Elogia seu Testimonia de Homero, ex diversis Auctoribus, turn antiquis, turn neotericis collecta.
844 PREFATORY NOTICE.
reference to the page of the work ia which the passage may be found. Materials are abundant, and but for careful selection, would swell to a considerable volume : for it has been justly remarked, that "no man has perhaps ever re- ceived so many or such high encomiums from writers of every age, of every country, and of every denomination.''
W. P.
AuCHTERAIiDER,
8th March 1845.
CALYIN
INTERPRETER OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES.'
The second centennial festival of the Reformation in 1817, wliicli was so rich in various blessings, called anew the attention of theologians to the long-neglected but noble monuments of our restored Church ; and the influence which these began to exert upon the different departments of modern theology was very soon visible. To Liicke belongs the honour of having first referred, in the department of exegesis, to Luther, Beza, Calvin, Camerarius, and many other excellent interpreters of the period of the Reforma- tion. He was followed by the writer of these pnges, in his Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans. Pointed as he was, on the one hand, by Neander to the ancient Ecclesias- tical Fathers, and on the other, by the newly awakened in- terest in the period of the Reformation to the Fathers of the Evangelical Church, he supposed he could do nothing more useful for the exegesis of the New Testament, than to give an antepast of these exegetical works to his more 3'outhful contemporaries, in copious select extracts, and thus excite an interest in these noble products of a sound Christian spirit. And especially he found himself compelled duly to acknowledge the great exegetical talent of Calvin, and to recommend him as a model. That he attained his object is proved by the exegetical works of Rheinwald, Gebser, Hcng-
' The following article is from Tholuck's " Literarisclier Aiizeiger" for July 1831. It was written, as the reader will perceive, with particular reference to a new edition of Calvin's Commentaries on the Pauline Epistles; //f which the first volume had then just left the press. This edition r.as undertaken at the suggestion of Professor Tholuck ; and some of Jjio pious English friends furnished funds to aid in carrying it through the press, so as to permit it to be sold at a very moderate price. — (Ameri- can Editor.)
346 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER
stenberg, Boelimcr, and Pelt, all of which are composed with a faithful use of the treasures of exegetical literature con- tained in the early fathers, and in those of the Reformation, and more especially in the works of Calvin. Winer, too, who did not even mention Calvin in the first edition of his Commentary on the Galatians, gives the following testimony in the third : " Calvin has displayed a sagacity in perceiving, and a perspicuity in expounding the meaning of the Apostles, which are truly wonderful."^
The acknowledgment of the extraordinary merits of Calvin in the interpretation of the Scriptures will, without doubt, become still more and more general, — especially now, that his Commentaries on the Pauline Epistles are about to be placed in the hands of all who love the thorough and pious study of the New Testament. The first part of the edition now in the course of publication at Halle, containing Epistles to the Romans, Corinthians, and Galatians, is just issued. And this new edition furnishes the writer of these pages with a fit and welcome occasion, to offer a few words designed to promote the just estimation of Calvin as an in- terpreter. May they serve to attract still more to this new work, that public attention and interest already excited in other ways in its behalf !
It has been conceded by many candid and learned Lu- theran theologians — Semler, for example — that the theology of the Reformed Church has, from tlie first, done more than that of the Lutheran, for the cause of an impartial, histori- cal, and grammatical interpretation of the Holy Scriptures. While the Lutheran commentators, as Luther himself, Me- lanchthon, Musculus, ChytraBUS, Brentius, Bugenhagen, and Balduin, made it their chief concern to prove the Loci com- munes of the Lutheran system, and to shed additional light upon them by doctrinal and practical digressions, the Re- formed interpreters, Calvin, Beza, Zwingli, Bucer, and Mercer, have from the first been characterized by a more severe method. It has been their great object, by the aid of a thorough knowledge of the original languages of the Bible,
' Calviiius rairam in pervidenda apostoli mente subtilitatem, in expo- nenda perspicuitatem probavit.
OF THE HOLY SCKIPTUEES. 347
and of the antiquities, manners, customs, &c., of the ancient world, to give a connected development of the real sense in tlie mind of the sacred wiiters. With respect to Bullinger only can it be said — and not with perfect justice even in re- spect to him — that he rather follows the Lutheran metliod ; as, on the other hand, it is affirmed of the writings of the Lutheran Camerarius, who, however, was a philologist as well as a theologian, that they ratlier approximated to the method of Beza. It was from the Reformed Church, too, that the groat exegetical geniuses of the Arruinian party, Grotius, Ei)iscopius, and Clericus, proceeded; thougli it must be acknowledged, that in their case tliis grammatical and historical method appears in connection with a su2:ierficial appreJiension of the doctrines of the Bible, and a perverse tendency to reduce them down to a j^lain level.
Among the critical historians of exegesis, there are two whose opinions are more particularly deserving of notice liere, — the sagacious Richard Simon, and the industrious Gottlob Wilhelm Meyer. The enlightened Catholic, Richard Simon, although too unqualified in the censure which he pronounces, as might indeed be expected from his hostility to the Evan- gelical Church, has yet well apprehended the imperfections of the Lutheran method, when he says respecting the commenta- ries of Melanchthon : " We find there nothing but disputes, either against the Catholics or against those of his own party. His method is even very tiresome. It is necessary to read a great deal, before one can find anything which relates to the author whom he professes to intei-pret."^ On the co^i- trary, he allows, as far as liis prejudices will permit, the most distinguished exegetical merits to the Reformed theolo- gians, and especially to Beza, altliough even here he is led, by the animosity of party spirit, to the most unfounded and perverse assertions. Thus he ascribes to the great Calvin only a very moderate knowledge of Greek," and ventures to
' " On n'y voit que des disputes, soit centre les Catholiques, soit centre ceux de son parti. Sa methode est meme tres ennuieuse. 11 faut lire beaucoup, pour trouver quelque chose qui regarde I'auteur qu'il fait pro- fession d'interpreter."
' Histoire Critique des Principaux Commentateurs du Nouveau Testa- ment, p. 747.
S48 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER
assert respecting his acquaintance with Hebrew,^ he kneiv nothing more than the letter's ! It is indeed true, that Cal- vin first began to study Hebrew with more attention when he went to Basle ; but he was at that time only twenty-six years old ; and every glance at his Commentary on the Old Testament assures us, not only that he understood Hebrew, but that he had a very thorough knowledge of this language. On tliis point Meyer may be consulted. But after all tliis, Simon finds himself compelled to confess respecting Calvin's Commentaries, that if the " polemical declamations" con- tained in them were taken away, it would he a work useful to everybody}
As to Meyer, the critical rule by which lie estimates the interpreters of ancient times, is, indeed, very inadequate. He makes their greater or less adherence to established ortho- doxy the chief standard by which he measures their great- ness ; something as Fulirmann," in a doctrinal respect, makes his bow just so njany degrees lovver to every modern theolo- gian, in pro])ortion to the number of the dogmas of super- naturalism which he has set aside. Still Meyer knew how to value the knowledge of languages, and tliorough histori- cal science ; and in this respect he treats Calvin and Beza with special regard.
J. W. H. Ziegenbein, from whom we have (besides a trans- lation of Senebier) a little book entitled, " The Works of Calvin and Beza, arranged in Chronological order, w-ith criti- cal and historical notes, Hamburgh, 1790," has never, to our knowledge, fulfilled his promise to furnish a separate essay on the spirit of the writings of these two Reformers. It will not be amiss, in this place, to quote a general estimate of Calvin from a man, who will be acknowledged to be an}'- thing rather than a bigoted mystic. He ivas, says Bayle respecting him, a man upon whom, God had conferred great talents, a high degree of intelligence, an exquisite judgment, a faithful memory, a pen instructive, eloquent, unwearied, great
' " II n'en connoissoit giieres que les caractercs !"' — Ilistoire Critique du Vieux Testament, p. 455.
^ " II seroit un ouvrage utile a tout Ic mondo."
^ In liis book, Aufkclhingcn der neiiereii Qottcsgdchrtcn.
OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Si9
knowledge, and a great zeal for the truth} And now the pra- ters 0^ i\\e AUgemeine Kircheti-Zeitung, wlio liave never seen a single leaf of Calvin, come forward, and would fain persuade people, that the mystics praise Calvin merely because he burnt Servetus ! But this is surely meant rather as a jest ; although as such it is quite too coarse.
Witli tlie exception of the Books of Judges, Ruth, Samuel, Kings, Nehemiah, Ezra, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Solomon, and the Apocalypse, Calvin commented on the whole of the Holy Scriptures ; and numerous Latin and French editions of his Commentaries have appeared. On some of the boohs he has written Commentaries in the pro- per sense ; others he has explained in Lectures, and others still (as the First Booh of Samuel and Job) in Homilies.^ These exegetical worhs are not all of equal value. Among his Commentaries on the New Testament, those on the Epistles of Paul are by far the best ; that on the Acts also deserves very high commendation ; the Harmony of the Gospels contains fine passages, but is more difluse and bur- dened with digressions ; and when Calvin says, in the noble preface addressed to the Frankfort Senate, in quo co^nmen- tario, qiiantojwre sudaveriin, longius referre niJiil attinet, he is to be understood as speaking principally of the composi- tion of the Harmony as such, — a work in which he must be allowed to have exhibited very peculiar excellence.
With regard to Calvin's Commentaries on the Old Testa- ment, we design to be very brief, and would here oifer only the following remarks. First of all, then, they exhibit, like the labours of the Reformed theologians in general, a free- dom from an anxious adherence to the established system
" C'etoit nil homme a qui Dieu avoit confere de grands talens, beau- coup d'esprit, unjugement exquis, un fidele memoire, une plume solide, eloquente, indefatigable, un grand savoir, un grand zele pour la ve'rite'."
- A list of the different editions of Calvin may be found, e.g., in Walcli's Bihl. Theol. Vol. IV. The iinest and most complete edition of the entire works of Calvin is, as is well known, that published at Amsterdam, 1617, Tom. I.-IX., in the 7th vol. of which his Commentaries on the New Tes- tament Epistles are contained. Respecting the separate edition of the Pauline Epistles, published in the year 1751, (others in the years 1748, 1756, and in French in the year 1760,) and which is now very rare, com- pare Scliellhorn's Ergotzlichkeiten aus der Kirchenhistorie, Bd. XIII. St. 21, p. 2240.
350 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER
of faith. He is by no means solicitous to insist, in all cases, and with zeal, upon that meaning -which tends most to the confirmation of Cliristian truths. Penetrated by the con- viction, that the truths of Christianity would stand firm, though one dictum prolans after another should fall away, he makes it his great object to ascertain what sense is the most probable. It is very possible that, in following this direction of mind, he may have unnecessarily sacrificed this and the other proof- text : still the principle ujoon which he proceeded is in all cases to be approved. Respecting the thrice-repeated Holi/, (Isa. vi. 3,) he remarks as follows : " The ancients appeal to this passage, when they wish to prove, in opposition to the Arians, that there are three per- sons in one divine essence. The opinion of such persons I no not indeed disapprove; but if I had to do with heretics, I should prefer to rely upon more valid supports."! With regard to HttV, branch, (Isa. iv. 2,) he is not disposed to con- sider it as an appellation of the Messiah, though much may be said in favour of such an interpretation ; but all things considered, he does not hesitate to understand the branch of God, and the fruit of the earth, as an abundant and unwonted increase of favour, by which God refreshed the famishing in Israel.^ In Psalm xxxiii. 6, and Isaiah xi. 4, he understands by spiritus oris nothing more than sermo, and adds, that " in proving the divinity of the Spirit against Sabellius, he should not dare to rely on that evidence. Therefore, let it be suffi- cient for us, that God so formed the heavens by his word, that the eternal divinity of Christ may be hence proved."^
The same maxim, connected with a laudable aversion to forced interpretation, and the fear of becoming, as He often said, a laughing-stock to the Jew^s, prevented him from mak-
' " Veteres hoc testimoiiio usi sunt, qunm vellent adversus Arianos, tres personas in una Dei essentia probare. Quorum ego sententiam non im- probo ; sed si mihi res cum hsereticis esset, mallem firmioribus testimoniis uti."
2 " Sed omnibus propius expensis non dubito, germen Dei et fructuni terrse accipere pro copioso et insolito gratite proventu, qui famelicos re- creavit."
^ " Ergo in probanda deitate Spiritus, hoc testimonio Sabelliuni urgere non auderem. Quare nobis sufficiat, Deum verbo sue ita coelos formasse, lit hinc probetur aeterna Christi divinitas."
■ OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 851
ing the tva 7r\ripco6rj of the New Testament, taken in its strictest sense, tlie rule by which he explained the texts of the Old Testament cited in the New ; and also from seeking to find in them all direct prophecies. As tlie idea of fulfil- ment is a complex one, and by it both the coming to pass of a direct prediction, and the occurrence of something merely analogous to a preceding event, or similar to it, are intended; so the phrase iva irkr^pwOi] is taken by Calvin in a wider and a narrower sense. In the Epistle to' the Hebrews, in passages like Matt. ii. 15; John ii. 17; Rom. x., &c., he finds in the citations from the Old Testament only the indication of real analogies ; while in other places, where direct pro- phecies occur, (even in Matt. i. 23,) ho endeavours to make out the j^rophecy, though with great judgment, and with the least possible violence to the text. Calvin's Commentary on the Old Testament is also especially valuable, as being free from doctrinal prejudice, and — what indeed stands closely connected with this freedom — as furnishing an accurate de- velopment of the logical connection and historical interpreta- tion. It was this very doctrinal impartiality, however, which obtained for him from the Lutherans the predicate of Judai- zans. It was principally this excellence, too, which led Scaliger, who was rarely pleased with anybody, to exclaim, 0 how successfidly does Galvin hit the meaning of the pro- 2)hecies ! None succeeds better?
The other excellence of Calvin's Commentaries on the Old Testament which we shall notice, is the lively religious feel- ing which they everywhere breathe, and which especially is most beautifully evinced in his interpretation of the Psalms. Here we have a man long practised and tried by internal and external conflicts for the kingdom of God, to interpret the elegiac and penitential Psalms of David ; and here, in- deed, such an one only can be the successful interpreter. Of this Calvin himself was conscious. In his preface to the Com- mentary, he acknowledges on the one hand, that this labour had been the means of spiritual profit to himself; and on the other, that his own experience in the Christian warfare
^ " O quam Calvinus bene assequitur mentem prophetarum ! — nemo melius."
352 CALVIN AS AN INTERPEETER
Lad rendered him in some respects peculiarly qualified for tlie interpretation of David's Psalms. " If/' lie says in the first place, " the perusal of my Commentaries confers as much benefit on the church of God, as I myself have reaped advantage from the com})osition of them, I shall liave no cause to regret the work I have undertaken. " He then adds : " But if the labour undertaken by me in these Com- mentaries is profitable to my readers, let them know that, by my own small experience in the conflicts with which the Lord has exercised me, I have been not a little aided, both in applying to present use whatever of instruction could be gathered, and in penetrating more easily into the sense of flie writer and of his Psalms."^ Here Calvin subjoins a comparison of the course in wiiich he liad been led, and of his own conflicts, with those of David, in which he takes with heartfelt gratitude a survey of liis whole past life.
It is moreover remarkable, thougli easily explained from the entire devotion of this Commentator to Christ, how readily he always detects the religious element even in the Old Testament ; and how well he succeeds in deriving gene- ral religious truths from particular facts and observations. Compare his remarks on the speech of Rabshakeh, Isa. xxxvi. 15 ; on Isa. ii. 1 ; on Micah iv. G, and many other places. For example, on Isa. xxxvi. 15, he observes, "Nothing is more easy than to lead away a people from their true hope, by the offer of a present advantage. Our senses always cling fast to the present state of things. Such, then, is tlie argument of Rabshakeh. Hezekiah promises you the aid of God, but it is not visible ; he makes jou de- pendent upon an uncertain thing. But my King p)-omises you advantages which are immediate." Again, on Micah iv. 6, he remarks, " Although the Church at times differs hardly at all from a man who is dead, or at least wounded,
' " Si tantum utilitatis afferat ecclesite Dei commentariorum meorum lectio, quantum ego ex scriptione fructus perce])i, non erit ciu- me suscepti laboris pocnit?at." " Cfeteruai si labor a me in his commentariis sumtus lectoribas proclerit, sciant mediocri certaminum quibus me Dominus exer- cuit experientia me non mediocri esse adjutum, non modo ut accommo- darem ad presentem usum quidquid licuerat doctrinal colligere, sed ut ad consilium scriptoris ejusqne Psalmorum intelligendum facilior pateret via."
OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 353
yet God again raises up his own people. And this ought to be carefully observed ; for no sooner does the Church cease to be resplendent, than we begin to think it is wholly ex- tinct. But, lo ! the Church is so preserved in the M'orld, that it suddenly arises from the dead ; in short, the preser- vation of tlie Church brings with it almost daily miracles. Its life cannot continue without many resurrections.'' On Isaiah xiii., where the predictions of the divine judgments upon foreign nations begin, he says : " But few understand that these things are determined by the counsel of God. For there is nothing more difficult than to persuade men, that this world is governed by the providence of God. Many acknowledge it in words, hut very few have it deeply im- pressed upon their hearts." Truly, the serious study of Cal- vin's Commentaries on the Old Testament would tend to arouse t1\e attention of many in our own times to the deep, practical, religious imjiort of the Hebrew Scriptures.
As we are .principally concerned with the exegesis of the New Testament, we shall only add here a few words from Meyer respecting Calvin as an interpreter of the Old Testa- ment. " Calvin, too," he says,' " as well as Zwingli, and even still more than he, would have the best founded claims upon our special estimation, even though he were less known by some particular interpretations, which he first gave to various controverted passages, and which have served as models to his followers. Of this we may be convinced, espe- cially from his interpretation of the Old Testament, which commends itself to us in a very unusual degree, not only by its great copiousness, and its extent over most of the Old Testament Scriptures, but still more hy its very instructive contents. By the natural, and for the most part successful elucidation which he has given of the grammatical sense in general, by the valuable philological remarks which he has occasionally interspersed, and by the many peculiar expla- nations which he has suggested, he has sufficiently proved his capacity to apprehend the sense of the sacred records, and fully justifies us in ascribing to him a better acquaint- ance with the Hebrew language than K Simon is inclined
' Th. II. p. 450.
z
354 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER
to allow liim. And his farther investigations respecting the sense, after it had been thus grammatically explained, whe- ther in the historic, the poetic, or the prophetic parts, shew us everywhere a man who, not satisfied with the traditionary Tneaning, seeks out the historical relations of his author, and endeavours to penetrate more deeply into his spirit ; so far, indeed, as his habits of thinking in theology, and his many doctrinal prepossessions, would allow him to do this/'
We come now to Calvin's Exegetical Works on the New Testament ; and tlie first thing in them which claims com- mendation, so far as the form is concerned, is elegance of diction, connected with conciseness of expression, attributes which belong especially to his Prefaces. This elegance ap- pears, however, rather as the general character of tlie whole, than in a careful delectus verhorum. He is far from the affected purity of a Bembo or Castalio, who supply the place of appropriately Christian expressions with heathen terms, in which no one ever recognises the Christian sense ; who think it necessary, for example, to use respuhlica for eccle- sia, genius for angelus, lotio for baptismus. He is even less scrupulous in the use of language than Beza or Erasmus ; or than Ernesti, Knapp, and Winer, in more modern times. He writes po^nitentiam agite, where Beza thinks it necessary to translate resipiscite. He speaks of a faith cujus sedes non in cerebro sed in coi'de est, of an adoratio Dei pro capitis cuj usque sensu. In general, he disdains those words with which a heathenish idea is associated, which many but too often substitute for the Christian meaning ; he makes use, for example, of sanctimonia vitce instead of honestas ; of conversio and regeneratio instead of emendatio morum ; of viris Spiritu Dei plenis instead of viris probis. He employs such terms as e converso, circumstantice, secundum litteram, &c. It is not so much, therefore, from the particular choice of words, that he may be called classical, as from the general colour of his discourse, though even this is less Roman than Erasmic. If, on the one hand, his style is frequently de- ficient in tlie numerus, it is on the other hand free from that oratorical diffuseness, that ambitus verborum, into which the slavish imitators of Ciceronian Latinity, especially the theolo-
OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 356'
gians of Holland, often fell. On the contrary, we everywhere feel the heart of Calvin through his style ; and few indeed liave been the ecclesiastical writers who have known so well how to connect with a Roman Latinity so much exhibition of Christian warmth, or so much affectus with so much gravitas.
Another excellence which belongs to his exegetical writ- ings, when compared with those of his contemporaries, in respect to their form, is their symmetry and freedom from immoderate digressions. As has been already observed, the Lutheran interpreters mostly employ the text for the sake of illustrating the loci comviunes so important in their view, rather than confine themselves strictly to the connected in- terpretation of it. This is the case especially with Luther and Melanchthon. Hence we often find, that Melanchthon omits the explanation of really difficult texts, while he en- larges on others which furnish him materials for his doctrinal expositions. Calvin, indeed, has not kept himself entirely free from the method of his times, and he often breaks out unexpectedly into declamations against the Pope and monks. This, howevei", is far less frequent with him than with others; and considering the wants of the period at which he wrote, such a species of polemics, connecting itself with exegesis, and arising from the Scripture texts, cannot be altogether condemned, and at that time may have been necessary. It ought never, however, to be carried so far as to cause the reader, in the meanwhile, wholly to lose sight of the original text ; as is often the case with Luther and Melanchthon.
On this subject, this great man has himself expressed his own views in his excellent preface to the Epistle to the Romans, dedicated to his friend Grynseus. " I remember,'' he says, " that about three years since, when we were talk- ing fjxmiliarly together respecting the best mode of interpret- ing Scripture, the opinion which then was most pleasing to you, was likewise approved by me above any other. We both of us thought, that the principal excellence of the in- preter consisted in pers2ncuous brevity. And, indeed, since it is almost his whole business to lay open the mind of the writer whom he undertakes to interpret, if he withdraws his hearers from that, he so far turns aside from his main end,
356 CALVIiJ AS AN INTERPRETER
or at least wanders beyond his limits. We therefore wished tliat there might be some one among those who at the present day seek to benefit tlieology by this species of labour, who would both aim at perspicuity, and at the same time be careful not to detain the student too long by prolix Commentaries." Passing now from the form to the nature of Calvin's Com- mentaries on the New Testament, we notice in them the following qualities, viz. : — I. Doctrinal impartiality. II. Ex- egetical tact. III. Various learning. IV. Deep Christian piety.
I. — DOCTRINAL IMPARTIALITY.
The doctrinal impartiality of an Interpreter consists, as has been already remarked, in this, that while he cherishes a liigh regard for what has been received in the Church from the first as orthodox, he does not suffer himself to be com- pelled by this to adopt an interpretation of a passage of Scriptui'e, which is not founded in the context, or which stands in opposition to the laws of language. A single indi- vidual must naturally hesitate, before rejecting that sense of a passage which the great majority of learned and pious in- terpreters of different periods have adopted ; but, provided that by so doing he overthrows no fundamental truth of Christianity, he will not still forbear to reject that sense whenever the context or the language make it necessary. If, on the one hand, the Socinian exegesis, and more lately that of the Neologians, have fallen into great error by neglecting exegetical tradition;' the Lutheran exegesis of the seven- teenth century was, on the other hand, in the greatest danger of making, like tlie Catholic Church, tradition anew the great principle of interpretation. Between these two ex- tremes, Calvin maintains the just medium. On this subject he has some excellent remarks in the preface already men- tioned. " God has never," he says, " thought his servants worthy of so great a benefit, as to confer upon any of them
' Respecting the importance of this in the Evangelical Church, vid. Buddeus Isagoge, p. 1558, and Liicke in the "Berliner theol. Zeitschrift," Stes Heft.
OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 857
a knowledge full and perfect in every part ; but has left them in partial ignorance ; partly, no doubt, with the design of keeping them humble, and partly to promote a disposition for fraternal intercourse. Since, therefore, during the pre- sent life, it is hardly to be hoped, though very much to be desired, that there should be a constant agreement among us in the sense we give to particular passages of Scripture ; let us be allowed to dissent from the opinion of those who have gone before us ; and at the same time let us guard against doing it from any love of novelty, from any disposition to ridicule others, from the instigation of hatred, or from the enticement of ambition. On the contrary, let us dissent only as we are compelled to do so by necessity, and uninfluenced by any motive but that of doing good ; and, in fine, let this license of opinion be rather used with regard to the exposi- tion of the Scriptures, than with regard to the doctrines of religion, where tlie Lord is more especially desirous that the minds of his friends should be agreed, and where less liberty should therefore be assumed."
In the department of New Testament criticism/ Calvin is far from the luxurians ingenium of Luther, who, undervaluing the firm basis of historic evidence, called in question the genuineness of books of Scripture on no other ground thiin his own subjective opinion. But Calvin was equally f;\r from contending tenaciously for the apostolic origin of those Scrip- tures to which the testimony of history is opposed. Still he guards himself, with great moderation and wisdom, from pronouncing a positive rejection even of those books which have a majority of histoiical testimony against them. Tlius he says, for example, in the argument prefixed to the Second Epistle of Peter : " Since the majesty of the Spirit of Christ is evinced in all parts of this Epistle, I have scruples about rejecting it altogether, although I may not here recognise the genuine phraseology of Peter."^ Respecting the Epistle
' Kriiik ; by wliicli is meant the investigation of the genuineness, canonical authority, &c., of the books of Scripture, the correctness of readings, &c. — Trans.
^ " Certe quum in omnibus epistolae partibus Spiritus Christi majestas se exerat, eam prorsus repudiare mihi reHgio est, iitcunque genuinam Petri phrasin hie non agnoscani."
358 CALVIN AS AN INTKRPRETER
of Jiide he says, " Althougli respecting this Epistle also there were conflicting opinions among the ancients, still, as the reading of it is useful, and it contains nothing inconsistent with the purity of the apostolic doctrine, and has now for a long time possessed authority with the best Christians, I cheerfully enumerate it with the rest."^ Respecting the Epistle to the Hebrews, he says, " I cannot be prevailed upon to acknowledge Paul as the author ;"^ and he then proceeds to establish his doubts with the greatest critical and philo-^ logical acumen.
In regard also to some particular texts, the authority of which has been called in question on critical grounds, Calvin exhibits the same freedom from prejudice, in connection with the same moderation. Thus in respect to John viii. 3-11, and 1 John v. 7, which he regards as probably si^urious, though yet he does not go so far as to remove them from the text, he adopted the reading ^eo9 in 1 Tim. iii. 16, with some- what too much confidence, perhaps, though it is indeed capa- ble of being defended ; and, on the other hand, with a haste very unusual with him, he declared the two clauses with eypa'y^ra in 1 John ii. ] 4, to be a gloss, because he thought them superfluous ; while Pellicanus, explaining them more correctly, remarks, repetam igitur nequeat elabi. In general Calvin shews less fondness for critical investigations than cither Erasmus or Beza. In verbal criticism, he is deficient in accuracy. The various readings of less importance he for the most part wholly neglects. His prevailing interest is theological. And on this very account, we should naturally expect to find him prejudiced, and anxious to bring together all the proof-texts which could possibly be collected in behalf of orthodox doctrines. Exactly the opposite of this, however, is true of his Commentaries on the New Testament, as we have already remarked with regard to those on the Old. On John X. SO, he remarks : " The ancients perverted this pas-
' " Tametsi de hac quoqiie Epistola diversis sententiis inter veteres cer- tatum fuit, quia tamen utilis est lectu, ncc qiiidquam a puritate apostolicse doctrin?e alienum continet, jainque olim apud optimos quosque auctorita- tem obtinuit, earn libenter aliis adnumero."
* " Ego ut Pallium agnoscam auctorem adduci nequeo.''
OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 359
sage, that they might prove that Christ was o/moovaio'? (con- substautial) with the Father. Christ does not here speak concerning unity of essence, but rather concerning the agree- ment (consensus) which he had with the Father ; so that whatever is done by Christ will be confirmed by the power of the Father." So on 1 John v. 7, " When it is said, that three are one, reference is had, not so much to essence, as to consent."^ In the interpretation of Matt. xvi. 18, he does not resort, as we shall soon see, to the forced explanation of Luther ; but rather concedes something to the Romish Church. On Heb. xi. 21, he alludes to the deviation of the LXX. from the pointing of the received text, and remarks with great imjiartiality : " The apostle does not hesitate to accommodate to his own purpose what was commonly re- ceived. He wrote indeed to the Jews ; but to those who, being dispersed through various countries, had exchanged their national language for Greek. We know that, in such a matter, the apostles were not very scrupulous. In the thing itself, however, there is but little difference/'^ He refuses to take iropyr], (Heb. xi. 81,) in the milder sense of caicpona, and renders it, according to the sense of the He- brew nJIT by meretrix.
We have already remarked with what freedom he judges respecting the New Testament Iva 7r\7]p(o^rj, and the cita- tions in the Epistle to the Hebrews. On this subject we will quote a few passages. On Heb. iv. 4, he observes : " He (the writer) now begins to embellish the passage which he had cited from David. Before, he had treated it according to the letter, as they say, i.e., in its genuine sense ; but now, in embellishing it, he enlarges, and so rather alludes to the words of David than interprets them. A similar e^epyaala is found in Paul's Epistle to the Romans, (x. 6.)" And on this passage in the Epistle to the Romans he remarks : " Moses
^ " Quod dicit tres esse unum, ad essentiam non refertur, sed ad con- sensum potius."
' " Quod vulgo receptum erat, apostolus non dubitat sue instituto ac- commodare. Judaeis quidem scribebat, sed qui in varias regiones dispersi, patriam linguam Grseca mutaverant. Scimus autem hac in parte Apos- tolos non adeo fuisse scrupulosos. Cseterum in re ipsa parum est dis- criminis."
360 OALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER
mentions heaven and the sea as places very remote, and dif- ficult of access to man ; but Paul, as if some spiritual mean- ing lay hid under these words, applies them to the death / and resurrection of Christ. And should any one allege, that K. such an interpretation is too forced and subtle, let him con- "^- sider that it was not the design of the apostle to explain with anxious fidelity this passage of Moses, but merely to apply it to the discussion of the subject in hand. He does not therefore repeat, syllable for syllable, the words of Moses ; but he makes use of that embellishment, by which he may better adapt the testimony of Moses to his own purpose. Moses had spohen of inaccessible places ; Paul mentions the places which are most of all hidden from our view, but to which our faitli is still to have regard. And so, if you will understand these words as spoken by way of amplification or embellishment, you cannot say that Paul put an improper or violent construction upon the words of Moses ; but must rather confess, that without any inj\uy to the sense, he ele- gantly plays on the terms, heaven and Moses ; — eleganter ad vocahula coeli et Mosis allusisse."
II. — EXEGETICAL TACT.
In connection with this freedom from doctrinal prejudice, we find in Calvin a peculiarl}^ happy exegetical tact, which makes it even impossible for him to adopt forced interpreta- tions. How ver}'- averse he was to all force appears from the fact, that he refused to drag John into the historic series of the first three Evangelists, as the Lutheran tlieologianshave mostly done. The same aversion to everything violent and uncertain withheld him from commenting on the Apocalypse. When the interpreter of our times meets with passages in the New Testament, or even in the Old, where the conmion orthodox view gives a sense too rigid and repulsive, let him open Calvin, and he will couimonly find this rigid idea de- veloped from the connection in a lively and attractive manner. Calvin eminently deserves the title of an interpres facilis et elegans. Examples in proof of what has been said may be found everywhere : we suggest, particularly, the Epistles to
OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 361
the Hebrews and to tlie Corinthians ; the reader may also compare his Commentary on John i. 52; v. 31, 33; 2 Cor- inthians xii. 7 ; especially his very spirited explanation of 1 Peter iii. 19. We shall here only give a few examples, in which Calvin proves his happy tact, not only in developing and establishing the common meaning, but in some inter- pretations of his own, differing from the common. On Matt. xi. 11, where, after tlie example of the ancients, Erasmus and Luther, Melanchthon and Camerarius, and among the Re- formed teachers, Zwingli and Pellicanus, and in general by far the greater number of interpreters,^ have referred 6 /j,iKpdT€po<; to the Messiah in his state of humiliation, Calvin came forward decidedly in behalf of an explanation which has lately become almost universal, and elucidated it with clearness. " John," he says, " was honoured by the Saviour with such distinguished praise, that tlie Jews might be led to regard more attentively the message which he brought. Then the teachers who were soon to follow are preferred to him, in order that the majesty of the Gospel might be con- spicuous, both above the Law and above that intermediate ministration."^ And after him Beza says : " That resplen- dent light which shone from the preaching of Christ upon the world, is contrasted with that spark, as it were, which had shone until the time of John."
And in verse 1.9th of tlie same chapter, where Luther, Osi- ander, Brentz, Hunnius, (Melanchthon wholi}^ omits this diffi- cult passage,) give to Sikuiouv the classical sense of condemn, which is wholly unusual in the New Testament ; Calvin, after he has judiciously and spiritedly weighed many other opinions, suggests the following, which is most natural, and to which Calovius was obliged in the end to assent : " I have not yet," he says, "advanced that opinion which in my judgment suits the best, and is the real one. In the first place, there is a silent antithesis in the words of Christ between true sons and
' In modern times, Henmann, Kleuker, Fritzshe, have adopted the same interpretation, only a little modified.
' " Tarn pr?eclaro elogio ornatur Johannes, nt attentius obscrvent Jiidtei quam attulerat legationem. Deinde illi prjcferuntur, qui paulo post secu- turi erant doctores, ut Evangelii majestas supra Legem et illud medium prseconium emiiieat."
362 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER
bastards, who display the empty title, without having the thing itself. As if Christ had said, * Let those who proudly boast themselves to be the sons of Wisdom, go on in their own insolence. She wilJ, notwithstanding, maintain lier credit and authority with her true sons.' Besides, this sentiment suits better with the context, and answers to the former member, where it was said, tliat God was justified by the people. Therefore, although many apostates may sepa- rate from the Church of God, still the faith of the gospel will always remain inviolate among all the elect, who are truly of the fold." Zwingli and Pellicanus interpret some- what differently, though even they do not take hiKacovv in the sense of condemn. Zwingli interprets as follows : "She (Wisdom) is acquitted in the judgment of the Jews them- selves. When they are condemned, they know, in their own consciences, that it is not unjust, since, although drawn and induced in so many ways, they still refuse to obey."' In the interpretation of Matt. xvi. 18, while Luther, and after him Calovius, Lyser, Lange, Rus, Hcumann, and many others, had resorted to an explanation, which had before been given by Catholic interpreters,^ referring the clause eirl ravTr) rrj Trerpa to Christ Sei/cTt/cco?,^ Calvin declares himself for the unquestionably natural reference of it to Peter himself, and remarks, in allusion to the ver}?^ appropriate parallel text in Eph. ii. 20, which had been also adduced by other Protes- tant commentators : " Although this is extended to all the faithful, all of whom are the temples of God, and being- united together by faith, make one temple ; still it denotes the pre-eminent excellence of Peter among the rest, since each one receives more or less in his own order, according to the measure of the grace of Christ."* Here Calvin concedes
1 " Liberata est propriis Judteorum sententiis : qiium damnantur, suis coiiscientiis agnoscunt esse non iniquum, quiini tot viis ducti ot illecti obtemperare noluerunt."
' Vid. Calovius' Bibl. Illustr. ad h. 1. _
' There is some salt in the witticism of Michaelis on this interpretation, when he says, " This index-finger (pointing to Christ) is not that of Christ, but of the polemic interpreters."
* " Quanquam hoc ad omnes fideles extenditur, quorum singuli sunt Dei templa, et fide inter se conipacti unum templum simul efBciunt, exiniia
OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 363
what, as we think, may justly be conceded to the Catholics, that our Lord in this declaration had reference to the un- common activity of Peter in the first establishment of the Church at the feast of Pentecost, which first foundation of the Church was laid by Peter.
The exegetical tact of Calvin a])pears eminently in the method of his interpretation. Cautious and always clear, he first unfolds the difficulties in the construction, and every- where develops with acuteness the virep/Sara, dvavraTToSoTa, eiravop'^coaec'; ; he then explains the words, and, at the same time, the rhetorical figures — climax, paronomasia, antana- clasis; he also notices the peculiarities in 23hraseology of the different writers, Paid, John, &c. ;^ and, finally, he deduces the sense in the most natural Wiiy, so that it seems to arise, as it were of itself, to the reader ; as is always the case with every good interpretation. What we miss most in his Com- mentaries, is the illustration from parallel passages, with which he is altogether too sparing.
We have observed, also, some instances of forced interpre- tations, though these are very few. Examples of this kind may be seen in 1 Cor. v. 13, where 6 irovTjpo'i, which plainly denotes the offending person, is referred to Satan ; and in James ii. 1, where he renders, with Erasmus, t?;? Sof?;?, ex opinione, and refers it to the acceptio personarum.
III. — THE LEARNING OF CALVIN.
As to the learning of Calvin, this quality does not appear so conspicuously in his exegetical works as in those of his friend Beza. As we have before remarked, he is not always accurate in the business of criticism, and pays no special attention to the Codices. He very seldom quotes, and then only in a general way, the ancient Greek interpreters;^ and never suffers himself to go into that detailed criticism of
tamen Petri inter alios excellentia notatur, queniadmodum quisque suo ordine pro donationis Christi mensiira plus vel minus accipit."
' Compare liis remarks on y-lxriios, (John xvi. 20,) on <raj|, (John iii, 6,) on f^h yuoiro, (Rom. vi. 2.)
2 In some cases, ho-.vever, he passes judgment upon Erasmus, Origen, and Chrysostoni; e.g., 1 Tim. v. 17; Rom. vi. G; vii. 14.
36 i CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETEIl
their interpretations, nor even of the translation of Erasmus and the Vulgate, which we find in Beza. He occupies him- / self, too, far less with philological investigations ; and even where he enters vipon them, he makes them very general. It would be doing him great injustice, however, to conclude from this, that he had not the requisite ability. Who would draw a conclusion from Mclanchthon's Commentaries, re- specting his knowledge of the Greek language ? As Calvin himself informs us, it was his design to furnish a compen- dium ; and this not merely for learned theologians, but also — since at that time, high and low, old and young, kings, civilians, physicians, and, in short, everybody, was irre- sistibly attracted toward the newly revived study of the Bible — for all educated classes, who devoted their attention to the examination of the Scriptures. That the labours of others were not rendered superfluous by his own, he himself most deeply felt ; and indeed he was the principal means of inducing Beza to publish his Commentaries.
But although exegetical learning is not so conspicuous in Calvin's works as in Beza's, it is still obvious that his popular interpretation is founded upon profound and learned studies. Indeed, the Christians of that age were as far as possible from undervaluing Christian learning. They saw clearly that all human knowledge and power might and must be made to promote the glory of Christian truth. On occasion of the saying of Epimenides, quoted by Paul in Tit. i. 12, Calvin makes an excellent observation, expressing his views on this subject. "We gather from this passage, that those are superstitious who never venture to quote anything from profcine authors. Since all truth is from God, if anything has been said aptly and truly even by wicked men, it ought not to be rejected, because it proceeded from God. And since all things are of God, why is it not lawful to turn to liis glory whatever may be aptl}^ applied to this use? But on this subject let the discourse of Basil be read, Trpof tou? veou<; o7r&)9 av e| ix\. k. t. X."^ On 1 Cor. viii. 1, he makes
' " Ceterum collij,dmus ex hoc loco, superstitiosos esse, qui ex profanis auctoribus nihil mutuari audeiit. Nam cum omnis Veritas ex Deo sit, si quid scite et vere ab impiis dictum est, non debet repudiari, quia a Deo est profectum. Deinde cum omnia Dei sint, cur fas non esset in ejus
OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 3G5
the excellent observation : " Science is no more to be blamed because it i)ufFs up, than a sword is wlien it falls into the hands of a madman. This is said in reference to certain fanatics, who violently exclaim against all arts and learning, as if they were calculated only to inflate the mind, and were not the most useful instruments both of piety and of common life,'"' We are even tempted to believe, that the love of science exerted too great influence upon Calvin, when we remember how he resisted the entreaties of Farel to aid the defenders of the truth in the work of the Lord at Geneva, saying that he must study more ; and how he afterwards endeavoured to invest himself with a professorship in addi- tion to his clerical office. Compare the charming account of this in Beza's Vita Calvini, a.d. 1 534.
That Calvin read the Roman classics, and indeed was very familiar with them, is sufficientl}' obvious from his style. Besides, lie makes frequent quotations from Gellius, Seneca,^ Horace, and especially Ovid, Cicero, and Quinctilian. He did not indeed learn Greek before his residence in Bourges, but he could not have been then, at most, more than twenty- two years old ; and it is not therefore strange, that with his resolute spirit he made himself complete master of it. We have proof of his Greek scholarship in his frequent citations from Greek authors, which were certainly derived from his own reading. He quotes Plutarch, 1 Tim. v. 13 ; Col. ii. 29; Plato, 1 Cor. x. 20; xiv. 7; Eph. iv. 17; Col. ii. 18; 1 Tim. ii. 1 ; v. 19 ; Tit. i. 7, 12 ; ii. 6, &c. ; Polybius, 2 Cor. ix. 4, &c. But this is still more obvious from the many just verbal criticisms which he has given, and which here and there refer back also to the Hebrew usage. .He, explains 2J^3J, 1 Cor. XV. 45 ; nnin, Heb. ix. 16; a»vh, Heb. vii. 17; ri/D, Rom. ix. 28. He observes, on Phil. iii. 5, that his friend Capito derived the name Pharisee, not, as is common
gloriam applicare quidqiiid in eum usum apte conferri potest ? Sed ea de re, legatur Basilii oratio, ■r^o; tou; /lou; ovui av =| IxK- x. r. \."
' iScientia tamen nihil propterea (quod inflat) niagis vituperanda est quam gladius si in raanus furiosi incidat. Hoc propter quosdam fanaticos dictum sit, qui contra onines artes doctrinasque furiose clamitant, quasi tantum ad inflandos homines valeant, ac non utilissima sint tarn pietatis quam communis vitje instrumenta."
' His first work was a Commentary on Seneca de Clementiu.
366 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER
from tlieir separateness, but from the accurate interpretation of their Scriptures, and that lie himself preferred this. On 1 Pet. ii. 6, he remarks, that the Hebrew future often stands for the imioerative. He explains utto/j-ovij, Rom. ii. 7, very justly as meaning, not patientia, but perseverantia ; he expLiins ofiolw^a., Rom. vi. 5, distinguishes between psalmus, hyvinus, and oda, Col. iii. 16 ; 7rpoa€V)(^ac, Serjaei^, evrev^ea, with reference to Plato, 1 Tim. i. 4 ; ^rj/xa and \oyo<i, John i. 1 ; KUKta and irovijpia, Rom. i. 28 ; irpoTiOevai, Rom. iii. 25 ; op/j,-^, James iii. 4 ; vTroSeiy/j^a, Heb. viii. 4 ; (TKiaypa<p[a, Heb. X. J. He interprets the difficult word Trapappvelv, Heb. ii. ], which Luther, following the Vulgate, had first rendered verfliessen, to flow away, and afterwards, still more indefi- nitely, dahinfahren, to pass away. He notices the use of onto for viro in passive constructions, Luke vii. oh. \\\ Acts xxiv. 20, he renders, more correctly than either the Vulgate, Erasmus, or Luther, the participle aravro^ as prceter. He remarks the use of the epexegetical Kai,, Rom. viii. 3.
We must also notice here his incorrect interpretation {ira- pep/M7]veia) of the clause, et? avrov ra iravra, 1 Cor. viii. 6. Although he gave to et? in Rom. xi. 39, the meaning for, denoting the end or p)urp)Ose of man, a meaning both gram- matically correct and deeply religious,^ he yet regarded it here as standing for ev, and referring to the preservation of the world. He was led to this interpretation by the clause St avTov, shortly following ; and this too he would explain as referring to preservation.
It remains here to inquire, how much in these Commen- taries is to bo attributed to Calvin himself, and for how much he was indebted to others. He seldom quotes other interpreters by name. Semler affirms," that Calvin is more indebted to Pellicanus than to any other. Pellicanus is an excellent interpreter of the Old and New Testaments, and of the Apocrypha, who has much that is altogether original, and who is not sufficiently known.^ But after an extensive comparison among the exegetical works of these writers on
1 Augustin. Txifecisti nos ad Te, Domine. Winer understands it in the same way.
'■^ Versucli einer freiern theoloj,aschen Lehrart.
' His works were published at Basle, 1538, in 7 vols. fol.
OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. S67
the New Testament,- we have found Calvin dependent neitlier on him nor on Zwinoli.
ly. — EXEGETICAL WRITINGS.
We now pass on to consider the excellencies of the exe- getical writings of Calvin in a religious 7-espect. To what degree faith in tlie Redeemer was an affair of the heart with this sagacious and deeply learned man ; how mucli he sought for the salvation and edification of his own soul in the way of practical self-denial, may be seen by those M'ho are not acquainted with his Institutes, his Epistles, and his Sermons, from many of his noblo prefaces to his Commentaries, and especially from the affecting dedication to Galleazzo Carrac- cioli, which he has prefixed to the Epistles to the Corin- thians. We cannot refrain from giving the conclusion of this dedication, in which he thus consoles an Italian noble- man, a nepliew of Pope Paul IV., who had forsaken riches, honour, and family, for the sake of the gospel, and had fled to Geneva.
" Among Christians it ought to be more than common and usual to forsake not only estates, and castles, and princi- palities, with cheerfulness of mind, if otherwise we cannot follow Christ, but even, in comparison with him, readily and willingly to despise whatever is most precious under heaven. But how great is our backwardness, or rather sluggishness ! for while many coldly assent to the doctrines of tlie gospel, scarcely one in a hundred will endure to be stripped of any, even the smallest possession, for the sake of Christ ; — scarcely one who can be brought with the greatest difficulty to surrender the slightest comfort ; so far are they from being ready, as they ought to be, to give up life itself I could wish that, in respect to self-denial, which is the chief of the virtues, all might resemble you. You are indeed the best witness to men, as I also am to you, how little we are pleased with the manner of those who, having forsaken their country, bring liither the same affections which they exer- cised there. But since it is better that many things should be recollected by the reader, than expressed by me in words,
SG8 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER
I now turn to pray that God, who has thus far animated you with the wonderful virtues of his Spirit, would keep you even to tlie end in unsubdued constancy. For I am not ig-norant how great are the conflicts with which God has exercised you ; from which you may, in your singular pru- dence, draw the conclusion, that a hard and laborious warfare yet remains before you. And since you have learned, by many experiences, how necessary it is that a hand should be stretched out to us from heaven, you will readily join with me in seeking from tlience the gift of j)erseverance. My prayer is, that Christ our King, to whom supreme power is given by the Father, and in whom are hid all the treasures of spiritual wisdom, may keep you long and safely for the promotion of his kingdom, and may go on to triumph in you over Satan and his faction."
A Christian, whose own internal life is so active, and who seeks daily to make progress in the practical imitation of Jesus, must necessarily read the Scriptures with an enlight- ened eye, and be able to seize and develop their deeper reli- gious contents. So far Calvin and the other Reformers stand on the same level, except perhaps Beza and Camerarius, in whose Commentaries the religious element is kept in the back-ground. But it is one thing, with deep Christian feel- ing to apprehend the fundamental New Testament ideas and j)articular terms according to their internal import; and quite another thing to interpret, with a 'psychology resting upon Christian experience, the Holy Scriptures in their full connec- tion. It is the latter which distinguishes Calvin from his venerable contemporaries. The unity of the Spirit, which binds together all the Reformers in one spiritual body, is very delightfully prominent in Calvin in his explanation of those I peculiar ideas which are fundiiiiiental to the Christian system. j In harmony with Luther, and in opposition to Erasmus, Calvin I explains the most important New Testament ideas : e.g., { faith, in his excellent note on Heb. xi. 1 ; flesh and spirit,
compare his note on John iii. 6 ; the kingdom of God, and regeneration, compare John iii. 3 ; the law, compare Rom. iii. 20 ; righteousness by faith, compare Rom. iii. 21, &c. But he does more than this. In the Pauline Epistles, he
OF THE UOLY SCRIPTURES. 369
merges himself in the spirit of tlie Apostle, and becoming one with hira, as every one clearly feels, he deduces every- where the explanation of that which is particular from that which is general ; and is in this respect to be compared with Chrysostom, whose rhetorical education, however, sometimes exerted a bad influence upon him. The whole history of the New Testament becomes in his hand alive and vivid. He lives in every person who comes forward, either speaking or acting, in the wicked as well as in the good, and explains every discourse from the circumstances, and from the soul of him who speaks. In the Acts of the Apostles, this his art shews itself in a way worthy of admiration. He apprehends admirably the exact state of mind of the person acting, and lays it before the reader ; and especially, he interprets so well the speeches of Paul, that in a perfectly natural way they become at the same time a sermon for the reader. He advances general and widely comprehensive religious re- marks and observations ; though this is rarely done discur- sively, but usually in natural and immediate connection with the explanation of the text itself We wish to give a clear view of his skill by a single example, and select for this pur- pose the conversation between our Lord and Nicodemus.
John iii. 1. — In passing to the explanation of this section, Calvin begins with the acute observation, that this passage is intimately connected with the preceding. " Nicodemus," he says, " is given by the Evangelist as a specimen of the class of people who had been spoken of in the last verse of the preceding chapter, whose faith rested upon no other basis than miracles.'" He causes it to be noted, that his de- meanour furnishes us with a clear insight into the general state of mind of the inhabitants of Jerusalem at that time. " This Nicodemus was a distinguished man, and at the same time upright, and yet ignorant and unenlightened with re- gard to the facts of the internal spiritual world." In no- ticing, however, these special and temporary ends of this narration of the Evangelist, Calvin by no means loses sight of its more religious aim. " The Evangelist," he says, " relates this history in full, because it contains instruction respecting the corrupt nature of the human race, and because it teaches
2 A
370 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER
who has rightly entered into the school of Christ, and by what beffinninffs it becomes us to form ourselves for advance- ment in this heavenly doctrine. But the same reason which justifies us in expecting from Nicodemus a more enlightened knowledge, (viz., that lie is a Pharisee, and therefore ac- quainted with the Scriptures, and also a ruler among the Jews,) is, on the other hand, the very reason, as Calvin remarks, which makes it difficult for him to possess and exercise this just and pious disposition ; whence we are ad- monished, that those who are eminent in this world are often held entangled by the worst snares."
Verse 2. — " The learned scribe comes by night. He was afraid : for the splendour of his own dignity had blinded his eyes. Shame too was there : for he thought, like all ambi- tious men, that it would be over with his reputation if he once forsook the Sanhedrim. But how much soever he might have been prepossessed with his own knowledge, there was still in liim a seed of genuine godly fear. For when he hears that a new prophet had appeared, he feels an awaken- ing desire ; but where there is no fear of God, a desire of such a kind cannot be supposed. Many, indeed, long for a new doctrine, merely because it is new. It is easy to see, however, that it was not curiosity which influenced Nicode- mus, for he wished to be thorouglily instructed.'' In this way, Calvin certainly apprehends the character of Nicode- mus very justly. " The words of the address," Calvin con- tinues, " express the following sense : Rabbi, we know that thou art a teacher come from God. Nicodemus here recog- nises the great principle upon which the office of teaching in the Church is founded, viz., that God must have called. But of this very thing enthusiastic spirits boast themselves the most. Therefore Nicodemus wisely adds a reason, viz., that Christ performed miracles. All miraculous power," he ar- gues, " leads directly back to God. It is hence clear, that God himself must have acted through Christ. Miracles have the twofold object of exciting the first beginnings of faith, and of confirming the faith produced by the word. The first object we see fully attained in Nicodemus." Then follows an observation respecting the apparent miracles of false prophets.
OF THE HOLY SCKIPTURES. 371
Verse 3. — " Christ begins liis discourse with a repeated dfXT]v ; for he was about to say something of the highest im- port, and wished to excite the listless spirit of his hearer to attention ; for which purpose, Christ always in John makes use of this double d/xriv. What Christ here answers, appears at first sight longe petitum et pr-ope intempestivum. But it is exactly what belongs to this place. The mind of Nico- demus was a field grown over and over with tares ; it needed to be first cleared and ploughed. This was the object of the discourse respecting the new birth. This discourse is so full of meaning, that each particular ex2:)ressiou needs to be separately considered. To see the kingdom of God, is as much as to enter into it, as the context shews. The kingdorn of God is not, as many suppose, heaven ; but rather that spiritual life, which is begun by faith in this world, and daily increases, according to the continual ad- vances of faith.^ The expression is general, and compre- hends the whole human race. The oratio indefinita which we here find, is equivalent to the oratio universalis : quicum- que nonfuerii. Hence this text is a proof of the general dej^ravity of the human race. Attention must also be jjaid to the term horn again. It denotes the commencement of a new existence in respect to the whole man. Consequently, the corruption must pervade the whole man. Erasmus fol- lows Cyril in rendering avcodev, a siipernis. It is true, this term in Greek is ambiguous. But Nicodemus understands it afterwards in the sense of iraXiv ; and the conversation was in Hebrew, and in Hebrew there is no ambiguity."
Verse 4. — " The exact plirase, new birth, does not indeed occur in the Old Testament, but we find instead of it the term renewal. Had, therefore, Nicodemus read the Scrip- tures diligently, he must have known this. But it was with the later Jews, as with the Papists, — they speculated on every possible subject, and in the meanwhile neglected the study of the Scriptures.'"
Verse 5. — " This expression has been very differently un- derstood. Some have supposed that regeneration itself was
^ " Cum potius spiritualem vitam significet, qufe fide in hoc mundo in- choatur, niagisque in dies adolescit, secundum assiduos fidei progressus."
372 CALVIN AS AN INTERPEETER
divided into two parts ; that the water indicated tlie denial of the old man, the negative side ; the spirit, the commu- nication of new life, the positive side. Others have supposed tliat here is a silent antithesis, and that water and spirit, as the subtler elements, are opposed to the grosser earthly ele- ments ; and that Christ meant to say, Ye must be spiritual, like air and water, which seek to ascend. Both explanations appear to me to be foreign to the intention of Christ. In accordance Avith Chrysostom, most have referred the water to the act of baptism ; and from this expression have con- cluded the absolute necessity of baptism to salvation. Granting now, that Christ did in reality speak of baptism, he would not certainly have limited salvation to the exter- nal sign. The mention of baptism appears to me, however, not appropriate to this place. The object of Christ was only to call the attention of Nicodemus to the fact, that he, as long as he was inwardly uni'enewed, could not understand the gospel. As therefore, in another place, mention is made of the baptism with fire and the Spirit, where one designates figuratively what the other does literally, so I understand it here. The copula stands here, as often, epexegetically ; and then afterwards the discourse is merely respecting the baptism of the Spirit, and not of water : aqva nihil aliud est, quam interior Spiritus Sancti purgatio et vegetatio."
Verse 6. — " Christ takes for granted the maxim, that only the spiritually-minded can be citizens of the kingdom of God. Is this decided ? then we do not belong by nature to the kingdom of God. As Christ here speaks of the necessity of a new birth, it is obvious from the very contrast, that Jlesh liere denotes the whole natural man. Insulse papistce theolo- gastri ad partem quam vacant sensualem restringunt. The notion of being born teaches expressly an origin from some- thino^ altogether new." Here follows the answer of two doc- trinal doubts, viz., (I.) Whether it does not follow from this, that the human soul is propagated with the body ? (2.) As in this degenerate and vitiated nature there is some remnant of the gifts of God, how can it be said that the whole man is corrupt ?
Verses 7, 8. — " According to some, the sense of the words
OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 873
is : Thou and those like thee cannot indeed understand what is meant by regeneration, since ye are so contracted in your views, that ye are unable to understand even the objects of the material world. Others ingeniously, though unnaturally, make the following the point of comparison : The wind is the image of free power; the children of God are those who are truly free, who move where and as they please ; therefore it is with regeneration as with the blowing of the wind. Chrysostom and Cyril have made the point of comparison with more justice, as follows : As in the wind the power is felt, though its origin is unknown, so it is with regeneration. This explanation I prefer, but will at- tempt to state it more j)lainly, with its reasons. I proceed on the supposition, that Christ borrows a comparison from the natural order of things. He wished to shew, that even in the material world there are wonderful exertions of divine power, whose cause is concealed. All inhale from the air the spirit of life ; its motion every one feels ; but how it originates, and where it goes, no one understands. After this example of our Saviour, the Apostle reasons, 1 Cor. xv. 36. To the opponents of the doctrine of the resurrection, it appears incredible that new life should be called up from the dust. The Apostle alludes to the corn of wheat, which must decay in order that the seed may spring up. How limited, therefore, are the views of those who refuse to be led even by the common course of nature to anything higher, so as to recognise in the spiritual kingdom of Christ the far more powerful hand of God I When Christ says, ' Marvel not at this,' he does not of course forbid pious admiration, but that doubting wonder which considers the thing as a fable. Now, as to the particular point of comparison, a will is ascribed to the wind, not in a literal sense, but because its motion does not appear to be regulated by any fixed laws. Were its motion as regular as that of the water, its unrestrained freedom would be less conspicuous. In the same way is the working of a higher than human, yea, of a divine Spirit, visible in man, while the manner in which it op^erates — its internal rule or law — is not capable of being known."
374 CALVIN AS AN INTERPRETER
Verse 9. — " What hinders Nicodemus from believing is plain. It is because he cannot see the how of this divine operation. We may properly, indeed, inquire with modesty into the how and the wherefore of the divine operations ; but wo unto us if we would measure the infinity of the divine power by the standard of our own reason \"
Verse 10. — " Christ greatly humbles the proud scribe, by objecting against him the very thing in which he supposed he had given the greatest j^roof of his sagacity. The em- phasis lies upon ravra. Exactly that which is the foundation of all true religion, and which the Scriptures insist upon times without number, thou knovvest not."
Tliis connected extract will serve the purpose of giving to those who have never met with Calvin an idea of his method, and especially of that psychology, founded upon religious experience, without which no one can be a good interpreter of Scripture.
Let, then, this great teacher of a true and profound know- ledge of the Scriptures, go forth anew into an age to which he had become in a great measure a stranger. We know with certainty he will find hundreds and thousands of friends ; and only one consideration could make us at all solicitous respecting this new circulation of his Com- mentaries. This is the recollection, that his view of pre- destination appears in all its sternness wherever an oppor- tunity occurs. With an observation on this subject, we shall bring our remarks to a close. We believe that even this part of Calvin's Commentaries will do moi'e good than hurt. As one extreme often serves to restrain and limit the other, so we think it will turn out here. A profound truth lies at the foundation of Calvinism ; and that very aspect of the Divine Being and of human nature which our age is most inclined to overlook, is made prominent in this system. If it be so, that our age has been accustomed to set up man, with numberless claims on God, as a Prometheus, in opposi- tion to the Supreme Being, and that this mode of thinking lias in any degree affected the views even of evangelical theologians ; it may be, that the inexorable severity with which Calvin takes everything from man, and gives every-
OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 875
thing to God, will exert a salutary influence upon many ; while the strong current of the age, diametrically opposed as it is, to this mode of thinking, may prove a sufficient se- curity against the Calvinistic extreme. Should not this, however, be the case ; should the consistency of Calvinism compel from one and another an unconditional surrender, — so be it ; thei'e is always something more noble and majestic in the power inherent in the iron view of Calvinism, than in the weakness of a carnal Pelagianism.
We feel the same composure with regard to the new edition of Calvin's Institutes, which has been undertaken in Wiirtem- berg. With joy we bid it welcome. And even if its tend- ency should be to establish many theologians in the partial views of Calvinism, it will not fail, at the same time, to promote that unconquerable and fixed power of faith, wliich has always been peculiar to strict Calvinism, and whicli, more than anything else, is so necessary to our languid aee.
OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
RESPECTING THE
WRITINGS OF JOHN CALVIN.
MARTIN BUCER. (a.d. 1491-1551.)
Calvinus vere doctus mireque facundus vir, purioris Chris- tianismi instaurator eximius.
Calvin is a truly learned and singularly eloquent man, an illustrious restorer of a purer Christianity.
MARTIN LUTHER, In a Letter to Bucei', 14th October 1539.
Saluta mihi Sturmium et Calvinum reverenter, quorum libellos singulari cum voluptate legi.
Present my respectful salutations to Sturmius and Cal- vin, whose books I have perused with singular pleasure.
PAPIRE MASSON,
A Roman Catholic.
(a.d. 1544-1611.)
Ingenio san^ et acuto erat, et ad questiones explicandas difficiles natus, quas et citb et penitiis complectebatur. — Scripsit nee pauciora nee minus bene quam segregum quis- quam, si numerum, si acumen, si dictionem, si brevitatem, si aculeos, si emphasin spectare volumus.
OPINIONS KESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 877
His mind was eminently acute, and adapted to the solu- tion of difficult questions, of which he quickly and thoroughly made himself master. Whether we consider the number, the ingenuity, the expression, the conciseness, or the point and energy of his writings, they are neither less numerous nor less valuable than those of any of his contemporaries.
RICHAED SIMON",
A Roman Catholic, genei'ally known by the name of Father Simon.
(a.d. 1638-1712.)
Cum Calvinus sublimi ingenio polleret, in ejus Commen- tariis statim occurrit quiddam quo animus rapitur ; cumque hqminem intus et in cute pernosset, Ethicam mire placentem, quani et ille quantum potest Textui Sacro conformem reddit. Si minus prejudiciis laborasset, et Hereticarum partium ducis et signiferi nomen minime ambivisset, utilem profecto Eccle- siae Catholicse operam navare potuisset.
As Calvin was endued with a lofty genius, we are con- stantly meeting with something in his Commentaries which delights the mind ; and in consequence of his intimate and perfect acquaintance with human nature, his Ethics are truly charming, while he does his utmost to maintain their accord- ance with the Sacred Text. Had he been less under the influence of prejudice, and had he not been solicitous to be- come the leader and standard-bearer of heresy, he might have produced a work of the greatest usefulness to the Catho- lic Church. — Critical History of the Old Testament.
The same passage, with additions, is in French as follows:
"L'on trouve dans sesCommentaires sur TEcriture un je ne sais quoi qui plait d'abord et que comme il s'etait principale- raent applique a connaitre I'liomme, il a rempli ses livres d'une morale qui touche, et il tache meme de la rendre juste et conforme a son texte. II n'y a gu^re d'auteur qui ait mieux connu le neant de Thomme depuis le peche et il s'applique surtout a marquer les defauts auxquels il est sujet et ainsi il touche le coeur. Neanmoins il a ce defaut dans tous ses ouv- rages d'avoir fait paraitre avec exc^s ce neant de Thomme et
378 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
de Tavoir lalsse clans ce nieme neant, sans avoir dgard a I'etafc de la grace. II a I'adresse ou la malice de detourner le verit- able sens de son texte pour raccommoder a ses prejuges ; 11 ne laisse passer aucune occasion de medire de I'Eglise Ro- maine et ainsi une partie de ses Comraentaires est plus de declamations inutiles, qui lui servaient cependant en ce temps la pour soulever les peuples centre leur superieurs legitimes." In another passage, lie says, " que Calvin fait paraitre plus d'esprit et de jugement dans ses ouvrages que Luther, qu'il est plus reserve que lui, et qu'il prend garde a ne se servir pas de preuves faibles, d'oii ses adversaires puissent prendre avantage sur lui. Calvin est trop subtil dans ses raisonne- mens, ses Commentaires sent remplis de consequences tirees avec adresse du texte qui sont capables de prevenir les esprits des lectures qui ne savent pas a fond la religion.
"Calvin est plus exact dans ses Commentaires sur les Epitres de St. Paul que dans les autres. II ne'st pas content du travail de Melanchthon et de Bullinger dans ces epitres ni meme de Bucer, parce qu'ils lui semblaient trop longs. II faut avouer qu'il est modere dans son comment sur I'Epitre aux Remains. On voit bien qu'il ne songeait alors qu'a se concilier les esprits des diiferens partis."
There is something in his Commentaries on the Scrip- tures which immediately pleases, and as he applied him- self particularly to the knowledge of human nature, he has filled his books with a pointed practical application, which he also endeavours to make a legitimate and exact inference from his text. There is no author who understood better the utter inability of man in consequence of sin ; he applies himself especially to point out the faults and defects to which he is subject, and thus he afiects tlie heart. Never- theless, he has the fault in all his works of giving too much prominence to this inability, and of leaving man in it with- out having respect to the state of grace. He has the address, or malice, to twist the true meaning of his text to suit his preconceived notions ; he lets no opportunity pass of slan- dering the Romish Church, and thus a part of his Commen- taries is rather useless declamations, which however served his purpose at that time of stirring up the people against
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. S79
their lawful superiors. . . . He displays more genius and judg- ment in his works than Luther ; he is more cautious, and takes care not to make use of weak proofs, of which his ad- versaries might take advantage. He is subtle to excess in his reasoning, and his Commentaries are filled with infer- ences skilfully drawn from the text — which are capable of prepossessing the minds of those readers who are not pro- foundly acquainted with religion.
He is more exact in his Commentaries on the Epistles of St. Paul than in the rest. He is not content with the labours of Melanchthon and Bullinger on these Epistles, nor even of Bucer, because the}'^ appeared to him too long. It must be allowed that he is moderate in his Commentaries on the Epistles to the Romans. His desire evidently was to con- ciliate the minds of different parties.
JOSEPH SCALIGEE, (a.d. 1540-1609.)
Calvinus solidus theologus et doctus est ; styli sat pur- gati et elegantioris quam theologum deceat. Excellentissimi theologi duo nostris temporibus sunt Joannes Calvinus et Petrus Martyr : quorum ille literas sanas tractavit ut trac- tandse sunt, — vere, inquam, et pure, ac simpliciter, sine ullis argutationibus scholasticis : et divino vir prseditus ingenio multa divinavit, quae non nisi a linguae Hebraicas peritissimis (cujusmodi tamen ipse non erat) divinari possint.
Calvin is an instructive and learned theologian, with a higher purity and elegance of style than is expected from a theologian. The two most eminent theologians of our times are John Calvin and Peter Martyr ; the former of whom has treated sound learning as it ought to be treated, with a truth, and purity, and simplicity, remote from any of the refine- ments of the schools. Endued with a divine genius, he penetrated into many things which lie beyond the reach of all who are not deeply skilled in the Hebrew language, though he did not himself belong to that class.
In his Scaligeriana Secunda, he says, — 0 quam Calvinus bene assequitur raentcm prophetariam ! nemo melius! Cal-
380 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
villus omnium op time in Danielem scripsit, sed omnia hausit ex B. Hieronymo. 0 quara bonus liber sunt Institutiones ! Calvinus et Beza Pictavii ambo Juris studiis operam nava- runt. Solus inter theologus Calvinus.
0 how well Calvin apprehends the meaning of the pro- phets ! no one better. Calvin is the best of all writers on Daniel, but he drew all his materials from St. Jerome. 0 what a good book is the Institutes ! Calvin and Beza of Poitou both applied themselves to the study of the Law. Calvin stands alone among theologians.
He elsewhere says, — He had never occasion to recant ; which, considering how much he wrote, is a subject for admiration. I leave you to judge whether he was not a great man !
THOMAS STAPLETON,
A Roman Catholic.
(a.d. 1535-1598.)
Libri Institutionum (Calvini) in Anglia in tanto pretio sunt, ut cum Anglic^ exactissimb versi in singulis Ecclesiis a Parochis legend! appendantur, tum in utraque illic acade- mia, cursu philosophico absoluto, futuris theologis hi primum ante omnia prselegantur.
(Calvin's) Institutes are so highly valued in England, that not only is a very exact English translation of them laid down for perusal in every parish church ; but in both of its Universities, as soon as the course of philosophy is com- pleted, those who are intended to be theologians are first of all enjoined to peruse these volumes.
Stapleton, according to Jurieu, also expressed himself regarding Calvin's merits in the following terms : — Pour le sens litteral il etait interprete exact, si moral, si eloquent, si doux, que souvent les catholiques en le lisant ont bien de la peine a se garantir de I'impurete de sa doctrine, parce qu'elle est accompagnee d'une grande purete de diction, et je les ai souvent oui souhaiter qu'on eut retranche de ses Commentaires ce qui est contraire a I'eglise et a la foi.
For the literal meaning he was an exact interpreter, so practical, eloquent, and pleasing, that Catholics in read-
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 381
ing him often find it difficult to guard themselves against tlie impurity of his doctrine, because it is accompanied with great purity of style, and I have often heard them express a wish that that which is contrary to the Church and to the faith were expunged from his Commentaries.
Stapleton is quoted by Bayle, as saying, — Tlie Institutions of Calvin are so greatly esteemed, in England that the book has been accurately translated into English, and is even fixed in the parish churches for the people to read. More- over, in each of the two Universities, after the students have finished their circuit in philosophy, as many of them as are designed for the ministry are lectured first of all on that book.
JOHN COCHLiEUS,
A Roman Catholic,
(a.d. 1479-1552,)
Describes Calvin as
Hominera eloquentem et sacrarum literarum in diversis
linguis peritum. — Dedicatio ad Historiam Hussitarum.
An eloquent man, and skilled in sacred literature in vari- ous languages.
SCHULTINGIUS,
A Roman Catholic, canon of the cathedral of Cologne, in the end of the six- teenth century.
In Anglia, ejus (Calvini) Institutiones ipsis paene biblicis scripturis pra3feruntur. Maiidant pseudoepiscopi omnibus ministris ut paene ad verbum has ediscant, nee unquam de manibus deponant. Collocantur in templis sublimi loco in pulpito ; custodiuntur tanta diligentia acsi Sibyllina forent oracula. — In Scotia omnes studiosi adolescentes, post suscep- tum gradum magisterii, studium theologise ab his principiis, nempe lectione Institutionum, inchoant. — Heidelbergge, Ge- nevse, Herbornge, et in universitatibus Calvinistarum, vel ipsEe Institutiones, vel earum compendia, public^ a doctoribus studiosis theologise explicantur. — Hse Institutiones ab ipsis in omnes linguas vertuntur, ut omnium nationum homines hoc veneno pestifero inficere et corrumpere possint. In
882 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
Belgia, nullus est vcrbi Dei minister et prseoo, niillus senatorii ordinis paullo latior, nullus prseses vel prsefectus, — breviter, nullus sacrarum literarurn cupidus, (omnes autem j^aene sunt in ejusmodi tlieologia Calviniana versati, a supremo conci- liario usque ad infimum aurigam aut nautam,) qui non liasce aureas, scilicet eorum judicio, nocturna verset manu, verset- que diurna. Extrinsecus auro, purpura, oninique pretiosis- simo ornatu, vestiiint et ornant tanquam pra3stantissimam margaritam evangelicam, et quasi thesaurum coelitus delap- sum: ex his libris omnes controversias decidunt et dijudicant. In England, (Calvin's) Institutes are almost preferred to the inspired writings themselves. The pretended bishojis enjoin all ministers to learn them almost by heart, and never to have them out of their hands. They are jilaced in their churches, where an elevated situation in the pulj^it is as- signed to them, and are j^reserved with as much care as if they were the Sibylline oracles. — In Scotland, all young students have no sooner taken their degree of Master of Arts, than they commence their theological studies with these principles, that is, with the reading of the Institutes. — At Heidelberg, Geneva, Herborn, and in the Universities of the Calvinists, either the Institutes themselves, or abridg- ments of them, are publicly expounded by the professors to students of theology. These Institutes are translated by them into all languages, that they may be enabled to slay and destroy the inhabitants of every nation by this deadly poison. — In Switzerland, there is no minister or preacher of the Word of God, no senator of any eminence, no public officer or magistrate, in short ; no man devoted to sacred literature, (and almost every person in that country is con- versant with that description of theology which bears the name of Calvin, from the most exalted counsellor, down to the lowest carter or sailor,) by whom those golden Institutes, as they deem them, are not perused by night and day.^
* The phraseology of the original Latin is obviously formed on Horace's celebrated advice in his Art of Poetry : —
" Vos exemplaria Grseca Nocturna versate manu, versate diurna."
" Peruse the Grecian models night and day."
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 383
Tlicy clothe and decorate tlicm witli gold, purple, and every costly ornament, as the most precious jewel of the Gospel, as if they were a treasure which had fallen from heaven ; and from these books they decide and determine every con- troversy.
JOHN STURMIUS. (a.d. 1507-1589.)
Joannes Calvinus homo acutissimo judicio, summaque doctrina, et egregia menioria pra)ditus est, et scriptor est varius, copiosus, purus, cujus rei testimonium est Institutio
Christianre Religionis Neque scio an quicquani
hujus generis extet perfectius ad docendam religionem, ad corrigendos mores et tollendos errores, et se optime insti- tutum existimet, qui qute in eo volumine traduntur est asse- cutus.
John Calvin was endued with a most acute judgment, the highest learning, and a prodigious memory, and was distin- guished as a writer by variety, copiousness, and purity, an instance of which is to be found in the Institutes of the
Christian Religion I am not aware that there is
anything of this description in existence more completely adapted to teach religion, to correct morals, and to remove errors : so that we may look upon that man as well instructed who has made himself master of all that is contained in that book.
ETIENNE PASQUIEE.
Conseiller et Avocat General du Roy en la Chambi-e des Contes de Paris.
A Roman Catholic.
(1528-1615.)
Jean Calvin, natif de la ville de Noyon fit ses premieres etudes dans Paris, puis a Orleans ; et de la il prit son vol dans Geneve, oil il batit vne nouvelle Religion. Car com- bien que Luther et luy fussent compagnons d'armes, en ce qu'ils combattoyent d'vn commun voeu, I'autorite du Siege de Rome, si ne symbolisoient-ils en tous les articles de foy ; Calvin ayant ajoute, bien des amplifications, des retranche-
881 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
mens, a la doctrine de Luther. Et pour cette cause ils etabli- rent deux Eglises ; I'vne a Augsbourg, ou le Lutheranisme fut exerc^, et Tautre a Genc^ve, ou la Calvinisme. Et tout ainsi que Luther attira a sa cordelle vne bonne partie d'Alle- magne dont il etoit extrait, aussi Calvin s'etudia de faire le semblable en notre France, lieu de sa nativite. II survequit long-tems Luther, chose qui luy donna le loisir d'espandre sa nouvelle doctrine au milieu de nous et en plusieurs autres contrees. Car aussi etoit-il homme bien ecrivant tout en La- tin que Fran9ois, et auquel notre langue Frangoise est gran- dement redevable pour I'avoir enrichie d'vne infinite de beaux traits ; et a la mienne volonte que e'eust ete sur meilleur su- jet, Au demeurant homme merveileusement verse et noury au Livres de la Sainte Ecriture, et tel que s'il eust tourne son esprit a la bonne voye il pouvoit estre mis au paragon des plus signalez Docteurs de I'Eglise. — Les Recherches de la France, p. 769. Paris, 1 6S3.
John Calvin, a native of the town of Noyon, studied first at Paris, afterwards in Orleans, and from thence removed to Geneva, where he founded a new religion. For though Lu- ther and he were fellows in arms in so far as they had one common object in combating the authority of the Papal chair, they did not concur in all their articles of faith, Calvin having both added numerous amplifications, and made re- trenchments of the doctrines of Luther. And therefore two churches arose, the one at Augsburg, and the other at Ge- neva, where Lutheranism and Calvinism respectively pre- vailed. Whilst Luther then drew over to his side a large I^art of Germany, the country of his birth, Calvin also in our France, his native country, endeavoured to j)erform the same achievement. He survived Luther a long time, a circum- stance which gave him leisure to difi"use his new doctrines throughout this and several other countries. He wrote equally well both in Latin and Fi-ench, the latter of which languages is greatly indebted to him for having enriched it with an infinite number of fine passages, though I could have wished that they had been written on a better subject. In short, a man wonderfully conversant with, and attached to the books of the Holy Scriptures, and such, that if he had
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 385
turned his mind in the proper direction, he might have been ranked with the most distinguislied doctors of the church.
REV. WILLIAM FULKE, Master of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, wlio died 1589.
That which Calvin speaketh of the spiritual liberty of a Christian man's conscience, wliich must be kept wholly in subjection unto God, how maliciously this lewd writer (Par- sons the Jesuit, under the name of Howlet) draweth to make seditious heresies, five hundred places in Calvin's works, directly condemning all rebellion, sedition, and murmuring against magistrates, and exacting obedience unto tliem, not only for fear, but also for conscience sake, do most abun- dantly demonstrate.
GERDES, A Dutch divine of tlie last century.
Paucos esse libros qui vel sequiparari vel comparari que- ant cum Joannis Calvini Institutione Religionis Christianse, sive doctrinam spectemus, sive ratiocinandi viam, sive styli et verborum elegantiam, etiam ii testantur, qui alia csete- roquin in rebus sacris placita sequuntur. Tam utilis fuit ejus opera ecclesiee Christi, ut nulla ferb Christian! orbis regie inveniatur. qu£e non sit Calvini laboribus plena, nullse fere hsereses fuerint subnatge, contra quas ille non feliciter verbo Dei, ancipiti illo gladio pugnavit, nullum doctrinse Christianse caput, quod ille non singularem in modum illus- traverit. Cert^ ejus in Vetus ac Novum Testamentum Com- mentaria omne ferunt punctum, ejus Conciones unctionem spirant omnes, ejus Institutiones ad limam sunt compositae et absolutse ; Tractatus dogmatic! soliditatem, Elenchtic! fer- vorem et zelum, Practici virtutem et pietatem complectuntur; Epistolse autera humanitatem, prudentiam, gravitatem atque sapientiam prse se ferunt. — Historia Evangelii Renovati, iv. 41, &c.
That there are few books that can be equalled or com- pared to the Institutes of the Christian Religion of John
2 B
386 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
Calvin, whether we consider tlie doctrine, or the method of reasoning, or the elegance of the style and expression, is attested even by those who in other respects take different views of religion. His labours were so higldy useful to the Church of Christ, that there is hardly any department of the Christian world to be found that is not full of the labours of Calvin, — hardly any heresy that has arisen which he has not successfully encountered with that two-edged sword, the word of God, — or a portion of Christian doctrine which he has not illustrated in a remarkable manner. Certainly his Commentaries on the Old and New Testaments are all that could be desired ; every one of his sermons is full of unction ; his Institutes bear the most complete and finished execu- tion ; his doctrinal treatises are distinguished by solidity, his critical works by warmth and fervour, his practical writings by virtue and piety, and his letters by mildness, prudence, gravity, and wisdom.
JEEOME ZANCHIUS,
lu a Letter to the Landgrave of Hesse.
(a.d. 1516-1590.)
Calvinus, honorificse memoriae homo (ut tota novit Europa) non solum prsestanti pietate et maxima eruditione, sed etiam singulari in rebus omnibus judicio clarissimus.
Calvin, whose memory is honoured, (as all Europe knows,) was held in the highest estimation, not only for eminent piety and the highest learning, but likewise for singularly judicious views on every subject.
He also says in a letter to Bishop Grindal, — Calvin cer- tainly thinks differently, and I respect his opinion far more than that of many others ; for he truly has tlie Spirit of God, and looks more to the edification of the churches than to a certain vain-glorious pertinacity in our phrases, expres- sions, and syllables. — Parker' Society Edit., p. 104.
RESPECTINQ THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 38/^
BISHOP JEWEL. (a.d. 1522-1571.)
A reverend father, and worthy ornament of the Church of God.
PRESIDENT DE THOU. (a.d. 1553-1617.)
Jean Calvin de No^'on en Verinandois, personnage d'un esprit vif et d'une grande eloquence, et parmi les Protestans theologien de grande reputation, mourut le 20 Mai a Genc^ve, oil il avoit enseigne vingt-trois ans, age de cinquante-six ans presque accomplis. Ayant este travaille sept ans de diverses maladies, neanmoins il n'en pas fut moins assidu dans sa charge, et cela ne I'empecha jamais decrire.
John Calvin, of Noyon in Picardy, a person of lively wit and of great eloquence, and a theologian of high reputation among the Protestants, died on the 20th May, (1564,) at Geneva, where he had taught for twenty-three years, being nearly fifty-six years of age. Though he had laboured under various diseases for seven years, this did not render him less diligent in his office, and never hindered him from writing.
WALCHIUS. A Lutheran divine of the last century.
Multa omnino in Calvini interpretationibus habentur, quai eruditionem ac judicium ejus monstrant ; utiliter legenda sunt ac laudari debent.
There are many of Calvin's interpretations that shew his learning and judgment ; they may be perused with advan- tage, and deserve commendation.
• MATTHEW POOLE.
(a.d. 1624-1679.)
Joannes Calvinus interpres est, vel adversariorum judicio, acutus, doctus, et solidus. Commentaria non tam critica sunt quam practica ; nee tam verba et phrases enucleant
388 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
quam materlas tlieologicas solide tractant, et ad praxin accommodant.
John Calvin is acknowledged even by adversaries to be an acute, learned, and instructive commentator. His commen- taries deal less in critical than in practical matter, and are less occupied with explaining words and phrases, than with liandling theological subjects in an instructive manner, and applying them to practice.
ARMINIUS. (a.d. 1560-1609.)
Post Scripturse lectionem, quam vehcmenter inculco, ad Calvini commentaries legendos adhortor, quem laudibus majoribus extollo quam ipse Helmichius ; dice enim incom- parabilem esse in interpretatione Scriptuise, et majoris faciendos ipsius commentaries, quam quicquid patrum bibliotheca nobis tradit ; adeo ut et spiritum aliquem pro- phetise eximium illi prse aliis plerisque, imo et omnibus, concedam. Institutiones ipsius, ad locos communes quod attinet, addo legendas post catechesin tanquam pleniorem explicationem. At hie addo c^im delectu, ut omnium homi- num scripta legenda sunt.
Next to the perusal of the Scriptures, which I earnestly inculcate, I exhort my pupils to peruse Calvin's Commen- taries, which I extol in loftier terms than Helmich^ himself; for I affirm that he excels beyond comparison in the interpre- tation of Scripture, and that his commentaries ought to be more highly valued than all that is handed down to tis by the library of the fathers ; so that I acknowledge him to have possessed above most others, or rather above all other men, what may be called an eminent gift of prophecy. With . respect to commonplaces, I add, that his Institutes ought to be perused after the Catechism, as containin^a fuller exjjla- nation. But here I add, that it should be with discrimina- tion, for in that manner the writings of all men ought to be perused.
* Werner Helmich, a Dutch Protestant divine, a.d. 1551-1608.
RESPECTING TtJE AVRITINGS OF CALVIN. 389
CHARLES DRElilNCOURT.
(a.d. 1595-1669.)
Dbs ma premiere jeunesse j'avois venere le nom de Calvin, et j'avois leu ses doctes Ecrits avec uii tres-grand profit, et un plaisir singulier, et encore aiijourdliuy en lisant les Com- mentaires qu'ii a faits sur I'Ecriture Sainte, en un terns qu'il ne faisoit que de sortir des ten^bres de Tignorance, oii il avoit este noury et eleve, je suis ravy en une saint admira- tion ; et il me semble que le mesme Esprit qui a dicte le Texte, s'est en quelque sorte etendu et explique luy-mesme en ces excellens Commentaires. En efFet, si vous excepted quelque peu de lieus, oii Dieu a permis qu'il se rencontre quelque defaut pour marque de I'infirmite humaine, et pour distinguer les Ecrits des plus excellens serviteurs de Dieu, d'avec ces des Saints Apostres, qui ont este inspirez imme- diatement du Sainct Esprit, il n'y a rien en tons les livres de ce grand Auteur qui ne soit dignc d'admiration et de louange. Nous voyons bien en ce siecle des Auteurs qui mettent au jour de gros et vastes Volumes : mais ce ne sent, pour la pluspart, que des paroles, des amplifications, et des redites. Mais en cette multitude prodigieuse de Livres que Calvin a composez, vous ne voyez point de paroles perdues : et il se pent dire qu'apres les Prophetes et les Apostres, per- sonne n'a jamais dit tant de clioses distinctes en si peu de mots, et en des mots si propres et si bien choisis.
From my earliest youth I venerated the name of Calvin, and read his learned writings with very great advantage, and with uncommon delight ; and even to this day, while I peruse those commentaries on the Holy Scriptures, which he wrote at a time when he bad just quitted the darkness of ignorance in which he had been educated and brought up, I am transported to a holy admiration, and imagine that the same Spirit who dictated the text has, in some measure, en- larged and explained himself in these excellent commenta- ries. In fact, if you leave out some few passages in which God permitted the existence of some defect as an indication of human weakness, and to distinguish the writings of the most excellent servants of God from those of the holy apos-
390 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
ties, who were immediately inspired b}' the Holy Spirit, there is nothing in all the M^orks of this great author that is not worthy of admiration and praise. We see many authors in this age who publish large and bulky volumes ; but they are, for the most part, words, enlargements, and repetitions. But in that prodigious multitude of books which were com- posed by Calvin, you see no words thrown away ; and since the prophets and apostles, there never perhaps was a man who conveyed so many distinct statements in so few words, and in such appropriate and well-chosen tci-ms.
In another place he says, —
J'avais considere Calvin comme un grand liomme, mais je ne I'ai jamais trouve si grand que lorsque je me suis mis a en faire le portrait. Et cela a fait une telle impression en mon ame que j'ai honte de moi-meme. Jamais la vie de Calvin ne m'a paru plus pure ni plus innocente que depuis que j'ai examine avec soin les calomnies diaboliques donton I'a voulu difFamer, et consider^ toutes les louanges que ses plus grands ennemis sont contraints de donner a sa memoire.
I had considered Calvin as a great nian, but I never found him so great as when I set myself to draw his portrait. And that has made such an impression on my mind that I feel ashamed of myself. Never did Calvin's life appear to me more pure or more innocent than after carefully examining the diabolical calumnies with which some have endeavoured to defame his charactei', and after considering all the praises which his greatest enemies are constrained to bestow on his memory.
HENRY DE BEAUVAL BASNAGE.
(a.d. 1659-1710.)
Author of a '• History of the Works of Learned IMeii."
Calvin avoit un esprit penetrant, un jugemeut solide, un attachement pour I'etude qui ne fut interrompu ni par les cruelles douleurs, ni par les longues et violentes maladies dont il fut attaque pendant sa vie. On remarque dans son Institution une grande puret^ de style et une noblesse d'ex- pression qui repond a la grandeur des mystf^'res qu'il traite,
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 391
line theologie iiettc, un systeme parfaitemente lie, et une connoissance profonde de rEcriturc, sur laquelle il appuye tous ses dognies.
Calvin had a penetrating genius, a solid judgment, a de- light in stud}'', which was not interrupted either by the agonizing pains, or by the lingering and violent diseases to which he was exposed during his life. In his Institutes we discover an uncommon purity of style and a dignity of ex- pression that is in unison with the sublime mysteries which he handles, an exact theology, a system perfectly harmoni- ous, and a profound knowledge of the Scriptui'es, on which he rests all his doctrines.
BISHOP CAELETON.
AVho died 1628.
0 Calvin ! happy even by the testimony of thy adversa- ries, since thy writings are so conformable to the Holy Scrip- tures, that what a very famous Popish Doctor confesses he took from the Scriptures other Papists imputed to the read- ing of thy books.
RICHARD BAXTER. (a.d. 1615-1691.)
1 know no man, since the Apostles' days, whom I value and honour more than Calvin, and whose judgment in all things, one with another, I more esteem and come nearer to.
BISHOP SANDERSON. (a.d. 1587-1663.)
When I began to set myself to the study of Divinity as my proper business, Calvin's Institutions were recommended to me, as they generally were to all young scholars in those times, as the best and most perfect system of Divinity, and the fittest to be laid as a groundwork in the study of the profession. And, indeed, my expectation was not at all ill- deemed in the reading of those Institutions.
392 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
HAKEWELL,
PRINCE henry's chaplain. In his answer to Dr. Benjamin Carier.
Your old master, Archbishop Whitgift, was of another mind, — labouring always, when any occasion was oftered, to countenance his own writings with Calvin's authority, and esj)ecially out of that book which you most dislike, [the Institutions,] yielding hira the title of "a famous and learned man/'
PHILIP DODDRIDGE, D.D. (a.d. 1702-1751.) Calvin has a multitude of judicious thoughts.
JOHN LAWRENCE MOSHEIM, D.D. (a.d. 1G95-1755.)
Calvin was a model for simplicity and clearness, being un- tainted with that affectation of subtilty, and that scholastic spirit which has eclipsed the merit of many a good genius, more especially in his Institutes, a work remarkable for the finest elegance of style, and the greatest ease and perspicuity of expression. Calvin surpassed all the doctors of the age in laborious application, constancy of mind, force of elo- quence, and extent of genius. The first rank among the interpreters of the age is deservedly assigned to John Calvin, who endeavoured to expound nearly the whole of the Sacred Volume.
ARCHIBALD MACLAINE, D.D.
(a.d. 1723-1804.)
Translator of "Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History."
Calvin, one of the most distinguished and remarkable instruments of the Reformation — a man whose extensive genius, flowing eloquence, immense learning, extraordinary penetration, indefatigable industry, and fervent piet}^, placed him at the head of the Reformers, all of whom he surpassed at least in learning and parts.
I
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 393
JOHN ALPfiONSUS TURRETINE. (a.d. 1671-1737.)
Vir benedicta3 in omne sevum memorise, Joannes Calvinus ;
. immensis laboribus non Genevensem modo ecclesi-
am, sed et totum Reformatum ovbem, erudivit et illustravit ;
adeo ut de ejus nomine Reformati quanti quanti sunt, non
raro adpellentur.
John Calvin was a man whose memory will be blessed to the latest age, has instructed and adorned not only the Church of Geneva, but the whole Reformed world, by his vast labours ; insomuch that all the Reformed Churches arc in the gross frequently called by his name.
BISHOP STILLINGPLEET.
(a.d. 1635-1699.)
None speaks more fully .... than that excellent servant of God, as Bishop Downam often calls him, Calvin doth.
JOHN ALBERT BENGEL. A Lutheran,
(a.d. 1687-1752.)
Calvin's Institutions, which had been originally intended to be presented to the King of France, as a Confession of Faith on the part of the Reformed, is a most excellent work.
MONTESQUIEU". (a.d. 1689-1755.) The Genevese should bless the birth-day of Calvin.
BISHOP ANDREWS.
(a.d. 1555-1626.)
Calvin was an illustrious person, and never to be mentioned without a preface of the highest honour.
394 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIE.S
PROFESSOR LIVELY. (a.d. 1587.) For understanding the Scriptures, Calvin was endued with an admirable gift of judgment.
DANIEL FEATLY. (a.d. 1582-1645.) That bright burning taper of Geneva, as warm in liis de- votions, as clear and lightsome in his disputes.
DAVID ANCILLON. (a.d. 1617-1692.)
Albert Pighius, ay ant entrepris de refuter l' Institution de Calvin devint Calviniste dans un des principaux dogmes de la foi ; et la mesme chose arriva a Joan Paul Verger, Evesque d'une ville d'ltalie appelee Capo d'Istrie, qui erabrassa la creance des Reformez, ayant leu leurs ouvrages dans le des- sein de montrer la faussete de leur doctrine. — Melange Cri- tique de Lifterature recueilli des Conve?'sations de feu M. A ncillon.
Albert Pighius, having undertaken to refute Calvin's In- stitutions, became a Calvinist on one of the leading doctrines of faith ; and the same thing happened to John Paul Verger, Bishop of a town in Italy, called Capo d'Istria, who embraced the creed of the Reformers, having read their works with the view of pointing out the falsehood of their doctrine. — Cri- tical Miscellany of Literature, collected from the Conversa- tions of the late Mons. A ncillon.
In another passage he says — II eut ete a souhaiter et il le serait encore que tous ceux qui ccrivent contre Calvin et le dechirent par des satyres infames et injustes meditassent bien ses ouvrages et que leur dessein fiit de decouvrir la verite. Quelques-uns ont ete convertis en le combattant, Beus est in illis et numen intus ostendunt, mais les uns Ic refutent par une esp^ce de necessite dans la pensee qu'il est dangereux que les ecrits d'un adversaire si fameux demeurent sans re- ponse ; les autres par vanite, pretendans que par leurs sub- tilites, il donneront de la vraisemblance a leurs raisonne-
■RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 8|)5
ments ; et remportevont une csp^ce de victoire sur ce eelebrc Calvin ; les autres cnfin ne sont pas assez capables de la refutcr, et ils egratignent cet illustve mort, "ut juxta prover- biuni Leoni mortuo etiam lepores insultare et barbam velli- carc audent, ita detuncto Calvino varii adversarii, surdo ma- ledicere, alii aliis calumniis lacerare mortuum coeperuiit, cujus supcrstitis ne conspectum quideni ferre potuissent, magis quam olini Lutetiae impius ille Servetus ad alloquium, quod se cum Calvino appetere simularat, condicto loco et tenq)orc diutius quidem sed frustra ab illo expectatus, ferre conspectum ejus non jiotuit." — Parceus, Galvimis ortko- doi'ciis.
It was to liave been desired, and would be so still, that all those who write against Calvin, and tear his character in pieces by infamous and unjust satires, would consider well his works, and that their purpose were to discover the truth. Some have been converted in attacking him, Deus est in illis et numen intus ostendunt, but some refute him by a kind of necessity, under the idea that it is dangerous that the writ- ings of so famous an adversary should remain without reply ; others from vanity, presuming, that by their subtilties, they will give probability to their reasonings, and will obtain a sort of victory over this celebrated Calvin ; others lastly, have not sufficient ability to refute him, and they mangle the illustrious dead, "as according to the proverb, even hares venture to insult and pull the beard of the dead lion, so do his various adversaries act towards Calvin when dead ; abusing a person that cannot hear ; others have begun to attack the dead by other calumnies, who could not have stood before the face of Calvin when living, more than for- merly happened at Paris, when that impious Servetus, who had pretended a wish for a conference with Calvin, was un- able to stand his presence though he had been long waited for by Calvin at the appointed place and time."
EDWARD WILLIAMS, D.D.
Calvin is in general a very able and judicious expositor ; his method perspicuous, his manner popular, with a style pure and pleasing.
396 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
BISHOP BILSON, Who died in 1616.
Mr. Calvin is so well known to those who are learned and wise, for his great pains and good labours in the Church of God, that a few snarling friars cannot impeach his good name.
JOHN AIKIN, M.D., A Unitarian,
The most eminent persons of his age, and since his time, have joined in admiration of his extraordinary talents ; and had not theological studies absorbed all his attention, it can- not be doubted that he would have excelled in any of the walks of polite literature.
ANDllEW THOMSON, D.D.
His memory is embalmed in the hearts of all the friends of learning, liberty, and religion, and will descend with un- fading honour to the latest generations. No man has perhaps ever received so many or such high encomiums from writers of every age, of every country, and of every denomination. His Commentaries are distinguished by piety, sound sense, clear illustration, and uncommon impartiality. Most of his productions, indeed, are worthy of perusal ; for even where the subject is of a local or occasional nature, he seldom fails to edify the reader by general truths, or to please him by acute reasoning.
MOSES AMYKAUT, (a.d. 1596-1645.)
Cet incomparable Calvin, a qui principalement apr^s Dieu TEglise doit sa Reformation, non pas seulement en France, mais en plusieurs autres endroits de I'Europe.
Prsestantissimi viri virtutes, veritatis causa suscepti et cxantlati labores plane herculei, et in Ecclesiam Domini nostri Jesu insestimabilia superiore seculo merita, a nobis non tam petere quam flagitare videntur, ut ejus memoriam a ca-
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 397
lumniis adversarlorum singular! studio vindicemus. — Doc- trincB Jo. Calvini Defensio.
That incomparable Calvin, to whom mainly, next to God, the Church owes its Reformation, not only in France, but in many other parts of Europe.
The excellencies of a very distinguished man, his mani- festly herculean toils undertaken and endured for the sake of truth, and his invaluable services to the Church of our Lord Jesus in the last century, appear not only to entreat but to demand from us, that we shall protect his memory with extraordinary zeal against the reproaches of adversaries.
THOMAS M'CRIE, D.D. Life of Jolin Knox.
The Genevese Reformer (Calvin) surpassed Knox in the extent of his theological learning, and in the unrivalled so- lidity and clearness of his judgment.
In another passage he says, —
The name of Calvin was tlien known over all Europe by his writings ; and by none was he held in greater esteem than by the Protestants in England, who had corresponded with him, at the desire of Archbishop Cranmer, respecting the best method of promoting the Reformation.
ARCHBISHOP LAWRENCE.
In his Banipton Lectures. ^
Calvin was both a wise and a good man, inferior to none of his contemporaries in general ability, and superior to almost all in the art, as well as elegance, of composition, in the perspicuity and arrangement of his ideas, the structure of his periods, and the Latinity of his diction.
WILLIAM WOTTON, D.D. (a.d. 1666-1726.) Of Expositors, since the ancients, I know none to be com- pared to Calvin, whose Commentaries are truly admirable. Joseph Scaliger, who was a very competent judge, speaks of them in the Scaligeriana with rapture.
398 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
CONVERSATIONS LEXICON.
As a theologian, Calvin was equal to any of his contem- poraries in profound knowledge, acuteness of mind, and, as lie himself boasts, in the art of making good a point in ques- tion. As an author, he merits great praise.
REV. WILLAM ORME, In his Bibliotheca, says :
Calvin's acquaintance with the Scriptures was extensive and profound ; his knowledge of Hebrew was limited ; but he was well acquainted with Greek, and capable of express- ing the finest thoughts in the purest Latinity. His dogmata prejudice many against his writings, who might derive profit from sitting at the feet of the Genevese Reformer. His peculiar sentiments, however, it ought to be remarked, are by no means forced into his expository writings. He was too judicious to do this. In systematic theology, the Insti- tutions of Calvin, though not the first [of the Protestant systems of divinity] in the order of time, carried off the palm from all its predecessors, and has not yet been surjjassed by any competitor. Diversity of opinion may exist respecting some of the positions of the Genevese Reformer, and even among those who hold his general views of Christian doctrine there may not be an entire concurrence in every sentiment or expression ; but while profound piety, masculine energy of mind, acuteness and strength of argument, perspicuity of statement, and purity of language, continue to be respected among men, the "Christian Institutes" of John Calvin will secure for tlieir author immortal honour.
REV. DR. DUFF.
That illustrious man, (Calvin,) than whom a brighter star shone not among the morning stars of the Reformation ! — the splendours of whose sanctified genius enkindled a cor- responding flame in the bosom of our own great national Reformer.
BESPEOTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 399
SENEBIEK. Literary Histoi'y of Geneva.
Calvin etoit plein de genie. II eclairoit tous les sujets qu'il traitoit. II savoit les mettre a la portee de coux qui devoient s'en servlr. Ses ouvrages sont fortement penses et eloquemment ecrits ; on le lit avec plaisir, on s'instruit en le lisant. C'est surtout dans ses commentaires sur la Bible qu'il fait brillcr la profondeur de son jugement, Tetendue de ses connoissances, la sagesse de sa critique, et la cireonspec- tion du vrai savoir ; ils font encore Tadmiration de ceux qui les etudient, et fournissent des niateriaux excellens a tous ceux qui veulent entendre I'Ecriture Sainte.
Calvin was full of genius. He threw light on every sub- ject that lie handled, and could bring it within the reach of those for whom it was intended. His Avorks are powerfully thouglit and eloquently written. We read him with delight, and while we read, we gain instruction. It is chiefly in his Commentaries on the Bible that he displays his profound judgment, his extensive information, his judicious criticism, and the caution which belongs to true knowledge. They continue to excite the admiration of those who study them, and furnish excellent materials to all who wish to under- stand the Holy Scriptures.
REV. J. J. CONYBEARE. Bamptoii Lectures, 1824.
Luther had for his fellow-labourer in the great cause of Scripture and of truth, one who, to equal learning and acute- ness, joined a severer and more philosophic temper of mind. Calvin was accustomed to subject not only the opinions and arguments of his adversaries, but the whole body of Christian doctrine, to the most rigorous and systematic examination. His commentaries upon the Scriptures (comments which, though, in the exercise of our Christian liberty, we may freely question, and dissent from many points both of doc- trine and of discipline, maintained by their illustrious author) are yet never to be perused without admiration or instruc- tion, or mentioned without respect and gratitude.
400 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
REV. ROBERT ROBINSON. (a.d. 1735-1790.)
Scaliger's praise of Calvin is not at all outre. All this and more is due to his merit. In his sensible dedication to Grynseus, which is prefixed to his Comment on the Epistles, he excellently describes the qualities of expositors, and the benefits that arose from their various abilities. For his own part, his aim was to give the sense of the writer in a method clear and short. " For both of us thought that the principal excellence of the interpreter consisted in perspicuous brevity." There is no abridging this sententious commentator, and the more I read him, the more does he become a favourite expo- sitor with me.
REV. DR. STEBBING. History of tbe Reformation.
A man who, for power of mind and vigour of character, may be ranked in the highest class to which intellectual endowments, chastened by lioliness, can exalt their pos- sessor.
PELT.
On First Epistle to the Corinthians.
Qui, optimis omnium temporum interpretibus annumeran- dus, mira sagacitate profundissimas quasque cogitationes assequi, et inter diversas diversorum interpretationes felicis- sime maxime probabilia eligere solet ; simulque ita est ele- gans, ut non minore cum voluptate quam utilitate legatur. — Pref, Gth Edit, p. xxix.
Calvin must be numbered among the best interpreters of all ages — with wonderful sagacity laying open the most pro- found thoughts, and selecting, with the happiest skill, from a multitude of interpretations, that which commends itself as most probable ; at the same time, expressing himself with such elegance, that we derive as much pleasure as ad- vantage from the perusal of his writings.
RESPECTING THE WHITINGS OF CALVIN. 401
REV, EICHARD HOOKER.
la his Preface to the Ecclesiastical Polity.
(a.d. 1554-1600.)
Whom, (Calvin,) for my own part, I think incomparably the wisest man that ever the French Church did enjoy since the hour it enjoyed him. His bringing up was in the study of the civil law. Divine knowledge he gathered not by hearing or reading so much as by teaching others. For, though thousands were debtors to him, as toucliing know- ledge of this kind, yet he to none, but only to God, the Author of that most blessed fountain, the Book of Life, and of the admirable dexterity of wit, together with the helps of
other learning, which were his guides. We should be
injurious unto virtue itself, if we did derogate from them whom their industry hath made great. Tvvo things of prin- cipal moment there are, which have deservedly procured him honour throughout the world: the one, his exceeding pains in composing the Institutions of the Christian Religion ; the other, his no less industrious travails for exposition of Holy Scripture, according unto the same Institutions. Of what account the Master of Sentences was in the Church of Rome ; the same and more, among the preachers of Reformed Churches, Calvin had purchased, so that the perfectest divines were judged they which were skilfulest in Calvin's writings.
PROFESSOR STUART,
ANDOVER, U. S.
Calvin, Comm. (on the Epistle to the Romans ;) funda- mental investigation of the logic and course of thought con- tained in the Epistle ; very little verbal criticism. Many a difficulty is solved, without any appearance of effort, or any show of learning.
2c
402 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
JOHN PYE SMITH, D.D.
It is among the many encouraging signs of our time, that, while in the Lutheran Church, a century and a half ago, the name of Calvin was rarely mentioned without some accom- paniment of reproach, such encomiums as the following are now honourably given and favourably received. "In his Exposition on the Epistle to the Romans are united pure Latinity, a solid method of unfolding and interpreting, founded on the principles of grammatical science and his- torical knowledge, a deeply penetrating faculty of mind, and vital j)iety/' — Tholuck's Exp. Ep. Rom., third ed., Berlin, 1831, p. '[^. — "John Calvin well merited the epithet, often given to him, of the great divine. Independent, in the highest degree, of other men, he most often discerns, with piercing eye, the spiritual mind of Paul, and with his mas- terly command of language makes it so clear, that both the most learned student of theology and the plain affectionate believer are equally benefited and satisfied." — Bohmer's (one of the divinity professors in the University of Berlin) Intro- duction to the Epistle to the Colossians. Berlin, 1829, p. 205.
History scarcely furnishes a more illustrious character
for piety, integrity, and labours almost incredible. Such was the man, that to traduce his name has been found by many a short road to celebrity.
Dr. Smith also speaks of Calvin as a writer " whose fine judgment and noble impartiality as an expositor have drawn the admiration of many who differ from some of his distin- guishing sentiments."^
REV. W. FITZGERALD. " Episcopacy, Traditions," &c.
The publication of Calvin's Institutes forms no unim- portant epoch in the history of the Church. The rapidity and permanence of the effect produced by it upon i)ubllc opinion has been scarcely ever equalled. Its author rose at
' Four Discourses on Sacrifice and Priesthood of Clirist. 2d edit, p. 320,
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 403
once into the very foremost rank of great men, in an age prolific beyond parallel in genius. . . . Neither the most bigoted Papist nor the laxcst Arminian can deny the claims of John Calvin to intellectual eminence. To the classi- cal elegance and cultivated taste of Melanchthon he added the unwearied energy and dauntless courage, the unshaken nerve, and the commanding spirit of Luther. His elo- quence, too, held a middle place between the styles of the good German Reformers. It is neither so impetuous as Luther's, nor so equable and unimpassioned as Melanchthon s ; but had all the latter's purity, with much of the former's glowing fervour. In learning he must yield to some of his contemporaries ; but even in those tasks where learning might seem most requisite, his surprising acuteness and unfailing ingenuity have enabled him to surpass men of greater erudition but duller parts.
BISHOP HORSLEY.
Take especial care, before you aim your shafts at Cal- vinism, that you know what is Calvinism, and wliat is not ; that in the mass of doctrine which it is of late become the fashion to abuse under the name of Calvinism, you can dis- tinguish with certainty between that part of it which is nothing better than Calvinism, and that which belongs to our common Christianity, and the general faith of the Re- formed Churches ; lest, when you mean only to fall foul of Calvinism, you should unwarily attack something more sacred and of a higher origin.^
BISHOP OF CALCUTTA (wiLSON.) Sermon preached on the Death of the Rev. Basil Wood.
Calvin's Commentaries remain, after three centuries, un- paralleled for force of mind, justness of exposition, and prac- tical views of Christianity.
' See also at p. 404.
404 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
REV. THOMAS HARTWELL HORNES. " Introduction to the Critical Study and Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures."
The biblical writings of John Calvin consist of Commen- taries, Homilies, and Lectures, on almost the whole of the Scriptures : they are to be found in the folio edition of his works, printed at Amsterdam, in 1671, in nine volumes. The Commentaries and other expository writings of this great man have always been deservedly celebrated and ad- mired ; though it has been the fashion with some modern divines to depreciate them on account of those peculiar dogmas which Calvin deduced from the Sacred Writings. " Calvin's Commentaries," says the learned Matthew Poole, in the preface to the Synopsis Criticorum Sacrorum, " abound in solid discussions of theological subjects, and in practical improvements of them. Subsequent writers have borrowed most of their materials from Calvin ; and his interpretations adorn the books even of those who repay their obligation by reproaching their master." Nothing indeed can more satis- factorily evince the higli estimation to which the Commen- taries of Calvin are still entitled from the biblical student, than the following eulogium of one of the moat learned pre- lates that ever adorned the Anglican Church — Bishop Hors- ley. / hold, says he, the memory q/Calvin in high veneration ; his works have a place in my library ; and in the study of the Holy Scriptures lie is one of the commentators whom I most frequently consult} The writer of these pages has not often had occasion to refer to the writings of Calvin in the prose- cution of this work ; yet he has never consulted them but with advantage and with pleasure.
CHRISTIAN OBSERVER.
March 1820.
This eminent Reformer (Calvin) has born the blame of many an erroneous opinion, both doctrinal and practical, which he spent his life in opposing ; and of which no con- futation could be found, in the whole compass of theology, more masterly than in his own Scriptural Commentaries. ' See also at p. 403.
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 405
REV. C. BRIDGES.
Christian Ministry.
Calvin's Commentaries are among the most valuable illus- trations of tlie Sacred Volume. For the exegetical and critical explanation necessary for the elucidation of Scriptural difficulties, we must go to Calvin's Commentaries, Po'ole's Synopsis, or Patrick, Lovvth, and Wliitby, &c.
MACKENZIE. " Life of Calvin."
It requires but little penetration to perceive that the great object of Calvin, in all his Commentaries, was the simple illustration of the Sacred Text. Disavowing all authority but that of the Scriptures, and calling no man Master on earth, his investigations were conducted with that spirit of free inquiry and independence, which is essential to the character and excellence of the Commentator. Forming his system from" the Bible, he felt no difficulty with regard to apparently conflicting j)assages of Sacred Writ, which he was not at all concerned to reconcile with a previously assured system.
REV. EDWARD BICKERSTETH. Christian Student.
Calvin is full of beautiful and original illustrations of God's Word : he is more consistent, and accurate, and systematic, than the other Reformers. — Calvin's works contain nearly a complete commentary on the whole Bible, and that of in- estimable value to every minister. — A minister without this is without one of the best Commentaries on the Scriptures, and a valuable body of divinity.
REV. THOMAS SCOTT. Remarks on Bishop Tomlin's Refutation of Calvinism.
Calvin spent more years in studying the Scriptures, with constant prayer for the promised teaching of the Holy Spirit,
406 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
than many who exclaim against liim have done months, nay weeks! — It is gratifying* to hear his Lordship allow Calvin to have been a man of piety.
JOHN M. MASON, D.D., NEW YORK. Catholic Communion.
Among all the Reformers, no one stands forth a more con- spicuous advocate than John Calvin — the Paul of
the Reformation. Had anything been wanting in his own writings, in the opinion of his contemporaries, in his in- fluence with the political and ecclesiastical cabinets of Pro- testant EuroiJe, and in the dread and terror of the Papists — to evince the greatness of this extraordinary man, it would have been supplied by the rancorous malignity which assailed him during his life, and which has been hardly, if at all, abated by his death. His very name seems, at this day, to blister the tribes of error in all its gradations ; and to form a solitary exception to the reverence which the world enter- tains for departed genius. More than two hundred and fifty years have elapsed since he went to join the Apostle whom he so much resembled, in the kingdom of God ; and there is hardly an enemy to the truth, of whatever size, who does not think it incumbent on him to derive importance from " a gird," at the memory of Calvin. — His Institutes of the Ohrnstian Religion, first published in 1536, and dedicated to Francis the First of France, are a professed commentary upon that little doctrinal abstract called " The Apostles' Creed." It is plain from their histor}^, that they bear the richest and ripest fruits which the mind of their author had cultivated. Upon none of his productions did he bestow so much pains and labour as upon this. It is in reality his chef-d'oeuvre ; and so he himself considered it. He was, therefore, con- tinually revising and retouching it, as it ran through various editions, for the space of twenty-three years ; and it received its finishing from his elegant pen in 1559, when he was fifty years old, only five years before his death. — This very work, as published in French and Latin, was drawn up in behalf of the French Churches^ to shew what sort of doctrines they
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 40 7
believed and taught ; so that it is, in some measure, a work o^ public authority/; and it obtained the unbounded apijlausc and approbation of both the learned and religious world. It was translated into Italian, German, Flemish, Spanish, and English ; and so often republished in the original Latin, that Mens. Masson, by a strong hyperbole, says, it was printed " a thousand times." Calvin himself informs us, that it met with the most encouraging reception from the Christian public — " with such favour from almost all the pious," they are his own words, " as he had not dared even to wish, far less to ex23ect."
ADDITIONAL TESTIMONIES.
JOHN PHILPOT, AKCHDEACON OF WINCHESTER. An English Martyr, 1555.
Which of you all is able to answer Calvin's Institutes, who is minister of Geneva ? I am sure you blaspheme that godly man, and that godly church where he is a minister ; as it is your church's condition, when you cannot answer men by learning, to oppress them with blasphemies and false reports. — Parker Society, Publication for 1842.
SYNDICS AND COUNCIL OF GENEVA. 1540.
Extract from Letter, by the Syndics and Council of
Geneva, addressed, " Clarissimis potentissimisque
Principibus, Do. Consul! et Senatuiurbis Basiliensis
vel Argentinensis, aut Tigurinensis, Amicis nostris
integerrimis." — May 1540 or 1541.
Colendissimi Domini, vos Christi nomine rogamus, quate-
nus Ecclesiarum bonum et salutem quseritis'ut illustrissimos
Principes Argentinenses nostri gratia rogare, urgereque
dignemini, quo sua erga nos benevolentia non solum fratrera
nostrum Calvinum nobis reddant, qui maxime nobis sit
necessarius, et a populo nostro, tarn avide expetitur : verum
OPINIONS EESPBCTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 409
etiam ipsi ad banc siiscipiendam provinciam, et hue quam brevissime Hcuerit venire, Calvinum urguere, et id ei per- suadere dignentur. Nostris quidera quam necessarii sunt nobis viri docti ac pii, qualem noviraus Calvinum et reliquos pristinos pastores nostros, quum hie velut ostium Gallise Italiseque simus, unde mira tedificatio aut ruina contingere potest.
Most worshipful Lords, we beseecli you, in the name of Christ, inasmuch as ye seek the welfare and safety of the Church, that ye vouchsafe to request and uj-ge, for our sake, the most illustrious men of Strasburg, that in their kindness towards us, they not only restore to us our brother Calvin, who is especially needful to us, and is as ardently desired by our people, but that ye would also vouchsafe to urge and persuade Calvin himself to undertake the spiritual charge of this province, and come to us with as little delay as possible. You are aware how necessary to us are pious and learned men, such as we knoAv Calvin and our other old pastors to be, at a timo when we form as it were the entrance to France and Italy, a circumstance which may produce either our extraordinary advancement or our ruin.
Letter by the Syndics and Council of Geneva, ad- dressed, " Au Docteur Cauluin, Ministre Evange- lique, nostre bon frfere et singulier amy." Monsieur nostre bon frere et singulier amy, tres affectu- eusement en vous nous recommandons pourceque sorames entierement informes que notre desir n'est aultre synon a laccroyssement et avancement de la gloyre et I'honneur de Dieu et de sa sainte parolle, de la part de nostre petit grand et general conseil (lesquels de cecy fere nous sent grandement admonestes.) Vous pryons tres affectes vous volloyz transportez par devers nous et en vostre pristine place et ministere retourne. Et esperons en layde de Dieu que ce seray ung grand bien et fruyct a I'augmentation de la le Evangile. Voyeant que nostre peuple vous desire. Et ferons avec vous de sort que aurez occasion vous eontenter. A Geneve 22 Octobre 1540. — Vous bons amys.
LeS SyNDIQUES ET CoNSEIL DE GeNEVE,
410 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
To our worthy brother and attached friend, we commend ourselves very affectionately to you, as we are wholly in- formed that your desire is no other than the increase and advancement of the glory and honour of God and of his Holy Word, on the part of our little, great, and general coun- cil (which have strongly urged us to take this step.) We pray you earnestly that you would be pleased to transfer yourself to us, and resume your former ministry. And we hope, by the help of God, that this will be a great blessing, and produce fruit for the advancement of the gospel : see- ing that our people desire you. And we will behave towards you in such a way, that you shall have cause to be satisfied. Geneva, 22 Oct. 1540. — Your good friends.
The Syndics and Council of Geneva,
BISHOP GRINDAL. 1519-1583.
In a letter to Calvin, dated London, June 19, 1563, he says, — " We are much indebted, most illustrious Master Calvin, to your piety, and also to your whole church, for having so long afforded us the services of the most learned Master
Gallasius I grieve from my heart that, at your age,
and with so slender a frame, you have been attacked, as Gallasius informs me, with a fit of the gout. I have no doubt, but that you have contracted this disorder by exces- sive study and exertion. Henceforth, therefore, you must relax somewhat of your former labours and unseasonable lucubrations, lest, by not sparing yourself, you greatly in- crease your disorder, and become of less benefit to the Church. .... As you and Bullinger are almost the only chief pillars remaining, we desire to enjoy you both, (if it please God,) as long as possible."
The original of this letter is preserved at Geneva. — Zurich Letters, Parker Society edit., pp. 96, 97.
DR. DONNE. 1573-1631. St. Augustine, for sharp insight and conclusive judgment
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 411
in exposition of places of Scripture, which he always makes so liquid and pervious, hath scarce been equalled therein by any of all the writers in the church of God, except Calvin may have that honoui-, for whom (when it concerns not points in controversy) I see the Jesuits themselves, though they dare not name him, have a high degree of reverence.
UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
The opinion which the University entertained of Calvin was incidentally expressed in 1695. The circumstances are mentioned by Fuller, in his History of the University of Cambridge since the Conquest, folio, 1655. He states, (pp. 150, 151,) that one William Barnet, a fellow of Caius College, 29th April 1595, " preached ad Clerum for his de- gree of B.D., in St. Maryes, wherein he vented such doctrines, for which he was summoned six daies after before the Con- sistory of the Doctors, and there enjoy ned a Recantation." In the last part of the Recantation he was made to say, — " Last of all, I uttered these words rashly against Calvin, a man that hath very well deserved of the Church of God ; viz., that ho durst presume to lift up himself above the High and Almighty God. By which words, I confess tliat I have done great injury to that most learned and right godly man ; and I do most humbly beseech you all to pardon this my rashness."
FLORIMOND DE REMOND. A Roman Catholic. Conseiller du Roy au Parlement de Boui-deaux.
Calvin out les raoeurs mieux reglees et composees que N. et fit montre des I'entro de sa jeunesse qu'il ne se laissoit emporter aus plaisirs de la chair et du ventre, &c. Sous vn corps sec et attenue il eut toujours vn esprit vert et vigorous ; promj^t aus repars, hardy aus ataques, grand jeusneur, meme en son jeune age ; Soit quil le fit pour sa sante et arreter les fumees de la migraine qui Tafligeoit continuellement, soit pour avoir I'esprit plus a delivre, afin d'ecrire etudier et ameliorcr sa memoire. Calvin parloit peu ; ce n'estoit que
412 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
propos serieus et qui portoyent coup, jamais parrny les com- pagnies et toujours retire, &c. A pene eiit Calvin son pareil ; car pendant vint-trois ans, qu'il s'est maintenu en posses- sion de I'Evesche de Geneve, il preschoit tons les jours, et souvent deus fois les Dimanclies. Lisoit la Theologie trois fois la semaine, et tous les Vendredis entroit en conference qu'il nomma la Congregation. Ses autres lieures estoyent pour composer et repondre aus lettres qui arrivoyent a luy de toute la Cliretiente heretique, comme au Souveraine Pontife. — L'Histoire de la Naissance, Progrez, et Decadence de VHeresie de ce Siecle, liv. 7, cap. 10.
Calvin had morals better regulated and settled than N., and shewed from early youth that he did not allow himself to he carried away by the pleasures of sense. With a shri- velled and attenuated body, he possessed always a fresh and vigorous intellect, ready in reply, bold in attack; even in his youth a great faster, cither on account of his health, and to allay the headaches with which he was continually afflicted, or in order to have his mind more disencumbered for the purposes of writing, studying, and improving his memory. Calvin spoke little ; what he said was pertinent, serious, and impressive, — he never appeared in company, but always led a retired life.
Calvin had scarcely his equal, for during twenty-three years that he retained possession of the bishopric of Geneva, he preached every day, and often twice on Sundays. He read letters on theology three times a-week ; and every Friday he entered into a conference which he called the Congregation. His remaining hours were employed in com- position, and answering the letters which came to him as to their sovereign pontiff from every part of heretical Chris- tendom.
The same author describes Calvin as having " vne beaute d'esprit, vne subtilite de jugement, vne grande memoire, vn savoir eminent et la grace de bien mettre par ecrit ;" then represents him, " comme vn esprit actif, vne forte me- moire avec vne grande promptitude a recueillir les lemons et les propos qui sortoient es disputes de la bouche de ses maistres quMl couchoit apre par ecrit avec vne merueilleuse
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CILVIN. 413
facilite et beaute de langage." . . . . " Nul homme de tous ceux qui I'ont devance ne Tout devance a bien ecrire ; et peu depuis ont aproclie cette beaute et facilite de langage qu'il avoit." — Ih. cap. viii. 9, 10.
Calvin had a brilliancy of intellect, a subtlety of judg- ment, a great memory, an extensive erudition, and great
elegance of expression ; he possessed an
active mind, a retentive memory, with a great readiness in taking down the lessons and discourses as they were de- livered by his masters in their disputations, and which he would afterwards re-arrange with a wonderful facility and beauty of language. No man, of all those who have pre- ceded him, have surpassed him in style, and few since have attained that beauty and ease of expression which he pos- sessed.
CYRILL,
Patriarch of Constantinople.
August 17, 1636.
L'A. est jalous du regno et de la gloire de notre Re-
dempteur et ne peut supporter sa grandeur et son avance- ment. II fait peur aus simples du nom de Calvin, personnage tres-saint et tres-sage, lequel jouit des felicitez du Ciel, et a communication avec les saints qui sont tres-cher a leur Redempteur. Nul de ses adversaires n'a fait les ceuvres d'vne si excellent docteur, ni n'a connoissance de sa doc- trine, lis ne laissent pas toutefois de crier centre luy et d'epouvanter de son nom les simples et les ignorans. Mais par la grace de Dieu ceus qui connoissent la verite s'y sont opposez et ont dissipe les tenebres des esprits de plusieurs. — Lettre a Seignieurie et aus Pasteurs de la Repuhlique et de I'Eglise de Geneva.
A. is jealous of the reign and the glory of our Re- deemer, and cannot endure his glory and exaltation. He frightens the simple with the name of Calvin, a very holy and very wise personage, who is now enjoying the felicities of heaven, and communion with the saints who are dear to their Saviour. None of his adversaries have produced works
414 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
equal to those of so admirable a doctor, nor have they know- ledge of his doctrine. They do not fail, however, to declaim against him, and to frighten the simple and ignorant with his name. But, by the grace of God, those who know the truth have combated these misrepresentations, and dispelled the darkness which overhung some minds.
CARDINAL DU PERRON. 1556-1618.
Calvin etoit un grand esprit et ecrivoit blen en Latin et en Fran9ois.
Calvin was a great genius, and wrote well in Latin and in French.
FOCANUS,
In his dissertation " De Studiis," where he recommends the reading of the Institutes, observes, — Qui liber non solum abundat rebus optimis, sed et nitido, pure, gravi, magnifico et latinissimo stylo conscriptus est.
A book which not only abounds with the most excellent matter, but is written in a clear, pure, nervous, elegant, and most excellent Latin style.
BISHOP HALL, 1574-1656.
Reverend Calvin, whose judgment I so much honour, that I reckon him among the best interpreters of ScrijDture since the Apostles left the earth. — Works, vol. viii. p. 516.
C REN I US.
Aprfes Muret et quelques autres, il n'y en a aucun de cette nation qui ait ecrit avec plus d'eloquence ; il n'y a point de theologien, qui ait fait des lettres si polies. Wendelin avoit coutume de dire : Calviniis, si non alio nomine, saltem ob stylum esset legendus.
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 415
After Muret and some others, there is not one of this nation who has written with more eloquence ; there is no theologian who has written in such a polished style. Wen- delin was accustomed to say : Calvin deserves to be read, were it only on account of his style.
DANIEL COLONIUS OF LEYDEN,
In a work on the Institutes, thus writes : —
Aureus hie liber est, hunc tu, studiosa juventus. Si cupis optatam studiorum attingcre metam, Noctes atque dies in succum verte legendo.
DAVID CLAUDE. Pi'eface to Homilies on 1 Samuel.
Philippus Mel. et Mart. Bucer theologum eum vulgo no- minabant non injudiciose, quod et ipsum ipsius adversarii non ausi sunt inficiari. Quanta vis autem ipsius in docendo fuerit adhuc ii meminerunt qui docentem audiverunt. Quan- quam fateor ipsum neque docentem, neque scribentcm in ornatu verborum et humana eloquentia eximium, sed in rerum et sententiarum numero et pondere admirandum fuisse.
Philippus Mel. et Mart. Bucer generally styled him a the- ologian, not without reason, a circumstance which even his adversaries did not venture to deny. How great was his energy in teaching is still remembered by those who listened to his instructions. Though I admit that neither as a teacher nor an author was he distinguished by ornament in language and human eloquence, he is to be admired for the extent and solidity of his arguments and opinions.
GUY PATIN. 1601-1672.
Calvin, a I'age de 22 ans, etait le plus savant homme d'Eu- rope, et Monluc, eveque de Valence, disait ordinairement que Calvin avait etc le plus grand theologien du monde. En quoi
416 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
il temoignait etre d'un sentiment bien oppose a celui du Jesuite Maimburg qui pretend que Calvin n'etait pas tlieologien.
Calvin, at the age of 22, was the most learned man in Europe, and Monluc, bishop of Valence, was accustomed to say tliat Calvin was the greatest theologian in the world. In this he shewed that his opinion was very different from that of the Jesuit Maimburg, who pretends that Calvin was no theologian.
SIR EDWARD LEIGH. 1603-1671.
His works have been so profitable to the Church of God, that they have been circulated in France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Transylvania, Polonia, England, Scotland. His Institutions and Commentaries upon almost all the Scripture, are generally well esteemed. One writes tlius of his Institutions, — Prseter Apostolicas post Christi tempera chartas Huic peperere libro, secula nulla parem. —
Leigh, as above, p. 150. He also quotes Travers to the following effect, — John Calvin, one of the soundest divines, and of deepest judgment in matters of religion, both of doctrine and of dis- cipline that God gave to his Church this 1000 years. —
Fol. 1663, p. 149. Dr. Hark well, also quoted by Leigh, says, — I willingly acknowledge him to have been an excellent instrument in the Church of God, and a man of a deep judg- ment, specially in the exposition of Holy Scripture, (which I think none condemn more than those who have read him least,) not-with-all, I freely confess he had his errors. — Dr. Harkwell, Apol. 1. 5, quoted as above, p. 150.
DR. JOHN HOYL, Professor of Divinity in Trinity College, Dublin, in the reign of Charles I.
In a work entitled, A Rejoinder to Mr. Malone's (Jesuit's) Reply concerning the Real Presence, and, dedicated to Arch- bishop Usher, says, (p. 654,) —
RESPECTING THE WHITINGS OP CALVIN. 417
That quiet instrument of God's glory, John Calvin, a man of whom I had ahnost said as once it was of Moses, there arose not a Prophet since like him in Israel, nor since the Apostles' days, was before him : His works shall praise him, for wit, eloquence, fulness, and soundness of divinity, variety and multitude, advanced amongst the highest ; a man of incredible and most ready memo7^y, most e:s.cQ\\Qni judgment, regardless of means and preferment even when offered, little meat, almost no sleep. What shall I speak of his indefati- gable industry, and even beyond all power of nature, that paralleled with our loitering .? I fear it will exceed all credit, and may be the truest object of admiration, how one lean, worn, spent, wearied body could hold out. He read every week of the year through, three divinity lectures ; every other week, over and above, he preached evory day ; so that (as Erasmus said of Chrysostom) I know not Avhether more to admire his constancy, or theirs that heard him. Some have reckoned his yearly lectures to be 186 ; his yearly sermons 286. Every Friday M'hen the ministers met in conference, in expounding of hard texts, he made as good as a lecture. Besides all this, there was scarce a day that exercised him not in answering either by word of mouth, or writing, the doubts and questions of divers churches and learned pastors; yet did not a year pass, wherein over and above all these former emplo^anents, some great volume in folio or other came not forth ; so that in a few years (besides many gol- den tractates, and exquisite answers, upon short warning, to principal adversaries) his huge- explanations upon all Moses, Joshua, Job, Psalms, Prophets, and New Testament, yet larger in pithy sententious matter and paper, filled the world. In his last sickness, got by intolerable labours, he would scarce be compelled to intermit his daily task o^ preach- ing and divinity lectures ; for what, said he to his friends, will you have God find me idle ? — History of Popery, 2 vols. 4to. London, 1735-6, vol. ii. part v. pp. 347, 348.
2 D
418 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
BOSSUET. (1627-1704.)
Je ne sais si le genie de Calvin se serait trouve aussi propre a ecliauffer les esprits et a emouvoir les peuples que le fut celui de Lutlier, mais apres les mouvements excites, il s'eleva en beaucoup de pays, principalement en France, au dessus de Lutlier meme, et se fit le chef d'un parti qui ne cede guere a celui des Lutheriens. Par son esprit penetrant et par ses decisions hardies il raffina sur tous ceux qui avaient voulu en ce siecle la faire une Eglise nouvelle, et donna un nouveau tour a la reforme pretendue. Variations P. 1, L. ix. p. i.
Cost une faiblesse de vouloir trouver quelque chose d'ex- traordinaire dans la mort de telles gens ; Dieu ne donne pas toujours de ces. exemples. Puisqu'il permet les heresies pour Tepreuve des siens, il ne faut pas s'etonner que pour achever cette epreuve, il laisse dominer en eux jusqu'a la fin I'esprit de seduction avec toutes les belles apparences dont il se couvre, et sans m'informer d'avantage de la vie et de la mort de Calvin, e'en est assez d'avoir allume dans sa patrie une flamme que tant de sang rejDandu n'a pu eteindre et d'etre alle comparaitre devant le jugement deDieu sans aucun remord d'un si grand crime. . . . Donnons lui (a Calvin) done, puisqu'il le veut tant, cette gloire d'avoir aussi bien ecrit qu'homme de son siecle, mettons le m^me, si Ton veut, au dessus de Luther ; car encore que Luther eut quelque chose de plus original et de plus vif, Calvin, inferieur par le genie, semblait I'avoir emporte par I'etude. Luther triomphait de vive voix, mais la plume de Calvin etait plus correcte, sur- tout en Latin, et son stile qui etait plus triste etait aussi beaucoup plus suivi, et plus chfitie. lis excellaient I'un et I'autre a parler la langue de leur pays, I'un et I'autre etaient d'une vehemence extraordinaire. L'un et I'autre par ses talents se sent fait beaucoup de disciples et d'admirateurs. L'un et Tautre enfles de ses succes ont cru pouvoir s'elever au dessus des P^res, l'un et I'autre n'ont -pu soufFrir qu on les contredit, et lour eloquence n'a ete en rien plus feconde qu'en injures. Var. L. x p. 140.
I do not know if the eenius of Calvin would be found as
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 419
fitted to excite the imagination and stir up the populace as was that of Luther, but after the movement had commenced, he rose in many countries, more especially in France, above Luther himself, and made himself head of a party which hardly yields to that of the Lutherans. By his searching intellect and his bold decisions, he improved upon all those who had sought in this century to establish a new church, and gave a new turn to the pretended reformation.
It is a weak feeling which makes us desirous to find anything extraordinary in the deathbeds of these people. God does not always bestow these examples. Since he per- mits heresy for the trial of his people, it is not to be won- dered at that to complete this trial he allows the spirit of seduction to prevail in them even to the end, with all the fair appearances by Avhich it is covered ; and without learning more of the life and death of Calvin, it is enough to know that he has kindled in his country a flame which not all the bloodshed on its account has been able to extinguish, and that he has gone to appear before the judgment of God with- out feeling any remorse for a great crime. Let us grant him (Calvin) then, since he wishes it so much, the glor}^ of having written as well as any man of his age ; let us even place him, if desired, above Luther ; for M'hilst the latter was in some i-espects more original and liveh% Calvin, his inferior in ge- nius, appears to have surpassed him in learning. Luther triumplied in public, but the pen of Calvin was more correct, especially in Latin, and his style, though heavier, was much more consecutive and chaste. They equally excelled in sjDeaking the language of their country, and both possessed an extraordinary vehemence. Each by his talents has gained many disciples and admirers. Each elated by success, has fancied to raise himself above the Fathers ; neither could bear contr?vdiction, and their eloquence abounds in nothing more largely than virulent invective.
JUEIEU. (1637-1713.) On le (Calvin) depeignoit comme le plus scelerat des hommes
420 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
ivrogne, delicieux, debaiiclie, corrupteur des femmes, impos- teur, faiseur de faux miracles — dans la Metliode du Cardinal de Richelieu, mais par les soins de M. Drelincourt et Rivet, Calvin est rehabilete et Maimburg reconnoit qu il fut infati- gable au travail corarae il parait par la multitude de ses ouvrages ; vigilant, extremement sobre, se contentant d'une modique pension. II veut bien croire qu'il ne fut pas fustige ct fleurdelize en sa jeunesse pour un crime infarae et detes- table, et qu'il ne mourut point en blasphemant Dieu,
Calvin has been depicted as the most abandoned of men, a drunkard, a voluptuary, a debauched person, a corrupter of women, an impostor, an inventor of false miracles, in the Method of Cardinal Richelieu ; but by the exertions of M. Drelincourt and Rivet, Calvin has been re-established, and Maimburg acknowledges that he was indefatigable in labour, as appears from the multitude of his works, vigilant, rigidly sober, and contenting himself with a moderate salary. He readily believes that he was not punished and branded in his youth for a flagitious and detestable crime, and that he did not die blaspheming God. — (Defence of the Reforma- tion against Maimburg.)
He also says in his Histoire du Papisme, Les Catholiques Romains n'ont pas fait difficulte de copier plusieurs endroits de ses ouvrages. Je puis assurer eomme temoin oculaire que j'ai trouve dans les commentaires de Salmeron plusieurs pas- sages entiers copies de Calvin sans aucun changement.
Roman Catholics have made no scruple of copying se- veral parts of his writings. I can certify from personal in- spection, that I have found in the Commentaries of Salmeron several entire passages copied from Calvin without any change.
BAYLE.
(1647-1706.)
Qu'un liomme qui s'etait acquis une si grande reputation et une si grande autorite n'ait eu que cent ecus de gages et n'en ait pas voulu avoir d'avantage et qu'apr^s avoir vecu 55 ans avec toute sorte de frugalite, il ne laissa a ses heritiers
RESPECTING THE AVRITINGS OF CALVIN. 421
J compris sa Bibliotheque que la valeur de 300 ecus est unc chose si heroique qu'il faut etre ladre d'esprit pour ne la pas admirer ; c'est une des plus rares victoires que la vertu et la grandeur d'ame puissent remporter sur la nature, dans ceux memo qui exercent le miuistere evangelique. Calvin a laisse des imitateurs pour ce qui est de la vie active, zelee, affec- tionnee au bicn du parti; ils employ ent leurs voix, leur plume, leurs pas, leurs sollicitations a I'avancement du r^gne de Dieu, mais ils ne s'oublient point eux-memes, et ils sent or- dinairement parlant, un exemple que TEglise est une bonne mere, au service de la quelle on ne perd rien.
That a man vvho had acquired so great a reputation and so great an authority, should have had only a hundred crowns of salary, and have desired no more, and that after having lived fifty-five years with every sort of frugality, he only left to his heirs the value of three hundred crowns, including his library, is a circumstance so heroical, that one must be devoid of feeling not to admire it, and one of the most sin- gular victories which virtue and greatness of soul have been able to achieve over nature, even among ministers of the gospel. Calvin has left imitators in so far as regards activity of life, zeal and aifection for the interest of his party ; they employ their eloquence, their pens, their endeavours, their solicitations in the advancement of the kingdom of God, but they do not forget themselves, and they are, generally speak- ing, an exemplification of the maxim that the church is a good mother in whose service nothing is lost.
In another passage he says : — Les Catholiques ont et6 enfin obliges de renvoyer au pays des fables les calomnies atroces que Ton avoit publiees centre les moeurs de Calvin : leurs meilleurs plumes se retranchent maintenant a dire que s'il a ete exempt des vices du corps, il ne I'a pas eto de ceux de I'esprit, comme sent Torgueil, Temportement, la medisance. Je sais que le Cardinal de Richelieu ou cette excellente plume qui a publiee sous son nom, " la methode pour con- vertir," ont adopte les sottises de Bolsec. Mais pour I'ordi- naire les grands auteurs ne parlent plus de cela. La popu- lace des auteurs n'y renonccront jamais. On trouve ces calomnies dans le " systema decretorum dogmaticorum/'
422 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
publie a Avignon 1693 par Francois Porter. Ainsi le livrc de Bolsec sera toujours cite tant qu'il y aura des Calvinistes qui aiiront des adversaires, mais il suffira pour le convaincrc ^ternellement de calomnic qu'il y ait parmi les catholiques un certain nombre d'auteurs graves qui n'adopteront point ses contes.
The Catholics have been at last obliged to dismiss to the region of fable the atrocious calumnies which they had utter- ed against the moral chai'acter of Calviii ; their best authors now restrict themselves to stating that if he was exempt from the vices of the body, he has not been so from those of the mind, such as pride, passion, and slander. I know that the Cardinal de Richelieu, or that dexterous writer who has published under his name " the method of conversion/' had adopted the absurdities of Bolsec. But in general, eminent autliors speak no more of that. The mob of authors will never renounce it. These calumnies are to be found in the " systema decretorum dogmaticorum," published at Avignon in 1693, by Francis Porter. Thus the work of Bolsec will be always cited as long as the Calvinists have ad- versaries, but it will be sufficient to brand it eternally witli calumny that there is among Catholics a certain number of serious authors who will not adopt its fables.
Slli T. H. POPE BLOUNT.
Author of Catalogue of Celebrated Authors, &c.
(1649-1697.)
Autor sum ut Institutiones Calvini diligenter evolvas : plures dari scio magni nominis Theologos, sed ille sit tibi instar omnium. Quis enim eo doctius et solidius scripsit, quis acrius veritatem tuetur ; validius errores et hsereses profligat, confodit, jugulat ? Controversias tractat eruditius ? Quis sophistarum strophas subtilius detegit, eludit, elevat ? Nemo. Undo et a doctis censetur indoctus qui Calvinum non legit : indoctior qui lectum contemnit ; indoctissimus qui non sapit.
I recommend you to study diligently Calvin's Institutes, I know that several theologians of great name are mentioned,
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 423
but let him occupy your attention as equal to all. For who is more learned than he, and has written in a more solid style, who defends the truth with more acuteness, who con- futes, attacks, and more powerfully overturns errors and heresies ? Who conducts controversy with greater learning- ? who with greater subtlety detects, evades, and defeats the wiles of sophists ? No one. Whence also a person is con- sidered by the learned as illiterate if he has not read Calvin, still more illiterate if he despises him after he has read him, and most illiterate if he does not relish him.
SAMUEI; WERENFELS. (1651-1740.)
Qua quidem in re, (i.e., in controversiis tractandis,) nun- quam satis laudari potest Magni nostri Calvini judicium, qui ad convincendos JudiBos, aliosque S. Trinitatis hostes non quselibet ex S. Scriptura dicta, qua3 hue vulgo trahuntur, arripienda censuit : sed solidissima banc ad rem argumenta usque judicavit deligenda, atque ad adversaries retundendos efRcacissima et maximo idonea. Ut unicum tantum hie ex- emplum proferara : Ad ilium Seraphinorum apud Esaiam hymnum, sapienter hsec notat Calvinus : Veteres, inquit, Jwc testim.onio usi sunt, cum vellent adversus Arianos tres perso- nas in una Dei essentia probare. Quorum ego sententiam non rejicio. Quanquam si mihi res cum hcereticis esset, mallem Jirmdoribus testimoniis uti. Nam redduntur pervi- caciores et secum ipsi plaudunt, cum minus apertis testimo- niis oppugnantur. Verissime sane et prudontissime. Qui enim aliunde de S. Trinitate non sunt convicti, non magis, hoc loco Trinitatem personarum probari credunt, quam tri- nitatem terrse ex ilia Jercmise : Terra, terra, terra, audi : aut trinitatem templi Hierosolyraitani ex altero ejusdem : Templum Domini, templurn Domini, templum Domini. — Dissertatio de Controversiis Theologicis rite tractandis. Opus- cula, pp. 586, 587.
In this department of literature, [i.e., controversial writ- ings,) the judgment of our great Calvin can never be sufR- ciently praised, who held that to convince the Jews and other
424 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
enemies of tlie Holy Trinity, it was not proper to adduce every passage of Scripture apparently bearing on the sub- ject, but that the most solid arguments ought always to be chosen for this purpose, and those which are most proper and efficacious for confuting adversaries. I will produce here a single instance : Referring to the hymn of the seraphs in the Book of Isaiah, Calvin makes this judicious observa- tion : " The ancients,'' he says, " used this testimony when they wished to prove in opposition to the Arians the exist- ence of three persons in one God — an opinion which I do not reject ; although, for my own part, if I were arguing with heretics, I should prefer to make use of more solid evidence. For these persons are rendered more pertinacious, and only feel the more complacently, when they are assailed by less apparent kinds of proof. This they do with great truth and very shrewdly. For those who are not convinced on other grounds of the truth of the doctrine of the Holy Trinity, will not believe tliat a trinity of persons is more clearly proved by this passage, than the trinity of the earth is by that in Jeremiah : ' 0 earth, earth, earth, hear tlie word of the Lord," or a trinity of the temple of Jerusalem from another passage in the same book : ' The temple of the Lord, temple of the Lord, temple of the Lord.' "
ROGERS.
(1629.)
Calvin's writings will edify all men conthiually in the time to come. — On the Thirty-nine Articles, p. 194.
VOLTAIRE.
(1694-1778.)
In his essay on Universal History, he says, — Le fameux Calvin que nous regardons comme I'apotre de Geneve s'erigea en Pape des Protestans. II savait du Latin ct du Grec, et la mauvaise philosophic de son temps. II ecrivait raieux que Luther, et parlait j^lus mal, tous deux laborieux et austeres, mais durs ct cmportes.
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 425
The famous Calvin, whom wc regard as the apostle of the Reformation, raised himself to the rank of Poi:)e of Protes- tantism. He was acquainted with Latin and Greek, and the bad philosophy of his time. He wrote better than Lutlier, and spoke worse ; — both were laborious and austere, but stern and enthusiastic.
d'alembert.
(1717-1783.)
Calvin jouissait avec justice d'une grande reputation, homme de lettre du premier ordre, ecrivant, en Latin aussi bien qu'on pent le faire dans une langue morte, et en rran9ois avec une pureto singuli^re pour son temps. Cette purete que nos habiles grammaricns admirent encore aujourd'- liui rend ses ecrits bien superieurs a presque tons ceux du meme siecle, comme les ouvrages de M. Port Rojal se dis- tinguent encore aujourd'hui par la meme raison des rapso- dies barbares de leurs adversaires, et de leurs contemporains.
Calvin justly enjoyed a great reputation — a literary man of the first rank — writing in Latin as well as one could do in a dead language, and in French with singular purety for his time. This purety, which our able grammarians admire even at this day, renders his writings far superior to almost all those of the same age, as the works of the Port-Royalists are distinguished even at the present day, for the same rea- son, from the barbarous rhapsodies of their opponents and cotemporaries.
MOEUS OF GENEVA.^
His (Calvin's) holy zeal was a righteous one, and it is our drowsiness only which has provoked his Christian indigna- tion,^ his tumultuous and stormy feeling of duty. And what remains for the Christian if he will not use the sword ? It is not by soft remedies that he could heal the wounds of
' Moms, 119,21, 22.
2 In reference to his painfnl controversy with Castellio, who liad re- ceived tlie utmost kindness from Calvin, and after his apostasy, wrote against him mider a feigned name.
426 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
Zion. He would not have gained his end, and it would have been objected to him, " If you are not yourself convinced in your whole soul, why do you disturb the existing order of things 1"
Morus^ rightly observes that the most opposite virtues were united in his character. With great zeal and vehe- mence, there was combined a cheerful, even gay disposition, the existence of which is denied by those only who judge him according to the features of his pale face, and not ac- cording to his M'ords and works. " However little we may know of his agreeable conversation, and gentle, familiar bearing, we know this, on the report of persons worthy of credit, that he made no difficulty of amusing himself at a game with messieurs our magistrates ; but it was the inno- cent game called la clef, the aim of which consists in pushing a certain number of keys as near as possible from one end to the other of a long table."
HEYLTN.
(1600-1662.)
It cannot be denied that by the error of those times, the reputation which Calvin had attained to in both universities, and the extensive diligence of his followers for the better carrying on of their own designs, there was a general ten- dency unto his opinions.
Calvin's Book of Institutes was for the most part the foundation on which the young Divines of these times (a.d. 1614) did build their studies. — Heylins Hist, and Miss. Tract, p. 626.
SCHROECKH. (1733-1803.)
Calvin starb in einem Alter von noch nicht vollig 50 Ja- hren, cin hoher viel umfassender und sehr geschaftiger Geist, strong gegen Andere, aber zuerst gegen sich selbst, zwar gebieterisch und herschsuchtig, aber, wenigstens nach seiner Ueberzeugung nur zum Dicnste der lieligion und der Tu- » Moms, 115, 116.
nESPECTINQ THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 427
gend, ehrwiirdige Namen die nicht selten so viel als seine eigenen Meinungen galten. Er war durch Wissenschaften und feine Beredsamkeit, sehr wold ausgebildet worden. Zwar hatte er nur eine geringe Kenntniss des Hebraischen und aucli seine Griechische Sprachkunde war nicht ausnehmend gross ; allein scharfsichtig wie er war und von richtigcr Beurtlieilung, traf er meistens den Wortverstand der Bibel, nach welchem er liauptsaclilicli forschte, reclit geschickt, ohne freilich dem fast unvermeidlicben Fehler zu entgehen, dass er ofters seinen Lehrbegriff in dieselbe hineintrug. Mit seinen SclirifterklJirungen wusstc er auch eine einnehmendc Sittenlehre zu verbinden, und wie nmsterhaft seine dogma- tische Methode, im Ganzen genommen, gewesen sei, zeigt die Zergliederung seines Hauptwerks.
Calvin died at the age of scarcely 50 years, a noble, com- prehensive, and very active spirit, rigorous towards others, but in the first place towards himself, dictatorial, indeed, and fond of power, but at least according to his own convic- tion, only in the cause of religion and virtue, honourable names, which however were not unfrequently employed as equivalent in meaning to his own peculiar oj)inions. He had been well trained in science and a refined eloquence. His knowledge of Hebrew was indeed slight, and he possessed but an imperfect acquaintance with Greek, but his very acute and correct judgment generally enabled him to gather with suc- cess the meaning of the words in the Bible, without, however, escaping the almost inevitable mistake of often mixing up his system with them. With his expositions of Scripture he knew also how to unite a comprehensive theory of morals, and how admirable his dogmatic method was, taken as a whole, is shewn by the arrangement of his principal Work.
Calvin, weniger geiibt als Zwingli und Q^^colampadius in den Sprachen, obgleich keineswegs so unwissend im Hebrais- chen als ihn Simon darstellt, iibertraf sie an Scharfsinn und feinem Geschmack, die ihm oft mehr dienste leisteten als Sprachkenntniss, sucht weniger wie sie typische, allegorischc Deutungen' auf, priifte, beurtheilte weit freier gewohnliche Erkliirungen, zeichnete sich durch eine mehr gebildetc Schreibarfc aus.
428 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
Calvin, less j)roficient than Zwingle and QEcolampadius in the languages, thougli by no means so ignorant of Hebrew as Simon represents him, {Hist tom. i. p. 435,) surpassed them in acuteness and refinement of taste, which often did him more service than a knowledge of the language, exa- mined less into the typical and allegorical meanings, judged more freely of the common explanations, and was distin- guished by a much more cultivated manner of writing. — History of the Reformation,
JOHN YON MIJLLEK. (1752-1809.)
Johann Calvin hatte den Geist eines alten Gesetzgebers, ein Genie und Eigenschaften, welche ihm zum Theil unver- kennbare Vorziige gaben, und Fehler, die nur das Uebermass der Tugenden waren, vermittelst deren er sein Werk durch- setzte. Audi er hatte (wie die andern Reformatoren) einen unermiideten Fleiss in Standhafter Hinsicht auf einerlei Zweck, eine unersclmtterliche Festigkeit in Grundsatzen und Pflicht, in seinem Leben, und sterbend den Ernst und die Wurde eines altromischen Censors. Zu der Freiheit seiner Stadt, Genf, trug er ungemein viel bei, sein Ansehn gab den oft uneinigen Vorstehern gleichen Sinn. Durch seine Lage und Sprache trug er zur Beschleunigung der Fortschritte des menschlichen Geistes vornehmlich, und mehr bei, als er selbst voraussah. Denn unter den Genfern und in Frank- reich wurde der Grundsatz freier Priifung, auf den er sich anfano-s ffrlinden musste, und welchen zu beschriinken er sich nachmals vergeblich bemiihte, weit fruchtbarer an Folgen, als bei Nationen, die weniger inquisitiv als die Genfer, und nicht so kiihn wie die Franzosen sind. Hieraus entwickelten sich nach und nach philosophische Ideen, die, wenn sie auch von den Leidenschaften und Absichten der Urheber noch nicht rein genug sind, doch eine grosse Menge finsterer und schadlicher Vorurtheile verbannt, und fur die Zukunft Aussichten auf achte Lebensweisheit und besseres Gluck croffnet haben. — (AUgemeine Geschichte, 3 Book, s. 14.)
John Calvin had the spirit of an ancient lawgiver, a
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 429
genius and characteristics which gave him in part unmistak- able advantages, and failings which were only the excess of virtues, by the assistance of which he carried through his objects. He had also, like the other Reformers, an inde- fatigable industry, with a fixed regard to a certain end, an invincible perseverance in principles and duty during his life, and at his death the courage and dignity of an ancient Roman censor. He contributed greatly towards the free- dom of his city, Geneva ; his authority often established harmony among the discordant magistracy. By his jjosition and language he contributed greatly to the develoj)ment and advance of the human intellect, and more indeed than lie himself foresaw. For among the Genevese and in France, the principle of free inquiry, on which he was obliged at first ,to found his system, and to curb which he after- wards strove in vain, became more fruitful in consequences than among nations which are less inquisitive than the Genevese, and less daring than the French. From this source were developed gradually philosophical ideas, which, though they are not yet purified sufiiciently from the pas- sions and views of their fouudeis, have yet banished a great number of gloomy and pernicious prejudices, and have opened up prospects of a pure practical wisdom, and better success for the future.
AUGUSTUS TOPLADY.
(1740-1778.)
The late Lord B ke (viz., the celebrated infidel and
Tory) was one day reading in Calvin's Institutions ; a clergy- man^ of his lordship's acquaintance coming on a visit, Lord B. said to him, " You have caught me reading John Calvin. He was, indeed, a man of great parts, profound sense, and vast learning. He handles the doctrines of grace in a very masterly manner," — " Doctrines of grace ! " rejilied the clergyman, "the doctrines of grace have set all mankind together by the ears." — " I am surprised to hear you say so/' answered Lord B ; " you who profess to believe and to
' Mr, Churcli, who died curate of Baltersea.
430 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
preach Christianity. Those doctrines are certainly the doc- trines of the Bible ; and if I believed the Bible, I must believe them : and let me seriously tell you, that the greatest miracle in the world is the subsistence of Christianity, and its continued preservation as a religion, when the preaching of it is committed to the care of such unchristian wretches as you."
Told me, this day, at Bath, July 80, 1775, by Lady Hunt- ingdon, who had it from Lord B 's own mouth. — {Top- lady's Works, iv. p. 151.)
FREDERICK ANCILLON.
(1767-1837.)
Calvin etait non seulement un theologien profond, mais encore un habile legislateur, la part qu'il eut aux lois civiles et religicuses qui, pendant plusieurs siecles, ont fait le bon- heur de la republique de Geneve, est peut-etre un plus beau titre a la gloire que ses ouvrages theologiques, et cette repub- lique, celebre malgre sa petitesse, qui sut allier les moeurs aux lumieres, la richesse a la simplicite, la simplicite au gout, la liberie a I'ordre, et qui a ete un foyer de talens et de vertus, a prouve que Calvin connaissait les hommes et savait les gouverner. — II ne faut pas s'etonner si M. Morus nous dit dans un de ses harangues que Saumaise a solennellement proteste qu'il croiroit avoir acquis plus de gloire, s'il avoit ecrit le seul ouvrage de I'lnstitution, que tous les gros volumes qui sent sortis des mains de Grotius, — {Tableaux des Revolutions du Syst^me Politique de l' Europe.)
Calvin was not only a profound theologian, but likewise an able legislator ; the share which he had in the framing of the civil and religious laws which have produced for several centuries the happiness of the Genevan republic, is perhaps a fairer title to renown than his theological works ; and this republic, celebrated notwithstanding its small size, and which knew how to unite morals with intellect, riches with simplicity, simplicity with taste, liberty with order, and which has been a focus of talents and virtues, has proved that Calvin knew men, and knew how to govern
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 431
them. — We must not be astonished if M. Morus tells us in one of his harangues, that Saumaise has solemnly pro- tested that he would think he had acquired more glory if he had written the book of the Institutes alone, than all the larffe tomes which have issued from the hands of Grotius.
PROFESSOR DUGALD STEWART.
(a.d. 1753-1828.)
The same freedom of thought (as that of Luther) on topics not strictly theological, formed a prominent feature in the character of Calvin. A curious instance of it occurs in one of his letters, where he discusses an ethical question of no small moment in the science of political economy, — "How far is it consistent with morality to accept of interest for a pecuniary loan?" On this question, which, even in Protes- tant countries, continued, till a very recent period, to divide the opinions both of divines and lawyers, Calvin treats the authority of Aristotle and that of the Church with equal disregard. To the former he opposes a close and logical argument not unworthy of Mr. Bentham. To the latter he replies, by shewing that the Mosaic law on this point was not a moral but a municipal prohibition ; a prohibition not to be judged of from any particular text of Scripture, but upon the principles of natural equity. — {Frelinmiary Dis- sertation to the Encyclopmdia Britannica.)
CHARLES GOTTLIEB BRETSCHNEIDER. (1776-1848.) Wenn wir weder von Luther nocli von Zwingli eine Schrift haben wo sie ihren ganzen Glauben in ein System gebracht, und dieses mit den nothigen Beweisen, und der damals uner- lasslichen Polemik versehen batten, so verknupfte dagegen Calvin schon friihzeitig die Wahrheiten der Reformation zu einer systematischen Gestalt, stutzte sie uberall mit den fiir seine Zeit starksten und auserlesensten Beweisen und schloss sie polemisch gegen alle Gegensatze fest ab. Davon legt seine mit Recht berlihmte Inst. Rel. Chr. voiles Zeuffniss ab, die von den jetzigen Theologen, audi von den Lutherischen,
432 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
niclit so vernaclilassigt werden sollte, als sie es wivklicli wird. Sie entliiilt eincn Schatz vortrefSicher Gedanken scliarfsinniger Eiitwickelungen und feiiier Benierkungen, und ist in einem eleganten lebliaften und beredten Style geschrieben. Die Lutherische Kirclie hatte nur in Melancli- tlions berlihmten locis theologicis etwas Aebnliclies, das aber dock an innerem Zusammenhange, Gediegenbeit der Beweise, Starke der Polemik und Vollstandigkeit des Systems, der Schrift Calvins nicbt gleich kommt. — {Reformations Alma- nac, p. ] 07.)
While we have no work by eitlier Lutlier or Zwingli, in which they might have exhibited their whole doctrine re- duced to a system, and accompanied by tlie necessary proofs, and so might have furnished a defence against unnumbered controversies, Calvin, on the contrary, at an early period, connected the truths of the Reformation in a systematic form ; defended every point with proofs, the strongest and most excellent known at that time, and secured them against all opposition. Of this his justly celebrated Insti- tutes aiford ample testimony — a work which ought not to be so neglected as it is by the theologians of our times — not even by the Lutherans. It contains a treasure of admirable tlioughts, of acute explications, and fine remarks ; and is written in an elegant, lively, and eloquent style. The Lutheran Church has only something similar in Melanch- thon's famous " Locis Theologicis," which, however, is not to be compared with Calvin's work for consecutiveness, solidity of proof, strength of argument, and completeness of system.
F. A. KRUMMACHEK.
(1768-1845.)
Uebrigens war Joh. Calvin ein Menscli, menschlich von dem Erwachen und Kampf seiner bewegten Zeit, aber viel mehr noch gottlich ergriffen von dem, was holier ist denn alle Zeit. Wie er selbst von Christo ergriffen, Christum ergriffen habe und immcr mehr ergreifcn mochte, das stellet or in seinem Werke dar mit menschlichen Worten, aber als ein Meister und gewaltig in der Rede ; dabei wollte er nicht
RESPECTING THE WHITINGS OF CALVIN. 433
fur einen Ajiostel gelten, sondern glcicli unserer Kirche kcinen anderen Grund erkennend, als den der gelegt ist, auf diesen und auf das Zeugniss der Apostel und Proi)lieten zuriiclvfuliren. — Mcige man ilin und sein Werk menschlicber Mangel und Scliwachheiten zeilien, die er niclit unterlassen hat an sich selber zu ricliten, nioge man ihm, wie oft geschelien, zu weit getriebene Dialektik und Scbolastik, Ueberscbatzung des Augustin, Klihnbeit in Erforscbung des Unerforscblicben, und Bestimmung des llnbestimmbaren, verzebrenden Eifer um das Hans Gottes gegen Irrtbum und Irrlebre, dabei das ziirnende Wort und die Geissel seines Mundes zum Yorwurf macben : — ieb bin nicbt gemeint mit einzustimmen, nocb audi da den grossen Mann zu ricliten, wo icli selbst mit ibm einstimmig zu denken und zu glauben niclit vermag. Ist der Glaube die hocbste Stufe des gei- stigen Lebens, viel liober denn alle Vernunft, so wird audi das Licbtlebcn ira Glauben wie in dor Erkenntniss seine Stufen baben. Steht nun Calvin auf einer solcben lioben Glaubenstufe, wie wenig Auserwiibltc sie erreichen, und erkennt man die Mtiglicbkeit und Wabrscbeinlicbkeit dieses seines Standpunktes in eigener Selbsterkenntniss und Be- scbeidenbeit ; so ist man wenigstens der Gefabr entnommen, die wabre Rede und vcrnunftigen Worte einer boberii Weis- beit, wie Festus, fur Tolllieit zu halten, und den tiefsinnigen Vertbeidiger dor gottlicben Vorsebung der Raserei zu be- scbuldigen. Eiii Kind ist mit der Uebersicbt des gestirnten Himmels in kurzer Zeit fertig und so fort im Reinen ; anders cin Keppler und Newton. Je bober der Stand, desto uner- messlicber der Blick in die Tiefe. Luther sagt in seiner Vorrede zum Romerbriefe: "Obne Leiden, Kreuz und Todes- noth kann man die Vorsebung nicbt obne Schaden und beimlichen Zorn gegen Gott handeln. Darum muss Adam zuvor wohl todt sein, ehe er dies Ding leide, und den starken Wein trinke. Darum siebe dicli vor, dass du nicbt Weill trinkest, wenn du nocli ein Saiigling bist. Eine jegliche Lebre bat ibr Maass, Zeit und Alter.'' Dass nun gleichermaassen die Forschung eines solcben Hauptes so tief in den Born und Abgrund der Schrift und OfFen- barung cindringe, als viclleicht scitdcm nicbt geschchn,
2 E
434 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
ist eben so natiiilicli, als class die gemeine, Flaclie iind unglaiibige Exegese ihn beim Herabsteigen ganz und gar aus dem Gesichte verliert, und die Hande liber ihm zusam- menklappt. Der Uebersetzer gestebt dass es ibm mebrmals also gegangen, so mag sicb aucb mancber Loser darauf gefasst macben.
For tbe rest, Jobn Calvin was a man, bumanly influenced by tbe wakefulness and struggles of bis excited times, but fully more wrougbt upon by tbat wbicb is liigber tban all time. How first apprebended by Cbrist, be apprebended Christ, and apprebended bim continually more and more, be describes in bis work with human words, but as a master, powerful in speech. Far from him was it to assume the character of an apostle; but like our Church, recognis- ing no other foundation than that which is laid, he sought to lead men back to this, and to the testimony of the Apostles and Prophets. Let us discover human failings and weaknesses in him and his works — of these be has accused himself without ceasing. Let us object to bim, as is often done, that he has indulged too largely in dialectic and scho- lastic subtleties, in an excessive admiration of Augustine, in bold inquiries into the inscrutable, in defining that which is indefinable, in fostering a consuming zeal for the house of God, against error and false doctrine, and giving loose to words of scorn and tbe scourge of his mouth — I cannot agree with those who thus judge him, nor condemn so great a man, even where I do not think or believe as he did. If faith is tbe highest degree of spiritual life, much higher tban all un- derstanding, the light of life will have its degrees in faith, as in knowledge. Did Calvin attain now to such an emi- nence of faith, as few even of the elect have reached ? And do we recognise the possibility and probability of this his position in a peculiar kind of self-knowledge and modesty ; so are we, at least, free from the danger of regarding, like Festus, the true discourse, and tbe significant words of a higher wisdom as foolishness, and from that of charging the profound advocate of divine Providence with madness. A child is soon made familiar with the starry heavens, and so forth, as to a mere surface of things ; but it is otherwise
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 485
with a Kepler and a Newton. The higher the position, the more immeasurable is the view into the depth below. Luther says, in his preface to the Epistle to the Romans, " Without suffering, without the cross, and the necessity of death, one can scarcely treat of Providence without offence, and a secret anger against God. Therefore it was necessary, perliaps, that Adam should die before he could suffer this thing, and drink the strong wine. Take heed, then, and drink not wine, if you be still a suckling. Every doctrine has its measure, time, and age." That in- quiries on such a topic should in like measure extend to the heights and dejjths of Scripture and revelation, more perhaps than they have since done, is as natural as that the common, flat, and sceptical exposition should lose sight of him in its descent, and clap the hands in triumph over him. The trans- lator acknowledges that this has often occurred to him ; and the reader may make himself sure of finding the same thing.
TEECHSEL.
Die Protestantischen Antitrinitarier, 1839, s. 177.
This man (Calvin) descended from an ancient fiimily, learned and profound as few are, superior to the fear of man, seeking nothing for himself, and hoping nothing, but full of ardour for the glory of God — became more and more the soul of the Protestant cause, the instrument in the hand of the Lord to give firmness, durability, and a steady direction to the new church, and to settle its doctrine on the surest
principles of good sense and reason People have
often supposed that they were insulting Calvin's memory, by calling him the Pope of Protestantism ! He was so, but in the noblest sense of the expression, through the spiritual and moral superiority with which the Lord of the church had endowed him for its deliverance ; through his unwearied, universal zeal for God's honour ; through his wise care for the edifying of the kingdom of Christ ; in a word, through all which can be comprehended in the idea of the Papacy, of truth and honour. He had, indeed, two faults ;
'iS6 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
but they were either those of his time or sprung- from the jieculiarities of his character, the greatness, and force, and elevation of which our weak, degenerate race is unable to comprehend in the whole ; and which, instead of contem- plating it on the bright side, it can only judge of by the few dark spots on the surface.
HENRY STEBBING, D.D.
1849. Life and Times of John Calvin.
Independent of his fame as a theologian, Calvin is one of the great historical characters of the sixteenth century. We can form, indeed, no adequate idea of that period, if we leave out of our consideration the labours and actions*of a man, who so materially aided the development of the all- important principles then in progress of formation.
PAUL HENRI, D.D., BERLIN.
Life and Times of Calvin, ] 849.
The genius and solid merits of this Reformer have rarely been estimated according to their value. It is only of late years that attention has been drawn to his talent as a com- mentatoi'. We may also mention it as a singular fact, that while the world is so ready to censure the ignorance of former times, it should still have so generally retained its
prejudice against Calvin Where it is seen that
evangelical churches rest upon a very diiferent foundation to that laid by the mere virtues of the Reformers, it becomes possible to form an unprejudiced opinion of this man, and to expect it from all religious parties, even from evangelically minded Roman Catholics. We may now also look for justice to be done to the greatness of his genius.
In the Epistles of Paul, he (Calvin) penetrates deeply into the spirit of the Aj)ostle, and as it may be so easily per- ceived, becoming one with it, he explains what is particular
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 437
from what is general ; and in this respect he resembles Chrysostom, except that the latter allowed rhetoric to exer- cise a prejudicial inflilence over his style. The whole New Testament history becomes vital under Calvin's hand ; he lives in every active, spealcing, individual character ; in the wicked, as in the good, and he expounds every discourse from the relations, and from the very souls of the speakers. In the Acts of the Apostles especially, this his art and skill arc exhibited in the most wonderful manner. He seizes with admirable force the peculiar characteristics of the actors mentioned in the history, and presents them to the reader. In the same skilful manner he expounds the discourses of St. Paul, and converts them, without violence, into a regular and connected sermon.
BLOOMFIELD,
In his preface to the Greek Testament, says, (p. xxix,) — The Editor would particularly specify Hyperius, whose Com- mentary on the Epistles of St. Paul he considers next to that of Calvin, (to which, for profundity of thought, and able investigation of the logic or course of reasoning of the sacred writers, — for spirituality of sentiment, and deep knowledge of the "mind of the Spirit," must ever be assigned thej^rs^ place, " who, as he deserves to be ranked with the best in- terpreters of all ages, usually follows out with astonishing sagacity, any very deep trains of tliought, and among the various interpretations of different authors, is very successful in selecting those which are most probable, while his elegance is such that he is read with equal pleasure and advantage," — Pelt's Pref. to Thess.,) the most valuable of all the earlier expository works.
PROFESSOR MOSES STUART, OF ANDOVER, UNITED STATES. Biblical Repository for June 1833, an American Periodical. Among the old commentators with which I have any ac- quaintance, I should say that none stands so pre-eminent for logical commentary as Calvin. His merits at last are be-
438 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
ginning to be more generally acknowledged than tlicy have been since the times in which he lived. The unhappy dis- putes of the Lutheran church \vith his followers for a long time kept them from paying him any deference. But time and circumstances have mitigated the passion for dispute with Calvinists, and the gigantic theologian and commenta- tor is again beginning to take his proper place. Whoever reads Calvin's Commentaries, and has extensively compared them with those of other interpreters, will be able at once to perceive that what I call the logic of commentary, i.e., the reasoning, drift, scope, object of the writer's discourse, is everywhere his main point. He has little of philology displayed upon his pages : he had much in his head. That he was a fine Greek and Hebrew scholar for the times in which he lived, no one will doubt, who considers well the results to which he has come in commenting on difficult pas- sages of the Bible.
[The more weight is due to this opinion of Professor Stuart from his differing from Calvin — as must be known to those acquainted wuth his works — on some of the most im- portant doctrines.]
EEV. JOHN DICK, D. D.,
Professor of Divinity to the United Secession Church, In his Lectures on Theology, vol. iv. p. 220.
The name of Calvin ought always to be mentioned with respect. He was one of the brightest ornaments of the Re- formation, and in learning, genius, and zeal, had few equals, and no superior.
EEV. DONALD FRASER, D.D.,
Minister of the Gospel, Kennoway, in his Notes to his Translation of Witsius on the Apostle's Creed, vol. ii. p. 603.
His learning was varied and profound His
Institutes of the Christian Religion published in 1537, and his excellent Commentaries on the Scriptures, as well as his
RI'SPECTING THE WKITINGS OF CALVIN. 439
other services in tlie cause of truth, entitle him to tlie last- ing gratitude and esteem of the Christian church.
HISTORY OF POPERY. Vol. ii. pp. 349, 350. Whenever he (Calvin) was quoted in the press or in tlie pulpit, it was done with epithets of honour ; as the learned, the judicious, the pious Calvin. And I am more than con- fident, there cannot be produced one wa-iter of credit in the Established Church of Enoland that ever fell foul on Calvin till about sixty or seventy years after his death, when the tares of Arminius began to be sown and cherished among us. — Quoted in Toplady's Historic Proof of the Doctrinal Calvinism of the Church of England, Lecture xv.
REV. JOHN PYE SMITH, D.D., F.R.S., In his Four Discourses ou the Sacrifice and Priesthood of Jesus Christ, p. 320.
A similar justness of combination we find in the writings of Calvin ; whose fiaie judgment and noble impartiality as an expositor, have drawn the admiration of many who difl'er from some of his distinguishing sentiments.
KITTO'S CYCLOPyEDIA OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE. Vol. i. p. 456. 1845. In all the higher qualifications of a commentator, Calvin is pre-eminent. His knowledge of the original languages was not so great as that of many later expositors, but in de- veloping the meaning of the sacred writers he has few equals. It has been well remarked that he chiefly attended to the logic of commentary. He possessed singular acuteness, unit- ed to a deep acquaintance with the human heart, a compre- hension of mind by which he was able to survey revelation in all its features, and an enlightened understanding compe- tent to perceive sound excgetical principles, and resolute in adhering to them. He can never be consulted without ad- vantage, although all his opinions should not be followed. His AYorks present specimens of exegesis that deserve to be ranked among the best extant, because they are occupied
440 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
Avith the spiritual essence of the Bible — with the theology of the inspired writers.
DR. SPALDING, OF AMERICA. A Roman Catholic.
The most recent writer against the Reformation has been constrained, amid all his bitter hostility to Calvin, to confess respecting the Reformer and his system. The second branch of the Reformation was that established at Greneva by John Calvin. Of all the Reformers, he was, perhaps, the most acute, learned, and talented ; and he has succeeded better than any of them in impressing his own stern and morose character on the sect he founded. Geneva was the centre of his operations. Starting from Geneva, Calvinism soon spread through Switzerland, and extended to France, Hol- land, Scotland, and England ; and even on the soil of Ger- many itself, it was soon able to dispute the supremacy with the sect there established by Luther.
Calvin was the most subtle, the most untiring, and per- haps the most able, enemy of the Catholic Church. He was the founder of a sect more distinguished than any other, perhaps, for its inveterate opposition to catholicity.'
REV. J. O. LORIMER. The Old Orthodox Faith superior to Modern Opinions, &c., pp. 10-14. 1847.
It has been often imagined and asserted, by parties who should know better, that the doctrines of Calvin had no exist- ence till the age of that Reformer — that they originated with him — and but for him might never have afflicted the church. No mistake can be more ignorant. Tlie truth is, that a line can be traced of the most illustrious advocates of evangelical religion fi'om the days of Augustine to those of Calvin — comprising such men as Gotteshulens, the Waldenses, Wick- liffe, Jerome, Huss, the Bohemian Christians — who were all Calvinists ages before the Reformer of Geneva was born. . , . So far from Calvinism starting with the Genevan Reformer, it would not be difficult to show that some of his predecessors ' History, &c. Reviewed, pp. 300, 323.
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 441
were more Ccxlvinistic in doctrine than he was himself; while it would be no easy matter to shew that any previous to his day, whether individuals or churches, distinguished for living Christianity and successful service for Christ, entertained any otlier sentiments. Calvin may have more formally arranged and defended the truth as a system than others. He was eminently at once the philosopher and divine of the Refor- mation— but this is not all. The peculiarities of Calvin by no means constitute the great burden of his writings. In his celebrated work on the Institutes, out of eighty chapters, only five are devoted to the peculiarities of his system ; in his miscellaneous works of 800 pages, only fifty-five arc so occupied
It is not necessary to say anything of Calvin personally. However much misunderstood and vilified in more modern times, his lofty qualities and attainments are well known to all who have studied his character, services, or age. His penetrating intellect, classical attainments, vast learning, stern religious principles, with indefatigable labours for the truth and cause of God — his humility and disinterestedness — his generosity — his amiability — his services to his country — to the universal church — to posterity — his reputation both at home and abroad among the highest and most competent judges, philosophers, scholars, theologians — his influence upor his age and the world — might all, with many other kindre( points, be appealed to, in proof of the eminence of one oi the most extraordinary men, in an age remarkable for great men
Though the doctrine of justification by free grace, through faith alone, was the great doctrine of the Reformation, and. the grand instrument in the hand of the Spirit of God of rescuing Christendom from the domination of Rome, yet the sources and higher aspects of this doctrine were not forgotten. Election, particular redemption, efficacious grace, final per- severance, all naturally came up for examination, and aftei being sifted and explored, were substantially received into the authoritative standards of all the reformed churches — Helvetian, Belgic, French, German, Irish and Scottish alike. Episcopal as well as Presbyterian.
442 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
All tlie most distinguished men of the Church of England at the Reformation, and for many subsequent years, down indeed to the days of Laud in the seventeenth century, were Calvinists. No other system of doctrine in that period of great men both in Church and State was ever dreamt of. All the Archbishops previous to Laud were Calvinists ; indeed, the leading men of the English Church accounted it an honour to correspond with John Calvin, the Presbyterian minister of Geneva, and to adopt suggestions from him, both in regard to their Articles and Liturgy. British sovereigns did him honour. The TJdrty-nine Articles, indeed, are not so strongly Calvinistic as those of some other Churches ; still every candid interpreter, especially considering the known opinions of the men who drew them up, must regard them as decided. Nowhere do they explicitly contradict any ar- ticle of the Calvinistic system, and in all periods the most resolute Calvinists have had no scruple in cordially sub- scribing them.
We may safely say that John Calvin, single-handed, did more to break the chains of intellectual, civil, and ecclesias- tical despotism, and so to promote true freedom, than any man of his age or of subsequent ages. It will be long before modern opponents, single or combined, at their present rate of progress, will deserve to be spoken of in the same connec- tion. A writer who will not be suspected of partiality on religious grounds, thus speaks of the services of one body of British Calvinists to the cause of civil freedom : The Eng- lish Puritans, the chief of men, whom it is the paltry fashion of this day to decry, divided their vast inheritance between them in the reign of Charles the First. One body remained at home and established the English constitution : One crossed the Atlantic and founded the American Republic — the two greatest achievements of modern times. ^
REV. F. W. GOTCH, A.M., TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN.^ The world-wide fame of Calvin rests principally, almost exclusively, on the systematic form in which he arrayed the
1 Edinburgh Review, Oct. 1847.
'^ Journal of Sacred Literature, vol. iii. p. 222.
RESPECTING THE WlllTINQS OF CALVIN. 443
doctrines of the Christian religion. How few, comparatively, amongst biblical students of tlie present day, know anything of Calvin as a commentator, and how much smaller was even that small number fifteen or twenty years ago ? Indeed, until within that period it was scarcely possible that it should be otherwise, at least in this country ! The works of Calvin were rarely to be obtained except in a set of ex- pensive folio volumes. The labours of an earlier generation in rendering the commentaries of Calvin into English had lost their effect, both on account of the scarcity of the trans- lations themselves, and the obsoleteness of the style in wliich they were written, . . .
On the whole, few commentators can be found more judi- cious in the general mode of treating their subject.
EEV. W. CONYBEAEE. Theological Lectures, 2d edit., p. 215.
It was the axiom of that most amiable and truly Christian scholar, Melanchthon, that the Scriptures could not possibly be theologically understood, until their grammatical sense were first correctly ascertained. Luther expressed similar opinions with his usual energy ; and the judgment of his fellow-labourer in the great cause, Calvin, is sufKciently exemplified in his elaborate volumes of commentaries upon many portions of Scripture.
ARCHDEACON HARE.
Calvin's Commentaries, on the other hand, although they too are almost entirely doctrinal and practical, taking little note of critical and philosophical questions, keep much closer to the text, and make it their one business to bring out the meaning of the words of Scripture with fulness and precision. This they do with the excellence of a master richly endowed with the word of wisdom and with the word of knowledge, and from the exemplary union of a severe masculine understanding with a profound insight into the scriptural depths of the Scriptures, they are especially cal-
444 OPINIUNS AND TESTIMONIES
culated to be useful in counteracting the erroneous tenden- cies of an age, when we seem about to be inundated with all that was fantastical and irrational in the exegetical mysti- cism of the Fathers, and are bid to see divine power in all allegorical cobwebs, and heavenly life in artificial flowers. I do not mean to imply an adoption or approval of all Cal- vin's views, M'hether on doctrinal or other questions. But we may happily owe much gratitude and love, and the deepest intellectual obligations, to those whom at the same time we may deem to be mistaken on certain points ; and perhaps it may be better for our frail human affections, that there is no one who is not so ; else I know not how we should be able to repress that proneness to idolatry, whicl* led men to the worship of heroes in the heathen world, and to the worship of saints in the corrupt ages of the Christian. — {On the Mission of the Comforter, vol. ii. p. 449.)
REV. E. P. HUMPHEEY, D.D., '
Professor Elect in Princeton Tlieological Seminary, U. S. '
John Calvin was twenty years of age before lie was con- verted from Rome to Christ. When, soon afterwards, our theology struck its forces into his mind, it roused him to the utmost stretch of thought. It was like a fire in his bones. So vital was his new life within him, that at the age of twenty-six he had deduced our entire system of doctrine from the Word of God, adjusted its elements into a master- piece of logical coherence, and published it to the world, in his immortal Institutes. The twenty-eight years of his life that remained to him, were laden with affliction both of mind and body. Physical infirmities multiplied upon him, until no less than seven distinct maladies laid siege to hif attenuated frame. He suffered also every private grief, even the domestic bereavement, which he styled " an acute and burning wound." It is impossible to look without wonder at the labours he prosecuted amidst all this weariness and
^ From sermon delivered at the opening of the General Assembly in Charleston.
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 445
painfulness. The products of his pen exist in nine huge folios of printed matter, besides several hundred letters, and more than two thousand sermons and theological treatises yet unpublished. He prepared a copious commentary on most of the Scriptures ; he edited a French translation of the Word of God ; he disputed by tongue and pen with Bol- zec on the doctrine of predestination, with Westphal and Heshius on the sacraments, with Witsius on the free will, with Pighius on free grace, and Servetus on the Trinity. He wrote against relics and astrology, the Anabaptists, the Libertines, and the Pelagians. He employed his weapons of wit and sarcasm in assailing the Sorbonne, his powers of argumentation in confuting the Tridentine Decrees, and his noble eloquence in behalf of the Emperor against the Pope. He corresijonded incessantly with his contemporaries, Farel, Viret, Beza, Melanchthon, Knox, Cranmer, and the kings of Sweden, Poland, and Navarre — projecting, by his long and masterly letters, his own intellectual and spiritual life into the leading rniuds of Europe. With an asthmatical cough upon him, he lectured three days in the week on theology, and preached daily on every alternate week. He j^resided at the court of morals, attended the frequent assemblies of the clergy, assisted in settling the civil and ecclesiastical affairs of Geneva. He founded there a seminary of liberal learning, and when the city was threatened with a siege, laboured at the fortifications. He educated preachers of the gospel ; performed many journeys ; was consulted on all important subjects ; occupied the pulpits of his brethren in their absence ; and did not neglect pastoral labour in the congregation. Besides all these things, he composed the dissensions which perplexed the reformers, and the strifes which afflicted the churches ; and aided in settling the affairs of the Reformation in Poland, France, Germany, Scotland, and England. At last, being compelled by mortal disease to relinquish public duties, he received in his cham- ber all who sought his advice, and wore out his amanuenses by dictating to them his works and letters. When his shortening breath and failing voice terminated these labours, his kindling eye and heaving breast indicated tliat he was
446 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
in constant prayer. On a beautiful evening in May, seven days later in the month than this, the day of our solemn convocation, just as the setting sun was irradiating with its purple light the waters of the Leman and the Rhone, the Jura mountains, and the more distant glaciers of the Alps, this great man rested from his labours. He gave directions that his body should be buried without the slightest pomp, and that his grave should be marked by neither monument nor headstone. His commands were obeyed, and " no man knoweth of liis sepulchre unto this day/'
BARANTE.
la Biogi'aphie Universeile, Article Calvin.
Apres avoir regie les moeurs et la doctrine, et donne a son eglise une nouvelle liturgie et de nouvelles priferes, ses soins se porterent a ameliorer la legislation civile des Genevais et les formes de leur gouverneraent. II fut aide dans I'exe- cution de ce projet par quelques refugies Fran9ais, et surtout par Germain Colladon, jurisconsulte, trfes eclaire qu'il avait autrefois connu a Bourges. II chercha aussi a faire fleurir les bonnes etudes a Geneve, et c'est a lui qu'est du I'etab- lissement de cette academic si heureusement dirigee par son ami Theodore de Beze. Pour mieux repandre sa doctrine en France, soit par la lecture des livres, soit par la predication et Tenseignement des ministres qu'il y envoyait, il n'avait pas seulement besoin d'excellentes ecoles pour y former de nombreux disciples, il fallait encore qu'il eut a sa disposi- tion un grand nombre de presses et de libraires. II encou- ragea beaucoup de refugies Frangais qui avaient besoin, pour vivre, de se livrer a quelque Industrie, a embrasser la profes- sion de libraire ou d'imprimeur. Geneve, en devenant la metropole du culte reforme, devint ainsi le centre d'un com- merce immense de librairie, et Tun des lieux de toute I'Europe oii I'enseignement des lettres et des sciences eut le plus de succes. En lisant le detail de tout ce qu'a fait Calvin pendant son sejour a Geneve, on ne pent comprendre com- ment il put suffire a tant de travaux. II prechait presque tous les jours, donnait trois IcQons de theologie par semaine,
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 447
assistait a toutes les deliberations du consistoire, a toutes les assemblees de la compagnie des pasteiirs, etait Tame de tous les conseils. Consulte presque aussi souvent comme jurisconsulte que commc tlieologien, il repondait egalement a tous. II contenait ou apaisait les troubles inseparables d'un gouvernement naissant, et trouvait encore le temps de suivre des negociations politiques au nom de la republique de Geneve. Tant d'occupations ne ralentirent jamais la cor- respondance qu'il entretenait dans toute I'Europe, et prin- cipalement en France, oii il ne cessa de travailler, par toutes sortes de moyens, a etendre les progres de la reforme. II n'en publiait pas moins chaque annee des ouvrages pour I'iu- teret de son parti, ou pour la defense de ses opinions, et ces livres de contro^'ersc ou de circonstance ne ferment pourtant que la moindre partie de ses ecrits. Les plus considerables de tous sent ses commentaires sur I'Ecriture Sainte. II les publia successivement par parties separees, raais presque toujours en Latin et en Fran^ais tout a la fois. Outre ses sermons imprimes, qui sont en tres grand nombre, la biblio- theque de Geneve en possede deux mille vingt-cinq en manuscrit. On j garde aussi plusieurs traites de theologie qui ne sont pas imprimes. D'autres sont conserves de memo dans la bibliotheque de Berne. Ce sont, a ce qu'il parait, des copies faites par quelques uns de ses ecoliers, qui ecri- vaient tout ce que Calvin pronon^ait a TEglise ou dans son auditoire de theologie. Comme tlieologien Calvin fut au premier rang des hommes de son siecle par ses profondes connaissances, par sa sagacite, et comme il s'en vantait, par I'art de presser un argument. Comme ecrivain, il merite de grands eloges. Ca^lvin marchant constamment a son but sans etre detourne par aucun evenement ni par aucun ob- stacle, surmontant toutes les difficultes par la perseverance et par Ic travail, parvint a des resultats semblables a ceux qu'avait obtenus Luther, et s'est fait un nom egal au sien.
After having regulated the system of morals and doctrine, and furnished his church with a new liturgy, and new forms of prayer, he turned his attention to the amelioration of the civil legislation of Geneva, and its form of government. He was assisted in the execution of this project by some French
448 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
refugees, and especially by Germain Colladon, an eminent jurisconsult whom he had formerly known at Bourges. He endeavoured likewise to further the pursuit of liberal studies at Geneva, and the establishment of the academy so happily conducted by his friend Theodore de Beza, was owing mainly to him. To diffuse his doctrines in France, either by books or the lireaching and instruction of ministers, he required not only excellent schools for the training of numer- ous pupils, but likewise to have at his disposal a large number of printing presses and booksellers. He encouraged numerous French refugees, who were obliged for their sub- sistence to apply themselves to some industrial pursuit, to adopt the profession of booksellers or printers. Geneva, by becoming the metropolis of the reformed religion, became thus the centre of an immense publishing trade, and one of the most flourishing places in Europe for the study of litera- ture and science. In reading the details of all that Calvin performed during his residence at Geneva, it is difficult to understand how he managed to get through so much work. He preached almost every day, gave lectures on theology three times a-week, assisted at all the deliberations of the consistory, at all the assemblies of the society of pastors, and was the soul of all their councils. Consulted likewise as a jurist almost as frequently as a theologian, he was equally ready to answer all. He curbed or settled the commotions inseparable from an infant government, and found still time to conduct political negotiations in the name of the Genevan republic. So many avocations never interfered with the correspondence which he maintained throughout all Europe, and especially in France, where he never ceased labouring in every sort of way to extend the progress of the Reforma- tion. He was no less assiduous in publishing every year books to support the interest of his j^arty, or to defend his pj^inions ; and these controversial or occasional writings form but the least part of his works. The most important of all these are his Commentaries on the Holy Scriptures. He published them successively in separate parts, but almost always in Latin and French at the same time. Besides his printed sermons, which are very numerous, the library of
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 449
Geneva possesses two thousand and tvventj-five of them in manuscript. There are also preserved there several theolo- gical treatises which are not printed. Others are likewise preserved in the library of Berne. These are apparently copies made by some of his pupils, who wrote down all that Calvin delivered in the church, or in ]iis theological lectures. As a theologian, Calvin stood in the first rank of the men of his age for his profound knowledge, his sagacity, and his art, on which he used to pique himself, o^ pressing an argu- ment. As an author he deserves great praise. Calvin, pro- ceeding steadily to his object, without being turned aside by any occurrence or any obstacle, surmounting all difficul- ties by perseverance and labour, arrived at results similar to those which Luther had reached, and has obtained for him- self an equally illustrious name.
EEV. JOHN PYE SMITH, D.D., F.E.S.
In addition to the testimony of this venerable divine before quoted, (p. 439,) the following appeared in some English and Scotch periodical publications : —
We have on more than one occasion noticed the valuable labours of this Society, and the benefit which is being con- ferred upon the student of theology, by such a reprint of the works of the great Genevese Reformer, as is at present issuing from the press. With the hope of still further pro- moting an extensive circulation of the works of Calvin, we cheerfully publish the following letter, written a few months since by that distinguished scholar and biblical critic, Dr, Pye Smith, to the editor of one of the monthly magazines : —
" HoMERTON College, April 13.
'' I am induced to beg your admission of this letter by a circumstance to me and to others of solemn interest. It was the intention of one, whose devoted example should be ' had in everlasting remembrance,' the late Rev. E. Bickersteth, to avail himself of the opportunities which he calculated upon having at the public meetings in May, for the describing and recommending of the Calvin Translation Society. This series was begun at Edinburgh in 1843.
2f
/
450 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
" In the first eighty years of the English Reformation, the bishops and other high authorities held the works of Calvin in great esteem. His Institutes (a body of Christian divinity) and some of his Commentaries were translated and published in English. But, in the present enterprise, the nobly liberal promoter, we may call him editor, has not contented himself with these old translations, but with vast labour and expense he has made or procured new transla- tions, adapted to the improved condition of our language, by learned and competent clergymen and others, of Scotland and the Church of England. He and the translators have supplied historical and critical elucidations, with fac-simile and other engravings, which greatly enhance the value. Though I possess the Genevese editions of the principal works, some in Latin and some in French, and have the use of the College copy of the Amsterdam edition, (nine folio volumes, 1671,) I folt it to be my duty, upon the public grounds above mentioned, to subscribe, and I do not repent. In the seven years elapsed, I have received 24 [28] octavo vols., beautifully printed, each one of such a number of pages as one usually gets for twelve or fifteen shillings. The generous and indefatigable editor, Mr. Pitcairn, a gentleman of the law, has expended more than three thousand pounds in this enterprise ; it now languishes for want of support. I have reason to believe that our vast metropolis furnishes very few subscribers. The shame and disgrace would be great indeed, if the work were to fail for want of the just and reasonable countenance which it deserves. The sub- scription is only twenty shillings a year ! I have learned that new subscribers may obtain the whole upon the same terms, taking them either by one payment or in convenient sub-divisions. It is expected that the continuation will reach through five years more.
" I am cut off from attending our great annual meetings, for I cannot intelligibly hear any speaker, nor can I speak with strength sufficient to be heard by fifty persons. Happy shall I be if this feeble attempt to supply the want of Mr. Bickeesteth's advocacy should be at all successful.
" John Pye Smith."
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OP CALVIN. 451
THE LATE REV. ROBERT ANDERSON, BRIGHTON.
With regard to Calvin, I am equally surprised and thankful at your having been able to procure me these three volumes. And it will be a comfort to you to know, that Calvin's Commentary on St. John is peculiarly season- able, as, in dependence on God's blessing, I am just now about to commence tliat gospel as the subject of my afternoon lec- tures. I shall have him, therefore, as my constant companion.
The more I read of him the less Calvinistic do I find him, and the more 1 am delighted witli the devout and practical character of his meditations.
REV. JOHN KELLY.
Lectures on great Protestant Divines — {John Calvin.)
A truly noble soul, largely replenished with grace ! As a Christian man he had few equals, and perhaps no superior. He was one of those choice instruments whom God occa- sionally calls forth to do a great work, and who deserves to be held in everlasting remembrance by the universal church.
Now, let me say a few words on him as a theologian. With marvellous acuteness in the absence of any speculative tendency — with a sobriety and soundness of judgment which rarely erred, combined with a vigorous mental grasp that seized the whole domain of truth, and was able to discern, with almost intuitive sagacity, the affinities and relations of its several parts, — with a clear perception of great principles, joined with a rigid logic which conducted him safely to legi- timate conclusions, — with a stern conscientiousness, which prevented him from tampering with the statements of reve- lation, associated with a fearlessness of consequences, which never faltered in the enunciation of what he believed to be true, and with a learning as profound as it was varied, no man ever came to the study of the Word of God better pre- pared than John Calvin to understand its testimony, and to construct the several particulars of that testimony in a com- pact and well-arranged system. It is not too much to say that he honestly took the impression which the Word of
452 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
God was fitted to produco. The first work on theology of any importance which he published was the Institutes ; and when we reflect on the short time, comparatively, employed in the composition of that work, it is impossible to avoid regarding it as an astonishing effort of mental sagacity and power. It seems to have been in the year 1528 that he first became acquainted with the Bible. Before that period no one could be more attached to the superstitions of the Romish Church than he was. He speaks of himself as venerating the rags of the system. In 1530 he joined the Protestants, and in little more than four years after, the first edition of the Institutes appeared in the French language. No doubt, in subsequent editions, the work underwent considerable enlargement, and was re-arranged in more logical order, but all that was material appeared in the very first edition. Of this celebrated worl^ it is hardly possible to speak too highly. No one can peruse it with any degree of attention, even though dissenting from the scheme of doctrine which it unfolds, without benefit. There may be occasionally terms and statements which we may deem objectionable, but the elevated conceptions of the blessed God which it contains, its clear and rigid views of the divine law, its enlarged representations of the gospel, the seriousness and reverence which it breathes, the fresh, vigorous, and lucid character of its statements, sufficiently account for the high esteem in which it has been held by nearly all who have made it the subject of study.
Calvin, indeed, cannot be said to have been the first who brought out that system of doctrines which bears his name. Augustine long before held and expounded them, and nearly all the Reformers substantially maintained them, but in the hands of Calvin they were reduced to systematic order, with a beauty and precision which can hardly be surpassed. The Institutes of Calvin, more than any other work, may with propriety be said to have given a character to the theology of the Reformed Churches. Even the system of Arminius is no exception to this remark ; for it deserves notice that that system took its shape from its antagonism to the theology of the Institutes. It is not so much what it would have been
RJiSPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 453
had it l)ccn drawn directly from tlie Bible, as what it was compelled to be from its design, as an attempt to overthrow the system to which it was opposed. Even had the Insti- tutes been the only production of Calvin's pen, they would have fully justified the strong eulogy of Scaliger — no mean judge — " that Calvin stands alone among theologians." Sir William Hamilton, confirming that testimony, tells us that, " looking only to his learning and ability, Calvin was supe- rior to all modern, perhaps to all ancient divines."' Another equally competent authority, the late Mr. Orme, says, " In systematic theology, the Institutions of Calvin, though not the first in order of time, carried off the palm from all its predecessors, and has not yet been surpassed by any com- petitor. Diversity of opinion may exist respecting some of the positions of the Genevese Reformer, and, even among those who hold his general views of Christian doctrine, there may not be an entire concurrence in every sentiment or expression ; but while profound piety, masculine energy of mind, acuteness and strength of argument, perspicuity of statement, and purity of language, continue to be respected among men, the Christian Institutes of John Calvin will secure for their author immortal honour."
But it is not on the Institutes alone that his reputation as a theologian rests, his Commentaries on the Scriptures, — and they embrace the whole of the Word of God, with the exception of a few of the least important books of the Old Testament and the Apocalypse in the New, — are models of what such writings ought to be. In this department he may have been excelled by some in the amount of exegetical learning brought into requisition, but he has no superior in his honest dealing with the text of Scripture — in the sin- gular tact and judgment with which he brings out the meaning of the inspired writers — in his freedom from all forced and allegorical interpretation.s, and in his terse and comprehensive style. It is hardly possible to consult him without advantage. You always find what is sober, just, and pertinent to the subject. He has, in fact, impressed a permanent character on this species of writing. Nearly all who have followed him in the Reformed churches, not ex-
454 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
cepting tlio divines of the Arrainian party, have henefited by his labours and followed in his wake. For a considerable time his writings were little known in Germany. They were viewed with prejudice. Latterly, liowever, tlu-ough the influence of Professor Tholuck, they have come into great favour, and are beginning sensibly to aiFect the productions of the best writers of the evangelical school in that country. Tholuck, who has edited his works, bestows great and de- served praise on. him as a commentator, giving special pro- minency to his doctrinal impartiality, his exegetical tact, his profound learning, and his deep Christian piety ; and even Winer says of him — " Calvin discovers wonderful sub- tilty in apprehending the mind of the apostle, and perspi- cuity in expounding his meaning.'' It is not saying too much to affirm, that there is no theologian whose works arc likely to confer greater benefit on the mind of Germany. And it is a hopeful circumstance in our country, that his writings are beginning to attract far more attention than they have done. Nothing but good can be expected from their study.
Critique of the Life aud Times of Joha Calvin, by Paul Ileury, D.D. ; Life by Tlios. H. Dyer ; aud Life by M. Audin, &c. Vol. xiii., No. 25, May 1850.
As a Reformer, John Calvin was, both by nature and
training, rendered uncompromising and fearless. Full of the
idea that the truth of God is the only standard, and that
men cannot swerve from it without sin, he reckoned tlie
worldly, the prudent, the ambitious sinner, an ignoble being,
though crowned with a diadem, and wielding a sceptre. . . .
The Bible was to Calvin the exhaustless reservoir out of
which his resources flowed — the unchanging standard with
which thought, and word, and deed — dogma and duty — the
kingdoms of this world and the Church on earth — should
equally be made to quadrate As a Reformer,
however, there is one light in which we should specially
1 This and the subsequent critiques are inserted as a specimen of the numerous reviews of the Society's publications which have appeared from ]843 to the present date.
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 455
study the character of Calvin — we mean nis love of UNION. To A' Lasco, the Pole, he wrote: — "Fain would I tliat all the Churches of Christ were so united, that the angels might look down from heaven and add to our glory with their harmony ;" — and that was the key-note of his life. Sei)aration from all that dishonours God — union to all who fear Him, was his watchword. He lamented every schism, and rushed forward to heal it if he could. Is he writing to Cranraer ? He projects a noble scheme of Catholic combination, and would have welded into one the Churches of France, Scotland, and Germany — so that " to Calvin pro- perl}^ belongs the praise of having shewn the way by which unity and entireness might have been attained. Unity in the Holy Ghost was the cherished object of Calvin's will."^ To the same arch-prelate he says, in manifestation of his zeal — " As far as I am concerned, if I can be of any use, I will readily j^ass over ten seas to effect the object in view. If the welfare of England were concerned, I should regard it as a sufficient reason to act thus. But at present, when our purpose is to unite the sentiments of all good and learned men, and so, according to the rule of Scripture, to bring the separated Churches into one, neither trouble nor labour of any kind ought to be spared."" Or, is he conferring or cor- responding with Melanchthon ? Union is still the burden of his urgency. Is he addressing Bullinger at Zurich ? The same topic is uppermost in his mind. Is he unbosoming to his friends, Farell and Viret? The same subject is the theme of many a letter and many a conversation — union, not merely in abstract dogma, but in spirit, in love, and life, was the object of his unceasing efforts and aspirations, and swayed him Avith the force of a passion all his life. " He readily suffered little variations, and insisted upon freedom of opinion \" and in promoting these ends he laboured night and day during the eight-and-twenty years of his ministry at Geneva. Indeed, in pursuing that object, the Reformer evinced an cvcr-restless activity. To-day he holds out his liand to England — to-morrow to Austria — anon to Poland,
' Henry, vol. ii. p. 124. ' Ibid., vol. ii. p. 126.
456 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
to Denmark, to Sweden, as well as his native France and his adopted Switzerland ; and when he saw the work of uniting the divided prospering in his hands, his soul was filled with joy. That, we repeat, was one master object of his life ; and he could not see it retarded without grief, or advanced without exulting. Even Melanchthon, whom he loved and revered, did not escape unwarned when he seemed to favour any measure that might impede the progress of truth. " Vacillation in so great a man," exclaimed Calvin to his friend, " is not to be tolerated. I would a hundred times rather die with you than see you survive a doctrine which you had betrayed."
As a Coirimentator and Theologian, Calvin ranks, beyond all question, among the first and the profoundest that ever lived. The severe simplicity of his writings in this character constitutes their peculiar charm. On principle he avoided all subtle speculations, and sought in all simplicity to elicit the thought, the doctrine, or the lesson of his passage. His sublime view of the Creator's majesty, and his profound conviction of man's littleness as a sinner, form tlio basis of his system ; and, guided by these as his two constant com- panions, the glory of the Creator, the dependence of the fallen creature, were the lessons which he uniformly pressed. " Solus inter theologos Calvinus" was the exclamation of Scaliger, and the eulogy is borne out by his Commentaries. His Institutes, indeed, were burnt by order of the Sorbonne at Paris, and his theological system has been keenly opposed as too logical or severe by men of every age. But whenever we learn to aim at exalting the only wise God, and abasing man to his becoming place — the dust, we get hold of tlie key which opens up all the wonders of the system. We shall then cease to marvel that that work was translated into French, Italian, Spanish, German, and English — into Dutch, Hungarian, Greek, and even Arabic ; so that Calvin's mind has exercised an influence over many millions, diverse in habit, in language, and in clime.
As a Thinker, he was clear and intrejjid. A living faith pervaded all tliat he wrote ; and he thus finds his way to the heart of every earnest man. Krummacher's remark is true,
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 457
that he often wields " the scourge of the mouth" with stern severity, and that appears even when commenting on the Word of God ; but goaded as he was by jests against it, which anticipated Voltaire himself, Calvin could ill brook that mockery offered to the truth, and, in assaulting the sin, he often aimed not less at the sinner. Hence much of his acerbity, but hence also not a little of liis vigour and ascen- dency. No man ever yet deeply stirred his fellow-men in religion who did not feel as if himself were stirred or com- missioned by heaven. Calvin sometimes speaks as if he felt so, though he has nowhere announced it, and from that inward stirring arose much of his impetuosity and fire.
As a Preacher, Calvin was as popular as his theology Avas profound. The Gencvese have been known to gather round his house, entreating him to repeat a sermon which had just been preached. Yet his eloquence was not that of mere language, but of ardent convictions, and profound discern- ment at once of the power and the beauty of truth. He could extemporize, when excited by opposition, with resist- less power ; but he did not study rhetoric : he Avas too honest, cordial, and single-eyed, to enlist much of its aid. He was brief, like Seneca, rather than copious, like Cicero, in his style. Tot verba tot pondera is a phrase that describes it. Beza says — " He was a des2:)iser of great eloquence, and sparing in Avords, and was thereby so good a writer that no one at that time had written with more dignity, Avith greater j)urity or acnteness." Practical in all things, he was spe- cially so in his preaching. Taking Scripture for his model, he incessantly urges men to action. In speaking, he often paused to let his hearers ponder ; and instead of sweeping them along — as his temperament might have led us to sup- pose— by resistless appeals, he was deliberate and sIoav, that all might be Aveighed. His, in short, Avas the ascendency of truth, and not of oratory, yet his fame as an impressive speaker accompanied him to the close of life, and the regis- ters of the city sometimes carefully tell of the crowds that listened as he spoke. As his practice at one jDeriod was to preach every day, he thus acquired a prodigious ascendency, for the pulpit Avas then in effect the daily press ; and when
458 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
others were flying from the ranks, he often seized the stan- dard, and rallied them bj his sermons back to the fight. Licentiousness was bridled, religion had free course ; and whether it was to Cardinal Sadolet, or Luther, or Servetus, or the magistrates of Geneva, or monarchs on their thrones, or humble believers in Christ, one standard and one Lord were ever held fortli by Calvin. All sjorang from the will of a personal God — all was guided by a living faith, and directed to a holy life ; and though his sermons have been likened to hail-storms, rather than to falling dew, they found their way to the conscience and the heart ; thousands in many lands rose up to call that preacher blessed !
THE RECORD, Feb. 24, 1853.
No theologian will reckon his library complete without the works of Calvin. Apart from those jioints of doctrine on which that illustrious Reformer may be considered by some as pronouncing with too much dogmatism, the judgment of the judicious Hooker on his great and commanding abi- lities, both as a writer and a divine, has been generally acquiesced in by all competent judges. His merits as an expositor of Scripture and a commentator stands unrivalled.
Critique on Tracts, Vol. III. Sept. 29, 1851.1 The publication of this volume is most seasonable, as it contains, among other things, a most able exposure of the Council of Trent, the last Council, called General, held by the Church of Rome, and most jirobably the last that ever will be held. That Council was the last development of Popery ; it was the stereotype edition of it ; and there is no probability that there will be any other.
The high and holy professions of the Council are most strikingly contrasted with the character of its members and with its unscriptural, heathenish, and persecuting acts ; so that it is imjoossible for any reasonable man to regard it in
' Besides these i\\ o notices, several revicAvs of the various issues of the Calvin Translation Society's Works a2)pearcd, from time to time, in that excellent and influential Journal.
RESPECTING THE -WHITINGS OF CALVIN. 459
any other light than an assembly of unprincipled men, mak- ing liigli professions and adopting scriptural language, for no other purpose than that of deluding the world, and of gaining credit to dogmas the most erroneous, and to superstitions the most abominable. In no other instance, jierhaps, have ministers of darkness ever made a more strenuous attempt to appear as the angels of light. That this was the impression of Calvin, there can be no doubt ; and the whole history of the Council could have jiroduced no other impression on any mind scripturally enlightened.
The Antidote is written very ably and very powerfully. By Scripture history and plain reasoning, the Council is made to appear in its true light, as one assembled to sanc- tion the grossest errors, to confirm the most palpable suj^er- stitions, and to establish the vilest tyranny over the minds and consciences of men. Its members being well known, they are treated as they deserve with no small measure of severity : but what makes the writer most indignant are their perversions of truth ; and on this account his remarks are sometimes very cutting and severe ; and ridicule is also at times used with great effect. The whole is written with great judgment and with uncommon vigour, and is calculated to be of great service in the present day.
But there is one point to which a special reference must be made ; for the Antidote, or the Refutation, is pre-emi- nently successful ; it is the doctrine of Justification. The Fathers of the Council seem to have bestowed unusual labour on this subject ; and it is amazing with what skill and dex- terity they mingled truth and error together. No doubt they had the assistance of their best divines in drawing up their sentiments on this point. After having partially ad- mitted the truth in one part, they afterwards mystified it, and introduced what rendered it wholly nugatory. But Calvin analyzes the whole subject, exposes their soj)histries, denudes their inconsistencies, clears away the mist, and de- monstrates their ignorance in such a way as must have made them, if they had any modesty remaining, wholly ashamed of themselves. The discrimination and clearness with Avhicli this subject is handled cannot fail to be highly approved and
460 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
admired by every unprejudiced mind ; and tliose who find themselves embarrassed on this great doctrine would do well to read carefully this part of the Antidote.
BAPTIST MAGAZINE. Review of Commentaries on the Romans. September 1 850.
The Society for the publication of translations of the works of Calvin was brought before our readers two months ago, in a letter bearing the names of Dr. Cox and Mr. Webb. This is the last volume which that Society has issued, and we have much pleasure in attesting that it is one of great value. The epistle itself is of unequalled importance. Its chief subject, in its earlier' chapters, is God's method of justifying sinners ; " the righteousness of God," according to the ex- planation of Calvin himself, who says, " I take the right- eousness of God to mean that which is approved before his tribunal ; as that, on the contrary, is usually called the right- eousness of men, which is by men counted and suj^posed to be lighteousness, though it be only vapour." After this, " Paul passes on, according to' the best order, to shew how the life is to be formed. If it be, that through the saving knowledge of God and of Christ, the soul is, as it were, regenerated into a celestial life, and that the life is in a manner formed and regulated by holy exhortations and precepts, it is then in vain that you shew a desire to form the life aright, except you prove first, that the origin of all righteousness in men is in God and Christ ; for this is to raise them from the dead."' This epistle is, in fact, a systematic view of Chris- tianity from an inspired pen ; most worthy therefore of meditation and study. The assistance of a man so learned and so judicious as Calvin, in interpreting its arguments, is to be prized highly. Its value, however, is greatly enhanced by the editor's notes. In Calvin's days the science of bibli- cal criticism was but in its infancy. The want of verbal criticism is therefore supplied by notes derived from more modern writers, such as Beza, Parens, Hammond, Doddridge, Scott, Chalmers, Haldane, Stuart, Barnes, and Tholuck, We hope that the work will be extensively circulated, for it
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 461
is well suited to the present times, in this respect especially, that Calvin, having continually before his mind the princi- ples and practices of the Papal Church, writes in a manner well adapted to counteract that Romanizing spirit whicli is spreading among some classes of our countrymen.
BAPTIST PENNY MAGAZINE. July 1850.
It is through mere accident that the readers of " The Church" have not before had their attention called to this important Society. The most valuable works of Calvin have, till lately, been attainable only through a knowledge of Latin, or, in a few cases, through antiquated and imper- fect English translations. In 1848, this Society began to issue four well got up octavos, of 500 pages each, for £\ annual subscription, paid in advance, and has continued to do so till the present time. My object is to urge it as strongly as I can upon the readers of " The Church" to pro- cure the past volumes while they may yet be had, and to enrol themselves as subscribers for the remainder. I fear that few have any idea of the value of Calvin's Commenta- ries on the Scriptures. His style in the original is natural, yet pithy, impressive and pungent ; and much of these qua- lities is preserved in the translations. But his great merit lies in his unsurpassed skill in developing the mind of the Spirit in the most natural and unstrained manner. As a commentator, (and I have used him much for twenty years,) I hardly recollect a passage in which his theological system appears to have biassed his interpretation ; while a fair amount of learning, and amazing powers of logic, combined with a beautiful tact for seizing the sacred penman's ideas and train of thought, make him a model for expositors. Nothing is needed but exjwsition conducted on his princi- jjles, and applied to the circumstances of the present day, to make that mode of instruction a delightful variety from the monotony of our eternal sermonizing ; and not only far more instructive than our discourses, but ultimately more accept- able. My colleague. Dr. Acworth, wishes me to state, that in anv recommendation of tliese volumes which I misfht ffive.
462 OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES
however favourable, lie would most heartily concur. Infor- mation as to tlie volumes published, and other particu- lars, may be obtained from Mr. Robert Pitcairn, Secretary, 9, Northumberland Street, Edinburgh.
F. Clowes.
UNITED PRESBYTERIAN MAGAZINE.
Review of Commentary on Isaiah.
The Commentaries of Calvin were for the most part com- pilations, if not transcripts, from short-hand reports of his spoken expository lectures, delivered extemporaneously to his students, in the Theological School of Geneva, to the chair of which he was appointed in 1536. Two or three in- dividuals were usually employed in securing the substance of these prelections as they fell from Calvin's lips ; and, a copy having been drawn up from a comparison of their manuscripts, it was submitted to the Professor, who gave it the benefit of his revision, before sending it forth with his imprimatur. Similarly were those remarkable series of ser- mons secured, which were delivered from the pulpit on the Book of Deuteronomy, and the Epistles to the Galatians and Ephesians, Timothy and Titus ; and which, in tlie old Eng- lish dress, wherewith long ago the diligent hand of good Arthur Golding clothed them, though very rare, are not unknown amongst us. These sermons were spoken often- times on successive days for weeks together ; as if to Calvin, the public teaching which, with ordinary men, is the fruit of exhausting toil, was but the by-play of his gigantic po^vers, — an effort with which he contrived to relieve other and more fatiguing occupations. That such sermons should have been produced with so unexampled rapidity, gives one a vivid idea of the powerful intellectual grasp of that won- derful man — the extent of his genius — the exuberant wealth "of his stores as a scholar and divine — the readiness with which he could command them — his power of indefatigable application — and the accuracy of his habits of thinking and expression.
Whatever portion of the charm which belonged to the
RESPECTING THE WRITINGS OF CALVIN. 463
spoken expositions of the Genevan Reformer may liave dis- appeared from his commentaries as they now stand, it can- not be doubted tliat his Commentary on Isaiah possesses, in a high degree, all the leading excellences which distinguish him as an interpreter. Of his singular acuteness in per- ceiving the scope and relations of a passage, amounting to something like intuition — his commanding views of revela- tion in its connection — his boldness and consistency in unfolding the truths of Scripture — his perspicuous, natural, and fluent style — his soundness of judgment — his freedom from all love of paradox, affectation, and conceit — of all these high qualities in which Calvin towers above other ex- positors, we have abundant illustration in this portion of his works. There is little of that minute grammatical analysis and philological disquisition of which we have so plentiful a supply in modern exegetical works — those especially of the German school — but we have in every page the results of a keen spiritual discernment, and the fruits, without the pa- rade, of learning.
BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE. February 1842.
Calvin, the closest and most powerful reasoner, perhaps, that ever lived.
FREE CHURCH MAGAZINE.
Review of Commentary on the Romans. New Translation. 1849.
In his commentaries, there are far fewer digressions, and much less of what may be called sermonizing on particular points, than in those of Luther and Melanchthon, and the commentaries generally of the Reformation era. And not only did the proper estimate he had formed of the inherent value and primary design of scriptural expositions, save them in great part from such excrescences, but it also tended to keep them wonderfully free from doctrinal bias and con- straint. While he was the most profound dogmatical writer of his age, and in his dogmatical views the most logical and systematic, he was, at the same time, in his interpretations
464; OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES OE WRITINGS OF CALVIN.
of Scripture tlie most free and natural. Those who are in the liabit of consulting his commentaries, know how com- monly, after some particular view has been mentioned, with the support it may have in patristic authority, the remark occurs, that nevertheless it does not seem sufficiently simple, or it is too far-fetched, or against the fair construction of the words. He pre-eminently deserves, as Tholuck has remarked, the designation of a natural and elegant interpre- ter ; and often declines pressing into the support of his theological system passages of Scripture, which, however commonly expounded in a manner directly favourable to its leading tenets, appeared to his own mind incapable of such an application.
This characteristic of Calvin's method of exposition, as well as those previously noticed, were no doubt, to a large extent, owing to that remarkable balance which obtained in his mental constitution. Greatness of mind in him did not manifest itself in the striking predominance of any one mental faculty or endowment, casting by its excessive lustre the exercise of his otlier powers into the shade ; but rather in the singular equipoise and fine mutual adjustment of the whole, which allowed each to have their projDor plaj'', and kept them in their relative place. He was a giant from the general completeness of his mental powers, not from the transcendent growth or dazzling display of individual parts ; and hence the merit of his commentaries consists much more in their general excellence, than in the occasional exhibition of anything in itself rare and extraordinary. But this finely-balanced mind in Calvin, was further combined with a profound and much exercised spiritual sense ; and the two together saved him from many perplexities in interpretation, which are apt to embarrass less gifted minds, and led him often, we might almost say instinctively, to choose amid con- flicting opinions the right and the true. They did for him, as an interpreter of God's revealed will, much what practical sagacity and experience do for those that have them in the intricate affairs of life, enabling them with comparative ease and safety to thread their way through snares and difficulties, which are fraught to others with infinite peril or mischief
LIST OF CALVIN'S WORKS
FROM THE APrENDIX TO THE THIRD VOLUME OF THE LIFE OF
JOHN CALVIN, THE GREAT REFORMER, BY PAUL HENRY,
DOCTOR OF THEOLOGY, PREACHER AND SEMINARY
INSPECTOR AT BERLIN.
I. — L. Ann-ei Senec^e, Ronicani Senatorls, ac Pliilosojilii clarissimi, libri duo de dementia, ad Neronem Cajsarem : Joannis Caluini Nouiodunsei commentariis illustrati. Pa- risiis, apud Ludouicum Cyaneum, sub duobus Gallis in via Jacobasa, 1532, 4to. With a Prefatio ad sapientiss. Pra;- sulem Claudium Ilangestium, Abbatem diui Elig'ii Nouio- dunensis."
The Siimc work, under a separate title, is appended to Jo. Calvini Tractatus Theologici : Geneva3 ap. Pet. Santandrea- num, 1576 and 1597. Folio. Gen. typ., Stocr, 1612.
II. — PsYCHOPANNYCHiA, qua refellitur eorum error, qui animas post iportem usque ad ultimum judicium dormirc jiutant. Paris, (according- to Senebier) 1584, Svo. With a Prefatio Joannis Calvini ad amicum quondam, dated, Aure- Y\se, M.D.xxxiiL A second edition must liave appeared two years after, as the Tract. Theol. contain a notice to the reader, dated Basilca3, md.xxx.vi. At Strasburg, Calvin l^roduced a new edition, under the title : Vivcre apud Chris- tum, non dormire animis Sanctos, qui in fide Christi dece- dunt, Assertio Joannis Calvini. Argentorati, per Wuendc- linum Rihelium, 1542. Svo.
A French translation appeared in 1556, entitled : Traite contre I'erreur de ceux qui pensent que les ames dorment aprcs le trespas du corps jusqu'au dernier jugcracnt.
2 a
466 LIST OF Calvin's avorks.
III. — Latin Editions of the Institutes/^ — Three prin- cipal forms of the text deserve to be distinguished, — that of Basle, 1535, 1536— that of Strasburg, 1539— and that of Geneva, 1559.
1. Christiante Religionis Institutio, totam fere pietatis summam, et quicqnid est in doctrina salutis cognitu ne- cessarium comj)lectens : omnibus pietatis studiosis lectu dignissimum opus, ac recens editura. Prsefatio ad Christianis- simum Regem Francife, qua hie ei liber pro confessione fidei oifertur: Joanne Caluino, Nouioduncnsi, autore. Ba- sile£e, M.D.xxxvi, At the end : Basilese, per Thomam Plat- terum et Balthasarum Lasium, mense Martio, anno 1536, small 8vo, 514 pp., exclusive of 5 pp. of index not counted. On the back of the last leaf there is a figure of Minerva, with the motto : Tu nihil invita facies diccsve Minerva. The prefatio is dated x calendas Septembres (without a year.)
This is the first known edition of the Institutes, in six chapters, but it is maintained, among others, by Henry, that the original was first jiublished in French the year before.
2. Institutio Christians Religionis nunc vere demum titulo suo respondens. Autore Joanne Caluino, Nouio- duncnsi, cum indice locupletissirao. Habac I., Quousquc Domino? Argentorati, per Vuendelinura Rihelium, mense Augusto, anno m.d.xxxix., fol., 434 pp. Besides the dedi- cation to Francis L, there is also an cj^istlc to tlie reader. Some copies bear on tlie title, instead of Autore J. Caluino, the remarkable alteration, Autore Alcuino. This second edition is in seventeen chapters. A third and much im- proved edition has the following title : Institutio Christianas Religionis nunc vere demum titulo suo respondens. Authore Joanne Caluino — Joannes Sturmius. Joannes Caiuinus homo acutissimo iudicio summaque doctrina et egregia memoria prffiditus est ; et scriptor est varius, copiosus, purus : cuius rei testimonium est institutio Christians religionis quam
' For a Catalogue R<-(isonncc of the various editions of the Institutes the reader is referred to the Introduction to vol. i. of the Society's Trans- hition of the Institutes.
•LIST OF Calvin's wouks. 46' 7
primo inclioatam, deinde locupletatam, Jioc vero anno abso- lutam, editam, ncque scio an quicquam liujus generis extct, pcrfectius ad docendani rcHgioncm : ad corrigendos mores et tollendos errores : et so optime institutum existimet, qni qnffi in eo volumine traduntur, est assecutus. — Habacuc I. Quousquc Domine ? Argentorati per Vucndelinum liilie- liuni Mense Martio. Anno m.d.xliil foL, 505 pp. Among the diiTerent reprints of the edition, tlie only one deserving of particular notice is that printed by Robertus Stephanus, M.D.Liii., fob, and bearing on its title his well known olive tree.
3. Institutio Christianse Religionis, inlibros quatuor nunc primuni digesta ccrtisque distincta capitibus, ad aptissimam methodum : aucta etiam tarn magna accessionc, nt prope- niodum opus novum haberi possit. Johanne Caluino authore — (with tlie olive tree of Robertus Stephanus.) Geneva3, MDLix. fob, 564 pp. At the end : Excudebat Robertus Stephanus Genevse, anno m.d.lix. xvii. Cab Septembr.
This edition being the last which Calvin carefully revised, is of course the only standard edition, and furnishes the text of all editions since issued.
The titles of the numerous Translations of the Institutes are : —
French. — Institution chrestiennc de Jean Calvin : seconde edition, 4to. It is known only by the mention made of it in the Catalogue dcs livres imprimes du Roy de France. Theol. t. iii. p. 78, n. 715, where it is given without jilacc, date and jirinter. As it is called a second edition, there must have been one before it, perhaps the supposed French original of 1535. A complete French edition, including all the changes and improvements of the Latin of 1559, was published in the course of the same year.
Italian. — Institutione della Religion Christiana di Messer Giovanni Caluino, in volgare tradotta per Giulio Cesare P. In Geneua, appresso Jacopo Burgese, Antonio Dauodeo, et Francesco Jacchi, compagni. m.d.lvii. 4to. 754 pp.
Spanish. — Institution dc la Religion Christiana, compu- esta en quatre libros, y dividida en Capitulos. Por Juan Caluino. Y aliora nucvamente traduzida en Romance. Cas-
468 LIST OF Calvin's works.
tellano, per Cjpriano de Valcra. En casa dc Ricardo del Campo 1597. 4to. 1032 pp.
English. — The Institution of Christian Religion, Avritten in Latine by Maistre John Caluine, and translated into Eng- lishe, according to the author's last edition by T. N. Where- unto is added a table to find the principall matters entreated of in thys boke, conteyning by order of common places, the summc of the whole doctrine taught in the same. Cum pri- vilegio solum. London, by Richard Harrison. 1562. Fob
The same title is found a year earlier, with a figure of the Brazen Serpent, but both titles probably have been used for one and the same edition. The translator was Thomas Norton, who was named on the titles of later editions, and also translated many other writings of the Reformers.
Dutch. — Institutie, ofte Ondcrvviisinge inde christelicke Religie, in vier Boecken bcgrepen, door Joannem Calvi- num ; vyt de Latijnsche endc Fransoysche sprake ghetrou- Avelick verduytschet. Met den Sendtbrief des selven Calvini aen den Coninck van Vranckrijcke. Daer is oock achter aen gevoecht een schoene tafel Augustini Marlorati, inhou- dende de voornaemste poincten der heyligen Schriftuere, de welcke noyt te voren daer by en is gheweest. Oj) wen nieu overghesien endc ghebetert. Noch van nieus liier achter aen ghcvoecht een schoon stuexken vande Reformatio der Christelicker Kercke in het Pausdom, ghemaeckt int Latijn door denselven Autheur : Ende nu getrouwelick overgheset in onse Nederduytsche sprake, Door Car. Ag- ric. Leeraer der Ghemeynte tot Rynsburch. Amstelredam, by Henderick Laurensz, 1610, (in folio, printed in black letter.) The title also contains a portrait of Calvin. The full name of the translator was Agricola.
German. — Institutio christianae religionis. Das ist Vnderweisung inn Christlichor Religion inn vier Blichcr verfasset. Durch Ilerrn Joannem Caluinum. Aus Latein- ischer und Frantzosischer Sprach trewlich verteutscht. Sampt der Vniuersitet Heydelberg Tlieologen und Kirchendiener Vorred, audi H. Joliann Caluini Catechismo, und Register der Hauptpuncten. Gedrucht in der Chuifiirstlichen Statt Heydelberg, durch Joannem Meyer, 1572. fob Several
LIST OF Calvin's works. 469
other editions, probably only a reprint of the above, have appeared. A new translation by Adolj^h Krummacher, El- berfcld, 1823, contains only the first two books.
Hungarian. — Az Keresztyeni Rcligiora es igaz liitre valo tanitas. Mellyet Deakiil irt Calvinus Janos. Es osztan Franciai, Angliai, Bclgiai, Olasz, Nemet, Ozech es egyeb nyelvekre forditottonac : Mostan pedig az Magyar nemzet- nec Isteni Igassaghan valo epuletirc Magyar nyelvre fordi- tott Molnar Albert, Hasznos es bovseges Registromockal egj'eteniben. Nyomtattac Hanoviaban, Aubrius Daniel s'David, es Sleikius Kelcmen Koltsegeckel, 1624. 4to.
A Greek translation of the Institutes seems to have been published at Geneva in 1618 ; and a translation into Arabic is said to have been made by J. H. Hettinger.
Different portions of the Institutes have appeared at va- rious times under special names. Among others may be mentioned a part of the Third Book, commencing with chapter vi., and bearing the title, De Vita hominis Christi- ani, Genevae, ap. Jo. Crispinum, 1550. 8vo. This extract probably appeared at an earlier date, as we have an English translation under the title : (Jo. Calvin) The Life or Conver- sation of a Christen Man, translated by Thomas Brooke. London, by John Day, 1549. 8vo.
Another extract appeared in German with the following singular title : Summa der wahren Christlichen Religion die man nu viel Jar her im Konigreich Frankreich mit Schwert vnd Fewr, audi endtlicher verjagung vnder dem Namen der Lutherischen Lehr jammerlich verfolgct hat, welcke der Teuf- fel nun mehr Caluinisch nennet. Ausz den vier Biichern der Institution Herrn Johann Caluini mit seinen eigenen Wor- ten gezogen. Sarapt der Vorrede desz authoris an den Grossmechtigen Kiinig in Frankreich, Franciscum den ers- ten. Ausz Frantzusischer vnd Lateinischer Sprach trewlich verteutscht. Gedrucht zu Herborn in der Grafschaft Nas- saw Catzenelnbogen, &c., durch Christoff Raben. 1586. 4to. The English of the above title is : Sum of the true Christian Religion which has now for many years been cruelly persecuted in the kingdom of France with Sword and Fire, and latterly has been hunted down under the name of
470 LIST OF Calvin's works.
tliG Lutheran Doctrine, which the devil now calls Calvinistic, Extracted out of the Four Boohs of the Institutes of Master John Calvin in his own words. Together with the Preface of the Author to the Mighty King of Frtince, Francis I. Truly translated out of the French and Latin tongues into German, &c.
IV. The Catechism. — This work was originally published in French in 1536, No copy of this original now exists, but the fact of its publication is proved from several sources, and more especially from the title of the first Latin edition, which is as follows : Catechismus, sive Christianas religionis institutio, commvmibus renata? nuper in Evangelio Gene- vensis ecclesise suffragiis recepta, et vulgari quidem prius idiomate, nunc vero Latine etiam, quo de fidei illius synce- ritate passim aliis etiam ecclesiis constet, in lucem edita, Joanne Calvino an tore. At the end : Basilea? in officina Robert! Winter, anno 1538, mcnse Martio.
In 1541 Calvin gave in French a completely revised edi- tion of the Catechism arranged in questions and answers, as an elementary help in catechetical instruction. It was divided into 65 chapters or Sundays (Dimanches.) A Latin edition similarly revised, was published under the title ; Catechismus ecclesias Genevensis, hoc est, formula erudiendi pueros in doctrina Christi. Autore Jo. Calvino, with a de- dication, Fidelibus Christi Ministris, qui per Frisiam Orien- talem purjim Evangelii doctrinam annunciant. Gcnevpe 4 Cal. Decembris 1545.
Among the numerous reprints of tlie French or Latin original, the following deserve notice, —
Le Catechisme de Geneve, &c. London, 1552. 8vo, Catechisme de J. Calvin, Rob. Eticnne, 1553. 12mo. Le Catechisme, c'est a dire Ic formulaire d'instruire les enfans dans la Chrestiente : fait en maniere de Dialogue oil le Ministre interroge ot I'enfant respond. 1562. 8vo. To this edition is appended Les Demandes faites par les ministres de I'cglise de Geneve aux enfans, qui se presentent pour estre receus a la Saincte Cene. Catechismus Latino-Gallt- cus. Le Catechisme Latin-Francois: C'est a dire le formu- laire d'instruire les enfans en la Chrestiente. Auqucl est
LIST OF Calvin's works. 471
adjoustec la nianitTc d'adminlstrer les Sacremcns, et dc cclebrer Ic mariagc : ct Ics priercs ccclcsiastiqucs et autres oraisons chrestienncs. Lo tout Latin-Frau9ois. 156J. 8vo. Catccliismus Ecclesia3 Gciicvensis. London. 1562. 16mo. Tlie printer of this last edition was Rowland Hall, who, after the death of Edward VI., long lived as a refugee in Geneva, there published an English edition of the Bible, (1560, 4to,) and after his return to England published English transla- tions of several of Calvin's writings.
The Translations of the Catechism arc very numerous.
Italian. — The first ti'anslation, with the name of the author, or the place of printing, appeared in 1545. 8vo. Another bears the title : Catcchismo, cio c formulario per amaestrare i fl\nciulli nella Christiana religione : fatto in niodo di dialogo : one lo Ministro della chicsa dimanda, e'l fanciullo rispondc. Composto in Latino et Francese per M. Gioanni Caluino, et tradotto fedelmente in Italiano per G. Domenico Gallo Caramagncse. In Geneva, Per Adamo et Giouanni Riueriz, frategli 1551. 8vo. The title of another edition is : II Catcchismo di Messer Giouan. Calvino. Con una brieue dichiaratione et allegatione delle autorita della Santa Scrittura e con vn breve sommario di quella dottrina che si crcde sotto il Papato, Della stampa di Giovan. Bat- tista Pinerolio. 1566. 12mo,
Spanish. — Catcchismo. A saber es Formulario para in- struyr los mochachos en la Christiandad : Hecho a manera de Dialogo, donde el Ministro de la Yglesia pregunta, y el mochacho responde. Transladado de Frances en Espanol. Eph. 2. El fundamento de la Yglesia es la doctrina de los Prophetas y Apostolos. 1550. Svo.
English. — Calvin's Catechism found an immediate recep- tion in England. The title of the first translation is : The fourme of common prayers used in the churches of Geneua (that is to saye) a fourme and manner to teache and instruct the children : made in a manner of Dyalogue, where the minister demandeth questions, and the chylde maketh aunswcre. By John Caluine. At the end: Imprinted at London by Edward Whitchurch, the 7 day of June 1550, Svo. Another English translation appeared at Geneva, en-
472 LIST OF Calvin's works.
titled : The Catecliisme : or manner to teache, &c. Gen. by J oil n Crespin. 1556. 8vo. Of numerous reprints, two appeared at Edinburgh, printed by Thomas Bassandyne, 1575 and 1611. 8vo.
Dutch. — Catechismus van Job. Calvinus, uit Latyn ver- taalt door van der Meer. Wormerveer, 1646. 12mo.
In the Basque, Polish and Hungarian tongues translations appeared, though no special editions are known.
German. — The first translation of Calvin's Catechism ap- peared along with the first edition of the Heidelberg Cate- chism, 1563. 8vo. Another translation founded on an Italian one by Balbani has the following title : Catechismus Herrn Johannis Calvini Erkleret und mit Spriichen Heiliger Schrift bewiesen, sampt kurtzem begrifF der lehr so im Bapsthumb gefiihret wirdt durch Nicolaum Balbani weiland dienern der Italianischen kirchen zu Genff. Itzt mit fleisz aus der Italiilnischen in unsere Teutsche spracli ubergesetzt. Ged- ruckt zu Cassel durch Wilhelm Wessel. 1606. Svo.
Greek. — This translation, made by Henry Stephen, is entitled : ^rot.'^etcoac'; T779 Xptartavcov iricrreo)^. Rudimenta fidei Christiana?. Libellus apj)rime utilis, nunc primum in lucem editus — irapa 'Pco/Seproi 7w Xrec^dvu) eret acfiva (1551.) 12mo. It contains a Greek preface by the translator, and a poetical address to the reader. It has been often reprinted with variations of title, and some additional matters.
Hebrew. — A translation of the Catechism into tliis lan- guage by Immanuel Tremellius, an Italian of Ferrara, is entitled t 'n\ '''^.''113 "l-^T} 1SD, or fully as translated into La- tin by Kocher : Liber institutionis electorum Dei, quem cora- posuit Immanuel Tremellius, Ferrariensis Italus. Prodiit apud Robertum Stephanum Galium anno eovx: minoris 314 (1554.) 12mo. It contains a preface by the translator addressed to the Jews, and urging them to acquaint tliem- sclves with the Christian religion.
A kind of polyglot of the Catechism in Hehrew, Greek, and Latin was published at Leyden in 1591.
Commentaries explanatory of the Catechism have also been published.
V. — Two Letters by Calvin, the one addressed to his
LIST OF Calvin's works. 473
friend Nicolaus Cliemin, and the other to Gerard RufFus, appeared with the title : Joannis Calvini, sacrarum literarum in Ecclesia Gencuensi professoris, Epistolas duse, de rebus lioe sseculo cognitu apprime necessarijs. Prior, De fugiendis impiorum illicitis sacris, et puritate Christiana3 religionis obseruanda. Altera, De Christiani hominis officio in sacef- dotijs Papalis ecclesia) uel administrandis, uel abjiciendis; Basilea3, 1537. 4to. The French title, as given in the" Opuscules, p. 65, is : Deux Epitres de J. Calvin contenantes choses grandement necessaires de cognoistre pour le temps present. La premiere, comment il faut eviter et fuir les ceremonies et superstitions papales et de la pure observation de la religion chretienne. La scconde, quel est I'officc de I'homme chretien en administrant ou rejettant les benefices de I'Egliso papale.
These letters were translated both into German and Bo- hemian.
VI. — Jac. Sadoleti Romani Cardinalis Epistola ad Senatum populumque Genevensem qua in obedientiam Ro- man! Pontificis eos reducere conatur, Johannis Calvini Responsio. Argentorati per Wendelinum Ptihelium mense Septembri, a. 1539.
VIL — De la Cene du Seigneur, 1540, small 8vo. This was the title of the 1st edition. The later editions, 1549 and 15G1, have the title : Petit Traicte de la Saincte Cene de nostra Seigneur Jesus Christ. Auquel est demonstree la vraye institution profit et utilite d'icelle. Ensemble la cause pourquoj plusieurs dcs Modernes semblent en auoir escrit diuversement 1549. 16nio.
VIIL — La Bible en laquelle sent contenus tons les livres canoniques de la Saincte Escriture, tant du Vieux que du Nouveau Testament, translatee en Francois. Geneve, 1540. 4to. This was an improved edition of Olivetan's translation which appeared in 1535 at Neufchatel with Calvin's very valuable prefaces.
IX. — Epinicium Christo Cantatum ab Joanne Calvino, 1541, The title of the French translation is : Chant de Vic- toire Chante a Jesus Christ en vers Latin, par Jehan Calvin I'an M.D.XLL, le premier jour de Januier, a la diete qui pour lors
474 LIST OF Calvin's woeks.
se tenoit a Wormes. Noiivellement (et depiiis) tradult en ritlime (rime) Fran^oisc, en vers Alexandrins, par Conrad Badiiis, de Paris; et imprime par iceluy 1555. 4to.
X. — Les Actes de la Journeb imperiale, tenus en la cite de Regespouvg, aultrement dicte Ratispone I'an mil cinq cens quarante et vn, sur les differens qui sont auiourdliuy en la Religion. Desqnelz I'inuentoirc sera recite en la jiaige suyuante.
It is clear from internal evidence, that this was a produc- tion of Calvin, though there is no distinct notice of it in his Avorhs. It is in 12mo, or small 8vo, not paged, but distinctly printed on somewhat yellow paper. A copy of it is at Dres- den, and another in the town library of Zurich. The latter was described by Orelli in the Serapeum in 1840.
XL — Formes des Prieres Ecclesiastiques avec la maniere d'administrcr les sacremens et celebrer Ic mariage ct la visi- tation des malades, Geneve, 1541. The title of the Latin translation is : Formula Sacramentorum administrandorum in vsum Ecclesia) Geneucnsis conscripta, Dudum a Joanne Calvino Gallice conscripta, nunc in Latinum conversa ab alio quopiam, Genevse, 1552, (31 pp.) To the formula is added : Ratio et forma publico orandi Dcum, atque administrandi Sacramcnta, &c. In Anglorura ecclesiam, quse Geneuae coUigitur, recepta : cum iudicio et comprobatione D. Joannes Calvini. Geneva?, apud Joannem Crispinum, 1556. Svo.
XII. — Articuli a Facultate Sacrae Theologiaj Parisiensi determinati super materiis fidei nostrae, hodie controversis. Cum Antidote, per Joannem Calvinum, 1542. French : Les Articles de la sacree faculte de Theologie de Paris con- cernant notre foi, et religion Chrestienne et forme do prechcr. Avec le remede centre la poison, 1543.
XIII. — Defensio sana3 et orthodoxa? doctrinse de servitute et liberatione humani arbitrii adversus calumnias Albert! Pighii Campensis. Authore Joanne Calvino, Genevse, per Joannem Gerardum, 1543. 4to. With a Preface to Philip Melanchthon, French : Reponse do Jean Calvin aux Calom- nies d' Albert Pighius contenant la defense de la saine ct saincte doctrine centre le franc arbitre des Papistes : par laquclle est montreeque la volonte de I'homme est naturellc-
LIST OF Calvin's works. 475
riient serve et captive de peche ct aussi est tvaictee par quel moyen elle vint a cstro affrancliie ct misc en libcrte : par M. Jehau Calvin, 1560. 8vo.
Xiy. — SupPLEX EXHORTATio ad invictissimum CjBsarem Carolum Quintum et illustrissimos principes aliosqiic ordines Spira? nunc Imperii convcntum agentes, iit restituenda3 ec- clesite curam serio velint suscipere. Eoruni omnium nomine edita, qui Christum rcgnare cupiunt. Per Joann. Calvinum,
1543. 4to. Tlic title of the French is: Supplication et Remontrance sur le fait de la Chretiente et de la Reforma- tion de I'Eglise adrcssce a I'Empereur ct aux Etats de Spire.
1544. Svo.
XV. — Advertissement tres-utile du grand profit qui revi- endroit a la Chrcstiente, s'il se faisoit invcntaire de tons les coi'ps saincts et reliques, qui sent tant en Italic qu'en France, Allemaigne, Espaignc et autres Royaumes et Pays. Par Jean Calvin. Geneve. Jean Gerard 1543. Svo. This work has been often reprinted both in the original and in translations. Of the latter the title of the first in Eng- lish is : A very profitable Treatise, made bj Maister John Caluyne, declarynge what great profit might come to all Ciiristendome, yf there were a register made of all Sainctes bodies and others reliques, which are as well in Italy, as in France, Dutchland, Spaine, and the other hingdomes and countreys. Translated out of French into English by Stephen Wythers. Printed at London by Rowland Hall, 1561. 16mo.
XVI. — Admonitio paterna Pauli III., Romani Pontificis ad invictissimum Csesarem Carolum Quintum, qua eum cas- tigat quod se Lutheranis praebuerit nimis facilem : deinde quod turn in cogcndo synodo, tum in definiendis fidei con- troversiis aliquid potestatis sibi sumpserit. Cum scholiis Joannis Calvini, 1544.
XVII. — Briefve instruction pour armer tout bon fidtde centre les erreurs de la secte commune des Anabaptistes, par Jehau Calvin. Geneve, 1544. Svo. The title of the early English translation is : A short instruction for to arme all good Christian ])oople against the pestiferous errours of the common secte of Anabaptistes. Compiled by Mayster John
476 LIST OF calvin's works.
Caluine. Imprinted at Londonj by Jolin Daje and William Seres. 8vo.
XVIII. — AUX MINISTEES DE l'eGLISE DE NeUFCHASTEL
centre le secte fanatique et furieuse des Libertins qui se nomment Si)irituelz. GeneA^e. 1544. 8vo.
XIX. — De vitandis superstitionibus, quae cmii sincera
fidei confessione pugnant. Libcllus Jo. Calvini. Ejusdem
Excusatio ad Pseiidonicodcmos qui de nimio rigore ejus que-
runtur. — Philippi Melanchthonis, Martini Buceri, Petri Mar-
tyris responsa de cadem re — Jo. Calvini ultimum responsum
cum appendicibus. Quibus accessit responsum Pastorum
TiguriuEe Ecclesiaj. Geneve, 1549. 4to. This, though the
most complete edition, was preceded by another, in 1545,
Avith the simpler title : De vitandis superstitionibus, una cum
Jo. Calv. excusatione ad Pseudo-Nicodemos, cum duabus
epistolis ad ministros Ecclesipe Tigurina?. There appears to
have been a French original of this work in 1544. It was
also translated into Ger^nan and English. The title of the
latter is : What a faithfull man, wliiche is instructe in the
word of God, ought to do, dwellinge amongst the Papistes,
translated by 11. G. (Richard Golding.) Ippysv/iche, by
J. Oswen. 8vo. Also two Epistles : one of Henry Bullin-
ger, with the consent of all the learned men of the churche
of Tygury : an other of Jolian Caluyne, whether it be lawful
for a Chrysten man to communicate or be partaker of the
Masse of the Papysts, without offending God and hys neygli-
bour, or not? London by Rob. Stoughton. 1548. 8vo.
XX. — Pro G. Farrello et Collegis ejus adversus Petri Ca- roli Theologastri calumnias, defensio Nicolai Gallasii. 1545. 8vo. Traite sur la Divinite de Christ centre les Arriens. Orleans, 1565, Svo, and Latin — Nicol Gallasius de divina Christi essentia adversus Neoarianos. Aurelia3, 1566. 8vo. Calvin himself states that he wrote this work against Caroli, but published it under the name of Gallars.
XXI. — La somme de Theologie de Melanchthon 1546,, Svo, with a Preface, Jehan Calvin aux lecteurs. Tliis pre- face was, perhaps, the only part of the Avork executed by Calvin, as he is nowhere said to be the translator. It is not properly admitted into the list of his works.
LIST OF Calvin's works. 477
XXII. — CONTRE UN FRANCISOAIN, SGCtatCUr clcs ClTCUrs dcs
Libcrtins adrcssu a rcgliso tie Rouan, 20 Aout 1547. This tract was written by Calvin, and ai)i:)ended to a reprint of liis work against tlic Libertines, together with Une Epistre de la Memo Matierc centre un certain Cordelier snppost dc la dite secte, leqnel est prisonnier a Roan. Jean Calvin a tous ceux qui craignent Dicu, en la villc de Roan. Dc Geneve ce 20 Aonst, 1547.
XXIII. — Acta Synodi Tridentin^e cum Antidote per Joannem Calvinum : Geneva), 1547. 8vo. Fi-ench — Les Actes du Concile de Trente avec le Remede centre la poison. Geneve, 154<S. 8vo. Cochleus made a very personal attack on tliis work, and was answered by Gallars and Beza.
XXIV. — Apologia illustris D. Jacobi A. Burgundia, Fal- lesii, Bredanique Domini, qua apud Imperatoriam Majesta- teni inustas sibi criminationes diluit, Fideique suas confes- sionem edit. Jes. 59. Concidit Veritas : et qui recessit a male, prasdee patuit. 1548. 8vo. This work was written by Calvin, and is appended to his Letters to Burgoyne.
XXV. — Interim Adultero-Germanum. Cui adjecta est : Vera Christianse pacificationis, et Ecclesise reformandse ratio, per Joannem Calvinum. Cavete a fermento Pharisseorum. 1549. 8vo. It appeared the same year in French under the title: L'Intcrim, ou provision faite en quelques villes d'Allemagne sur Ics diiferends de la Religion : avec la vraie fai-on de reformer I'Eglise Chrestienne, par Jean Calvin. 1549. 8vo. There Avas also an early Italian translation, entitled : II vero mode dc la pacificatione Christiana, e de la informationc dc la Chiesa, composto da M. Gio. Cal. e noua- mente tradotto in lingua voigare Italiana. Appresso Fran- cesco Durone, 1561. 8vo.
XXVI. — Advertissement contre l'Astrologie qu'on ap- pelle Judiciairc, et autres curiositez qui regnent aujourd'huy dans Ic monde. Geneve, 1549. 8vo. An edition of the same year, in 4to, contains on the title, in addition to the above. Par M. Jean Calvin. A Latin translation appeared the same ji^ear, with the title: Admonitio Joannis Calvini adversus Astrologiam, quam judiciariam vocant : aliasquc praiterea curiositates nonnullas, qua; hodic per universum
478 LIST OF Calvin's works.
fere orbem grassantur. E gallico sermoiie in Latinum con- versa. Geneva), m.u.xltx, 4to.
The title of the old English translation is : An Admoni- tion agaynst Astrology Judicial], and other curiosities that raigne now in the world. Written in French by J. Caluine. Englished by G. G. (Goddred Gylby.) Printed at London by Rowland Hall, (no date.) ]6mo.
XXVII. — CONSENSIO MUTUA IN HE SACRAMENTAllIA niinis-
trorum Tigurinee ecclesise, ct D. Joannis Calvini ministri Geneuensis ecclesia), jam nunc ab ipsis authoribus edita. Tiguri ex officina Rodolphi Vuissenbachij, (no date.) ' An- other edition appeared in 1551, and in the same year a French translation, with the following title: Accord entrc les Ministres dc Zurich et J. Calvin, touchant les Sacremens. Geneve. Cresj)in, 1551. 8vo.
XXYIII. — De Scandalis, quibus hodio plerique abster- rentur, nonnulli etiam alienantur a pui'a Evangelii doctrina, Joannis Calvini libellus apprime utilis ad Laurentium Nor- mandium, apud Crispinum, 1550. 4to. French : Des scan- dales qui empeschent aujourd'huy beaucoup de gens dc venir a la pure doctrine de I'Euangile, ct en desbauchent d'autrcs. Traicte compose nouuellement par Jehan Cal- uin. A Geneve. De I'imprimerie dc Jehan Crcspin. 1551. 16mo.
XXIX. — De zeterna pr.55destinatione et providentia, 1 550. This was probably only an extract from the Institutes. A more complete work on the same subject has the following title : De Jj^terna Dei Prajdestinationc, qua in salutem alios ex hominibus elegit, alios suo exitio reliquit; item de provi- dentia qua res humanas gubernat. Consensus Pastorum Ge- neuensis Ecclesise a Jo. Calvino expositus. Genevas, 1552. Svo. The French translation, published in the Opuscules, p. 1393, is entitled : Traitte de la predestination eternelle do Dieu, par laquelle les hommes sent cslus a salut, les autres laissez en leur condamnation : aussi de la providence, par la quelle il gouverne les clioses humaines — and has a preface : A nos magnif et tres honorez seigneurs Mess, les Syndiques et le Conseil de Geneve, les Ministres de la Parole de Dieu, tant en la ville qu'aux villages depcndans d'icelle, desirent unc
LIST OF Calvin's works. 479
juste et sainctc conduitc a bicn gouvcincr, et lieureuse ad- dressc et issue en bieu gouvcrnant.
XXX. — QuATRE Sermons dc M. Jean Calvin, traitant des niatiercs fort utiles pour nostre temps, comme on pourra voir par la preface, avec brieve exposition du Psoaume 87. 1552. 8vo. A Latin translation by Claudius Baduellus, appeared the following year. The subjects of the sermons are mentioned in the following English translations :
Foure godly sermons against the pollutions of idolatries, comforting men in persecutions, and teaching tliem what commodities they slial find in Christes Church, which were preaclied in French by the famous clerke Jhon Caluyne, and translated fyrst into Latine and afterward into English by divers godly learned men. Psal. xvi. I will not take the names of Idols in ray mouth. Printed at London by Row- land Hall. 1561. ]6mo.
Foure sermons entreating of matters very profitable for our time, with a briefe exposition of Psalme Ixxxvii. Trans- lated out of Frenche by John Fielde. London, printed by Thomas Dfiwson. 1579. 4to.
Two godly and Icai'ncd sermons (on Psalm xvi. 3, and Heb. xiii. IS,) to flie idolatrie and to suffer persecution, translated by llobert Home, Bishop of Winchester, and published by Anthony Munday. London, for Henry Car. J 584. 8vo.
XXXL — Defensio ORTnODOXiE fidei de Sacra Trinitate contra prodigiosos errores Michaelis Servcti Hispani : ubi ostenditur Ha^reticos jure gladii cocrcendos esse, ct nomina- tim de homine hoc tam impio juste et merito sumptum Geneva) fuissc supplicium. Per Joanncm Calvinum. It has the olive tree of Robert Stephen. 1554. 8vo. It con- , sists of 261 pp., and a page with the subscription of fifteen preachers.
In the same year appeared a French original, entitled : Declaration pour maintenir la vraye foy que tiennent tous les Chretiens de la Trinite, des Personnes en un seul Dieu, par J. Calvin, centre les errcurs detestables de Michel Ser- vet, Espagnol : ou il est aussi montre qu'il est licite de punir les herctiqucs ct qu'a bon droict ce meschant a este
480 LIST OF Calvin's works.
execute par justice en la ville cle Geneve, a Geneve clioz Jean Crespin. 1554. 8vo.
XXXII. — Defensio sana3 ct orthodoxa) doctrinoe de Sac- RAMENTis eorumque natura, vi, fine, usu et fructu : quam Pastores etMinistri Tigurinoe ecclesire et Genevensis anteliac brevi consensionis mutual formula complex! sunt : una cum refutatione probrorum quibus eam indocti et clamosi homines infamant. Joanne Calvino auctore, m.d.lv. Svo. With a preface : Fidelibus Christi Ministris, Tigurina? Ecclesia), Berncnsis, Basiliensis, SchaiFusianns, Curiensis et totius Khe- ticaj, San Gallensis, Biellensis, Milhousina}, Ncocomensis, Pastoribus, Symmistis, et fratribus integerrimis et vere co- lendis. Genevan iiii. Calendas Deccmbris m.d.liv. The French translation, which has a preface follov/ed by an Exposition de la doctrine contenue aux articles ci-dessus couchez, is entitled : Brieve resolution sur les disputes qui ont etc de notre temps quant aux sacreraens, contenant I'approbation de I'accord fait par ci-devant entre les ministres et pasteurs des Eglises de Zurich et Geneve, touchant la nature, vertu, fin, usage et fruict des sacremens : pour montrer que ccux qui en mesdisent, sont gens escervclez qui ne chcrchent qu'a obscurcir ou pervertir la bonne et saine doctrine.
XXXIII. — Secunda Defensio pia; et orthodoxa) de sacra- MENTis fidei contra Joachimi Westphali calumnias. Joanne Calvino auctore. Gen. 1566. 8vo.
XXXIV. — Reformation pour imposer silence a un certain belitre nommu Anthoine Cathclan, jadis Cordelier d'Albigeois. 155G.
XXXV. — Ultima admonitio Joannis Calvini ad Joachi- mura Westphalum, cui nisi obtemperet, eo mode (loco)'post- hac habendus erit, quo pertinaces hsereticos haberi jubet Paulus. Refutantur etiam hoc scripto superba) Magdebur- gensium et aliorum censura), quibus coelum et terram obruere conati sunt. Genev.,apud Joli. Crispinun. 1557. Svo.
XXXVI. — Brevis REsroNSio ad diluendas nebulonis cu- jusdam calumnias, quibus doctrinam de reterna Dei prajdes- tinatione fredare conatus est. 1554.
This is Calvin's first brief answer to Castcllio. It after- wards formed the preface to his larger defence, entitled :
LIST OF Calvin's works. 481
Calumnifo ncbulonis cujusdam, quibus odio gi'avare conatus est doctrinam J Calvini do occulta Dei providcntia, et Jo. Calvini ad easdem responsio 1557 and also 1558. 8vo. In the former year appeared a French edition, entitled : Response do Jean Calvin aux calomnies et arguments, cVun qui s'cftbrce par tons moyens do rcnverser la doctrine dc la providence secrette de Dieu. •
XXXVII. — Joanis Calvini Responsum ad QUiESTiONES Georgii Blandrata^. Genevse, 1559.
XXXVIII. — Responsum ad. fratres Polonos, quomodo mediator sit Christus, ad refutandum Stancari errorem. Gen. 1560. 8vo.
XXXIX. — Gratulatio ad venerabilem presbyterum Do- minum Gabrielem de Saconay, Praicentorem Ecclesia; Lug- dunensis, de pulclira et eleganti Prsefatione quam libro Regis Anglise inscripsit. Gen., 1560. The title of the French translation in the Opuscules is : Congratulation a venerable prestrc Messire Gabriel de Saconay touchant la belle preface et mignonne dont il a rempare le livre du Roi d'Anglcterre.
XL. — Joannis Calvini Responsio ad versipellem quondam mediatorem, qui pacificandi specie rectum Evangelii cursum in Gallia abrumpcre molitus est. Gen. 1561. 8vo. French, in the Opuscules, p. 2175. Response a un cauteleux et ruse moyenneur qui sous couleur d'appaiser les troubles touchant le fait de la Religion a tente tous les moyens d'empcschcr et rompre le cours de I'Evangile par la France. 1561. 8vo.
XLI. — Jo. Calvini adversus Valentinum Gentilem liis- torica expositio. Gen. 1561, 8vo, and, Impletas Valentini Gentilis brevi scripto detecta, et palam traducta, qui Chris- tum non sine sacrilega blasphemia Deum essentiatum esse fingit. 1561. 8vo. The title of the French translation in the Opuscules, p. 2239, is : L'impiete de Valentin Gentil aper- tement descouverte et descriee, lequel enseigne ce blaspheme plein de Sacrilege, que Jesus Christ est un Dieu, qui a jjrlns son essence d'ailleurs.
XLII. XLIII. — Dilucida explicatio sanse doctrince de vera participatione carnis et sanguinis Christi in sacra CffiNA ad discutiendas Hcshusii nebulas, authore Joanne
2 II
482 LIST or CALVIN S WORKS.
Calvino ; cui adjecta est Ratio ineundse concordise, si Veritas extra contentionem quroritur ; item Respousuni ad fratres Polonos, quomodo Christus sit mediator, ad refutandum Stancari errorem. Geneva3. Excudebat Conr. Badius, 1561. 8vo. French title in the Opuscules, p. 1951 : Claire expo- sition do la saine doctrine de la vraie particiimtion de la chair et*du sang de Jesus Christ, pour rabbatre les fumees de Heshusius ; and, Tres bon moyen d'entrer en accord si Ton chcrche la veritc, hors mise toute contention.
XLiy. — Joannis Calvini Responsio ad Balduini Convicia. Ad legos de transfugis, desertoribus, et emansoribus. Franc. Balduini epistolaa qua3dam ad Joh. Calvinum pro commen- tariis. Franc. Duareni J. C. ad alterum quondam Juris- consultum Epistola de Francisco Balduino. Antonii J. C. admonitio de falsis Constantini Legibus ad quemdam qui se hoc tempore Juris-consultum Christianum profitetur. De officio tum in religione, tum in scriptionibus retinendo epis- tola ad Franc. Balduinum J. C. Ad liii. C. Impp. de Apos- tatis Johannis Crispini Commentarius ad Juris-consultos. Gen. 1562. 4to. The French title in the Opuscules, p. 2213, is : Response de Jean Calvin aux injures de Balduin. And, Brieve epistre de M. Jean Ciilvin mise au devant de la response de Theodore de Bezc aux injures de Franyois Balduin, apostat.
XLV. — Response a un certain Ilollandois, lequcl, sous I'ombrc de faire les Chrestiens Spirituels, leur pcrmet de polluer leur corps en toute idolastrie. 1562, Latin: Cori- futatio cujusdam HoUandi, qui speciose obtendens, Chris- tianos a so prorsus spiritualcs redditum iri, concedit ut corpora polluant quibusvis idololatriis : Scripta ad fratres Belgas.
XL VI. — Confession de roi au nom des Eglises refor- MBES du royaume de France, faite durant la guerre, pour presenter a I'Empereur, aux princes, et etats d'Allemagne en la journee de Francfort, la quelle depuis n'a pu venir jusque la, d'autant que les passages etoient clos ; mainte- nant j)ubliee pour I'utilite qui en pourra revenir et memo pour ce que la necessite le requiert. 1562. Svo. Latin: Confcssio fidei, nomine Ecclcsiarum Gallicarum vigonte bello
LIST OP Calvin's works. 483
scrlpta, ut coram S. C. M. ct illustriss. Principibus Ger- maiiiae atque Ordinibus in Comitiis Francofurtensibus edorc- tur, si per itinerum difiicultates ex Gallia turn eo perveniri potuisset This tract appeared also in German, with the followino; title : Confession von den Kirchcn so in Frankroich nach dem lauteren Evangelio zu leben begeren. Kais. Majestiit iiberg-eben. Heydelberg, 1562. 4to.
XLV^II. XL VIII. — Joannis Calvini Brevis admonitio ad fratres Polonos, ne triplicera in Deo essentiam pro tribus personis imaginando tres sibi Deos fabricent. 156.3. This was followed by Jo. Calvini Epistola, qua fidem admonitionis ab eo turn editai apud Polonos confirmat. Continetur tertia refutatio tabula Gregorii Pauli de Trini- tate. Basil. 1563. 8vo.
XLIX. — This head comprises a number of smaller writ- ings which are considered genuine, though they have not been admitted into the List of Calvin's Writings. Among others are his Letters against Menno, and his Answer : Ad qusestiones et objecta Judsei cujusdam. Calvin also had an important part in drawing up the Laws of the State of Geneva. He was likewise author of the DisciPLiNARr Laws, and of the Regulations for the Academy.
L. — Collected Editions of the Minor Writings. — The first edition is entitled Opuscula omnia Jo. Calvini in unum Volumen collecta. Quibus accessit libellus nunc primum editus de geterna Dei praedestinatione adversus Albertum Pighium Campensem et Georgium Siculuni. Locorum sac- rse ScriptursG in his opusculis obiter interpretatorum index. Gen. ap. Jo. Gerardum, m.d.lii. Fol. The first complete edition succeeded this in 1576, fob, and had a preface by Beza.
The first French edition of the Opuscules appeared at Geneva, 1553, fol. Another appeared in 1565, with a de- dication by Beza to Renee, Duchess of Ferrara ; a still more complete edition appeared in 1611.
LI. — Calvin's collected Letters. — Joannis Calvini Epistola3 et Responsa. Quibus interjectse sunt insigniiim in Ecclesia Dei virorum aliquot etiam Epistolee. Ejusdum J. Calvini vita a Theodore Beza Gencvensis Ecclesise Ministro
484) LIST OF Calvin's works.
accurate descripta. Index rcium insigniorum. Omnia nunc primura in lucem edita. Geneva3 apud Petruni San- tandreanum, m.d.lxxv. Fol. The following year a second edition appeared, with a few unimportant changes.
The best edition is that of 1576, 8vo, entitled : Joannis Calvini Vigilantissimi Pastoris, et fideliss. Doctoris Eccle- siffi Gencvensis, Epistolarum et Responsorum Editio secunda, qu?e tum infinitis mendis est repurgata prseter eas quas in calec operis norainatim excusabat Editio prior : tum singu- las Epistolas offert temporis ordine digestas prout de die et anno vel ex subscriptione authoris constabat, vel ex idoneis conjecturis diligenti cura potuit elici. Imo et qusedam prsetermissa, suis locis restituit. Interjectse sunt etiam Insignium in Ecclcsia Dei virorum aliquot etiam Epistolas. Ejusdem J. Calvini Vita a Theodore Beza Genevensis Eccle- sia3 Ministro accurate descripta. Index rerura insigniorum. Lausannse excudebat Franciscus le Preux Tllustriss. D. Bernensium Typographus. Sumptibus Jo. de Serens, M.D.LXXVI. Svo.
Important editions have been made to the collections of Calvin's Letters within the last century. Among otliers may be mentioned : Lettres de J. Calvin a Jacque de Bour- gogne Seigneur de Falaio et de Bredam, et a son epouse Jolande de Brederode. Imprimees sur les originaux a Amsterdam chez J. Wetstein, 1744, Svo; and twenty-five Letters of Calvin selected from MS, in the library of Gotha, and by Bretschneider, published by himo n the celebration of the Jubilee of the Reformation of Geneva, under the title : Johannis Calvini, Thcod. Bcza), Henrici IV. Regis, aliorumque litera) qusedam nondum edita?, &c. Lipsise, 1835. Svo.
LII. — Practical Discourses. Sermons on the Old Tes- tament
1. Trois Sermons sur le sacrifice d'Abraham. 1561. 8vo.
2. Dix-huit Sermons de Jean Calvin, aus quels, cntre autrcs points I'histoire de Melchiscdcch ct la maticrc de la justification sent deduitcs, avec Texposition de trois canti- quos, a savoir de la vicrge Marie, de Zacharie et de Simeon, (without place.) P. Anastase. 1560. Svo.
LIST OF Calvin's works. 485
3. Sermons de M. Jolian Calvin sur Ics dix commandemcns de la Loy donnee de Dieu par Mojse, autrement appelcz le Decalogue : Recueillis sur le champ, et mot a mot de ses Predications lorsqu'il preschoit le Deuteronome, sans que depuis y ait este rien adiousto ni diminue. 1562. 8vo.
4. Sermons sur le Deuteronome. Svo. Geneve, 1562. Also : Sermons sur le v. livre de Moyse. Geneve, Courteau. 1568. Fol.
5. Joannis Calvini Homilia3 in i. librum Samuelis. Ex gallicis latinas factse et nunc primum in luccm editfe. Gene- VcG excudebat Gabriel Carterius. 1604. Fol.
6. Quatre Sermons de M. Jelian Calvin de matieres utiles pour notre temps, avec exposition brieve du Ps. Ixxxvii. 1552. 8vo.
7. Vingt-deux Sermons de M. Jean Calvin, ausquels est expose le Pseaume cent dixneufieme, con tenant parcil nom- bre de huictains : a Geneve, par Fran9ois Estienne Anastase, 1562. Svo.
8. Three Notable Sermones made by the godly and famous Gierke, Maister John Caluyn, on three several Sundaycs in Maye, the yeare 1561, upon the Psalme 46. Teaching us constantly to cleave unto God's truth in time of adversitie and trouble, and never to shrinke for any rage of the wicked, but to suffer all thynges in faith and hope in Jesus Christ. Englished by William Warde. Printed at London by Row- land Hall 1562. 16mo.
9. Sermons de M. Jean Calvin sur le liure de Job. Re- cueillis fidelemcnt de sa bouche selon qu'il les preschoit. Auec deux tables ; I'une des passages de I'Escriture qui y sent exposez et alleguez : I'autre des principales matieres. Geneve de Timprimerie de Francois Perrin. 1563 and 1569, fol., with an Epistre a tous lecteurs debonnaires.
10. Conciones in Cantic. Regis Ezechise. It was also pub- lished in French, and repeatedly in English under the title : (Foure) Sermons of John Caluine upon the Songe that Ezc- chias made after he had ben sicke and afflicted by the hand of God, conteyned in the 38 chapiter of Esay. Translated out of French into Englishe 1560. Newly set fourth. Ira- printed at London by John Day 1561. Svo.
48() LIST OF Calvin's works,
11. XLVIII Sermons sur les Imit derniers cliapitres d'Ezccliiel. La Rochelle, 1565. 8vo.
Sermons on the New Testament.
12, Two Godly and Notable Sermons preached by the excellent and famous clarke, Master John Caluine, in the year 1555. The one concernynge pacience in adversitie, the other touchyng the most comfortable assurance of oure sal- vation in Chryste Jesu, Translated out of Frenche into Englishe. Printed at London for "William Ceres, (without date.) 8vo.
18. Plusieurs Sermons de Jehan Caluin touchant la Di- uinite, human ite et natiuite de nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ ; Item touchant sa passion, mort, resurrection, ascen- sion, et dernier aduenement : Puis touchant la descente du S. Esprit sur les Apostres, et la premier predication de S. Pierre, 1558,
14. Soixante-cinq Sermons de Jean Calvin sur I'Harmonie ou concordance des trois Evangelistes, Sainct Matthieu, S. Marc, et S. Luc, Recueillis fidelement par feu M, Denys Ragueneau a mesure qu'on les preschoit, (Geneve) Conr, Badius, 1562, 8vo,
15. Sermons sur la premiere Epistre aux Corinthiens. Sur le 10 et 11 chap, de la 1 Ep, aux. Cor, Gen, 1558. 8vo,
16. Sur I'Epistre aux Ephesiens, Gen, 1562, 8vo,
17. Sur TEpistre aux Galates, 1563. 8vo. Also, Gen, 1552, 4to, Deux congregations proposes, par Jean Calvin, du second chapitre de I'Epistre de Sainct Paul aux Galatiens vers 11, Item, exposition du quarante-troisieme dimanche du Catechisme, oil est exposee la derniere requeste de I'orai- son de Notre Seigneur Jesus. 1563. 8vo.
18. Sermons de Jean Calvin sur les deux Epistrcs de S. Paul ti Timothee et sur I'Epistre a Tite, — Imprime a Geneve, par Jean Bonnefoy. 1563. 4to.
19. Congregation faicte en TEgllse de Geneve sur la Pro- vidence et I'election eternelle. Geneve, 1562, 8vo.
20. Sermons sur divers sujets. Gen, 1558. 8vo, And, Sermons de Jean Calvin. Geneve, 1566, 8vo,
LIST OF Calvin's works, 487
Liii.-Commcntaric0 on tlje €^ID Cc^tamcnt.
1. On the Books of Moses.
In pvimuni Moses librum, qui Genesis vocatur, Commen- tarius Johannis Calvini. 1554, fol., with a Preface, Illustris- simis principibus, &c., Ducibus Saxonise, Electoris filiis. Geneva?, pvidic Calendas Augusti, 1554.
Commentarii Joannis Calvini in quinque libros Mosis. Genesis seorsiim : reliqui quatuor in formam Harmonise redacti. — Editio secunda priori longe emendatior ac locu- pletior. Cum triplici indice, quorum primus, Genescos : Alter, quatuor librorum in formam Harmonia? dispositorum res notabiliores : tertius, singulorum Harmonia? capitum versus sparsim explicates continet. Genevse, excudebat Gasper de Hus. mdlxxiii. fol. Prasfatio : Illustrissimo Principi Henrico Duci Vindocinensi, regni Navarra? liseredi, Joannes Calvinus.
The French translation is entitled : Commcntaircs de M. lean Caluin, sur les cinq livres de Moyse. Genese est mis a part, les autres quatre livres sont disposez en forme d'Harmonie. Avec cinq indices, dent les deux contenans les passages allcguez et cxposez par Tautheur, sont adjous- tez de Nouveau en cette traduction, A. Geneve. Imprime par Francois Estienne. m.d.lxiiii. fol. It contains a dedi- cation bv Calvin, " A tres illustre Prince, Henri Due de Vendosmc Roi heritier do Nouarre."
An early English translation of the Commentary on Ge- nesis is entitled : A Commentarie of John Caluine upon the first booke of Moses, called Genesis : translated out of Latin into English, by Thom. Tymme, Minister. Imprinted at London, for lohn Harrison and George Bishop. 1578. 4to. With dedication to " Ambrose Earle of Warwiclce." 2. On the Book of Joshua.
Joannis Calvini in librum Josue brcvis Commentarius, quern paulo ante mortem absolvit. Addita sunt qua^dam de ejusdem morbo et obitu. Cum indice. Geneva). Ex officina Francsci Perrini. m.d.lxiiii. 8vo, and 1595, fol.
The French title is : Commcntaircs de M. Jean Calvin
488 LIST OF Calvin's works.
siir Ic livre de Josue. Avec une preface de Theodore de Beszc, contenant en brief I'histoire de la vie et mort d'iceluy : augmentee depuis la premiere edition, et deduite selon Tordre du temps quasi d'an en an. II a aussi deux tables Tune des matieres singiilieres contenues es ditsCommentaires, I'autres des temoignages de TEscriture saincte alleguez et projjrement appliquez par I'autheur. A Geneve, de Tim- primerie do Fran9ois Perrin. m.d.lxv. Fol. Another edi- tion in French, issued from the same press, in small 8vo,
There is also an old English translation entitled : Com- mentarie upon the booke of Josue, translated by W. F., with a table. London, by Th. Dawson for Geo. Bishop. 1578. 4to.
8. On the Psalms. In librum Psalmorum, Joannis Calvini Commentarius. Ex- cudebant Nicolaus Barberius et Thomas Courteau, m.d.xliiii. 8vo. Of subsequent Latin editions the most complete are those of 1578 and 1610, of which the title is : Joan. Calvini Commentarius in librum Psalmorum. In hac postrema edi- tione praoter multos locos quos Caluini manu in ipsius ex- emplaii emendates bona fide hie representauimus, Hebrseum quoque contextum e regione Latinse interpretationis addidi- mus. Cum indice locuplctissimo. Genevre. Apud Eusta- thiura Vignon. 1578, fob, and 1610, fob This edition was reprinted under the care of Tholuck, at Berlin, in 1835. 8vo.
The French title is : Commentaircs sur le livre de Pseaumcs. Badius, 1561. Fob
Another and a better edition has the following title : — Commentaires de M. lean Caluin sur le liure des Pseaumes. Cestc tradvction est tellement reucue et si fidelement con- feree sur le Latin, qu'on la puet juger estre nouuelle. Avec vne Table des principaux points traittcz es Commentaires. Imprimo par Francois Estienne. m.d.lxiil
The English title is : The Psalmes of Dauid and others. With M. lohn Caluin's Commentaries. Anno Do. m.d.lxxi. The translator was Arthur Golding, wlio dedicates " To the Right Honourable and his verie good Lord, Edward de Verc,
LIST OF Calvin's works. 489
Erie of Oxinford, Lord Great Chamberlain of England, Lord Bulbecko, Sec.
4, On the Book of Isaiah.
The^rs^ edition appeared in 1551, fol., with a Dedication : Edwardo VL, Anglite Regi.
The second edition, which contains a new Dedication — Eli- zabethan Anglorum Reginge — has the following title: — Joan- nis Calvini Commentarii in Isaiam Prophetam. Nunc demum ab ipso Authore recogniti, locupletati, magnoque labore et cura cxpoliti. Additi sunt duo Indices : prior rerum et sententiarum, posterior vero locorum utriusque Testamenti, quos in his Commentariis aut ipse Aiithor interpretatur, aut apposite ad sensum suurn accommodat. Genevse, apud Jo. Crispinum, 1559. Fol. A third edition was published in 1583, corrected from the author's MS.
It was translated into Fi^ench by Nicolas des Gallars from the Latin of 1551, which was collated by the author. A new French translation was printed at Geneva by Francois Perrin in 1572.
The title of the English translation is : A Commentary vpon the Prophecie of Isaiah, by lohn Calvin. Translated ovt of French into English, by C[lement] C[ottovn.] At London. Imprinted by Felix Kyngston, and arc to be sold by William Cotton, dwelling in Pater-noster-Row, at the sign of the Golden Lion. 1609. It is dedicated by him " To the high and mightie Prince Ilenrie, Prince of Great Brittaine, sonne and lieire apparent to our soveraigne Lord, lames King of Great Brittaine, &c., and to the most noble and vertvovs Princesse, the Lady Elizabeth's grace, his Highnesse most deare sister."
5. On the Books or jeremiah and the Lamentations.
Joannis Calvini Prielectiones in librum Prophetiarum Jeremia3, et Lamentationes. Joannis Budsei et Caroli Jonuillsei labore et industria cxceptte. Cum duobus in- dicibus, priore quideni rerum ac sententiarum maxime insignium : postcriore vero locorum qui ex vetere et nouo Testamento citantur et explicantur. Genevse, apud Jo. Crispinum. 1 563. Fol. A French translation appeared in 1565: Le9ons ou Commentaircs et expositions de Jean
4.90 LIST OF Calvin's wouks.
Calvin sur Ics Reiielations que siir Ics Lamentations du Pro- plicte Jeremie. Le tout fidelement recueilli, promiercment en Latin, par lean Bude et Charles de lonuillier et depuis translate nouuellement en Francois, &c. A Lyon. Par Claude Sennetere. m d.lxv.
The old English translation has the following* title : (John Calvin) Two and Twenty Lectvres vpon the five first chap- ters of leremiah, with prayers annexed at the end of euerj'^ Lecture : By Master John Calvin. Which being faith fvlly collected froni him as hee vttered them in Latino, in the Schooles of Geneua, were afterwards translated into French. At London. Imprinted by Felix Kingston, &c. Quarto. 1620.
6. On the Book or Ezekiel.
Joannis Calvini Prailectiones in Ezekielis Prophets viginti capita priora, loannis Budaii et Caroli lonuillaBi labore et industria exceptse. Cum praifatione Theodori Beza> ad gc- nerosissimum Gasparem a Colignio, Gallifc Amiralium. Additi sunt Indices duo copiosissimi, prior vcrborum ac sen- tentiarum, posterior locorum qui citantur. Geneva) ex officina Franc. Perrini. m.d.lxv. 8vo.
The French title is : Lemons ou Commentaires et Exposi- tions de M. lean Caluin des Reuelations du Prophete sur les vingt premieres chapitres d'Ezehiel, qui sent les derniers Le9ons qu'il a faites auant sa mort. Le tout fidelement re- cueilli par lean Bude et Charles de Jonuiller et depuis tra- duit nouvellement en Francois avec une preface de Theodore de Beze, &c. Geneue. Perrin : 1565. Fol.
7. On the Book of Daniel. Pra)lectiones in librum Danielis, studio Joannis Buda3i
ct Caroli Jonvillnei. Genevse, 1561. Fol.
Another edition has the following title : Prailectiones Joannis Calvini in librum i^rophetiarum Danielis, Joannis Budici et Caroli JonuilIa3i labore et industria exceptas. Ad- ditus est e regione versionis Latinae Hebraicus et Chaldaicus textus. Apud Bartholompeum Vincentium. 1571. Fol.
French : Lemons do M. lean Calvin sur le livre des Pro- pheties de Daniel, recueillies fidelement par Jean Bude et Charles lonuillier, ses auditeurs, et translatees de Latin en
LIST OF Calvin's WORKS. 4.01
Francois, &c. A Geneve. De riniprimcrie de Francois Perrin, 1 562. Fol. Another edition, from the same press, was printed in 1569, with corrections.
English : Commentaries of tliat diuine, Caluine, upon the prophet Daniell, translated into Englishe, especially for the use of the family of the ryght honourable Earle of Hunting- ton, to set forth as in a glasse, how one may profitably read the Scriptures, by consideryng the text, meditatyng the sense thereof, and by prayer. Daniell 12. The stone cut foortli of the mountain without handes, shall break in peeces the brass, &c. At London. Imprinted by John Daye. 1570. 4to. To this is added, an Address to the Reader by the translator, (Arthur Golding.) Also, 2. Calvin's Address to all Christians in France. Geneva, 14th Sept. 1561. 3. The Lectures and readyngs of John Calvine upon Daniell. These are followed by Meditations upon the boolce of Daniell the prophet, with certain prayers collected forth of the Les- sons of that diuine, Caluine, rather for the comfort of the conscience then orderly translated, in the two first chapters, but afterward you have the whole Commentary. (It con- tains only the first six chapters of Daniel.) 8. On the Book of Hosea.
In Hoseam Prophetam Jo. Caluini prajlectiones, a Joanne Budseo, et sociis auditoribus assiduis bona fide exceptse. Genevaa, excudebat Conradius Badiiis. 1557. 4to. (Cum prajfatione Calvini et Budeei.)
French : Logons de Jehan Calvin sur le Prophete Hosee, recueillies fidelement de mot a mot, par Jehan Bude, et autres ses compaignons auditeurs. A Geneve. De I'impri- merie de Conrad Badius. 1557. 8vo.
9. On the Minor Prophets.
Joannis Calvini Praelectiones in duodecim Prophetas (quos vocant) minores. Genevse ap. Joannem Crispinum. 1559. Fol. With a Dedication to the King of Sweden: Sereniss. et potentiss. Regi Gostavo Gothorum et Vanda- lorum Regi Joannes Calvinus.
French : Lemons et Expositions Familieres de Jehan Calvin sur les douze petits prophetes, assavoir, &c., traduites de Latin en Frangois. Geneve, Barbier : 1560. Fol. A much
492 LIST OF Calvin's works.
fuller and more correct edition has this title : Lemons et Ex- positions Familieres de Jean Calvin sur Ics Douze Prophetes assavoir Hosee, loel, Amos, Abdias, lonas, Michee, Nahum, Habacvc, Sophonias, Aggec, Zacharie, Malachie. Traduites de Latin en Fran9ois, &c. A Lion, par Sebastien Honorati. M.D.LXiii. This edition is very rare.
English : The Lectures or daily Sermons of that Reuerend Diuine, M. Ihon Caluine, Pastor of the Churche of Grod in Geneua, vppon the Prophet lonas. Whereunto is annexed an excellent exposition of the two last Epistles of Sainct Ihon, doen in Latine by that worthie Doctor, August. Mar- lovate, an dEnglished by N.B. [Nathanael Baxter.] And newly corrected and amended. Math. 12, 39 : An euill and adulterous generation seketh a signe, but no signe shal- be giuen vnto it, saue the signe of the Prophet lonas. Im- printed at Londo by Edward White dwelling at the little Northdoore of Paules, at the signe of the Gun. 1580.
Liv.— Commentaries on tl) e jSetx) Cestament
1. On the Four Evangelists.
Commcntarius in Evang. Joannis. ap. Rob. Stcphanum. 1 553, fol. French : Commentairc sur TEvang. scion St. Jean, trad, du Latin. 1553. 8vo.
Harmonia ex tribus primis Evangelistis composita cum commentariis ; accedit in Joannem cvangclistam comment. ap. Rob. Stephanum. 1555. Fol.
French : La Concordance, Qv'on appelle Harmonic, com- posec de trois Euangelistes, asgauoir, S. Mattieu, S. Marc, et S. Luc. Item, L'Euagile selo S. leha. Le tout avec les Commcntaires de M. lehan Caluin. m.d.lxiil Imprime par Conrad Badius. Avec privilege.
Commcntaires de Jean Calvin sur la Concordance qu'on appelle Harmonie, composee dcs quatre Evangelistes. Gen. Conr. Badius. 1559, fol. Commcntaires de Jean Calvin sur la Concordance ou la Harmonie composee de trois Evangelistes, assavoir St. Matthieu, St, Marc, et St. Luc. Item sur I'Evang. de St. Jean et sur Ic second livre
LIST or Calvin's works. 49,3
dc St. Luc, dit Ics Actcs dcs Aputrcs. Geneve, 1561. 8vo.
Another extremely scarce and curious edition, having a similar title, having for device a scorpion carrying oli* a death's-head, ornamented with a palm branch, and the double motto — La mort engloutie en victoire and Par Christ est salut et gloii^e. De I'lmprimerie de Michel Blanchier,
M.D.LXIIL
English. : A Harmonie vpon the Three Euangelistes, Mat- thewe, Marke, and Luke, with the Commentarie of M. lohnc Caluine : Faithfvdly translated out of Latin into English by E. P. Whereunto is also added a Commentarie vpon the Evangelist S. lohn, by the same authour. Londini, Im- pensis Thorn. Adams, 1610. Another English edition pre- viously aj^peared in J 584.
German : Harmonia, Das est Vergleichung und einstim- mung der dreyen Euangelisten, S. Mattheus, S. Marcus, und S. Lucas, mit Christliclier Auszlegung derselben, audi desz Euangelisten S. Johannes, Erstlich durch den Gottseligen und hocherleuchten Mann, Johannem Calvinum in Latein gestellt. Jetzt aber Teutscher Nation zu guten, ausz dem Latein ins Teutsch gebracht, Durch Ilerrn Wolffgang Hal- lern, ChurfLirstlicher Pfalz Raht. Gedruckt in der Churfiirst- lichen Stadt Heidelberg. Anno 1590. Fol. 2. On the Acts op the Apostles.
Commentariorum Joannis Caluini in Acta Apostolorum, liber I. Ad screnlss. Danise regem. Gcnevse, ex officina Joannis Crispini, 1552. Fol.
Commentariorum Joannis Caluini in Acta Apostolorum, Liber posterior. Additus est vtriusque libri Index rerum ct sentcntiarum. Ex officina Joannis Crispini, 1554, fol. A later and more complete edition has the following title : Joannis Calvini Commentarii integri in Acta Apostolorum ab ipso authore recogniti et magna accessione locupletati. Ilorum Commentariorum utilitatem commonstrabunt duo Indices ad calcem operis adjecti : Prior rerum et verborum: Posterior locorum utriusque Testamcnti, qnos author ajjpo- sito ad sensum suai interpretationis accommodat. Genevse, 1573, also 1584. Fol.
494 LIST OF Calvin's wokks.
French: Lo premier Livre des commentaires de M, Jean Calvin, sur les Actes des Apostres. Au Roy de Danemarch. A Geneve, par Pliilbert Hanielin, 1552. 4to. Le second Livre des Commentaires de M. Jean Calvin sur les Actes des Apostres. A Geneve, par Pliilbert Hamelin, 1554. 4to.
German: Der Apostelgeschiclite diircli den lieiligen Euan- gelisten Lucam beschrieben, &c. . . . Griindtlicli ausz- geleget vnd erklaret, Durch Joannem Calvinum, Aber jetzt dem gemeinen Mann, so der Lateinischen Spracli vnerfali- ren, durch einen Gottliebenden vnd gelelirten, zu guteni verteutscht. Gedruclit in fiirstlicher Pfaltz, zu Newstadt an der Hardt. Durch Matthseum Harnisch, 1590, mit Kpfrn. Fol.
English: The Commentaries of M. lolni Calvin vpon the Actes of the Apostles. Faithfully transh\ted out of Latine into English, for the great profite of our countriemen. By Christopher Fetherstone, student in Diuinitie. Londini, Impensis G. Bishop, 1585.
3. On the Epistles.
Joh. Calvini Commentarius in Epistolam ad Ilomanos. Argentorati, [Strasbourg,] 1540. 8vo.
English : A Commentarie vpon the Epistle of Saint Paul to the Romans, written in Liitine by M. John Caluin, and newely translated into Englishe by Christopher Rosdell, l^reacher, &c. Imprinted at London for lohn Harison and George Bishop, 1583. This edition is extremely rare.
Joh. Calvini Commentarii in priorem Epistolam Pauli ad Corinthios. Cum indice. Argentorati per Wendelinum Rihelium, 1546, 8vo. The Commentary on the Second Epistle appeared the same year, and a Frencli translation of both the year after, with the following titles, — Commentaire de M. Jean Calvin sur la premiere epistre aux Corinthiens, traduit de Latin en Fran9ois ; and Commentaire de M. Jean Calvin sur la Secondc Epistre aux Corinthiens, traduit de Latin en Francois, 1547. 8vo.
Joannis Calvini Commentarii in quatuor Pauli Epistolas ad Galatas, ad Ephcsios, ad Philippenses, ad Colossenses. Genevse, par Joannem Girardum, 1548, 4to. French: Com- mentaire de M. Jean Calvin sur quatrc Epistrcs de Sainct
LIST OF Calvin's avokks. 495
Paul : assavoir aux Calaticiis, Ephesicns, Pliilippiens, Col- lossicns. A Geneve, cliez Jean Gerard, 1548, 8vo. English: A Coninientarie of M. Caluinc vpon the Epistle to the Gala- thians : and translated into English by R. V. [Robert Vaughan.] Pray for the peace of liierusalem : they shall pros])er that lone thee. Psal. cxxii. 6. At London, Imprinted by Thomas Purfoote, and are to be soldo at his shop oucr against S. Sepulchres Church, 1581. Dedicated to lohn my Lorde the Bishop of London, the first of August 158J. English : A Commentarie of M. lohn Caluine vpon the Epistle to the Colossians : and translated into English by R[obcrt] V [aughan]. Pray for the peace of Hierusalem : they shall prosper that loue thee. Psal. cxxii. 6. At Lon- don, Printed by Tliomas Purfoote, and are to be sold at his shop ouer against S. Sepulchers Church. Without date, but dedicated to Maester Noel, Deane of Poules, M. MuUius, Archdeacon of London, Maester D. Walker, Archdeacon of Essex, and Maester Towers, Professor of diuinity, his sin- gvdar good friends and patrons. At High Easter, the first of Nouember [1581 ?].
Commentarius in utramque cpistolam ad Thessalonienses. Gen., 1550. French: Comnientaire sur deux Epistres aux Thessaloniciens. Gen., 1550. Fol.
Commentarii in utramque cpistolam ad Timotheum. Genev., 1548, 4to. The Epistle of Titus followed in 1549 in Latin and French. A later French edition is entitled Comraentaire sur les deux Epistres a Timothee et I'Epistrc a Tito. Geneve, 156'o. 4to.
Commentarii in Epistolam ad Hebrajos. Gen., 1 549, 8vo. French : Commentaire sur I'Epistre aux Ebrieux, traduit du Latin. A. Geneve, chez Jean Girard, 1549, 8vo. English: A Commentarie on the whole Epistle to the Hebrewes. Bv lohn Calvin. Translated ovt of French. The Lawe was given by Moses, but grace and truth came by lesus Christ, lohn i. 17. Imprinted at London by Felix Kingston for Arthur lohnson, and are to be sold at his shop neere the great north doore of Pauls, at the signe of the white Horse, 1605. This version was translated by Clement Cotton, and was dedicated to his patron Robert Cecil Earl of Salisbury.
496 LIST OF Calvin's avokks.
Joannis Calvini Commentarii in Ei:)istolas Canonicas, Unara Petri, Unam Joannis, Unam Jacobi, Petri alteram, Judse vnam. Ad Eduardum VI., Anglian Rcgcm. Additus est sententiarum et locorum Index. Genevan, Ex officina Joannis Crispini, 1551, fol., also 1554, fol., and 1565, 8vo. English: Among others are the Commentaries of Maister Jhon Caluine upon the first Epistle of Sainct Jhon, and upon the Epistle of Jude, wherein, according to the trutlie of the woordes of the Holie Gliost, he most excellently openeth and cleareth the point of our justification with God and sanctification by the Spirit of Christ, by the eff"ects that he bringeth forth into the regeneration. Translated into Eng- lish by W. H. Imprinted at London for Jhon Harrison the younger, (no date,) Svo.
(John Calvin) A Commentarie upon the Epistle to the PhilipjDians, translated by Becket. London, for Nicol. Lyng. 1584, 4to. A Commentarie upon the Epistle to the Colos- sians, translated by R. V. Lend, by Thom. Purfoote (no date).
4. Collective Editions of the Commentaries on the Books of the New Testament.
Joannis Calvini in omnes D. Pauli Epistolas, at que etiam in epistolam ad Hebraeos commentaria luculentissima. Ex postrema authoris recognitione. Cum indice copiosissimo sententiarum et locorum omnium. Genevse, apud Joann. Gerardum, 1551, fol. This beautiful edition contains also, but with a separate title-page, the commentaries on the canonical ej)istles of Peter, John, Jude, and James. Of several other editions, the one published in 1565, Svo, the year after Calvin's death, deserves notice, as containing the corrections and notes which he made on the margin of his own copy.
Commentaires de Jehan Calvin sur la Concordance ou Harmonie composee de trois Evangelistes assavoir S. Mat- thieu, &c. Item sur TEvangile selon S. Jehan et sur lo second livrc do S. Luc, diet les Actes des Apostres. Le tout reveu diligemment et commc traduit de nouvoau, tant le texte que la glosc, comme on pourra appcrcevoir en con- fcrant les editions precedentes avec ceste-ci. It contains
LIST OF Calvin's \vork^\ 497
also, as a second part, Comrnentaires do M. Jelian Calvin siir toutes les Epistres de I'Apostre S. Paul, et aussi sur I'Epistre aux Hebrieux. Item, sur les Epistres Canoniques de S. Pierre, &e., autrement appclees Catlioliques. Imprime par Conrad Badius, m.d.lxi., 8vo. A still more complete collec- tive edition of all the commentaries is entitled : Commen- taire de M. Jeban Calvin sur le Vieux et Nouveau Testa- ment a Geneve, par Fr. Estienne, 1564, fol., in vii. tomes.
More recently, a collected edition of the Commentaries on the New Testament has been published at Berlin by Pro- fessor Tholuck.
LV. Collective Editions of Calvin's Woeks.
1. Johannis Calvini opera omnia Theologica in septem tomos digesta. Geneuae, apud Johannem Vignon, Petrum et Jacobum Choust, 1617, fol,
2. Joh. Calvini Noviodunensis opera omnia in novem tomos digesta. Editio omnium novissima, ad fidem emen- datiorum Codicum quam accuratisslme recognita et indicibus locupletissimis non sine maximo labore ct studio adornata. Amstelodami, apud vidiiam Johannis Jacobi Schipper. The first vol. is dated 1671 ; all the others 1667.
2 1
INDEX
OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES.
AiTKEN, John, M.D., Unitarian, 396. Amyi'aut, Moses, 39(5. Aucillon, David, 394. Ancillon, Fredericlc, 430. Andei'son, Rev. Robei't, 451. Andrews, Bishop, 393. Arrainius, 342, 388.
B
Balduin, 346.
Baptist Magazine, 4G0, 461.
Barante, 446.
Barnet, William, 411.
Basnage, Henry de Beauval, 390.
Baxter, Richard, 391.
Bayle, 348, 381, 420.
Bengel, John Albert, 393.
Beza, 338, 345, 346, 380, 448.
Bickersteth, Rev. Edward, 405, 449.
Bilson, Bishop, 396.
Blackwood's Magazine, 463.
Bloomfield, 437.
Blount, Sir T. H. Pope, 422.
Bcemer, 346.
Bolinbroke, Lord, 429.
Bossuet, Rom. Cath., 418.
Brentius, 346.
Bretschneider, C. G, 431.
Bridges, Rev. Charles, 405.
Bucer, Martin, 346, 376, 4 1 5.
Bugenhagen, 346.
BuUinger, 410.
Calcutta, Bishop of, (Wilson,) 403.
Caloviu.s, 362.
Cambridge, University of, 411.
Camerarius, 345, 347.
Carleton, Bishop, 391.
Christian Observer, 404.
Church, the, (Baptist,) 461.
Chytrteus, 346.
Claude, David, 415.
Clericus, 347.
Clowes, Rev. F., 462.
Cochlseus, John, Roman Catholic, 381.
Colonius, Daniel, 415.
Constantinople, Cyrill, Patriarch of,
413. Conversations Lexicon, 398. Conybeare, Rev. J. J., 399, 443. Cranmer, Archbishop, 397.
Crenius, 414. Cyrill, Pati-iarch of Constantinople,
413.
D
Daille, John, 339. D'Alembert, 425. Dick, John, D.D., 436. D'lstria, Bishop of, 394. Doddridge, Philip, D.D., 392. Donne, Dr., 4 1 0. Downam, Bishop, 393. Drelincourt, Charles, 389, 420. Duflf, Rev. Dr., 398.
INDEX TO OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES.
499
K
Episcopius, 347.
Kelly, Rev. John, 451. Kitto, Dr., 439. Krummaclier, F. A., 432.
FE.4TLY, Daniel, 394.
Fitzgerald, Rev. W., 402.
Focanus, 414.
Fraser, D., Translator of Witsius, 438.
Fi'ee Church Magazine, 4G3.
Fulke, Rev. Win., 385.
G
Gebser, 345.
Geneva, Syndics and Council of, 408.
Gerdes, 385.
Gotch, F. W., 442.
Grindal, Bishop, 386, 410.
Grotius, 347.
Gryncfius, 355, 400,
H
Hakewell, 392. Hall, Bishop, 411. Hare, Archdeacon, 443. Harkwell, Dr., 416. Helmichius, Werner, 388. Hengstenberg, 346. Henri, Paul, D.D., 436. Heylin, 426.
Hooker, Rev. Richard, 401. Home, Rev. Thos. Hartwell, 404. Horsley, Bishop, 403, 404. Hoyl, Dr. John, 416. Humphrey, E. P., D.D., 444.
Lawrence, Archbishop, 397. Leigh, Sir Edward, 416, Lexicon, Conversations, 398. Lively, Professor, 394. Lorimer, J, G., D.D., 410. Liicke, 345. Luther, Martin, 345, 376.
M
Maimburg, Jesuit, 416, 420. Mackenzie, (Life of Calvin,) 405. Maclainc, Archibald, D.D., 392. M'Crie, Thomas, D.D., 397. Martyr, Peter, 379, Mason, John M., D.D., Rom. Cath.
406. Masson, Papire, 376, 407. Mercer, 346. Melanchthon, 346, 415. Meyer, G. W., 347, 348, 353. Monluc, Bishop of Valence, 416. Montesquieu, 393. Morus of Geneva, 425, 430. Mosheim, John L., D.D., 392. Muller, John von, 428. Musculus, 346.
North British Review, 454.
O
Jewell, Bishop, Jurieu, 380, 419.
!87.
Observer, Christian, 404. CEcolampadius, 427. Orme, Rev. W., 398.
500
INDEX TO OPINIONS AND TESTIMONIES.
Parous, 395.
Pasquier, Stephen, Rom. Cath., 383.
Patin, Guy, 415.
Pellicanus, 358, 366.
Pelt, 34G, 400.
PeiTon, Cardinal du, 414.
Philpot, John, 408.
Pighius, Albert, 394.
Poole, Matthew, 387, 404.
Popery, History of, 439.
R
Stuart, Professor, 401, 437. Sturmius, John, 376, 383.
T
Tholuck, Professor, 345, et passim. Thomson, Andrew, D.D., 396. Thou, President De, 387. Tomlins, Bishop, 405. Toplady, Augustus, 429. Travers, 416. Trechsel, 435. Turretine, John Alph., 393.
Record, The, 458.
Remond, Florimond de, Rom. Cath.,
411. Review, North British, 454. Rheinwald, 345. Rivet, 420.
Robinson, Rev. R., 400. Rogers (on the Thirty-nine Articles),
424.
United Presbyterian Magazine, 462.
Valence, Monluc, Bishop of, 416. Verger, Jean Paul, Bishop of Capo
d'Istria, 394. Voltaire, 424.
Sabellius, 350.
Sanderson, Bishop, 391.
Scaliger, Joseph, 351, 379, 397, 400.
Schroeekh, 426.
Schultingius, Rom. Cath., 381.
Scott, Rev. Tiiomas, 405.
Semler, 346, 366.
Senebier, 399.
Simon, Richard, Rom. Cath., 347,
348, 377. Smith, John Pye, D.D., 402, 439, 449. Spalding, Dr., Rom. Cath., 440. Stapleton, Thomas, Rom. Cath., 380. Stebbing, Rev. Dr., 400, 436. Stewart, Professor Dugald, 431. Stillingfleet, Bishop, 393
W
Walchius, 387. Wcndelin, 415. Werenfels, Samuel, 423. Whitgift, Archbishop, 392. Williams, Edward, D.D., 395. Wilson, D., Bishop of Calcutta, 40.' Winer, 346. Wotton, William, D.D., 397.
Zaxchius, Jerome, 386. Zeigenbein, J. W. H., 348. Zwingli, 346, 353, 427, 432.
j:raxEri;GH : x. coasiable teimei! to iiir, wajestt.
^
|
Date Due |
|||
|
• 20 3{| |
|||
|
• 7 »| |
! |
||
|
n ■ .-. |
|||
|
=- |
|||
|
T^re*!--^-^ |
|||
|
NOV 1 BZi |
)Q? |
||
|
> |
|||
|
<|) |
•^
-aiM^m
;m^-
■ t $
•m
■MM .^
£ - -^i t^ ,i^l ■;S|^ '^ •<;
li"^*
t- f; fv.,
■ if" *, 1
■ ■■■■■ '■■■({',
tf.-^'p '^y'-w
■ '■>■ ^- ^- 1 ^^'
;■• ■ if ^-
4. :i- ■
^^^'^-/l':.: ..W
^S:. if^
i .: ^